^■^ • -■<:.?-jV-.vv 4?,.;. M \ ', H'/iinlMS N 1 V SeVfi , ', >^- -iVp'Vn^-^ i?li . . ■ -Jt', •i; . _;Kyi| -. ••'"'■'^■>j^ ^g| li.^A''~^i'3 I^HH #!!: LA ,^f\ ^> THE EARLY HISTORY UILD OfHIeRCHANT SaYLORS F RATERNITY OF S T, J OHK THE B APIIST, LONDON, WITH XOTICES OF THE L1\HS OF %fimt of its 6jinincnt flll^tmbers. (IN TWO PARTS.) Part I.— THE HISTORY. BY CHARLES M. CLODE, Jllustn fciv 1S73-4. *ih LONDON : HARRISON AND SONS, ST. MARTIN'S LANE, ^rintes in ©rbinarg to per Pajtstg. {PRINTED FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION.] ^PA 627 V.I M 14, Ashley Place, S.W. /S'^. John Baptist Day, 1888. My dear Mastek, I may perhaps in a few lines addressed to you explain to others who may be interested in the subject how it is that this work has been written for the Company. Some months since the issue of the " Memorials," which were printed for the Company in 1875, came to an end, the copies that were taken off having been distributed. It then became a question whether that publication should be reprinted with such additional information as was available, or whether the materials which it contained should be made the basis of the " Early History of the Company." The latter appeared to me to be the better course for two, not to mention other, reasons — one, not the least important, that it would be far less expensive, and the other that a connected history would present to the reader a more intelligible outline of the Company than the " Memorials." Therefore I have written the history which is to be found in Part I of this volume. But Part II has been written from other inducements. It had long been felt by some of us to be a subject of regret — if not of reproach — that so little was known by the guildsmen of the present day of those guildsmen of earlier days, who were great benefactors, founders of schools, and liberal providers for the poor much of whose time must have been passed m the hall premises, and whose munificence can be best illustrated from our archives. When, therefore, the information that was available for the life of Richard Hilles came under my notice not long since, I prepared a sketch of his life and letters. In doing so, I came upon other materials which had reference to Sir Thomas White, and these I proceeded to incorporate with it as one memoir of these two guildsmen. But there appeared to me to be no sufficient reason why an outline of the lives of other guildsmen should not be attempted as for instance of Sir John Percyvale, then of Sir Stephen Jenyns VOL. I. A 2 ^^0853 IV and after that of Sir W. Harper, all founders of schools that are flourishing in the present day. Other notable men of the Guild were afterwards added because their lives were full of usefulness, both to the guild and to the city, and illustrate the condition of London at the several periods when they lived. Everyone whose life is given is a corporate ancestor of whom every guildsman must feel proud. The result is before you in Part II. In undertaking this Work I imperfectly estimated the time that it would require to produce it. Unfortunately, none of our records have any index, and besides the difficulty of deciphering the various handwritings in which the several entries are made, there is little by way of marginal note to indicate the contents of each entry. However, others, as the Memorials prove, have laboured before me, and the investigations which I have had to make have been always lightened and ever made agreeable from the cheerful way in which each member of the Company's staff has aided me by his intelligence and labour. But, after all, the Work would never have been undertaken had it not been for the hearty sympathy which you have always ex- pressed, and the wish of many of your colleagues on the Court that it should proceed. It has therefore been completed in the hope that the perusal of it may prove to be interesting to yourself and other members of the Company. Yours faithfully, CHAELES M. CLODE. John Bla.ckett Gill, Esq. Master of the Merchant Taylors Company. PART I. TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTIOK Object of the work, p. 1. — Government of London, p. 2. — Of the Guild, p. 2. — Ward or Guild the unit of London government, p. 2. — Characteristics of the Livery Companies' (1) Charity, p. 3 ; (2) Religion, pp. 4 and 5 ; (.3) Hospitality, pp. 6, 7, and 8. — Eminent members, p. 8. — Richard Hiiles, p. 9. — Commerce and colonisation, p. 10. — New enterprises by the Guilds, p. 10. CHAPTER I. The Government of London. London governed by the same continuous rule from the earliest to the pi'esent day, p. 11. — The area and population, p. 12. — Percy vale, first Taylor who became Mayor, p. 12. — Freedom gained by Indentures, p. 12. — Chamberlain's advice to Apprentices, p. 13. — Fx'eemen, then- duties and oath, p. 13. — As traders liable to Guild authority, p. 14. — Wards and the Mote, p. 14. — Duties of the Bedel, p. 14. — Of Wardsmen, p. 15. — Common Council, p. 16.- -Duties of members thereof, ji. 16. — Control of Council over Expenditure, p. 1 7.—- Sheriffs' election, p. 18. — Sheriffs' Riding, p. 18. — Duties, p. 19. — Aldermen, p. 19. — Election, p. 20. — Duties, p. 20.— Mayor, p. 21.— Election, p. 21.— Duties : (1) to the King ; (2) his Fellow Citizens, p. 23. — His riding to Westminster, p. 23. — His Feast, p. 23. — Visit to William's Tomb and Beckett's Grave at St. Paul's, p. 24. — Service in scot and lot, p. 24. — Imjiortance of the office, p. 25. — ^As at the Meeting of the York and Lancaster supporters in London, 1458, p. 25. — Ceremonials of the office, p. 26.- — Precedence of the Mayor in the City determined in Henry V's reign, p. 28. — Insisted on at Serjeants' Feast, 1464, p. 28. — Sheriff subordinate, p. 29. — Prece- dence out of the City, p. 30. — Recorder's duties, p. 30. — Access of Cor- poration to the Throne, p. 31. — Butlership at the Coronation, p. 32. CHAPTER 11. The Government of a London Guild. Every trader governed by a Guild, p. 33. — Taylors and Linen Armourers, p. 33. — Petition of 1327 for Charter and grant of it, p. 34. — Names of 24 Taylors to certify Freemen, p. 34. — Order of 1371, p. 35. — Charter of Richard II (1390), p. 35.— Henry IV (1408), p. 36.— Henry VI (1439), p. vi Tahle of Contents. [part i. 36.— Edward IV (1456), p. 36.— Henry VII (1502), p. 37.— Agreement for Perpetual Obit, p. 37. — Method of becoming a guildsraan, p. 38.— Government of a Guild explained, p. 39.- — Ordinances made by the whole Fraternity, p. 39. — Mayour's Preface, p. 40. — Freeman's oath to the Guild, p. 41. — Women members of the Guild, p. 42. — Ordinances of 1507, p. 42. — As to di-ess, p. 43. — Liverymen, p. 44. — Wardens, p. 45. — Court of Assistants, p. 46. — Master, p. 47. — Election dinner, p. 47. — Jenyns's orders as to payment, p. 47. — Attendance at St. Martin's, p. 48. — Post-Reformation ceremonial, p. 49. — Master's oath, p. 50. — Meetings of (1) Quai-terly Court and Annual Court of the whole Fraternity, p. 51 ; (2) Court of Assistants, p. 51 ; (3) Master and Wardens, p. 51. — Audit of Master's Expenditm'e, p. 52. — Gratuitous Office by Jenyns's orders, p. 52. —The Clerk, p. 52.— The Bedel, p. 53.— The Guilds as subordinate to the Mayor, p. 54. — Place in London Government, p. 55. — Precepts for Mayor (1) Personal service. Standing Watch, p. 56 ; (2) For money, p. 57. — Bridewell Hospital, p. 58. — Gunpowder, p. 59. — Service of the Crown, p. 59. CHAPTER III. The Bachelor or Yeoman Company of Taylors. The Yeoman Taylors, p. 60.— Disputes of 1411, p. 61.— Of 1415, p. 61.— Of 1417, p. 63. — Came under control of the Merchant Company, p. 64. —Traces of the Company in 1446-56, p. 64.— When Companies separated, p. 64. — Bachelors Company seldom mentioned on Merchant Company's records, p. 64. — Number of the Bachelors, p. 65. — Ordinances of 1507, p. 65. — Ordinances of 1613, p. 65. — Organisation of Bachelors Com- pany, p. 65. — Offices not readily filled up, p. 66. — Workman and Em- ployer, p. 67. — Seeds of Disunion, p. 68. — Disadvantages of separate organisation, p. 68. — Division of funds and separate distribution of alms, p. 68.^ — ^Merchant Company held the trust estates, p. 68. — Members of the wealthy class, p. 68. — Poor Taylors in the Bachelor Company, p. 68. — Which became the Almoner of the Merchant Com jaany, p. 68. — Sources of income to Bachelor Company, p. 68 : (1) Benefactions ; (2) Quarter- ages ; (3) Fines ; (4) Donations from Merchant Company, p. 68. — Distri- bution to the poor, p. 69. — Method of it, and changes made, p. 70. — Donations in 1655-9, p. 70. — Merchant Company take the distribution in 1663, p. 70. — Merchant Company's control over Bachelors Treasury, p. 71. — Disputes in 1601, jx 71. — Army Contracts declined by Merchant Company, p. 72. — Disputes of 1608, p. 72. — Sumptuary expenses ex- cessive, p. 72. — Agreement for future government of the Company, p. 73. — Ceased to be appointed by the Merchant Company in 1661, p. 74. — Merchant Company take charge of business of the Bachelors Company, p. 74. — Corpoi'ation refuse to interfere, p. 74. — So also the Privy Council, p. 74. — Note as to assessment of 1602-5. CHAPTER IV. The Star Chamber as to the London Corporation and Guilds. Star Chamber Jurisdiction relating to London, p. 75. — Eden's case, p. 76. — As to Corporation, p. 76. — As to Guild, p. 76. — Foreign Workmen p. 77. PARTI.] Table of Contents. vii — Statutes of Henry YIII, p. 77. — Report as to foreigners, p. 78. — Samuel Pepys' father admitted to the Merchant Ta ylors Company, p. 79. — Dutch and French Taylors, p. 79. — Agreement with them, p. 80. — Meeting of the Comi^any to hear Star Chamber decrees, p. 80. — -Note. List of Clerks and Beadles, 1397 to 1624. CHAPTER V. The Hall axd its Co:;texts. The Hall, antiquity, p. 82 — Purchase in 1331, p. 83. — Sir O. Ingham tenant thereof, p. 84. — Ingham's Hall rebuilt, p. 84. — HaU in 1575, p. 84. — Am- bassadors lodged in (1518 and 1619), p. 85. — Fire of London, p. 85. — ■ Dates of different parts of the Building, p. 85. — Description of the Hall, p. 86. — Saltpetre diggers, p. 87. — Floor covered with rushes, p. 87. — Erasmus's description, p. 87. — blooring of Hall, p. 87. — Glazed in 1419, p. 87. — Inventories of 1512 and 1609 as illustrating two distinct periods, p. 88. — St. John Baptist's Statue, p. 88. — Tapestry, p. 89. — Furniture, p. 90.— Table trestles, p. 90.--Laying the Cloth, p. 90.— Plate of 1491, p. 91. — " The Jowell House," p. 91. — Basyns and Ewres, p. 92. — Saltes, p. 93. — Spones, pp. 93, 94. — Stondyng Cuppes, p. 95. — Pottes, p. 96. — Bolles, p. 97. — Plate for kepyng of Obyttes, and Masers, p. 98. — One knife, p. 99. — " The Parloure," p. 99.- St. John's Statue, p. 99.— Tapestry, p. 99.— Sir John Skevington's will (note), p. 99. — Furniture, p. 100. — For Funerals, p. 101.— For Triumphs, p. 102.— The Yard, p. 102.— Almery, p. 102.— The King's Chamber, p. 103. — The Kitchen and the Larder, p. 104. — The Pastry, p. 104.- -The Buttery, p. 104.— The Storehouse, p. 105,— No napery, p. 105. — No Glass, p. 105. — Pewter, p. 106. — Butler, p. 106. — Additions in 1609, p. 106.— The Brasse, p. 107.— The Lynnen, p. 107.— Clock in the yard, p. 108. — Armour, p. 109. — Note as to the dimensions of the Halls, p. 109. CHAPTER VI. Religion and Almsgiving. Care of the Fraternity as to the two objects of Eeligion and Almsgiving, as evidenced by the early records, p. 110. — Acquisition of Religious Privileges by Merchant Taylors Company from (1) St. John's Jerusalem, p. Ill ; (2) Chapel in St. Paul's, p. 112 ; (3) Papal and Episcopal Pardons, p. 113. — Our Lady of Rounceval, p. 114. — And other grants, jj. 115. — Conti'acts for performance of Obits, p. 116. — Chapel at the HaU, p. 117. — Payments for Religious Service, p. 119. — Chai-ities of the Company, p. 120. — Endowments for both objects, p. 121. — Illustration of expenditure in 1399-1400 enumerated, p. 123. — Coronation of Henry IV and Banquet, p. 124.— Expenditure of 1466-7, p. 125.— Grant of Arms, 1480, p. 126. CHAPTER VII. Secular Affairs and Position of the Company at the Close op THE Fifteenth Century. Continued action of the Guild, p. 127. — As to trade, p. 127. — Search, p. 128. — Yard measure, p. 128. — Authority of the Master and Wiu'dens, p. 129. — viii Table of Contents. [part i. Fines, how enforced, p. 129. — The Mace, p. 130. — Company used for secular purposes, p. 130. — Piers' contract, p. 130. — Class and status of ordinary niembei-s, \). 131. — Honorary members as (1) Kings, pp. 132, 133 ; (2) Nobles, p. 134. — Company in relation to (1) Corporation, p. 134. — Dispute with Clopton in 1441, p. 135. — R. Holland rejected as Sheriif, p. 136.— Charter of 1439 disjjuted, p. 136.— (2) The Skynuers' dispute, p. 137. — BiUesden's award, p. 137. CHAPTER VIII. The Earlier Half of the Sixteenth Century and the disendowment of religion. Two gi'eat changes in the sixteenth century : Disendowment of religion and destruction of Guild monopoly, p. 138. — Religious and eleemosynary gifts from 1507 to 1531 to the Company, p. 138. — Example of an Obit from Sir John Perc^'A-ale's will, p. 139. — Act for Chauntries Collegiate, p. 140. — Eifect of it, p. 140. — 37 Henry VIII, c. 4, p. 141. — Commissioners' return under it, p. 142. — Extracts from cash books, p. 142. — Payment to the Crown, p. 143. — Edward VI's Act and preamble, p. 143. — Royal Com- missioners to ascertain sums due from Guilds, p. 144. — Court of Merchant Taylors Company in 1548-9, p. 145. — Execution of Commission and Ex- tracts from cash books, p. 145. — Obit omitted, p. 145. — Annual payment to the Crown, p. 145. — Purchase of obit charges from the Crown, p. 146. — Extracts from Commissioners' Report of 1884, p. 146. — Extortion against the Guilds, p. 147. — Conveyance of Property to Guilds, p. 148. — Petition to Parliament for Act 5 and 6 Edward VI to conlivm same, p. 149. — Religious services extinguished, p. 149. — Eminent members of the Guild, p. 149. CHAPTER IX. After Disendowment — Later Benefactions. Days of racked consciences, Obit moneys applied to secular uses, p. 152. — Hall chapel used for secular purposes and fitments removed, p. 152. — Religion the vital princi^jle of the Guilds, p. 152. — Constitutional changes in the Guild, p. 153. —Effects of on benefactions and expenditure, p. 154. — As to benefactions, p. 155. — Character of Post-Reformation gifts, p. 155. — Robert Donkyn, p. 155. — His charity of 1570, p. 156. — Progress of it and scheme of 1872, p. 157. — Bognor House, p. 157. — Robert Dowe, p. 157. — His charities, p. 158. — (1) For prisoners in Newgate, condemned in death, p. 159. — In City prisons for debt, p. 161.— (2) Pensions for Guildsmen, p. 162,et. seq. — For parishioners, p. 165. — For Improvement in Church .singing, p. 167. — School probation, p. 168. — Commendatory sentences in favour of poor Tailors and St. John's Oxford, p. 168. — Alms- houses, p. 169. — Schools founded, p. 171. — No contract with non-members to charity endowment, p. 171. — William Roper's offer declined, p. 171. — Guildsmen made such, p. 172. — What religious observances were kept up, p. 172. — Grant of arras with secular emblems, and payment for same, p. 173. — Note. Cooke, the Herald, and payment for same, ^. 173. PART I.] Table of Contents. ix CHAPTER X. After Disendowment — Later Expenditure, Object of the Chapter, p. 174. — As to expenditure in hospitality in Edward VI's reign, p. 175. — Sir F. Palgrave on civic hospitality, p. 175. — Feast- ing traditional in London, p. 175. — As to feasting, sanctioned by Charter of Richard II, p. 175. — Guild funds have borne such charges, p. 176. — Early records of this, p. 176. — As to method of accounting, p. 176. — Renter Wardens, jo. 176. — Master's accounts, p. 176. — Auditors, p. 177. — Master's fees of office, p. 177. — As to income, jx 177. — Subsidy Return, 1556, p. 178. — Other sources of income, p. 180. — Total of receipts and payments for decennial periods, p. 180. — Two great feasts, St. John the Baptist's and Decollation days, p. 180. — Contributions thereto, p. 181. — Changed to quarter days, p. 181. — The charges in Edward's and Mary's reigns, p. 181. — Sumj^tviary expenses of Elizabeth's reign, p. 181. — Livery increased, p. 181. — Guildsmen acted as Waiters, p. 181. — Election Dinner, 1593, p. 182. — Increase of Allowance, p. 183. — Goi-e declines it, p. 183. — Accepted by Elwes in 1605, p. 183. — School dinner, p. 184. — Sir Thomas White's, p. 184. — View and search dinners, p. 184. — Increase in Eliza- beth's reign, p. 184. — Court Dinners in James I's reign, p. 185. — Dowe's convivium dinner, p. 185. — Cook's employment (note), p. 185. — Funeral dinners, p, 187. — Dowe's grace, p. 187. — Extraordinary cost of a mayoralty, p. 187. — Feast postponed for scarcity, p. 188. — As to exjiendi- ture for alms, p. 189. — -Charities administered without costs, p. 189. — School at St. Lawi-ence, p. 189. — University Exhibitions, p. 190. — Alms- men, p. 191.— Qualifications and duties in 1507, p. 191. — Altered, p. 192. — Widows, p. 192. — Almshouses not full, jx 192. — Provision for Livery, p. 192. — Grants to Freemen made under circumstances, p. 193. — John Stowe's pension, p. 194. — Wakefield's for leprosy, p. 194. — Refused to general applicants, p. 194. — Analysis of receipts and payments, p. 194. — Explanatory notes thereon, p. 195. CHAPTER XL The Trade Monopoly op the Guild Destroyed. Persons of various occupations admitted to the Merchant Taylors Company in 1399, p. 197.— The Merchant Taylors became Cloth workers, p. 198. — Charter of Henry VII, p. 198. — Hereditary principle of the London franchise, p. 199. — Impossible for all trades to become hereditary, p. 199. — Complaint of Clothworkers against the Taylors, p. 200. — Controvei-sy of 1550, p. 200. — Claim right of search, p. 200. — Refuse to grind Taylors' shears, p. 200. — Their claims overruled by the Lord Mayor, p. 200. — - Order as to apprentices, p. 201. — Claims renewed in 1566, p. 201.— White, Hilles, and other Taylors engaged in clothworking, p. 201. — Vital importance of the question, p. 202. — Lease of the Mora estate by Taylors, p. 202. — Various tenants thereof, p. 202. — Return of the number of Taylors, &c., occupied in clothworking, p. 202. — Appeal to Parliament, p. 202. — Parliamentary Bills prepared by Clothworkers, p. 202. — Rejected by Parliamentary Committee, p. 203. — Other two Bills proposed by the X 2\ihle of Contents. [parti. Committee, p. 203. — No Bill passed, and the controvei-sy ended, p. 203. — Complaint of the Haberdashers, p. 204. — Order of 1571 to employ guildsmen in clothworking, p. 204. — The principle of Guild monoply raised in 1571 by fourteen other Guilds, \). 204. — Their case as stated to the Lord Mayor and C'oimcil, p. 205. — Remedy sought, p. 205. — Richard Hilles and others as a Committee answer the case, p. 205. — Decision in the Cloth workers' case adhered to, p. 206. — No order made by the Loi'd Mayor and Council, i?. 206. — Attempt at Legislation in 1575, p. 206. — Haberdashers asked by Taylors to join in search, p. 206. — Taylors in the Company, p. 207. — Though Guild monopoly destroyed, guildsman could not quit his Company without licence, p. 208. — Wilkes' case with the Widow Hodgson, p. 208.^ — -Nor sue a brother guildsman without licence, p. 208. — Arbitrament, p. 208. — I. Jurisdiction of Master and Wardens : (a) In partnership quarrels, p. 209. — (6) Apprentices, p. 209. — (c) Di-ess, p. 209.— (cO Bad work, p. 210.— (e) Recovery of debts, &c., p. 210.— (/) Slandei', p. 110. — II. Manners and Amenities of the guildsmen: Assault, p. 211. — Hitting in the face, p. 211. — Provoking words, p. 212. — Insult to a Warden, p. 212. — Evil words in anger, p. 213. — Bastardy, p. 213. — Insult to the Master and Wardens, p. 214. — Eminent guildsmen during the controversy, p. 215. CHAPTER XII. The Guild without Monopoly in Trade — Disintegration. Primary use of Guild destroyed, p. 215. — Opening up of foreign trade, p. 215. — Increase of London, p. 215. — Apprenticeship needful for London citizen- ship, p. 216.— Franchises of Guild and Corporation not sought after, p. 216. — Burthens to be avoided, p. 216. — Apjirentices the cheapest labourers, p. 216. — Scot and lot, p. 216. — Return of apprentices and freemen, p. 217. — Freedom not taken up, p. 217. — No presentment, p. 217. — Fleetwood fined, p. 217. — Membership of Comj^any not sought for, p. 217. — Guild offices neglected, p. 217. — Master absent on election, 1565, p. 217. — Refusal of Shottesham, 1572, p. 217. — Assistants absent, p. 218. — Master and four Wardens absent on election, 1589, p. 218. — Auditors absent, p. 218. — Great neglect in 1595, p. 219. — Committee appointed, p. 219. — Report, p. 219. — Ordinances to be amended, p. 220. — Increasing punishment, p. 220. — Neglect in 1602-3, p. 220. — Wardens to be removed from office, p. 220. — Warden a defaulter in account, p. 220. — Dowe's opinion of the evil, p. 221. — Court renewed by thirteen membens, p. 221. — Master and Wardens are absent on election in 1611, p. 221. — Result of changes in the Guild, p. 222. — New basis of Guild, without religion or monopoly, p. 222. — Table of Appi'entices and Freemen, p. 224. CHAPTER XIII. Matters Miscellaneous in the Later Half of the 16th Century. Matters found on records of the Merchant Taylors Comj)any, p. 225. — School and St. John's College, p. 225. — Claim of the Crown on School site, 1565, p. 226. — Grant from James I, 1620, j). 226. — The Royal Exchange, p. 227. — Corporation desire Percyvale's House, p. 227. — Lombard Street oldest Burse in Euiope, p. 227. — Dejjutatiou from Guildhall, p. 228. — PART I.] Tahle of Contents. xi Compauy object to sell, p. 228. — Conference with the Eecorder, p. 228. — Oflfer to exchange land declined, p. 228. — Subscriptions raised, p. 228. — First lottery established (1568), p. 229.— The second, 1585, p. 230.— Lotteries in the city sanctioned by Lord Mayor, p. 231. — Abolished in 1826, p. 231. — Norfolk's treason, 1572, p. 231. — Guard at the city gates, p. 231. — Conduct of citizens towards foreigners, p. 232.— Lord Mayor's precept in 1573, p. 232. — The two terrors of London, p. 233. — Plague in 1563, p. 233. — In 1575, p. 233. — Fire and precautions against, p. 233. — Plays and playhouses, p. 234. — Plays not favoured by citizens, p. 234. — - Plays by scholars of the Company's school, p. 234. — Prohibited in the Hall, 1573, p. 235. — Act of Common Council, 1574, p. 235. — Measures of the Crown, p. 235. — Players licensed, p. 235. — Master of the Revels, p. 236. — Lord Mayor's proposal, 1591, declined by the Comjjany, p. 236. — The Bible set up in the Hall, 1578, p. 237. — The Exchequer suit against the Company in 1578, p. 238. — Fish's and FitzWilliam's scholar- ship at St. John's, pp. 238-240. — Alleged concealment by the Guilds, 1582, p. 240. — Patent of concealed lands to Adams and others, p. 240. — Negotia- tions with Sir C. Hatton, p. 241. — And the patentees, p. 241. — Comjmny's tenants proceeded against, p. 242. — Suit dismissed, p. 242. — Offer to pay 200^., p. 242.— Statement laid before Elizabeth, 1587, p. 243.— Sir Philip Sydney's funeral, p. 243. — Thanksgiving at St. Paul's for taking of Cadiz, p. 244. CHAPTER XIV. The Company at the Close of the Reign ob' Elizabeth. Object of the Chapter, p. 245. — Guild consisted of Taylors, Clothworkers, and Merchants, p. 245. — Wealth of the Company, p. 246. — Assessments on Precepts, p. 246. — The Principle of, p. 246.— Assent of Common Council essential, p. 247. — Freemen represented on Assessment authority, p. 247. — Assessment of Common Council, 1562, p. 247. — Corn assessments of two kinds, pp. 247, 248.— Of 1564, p. 249.— Of 1565, p. 249.— Of 1596, p. 249.— Merchant Taylors assessed in highest amount, p. 249. — Precepts for military service, p. 250.— In 1572, p. 250. — In 1577 and 1579, p. 250. — In 1585, p. 251.— Wealth of the guildsmen, p. 251.— In 1565, p. 251.— Precept to meet the Lord Mayor in gold chains in 1578, jj. 251. — Demands for Crown loan of 5,000^. on Privy Seal in 1588, p. 252. — Loan notes issued, p. 253. — Imprisonment of defaulters, p. 254. — Offley and others command trained bands, p. 254. — As to the Merchants, p. 254. — • Wealth of citizens in 1557 and 1590, p. 254. — Russia Company, p. 255. — Establishment of East India Company, 1599, p. 255. — Part taken by guildsmen, p. 256. — Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 256. — Common Councilmen, p. 257. — Political influence, p. 257. — M.P. for London, p. 257. — List of the wisest and best Merchants, p. 257. — High position of the Guild, p, 257. — What were their household expenses, p. 258. — Their house rent, p. 258. — Cost of living, p. 258. — Rise of prices, p. 258. — Wild Darrell's expenses in 1589, p. 259. — Attendant servants, p. 259. — Locomotion, p. 259. — Educational attainments of guildsmen, p. 260. — The admirable discharge of duty in the 16th century, p. 260. xii Table of Contents. [part i. CHAPTER XV. The Company in the Earlier Years of James I. James I's reign opens a new era in Guild history, p. 261. — Fortunes of Mer- chant Taylors at his accession in the ascendant, p. 261. — Lord Mayor, Sir Robert Lee, p. 262. — Sir John Swynnerton, Sheriff, p. 262. — Richard Gore, M.P., Master, p. 263. — Nowel Sotherton, p. 263. — Assessments by precepts, p. 264. — Number of membei's in the Company, p. 264. — Mer- chant Taylors premier Company for Lee's year, p. 264. — Payments to John Stowe and for school boys' pageant, p. 264. — Order for Speech by school boy to the King, p. 265. — Plague, p. 265. — Lee knighted, p. 265. — Coronation, p. 266. — Three other members knighted, p. 266. — Fine for renewal of charter, p. 2t)6. — -Reduction thereof by the Lord Chancellor's man, p. 266. — Claim for concealed lands, p. 267.— Reference to Mr, Baron Saville, p. 267. — Letter of January, 1604, from Crown officers, p. 268. — Master and Wardens of that period, p. 269. — Coui't of 9th February, p. 269. — Recorder retained, p. 270. — Mayoralty of Sir L. Halliday, p. 270. — Session of 1606, p. 270. — Recorder's advice as to claim of Crown, p. 271. — Clothworkers agree to support Bill, p. 271.— Merchant Taylors contribute 100^., p. 272. — -Act of 4 James I (local and personal), p. 272. — The case against the Guilds under the Chauntries Collegiate Act, p. 273. CHAPTER XVI. The Banquet to James I and his son Henry Prince of Wales, 1607. Royal guests in earlier years, p. 275. — ^The feast of St. John, p. 276. — Cele- brated in song, p. 276. — Clothworkers' dinner, p. 276. — James I expresses his intention to dine with the Taylors, p. 277. — Merchant Taylors' record of the feast, p. 277. — Number of guests, p. 277. — Preparations made on 27th June, p. 278. — Money from the Treasury, p. 278. — Standing Com- mittee, p. 278. — Stewards, p. 278. — Two Caterers, p. 279. — Butler and wine, p. 279.— Ben Jonson's engagement, p. 280. — Hangings, &c., for the Hall, p. 280.— Plate hii-ed, p. 281.— Waiters appointed, p. 281.— Watch on the Hall premises, p. 282. — Committee to meet daily, p. 282. — Court of 7th July, p. 283. — ^King, Prince, and Queen invited, p. 283. — Lord Mayor and Aldermen not to be invited, p. 284. — Recorder attends to remonstrate, p. 284. — Purses of gold to be provided, p. 285. — Provision laid in for the feast, and the cost of it, p. 286. — Butlers, Cooks, and Waiters, p. 286. — Utensils for the table, p. 287. — Messes for the King and others, p. 287. — Preparation of the Hall for guests, p. 287. — Recep- tion of the King, p. 288. — Plague, p. 288.— Lord Mayor and Aldermen at the Hall, p. 288.— Retinue of the King, p. 289.— The Physician, p. 289.— Cooks, p. 289. — Lords, p. 290. — Enters the Hall, p. 291. — Performances, p. 291. — Pageant of peiformei's, p. 291. — King's dinner, p. 291. — Dr. Bull's and Mr. Gyles' performance, p. 291. — The Prince's dinner, y>. 291. — The Recorder's address, p. 292. — Master jn'esents the purse of gold, p. 292. — The Clerk the roll of Honorary Members, p. 292. — List of these from 1351 to 1562, \). 293. — Notes of these Members, p. 293. — Purse pre- PART I.] Table of Contents. xiii sented to the Prince, p. 304. — Made an Honorary Member, p. 305. — Lords also, p. 305. — Master and Wardens installed into office with garlands, p, 305. — Farewell, p. 305. — Settlement of accounts, p. 305. — Dr. Bull and Mr. Gyles made Liverymen, p. 305. — Ambassadors apply for certificate of freedom, p. 306. — Master's contribution to the feast, p. 306. — Final items, accounts, and total costs, p. 306. — Note. Items of expenditure for feast, pp. 307-17. CHAPTER XVII. The Company to the date of the New Ordinances (1613). New enterpi'ises in Elizabeth's reign, p. 319. — Contract with Eochelle mer- chants, p. 320. — In James's reign London population excessive, p. 321. — American (Virginia) Plantation, p. 322, et seq. — Lottery, p. 325. — Dis- astrous result, p. 326. — Ulster plantation, p. 326. — Precept for voluntary offers, p. 327. — Result, p. 327. — Compulsory assessment of the Guilds, p, 328. — Merchant Taylors' payments of first and second instalments, p. 328. — New Assessment, p. 329. — (Note on same, p. 329). — Payment of third and fourth instalments, p. 329. — Irish Society, p. 330. — Allotment of lands to the Guilds, p. 330.— Manor of St. John Baptist, p. 330.— Plantation of Church and people, p. 330. — Taylors' Irish estates sold, p. 330. — 111 behaviour of members, p. 331. — Difficulty in filling Guild offices, p. 331. ■ — Power of fine and imprisonment, p. 333. — Guilds upheld by the Crown, p. 333. — Lady Elizabeth's marriage portion, p. 333. — Favours solicited from them, p. 333.— Prince Henry's request, p. 333. — Lady Elizabeth's for Cook's place, p. 334. — Sir John Swynnerton's mayoralty, p. 334. — Dekker's pageant, p. 335. — Opening of New River, p. 339. — Masque at Merchant Taylors' Hall, ]}. 340. — Ordinances of 1613 confirmed, p. 341. — Eminent members of the Company, p. 342. — Conclusion, p. 342. — Expenditure for 1612-13, p. 343. APPENDICES. PAGE 1. Indenture of Apprenticeship of 20th December, 1451 (30 Henry VI) 344 2. Petition of the Tailors and Armourers of London to Edward III for a Charter granted lOth March, 1327 344 3. Nota Bene, &c., of the great costs. Tempore Lokok, Master, 1439-40 345 4. 22 Henry VI (1443), William Auntrus, Master. " Thise been the Paiementz and Costz made by the Meistre and Wardeins upon dyvers Men for the Serche of Barthilmew Faire" 346 5. Agreement with Henry VII, that in consideration of the New Charter certain religious ceremonies shall be observed and masses said for him 347 S. " Th'ordynnaunce for the kepyng of the Queene's Obite and of the Kynges when it shall happen .... 350 7. Epitome of the Ordinances of the Merchant Taylors Comj^any relating to the persons undermentioned : (A) Freemen ; (B) xiv Tahle of Contents. [part i. PAGE Apprentices ; (C) Wardens ; (D) Assistants ; (E) Master ; (F) Master ; (G) Beadle and Wardens, as approved in 1507, under 19 Henry VII, Chap. 7 351 8. The Ordinance (1507) for the Election of the Master and Four Wardens .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 357 9. The Prayer of the Guild.— The First Entry in the Merchant Taylors' Ordinance Book of Heniy VII's Reign 359 10. Muster and Shew of the Standing Watch 360 11. Assessments made upon the Company to Provide for the Purchase of Corn 360 12. Account of the Repayment of Corn Money which the Corporation had made to the Master and his Distribution of it.- — List of the Merchant Company 362 13. A Threat of Imprisoning the Master and Wardens for not making a Provision of Gunpowder .... .... .... .... 363 14. Eden's Case in the Star Chamber 363 15. " The Othe of ev-y foreyn broder admitted into their said fraternitee" 366 16. 1467, February 22nd. — Agreement transferring a Taylor's business from father to son on terms .... .... .... .... .... .... 367 17. The Payments Made in the Years Preceding and Succeeding the Act as shown in the Company's Cash Books .... .... .... 371 18. The Financial Effect of the Sales (1549-50) upon the Yearly Revenue of the Company at that and at the Present Time .... 371 19. In Chancery (1514). Merchant Taylors Company v. Thomas Howden's Executors.... .... .... .... .... .... .... 372 20. Memorandum of the Merchant Taylors Company .... .... .... 374 21. Robert Dowe's Midnight Exhortation to the Condemned Prisoners in Newgate 388 22. Robert Dowe's Morning Exhortation to the People to Pray for the same Prisoners .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 389 23. Sir Richard Lee's Mayoralty 389 24. Expenses Concerning the Law for our Defence in the Suit made by the Company of the Clothworkers .... .... .... .... 390 25. An Ordinance for Nourishing and Relieving the Poor Members of the Merchant Taylors Comi^any 393 26. Mr. Wilkes's Petition to Marry and to be Translated from this to the Vintners Company ., 394 27. Confirmation by James I (1620) of Title to School Site 396 28. 1564. — Interviews between the Corporation of London and the Court of Merchant Taylors Company as to the Acquisition of Perovvale's House for the Burse 396 29. " A Precept to Watch at ev'ry Gate and Posterne in the City " .... 400 PART I.] Table of Contents. xv PAGE 30. Sir W. FitzWilliam's Obit and Fish's Exhibitions 402 31. List of Freemen in the Lansdowne MS 404 32. Table showing Assessments of the Livery Companies by the Corporation of London in 1548, 1562, 1599, and 1603-4 405 33. Ancient Acquisitions of the Merchant Taylors Company, 1331 to 1531 407 INTEODUCTION Object of the icorlc, p. 1. — Government of London, p. 2. — Of the Guild, p. 2. — Ward or Guild the unit of London government, p. 2. — Characteristics of the Livery Companies^ (1) Charity, p. 3; {'i) Religion, pp. 4 and 5; (3) Hospitality, pp. 6, 7, and 8. — Eminent members, p. 8. — Richard miles, p. 9. — Commerce and colonization, p. 10. — New enterprises by the Guilds, p. 10. The present work is an attempt to trace from the antient records, the history of the Merchant Taylors Company from initia- tion, when trade in its infancy was nurtured by religion, to the full development of corporate life, when trade passed into other organizations. To show also the position which the Company occupied, and the work that it did as a factor in the government of London, while it was the monopolist of the trade it protected, the patron of the craftsmen it enrolled, and the almoner of the poor it relieved. For the three centuries which come under our notice each citizen was governed by his Guild, and to estimate aright the value of that organisation we must bring under notice the lives of those members, interwoven with the growth of the Company, who living guided it by their counsel and afterwards endowed it by their wealth. But eminent as guildsmen they were something more, living as they did not only for their Guild but for their city, the offices of the one leading not unfrequently to the dignities of the other. It would, therefore, be impossible to write effectively either the early history of a London Livery Com- pany or the lives of its eminent members, without describing, at least in outline, those corporate offices in the civic Government which on election they were bound to fill. London, though so worthy of it, has unfortunately no consti- tutional history, and each writer must, as best he can, frame one for his readers from the materials which lie scattered in various works.^ To treat of the rights of the citizens as contained in their charters, and to show how they first secured for themselves those liberties which afterwards they got extended to their fellow country- men, would be too long a digression. London has, for upwards of 500 years, been governed by officers each freely elected by his fellow citizens, and then sworn faithfully to discharge his office. Tlie duties of these office bearers are, therefore, to be found in their oaths, for to quote the words of Lord Somers, " there is no better ' Chapter I, page 11. VOL. I. B 2 Introduction. measure to be taken of what is the natural and proper business of antient officers than what is compendiously and significantly expressed in the oaths, which have with great care and wisdom been formed and instituted for them to take."^ At the present day the government of London is carried on under the sanction of oaths formulated 500 years past, which still continue to be administered.^ The rights and duties of the guildsman^ lie in a narrower compass, for each Company has its own charters, ordinances, Court books and accounts, dating from various eras of greater or less antiquity, and the Merchant Taylors Company, from whose records our extracts will be taken, are fortunate in having preserved some of these, but had the antient civic, like the antient State papers, been deposited in safe custody, viz., at the Guildhall, under a competent Record Keeper, with regulated access to them ; what an advantage would have been secured not only to the Guilds whose records are lost, but to those seeking information on the consti- tutional history of London ?* London has been more or less governed, though both have been co-existent, by wards and by Guilds ; for the Guild was once, as the ward is now, an unit of London government. "The whole population of London," writes the Venetian ambassador, in May, 1551, "is divided into Companies or Fraternities of artificers; as for instance, all the workmen purchase from the King the privilege of forming Companies amongst themselves, holding their meetings, forming their statutes, regulating the price of cloth, preventing others from exercising the trade, nor can anyone enter these Companies until he has served those in the trade six or seven years."^ The government in ward by the Alderman is here wholly ignored. The history of all the London Livery Companies on consti- tutional subjects is the same, because their relationship — and 1 Tlie Banker's Case, 14 State Trials, page 63. 2 Compare oaths set out in Yol. 1, Statute Realm, page 349, with oaths in Report on Oaths (1867). 3 Chapter II, page 33. •• The most important of the early records of the Merchant Taylors Company are Charters, old ordinance book 1507, and ordinance book 1613, Master and Wardens' receipts and payments A.D. 1397 to 1445; 1453 to 1484, 1545 to 1557, 1569 to 1648; Treasury accounts 1489 to 1503 ; rough Court Minutes 1486 to 1492 ; freeman's book 1530 to 1888 ; apprentices book 1583 to 1888 ; Coui't Minutes 1562 to 1663." We have recently lost a most valuable hooJc containitig the list of all the Masters and Wardens from the foundation of the Company, and an epitome of its affairs. ' Cal. Yen. St. Papers, page 703. » 1654 to 1663 missing. Introduction. 3 usually their contact — has been the same with the Legislature (civic or imperial), with the Crown, and with the Lord Mayor (as the civic King), but in a popular Adew of their position, and omit- ting for the present any reference to trade (which has little to do with the Livery Companies of to-day) we find in the antient Guild three leading characteristics which we will describe in the relative order of importance which we think our progenitors attached to them, taking our illustrations from the Merchant Taylors' records. First, as to benevolence •} 1. The earliest mention made by Stowe of the Taylors is that on St. John Baptist's Day, in 1300, they chose Henry de Eyall, as Master, " to be their pilgrim," and the Wardens were then called " purveyors of alms " of the said Fraternity. It was in the next century that their benevolence assumed a substantial shape ; for in 1406 the Company built almshouses near their hall, adjacent to St. Martin's Church, " for the Ijrethren of the livery or clothing falling into poverty." But their charity was not to be a' blind benevolence, poor the brother might be, but if he had " fallen into poverty through ryott or wanton or lavish expenditure — his own negligence, or other misdemeanour," he was no fit candidate for their alms. Having elected him as a meritorious man, he was not deemed to be degraded by his poverty, for he had a place at their great feasts. Thus runs an entry (after a quarterly court had ended) in 1607 : " And then preparation was made for dinner whereunto were invited the whole Assistants, and the ladies, and old Masters' wives and the "Warden's wives of the present year, and the preacher and the schoolmaster. Wardens Substitute, and almsmen of the livery as in antient time hath been accustomed." The provision was for life provided no misconduct forfeited it, "for if found to be either drunkard or of unchast life or conversation, he was to be displaced by the Master and Wardens," and upon his death " he was to be honestly buried at the costs and charges of the said Fraternity, the Master and Wardens, and divers of the clothing in their whole livery to be present at his burial." But though this was the original it was not the only mode of relief, for the account books show that alms were given to poor brethren, though not inmates of the almshouse ; and in course of time benefactions came to the Company (there being then no poor rate) for the poor of tlie 1 Chapfer VI, page 110. VOL. I. B 2 4 Introduction. Fraternity, — which are still distributed according to the testators wishes by the Court of Assistants. ISText as to religion •} 2. The society was founded in honour of some saint, that of the Taylors Company being St. John the Baptist, and the election of officers was made on the feast connected Avitli that saint. The Taylors attended service on St. John Baptist's Day at their chapel upon the north side of St. Paul's ; the yeomanry^ on the day of his Decollation at the Chapel of St. John's Clerkenwell, the crypt in which they worshipped being still to be seen by the visitor. In 1455, if we may believe the Company's petition to Pope Calixtus, recited in his Bull (a copy of which is still extant) the Chapel of St. Paul's was too small, therefore, with his sanction, another was erected in St. Martin's Outwich parish. In 1465 the Company associated itself with the Hospital of St. John in Jerusalem in Clerkenwell, and with other religious societies enumerated in the Booh of Ordinances, some particulars of which are printed else- where. The young Taylor upon entering into his apprenticeship was thus instructed by the Corporation of London, under its order of June, 1527 : " Ye shall constantly and devoutly on your knees every day serve God, morning and evening, ' to make conscience in due learning of the Lord, and endeavour the right practice thereof in your life and conversation,' and according to your course to expect your reward, for good or ill, from God and your friends." "When the Bible had been rendered into English by Miles Coverdale (who, be it mentioned, was the Company's tenant for a house in Finch -lane, and preached before them in 1548-9 for a fee of Qs. Sd.), he Company ordered a Bible to " be bought and set up in their common hall for such as resort unto the said hall" — "to occupy themselves while they attend the hearing of their causes." The quarterly courts (if not other meetings) of tlie Company, were kept with religious observances, in the earlier years possibly in their chapel, but at a later date in their hall as this entry shows : "After which said quarterly meeting, so concluded and agreed upon, the Avhole assistants resorted into the Common Hall, Mdiere the whole Livery were called, and the default marked and prayers reverently said, every man kneeling upon his knees ; but forasmuch as the ' Cliiiptcr VI, page 110. '■^ The entry of 1417 has reference to sueli attendance without the Master auU Wardens. — Chapter III, page 63, 2}ost. Introduction. 5 forenoon was spent, there was no time left either to read the ordinances or the names of the benefactors, therefore the same were deferred until the next quarters day." The prayers used are set out in the Court books and printed in the Memorials^ that of Henry VII's reign is here printed.^ As a final act of brother- hood, when a member died, he was not shuffled under the earth by strangers but the beadle's duty was to summon every member of the fraternity to the funeral, and each was liable at the call of the Master and Wardens " to bear the said brother or sister to burying," and fined if no appearance were made. Descriptions of such funerals by Machyn are frequent, and in September, 1558, he thus writes of Dalbeney's^ : " Many morners in blake, and many clarkes and preste'sand all the Compene of the Marchand Tayllers, and after home to drynke as the compane with spycyse bred, and the morrow masse and after to dener." The dinner was always given by legacy of the deceased, and here again a devout grace or prayer (still extant) was pronounced by the chaplain.* The costly furniture of a funeral was kept by the Company for the use of its members. Thus in the Inventory of 1512, there are found " a coffyn of Estriche borde, with the burying clothe and half a shete to lay within it." " The coffyn and shete " no longer exist, but two rare and beautifvil " herse cloths," which illustrate the decollation of the Baptist, are to be seen hung upon frames in the west gallery of the hall. It is well known that around the hall itself the history of the event was given in tapestry of very ancient date, some of which continued until the reign of George II, when it was sold by one Mr. Alderman Salter to Deputy Tatem for the sum of 20/. A statue or, as the records call it, " an image of St. John " stood in the haU from the years 1401-2 until the Eeformation, but recently (1873-4) as a memorial of that mastership, a copy of Benedetto de Majano's 1442 statue from the Ufizzi Gallery at Florence was placed in the hall entrance. A later and more practical development of this religious feeling was the foundation of the school, in 1561, "in honour of Christ Jesu," for the education of good manners and literature, wherein " such a catechisme as ' In the iiiastersliip of 1873-4 the charters, ordinances, extracts from records, and all the parliamentary reports relating to the Merchant Taylors Company were printed for " private circulation " in royal octavo, and are quoted throughout this volume as " Memorials." The prayers will be found at pages 128 and 130. ^ Appendix 9, page 359. ^ It was probably Dawbeney, a well-known family in the Company. '' It was composed for the funeral dinner of John Swynnerton, at the instance of Eobeit Dowe, page 187, post. 6 Introduction. shall be approved by the Queen's Majesty (Elizabeth) that novices " shall be taught — stamping the school as one established by the promoters of tlie " new learning.'"' As to hospitality •} 3. Under the Taylors' second charter (1390) permission was given " to hold and keep in an honest manner their feast of meat and drink on the feast-day of St, John the Baptist," and the oath of the liveryman obliged him " to attend the feast kept yearly about Midsummer, and holden in the Common Hall of the said Fraternity," a strange necessity, as we should now think, to swear a man to a strict attendance for a good dinner, but at that time necessary, because the expenses of these feasts were borne, not as now, wholly by the Company, but partly at the personal cost of the members. For this reason only a scant record of them is preserved > save when a King or Lord Mayor was entertained, and then we have amusing entries. However, who were the guests, what was their " menu," and what their amusement, are questions not ad- mitting of a definite answer. In pre-Eeformation times the feast of St. John was the event of the year, religious as well as social. Thus, in 1453, the Company paid for " preparing the hall and chambers for the feast of St. John, including hire of altar clothes, 40s. ; flourishing with green holies, three torches before the image of St. John in the hall, 1 6rf. ; and other expenses for the public worship at the two chapels of St. John (in St. Paul's and at the hall). All the Company, with the women, were entertained, and " the garlands " were provided " for the Masters and their wives." Guests of a higher class were invited ; thus, in 1454—5, the Master and Wardens go by boat to Lambeth to invite the Chancellor, and in 1455-6 to invite the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and in 1464-5 to Greenwich to invite the King and Queen, and to Westminster and Lambeth to invite lords " to the feast," but with what success these invitations were given is not recorded. A " menu "^ for 1438 has been accidentally preserved on the fly-leaf of one of the Company's account books. The reader will find fairly good cheer, such as brawn, chines of pork, beef, swan, pheasant, chickens, venison, partridge, plovers, rabbits, snipe and quail, fruit and quinces. All the articles provided for King James's banquet in 1607 are recorded ^ Chapter X, page 174. 2 See the courses "for dyner and soper" provided for the noblemen and gentle- men of the Emperor Charles V, on his visit to London in 1522, — Rutland Papers (Camden Society, 1842), page 96. Introduction. 7 in the Company's books, and will repay perusal.^ The poultry will probably be thought to offer the greatest variety, for, besides the ordinary birds, and those before enumerated, you find " hemes, bitters, shovelers, godwitts, owles, cookoes, ringdoves, martins, mallards, and browsses." "VATiatever else might be lacking in entertainment, music was never wanting ; but there — in the gallery over the screen in the Hall — sat the minstrels, or City waits, to amuse the guests. In 1434-5 they appear to have passed the whole day with the Company. Thus, " To the waytes of London attending upon the Company at the feast of St. John, and going before them to the Hospital of St. John, 10s. ; to Henry Luter 3s. 4,d. ; to Thomas Eeyner, with the trumpe, 12d" At King James's banquet they were, we fear, displaced by more distinguished performers, for " Ben Jonson, the poet," was engaged to frame a speech, and Dr. Bull to compose a song, but that he composed the "National Anthem" for the occasion is an absolute fiction. The existing " dais " indicates where the principal guests sat, but where the " salt " was placed, or who sat above or who below it, no record explains. What the guests drank admitted of some variety — wine, beer, and ipocras ;' while the large number of standing cups — the usual gifts of esteemed members of the Company — show the estimation in wliich the " loving cup " was held at City feasts. " I give " (were the words of EitzAVilliam's will in 1534) "to the Master and Wardens of the Fellowship of the Merchant Taylors, in the City of London, my best standing gilt cup, with covers, for a perpetual remembrance of me, to be kept in their hall, and they to pray for my soul ; " but these and others were destroyed at the fire of 1666. Those entertainments did not in later years include " the yeomen," who, in each third year, kept their feast at the decollation of St. John, after service, in the church at Clerkenwell. In course of time their contributions by way of quarterages were not received, and in 1696 their connection with the Company ceased. Another feast — annual since a.d. 1484 — must be noticed, though the history of it is to be found on the stained glass windows in our corridors. It is briefly this : The Skynners and ^ Chapter XVI, page 275. ^ Arnold, writing in the year 1502, gives the following " Eessaite to make Ypoeras" : " For a galon and a pint of red wy take synamon iij vncis, gynger tryed an vnce, greynes and longe peper di : vnce, cloTes and masys a q'rt' of an vnce, Spignard a quartir of an rnce, sugar ij lb." — The Customs of London ; or, Arnold's Chronicle. (London) , 1811, f. 187. 8 Introduction. Taylors were at that time in controversy as to precedence in the City processions, and, according to the wise customs of those times, they referred the subject to the Lord Mayor. Samuel Pepys, a shrewd observer in later days, wrote : " It is strange to see how a great dinner and feasting reconciles everybody," but the Lord Mayor (Sir Eobert Billesden) had arrived at that conclusion 200 years before Pepys wrote, as he decreed, "for norishing of peas and love between the fellowships aforesaid they should dine with each other yearly, and take precedence in each alternate year," a decree which is still in full force and observance. It only remains to add that the feasts of the citizens were then always made subordinate to the higher law of charity. Thus, in 1593, the Privy Council (through the Lord Mayor) required the guilds to give the cost of their annual election dinners to the relief of the poor visited by plague ; and again, in 1603, the Company itself decided that all entertainments should be wholly given up during the time of the plague, " and that one-third part of the charge and expence intended to be spent on the said entertainments shall be bestowed upon the poor, miserable, and needy persons whose houses it shall please Almighty God so to visit" — an example not unworthy of imitation in any days of present distress.^ Turning now from the Guild to the citizens, who were its founders and benefactors ; in the desire to rescue their good deeds from oblivion, and to show how London has been advanced to com- mercial greatness by the quiet integrity and public virtue of these guildsmen, we have gathered up from civic records such incidents as we can lind of their lives (including one, who, though not a guildsman, was connected with the Company as the tenant of the Taylors' Hall in 1331, Oliver, Lord Ingham). These are Sir John Hawkwood, 1310-94; Sir John and Lady Percyvale, 1450-1509; Sir Stephen Jenyns,^ 1524; Sir W. Fitzwilliam, 1450-1534 ; Eichard Hunn, 1460-1514; Sir Thomas White, 1492-1566; Eichard Hilles, 1510-87 ; and Sir Thomas Oflley,' 1512-1582 ; Sir W. Harper, 1496-1573; Eecorder Fleetwood, 1536-1596; John Stowe, 1515- ' During the Plague of 1603 all public feasting and common dinners in the several lialls of the Corporation were wholly given up, and one-third of the expense of such dinners " bestowed upon the poor, miserable, and needy persons whose houses it shall please Almighty God so to visit." — (litli July, 1G03). - Part II. 3 Page 172. Introduction. 9 1605; Sir WilHam Craven, 1548-1622; John Speed, 1568-1629; Sir Leonard HaUiday,^ 1564-1620. This list contains two families ennobled, but from one Taylor now to be mentioned, four noble families can be traced. In the iccount books for a.d. 1399-1400 is to be seen this entry of confrers " admitted to the Fraternity, " Johan Gore, Taillour," 20s. In 1603 there are seven Gores contributing as Taylors to the City assessment for James I's coronation, and in 1615 the Sheriffs were two Gores, members of the Company. One of these. Sir John, became Lord Mayor in 1624, and his mayoralty was celebrated by the Company, when Webster wrote for it his piece of the " Monu- ments of Honour." From Johan Gore four peerages are to be traced — the Earl of Eoss and Lord Annalley (both extinct), the Earl of Arran and Lord Harlech (existing). Some years since the late Earl, as claiming, through Sir John Gore, came for any further information as to his family. The account books enabled him to trace his family to its source — to Mr. John Gore of 1399 — a fact not yet stated in any edition of the Peerage. But we can not close this sketch without noticing for special approval one benefactor to learning, whose life hitherto has been unrecorded, we mean Eichard Hilles, who, in the reign of Elizabeth, and in furtherance of the Eeformation, estabhshed for the cliildren, not only of London, but indeed " of all nations and countreyes," the famous school at St. Lawrence Poultney, with Eichard Mul- caster as the Chief Master, who in liis early years had the glory of training amongst his pupils " Edmund Spenser," " the greatest ornament of the allegorical and imaginative school of poetry " — a London school which for upwards of three hundred years has sent out men who have gained renown in various ranks of life. Such were the men who were honoured in their day, " but some there be," as wrote the son of Sirach, " who have no memorial — merciful men whose righteousness hath not been forgotten." If this experience needs confirmation, it would be found in the study of Guild records, for of the righteousness of these citizens no otlier memorial is extant ; and, therefore, for the period embraced in this sketch, we propose to bring these records under the notice of the reader, to illustrate both the corporate life of a London Livery Company and the individual lives and actions of some of its eminent members. 1 Page 235. 10 Introduction. The religions aspect of the Guild in its initiation and develop- ment, with the great changes made in its endowment as a conse- quence of the Reformation, will come under our notice.^ It will be seen how earnest supporters of the old and of the new " learning " were to be found amongst the guildsmen, and in looking back at the past, it is interesting to see how the efforts of each to support his own views have been brought into harmony and made sub- servient to the interests of Church and State from the Tudor to the present time. Under the Tudors the commerce of London came into existence. If it be true, as the Bishop of Chester writes,^ " that their period was that of the birth of modern commerce and colonisation/' it is no less so that the London Guilds were the parents of each, and their halls the places of incubation and nurture until both trade and colonisation were firmly established, spreading far beyond the walls of London — even to the area of the civilised ~v\ orld. With James I's reign a new era opens belonging more to the history of commerce and colonisation than to the London Livery Companies. In Elizabeth's reign" guildsmen had, rather as mer- chants than as guildsmen, initiated new enterprises to India and America, but in James's reign* they became — at the instance of the Crown — involved in schemes lying beyond the purposes of their charters of incorporation, and therefore not within the scope of the present work. ' Chapter VIII, page 138. 2 Oxford Lectures (Clarendon Press), 1S86, page 035. 3 Page 255. * Chapter XYII, page 319. II CHAPTEPt I. THE GOVEENMENT OF LONDON". London governed hy the same continuous ride from the earliest to the present day, p. 11. — The area and popxdation, p. 12. — Percyvale, first Taylor who became Mayor, p. 12. — Freedoon gained hy Indentures, p. 12. — Chamberlain's advice to Apprentices, p. 13. — Freemen, their duties and oath, p. 13. — As traders liable to Guild authority, p. 14. — Wards and the Mote, p. 14. — Duties of the Bedel, p. 14. — Of Wardsmen, p. 15. — Com- mon Council, p. 16. — Duties of Members thereof , p. 16. — Control of Council over Expenditure, p. 17. — Sheriffs' election, p. 18. — Sheriffs' Biding, p. 18. — Duties, p. 19. — Aldermen, p. 19. — Election, p. 20. — Duties, p. 20. — Mayor, p. ^l. — Election, p. 21. — Duties: (1) to the King; {2) his Fellow Citizens, p. 23. — His riding to Westminster, p. 23. — His Feast, p, 23. — Visit to William's Tomb and Bechetis Grave at St. Paid's, p. 24. — Service in scot and lot, p. 24. — Importance of the office, p. 25. — As at the Meeting of the York and Lancaster supporters in London, 1458, p. 25. — Cere- monials of the office, p. 26. — Precedence of the Mayor in the City determined in Henry Vs reign, p. 28. — Insisted on at Serjeant^ Feast, 1464, p. 28. — Sherif subordinate, p. 29. — Precedence out of the City, p. 30. — Recorder's duties, p. 30. — Access of Corporation to the Throne, p. 31. — Butlership at the Coronation, p. 32. The Guilds formed part of the civic government, and as some of those whose lives are to be noticed attained to the supreme autho- rity, it will be useful if we endeavour to give an outline of the government of London during the Tudor period; a task not alto- gether useless for the practical purposes of the 2^'^'cse7it day, for here there has been a continuity of rule for many hundred years which is possibly without parallel elsewhere. London at that period was divided into the city and its liberties, both subject to the authority of the Mayor. The Citi/, an area of 380 acres of land, was enclosed within a boundary wall of two miles extent, having seven principal gates, such as Ludgate and Newgate. The Liberties consisted of a belt of land of 300 acres lying outside the walls and having, as its other boundary, bars such as the Temple and Holborn, with chains to separate this area from the surrounding counties. Both areas together were one square mile of land.^ ' See Vol. I, Londiana, page 15 ; Freneli Cliron. (Camden Society), page v. 12 Tlie Government of London. [part i. Within the smaller area of the City^ there was in 1560 a constant resident population of not less than 130,000^ souls, living in streets in which religious houses, mansions, and gardens were to be found interspersed with hovels. In the larger area — after the religious houses had been suppressed^ and gardens had been covered with modern houses of greater size — the population was returned (in 1851) at 131,129 souls, so that we may reasonably presvime that the CitT/'was overcrowded in 1560 and that one could " scarcely* pass along the streets on account of the throng." The residents were governed by the Mayor as the supreme head of the municipal institutions, under several charters, either as wardsmen under an Alderman, or as guildsmen under a Master, or indeed as both. Taking Percyvale (he being the first Taylor who became Mayor) as an illustration, we wOl follow him through the different civic offices devolving upon a wardsman until he reached the supreme authority of the Mayor of London, and thus show how the city was governed in wards. First to show how the right of citizenship was to be gained. His initiation would commence with obtaining the assent of some guildsman of London to take him for seven years as an apprentice. To become such he must have been more or less of gentle breeding^ ^ Of the city in the earlier Tudor reigns we have several descriptions by the Venetian ambassadors in their periodical reports to the Doge. In August, 1531, a Venetian vis'tor thus writes: "In various parts of the city there are many palaces of divers citizens and merchants, but the larger ones are on the river, the owners being the chief personages of the kingdom. The population is immense, and comprises many artificers. The houses are in very great number, but ugly, and half the materials of wood, nor are the streets wide. It is a very rich populous and mercantile city, but not beautifid."* In the same year an ambassador writes that London is divided into 26 wards and 86 parislies,'' with a population of 70,000.' Another in August, 1554, described London as having a dense population, said to number 80,000 sovds, and as beyond measure commercial, the merchants of t he entire kingdom flocking thither, " so they soon became very wealthy.'* Again in 1557.^ London is most opulent, not only from the trade and great commerce but from the privileges of her citizens, containing, with Westminster, 185,000 souls, having handsome streets and buildings. However, " their building materials are very coarse, as not having good clay for making bricks, they use wood mixed with mortar, earth, or straw, so that the walls are ugly, which is why they use tapestries or canvas on which they paint foliage. 2 Norton's London, page 141. Report on City P.C. (1880), page 5. See Vol. 6, Brayley, page 70,which gives the population in wards as 130,178 in August, 1631. 3 The religious houses and their enclosures are said to have occupied two-tliirds of the city area.— Vol. 10, part 2, page 39, Beaut, of E. and W. (1814). ■* Fred, Duke of Wirtemberg, 1592, Rye's England, page 7. * The 7 Henry IV put a property qualification on apprentices. a Cat. State Papers (Venetian), page 682. •• Ibid., page 694. c See Preface to Anderson's History of Commerce, 1801, page v. ^ Cat. State Papers (Venetian), page 934. « Ibid., 884. CHAP I.] CJiamherlain's Advice to Apprentices. 13 and a natural born subject of the King. The master and appren- tice entered into articles which for 500 years past have been the same in substance, and all but identical in words. The master was to find the apprentice in all necessaries (as food, clothing, shoes, and bed), the apprentice not to injure or waste his master's goods ; not to frequent taverns ; nor, in or out of his master's house, to commit sins of inchastity, nor contract marriage; not to play at dice, &c., but to conduct himself justly and piously as a good servant according to the use and custom of London.^ When placed under articles of apprenticeship these had to be registered in the Chamber of London, and the apprentice, when brought into contact with the great Corporation, received from the Chamberlain these devout instructions : — " Ye shall constantly and devoutly on your knees, every day, serve God, morning and evening, and make conscience in the due learning of the word preached, and endeavour the right practice thereof in your life and conversation. You shall do diligent and faithful service to your master for the time of your apprenticeship, and deal truly in what you shall be entrusted. You shall often read over the covenants of your indenture, and see and endeavour yourself to perform the same to the utmost of your power. You shall avoid all evil company, and all occasions which may tend to draw you to the same ; and make speedy return, when you shall be sent on your master's or mistress's business. You shall be of fair, gentle, and lowly speech and behaviour towards all men; especially to all your governors. And according to your carriage expect your reward, for good or ill, from God and your friends."^ And let it be noted that this custom is not yet altogether extinguished, as an apprentice still receives from the Master of the Merchant Taylors Company a book of good sound religious advice such as he would do well to follow. Having faithfully discharged his duty to his master under his articles the apprentice would claim his freedom to the city, for until he had been enrolled as a Freeman and sworn to discharge his duty as such he would be unable to practice his art or craft in the city of London. This enrolment could only be made upon " the security of six respectable men of tlie mystery or craft through which he was to obtain his freedom." This certificate being obtained he was then admitted and sworn : (1.) To obey the Mayor and ministers of the city. ' See Appendix, page 31.4.. 2 C. C. Act, 1st June, 18 Henry VIII, 1 Mait., pages 229-30. 14 TJie Government of London. [paet i. (2.) To mamtain the franchises and customs. (3.) To contribute to and bear all manner of charges {inter alia), scot and lot, as a freeman ought to do. (4.) iSTot to conceal foreign goods or foreigners. (5.) Not to implead or sue any fellow citizen out of the city " whilst ye may have right and law within the city."^ (6.) To take no bondsman's or alien's son as an apprentice. (7.) To make his apprentice free of the city, if his service has been good and true to him. (8.) To keep the peace and warn the Mayor of all conventicles or conspiracies against the city.^ By enrolment he came under a double allegiance to the Mayor as the supreme authority over him; {a) as a resident freeman, in regard to the city bye-laws; and (&.) as a trader of a Guild or Company, in regard to its laws and ordinances ; in each of which relationships he would have to discharge duties, both personal and pecuniary, as he had solemnly pledged himself to do. Here we take under review those claimed from him as a wardsman through the Alderman, and leave those claimed from him as a guildsman until a later chapter. London was a quasi republic, governed by its own citizens annually elected by their fellow citizens in common hall, under rules and regulations which they framed for their own observance. All that the Crown was required to do was to approve the supreme ruler after his election, but the two sheriffs needed no such approval. So long, therefore, as the executive and (Diministrative officers of the city acted within the powers conferred uj)on them by charter their authority within the city was supreme. It is scarcely necessary to say that London was, and still is, divided into wards, each presided over by an Alderman, with an executive officer, the " Bedel," and that Percy vale, as a resident, woidd have to take his part as a w^ardsman. The Bedel was elected by the Wardmote, and had the charge of the ward under oath. By that he pledged himself to suffer no man accused of robbery or of evil courses, or hucksters of ale, or woman keeping a brothel, or other women commonly reputed of bad or evil life, to dwell there, but to report the same to the Alderman, so that he might turn them out in fifteen days. Any affray he was forthwith to report to the Chamberlain and Sheriffs. He was not to be an officer in any Christian court, nor to trade in certain 1 This oath is modified by 11 George II, cap. 18, sec. 39, as to J, 5, and G. 2 Enlick, page 214, note. CHAP. I.] Duties of Wardsmen. 15 specified things while holding the office of Bedel/ Twice a year all the residents in a ward were brought together by the precept of the Lord Mayor, directed to the Aldermen, and when the Alderman received his biennial precept to hold a Wardmote, he summoned thereto all the freemen and hired servants, who were bound to attend under a penalty of Ad. for absence.^ The Alderman having taken his seat " with the more opulent men of the ward, each in his proper place," attention was called. The Clerk then read the warrant for the meeting, and tlie " bedel " the name roll of residents, and of those who, being absent after proclamation aloud, had to be fined. The ward constables then came forward with the jury panel " of the respectable men of the ward," and articles of enquiry were given to the jury touching the ward {inter alia) — (1.) As to the peace of God and Holy Church and of the King being strictly kept between clerks and laymen, rich and poor in common. (2.) As to residents not under frankpledge, and that no one receive a stranger beyond one day and night. (3.) As to lewd women, to be driven out or else placed in the Compter. (4.) As to furnaces and chimneys. (5.) As to lepers or usurers. (6.) As to night walkers. (7.) As to extortion in any city officers f or (8.) As to no wages being paid at a higher rate than the assize.* The jury had to give in their verdict in detail in duplicate by a stated day, so that the Alderman might bring any matters needing correction before the Court of Common Council. The manner in which they executed their office may be seen by an extract from a return in 1523 printed at the foot.^ * Liber Albus (London, 1861), pages 34 and 272. ^ Liber Albus, page 33. See the form of it, 2 Mait., London, page 121. ^ The city at a very early stage in its history made an order forbidding their ofBcers to ask for Christmas Boxes : — " It is not agreeable or proper that those who are in ser-viee with the advantage of befitting clothes and i-aiment as also received and remunerated in a competent degree, should after a known custom be begging aught of people like paupers " (a.d. 1419), Riley's Memorials, page 670. * Liber Albus, page 288. ^ In December, 1523, the Broad Street Wardmote presented (a) St. Benet's Fi/nk, that the cage is very noisome and adible and a well dampned thereby ; a noisome and dangerous draught in Thomas Howell's house, defective pavement before St. Anthony's, &c. ; and showing the Inquest Jury met then (as sanitary authorities 1 6 The Government of London. [part i. The wardmote then proceeded to more general business, such as the election of officers, " the scavagers, all commoners, and other officials " to carry on the local government of the ward, to seal the weights and measures, to bring all freemen on to its roll, and to put others upon the oath of " frankpledge," viz. : — (1) To keep the peace: (2) To be obedient to the city officers, and assist them at all times in arresting misdoers, as well denizens as strangers ; (3) To make the watches, and to bear other charges for the safe- guard of the peace ; (4) To keep the rules of the Wardmote ; and lastly, to withstand evil courses within the Ward and to make known the same to the Alderman.^ Such was the Wardmote, and one other duty had to be performed by it — viz., the election of Alderman, which will be explained when we deal with that office. The greater affairs of the whole city were dealt with by the citizens, as a Council, originally formed by the Mayor and Alder- men summoning, through tlie Serjeants of the Chamber, a varying number of the Ward (as sixteen, twelve, eight, or even four,) according to its size, " of the wisest and most wealthy persons, while no one was to appear unless duly summoned, or presume to be present under penalty of imprisonment." All those summoned and appearing were to be thus sworn : (1.) To be true to the King. (2.) To come quickly to the Common Council when sum- moned. (3.) To give good and true counsel after his wit and cunning. (4.) To maintain no singular profit against the public, or against the common profit of the city. (5.) Not to depart from the Council without licence ; and Lastly, Not to disclose what was there spoken. In later times — the oath remaining the same — changes were made, which did not continue. During John Warde's mayoralty in 1375 the Council was elected " by the respective mysteries " (or Livery Companies) as six, four or two, according to the importance do now) with a little abuse when interposing to secure good sanitary arrangements, William Delke for threatening certain persons of the Inquest. Tlie parish of St. Martin Outwich was then visited, and their presentment was : — The rerydosts iu Charterhouse rents and a hayloft under them are dangerous for fire ; defective pavement before the Taylors' almhouses, and a noisome gutter through it. Then follows this general presentment: — Spencer's wife, Harrison's wife, and Badcock's wife for scolding (wlio we may hope were not the wives of the Merchant Taylors who bore those names). — Vol. 3, Part 2, Henry VIII, C'al. S.P. ' Liber Albus, page 273. CHAP. I.] Control of Council over Expenditure. 17 of the Company, and not by Wards. This was thought to work to the disturbance of " peace and quiet amongst the people," and therefore in Sir Nicholas Brembers' fourth mayoralty of 1384 (his opponent, John Northampton, the late Mayor, being in prison and his goods confiscated^) " the Mayor, with his Aldermen and the good Commoners did choose certain persons with deliberation to advise thereupon how tumult and peril might be best avoided and remedied." The result was that the Common Council should be annually elected by Wards, and that to each Ward according to its size a number of members was assigned (then constituting a total of 96 members) as Common Councillors for the government of the city.2 Those wlio duly appeared were to form a " congregation," and if they could not agree they were to be examined by the Common Serjeant " upon their oath," as no delay or obstruction to the practical work of the city was permitted. This Council made all the assessments and bye-laws in the city, whicli were levied and enforced by the Mayor's precept. It was the supreme court of appeal for any (municipal) grievance. All controversies arising between the Guilds were referred l)y petition to its arbitrament, and the Acts of the Common Council, like those of Parliament, had to be obeyed by the citizens.^ All other "matters affecting the common weal" were tnere dealt with. No alien was admitted to the Freedom* or corporate letters sealed unless with the consent of the commonalty, for the common seal, which is " the hand and mouth " of every Corporation, was placed in a certain chest, which had six locks, three keys of wliich were to be held by the Alderman, and the other three " by certain reputable men of the commonalty."^ Thus it was that the Common Council became in August, 1312, what the Commons of England afterwards attained to be, viz., the Comptrollers of expenditure. Whether a member of Common Council or not we have n record, but the first of&ce in which we k7ioiv Percyvale served his fellow citizens was as one of the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex. These two officers were then quaintly described " as the eyes of ' Liber Albus, page 397. 2 Eegulated by 11 Greo. II, c. 8, freemen householde'^s paying scot and bearing lot in their wards being the electors. 3 See jS'ortou's London, page 314. " As to this see CoUectiun of Letters, &c., by Eeg. Sharpe, D.C.L., London 1585. •^ Liber Albus, page 317. VOL. I. C 18 The Government of London. [parti. the ]\Iayor," ever on the watch, and taking their share in his anxieties. They and all their officers were to be subservient to the Mayor for the time being (" as the limbs are subservient to the head ") performing all mandates issued by him. In their own courts they were judges as to personal pleas, and in the Hustings Court not only judges but also executors of the Mayor's precepts. Their appointment was not like that of other Sheriffs upon the nomination of the Crown, but by free election of all their fellow citizens until the Act of the Common Council of 15 Edward IV conferred the franchise on the Livery — as the honest men of the mysterie — coming in their last livery to the elections} The Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and Electors being assembled, one Sheriff was nominated by the Mayor, either by way of duty or privilege, for it is not clear which, " as the King's Sheriff," and the Mayor, if he so nominated, was responsible to the Crown- for the money due from the Sheriff during his year of office.^ The other Sheriff (or both, if the Llayor did not nominate) was elected by the commonalty, and for such election the city was in like manner responsible to the Crown. The Sheriffs were apparently upon an equality when serving, save that the Mayor gave the " cocket," or seal of Newgate, to the Sheriff" whom he may have nominated for election at Midsummer.'* But the Sheriffs, though elected, could not act as such until they had been admitted to the office under sanction of an oath which was administered in the city, but in later years at West- minster. Eor this purpose they went in procession (much as did the Mayor) to be sworn before the Barons of the Exchequer, but two such ridings in the year caused a feeling of rivalry, " as the usage was for citizens to array themselves in new suits, to hire horses, and to incur many other expenses, when shortly after, on the Morrow of St. Simon and St. Jude, they again incurred the like expenses," it was thought, therefore, that the Sheriff's riding ought not to be continued. So " on the Feast of the translation of St. Edward the King and Confessor (13th March, 1389) the Mayor, Aldermen, and an immense number of the Commonalty agreed * At the present day the Beadle's summons to the Livery is to appear in their gowns, though it is not observed, nor possibly the reason known. These elections by the Livery are now regulated by the Act of Common Council, 7t]i April, 1748. 2 Kiley's Memorials, page 515. 3 The Lord Mayor may still, between 14th April and 14t1i June, nominate freemen, not exceeding nine, as candidates, and the method of nomination is prescribed by order of 7th April, 171-8. * As to the Sheriff's olllce and customs, see Harper's Life, Pari II, page 258. CHAP, l] Duties of Sheriffs and Aldermen. 19 that no Sheriff should in the clay of his presentation "give any vestments save to the servants of the city, and his own officers and Serjeants, or should have any riding," but should go by water or proceed by land without there being any men of the trades in like suits for that purpose, but that men of the trades wishing to accompany them should walk in the livery of their respective trades as they might have/ The duties of the Sheriffs as laid down in their oath were : — (1.) To be true to the King. (2.) To maintain the city franchises. (3.) To keep tlie limits of London and Middlesex. (4.) To do right as well to poor as to rich. (5.) To break no good custom, nor evil one maintain. (6.) To keep the assize of bread, &c. (7.) ISTot to delay judgments or executions, nor any right disturb. (8.) Not to return any writs touching the state or practice of the city without the advice of the Mayor and Common Council. (9.) On warning from the Mayor to keep and maintain the peace and state of the city. (10.) Not to farm out the county of Middlesex or the govern- ment of Newgate.^ Percyvale's next advance w^ould be to the office of Alderman, for which the laws and ordinances of the city had laid down some definite qualifications : " No person was accepted by the Mayor and Aldermen as Alderman unless he was free from infirmity in body, wise and discreet in mind, rich, honest, trustworthy, free, and on no account of low or servile condition, that perchance the disgrace or oppro- brium that might be reflected on him by reason of his birth might have the additional effect of casting a slur upon the other Alder- men and the whole City as well." That an Alderman should then have been an able-bodied man was an absolute necessity, for police, as we understand them, did not exist. All watch in his ward was under his personal control, and his functions as a Guardian of the Peace had often to be dis- charged on horseback. ' Liber Albus, page 266. 2 Ibid., page 39. VOL. I. C 2 20 Tlie Government of London. [part i. The election as Alderman^ was made by his fellow wardsmen acting under the presidency of the Mayor, who, whenever the ofiBice became vacant, issued his summons according to the regulations of 1397, which ran in these words-: — " To avoid the damages, dissensions, and perils, by reasons of the headstrong, partial, and imprudent elections of Aldermen," it was ordered that " at every such election at least two reputable and discreet men, either of whom in manners and worldly goods is fit to be a Judge and an Alderman of the city, shall by the men of the Ward which is so destitute of an Alderman be peacefully and quietly chosen and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen to the end that one of those men of whom the Mayor and Aldermen shall deign to make choice may be admitted and sworn to office." The candidate selected by the Mayor and Aldermen was pre- sented by his fellow citizens to be sworn. By his oath he was to inform the people of his ward of such things as pertained for them to do for keeping the city, maintaining its peace, and its laws, usages, and francliises. He was to maintain the rights of orphans according to the laws and usages of the city ; to come on the Lord Mayor's summons to speed the assizes, pleas, and judgments of the hustings, and other needs of the city ; and to give good and lawful counsel touching the common profit of the city, and lastly he was not to be a common victualler during his office. By election he became a member of the " Court of Aldermen in the Inner Chamber," who, when summoned by the Lord Mayor, acts (1) Judicially, as for instance, in investigating controversies arising between the Guilds, and imprisoning tliose officers who may refuse to obey their order or decree ; or (2) In an executive capacity. The office, originally one of annual election, was in Percyvale's time held for life, but the Alderman was not a Justice of the Peace till he had passed tlie office of Mayor.' In the Common Council he voted as an ordinary member thereof. As a guildsman who had passed through the offices of Alder- man and Sheriff, Percyvale became qualified for election as Mayor of London. The electors were his fellow citizens, originally em- ^ These elections are regulated by 11 Geo. II, c. 18, and 19 Geo. II, c. 8, and made by the Freemen paying scot (rates to church, poor, scavengers, orphans, and for ■watch and ward), and bearing lot. 2 Liber Albus. 3 By later charters, some, and in 17-41 all, Aldermen became Justices of the Peiice on election. CHAP. I.J Election of Mayor. 21 bracing all the apprentices and serving-men of the city ; but by order of 1404, in which it was written " that so loud and clamorous was their shouting that the Mayor and Aldermen were unable to understand the reason of their noise," it was decreed " that at the election of Mayor, Sherifi', or Ofdcers, no person shall presume to enter the Guildhall unless summoned to make such election," and no one was to be summoned unless he were one of the more sub- stantial men of the city or one of the Common Council thereof.^ Tliis, however, was thought to leave too much power in the hands of the Mayor, and therefore the Common Council Act of 15 Edward IV (before referred to), limiting the franchise to the Livery, was passed.^ These electors appear to have fallen into the mistake of sup- posing that they were the sole electors, and sent up to the higher Court one name only ; but on being reminded by the Mayor and Aldermen that as citizens they had also a voice in the election the Commoners assented thereto. Hence it became the custom by common consent of both Aldermen and Commoners for the Commoners to retire to the other end of the HaU (the eastern or Sheriff's Court end), and there to nominate two Aldermen, which done, they returned, and by their own Common Pleader presented to the Mayor and Aldermen two names asking which of them they would be pleased to admit. Upon this the Mayor and Aldermen ascending to the upper chamber elected one of these by plurality of votes, then returning below, they made known to the people in the Guildhall, by the mouth of the Eecorder, which of the two had been elected Mayor for the ensuing year.^ The procedure observed at the election of a Lord Mayor in later times is carefully explained by Eecorder Fleetwood,"* in one of his letters containing a diary of a week's work in 1573, written to Lord Burghley. After reading it we shall probably think that if the citizens failed to make a wise choice it was from no lack of previous counsel. He writes : " Upon Thursday we all in our gounes and cloks in Scarlett furred, were in the Yelde Hall Chappel, where a very learned and godly sermon was preached, and at the end of the sermon my Lord ^ Liber Albus, page 17 ; Kilej's Memorials, page 560. The Liverj now elect under 11 Geo. II, c. 18. 2 11 Geo. II, c. 18, see. 1. ^ Liber Albus, page 19. ■• See also Day's Pamphlet of the Customs of 1532, .n Vol. 2, llleu's London page 249. 22 Tlie Government of London. [part i. and all liis brethren received the Communion. And that done, we went into the Counsell Chamber, and there pawsing a while until all the comons of the citie were placed in the greate Halle, every man in his degree. Then, in a decent order we came forth, sat downe in the est ende of the Halle in the Hustings Court, and then myself did stand forth upon the chekker borde there, and used a simple speake unto the Comons, partlie noting unto them brefelie the chiefest points of the sermon that tended to the order of the election. And then I put them in remembrance of their dutie in the forme of their chosing, and what qualities the man ought to have whom they were of dutie bound to chose. " That done, my Lord and his brethren returned to the Great Counsell Chamber, viz., the Maior's Courte, leaving behind us the two Sherifi^s with the Comon Sargaunt. The which Comon Sar- gaunt doth then stand up, and either doth or should recite unto the Comons what the preacher and I had spoken, and add some- what more to the same. And that done, the Comons name three or four of the most antient. And after question is asked which two of them they meane to present unto my Lord and his brethren ; and then as menie as meane to have to be Maior do hold up their hands and saie never a word. " And so the names of the two that have most hands are sent up to my Lord and his Brethren, and then myself go down to a windowe, and beginning with the youngest Alderman, and in order to take their votes ; and that done, we all returne to our place in the Halle againe, where I do declare and pronounce to the people the man upon whom the lott of the election is fallen, and then ask them ' Whether they like thereoff ? ' And they said a'l 'Yea, yea,' That done, my Lord elect standeth forthe in my place, and there doth desable myself, and in the end is well contented, and so giveth their thanks in like manner, and then dothe he take his leave."^ The election having been thus made the ]\Iayor had to attend the Feast of St. Simon and St. Jude at the Guildhall " about the 10th hour by the clock" with the Aldermen and Commoners to receive the insignia and take the oath of office which was administered by the Common Serjeant-at-Arms " holding before him the book with the Kalendar with tlie effigy of Him crucified on the outside thereof, and he in the meanwhile placing his hand upon the Book," which he duly kissed. Then the record continues, " The old Mayor delivered to him ' Piii-t If, page 278 CHAP. 1.] Duties to King and Fellow Citizens. 23 the seal of the Statute jMerchant together with the seal of the mayoralty enclosed in two purses. The Mayor's^ oath embraces (a.) his duties to the King ; (&.) to his fellow citizens. («). To the King : (1.) He is to give true and lawful service in his office as Mayor. (2.) Surely and safely to keep the city for him and his successors, Kmgs of England. (3.) To do profitably for the King all things belonging to him to do. (4.) To keep the rights of the King within the city ; not to assent to their decrease or concealment, but where concealed or withdrawn to repel it, or, if that be not possible, to disclose the same to the King or his Council. {b.) To his fellow citizens : (1.) He is " lawfully and rightfully to treat the people and right to do unto everyone thereof as well unto strangers as unto denizens, to poor as to rich in that which belongeth to you to do, and that neither for highness nor for riches, nor for promise nor fur favour, nor for hate or wrong you shall do unto any one, nor the right of any one disturb." On the Llorrow of the same Feast, this oath had to be repeated before the Barons of the Exchequer at Westminster. The riding and pageantry will be described in the lives of later Lord Mayors. At this date the new and past Mayors, the Aldermen and Sheriffs, and the several mysteries, all arrayed in their respective suits, met on horseback at 9 a.m., and rode " along Chepe through the gate of Newgate and then turning into Fletestreet passed on to West- minster." On their return (by water after 1434) a dinner was given at the Guildhall (possibly at about noon), and " after dinner it was the custom of the new Mayor to proceed from his house to the church of St. Thomas de Aeon (now the site of the Mercer's Chapel) those of his livery preceding him, and after the Aldermen had there assembled they proceeded together to St. Paul's," a custom which the Corporation continued to observe until the destruction of St. Paul's in 1666. ' This and the other oatlis which have been set and are still administered, were enacted by a Statute of early and unknown date. See Vol. I, St. Ke., page 249, and Liber Albus, pa<;e 266. 24 The Government of London. [part r. The purpose of their visit aptly iUustrates the religious feeling of those times. lu the nave of the Cathedral stood a tomb with this inscription : — Hsec tibi, sancte Pater, posuerunt Marmora cives, Praemia non meritis aequiparanda tuis Namque sibi populus te Londoniensis amicum Sensit, et hinc urbi non leve prajsidium lieddita Libertas, duce te, donataque multis, Te duce, res fuerat publica muneribus. Divitias, genus, et famam brevis oppremit hora ; Hsec tua sed pietas, et beuefacta manent. The man so revered was William, first Chaplain to the Confessor and then Bishop of London under the Conqueror. " Through his intercession (writes Dean Milman) the Conqueror restored and confirmed all the antient privileges of the citizens of London," and in grateful memory of this service, the first official act of every Mayor was to visit his shrine and there, in pre-Eeformation days, to pray for the soul of Bishop William. Nor was this the only duty which the Mayor and Corporation then discharged, as from thence they " moved to the churchyard where lie the bodies of the parents of Thomas, late Archbishop of Canterbury, and there they also repeated the 'De profundis' on behalf of all the faithful of God departed."^ Such then were the different offices through which Percyvale had to pass to become " the principal and immediate representative of the sovereign power in London," as conferred by the various Charters that had been granted to the citizens. Let it be remem- bered that in regard to the personal discharge of duty a citizen has no choice, for when admitted to the freedom his oath, by the charter of Edward 11,^ pledges him to serve " in scot and lot," and the fine (in lieu of personal service) is accepted at the option of the Corporation. Thus, in the year 1415, in the mayoralty of Thomas Palconer, (the Mercer), one John Gedeney, a Draper (who was afterwards Sheriff' in 1417 and Lord Mayor in 1427), the duly elected Alder- man, refused to take his oath before the Lord Mayor, and set forth his inability and his insufficiency for the office. But the Court held him to be a fit person, and he was told that he could not refuse • Liber Albus, page 21. 2 Nortou's Lordon (1869), page 231. CHAP. I.] Importance of the Office. 25 the office without break of his oath of freedom which bound him " to be a partaker in Lot (which is liability to hold office) and in Scot, which means contribution to taxes and otlier charges." John Gedeney still refused " to accept the office like a person who was utterly obdurate." " If" (runs the decree for his punish- ment) "any one so elected could at his own will and pleasure refuse the post and pass it by, not improbably the City before long would be left destitute of all rule and governance." Therefore, he was imprisoned, his shop and houses shut up and his goods sequestered.^ These duties have been, as we shall see, enforced by imprison- ment, as in Sir Thomas White's case,- or by disfranchisement in TitzWilliam's.3 It was, at the period of time we are considering, an office greatly affecting in its due discharge not only the safety of the city, but of the realm. The holder needed to be a man possessing high personal qualities, such as some did possess in an eminent degree, as these records are intended to show. Take an incident of history happening in 1458, when possibly Percyvale was in apprenticeship ; the meeting in London of the two great hostile parties of York and Lancaster, after the battle of St. Alban's, for conference with the King. Look at the retinues with which these leaders approached the city and consider how they were to be disposed of or con- trolled, that the peace of the city or of the kingdom should not be imperilled. Holinshed* gives the facts : Eichard, Duke of York, came with 400 men and was lodged at his own house, Barnard's Castle. The Earl of Salisbury with 500 men, at his own house, the Herbour. The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset with 800 men and were lodged without Temple Bar. The Earl of Northumberland, Lords Egremont and Clifford with l,oUO, and lodged without the citie. The Earl of Warwick with 600 men and lodged at the Grey Friars. Thus the Y'orkists and Lancastrians were lodged, the one within and the other without. Then the King and Queen came to London and were lodged in the Bishop's Palace. London with the suburbs became an armed camp, and to pre- serve the citizens from the dariger of it the Mayor and Aldermen "kept great watch, (as indeed well they might do) — as well by daye as by night — riding about the citie by Holbourne and Flete Street with 5,880 well armed and arrayed." ' Rilev's Memorials, page 603. - Part IT, page 102. * Ibiii., page 46. * Vol. Ill, page 2,17. 26 Tlie Government of London. [part i. The Mayor was not only the Chief Magistrate, the Speaker or Chairman of the civic parliament — which he alone can summon or prorogue — the head of the city administration, and the great dispenser of hospitality, but an officer of high ceremonial. Dis- tinctive robes of various colours and trimmings had to be worn upon certain stated days on which the Corporation gave attendance at various festivals or celebrations. These, in the year 1562,^ were subjected to regulation which would be too long to set out in extenso, but one or two illustrations may be taken from them. First, then, a secular duty of special interest to the Taylors — the opening of the Annual Cloth Fair •? " On St. Bartholomevj even, for the fair in Smitlificld. The aldermen meet my lord and the sheriffs, at the Guildhall Chapel, at two of the clock after dinner, in their violet gowns lined, and their horses, without cloaks, and there hear evening prayer ; which being done, they take their horses and ride to Kewgate, and so forth of the gate, entering into the Cloth Fair, and there make a proclamation. The proclamation being made, they ride through the Cloth Fair, and so return back again through the church- yard of Great St. Bartholomew to Aldersgate, and so ride home again to the lord mayor's house." The otliers are two rehgious ceremonials : " For Good Friday. My lord and the aldermen meet at St. Paul's-cross, at one of the clock, to hear the sermon, in their pewk gowns, and without their chains and tippets. " For Monday and Tuesday in Easter-week. All the Aldermen and sheriffs come unto my lord's place before eight of the clock, to breakfast, in their scarlet gowns, furred, and their cloaks and horses, and to Spital, and there put on their cloaks, and so sit down in order to hear the sermon ; which done, they ride homeward, in order, till they come to the pump within Bishopsgate, and there so many of the aldermen as do dine with the sheriffs, take their leave of my lord, and the rest go home with him. "For Wednesday in Eastcr-ivcch. Like as before, in the other two days, save that my lord and the aldermen must be in their violet gowns, and suitable cloaks ; but the ladies in black." The yearly rota included these days : — ^ The ceremonials at present in use were collected in 1815 and piiblislied by authority of the Corporation. The two codes should be compared. 2 Vol. 1, Allen's London, page 251, and page 128, post. CHAP. I.] Ceremonials of the Office. 27 a. St. Bartholomew's Day. For wrestling; dinner Avith the Lord Mayor. h. The next day for shooting. c. Our Lady in Sonthwark to St. Magnus's Church. d. Michaelmas Even. For swearing in the Sheriffs. e. Michaelmas Day. Election of Lord Mayor, Guildhall Chapel. /. Presenting the Lord Mayor to the Lord Chancellor. g. Presenting the Sheriffs at the Exchequer to be sworn. h. St. Simon and St. Jude. The Lord Mayor invested with the insignia of office. i. "The morrow after." To swear the Lord Mayor at ^Yest- minster; dinner; and after that "to Paul's with all the Company." j. All Saints' Day."^ Christmas Day. I Prayer at Guildhall and sermon at Twelfth Day. f St. Paul's. Candlemas Day. J k. St. Thomas's Day. The "Wardmotes. l. Innocents' Day. Dinner with the Lord Mayor. m. Good Friday. Paul's Cross at one p.m. for sermon. n. Easter Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, Spital sermons. 0. Low Sunday. Sermon at Paul's School. jp. "Whit Sunday. q. Monday and Tuesday at Paul's to hear sermon. r. First Sunday in each term to St. Paul's. Frequently on these days a dinner would follow, and each day had a particular dress assigned to it. Thus, scarlet gown, lined, on a, c, d, e, 2J, and r ; scarlet gown, furred, on i, j, n, o, and q ; violet gown, furred, d, /, g, h, Jc, and n, and if any one failed to appear in his robes or dress, the fine appears to have been a dinner at his expense to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and to produce thereat his robes or dress.-^ To the Mayor's office from the earliest times the highest respect has been shown. In later years courtesy titles have been added as of " Lord," derived, as one writer states, from the first charter of Edward III, 1349,' and of the "Light Honourable" because summoned,^ though not as a member, to the Privy Council, ^ Eiley's Memorials, page 66. It is the duty of the Lord Major's sword-bearer to notify the costume to be worn. ^ Vol. I, Enlick's London, page 254. ^ Page 261, post. 28 The Government of London. [part i. to hear the proclamation read at the commencement of every reign. It has been held for 400 years that he is supreme over every subject within the city. When, as an early record shows, the KiDg (Henry V) sent the Archbishop of Canterbury, many Bishops, and his own brothers to consult the Mayor at Guildhall, " dihgent counsel was held as to the order in which they ought to sit, and there being called before them, as is usually required, certain of the more substantial Commoners of the same city, the Lords agreed together to the effect that the Mayor, in consideration of the reverence due to our most excellent Lord the King, of whom he is the representative in the city, should have his place in the middle, and that the Lords of Canterbury and Winchester on the right hand, and the King's brothers on the left there to make declaration on behalf of our said Lord the King."^ This precedency thus resting on authority was asserted on future occasions, of which an illustration is preserved both in Holinshed's^ and Gregory's'^ chronicles. It was usual for the Serjeants-at-Law before their own Hall was built to have an annual dinner which was not unfrequently held at the Bishop of Ely's place in Holborne. To such a gathering the Mayor and Cor- poration were usually invited, and in 1464 they were present when, according to Holinshed, Lord Grey de Euthin, who was then Lord Treasurer, appears, unknown to the Serjeants and against their will, to have placed himself in the seat of State in the Hall. Gregory names the Earl of Worcester (Tiptoft not Somerset) as the offender, and his narrative we will follow. "And at denyr tyme the Mayre of London come to the feste with his offecers, a-greyng and a-cordyng unto hys degre. For with yn London he ys next unto the King in alle maner thynge. And in tyme of waschynge the Erie of Worseter was take be-fore the mayre and sette downe in the myddys of the hys taybUe. And the map'e seynge that hys place was occupyd hylde him contente, and went home a gagne with owt mete or drynke or any thonke, but rewarde hym he dyd as hys dygnyte requyryd of the citte. And toke with hym the substance of hys bretheryn the aldyrmen to liis place, and were sette and servyd also sone as any man couthe devyse, bothe of the sygnet and of othp- delycatys i-nowe, that alle the howse mervelyd howe welle alle tynge was ^ Kiley's Memorials, page 6G5. " Vol. Ill, page 283. •'' Page 222. CHAP. I.] Sheriff Subordinate. 29 done in soo schorte a tyme, and prayde alle men to be mery and gladde, hit shulde be a mendyd a nothyr time. " Thenn the offesers of the feste, fuUe evylle a scliamyd, informyd the maysters of the feste of thys mysse happe that ys be-falle. And they consyderynge the grete dygnyte and costys and charge that longgyd vnto the citte, and a-non sende unto the mayre a present of mete, brede, wyne, and many dyvers sotelteys. But whenn they that come with the presentys say alle the gyftys, and the sarvyse that was at the borde, he was fuUe sore a schamyd that shulde doo ye massage, for the present was not better thenn the servyse of metys was by fore the mayre, and thoroughe owte the hyghe tabylle. But hys demenynge was soo that he hadde love end thonke for hys massage, and a grette rewarde with alle. And thys the worschippe of the citte was kepte, and not loste for hyn. And I truste that nevyr hyt shalle, by the grace of God." But between a Mayor and a Sheriff there would seem to have been an appreciable distance in rank^ as may be illustrated from another incident : In 1478 and for many earlier years the pride and glory of St. Paul's and the richest fountain of wealth was the shrine of St. Erkenwald,^ before which the greatest made their devotions and paid their oblations. This saint was the Bishop of London, A.D. 675, who founded the Abbeys of Chertsey and Barking, and died in 693. After his death at Barking his place of interment was a subject of bitter strife, bxit the population of London poured forth, seized his bier, and he was buried in St. Paul's. At his shrine the Mayor, Ptichard Gardener, the Mercer, went to worship, possibly on the 30th April or 14th November, when the Sheriff (Ptobert Byfield) also came : but let the old Chronicler tell his own story : " The Maior being in Paules kneeling in his devotions at St. Erkenwald's shrine, Eobert Bifield, one of the Sheriffs, inadvisedly kneeled down nigh unto the Maior, whereof afterwards tlie Maior charged him to have done more than becomed him, but the Sheriff answering rudely and stubbornly would not acknowledge to have committed any offence, for the which he was afterwards fined by the Court of Aldermen, 50/. to be paid towards the reparation of ' Note as to arrest of the Sheriff for disobedience to the Mayor's orders. — Rilej's Memorials, page 417. 2 Milman, St. Paul's, page 151. Simpson, St. Paul's, page 19. 30 Tlie Government of London. [part i. the conduits of London, which fine " (adds the Chronicler, to prove that it was not a nominal sentence only) was trulie paid."i But heyond the walls of the city or in a Eoyal procession he had of course no such precedence. In those days- when the Pope having " no peer " was before King or Emperor, the Mayor was placed after the Chief Justice and before the Chief Baron of the Exchequer. At the funeral of Edward IV^ (1-483), it was noted " that after the Lords that were within the herse and Bishops had offered, the Mayor of London offered, next after him the Chief Judges and other Judges ; " and in the procession of March, 1494, when Prince Henry was created Duke of York* " the best ordered and most prysed of all the processions that I have heard of in England " (so writes the author of it) the King walking as the centre figure and the Mayor in those preceding him came after the Archbishop of York, and nearer therefore to the King.^ The officers and attendants upon the Lord Mayor and Corpo- ration, and their various duties, is too large a subject for us to enter upon, but on« officer " accustomed " (as the Liber Albus states) " to set forth all matters touching the city in the presence of his Lordship the King, and his Council, as also in all the Eoyal Courts by his mouth, as being more especially embued with know- ledge and conspicuous by the brilhancy of his eloquence" — viz., the Eecorder — must be referred to. The office was too important to be altogether omitted, and its duties (as fulfilled by our guilds- man "the honest Eecorder" Fleetwood) will come under our notice in the later pages of this work.^ " The Eecorder should be, and of usage hath been, one of the most skilful and most virtuous apprentices at law in the whole kingdom, and the duties of his office are thus laid down in his oath : — 1. To be true to the King and his successors. 2. To maintain the city franchises, and not to discover the city counsels. 3. To keep and rule the King's Courts in the chamber and hustings, according to the city customs. 4. Not for gift or favour, promise, or hate, to omit to do equal law and right to all manner of people, as well poor as to rich, to denizens as to strangers, who before you shall plead, ' Holinshed, Vol. Ill, page 348. ^ Babus Book, 1688, pages 180, 28-t, 381. ^ Letters of Richard III, &c.. Vol. 24, Roll's Series, page 4. ■• Ibid., page 363, and see Part II, page 33, Jeiiyn-'s mayoralty. * Part II, Chapter XIX. cifAP. I.J Access of the Corporcition to the Tlirone. 31 and in all pleas lawfully to record the same, and the same enrol, and no right to disturb. 5. To delay no judgment without reasonable cause. 6. To show to the Mayor and Aldermen any rights or profits of the King or of the city concealed, for the savmg of the same. 7. To come at the warning of the Mayor and Sheriffs, or of their officers, for good and wholesome counsel unto them to give, and at all times when needed shall he to go and ride with them, to keep and maintain the state of the city. 8. To take nothing from any person, denizen or stranger, who has before you any cause to plead, and no fees or robes to take except one only from the chamber of London. 9. To be attentive to save the rights of orphans according to city usages. When delivering judgments his seat is at the right hand of the Mayor, and he has a seat with the Mayor at his dinner table. Further, he receives robes and vestments (lined or edged with fur) as often as the Mayor and Aldermen receive the same, and he is the highest officer of the Corporation. The rights and privileges of the Corporation would be too large a subject to enter upon, but one at least should claim our attention, viz., the antient right which the Lord Mayor and Corporation possess of presenting an address to the Sovereign, from themselves or their fellow citizens, at the foot of the throne. This is one of the occasions when the Eecorder, " in the presence of his Lordship the King," reads the address ultimately delivered into the hands of the Sovereign by the Lord Mayor. But it is not without precedent that the Lord ]\Iayor, with the permission of the Sovereign, has spoken, and in words of remonstrance not to be found in the address presented by the Eecorder.^ If an extraordinary occasion arises, by which the Lord Mayor requires an audience of the Sovereign, the request is made through the Lord Chamberlain, and up to the present reign has been granted.^ To this he goes in state, but unaccompanied by the Eecorder. Another privilege (long may its exercise be deferred) arises on the coronation of the Sovereign. " The Mayor of London 1 Beckfordas Lord Mayor in 1770, Ann. Eeg., YoL XIII, pages 103 and 111, Vol. XIV, page 15. ^ In the mayoralty of Alderman Wilson, 1839. 32 The Government of London. [part i. clajmetli to serve the Queen [Mary] after meate witli a cuppe of wyne, and he to have the cuppe of golde for his labor," a claim which has arisen (it is said) from his connection with the wine entries in the Port of London ; to be butler with 360 men in scarlet, and to have a cup of gold with a cover, and an enamelled ewer of the value of 90/. However, the right stands recorded in the reign of Eichard III, and is to be traced back to the second coronation of Eichard P (1191). Such are the institutions for local government which the citizens of earlier centuries raised for themselves and for their successors, under which they sought out their liberties, and we must preserve our own. Parliament has hitherto respected the government of London as the model upon which our national insti- tutions have been framed, but how long this protection may last, or the time come before the Corporation be swept away, depends in these evil days more on the exigences of party strife than on any higlier considerations. * Eutland Papers, page 120 ; Hales' History of the Customs, page 12 ; and Ceremonials of the City (1845), Norton's London, page 129. 33 CHAPTEE II. THE GOVEENMENT OF A LONDON GUILD. Every trader governed hy a Guild p. 33. — Taylors and Linen Armourers, p. 33. — Petition of \221 for Charter and grant of it, p. 34. — Names of twenty - four Taylors to certify Freemen, p. 34. — Order of 1371, p. 35. — Charter of Richard II (1390), jo. ^b.— Henry IV (1408), jo. ZQ.— Henry VI (1439), jo. 3G.—Edivard IV (1456), p. 36.— Henry VII (1502), p. 31 .—Agreement for Perpetual Ohit, p. 37. — Method of becoming a guildsman, p. 38. — Govern- ment of a Guild explained, p. 39. — Ordinances made by the v:hole Frater- nity, p. 39. — Mayour's Preface, p. 40. — Freeman's oath to the Guild, p. 41. — Women members of the Guild, p. 42. — Ordinances of 1507, p. 42. — As to dress, p. 43. — Liverymen, p. 44. — Wardens, p. 45. — Court of Assistants, p. 46. — Hosier, p. 47. — Election dinner, p. 47. — Jenyns' order as to payment, p. 47. — Attendance at St. Martin's, p. 48. — Post-Reformation ceremonial, p. 49. — Master's oath, p. 50. — Meetings of (1) Quarterly Court and Annual Court of the whole Fraternity, p. 51 ; (2) Court of Assistants, p. 51 / (3) Master and Wardens, p. 51. — Audit of Master's Expenditure, p. 52. — Gratuitous Office hy Jenyns' order, p. 52. — The Cleric, p. 52. — The Bedel, p. 53. — The Guilds as subordinate to the Mayor, p. 54. — Place in London Government, p. 55. — Precepts for Mayor (1) Personal service. Standing Watch, p. 56.— (2) For money, p. bl .—Bridewell Hospital, p. 58. — Gun- powder, p. 59. — Service of the Crown, p. 59. As shown in the last chapter every resident was governed by the Mayor and Corporation, and every trader in the city by the Master and Wardens of a Guild. Of this latter government under Eoyal Charters and the ordinances made by the Fraternity in 1507, an outline will be given in the present chapter. The earliest trace that we have of the " Tailors " as a craft is when, in their quarrel with the Goldsmiths in March, 1267, they disturbed the peace of the city ; and of the " Armourers " when on their feast of the Conversion of St. Paul in 1322, they enrolled in the presence of the Mayor an ojxlinance relating to their cover- ing of hacquetons and gambesons by their workmen.^ The Taylors and Linen Armourers appear as one craft in the petition to Edw^ard III, for their first Charter^ of 1327, w^herein they claimed to be a guild or corporation (by prescription) to govern their workmen for the common profit of the city, and prayed the King's ^ Riley's Mayors, page 104, and London, page 145. ^ Appendix 2, page 344, VOL. I. D 34 The Government of ct London Guild. [paet i. authority for so doing, and for lioldiug their guild once a year to redress all wrongs by the Mayor of London. Further they prayed for a monopoly, i.e., that no one but a freeman of the guild should hold a shop, and that none should be made free as Taylors unless vouched for by the Fraternity. The official answer to this petition was "let right be done with the advice of the Mayor,"' and in pur- suance of this authority on the 10th March, 1327, the earliest Charter was granted by Edward III, " to the Taylors and Linen Armourers," whereby he accepted and ratified the existing guild, and enabled them (1) to hold their guild once a year; (2) to govern their mysteries and servants by view of the Mayor; (3) and to correct them by the more honest men of the mystery. It also provided that no one should hold a shop or counter of their mystery in London unless free thereof, or be admitted to the freedom unless his " honesty, faithfulness, and fitness, were testified by the honest and lawful men of the mystery," who, according to the City Charter of Edward II, were to be six in number.^ This Charter is entered in the earliest Ordinance Book of the Company, and following it (as of the mayoralty of Andrew Aubery in 1339) is an entry of 24 names of guildsmen, from some of whom a certificate was needed to obtain the freedom of London through the fraternity of Taylors. These were as under : — Henri de Caimtebrigge. Egidius de Westmelle. Eobertus de Gildford. Thomas de Cornewayll. Eobertus de Uttokeshater. Joh^' de Martynscrost. Joli^' de Walssh. Eic"^ de Carlell. Joh*« ab Brok. Al^^ de Waldeby. Steph"' de Eoyston. Joh^' de Dobenhm. Wiltms de lyndefrith. Williams Spark, Henry ab Shawe. Job'"' Kyng. Alanus de ffyshbourn. Adam de Essex. Joh^^ de Drayton. Joh" pynchebek. Walter"* de Bedeford. Joh*^ de ffarle. Eobt"* de Grandon. Hucjo de Portesmouth, Under the powers of this Charter the " good men of the trade " submitted an ordinance for the approval of the Mayor and Alder- men on 19th February, 1371 (in the 45th year of Edward's reign) to enable them to order and regulate their trade. The object was ^ See page ho, post. ^ Norton's London (IS69), page 334. CHAP. II.] Cliarter of Eichard II {\ 390). 35 to make every workman responsible for his work by having to make amends " for his misdeeds to the complainants ;" thus if he miscut or otherwise spoilt the cloth entrusted to him he should pay as a fine " to the chamber at the Guildhall 6s. ScL, and to the alms of St. John the Baptist, that is to say, to the priests and poor men, 3s. 4fZ." for the first and for after offences liigher fines. Then followed this additional penalty " that if any of the said trade pray for anyone after he is attainted for his misdeeds or favour the said offender in his misdeed he shall pay to the chamber half a mark/ thus placing the offender under a religious interdict. Sucli then was the legal origin of the Fraternity, but to trace it down to its present existence we must give an outline of their other charters, which may be thus briefly summarised : — The Company's second Charter from Eichard II (1.390) re- cognised St. John Baptist as their patron saint, and enabled — (a.) The Fraternity to elect a Master and four Wardens (who had a prior existence, as Thomas Carleton,^ in December, 1382, devised land to them), as often as they pleased, or as was needful ; and (6.) The Master and Wardens — (1.) To give one livery garment in each year to the brothers and sisters of the Fraternity f (2.) To cause meetings and assemblies of the Fraternity in places of the City belonging to them ; (3.) To hold and keep in an honest manner their feast of meat and drink on St. John Baptist's Day ; (4.) There to make ordinances amongst themselves^ for the ^ Memorials, page 513 ; and see an order of 1573 giving similar fines to a jDoor blind brother of the mysterie liringon London Bridge, ib., page 533, and see 123,^05^. ^ See Appendix 33, page 407. ^ This is referred to in the Order of 5th May, 1490 (post). The use or giving of livery was the subject of much legislation in earlier days (16 Eichard II, cap. 4 : 2 Henry IV, cap. 21 ; 7 Henry IT, cap. 14 ; 8 Henry YI, cap. 4 ; and 8 Edward IV, 1468). The Star Chamber had authority to punish persons giving or receiving liveries, a jurisdiction not unfrequently exercised. See 3 Henry VII, cap. 1, and Mr. Brace's paper. Vol. 25, Arch., page 364. The 19 Henry VII, cap. 14, reciting that there were divers statutes for the punishment of such persons that give or receive liveries, imposed a penalty upon any one giving any livery or sign to any person " other than such as he giveth household wages unto," but a proviso was inserted (sec. 11) that the Act should not extend to any livery to be given (infer alia) by any Serjeant-al-Law or by any executor at the interment of any person for any mourning array, or by Guild, Fraternity, or Craft corporate (Stat. Realm, Vol. ii, page 660). Scarlet and puke were adopted as colours for the livery and clothing of the Company, 25th September, 15G8, and blue [iov gowns) appears to have been asked from the Lord Mayor in October, 1624. * Page 39, post. VOL. I. D 2 3G The Government of a London Guild. [part i. better government of tlie Fraternity as they had theretofore for a long time been accustomed to do. The third Charter of Henry IV (1408) marks a considerable change in the constituency of Freemen, as tlie two earlier Charters only sanctioned existing usages and bestowed various powers for the future management of the trade or mystery, but this Charter incorporated the Fraternity as "The Fraternity of Taylors and Linen Armourers of St. John the Baptist in the City of London," and gave them a corporate seal and perpetual succession, with powers of self government and to sue and be sued in their corporate name. These and similar charters of incorporation were therefore looked upon with great jealousy by the Corporation as tending to make the guilds independent of the Mayor and of his government.^ Between the dates of the second and third Charters, other estates had been acquired and conveyed to the Fraternity by various names or designations, and this latter Charter confirmed these estates to the Taylors, notwithstanding the Statute of Mortmain. Tlie fourth Charter of Henry VI (1439) which was obtained " at the grete coste "^ of ^11. 5s. 3d., and was afterwards (as we shall show) a subject of controversy, enabled the Company — (1.) To make full search in, and concerning the mysteries within the City and the suburbs, and concerning all those persons that may be privileged with the Taylors, and concerning such mysteries which they or any of them use. (2.) To correct and reform all defects found among them according to their discretions by the survey of the Mayor, and that no other persons should make any search, but only the aforesaid Mayor or his deputies privileged of the aforesaid Taylors, and to be elected (in default) by the Master and Wardens of the Taylors. The fifth Charter of 5 Edward IV (1465) only confirmed and approved the previous Charters, but it is recited in the ordinances of 1507, as justifying the powers of search. The sixth Charter of 18 Henry VII (1502), the last that need ' Sec. 17, page 25, Keport (second) on Municipal Corporations (April, 1837). - See Chapter VI, page 135, and Appendix 3, page 345. chap.il] Charter of Henry VJ I (1502). 37 be mentioned, was considered by the Guildsmen of that period to be the grant of a " new corporation," and the King under special contract was to be prayed for in perpetuity "as the first Founder of the said Fraternity of St. John Baptist of Merchant Taylors of London." Whether it was the change of name by adding that of " Merchant " to " Taylors" or the grant of greater powers which was the special advantage for which the Guild was so grateful, is not apparent. However it recites and confirms the earlier Charters, and then gives these greater privileges to the Fraternity : — (1.) To be styled " The Guild of the Merchant Taylors of the Fraternity of St. John the Baptist in the City of London," (2.) To increase the Fraternity by whatever persons (natives) they may be willing to receive without any hindrance from any other guild. (3.) To hold all the lands, goods, and privileges which they then held. (4.) To purchase, sell, plead, and defend in their new name. (5.) To make statutes and ordinances for good government, and search without impeachment from the King or his officers, so that the same be not contrary to the laws of the realm, nor in prejudice to the Mayor of London. (6.) To make search and survey of all men of the Fraternity in the city liberties and suburbs as well in the making, cutting, and working of men's apparel or otherwise using the same mysteries. (7.) To correct all natives, strangers, and foreigners in all matters pertaining to the mystery for the benefit of other liege subjects, but according to the laws of the realm and of the city of London. (8.) None to work in the working, cutting, and making of men's apparel unless first admitted thereto by tlie Master and Wardens. (9.) None to search any liege members or their goods or wares, woollen cloths, ells or measures, save only the Master and Wardens, so that nothing be done or suffered to tlie prejudice of the authority of the Mayor of London. The new Charter was granted to Eichard Smith, as Master, Hugh Acton,^ and James Moncastre, being two Wardens, all of them benefactors to the Company, and that it was highly appreciated by the Company at large is conclusively shown by tlie agreement of the whole Company in the year following, when Edmund Flower was Master, and Tliomas Speight, another benefactor, one of tlie Wardens, to keep a perpetual obit with all due solemnity in com- • Freeman in 1486. MS. Court Records, page 25, and Part II, page 99, as to the Actons. 38 The Government of a London Guild. [part i. iiieiiioratiou "of their most excellent prince," the grantor, in the parish church of St. Martin's, which agreement was sealed " unani- mouslj, knowingly, and deliberately, in the common hall " on the 3rd December, 1563.^ To carry on the trade or business covered by these Charters it was necessary to become a member of the Fraternity, which might be done in one of three methods : — 1st. By apprenticesliip, which was the usual method, and has already been described. 2nd. By patri- mony, i.e., by being born as the child of one free of the Company ; or Lastly, By redemption, i.e., by grant made by the Company either M'ith or without a pecuniary consideration to a particular person named, a procedure which in Tudor times was usually adopted at the instance of the King^ or Mayor of London, and was hotly resented by the craftsmen upon whose privileges these redemp- tiouers infringed. But the Charters were silent on many matters of detail which were carried out by the rules and ordinances made by the Frater- nity. They are silent for instance with regard to the govern- ment by the Court of Assistants, and make no reference to the distinctions in class of a freeman or a liveryman ; these we propose to explain, and, as in the " Government of London," we followed Sir John Percyvale through the various offices of the Corporation, we shall here follow Sir Stephen Jenyns through the various offices of the Merchant Taylors Company, and endeavour to show ly the oaths and ordinances, substantially the same now as in the Tudor period, Mdiat were, and indeed what are, the duties which by the oaths and ordinances the various members of the Company have to discharge towards their fellow citizens. These ordinances were originally made or assented to by the whole Fraternity at tlie annual or quarterly meetings, at which ^ Appendix 5, page 347. 2 " 11th September, 1575, Court Minutes, page 21. — Itm, Kicliard Loynt was this dsbye made free bj the Queen's Ma'J"" h*e gratis and huthe promjsed the Master a Buck to be delivered him at his pleasure. " IGth March, 1579, folio 91. — Itm, John Davisone made free per redempcon per warrant from my Lorde Mayor and Court of Aldermen at the sute of my Lord Chamberlain Ires, the saide Davison dwelleth at Baynards Castell." Note by tlic late Mr. Nathaniel Stephens. — Ihere are many entries of freedom by redemption, generally " at the sute " of some influential person, and promise by the freeman to give the Master a buck, or a sugar loaf, and sometimes both ; and see entry of Court Minutes, 16th July, 1606, for King James I's request. Part II, page 203. CHAP. II.] Government of a Guild Explained. 39 every liveryman was bound to attend. For instance, the two oldest ordinances^ that are extant in the Merchant Taylors' records run in these terms : — "Also at a Quarter-day held the 16th day of April in the 6th year of Edward IV (1466), in the presence of John Stodard, then Master, and the whole hody i!o^c^Acr assembled, it was concerned and remembered by the same Master and whole body, &c." [Then follows a decree against taking Irish apprentices.] Again, on the 1 8th August, 1490 (at a meeting which will be noticed hereafter), the entry is that the ordinance was " made and established by the authority of the Master and Wardens, and by the authority and tuith the lohole hody of the said Craft in this Hall assembled." The language of the Statute law in 19 Henry VII, c. 7, leads to the same conclusion, for the complaint recited in the preamble is not against the ordinances of the Master and Wardens only, but of these and the people of the guilds, fraternities, and other riom- panies corporate, and the restraint imposed is upon ordinances so made. These, then, were the act and agreement of the whole Fraternity, and therefore it was not so much a protection against themselves as against others not of the Fraternity whom they might by their legislation injure, which led Parliament to enact under a penalty that no ordinance should be put in force unless previously sanctioned by the Ministers and Judges mentioned in the Act. Considered in this aspect the ordinances have an additional interest as illustrating what was the accepted duty which the members of a guild voluntarily imposed upon themselves, having regard to their continuously existing obligations as citizens to the Corporation of London. The grant of a "new corporation," by Henry VII in 1502, was followed up by a codification of all the bye-laws or ordinances of the Guild, which, to give them quasi validity and to protect the Guild from penalties, needed approval under the 19tli Henry VII, cap. 7. This Act obliging the Guilds to submit their ordinances for the approval of the Lord Treasurer and others, according to the original entry of Henry Mayour, was obtained by Sir Eobert Sheffield, the Eecorder, whose motive, Mayour represents, as a sinister one. His entry is rather prolix, but it is worth transcribing. As a preface to the ordinances he writes — " Forasmuch as many sundry acts and divers ordinances and provisions that were made in times past amongst fellowships > See also the Mgreeinent witli Henrv VI 1, on the last page. 40 The Government of a London Guild. [part i. corporate within this City for the good refinement, sad direction, common profit, public weal, encrease, and also in conservation of very good order and due obedience in every fellowship, amongst which one was that no man of what company that he were of should sue, vex, trouble, or implead any brother of his in Court spiritual or temporal, but if the matter were first shewed afore the Governors of the Company that the party complaint was of, and if they could not pacify the matter and cause of complaint and do him remedy therein, then the complainant and defendant were put at their free liberty to take and sue for their remedy in the law where they listed ; and as long as this Eule and Ordinance was so used and kept within this said City, so long good obedience was used in crafts, and perfect love and charity was had between brother and brother of every mystery without any suit in the law, by reason whereof the citizens of the said City did richly encrease and grew into wealth and prosperity, Sir Eobert Sheffield, Knight, then Eecorder of this City, and one of the Knights of the Parliament for the same City, knowing the Secrecies and Ordinances made as well within this City as of many sundry fellowships of the same, per ceiving that sad directions, good policy, and discreet justice was indifferently taken and ministred among fellowships of and in pacifying matters that were debateful^ grew to the prejudice of the learned men of the said City, and also of other out of the same. Therefore he, by his great labour, subtle wit, and crafty means, caused an Act of Parliament to be made that no Masters nor Governors of Guild or Fraterities within this Realm from hence- forth should use or exercise any Acts or Ordinances, but such only as should be ratified, approved, and confirmed by the Lords Chancellor, Treasurer, and two Chief Justices of England, upon the pain of 40/., as in the same Act thereof made more plainly is contained; and inasmuch as the FellowshijD of Merchant Tailors of London had very perfect knowledge of the said Act, and how that the Master and Wardens of the same had a great number of house- holders, with their servants, to rule and govern, which could not be ordered and well justified without good acts, reasonable Ordinance, and laudable provisions were had for the politic governance, regiment, and wise ordering of the same. Therefore, and in avoiding of the penalty comprised in the said Act of Parliament, the Eight Worshipful Eichard Conhyll, late Master, and the four Wardens witli him afore in this book named, with tlie advice, counsel, and consent of the more part of the most worshipful persons, councillors, and assistants of the said Compnny, com- CHAP. II ] Freeman's Oath. 41 manded me Henry Mayour, Notary Public and their Common Clerk, to compile and make a book or two in paper of all such Ordi- nances and Oaths as should concern and appertain to and for the good refinement and common weal of their said Company, and conservation of the same, whose commandment, I the said Henry, diligently according to mine oath and duty obeyed and fulfilled, which book of ordinances and oaths the four Lords named in the said Act of Parliament have approved, ratified, and confii-med and sithen the approbation, ratification, and confirmation of the same book. I the aforesaid Henry at desire and request of my right singular good master William Grene, now Master, Jolm Tresawell, John Wright, Eichard Hall, and John Sexsy, Wardens with the said Master Grene, have written, compiled, engrossed, and ordered the same book after the manner and form as it appeareth to every man's sight, that listeth to see or read. And it was clearly written finished, engrossed, and ended by me the same Henry within my dwelling house, pertaining to the whole body of this said fellow- ship, the 20th day of June, in the year of Oiu? Lord God 1508, and in the 23rd year of the reign of Our Most dread Sovereign Lord, King Henry the 7th." We thus have a code of oaths and ordinances of which the details are given elsewhere.^ The authorities approving the ordinances were the Lord Chancellor (Warliam), Thomas, Earl of Surrey, High Treasurer, and Sir John Fineaux, Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and Sir John Picad, Chief Justice of the Common Bench, and the date of the approval 1507. Sir Stephen Jenyns' initial step in membership was that of an apprentice, leadmg up, as we have seen in Percyvale's life, to the freedom of the Company. When this freedom was obtained Jenyns became one of the Guild or Fraternity, and immediately eligible to hold office as Master or Warden. So long as he was in the Company he remained under his oath responsible for specific acts of duty, and general obedience to the summons of the Master and Wardens, and the rules and ordinances of the Company. The Freeman's oath is in these terms : — (1.) To be true to the Company; (2.) not to disobey the summons of the Master and Wardens, but to be obedient to them ; (3.) to be secret in Council ; (4.) to conceal no foreign craftsman, but to warn the Chamberlain of such ; (5.) to take only Avorkmen who had duly served the Company as apprentices ; (6) to register ^ Apjieiidix 7, pages 351-7. 42 The Government of a London Guild. [part i. apprentices at the Hall ; (7.) not to withdraw another man's apprentice or servant ; and (8.) to obey all the ordinances. Wliat part (if any) the women or " sisters of the Fraternity " took in the proceedings, or what rights (if any) they had to take apprentices and admit to the freedom of the Company are qnestions not easily answered, but it is clear that women were originally admitted as members and took apprentices. That it was customary in later years for women to dine or be present at the quarterly meetings is evidenced by a notice of their absence in an entry of the Quarterly Court on 5th July, 1603. Ambassadors and Scottish knights were guests, and the recoi'd goes on thus : — " and the upper table near to the garden, commonly called the ' Mistris Table,' was furnished with sword- bearer and gentlemen strangers, there being no gentlewomen at tMs Quarter Day." In many of the wills of early benefactors, sisters as well as brethren are named as " devisees." Thus in Sibsay's (1404) the devise is " to the Master and Wardens and brethren and sisters " ; so in Churchman's (1403), in Sutton's (1432), in Candish's (1460), in Eichard Smith's (1515), in John Harris's (1520), and in others the same.-^ When an almsman of the Livery married with the Company's consent, his widow remained during her life as an almswoman, and was buried by the Company. In that sense she was treated as a sister of the fraternity, but she probably exercised no rights as a member of it. The ordinances^ of the Merchant Taylors Company, as con- firmed in 1507, may be dealt with as divided into three heads: — {a.) The duty of personal service. (h.) The duty of contribution in money ; and (c.) The duty of loyalty to their brother craftsmen in their trade or business. (a.) As to this, the freeman upon summons was to attend upon the Master and Wardens, and with them to be present " at all noble triumphs for the honour " of the King ; at all civic pageants and religious ceremonies (including obits and burials of deceased members), and upon the ]\layor and Sheriffs when chosen from the Company, appearing on these occasions in costume, when entitled to wear such. Further the freeman was to be present in the Common Hall at the great annual feast on St. John Baptist's day ' Appendix '66, page 407. ^ Wee Appendix 7 for an epitome of these, pages 351-7. CHAP. II.] Ordinance as to Dress. 43 and at all Quarterly Courts. Lastly, to take charge in watch and ward for the protection of the city. (b.) The pajTiients, indefinite in amount, were (inter alia) for the feast of St. John (whether present or absent) ; the assessments made from time to time by the Master and Wardens under a Mayor's precept, for civic purposes, or on their own authority for guild purposes. (c.) This will be best understood by a study of the ordinances relating to this subject epitomised elsewhere. Stipulations are also to be found relating to general good be- haviour. Thus tilt; ordinances rec|uired that the apprentices should wear no weapon within the City, that the guildsman should wear only such array as was suitable to his calling as a citizen, that he should not attend any unlawful assembly, nor be rude in manner or be- haviour, and further should aid the Master against rebellious mem- bers, and not associate with such , that he should keep the Queen's obit, and the King's (Henry VII) whenever his death should happen. The dress or apparel to be worn by each class of the community vras a subject of legislation in the early years of our constitutional history. These statutes originating in the 37th Edward III, cc. 8 and 14, were amended and enforced until the reign of James I, when the 25th chapter of the first of his reign closed the legislation upon this suljject. Strype in his Annals of Elizabeth's reign sets forth proclama- tions and Council regulations in the years 1559, 1565, 1577, and 1579, but in Ma}^ 1582, the City took up the subject and the Common Council passed an Act to regulate the apparel of apprentices. No apprentice^ was to wear any apparel but at his master's cost or appointment ; the fashion and quality of which was set forth with great exactness. Then he was to wear neither jewel of gold or silver, nor any silk in or about his apparel ; nor was he to carry any sword or dagger, but only a " meate knife." Sliould the apprentice break any of these regulations he v/as to be punished : 1. For the first time, by his master at his discretion with some convenient punishment ; 2. For the second by open whipping at the Hall of his Company ; o. For the third, by sbc months' longer service than the term of his apprenticeship. It is certain that some earlier law or ordinance was in force, dating as far back as 1463-4, from the entries in our records of fines received for the breach of it. * By the Indenture the Master covenants to provide him "with meat drink apparel, lodging, and aU other necessaries according to the custom of London." Appendix 1, page 3i4. 44 The Government of a London Guild. [part i. In ordinary course the next grade to that of a Freeman was being chosen to the Livery or Clothing of the Fraternity, which from the entry of 5th May, 1490,^ would appear should be con- ferred only upon men of substance, able to bear the sacrifice of time and money which the choice entailed, as of attending civic cere- monies, paying higher assessments, acting as stewards or providers for public entertainments. The manner of this calling is set forth in the entry of 10th July, 1602, which also shows the precedence given to Aldermen or Sheriffs, as upon this occasion Mr. John Swinnerton was elected one of the Livery, but before being sworn he became an Alderman and Sheriff " So by reason of such wor- shipful calling he did overleap the said other inferior place and was never of the Livery, nor paid any fine for the same." To meet the expenses of Sir Ptobert Lee's mayoralty money had to be raised, and therefore many freemen were called to take up their livery. " The Master, Wardens, and Assistants having received sufficient testimony of their habylities, wysdom, and civill conver- sations," they were told that the fee payable was 25Z. a-piece, to prepare their livery gowns and hoods all of one cloth (and not to provide any old hoods), and to bestow on the clerk and beadle a new hood besides a gratuity. Further they were advertised that it " hath been an ancient and usual custom and courtesy to present and help our Master with venison against his ' feaste.' These terms being complied with, a special day was appointed for them to take the oath, when, " in the presence of the Master and his Wardens, and Mr. Dowe, Mr. Offley, Mr. Prockter, and Mr. Plomer, foure of the old masters, and all the said psons with their hoods upon their shoulders, and kneeling upon their knees, they did receive and take the usuall othe upon admittance into lyvery, and then were taken by the hand, saluted, and hartely bidd welcome by the said Master and the ould Masters and Wardens." Whether service as a liveryman was that of " Scot and Lot," under the ruling of John Gedeney's case, was raised but not decided in Charles II's time ; but at any rate the Court then held that the Taylors had by custom the riglit to commit to prison one of the Guild, who, being duly chosen, refused without reasonable cause, to serve as a liveryman.^ The oath of " the whole brother admitted to the Livery " con- tained these additional clauses to his former oath, as a freeman : — ' Part II, Chapter III. Each person when chosen had his place or seniorilj assigned to him, 1 Mait., page 287. '- King V. Merchant Tavlors Companv, 2 Lev., page 200. CHAP. II ] Wardens. 45 (1.) To come to quarter day or other assemblies for the worship and profit of the Fraternity or pay the penalty for default. (2.) Not to withdraw from the feast yearly kept in the Common Hall about Midsummer so as to escape the office and charge of Master or Warden. (3.) Not to give his livery to another. (4.) Not to use customably any unlawful or ungodly usages whereby the Fraternity naight be brought into great infamy. (5.) If a member should so offend to warn the Master and "Wardens thereof (6.) To keep the lawful ordinances and the wills of Churchman and Beatrice Lady de Eos, Carleton, Percyvale, and others, that shall be read quarterly by the Clerk of the Fraternity. Upon him the Company had to rely for the discharge of its higher offices, and he was not to withdraw himself from election to such services. He was to be more careful of his own conduct, and to be observant of that of other members of the clothing. Jen}Tis would next be elected one of the four "Wardens of the Company, the manner of this election being laid down by the ordinance relating to the Master's election. The office has by custom been held twice before the mastership. First as " Eenter," and then (after a longer or shorter interval of time) as " Upper " Warden. The day and time of election were the same as those of the Master's, and in later years the election was made by the twenty-four Assistants, on the nomination of the Master and Wardens, who presented eight names from the Livery or Clothing as of men capable of holding office, and out of these were to be chosen four by tlie common voice of the Fellowship. This being done, was to be kept secret until the Master's election was dis- closed; but if a AYardea failed to serve he was liable to fine and imprisonment.^ The nature of the Warden's office is to be learned from the ordinances and oath, which oath is — (1.) To rule and govern with the Master all the brethren. (2.) On complaint from any one with the advice of the Master to examine and determine the same without favour, &c. (3.) To see the ordinances carried out and to levy the amerce- ments and fines for the common profit of the mystery, of all that come not to quarter-days, ridings for the Kings, dirges, offerings, or obits for brethren and sisters deceased, processions and other ' The King v. Merchant Taylors Company, 2 Ley., page 201. 46 Tlie Government of a London Guild. [paet i. assemblies concerning the worship and common profit of the mystery. (4.) Twice a year to make search for apprentices and foreigners. (5.) To see that the Master renders a good and true account of the land revenue of the mysterie and of the payments made, written by the Clerk on the day of his account. (6 ) To see that quarter-days be kept. (7.) To see paid at the Common Hall the priests, oflicers, and almsmen, and the almsmen within their house. (8.) To be present with the Master in livery at all manner of obits kept at the costs and charges of the mystery. (9.) To give personal attendance on the IMaster in the Common Hall, as in every other place within the city, for matters pertaining to the common profit of the Company. The "Wardens are joint Governors with the Master, having from 1489 precedence over the other members of the Company, but of the few matters in which they have a special duty or authority, notice has been taken elsewhere. In the Charters no mention is made of " the Court of Assis- tants," nor is the origin of this " Court " shown on the records. It may be assumed that after a freeman had served the Fraternity as Master or Warden faithfully, the wish of his colleagues would be to retain him as an Assistant in the future government of the Company. This was, probably, the origin of the office, and a suggestion has been made that since the date of Aubery's mayoralty in 1339, there had been twenty-four, because that number is given in the old Ordinance Book after the entry of Edward Ill's Charter. However this may be it is certain a Court of twenty-four persons were in existence in Jenyns' time if not in his mastership; for in the Treasury accounts (1490 to 1502) " the Council of the craft" are referred to "as Assistants," and as the "hole twenty- four " ; and in the records of 1507 both in the election ordinance and the Assistants' oath, twenty-four Assistants are mentioned. The records are silent as to the qualifications or the manner of the election of an Assistant. By his oath he was : — (1.) To attend on summons of the Master and Wardens without a let or hindrance, to be proved by oath, and to give the best advice. (2.) To inform the Master and Wardens and Court of Assis- tants of anything which shall hurt the Fraternity. CHAP. II.] Election Dimier. 47 (3.) In all matters and causes before the Master and Wardens between parties to give sentence according to truth and good con- science, without affection or malice, and according to equity and good conscience. (4.) To keep these and other matters secret. He had tlierefore to be attendant on the Master and Wardens when summoned, and when his services were needed in cases of arbitration (which are frequently mentioned in the Merchant Taylors' records), for the settlement of trade disputes. Under the first Charter any freemen is eligible to serve in any office, and the election is left to the whole Traternity, but the ordinances of 1507 constitute the Court of Assistants as the electors, who are to be assembled on the vigil of St. John Baptist's Nativity, in the Common Hall, at a certain hour limited, and after the Wardens for the ensuing year have been elected, the Master is to be chosen and put into room by the then Governor, the four Wardens then being, and the Assistants who have been Master.^ The great festival of the Company ^ — now apparently forgotten — was the day of the Nativity of St. John Baptist (afterwards superseded by " the Master's election dinner ") day, held with the express sanction of the Fraternity in 1490, and to which they con- tributed from the corporate funds. The early ordinances, however, provided that each man should make his payment or contribution towards the expenses of this feast, and the only charges which the earlier account books show as paid out of the corporate funds were for inviting public guests and wages of the city vraytes or min- strels, and for the charges of public worship after the feast. The brethren of the Fraternity would appear in Jenyns' master- ship to have made their payments " for meat and alms with some words sounding rather to dishonour them in worship," "others savouring of irreverence," and as the place for making these pay- ments was then " the cloisters," adjacent to the chapel, Sir Stephen ordered that the brethren should from henceforth pay their duties not in the cloisters but in the Hall. * Appendix 8, page 357. King v. Attwood, 4 B and Adel, 406. 2 According to the old ballad, there were only four feasts in England, all other banquets being only dinners. On St. George's Day (by the King), the Lord Mayor's Day, the Serjeants' Day, and St. John's Day (by the Merchant Taylors Company. — Songs and Ballads (Percy Society), 1841, page 143. 48 The Government of a London Guild. [part l The ceremonial of declaring the election to the whole Fraternity was laid down by the ordinance : " nigh about the end of the same feast, the Master and four Wardens with garlands upon their heads and two others that have been Master that shall be for the same appointed, and their officers attending upon them, shall come ibrth openly into the Hall afore such noble estates, men of honour, and worshipful guests as shall be then and there present and do admit and choose the new Master that was afore named in the said vigil, and none other ; and after that done then the four Wardens and every of them in his order shall elect and admit openly the same four persons tliat were afore appointed to be Wardens in the said vigil, and none others." All were present and at the close of this feast the Master's first official act (like that of the Mayor of London) was to go with every brother of the said Fraternity to Divine Service, to the church, not of St. Paul's, but St. Martin's, " where for ever shall be kept a solemn dirge by note for all the brethren and sisters of the said Fraternity deceased"; which service was to be followed up the next morning by every member of the Fraternity attending mass and offering the mass. Id} The post-Eeformation ceremonial is fully set out in a Court entry of 1573. The election having been made, "it was then solemnly and openly in the Common Hall put in execution " by the old Master and his Wardens in the presence of the Lord Mayor, and many other worshipful persons towards the latter end of the dinner, " and before waifers served in accordinge to the rigte laudable and ancyent custom of this mystery yearly used and accustomed." The election was thus declared to the Livery : " After the hall is served wtli the seconde course, the Mr and his Wardens, accompanyed with officers do at evry table chere their gests, well beinge done the Mr preparinge to make solempn publicacon of the said secrete elecon, havinge before him, firste, the wayts of the Cytie playinge, then the beadill and clarke followinge together, the beadill having a verger of sylver in his liande and the clerke a scrole of paper which importeth the names of Brethern, after whome followeth the yongest Warden goinge alone, havinge one of the elecon cupps in his hande and his garlande on his head, and in like mannr appoynted, all the other Wardens followinge accordinge to their places, so that the ffirste or Mr ' Tlie conventional name for the offering made by the eliief mourner at a funeral. CHAP. ii.J Post-Reformation Ceremonial. 49 Warden goinge liindermost next the Mr carrieth the Mr's cuppe wth ipocras/ whom the Mr ffolowith, ha\iuge onlly his garlande on his hedd, being accompaned wth two old Mr's, the elder of whome goeth on his righte hande, and the yonger on the Mr's left hande. The Officers, Wardens, &c., in order of aforesaide p'cede righte over the herthe- (wch is then fynely set wth flowers) to the chief geste .sittinae at the hio-he table, to whome, after the officers have rendered dutie and he with the Wardens declyned to the syde of the north or liv'ry table, the Mr pffereth hym his garlande, who chearefnlly accepteth it and putteth it on his hedd, and after giveth yt agayne to the Mr, who, from one of his gests to another, setteth yt upon so many of their hedds as he lyketh at that table, i^.fter- wards the waits, officers, and Wardens descende alonge by the liv'ry table, leavinge comodious place for the Mr to sett his garlande on the olde Mrs' hedds, with certen of the assistants syttinge abowte the newe Mr (or where he should sytt, yf he be absente), one whose hedds he setteth the garlande twyse yf the Mr electe be presente, and when he setteth his garland the second tyme on the hedd of the Mr electe, he letteth yt stande, and taketh his cuppe of the Mr Warden, and drynketh to him whom he publisheth to be Mr of the Company for the year ensuinge. Wch being done, the waits, officers, and Wardens descende, and come aboute the scryne at the nether ende of the hall, where the fower Wardens substitute^ attende to receive theire cuppes, wch they do beare afore them, viz. : the Warden substitute for M'chaunttaillo's Hall quarter before the youngest Warden Eenter, and the Warden substitute for Fleate Streate quarter before the thirde Warden, the Warden substitute for Candilwicke quarter beareth the seconde Warden's cuppe, and the Warden substitute for Watling Streate quarter beareth the Maister Warden's cuppe, who then pcede, and go righte over the hearthe towards the chief gest, where, dutye being rendered, they goe unto the livry table, w^here evry of them pseth lyke ceremony es wyth their garlands among suche as have not bene maisters, as the Mr dyd before among the maisters, and soe publishe the elecon of the newe 1 Arnold, writing in the year 1502, gives the following " Eessaite to make Ypocras " : " For a galon and a pint of red wy take synamon iij vncis, gynger tryed an vDce, greynes and longe peper di. Tnce, cloTes and masys a q'rt' of an vnce, Spignard a qiiartir of an vnce, sugar ij lb." — The Customs of London ; or, Arnold's Chronicle. (London.) 1811, f. 178. 2 Standing in the centre of the Hall, jjage 86, post. ^ On 13th July, 1601, this duty of the Wardens Substitute was reasserted, and the ipocras was " thereafter not to be sent by any such meane persons as of late, and the Masters and Wardens were to have a pottle of ipocras sent to them." VOL. I. y' 50 The Government of a London Guild. [part i. Wardens one after another by mntiiall conrses, viz., the Mr Warden and the most ancient Warden ovr ffirstc after the like forme, as is described the manner aforesaide when a Maister elect psente or absente, is published untill all be done, and then tlie hall is served with wafers." Jenyns having been installed into office as the Master of the Merchant Taylors Company, served it as we shall see as an example of absolute disinterestedness. The Master of the Merchant Taylors Company ought at this period at least to have been a man of scrupulous integrity, for he was a layman elected as the head of a quasi-religious Fraternity whose corporate life was essentially religious, symbolised by the highest type of humanity, emblems of whom surrounded the walls of the Common Hall, and whose figure was then present at all their assemblies. The Master's duties of government are laid down in his oath : — (1.) To rule and govern all the Brethren. (2.) On complaint from anyone to call the offenders before him and examine the complaint with the advice of the Wardens and such of the Assistants as the Master sees fit to summon, that the matter (with the consent of the parties) may be truly determined. (3.) Not to show favour or partiality to either party save as right, equity, and good conscience asketh. (4.) To keep and maintain the ordinances, and levy the fines with the advice of the Wardens and Assistants. (5.) To keep the Quarter-days. (6.) To pay the priests, officers, and almsmen. (7.) To keep the obits of Henry VII, Churchman, Carleton, Percyvale, Holland, &c., and of all others maintained at the cost of the mysterie. (8.) To punish those of the mysterie keeping foreigners, &c. Thus it will be seen that he was to hear and redress with strict impartiality all complaints arising within tlie craft, to hold the quarterly assemblies, lo pay the chaplains, ofiicers, and almsmen, to fulfil the benevolent trusts of deceased members, and to main- tain the rights of the Company to monopoly. The most important assemblies over which he had to preside were the Quarterly Courts in the Hall,^ at which the whole body • In 1189-90 these was held ou September 10, January 25, May 5, and June 18. CHAP. II.] Meetings of Quarterly Courts. 51 was present, and where " every man kneeling upon his knees," tlie prayer which is found in the Ordinance book was used.^ The first petition was for " the King," and then in obedience to the Psalmist's injunction to every good, true citizen^ " for their noble city " of London, Then for the Fraternity for their due discharge of trusts, for an increase of well wishers, benefactors, and sound members ; for grace honestly to discharge the trusts reposed in those assembled, as to be a good example and incitement to others to become benefactors. All the names were then called and noted, the wills and en- dowments of deceased benefactors read, the business relating to landed property and their charities attended to, and if assessments were called for by the Mayor or the Masters and Wardens, they were made and adjusted according to the rank of the contri- butors as Mayor, Sheriff, or Alderman (if any such) of the Cor- poration, and as Master, Warden, Assistant, Livery or Free man of the guild. The meetings of less importance, held in the Parlour, were those of the Master and Wardens and Assistants/ in whom the administration of affairs rested whenever the Master and Wardens alone had not the power to act. Such a meeting, constituted as a Court, elected to the Livery and exercised the power of fine and imprisonment over the members of the Fraternity, and was in this respect (under Lord Holt's judgment)* a Court of Eecord. The meetings of the Master and Wardens in Jenyns' year were sixty in number distributed as at the foot,^ but in later years often bi-weekly.*^ All tlie ordinary work relating to the trade, to apprentices and servants, had to be settled, and not unfrequently by personal reference and award. The hour of assembly was according to the custom of that * Appendix 9, page 359. ^ Psalm 122, t. 6. 3 In 14S9-90 these were held on October 12, November 9, February 3, March 19 and 24, May 10, and Jime 4, and see Appendix 12. ■* College of Physicians' case, 12 Med. Rep., page 386. ' In July 7 August 3 September 2 October 9 NoTember 5 December 5 January 4 February 6 March 8 April 4 May 4 June 3 24 18 18 « In 1486 they were held on Monday and Friday, but on the 1st March, 1573, it was decreed that the Court days shall be kept on Mondays and Saturdays during this term of Lent, that the members may hear the Friday sermon before the Queen as hath been used aforetime. VOL. I. E 2 52 The Government oj a London Guild. [part i. period eight o'clock A.M., or early in tlie forenoon, and the meeting continued until the work was discharged. All the cash received and paid for the current year was origi- nally under the authority of the Master, who, at his own risk of disallowance, had to make disbursements, and, after the Master had left the chair, the last duty to be discharged was to come before the whole assembly and render up his accounts to them. The balance (if any) was paid into the "Treasury," the keys of which were held by others, and from which nothing could be withdrawn without the order of the " Council of the crafte to gyders assem- bled," and the presence of the authorities of the Company. At a time anterior to Jenyns' mastership some allowances to the Master and Wardens, and, indeed, also to their wives, had crept into their corporate accounts, which he thought to be a great charge and hindrance to the craft, and, therefore, acting like an honest man, he put it from him, paid it to the treasury, and on the 18th August, 1490, obtained an ordinance "from the whole body of the craft in this Hall asseml jled " abolishing such allowances and decreeing that whosoever should hereafter attempt to break the ordinance should forfeit 20/. to the alms and 20/. to the Chamber of London, and that the Master, on his admission, should take his oath to observe it.^ Holding office involved, it is clear, a great sacrifice of time, and to the Masters after Jenyns some sacrifice of money. The Taylors, like the modern Freemasons, gave their time gratuitously to the benefit of their fellow-craftsmen, and Jenyns laid down a perpetual ordinance that this rule should continue. It remains to be shown what were the duties of the subordinate or paid officers of the Fraternity, viz., the Clerk and Bedel,^ who were to be true brothers of the mysterie, and sworn to discharge duties laid dowm in their oaths. The Clerk is (1) To disclose no counsels nor give copy of any writing under pain of fine. (2) To be obedient to the Master and Wardens, and to be ready to attend the Wardens in their searches. (3) To inform the Master and Wardens of all ordinances, that they should not run into errors or damafjc to the 2^eril of their souls through his negligence. (4) To " enter the names of all the Brethren that come not to tlie Quarter dais [Obites, diriges, ' No record of siicli an oatli is now extant. * A list of these officers is given at page 81. CHAP, II.] Duties of the Clerk and Bedel. 53 offerings, ridings, processions] and other assemblies when they be summoned, and to help to gather and levy the amerciaments of the same according to tlie Ordynaunce thereof made. (5) To enter into the Books all the Eeceipts received by the Maister to the use of 1-he said fraternity. And all manner payments made by the said Maister for the time being to the [Priests] Officers, Almsmen, & of all quitt Eents, [Obites] Eeparacons & all other casual payments & expences to & for the necessary causes of the said fraternitie. And all of the said Eeceipts & Payments to engrosse & make a true reckoning and accompt in writing & the same shewe & declare to the whole company or the more parte of tliem assemljled for that pur^Dose, openly in the Comon Hall in the day of the yeelding up of the Maisters Accompt. (6) To declare once or twice every year the wills and compositions of all the Benefactors of the said Fraternitie at quarter dais holdeu in tlie presence of the Maister and Wardens & the whole body then assembled." The last clause is one of vast importance and shows clearly that the office was designed for an officer of great knowledge, intelligence, and integrity. " And yf the Maister and Wardens for the tyme being would desire you to compile or make any new Acts or Ordynaunces which should grow to the disivorshipp of the said fraternitie, ye shall lett it as far forth as ye may. And yf you may not then, ye shall warn the most substantiall & vjysest persons of the Assistants which have experience and wisdome to lett & adnuU the same. Thus shall ye behave you well & truly to the said Companie as nigh, as God shall send you Grace. Soe help you God." The Master and Wardens as annual officers were the Judges, the Clerk was the Eecorder of their Court, and was in duty bound to see that they did not, through ignorance, exceed their powers under the ordinances. He was to be the legal adviser of tlie Court, and it was needful that he should be versed not only in all the learning or traditions of the Company, but familiar with all the benefactions and the trusts which either the wills of the several founders, or tlie contracts of the Master and Wardens, might have imposed on the Fraternity. By the intelligence of some former Clerks the interests of the Fraternity have been secured. As of the " Ward " so of the " Company " the Bedel was the executive officer. He was bound (1) To see the ordinances duly observed, or to report the breach thereof, and that no foreigner should occupy contrary thereto ; (2) That no •' Eyotor, Eobber, night walker nor slaundered person of the said fraternity abyding 54 llie Government of a London Guild. [part i. within this Citty and liberties of the same, but that ye shall shewe the names of them as soone as yee have knowledge thereof to the M"" and Wardens for the tyme being, to the intent that the party so using himself theire wholesome counsell and good advertisement, may the sooner be reformed and reconciled to grace. (3) To goe with the Wardens or with the Clarck at all manner searches and all other needefull errands pertayning to the common proffitt of the said fraternitie as you shalbe thereto called or assigned. (4) Doe all manner sumons and warnings within the said fraternity or mistery, without any Penny receaving for your labour, whether it be betweene party and party of the same mystery or else be- tweene Maister and apprentice or servant, except of every stranger complayning of any person of this mistery, for your sumons doing fower pence. (5) To search all manner distresses, fynes, debts, amerciaments and all other duties belonging to the said fraternitie, and the same so gathered in and make thereof a true accompt unto the M' and Wardens or else to the Clarck." His authority is of course limited to the members of the Frater- nity, but he would, we presume, have legal power to carry out the lawful orders of the Master and Wardens as affecting their corporate rights and duties. In the early history of the Company, in 1399-1400, before the higher functions of the Master and Wardens arose, the annual pay of the Bedel (David Kelly) was U., and of the Clerk (Johan Brenchal) 21 13s. 4d, with 21. 12s. pur sa table ; but in the year 1491, the wages of each were aug- mented, for there were taken out of the treasury and " delivered to William Duryvale, the Clerk, and Thomas Gresyll, Bedyll of this craft, in augmentation of their wages 23s. 4:d., that is to say, to the Clerk an old noble and a half in gold and 4f?. in white money, sum 13s. 4:cl., and to the Bedyll, 10s. in gold." In the inventories it will be noticed that amongst the donations to the Company, the Clerk, Henry Mayour, is entered for a double Almery, and William Erie, late Bedel, for a standing Notte. It now only remains for us to see in what relationship the Guild stood towards the Mayor as the head of the City Councils, and what place it occupied in the government of London in matters other than those of trade. It will be noticed that in the Charters granted to the Master and Wardens of the Guild the powers there given, recognised, and were to be exercised in due subor- dination to, the supreme authority of the Mayor. Therefore the Mayor and his Councils held supreme control over the Guilds, and CHAP. II.] Place in London Government. 55 were arbiters in case of differences between tliem.^ Of tliis we shall read hereafter, but we may now refer to the Skynners' case as decided by Billesden in 1484, and the fourteen Companies' case as decided by the Mayor and Aldermen in 1571, when the Mer- chant Taylors, by their answers submitted themselves " to the Mayor and Aldermen in all thiDgs, both high and low."^ Every citizen, as already pointed out, was under a double allegiance ; sworn as a freeman to obey the Mayor and to bear scot and lot ; and as a guildsman to obey the Master's summons for personal service and to bear all cessings and charges. It was indifferent through which channel the assessment came, for if made by the Common Council the freeman was present by representa- tive, or if made by the Guild at quarter-day or general assembly he was present in person. The Guild under the Master and Wardens became a better unit for civic administration^ than the Ward under the Alderman, and for this reason, the Mayor's pre- cepts were frequently addressed to them. Indeed in the assessment for the military muster of 1585, the yield of the Wards (with foreigners and others included) was only 289/. 3s. 2d., while that of the Guilds amounted to 4,735/. Is. Id} What, therefore, the Court of Common Council, or of Assistants, determined should be done, and the Mayor by his precept, or the Master and Wardens by order, called on the liegemen to do, was in obedience to their oaths done. It is not proposed here to deal with the subject at any length, as at a later period it will arise for much fuller consideration, but one or two of the Mayor's precepts will be given, having reference to personal service, and money assessments will be referred to, /. As to Personal Service.^ — Watch and ward were the incidents of citizenship. The city was in the charge of the Mayor and of his fellow citizens, not of the Crown and its executive officers. The setting of the standing watch was celebrated by two festivals, the Vigil of St. John Baptist's Day being one, and of St. Paul the other. The summer watch setting usually lasted from 11 p.m. to 2 A.M. " I do not believe " (writes the Venetian ambassador, who witnessed the watch of June, 1521) " that any where else in the ' See pages 137 Hnd 201, jjust. 2 On 25th January, 1562, the Merchant Company gave the Bachelors leave to promote a Bill in Parliament, but subject to the Lord Mayor's licence being given to them. 3 The HaUo of the several auilds facilitated the assembly of the citizens for civic purposes. * Vol. I, Antiquarian Eepository, pnge 253. ^ Appendix 10, piige 360. 56 The Government of a London Guild. [paet i. world a similar mark of rejoicing is usual." Our guildsman, Sir John Skevington/ was one of the Sheriffs in that year, and formed part of the procession. The Mayor^ was in armour on horseback, clad in crimson damask, with his sword-bearer in armour (for he is never wont to go abroad unless preceded by his sword), and with two sheriffs^ on horseback in armour, but with crimson surcoats, two pages likewise on horseback carrying their helmets."^ The worthy Taylor, John Stowe, gives this pleasing picture of city life at the Tudor period : — " In the mouths of June and Jul}^ on the vigils of festival days, and on the same festival days in the eveuiugs after the sun setting, there were usually made bonfires in the streets, every man bestowing wood or labour towards them ; the wealthier sort also, before their doors near to the said bonfires, would set out tables on the vigils, fur- nished with sweet bread and good drink, and on the festival days with meats and drinks plentifully, whercunto they would invite their neighbours and passengers also to sit and be merry with them in great familiarity, praising God for his benefits bestowed on them. These were called bonfires as well of good amity amongst neighbours that being before at controversy, were there, by the labour of others, reconciled, and made of bitter enemies loving friends ; and also for the virtue that a great fire hath to purge the infection of the air. On the vigil of St. John the Baptist, and on St. Peter and Paul the apostles, every man's door being shadowed with green birch, long fennel, St. John's wort, orpin, white lilies, and such like, garnished upon with garlands of beautiful flowers, had also lamps of glass, with oil burning in them all the night ; some hung out branches of iron curiously wrought, containing hundreds of lamps alight at once, which made a goodly show, namely in New Fish Street, Thames Street, &c. Then had ye besides the standing watches all in bright harness, in every ward and street of this city aud suburbs, a marching watch, that passed through the principal streets thereof. The whole way for this marching watch extended (and here the memory of Stowe's old craft came upon him) to three thousand two hundred tailor s yards of assize; for the furniture whereof witli lights, there were ap- pointed seven hundred cressets, five hundred of them being found by the companies, the other two hundred by the chamber of London. Besides the which lights every constable in London, in ^ See bis will, page 99, note. ^ Sir John Bruge, the Draper. ^ Sir John Skevington and John Kyme. '' Cal. State Papers (Venetian corrcsponclcnfo) at date July 11th (2-14). CHAP. II.] Precepts for Personal Service. 57 number more than two hundred and forty, had his cresset : the charge of every cresset was in light two shillings and four pence, and every cresset had two men, one to hear or hold it, another to bear a bag with light, and to serve it, so that the poor men per- taining to the cressets, taking wages, besides that every one had a straw hat, with a badge painted, and his breakfast in the morning, amounted in number to almost two thousand. The marching watch contained in numbei about two thousand men, part of them being old soldiers of skill, to be captains, lieutenants, sergeants corporals, &c., wiflers, drummers, and fifes, standard and ensign bearers, sword players, trumpeters on horseback, demilances on great horses, gunners with hand guns, or half hakes, archers in coats of white fustian, signed on the breast and back with the arms of the city, their bows bent in their hands, with sheaves of arrows by their sides, pikemen in bright corslets, burganets, &c., halberds, the like billmen in almaine rivets, and apernes of mail in great number ; there were also divers pageants, morris dancers, consta- bles, the one half, which was one hundred and twenty, on St. John's eve, the other half on St. Peter's eve, in bright harness, some overgilt, and every one a jornet of scarlet thereupon, and a chain of gold, his henchman following him, his minstrels before Mm, and his cresset light passing by him, the waits of the city, the Mayor's officers for his guard before him, all in a livery of worsteds or say jackets party-coloured, the Mayor himself well mounted on horseback, the sword-bearer before him in fair armour well mounted also, the Mayor's footmen, and the like torch bearers about him, henchmen twain upon great stirrmg horses, following him. The Sheriffs' watches came one after the other in like order, but not so large in number as the Mayor's ; for where the Mayor had besides his giant three pageants, each of the Sheriffs had besides their giants but two pageants, each tlieir morris dance, and one hench- man, their officers in jackets of worsted or say, party-coloured, differing from the Mayor's, and each from other, but having harnessed men a great many, &c." For this assembly the Guild was ordered to provide "12 Fayre Cressetts with two bearers for each light," and they did so under precept of June, 1567.^ ^ The cresset, so named from a Fi'ench word, was a portable fireplace used cliiefly in processions at night, or by watchmen or guides. It was usually placed at the top of a pole and carried for safety by two bearers. (See an illustration in Wright's Domestic Manners, page 454). In 1547-8, when a Merchant Taylor was Lord Mayor, the expenses were these : " Charges concerning the watch at Midsummer. Cleaning 13 pair of Almain rivets and otlier pieces of harness, 12s. 2 yew bows, 4s. 58 The Government of a London Guild, [part t. //. As to Assessments for Money. — The money would appear to have been levied for two distinct objects : one, as a loan to the city for corn, &c. ; the other for use by the city, as for Bridewell, &c. Assessments were also made for the service of the Crown. The corn assessments to provide against dearth originated in the year 1521, by an order of the Common Council. Money was to be levied from the several Guilds by way of " Prest and lone ; " and it was enacted that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen should, at their discretion, " appoint what sum should be levied of each Company," and each person in the Company "be assessed by the Wardens thereof."^ The Merchant Taylors Company have no books to show what sum this assessment amounted to, but in 1546-7 we have an account showing the repayment by the city of 51/. 3s. 4f?. which had been previously levied on the members of the Court and Livery, with the amount repaid and the persons who were the recipients.^ Of such an assessment that of 2nd October, 1562, given in the Appendix,^ will do as an illustration. Bridewell Hospital in 15-48-9. — The history of the Hospital assessment may be thus given : — Bridewell in West Smithfield was founded by Henry VIII for the relief of the poor within the house and the suburbs of the said city. The Corporation of London had by indenture under its corporate seal agreed with the King to pay 500 marks annually towards the institution. Tliis sum the Corporation thought would be best raised from the Guilds ; thereupon " an Act of Common Council" was passed in 2nd Edward VI (1548), enacting that the said sum should thenceforth be borne and paid of and amongst the said Companies or fellowships thereunder written in such manner and after such allotment as thereafter appeareth and is expressed, the payments being made quarterly. The act then gives power of distress to the collectors appointed by the Master and Wardens upon every person contributory and chargeable to the said payments, as he or they should thereafter be reasonably assessed or taxed, until he paid such assessment to the Warden. It made no provision for the assessment or distribution of the total sum amongst the various members of the Guild which therefore was made by the Master and Wardens under the charter and ordinances of the Company. In the schedule then added 59 3 sheaves of arrows, Qs. 1,600 cressett lights, 53s. 4(Z. Washing and trimming the fustian coats for the 8 bowmen, and sewing red crosses on their coats. 3 doz. straw hats with scutcheons sewn on them, 4*. 2d. To 24 cresset bearers and 10 bagbearers, at Qd. a night, etc. Total 11. 10s. lid." • Vol. 1, Her. C. C, page 133. Appendix 11, page 360. 2 Appendix 12, page 362. ^ Appendix 32, page 405. CHAP. Ti.] Gunpowder Assessment. 59 Companies were named and the 500 marks distributed amongst them by a separate sum placed opposite the name of each Com- pany. In this schedule the Mercers Company stands first and bears 24/., as the highest assessment ; then the Grocers and Drapers, each 20/. ; then the Fishmongers and Goldsmiths, each 16/. ; the Skynners, 13/. 6s. 8f/. ; and the Merchant Taylors Com- pany, 20/., the sum which we find entered in their cashbooks as paid in 1548-9. For how many years this assessment lasted does not appear, but probably in the course of later years the smaller Companies were withdrawn from future assessments. In March, 1600, the Merchant Taylors Company was assessed in 16/. 16s. Of/, as its proportion of 500/. The Gunjwivder Assessment not only involved the payment for but the storage of gunpowder upon the hall premises, and the Company appear to have delayed, if not demurred, to obey the precept.^ However, the Mayor, by a second precept of October, 1586, reminded the Master and Wardens^ of the neglect, and of his power to commit them to ward or prison should they continue dis- obedient. Thereupon two members of the Court, Mr. Eobert Dowe and Mr. Eichard Maye, were directed to make a purchase of part of the amount demanded. The assessments for the service of the Crown for soldiers or ships, were usually made upon the Companies by the Lord Mayor ; that is, the Crown put him in motion, and if the Common Council saw fit to call on their fellow citizens for contributions, his precei^t issued.^ Other precepts might be given to any number, but the present will suffice for the purpose for which they are cited, as the subject is entered upon at greater length in a later chapter (14). ^ Appendix 13, page 3G3. ^ These were William Widuell, Ee^inald Barker, William Saulte, Xowell Sotlierton, and William Webbe. ^ Appendix 13, page 2-17; x^ost. GO CHAPTEE III. THE BACHELOE OE YEOMAN COMPANY OF TAYLOES. The Yeoman Taylors, p. 60.— Disputes of 1411, p. 61.-0/ 1415, jo. 61.-0/ 1417, p. 63. — Came binder control of the Merchant Company, p. 64. — Traces of the Company in 1446-56,^. 64. — When Companies separated, p. 64. — Bachelors Company seldom mentioned on Merchant Company's re- cords, p. 64. — Number of tlie Bachelors, p. 65. — Ordinances of 1507, p. 65. — Ordinances of 161Z, p. 65. — Organisation of Bachelors Company, p. 65. — Ofices not readily filled tip, p. 66. — WorJcman and employer, p. 67. — Seeds of Disunion, p. 68. — Disadvantages of separate organisation, p. 68. — Divi- sion of funds and separate distribution of alms, p. 68. — Merchant Company held the trust estates, p. 68. — Members of the wealthy class, p. 68. — Poor Taylors in the Bachelor Company, p. 68. — Which became the Almoner of the Merchant Company, p. 68. — Sources of income to Bachelor Company, p. 68/ (1) Benefactions; (2) Quarterages; (3) Fines; (4) Donations from Merchant Company, p. QS.— Distribution to the poor, p. 69. — Method of it and changes made, p. 70. — Donations in 1655-9, p. 70. — Merchant Company take the distribution in 1663, p. 70. — Merchan Company's control over Bachelor's Treasury, p. 71. — Disputes in 1601, p. 71. — Army Contracts declined by Merchant Company , p. 72. — DisptUes of 1608, p. 72. — Sumptuary expenses excessive, p. 72. — Agreement for future government of the Company, p. 73. — Ceased to be appointed by the Mer- chant Company in 1661, jo. 74. — Merchant Company take charge of business of the Bachelors Company, p. 74. — Corporation refuse to interfere, p. 74. — So also the Privy Council, p. 74. — Note as to Assessment of 1602-5. In the last chapter we have deemed it best to describe the Frater- nity as consisting of one Company, which may be conveniently called the Merchant Company, but for many years anterior to 1661 there existed an organisation attached and subordinate to the Merchant Company, of which the records have been lost. This was the Bachelor or Yeoman Company, composed originally of the craft of Taylors, either masters or workmen, or in later years of any members of the Guild. We propose therefore in this chapter to give an outline of the Bachelors so far as it can be traced from the records of the j\Iercliant Company or elsewhere. It was a principle of civic government in the early times that no working man could be permitted to be masterless or un- attached — Uving as or where he pleased, without or beyond the control of some lawful authority. This principle would seem to CHAP. III.] Disputes of 1412 and 1415. 61 have been disputed in Henry Vs reign by the working Taylors, and to have led them into controversy with the Master of the Taylors and Linen Armourers, then (as those records show) one Thomas Tropewell. The men lived in a place of evil repute (c|Uoting from a legal document), and the existence in the city of Yeoman Taylors claiming to be a separate craft, was brought to the notice of the Mayor (Thomas Faucover) when, on the 19th April, 1415, they were informed against as living by themselves alone against the licence of their superiors, and as having beaten Thomas Tropewell, one of the Masters [in 1411] of the aforesaid trade.^ The e\'il is stated thus : " by incessant reports, that certain servants and apprentices of the tailors of the said City, called ' yeomen taillours,' live by themselves alone in companies, and take and inhabit divers dwelling-places in the said city against the licence or will of their superiors of the said city or the masters of the same art. The inhabitants of which houses in former times, like irregular and lawless men without a head or government, have often assembled together in great numbers, and made divers assem- bhes and conventicles in divers places within the said city and without, and have beaten, wounded, and ill-treated many lieges of our lord the king, and especially now lately one Thomas Trope- well, one of the masters of the foresaid trade, severely, from malice and design aforethought ; and have made many rescues against the servants and officers of the said city while arresting malefactors and disturbers of the peace of our lord the king ; and have com- mitted, and daily endeavour to commit, very many other evils and enormities to the injury of the peace of our lord the king and the manifest disturbance of his people. Whence divers evils and dangers to our lord the king and his people, as well as scandals and injuries to the masters of the foresaid art, who know notliing of the said evil deeds, have often happened, and wiU probably continue to happen for the future, unless a remedy is soon and speedily applied by the governors of the said city." Now the authorities who were primarily responsible for this state of affairs were the Master and Wardens of the Taylors Com- pany, and therefore they were first to be summoned to give their explanation. The record therefore continues : " Concerning which the said Mayor and Aldermen, after careful deliberation on the premises being inclined to repress this malice and these enormities, and wishing to oppose to their power, as they are bound to do, the ' Memorials, page 514. 62 Bachelor or Yeoman Company of Taylors, [part i. evils, scandals, and injuries of this kind, which are likely easily to happen (which God forbid) unless they are speedily resisted, caused to appear before them in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the said city on the 25th of April then next following, Thomas Whityngham, now master, and the wardens of the trade aforesaid, to discuss the premises why, although they have the special govern- ment of the foresaid trade, under the Mayor and Aldermen and other governors of the foresaid city, they allow their servants and apprentices to inhabit houses of this kind alone by themselves, in companies, without a superior to rule them, and to commit and j)erpetrate these evils and crimes so lawlessly." Tlie Master and Wardens appeared accordingly, and "having first obtained leave to address the Mayor and Aldermen, by their grievous complaint signified that they were deeply grieved at these misdeeds and crimes, because scandals and many injuries daily happen to the master and good men of the foresaid art \)j the lawlessness of these men, and are likely to happen in the future, which God forbid, unless they are repressed. They are much concerned at the companies of these men living alone by themselves in houses, because, although they have been often warned by the same masters of the said trade to evacuate their houses, on account of their crimes committed by reason of their fellowship together in the foresaid houses, they disregard the warnings of the said masters and will not leave the foresaid houses, but have expressly refused so to do and still refuse ; requiring the said Mayor and Aldermen with due instance, to deign to send for the said causes for David Brekenhok and John Stanbury, and others living in a certain house at Garlykhyth,^ alone by them- selves, in company together." These offenders were therefore summoned and appeared on the 29th April, who admitting their residence to the Mayor had their case further adjourned until the 2nd May, when the decision of the Court was given in these words : " At which day there came thither the said David Brekenhok and John Stanbury and others for themselves and the rest of the foresaid company living together. And the foresaid Mayor and Aldermen, after careful consultation together upon the premises, being of opinion tliat the livery or dress in which the said servants ^ In Vintrie Ward, running from Bow Lane to Thames Street. " Three Shear Coui't" (small and ordinary) " was over against the Church." — Stovvc, Book IIT, CHAP. III.] Disputes of 14.17 . G3 and apprentices, like young and unstable people, congregate and assemble together yearly by themselves without the government or supervision of their superiors of the said trade, or of any others, within the said city, and further that the houses in which they live together continuously by themselves alone without any fixed government, expressly tend and redound to the breach of the peace of our lord the king, the disturbance and probably the commotion of his people, which God forbid ; consider and adjudge that the servants of the foresaid trade shall be hereafter under government and rule of the Masters and Wardens of the foresaid trade, as other servants of other trades in the said city are, and are bound by law to be, and that they shall not use henceforth livery or dress, meet- ings or conventicles, or other unlawful things of this kind. " And further the said Mayor and Aldermen then and there enjoined the said David Brekenhok, John Stanbury and others then and there present, that they and all their fellows inhabiting the said house at Garlykhyth, and other houses of the same kind in the said city, should depart from and leave them before Sunday, the 6th day of May next, and should not take tliem again or others to live in them together by themselves alone together, in any wise for the future, on pain of imprisonment and fine, to be levied at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being." This decree was not acceptable to the Yeoman Taylors, for they came before the Mayor in August, 1417,^ for permission to assemble yearly on St. John's Decollation Day in the church of St, John 1 See further as to tlieir attendance at St. John's, Clerkeuwell, in order of August, 1417, as under : — " On the otli day of August in the 5th year of the reign of Xing Henry the Fifth after the Conquest [1417], there came hither WiUiam Davenish, John Ehs, John Spencer, and John Cobbe, and others of the said trade, commonly called ' Yoman- taillours,' and by their petition presented to Henry Barton, then Mayor, and the Aldermen, prayed that they would deign to grant to them and others their fellows being of the brotherhood of ' Yomautaillours ' that they might assemble on the feast of the Decollation of St. John the Baptist next following and so henceforth yearly, in the Church of St. John of Jerusalem near Smythfeld, tliere to offer for the deceased brothers and sisters of the said brotherhood, and to do other thino-s which they have been accustomed to do there, etc. " The Maj'or and Aldermen after the inspection of a certain record concerning the government of the said ti'ade, and of the servants and yeomen of the same in the time of Tiiomas Fauconer, then Mayor, entered in Folio 151, of this book, and after consultation concerning the premises, considering that an assembly of this kind although it is sought and prayed for under a pious pretext of goodness, if it were pcirmitted, would nevertheless manifestly tend to the infringement of the foresaid ordinance and the disturbance of the peace, as other similar assemblies in the said trade have done, order and consider that in future times no servant or apprentice of the said trade shall presume by themselves to make or enter assemblies or con- G4 Bachelors or Yeoman Companij of Taylors, [part i, Jerusalem, and there to offer for the deceased brothers and sisters of the brotherhood. Tlie Mayor and Aldermen turned to Fau- cover's decree and after consideration concerning the provisions, considered that such an assembly though sought and prayed " under a j)ious pretext of goodness " would manifestly lead to an infringe- ment of that decree and to a disturbance of the peace, therefore their order was that no servant or apprentice should presume by themselves to make or enter assemblies or conventicles at the aforesaid church or elsewhere, unless with and in the presence of the Masters of the said trade on pain of imprisonment or fine to be levied by the Mayor and Aldermen. Thus it was that the Yeoman Taylors came under the govern- ment of the Guild. We have traces of the Bachelors' Company as governed by Substitutes in 1446 and 1456, for when differences arose in January, 16o9, as to the election of Substitutes, the Six- teen Men claiming to influence their election, a reference was then made "to an antient entrance of a book of this Society made 25 Henry VI (1446), and which showed that the oath concurred with the antient usuage," whereupon the Merchant Company decided that such custom should be observed.^ And again that the office of "Warden of the Yeoman" existed in 1458-9, is shown from the accounts of William Boylet (Master) having this entry : " Paid to the Warden of the Yeomen Feleship " for the search of " foreigns at the Mayor's order, 2M:' In the absence of the records of the Bachelors' Company we are left very much to conjecture as to the exact dividing line between the two Companies, and the year in which it was originally laid down. In treating of the Merchant Company, we shall find that considerable constitutional changes were made in the Guild in the sixteenth and principally in the early half of the century. When the Court records of the Merchant Company commence (in 1561-2) they have reference to the affairs of that Company, and those of the Bachelors' are mentioned only so far as the Merchant or dominant Company had to give directions concerning the meet- ings or elections, or contributions by the Bachelors. Although the venticlcs, at the foresaid Cliurcli of St. Jolm or elsewliere, unless with and in the presence of the Masters of the said trade, etc., on pain of imprisonment and fine to be levied according to the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen for tlie time being, etc But that the foresaid ordinance and all the otiier ordinances ordained for preserving the good of peace and quietness in the said trade shall remain unbroken and entire." ' Memorials, pi^gt'' 5G5. CHAP. III.] Number of the Bachelors. 65 latter Company originated with Taylors, yet when Taylors exercised the trade of clothworkers these became, we presume, members of the Yeomen or Bachelors'. At any rate the latter Company far ex- ceeded in number that of the other. If it were true that " gi'eat multitudes" of the brethren attending "mass" in 1455 made the chapel of St. John's in " Powles " too small " to hold so many persons of the Company," rendering it necessary to found another chapel at the hall "for the more commodious performance" of their devotions, those brethren must haye been largely supplemented in numbers from the Yeomen. So again in tlie attendance and assess- ments for pageants, as in Lee's mayoralty (1 603) and Halliday's in 1605 their numbers were very considerable.-^ It is, therefore, remarkable that the rules and orders for the goyernment of the Bachelors, which were in force in 1507 should not have been incorporated in those ordinances which then were submitted for statutory confirmation. Why it should have been so is not apparent, but it is the fact that only a slight reference is made to the Bachelor Company in the code of 1507, possibly no additional authority being thought needful. However, whatever may have been the occasion of the change in policy in this respect, we find in the ordinances of 1613 some additional ones relating to the Bachelor Company inserted wliich must now be considered. The Company is there shown to consist of two classes, first, the Bachelors "in Foyne " (paying a higher assessment), and those "in Budge"; their rights and duties in other respects are not defined;^ and, secondly, freemen or brethren electing to be recorded on the Company's books as such.^ The ordinance for the election of the j\laster and Wardens had an addition providing for the election of Wardens Sub- stitute of the Bachelors Company and their Sixteen Men as Assistants, upon the Eve of the St. John's Decollation " according as heretofore hath been accustomed. But the more important addi- tions were the two oaths relating to the " Substitutes " and Sixteen Men. It will be seen from the context that these oaths were * Note at the end of the chapter. - Appendix 7, page 351. ^ 1 Luink many (as now) having taken up their freedom in the Company had no fiu'ther feUowship with it as subscribing or participating members. If so these men did not pay the quarterage of 2s. 2d. prescribed by the ordinances for the poor, nor woidd they be recognised as eUgible for alms. In August, 1578, the Master and Wardens ordered that every servant or journeyman free of the city and a brother of this mistery should pay to the Wardens Substitute quarterage after 8c?. a year or 2d. a quarter. This may have been the origin of quarterages for the Yeomen. VOL. 1. F 66 Bachelor or Yeoman Compciny of Taylors, [part i. post-reformation find different from the oatlis of other guildsmen. The deponents were not sworn to attend upon the King in ridings, &c., or at obits. The Warden Substitute was to exercise his office as the Court of Assistants of the Mercliant Company willed him to do. No meetings, either the four quarterly or otherwise, were to be held, save only at the hall, and such as were sanctioned by the Master and Wardens upon the day and time when they could attend them. The Wardens Substitute were named by the Court, and the Sixteen Men were to appoint none other. The dinner for the Bachelors Company was to be in the hall on St. John's Decol- lation Day, with the like assent, and the four Wardens named by tlie Court of Assistants were to be elected thereat. They were to levy the assessments and fines on those not attending quarter-days and burials of brothers or sisters deceased ; to obey all the ordinances approved under the Statute, and then these words • — " And also such resonable and lawful ordinaunces of old time made by the antient f aders and Go^'rs of the said Fraternity for our comon weal and profit w'^'^ were devised and ordained for ye to have and w*^"" old ordinaunces by the late Master, four Wardens, and Assis- tants be of new ratified, approved, and confirmed to your said increse and profit ; " ordinances of which no copy is held by the Merchant Taylors Company. The freeman was elected as a Bachelor, and then as a Warden Substitute. Serving this office led to election on the Livery at lower fees as a reward, but the office was not popular, for it was laborious and chargeable, while the younger men of the better class held it to be disparagement to serve in it. Thus, in March, 1596, we find the Merchant Company going to extremities against Philip Cotton, an elected Substitute, who would not serve.^ The Court entry of the Merchant Taylors runs thus : — " And therefore at divers Courts of Assistants it was resolved that he should be committed to prison by the authority of this house. But forasmucli as the said Cotton opposing himself wilfully against the Company did keep his house so close and walk so secretly that the officer could not come where he might lawfully carry him away. Therefore this Company were dryven to make their complaynt to the right honourable the Lord Mayor of the city, and by the greate care and paynes at tlie right woor^ Mr. Edward Kympton now M' of this society, who spent many dayes for the bridling of so con- temptuous a brother in thend procurred a warrant from the Lord ^ The same proceedings bad to be taken in 1613 against tbe Master elect and two Wardens of the Merchant Company. CHAP. III.] Workman and Employer. 67 Mayor for his apprehension, who by virtue hereof, was at last ap- prehended and committed to the compter in the Powltrey where he remaynde for the space of twenty daies, and then was released upon his recognizance to submit himself to the judgement of the Mayor and Aldermen, the Company doing the same, when Cotton was fined 20/. & to be discharged from all of&ces in the Company."^ The Sixteen Men were to attend when summoned, and to give their advice, both to the Master and "Wardens or AVardens Sub- stitute; whilst in all causes and matters between party and party they were to act without partially. The supervision of the workmen was placed in the hands of the Bachelor Company. Each man's residence was registered, and he was placed under contribution of 2s. 2d. a quarter, wliicli these ordinances provide should be paid "for the poor of the Fraternity," and which the Wardens Substitute distributed amongst them. Lastly, they were to see that the accounts of the common goods of the Fraternity should be yearly made and placed before the whole body of the Fraternity for registry and enrolment.^ How much of the 1613 code may have been a new organisation in the interval between the two codes we cannot determine, but under the ordinances of 1613 the Yeomen or Bachelors Company was governed, having a (quasi) Court of Assistants of four Wardens Substitute and Sixteen Men, with a separate (1) Treasury, (2) Clerk, (3) Bedel, and (4) Benefactors. Of this Company all the working Tailors were members, their names were entered upon the roll, London being apportioned into four quarters or districts, over each of which a Warden took the charge. Each of these quarters comprised a given area which from time to time was adjusted as the population and wealth of the residents varied. " In the old time," writes Palgrave,^ " the workman was the brother, the Compagnon, the Gesell of his employer, perhaps poorer in purse, inferior in station, younger in age, but all united by the most kind and sociable bonds, they repeated the same creed, met in the same church, lighted their lamp before the same altar, feasted at the same board. Thus, they constituted the elements of the burgher aristocracy which, as far as institutions can answer that end, reconciled poor and rich, equally protecting the rights and claims of capital and labour." ^ In April, 1602, it was proposed that the Liverj fine (without substitute service) slioukl be raised to 25Z., of which 23/. 6*. 8rf. was to go to the Bachelor Company (for the poor), and the residue to the common box and ofRcers. ^ See an instance, 1st March, 1595. ' Page 112 of the Merchant and the Friar. VOL. I. . F 2 68 Bachelor or Yeoman Company of Taylors, [part i. Sucli was the IMerchant Taylors Guild in its inception: the union of capital and labour, but the code of 1613, whether original or not, led to its disintegration, until, as we shall see, the labour element ceased to exist, save as the poorer members who ultimately became the recipients of eleemosynary funds of the Merchant Company. The seeds of disunion are not difficult to discover. The feasts of the Merchants and of the Yeomen were held on different Church festivals, and there was no social equality or relationship between them. The Yeomen met only once in three years or not so often, to entertain the "generalte " and almsmen;^ whereas the Merchants met once in every year or oftener to entertain the Honorable and Worshipful guests under the Charter. The division of funds and a separate distribution of alms were the results. Each Company had its own sumptuary expenses for separate guests and the care of its own poor. The Merchant Company held the trust estates and distributed the rents as directed by the several wills. Their own members being of the wealthier class, little was needed by way of alms for them. Far different was the case of the Bachelor Company, for if the poor Taylors were to be found it was in one or other of the quarters into which London was divided, and over each of which a Warden Substitute had charge. The Bachelor Company became, there- fore, the channel through which the working men were provided with alms, in fact the almoners of the Merchant Company for such pensions as they had to fill up or sums as they were pleased to entrust them with. The sources of income to the Bachelor Company were : — (1.) Benefactions made expressly to them. (2.) The quarterages from their own members. (3.) Fines received from the same, including Livery fines. (4.) Annual donations from the Merchant Company. The first source of income was not large ; thus Dowe gave for the " almsmen's dinner at the Bachelors' feast" IZ., and for the shooting dinner 13s. 4:d. ; Yernon gave 13s. M. to the shooting dinner, and 16s. to the Sixteen Men, and 12.d. every third year on St. John's Decollation day, when kept ; wliile these benefactors besides Craven and William Parker gave small sums to the officers of the Bachelor Company. 1 Dnwe's almsmen had tlieir gowns given them and attended church on this day, bnt it was not always certain "that a general feast shall be kept every third year," but when kept they were " t^o be sit at the table in the Hall where the said almsmen have been before planed." — Teed of August. IfiOS. CHAP. III.] Distribution to the Poor. 69 The quarterages in 1663, when they came to the Merchant Taylors, realised 108^. 4s. IQd. net. The fines must have varied considerably in total amount, and those from the calling to the Livery were dependent on the plea- sure of the other Com[)any, as to their grant of the Livery. As a rule, of the latter fine, any sum which was received in excess of 11. 13s. 4:d. (which was distributed as 1/. to the Merchant Company, 5s. to the Master, 6s. M. to the Clerk, and Is. 8f/. to the Beadle) went to the Bachelors, towards tlie relief of their poor.^ In exceptional cases another division would be made by the Merchant Company, thus in 1609-10,^ when twenty-eight new Liverymen were called on a fine of 30/. each, but only 838/. 6s. 8fZ. was realised to the Merchants, of which 500/. was paid to the Bachelor's Company, and the residue retained in their own Treasury.^ Again in March, 1618, 106/. was paid to the Bachelors out of 206/. raised by the Merchant Company. By order of December, 1619, the whole brotherhood money or first year's quarterage money raised from the Livery, viz., for 2-44 received into the brotherhood at the rate of 3s. 'Id. a man = 40/. 13s. 4(7., was paid to the Wardens Substitute, and for many years a similar payment was made. Then an annual donation from the Merchant Company was paid and increased by order of the Court. In October, 1630, the sum paid was fixed at 60/,,^ to be distributed quarterly by the Wardens Substitute and Sixteen Men amongst the " poor brethren and sisters of the Fraternity and none others" and "for divers years prior to July, 1645/' the annual allowance had been increased to 150/. The distribution of this sum to the poor was left wholly to the discretion of the Wardens Substitute for the time being, who, in sums varying from 2s. M. to Is., ga^^e it every three months to some of the poor living in the quarter over which each had the over- sight. The only certainty was the amount to be distributed in each quarter, which was fixed, as in Watling Street, 6/. 5s. Oc/. ; in Candle wick 6/. 15s. 0(/. ; in Fleet Street 10/., and in Merchant Taylors' Hall 14/. 10s. 0(/., but who were to be the recipients * See entries in Court Minutes of the 7th June, 1595 ; 24th April, 1610. 2 Order of Court, 23rd May, 1610. 3 Order, 20th June, 1610. ^ In 1640 two separate payments of 60Z. were made to two of the Wardens Substitute on different occasions, to be employed " in the affairs of the Company," not probably for the poor." 70 Bachelor or Yeoman Company of Taylors, [part i. depended on the selection of an officer wlio was changed every year, and this chance or uncertainty lessened the good of the gift to those who ultimately received it, and created numberless beggars all hoping to receive it. What was the number of these casual applicants is not recorded, but the Court sensibly adopted this better course, wliich is laid down in the Minute of 15th July, 1645: The Wardens Substitute and Sixteen Men do " reduce the n° of such poor wh receive that Charity to 300 of the fittest persons wh may receive 2s. Qd. for the next quarter only, and discharge the Books of all the rest, and if upon exam° of those persons p^sented and paid by the Ward. Sub. and 16 ^len wh are the fittest persons to be continued to receive that Charity during theire life by 2s. ^d. quarterly payments then they are to be continued, & as any of them die another to be chosen in the room of the deced once every year, as the free noUe ijcnsioners^ are, and the choice to be in the beginning of Dec"" yearly, and we think fit that a Comee of the Court join the Ward. Sub. and 16 Men to choose the poor people in the places void." Either the inability of the Merchant Company to pay more, or the lessened needs of tbe poor may have led to the reduction of this annual gTant ; from the minutes of a Court of the 3rd May, 1654, we fear the former, as the Eeport of a Committee appointed for mitigation of the Company's charge suggested " that, whereas heretofore there hath been allowed to the M' of this Society tlie sum of 20/. per ann. to be by him distributed to the poor, that for the time to come there be allowed the sum of 10/. only that no more pensioners that receive 2s. 6f/. per quarter be admitted mitil the Company be better able and think it convenient " Possibly, as consequent on this recommendation (for the Court records are missing from 1654 to 1663), we find in the Master's accounts these smaller sums entered: — "1655-6.^ Paid to the Wardens Substitute, which was distributed by them to — poor people of this Company at 2s. Qd. a piece quarterly 131/. 10s. Oc/." In 1656-7 125/. 5s. Qd. In 1659-60, 105/. 5s. Of/. And in 1663, after the Wardens Substitute had ceased to act, the Merchant Company made these payments to the poor. " Paid to 77 poor persons of this Company at Michaelmas and Christmas, and to 74 at Lady day and Midsummer by Qs. M. a piece, as by book appeareth, ' No explanation sug^gests itself as to the persons here referred to, unless thej be the " Almsmen of the Livery " or Dowe's. 2 In sereral years 6/. 13*. 4,d. is charged ia the Master's accounts as fines for not enrolling apprentices, paid to poor people. CHAP. III.] Disputes in 1601. 71 100/. 13s. 4:d." (which is 71. lis. Qd. less than the net quarterages received) ; and " Paid 133 people of the said Company at Michael- mas, and 131 at Christmas, to 129 at Lady day, and 126 at Mid- summer by 2s. Qd. a piece, 64/. 17s. Qd." Over the Bachelors' treasury the Merchant Company exercised a supreme control. Thus, Mr. Albany and Mr. Dowe having in December examined their treasury to see what store of money was therein, the Court on the 24th February, 1585, "ordered and agreed that 400/. shalbe borrowed of the Wardens Substitute to be taken out of ther Treasurie, never to be paid them againe, but to be imployed and bestowed uppon and towards the buildinge of the hall." Again, when the Lord Mayor's precej)t was sent to the Merchant Company, they decided what proportion of the sum assessed should be raised from the Bachelor Company, and re- quired the Wardens Substitute or special members named by the Master and Wardens to collect the sum and pay it to the Merchant Company to be sent in to the Lord Mayor by them. In the interests of the Yeoman Taylors the organisation was not successful, as it led to disputes between the four Substitutes and the Sixteen Men in regard to their conduct towards each other. At the opening of the 17th century the trade appears to have been overrun with foreigners, and the Yeomen came to the Merchant Company for its assistance. Legislation was proposed and the subject referred to a Special Committee, who reported in December, 1601, against any application being made to Parliament, but sug- gested that the powers which the Company held were sufficient if they were put in exercise, and recommended that application should be made to the Lord Mayor for authority to commit offenders. Soon after the report had been presented to the Company the Army contracts for clothing were obtainable, in February, 1601, and the Wardens Substitute, with others of the Bachelor Company solicited the Merchant Company to procure from Her Majesty the providing of the Brabant work or soldiers' apparell which Mr. Bromeley^ and Mr. Babington, who were members of the Company, have for many years done, and which would be the means for setting a number of poor freemen to work and expelling of foreigners. The Merchant Company doubted if the contracts would not bring much trouble to them, but they entreated certain ^ We had three Bromleys who were Freemen — Robert, 16th January, 1561 ; John, 16th September, 1575 ; and George, 29th January, 1592 ; and five Babingtons —Anthony, 22nd May, 1559 ; William, 2nd May, 1567; Richard. 2nd March, 1581 ; Ury, 4th September, 1615; Thomas (per Anna Turner), 25th October 1637. 72 Bachelor or Yeow an Company of Taylors, [parti. of iLeir members to meet and consider what tliey should think fit to be done therein, and on the 24th April, 1G02, such a meeting was held, which resolved "that it would prove a 'matter likely to bring great trouble and loss to this house,' and advised the Company by no means to meddle therewith." Tlie contract became one notorious for fraud, and brought trouble upon Babington and Bromeley, for in Trinity term, 1608, one Beecher sued them for his share of the profits made under the contract, and in the action it appeared that the contractors had defrauded the Crown to the extent of 180,000/., whereupon the Attorney-General (Bacon^) filed an information in Trinity term, 1615, against them. In 1608 disputes and mutual recriminations arose between the Substitutes and Sixteen Men. The latter, when accused by the former of wasting the money of the House in public-house meetings, and of usurpation of authority, answered that their usual allowance of 10«. for the quarterly meetings had been with- held from them, and that if extravagant, their administration had been successful, for since they held office the foreigners^ had been diminished by 1,000 in number, and their yearly collec- tions raised from 88/. 12.s. lOf/. to 122/. 8s. lOf/., and the poor of the Fraternity, to whom these fines were distributed, thereby propor- tionately benefitted. However, the presence of a common enemy in some strength in London (the Dutch and French Tailors) led to an agreement, first with the foreigners (which will be hereafter referred to^), and then with each other, both sanctioned by the Merchant Company. The difficulty then, as in times since, seems to have arisen from sumptuary expenses, and the unwillingness of the poorer members to control themselves or be controlled by others. There was " great want and necessity of the poor," and the Bachelors were to be " ad- monished and entreated to be frugal and sparing in their expenses and to keep as few dinners at the charges of the house as con- veniently they might," an injunction which leads to the conclusion that the Bachelors had a greater power to incur such an expenditure than the Merchant Company. The agreement, therefore, had more reference to these sumptuary expenses than to other matters. ' Hall's Elizabethan Age, page 124. ^ Orders from the Lord Mayor and Privy Council to the citizens to behave courteously to foreigners were not uufrequeut. See 8th March, 1573, and 14th March, 1580. In this year the residents were 6,462, being an increase of 3,762 in 13 years. — 3 Nichol's Elizabeth, page 56. But what are here meant are non-freeman. ^ Chapter IV. CHAP. III.] Agreement for Govermnent of Company. 73 Firstly. The Treasury was to be put into the hands of the Substitutes as representing the Master and "Wardens. Secondly. The Treasury chest was to be kept with four locks to the chest and four locks to the two doors of the Treasury, and eight keys to be kept by these persons, viz., the four door keys by two Substitutes and two of the Sixteen Men (having Candlemas and Watling Street quarters), and the other four keys by other two and tsvo (having the Fleet Street and ]\Ierchant Taylors quarters). Thirdly. The Substitutes to keep proper accounts for audit by the two upper Livery Wardens and two of the Sixteen Men. Fourthly. Certain matters of precedence were then settled, and that two of the Sixteen with their Clerk and Bedel with two others employed against foreigners should meet every other Monday for business, and a dinner at 10s. at the cost of the house. Fifthly. The quarters were then readjusted, the " Stranger's " dinner^ was abolished, but an annual Star Chamber decree dinner was established for the Substitutes and Sixteen Men at the cost of Zl. 65. 8(/. Sixthly. The " Shooting " dinner " as of ancient contynuance was sanctioned at a cost of 8/. to the house, besides 13s. M.. called " Mr. Dowe, his mite." And lastly. " As all victualls are growne to a very high rate," it was ordered that the four Substitutes should keep only four Quarter dinners on St. Luke's, All Saints, Christmas, and St. Mathias ("with moderate chere without excuse or drawing any great company to the hall "), and an audit dinner on Trinity Tuesday. In August following, a special agreement was made that the " great dinner for the generality " (usually held every third year and now in arrear to the sixth year) should be held on the next " Decollation Day," and so these amicable agreements were con- summated. A few sentences will complete the history of the Baclielors Company, as other controversies arose. In 1623, freemen ceased to be summoned to the quarterly courts, and as the tailor element felt that no encouragement was given to their craft, they asked in 1649 (not unreasonably) that two of the Substitutes should be of their trade, and that orders against foreigners should be put in force at the cost of the Fraternity. But the monopoly could not be maintained, and the macliinery of the Bachelors Company was too expensive a remedy for what was irremediable, therefore in 1661 ' This dated as far back as 1399. — Memorials, page 67. 74 Bachelor or Yeoman Company of Taylors, [part i. the Merchant Company refused to swear in the Substitutes, and took the business into their own hands. For a time their organi- sation remained in abeyance, but on the loth August, 1663, the Court took their several officers into emj)loyment and settled the remuneration to be paid to them for the collection of quarterages. They awarded to John Milner, Clerk, 10^. per annum for his pains and care ; to John Sutton and Henry Halliman, the two collectors of quarterages, an allowance of 3s. per 11. for all such monies as they shall receive, and that Sutton (in lieu of all allowances that were heretofore paid him by the Wardens Substitute) shall have a salary of 8/. per annum from the Merchant Company. The Court of Common Council (to whom an appeal was made) upheld the action of the Merchant Company, after the parties to the controversy represented by CounseP had been fully heard. From this decision of the Common Council, the Bachelors Company appealed by petition to the Privy Council, but beyond making a reference in January, 1696, of their petition to the Law Officers of the Crown for report no order was made by the Council, and thus the separate organisation of the Bachelors Company ceased to exist, and all their records have been lost or destroyed. Note refeiTed to at page 65, and see page 314, note. The sums received on eacli occasion are given in the Merchant Taylors' accounts as follows : — Received of Bachelors in Foynes. . „ Budge . . By assessment in Watling Street Quarter Candlewiek Street . . Fleet Street .. Merchant Taylors Received of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs Stuff over 734 8 7 Excess payments over receipts paid out of Master's Account . • . . . . 12 14 3 Received from sundry brothers of the Company From tlie Treasury of the Bachelors. . An extra assessment upon the Bachelors " Sir R. Lee. 1602. £ s. d. 133 6 8 130 Sir L. Halliday. 1605. £ s. d. 120 96 176 4 \ 112 18 9 ( 67 9 4f 100 2 10 ) 329 19 8 720 1 7 545 19 8 13 17 230 — 33 — 100 — 25 717 2 10 733 19 8' 1 Memorials, page 229. 2 This was made up of 20/. from tiic Lord Mayor and 201. from the Master (Juxon) for a dmner to the Bachelors, and see page 334, note 2. 75 CHAPTEE IV. THE STAR CHAMBER AS TO THE LONDON CORPORATION AND GUILDS. Star Chamber Jurisdiction relating to London, p. 75. — Eden^s case, p. 76. — As to Corporation, p. 76. — As to Guild, p. 76. — Foreign Workmen, p. 77. — Statutes of Henry VIII, p. 77. — Report as to foreigners, p. 78. — Saw.uel Pepys' father admitted to the Merchant Taylors Company, p. 79. — Dutch and French Taylors, p. 79. — Agreement with them, p. 80. — Meeting of the Com- pany to hear Star Chamber decrees, p. 8U. — Note. List of Clerks and Beadles, 1397 to 1624. The Records of the Merchant Taylors Company furnish abundant evidence of the interference of the Star Chamber in the affairs of the Corporation of London and its Guilds in two aspects : First, as a Court of Appeal from the decisions of the Corpora- tion and Guilds. Second, as directing the course to be taken by the Guilds towards foreign workmen of their craft. I. It may be premised of the Star Chamber's jurisdiction that the King, as the fountain " of justice, exercised his jurisdiction originally in the concilium ordinarium, out of which proceeded the Chancery and Common Law Courts, acting under a delegated authority from the King." In regard to matters not coming under the direct cognizance of these Courts, the King's prerogative was held to be in force, and over these matters he exercised judicial authority through the Court ultimately termed (from the ceiling of the room in which its sittings were held) the Star Chamber. The proceedings were taken at the instance of the King's officers or of private subjects, and were either ore tcnus — that is, by summons for personal appearance before the Court (of which Sir Thomas White's case is an instance), when the defendant was often dealt with summ.arily — or by bill, subpoena, and answer as analogous to Chancery, of which Eden's case {infra) is an instance. Any person from whom the payment of costs could be enforced was allowed to appear as plaintiff, and therefore discontented members of a corporation, or the governors of such, could invoke 76 The Star Chamber, Corporation and Guilds, [parti. its assistance. " If a corporation (writes Hudson) be rent asunder by faction, and by wilful and heady practice displacing their officers, the Court would restore and punish, as in the Dyers' case (17 Henry VIII), and so if a troublesome man disquiet the rest (as Dunning, the pewterer, in 3 James I) the Court would punish him." The matters dealt with by the Court were so undefined, and its decisions so unjust and so irrevocable, that the Court as an intolerable grievance, was suppressed. The Star Chamber claimed to be a Court of Eevision and Appeal from the judgment of inferior tribunals, and of this Eden's case, preserved in the records of the Merchant Taylors Com- pany, is an illustration. Eden was admitted a Ereeman of the Company on April 24th, 1556, by apprenticeship to Henry Suckley, and entered into partnership with a worthy Ereeman, one George Toppe (Warden in 1580-4, Master in 1587), against whom he appears to have instituted a suit in the Lord Mayor's Court in or about 1573, which was ultimately settled by the award of Walter Eish (the Master) acting with the Wardens, on jSTovember 23rd, 1573. Like an ill-conditioned fellow, as he probably was, Eden went to the Star Chamber on bill, alleging against Walter Eish and his colleagues perjury and divers other misdemeanours, of which the Court held that there was no proof at all, but on the contrary that the Master and Wardens had acted simply and plainly with the parties' full consent, and without any manner of corruption or suspicion, and the case was dismissed with costs. But surely not only should the case have been dismissed from the Court, but the man from the Company, if Dunning the pew- terer was justly treated. However, instead of the Star Chamber suCTo-esting this course, the Lord Chancellor advised the Company to confer a pension upon him, and as a craving suppliant he obtained it.^ II. The relationship which the City Guilds held toM-ards the foreif^n craftsmen in former days is a matter of interest. The common halls are large ones almost of necessity, as they had to receive all the workmen of their trade, whether home or foreign, to hear from time to time the decrees of the Star Chamber, which regulated their mutual relationship. ' Appendix 14, pages 363-tJ. CHAP. IV.] Statutes of Henry VIII. 77 Two statutes, passed a.d. 1523 and 1529, have a direct bearing on the subject. The first Act, viz., the 14 and 15 Henry VIII, c. 2, prohibited aliens from taking ahen apprentices or from keeping more than two alien journeymen. It placed aliens using any handicraft and living in London under the search of the Wardens of the Craft, and one substantial householder of the same Craft chosen by the Wardens, and it authorised the "Wardens to give the aliens a mark, which the aliens were bound to use upon their goods to distinguish them. Should the Wardens abuse their authority the alien was to obtain relief by bill to the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer, or to the Justices of Assize — words sufficient to give the Star Chamber jurisdiction. After a few years' experience the Act was found not to work well, as the substantial householder either would not attend the search, or, if he did, gave the alien such early notice that he could, if so disposed, square all things before the search was made. The Act was, in fact, evaded, and the London artificers appealed to the Star Chamber for redress. The subject was under consideration of the Court on February 20th, 1528-9, and the result was further legislation on the lines laid down and recommended by its decree. The second Act, 26 Henry VIIT, c. 16 (1529), setting forth and exemplifying the Star Chamber decree, enabled aliens to employ natives as servants or apprentices without limitation of numbers, but subjected aliens to all the impositions and charges (imperial and local) which others of the same craft were liable to. It pro^dded that all householders, strangers, or artificers resident in the city, or within two miles, should, on summons from the Wardens of the Craft, join in making search, under the first Act, and on refusal made them liable to be summoned for fine before the Lord Chancellor or Lord Mayor. Further, on summons from the Wardens, they were to present themselves at the " Common Hall of the Craft," and to be sworn before the INIaster and Wardens to be faithful and true to the King, to be obedient to all acts and decrees made by the King or Council. They were also to make search under the Act, and not to give prior notice or warning to the strangers of the intended search. It was under the authority of this statute that foreign taylors were taken into the Fraternity and sworn in allegiance to the King, and to be a "loving brother" of the Merchant Taylors ; the fruit of * AppenHix 15, pnge 366. 78 Tlie Star Chamber, Corporation and Guilds, [part i. which was to be a donation (in life or at death) to the Fraternity or their priests and poor almsmen. Denizens only were to be permitted to take shops in the city for the exercise of their craft, and alien artificers were prohibited from assembling in any company, fellowship, congregation, or con- venticle, but only in the " Common Hall " with native subjects wliicli be of the Company of the craft, and at such time as they should be commanded and warned by the Master and Wardens, and at none other place or time, or in any other manner. Therefore it was that the " Common Hall " became the centre of all craftsmen, whether native or strangers, connected with the trade of the Merchant Taylors Company, and the place from which all rules and regulations concerning the craft were pro- mulgated. From early times the foreign workmen pressed very heavily upon the native craftsmen, taking work from them and keeping down the price of wages, so that proclamations were frequently issued and addressed to the citizens from the Sovereign and Lord Mayor requiring them to keep the peace towards them. At the close of the Tudor period their presence became so intolerable that some remedial measures had to be adopted, and a Committee of the Court was appointed in December, 1601, the summary of whose report, dated the 6th, may be thus given : — " Eeport of Committee against foreigners and strangers. — Appli- cation made to Parliament rejected. — The charters searched for authority, considered to be ample — no direct punishment appointed — considered to be at the discretion of the M' and Wardens and the Lord Mayor — application to the Lord ]\Iayor recommended for authority to commit offenders. — Master and Wardens to meet weekly, or to revive an ancient custom, some of the Bachelors' Company to meet every Monday fortnight. — This Committee to consist of four Wardens Substitute and two of the Sixteen Men. — To make search throughout the City (according to authority of their ancient charter) for foreigners and strangers making gar- ments, to seize and carry such garments to the Chamberlain. — To summon all offenders before them, and freemen in default of appearance at the hall on quarter days and at burials, and that pay not their quarterage in due time, and all other lawfull de- mands. — To report all offenders to the Master and Wardens, to be dealt with at their discretion according to their offence. — Those that are ancient dwellers and married, and have children born within this City, or otherwise thought fit, shall, upon consideration CHAP. IV.] Peptjs Father Admitted to M. T.C. 79 had, be admitted into this Company (but not made free of the City), and so suffered to work. Foreign Bachelors now come into the City, or otherwise thought fit to be removed, after warning given, by four at a time be committed to the counter, upon the Lord Mayor's commandment, no further fine to be taken of them than the Chamberlain takes for garments found in their hands on Serch days. The care and zeal of this Committee commended, and their suggestions approved, with rec[uest that they may be done with gra^dty, judgment, and consideration, and the Master and "Wardens to be informed from time to time of their proceedings." And before passing from this entry we may mention another in connection with it, viz., the admission of " John Pepys," the father of Samuel Pepys, F.R.S. (the Diarist of Charles II's reign) to be a member of the Merchant Taylors Company, under the authority which this decree gives for admitting foreign taylors as members. It is in these words : — " 16th November, 1653. Admission of Forren Tailors. " This day R. Cumberland, and John Pepys, William Gyles, J. Waine, Robert Trevethen, Thomas Christmas, Edward Martin, and William Foster, forreiners, cutting tailors, inhabiting in Salisbury Court, Whitefriars and Blackfriars, were admitted free Brothers of this Company according to an ancient order of this Court of 6th December, 1601. And they presented the Company wdth their several pieces of plate following, viz. : R. Cumberland gave one silver tankard; J. Pepys gave one silver tankard and a trencher salt ; W. Gyles, two silver cups ; J. Waine, one silver tankard ; E. Trevethen, one great salt and a trencher salt ; T. Christmas, one silver bowl with the Company's arms ; Edward Martin, one dozen spoons ; and William Foster, three silver porringers, of all which this Court accepted.^ But the peace resulting from these measures suggested by the Company was of short duration, the Merchant Taylors endeavoured to expel the Dutch and French tailors who had come over for freedom and liberty of conscience, and had not the elders of the Dutch and French churches made application to the Privy Council for protection, might have succeeded, but after a conference with the Merchant Taylors Company a concordat was agreed upon. The question affected the Yeomen or working rather than the Merchant Taylors, and therefore it was left a good deal to the Wardens Substitute and the Sixteen Men to manage. After a full ^ I am indebted to Mr. Harcourt A. F. Chambers, of the Merchant Taylors Company, for bringing this and many other entries used in this work to my notice. 80 The Star Chamber, Corporation aiid Guilds, [parti. discussion a definite agreement under seal was come to with the foreigners on the*13th January, 1608. " To this assembly resorted Sir Noel de Caron,^ Ambassador to the State of the Lowe Countries, and fower Elders, viz*., two of the Dutch church, and two of the French church, and in the presence of two of the "Warden Substitutes and fower of the Sixteen men. After a long discourse and many objections, 2)?'o ct contra, it was in thend concluded and agreed as in and by certen articles of agi^ee- ment Indented under the hands of the said parties, whereof one parte remayneth with the said Ambassador and thother w"' this Company, and the copy thereof being entered in a faier vellum book remayning with the Warden Substitutes." About the same time a disagreement arose between (the some- what discordant elements of) the Merchant and the Taylor Com- panies, and terms of agreement had to be arranged between them. The dinners of the Taylors had come to be allowed for out of the Treasury, and the expense had to be curtailed, but, as bearing upon our subject, which was dealt ^ith in the last chapter, we need only refer to the " Strangers " dinner, given when the foreigners were summoned to hear the " Star Chamber " decrees, that they might, as policy required, be kept in good humour. " Forasmuch as the Dynner yerely kept for the entertaining of strangers groweth to a great charge, and no reason that the strangers should be better entertained then the King's naturall subject. It is therefore ordered that the same Dynner shall be no longer kept. Nevertheless it is agreed that the House shal allow 3Z. 6s. M. for a Dynner for the "Wardens Substitute and Sixteene men upon the day that the strangers be yerely somond to appear before them to hear the Decree in the Star Chamber, and the orders lately agreed upon to be read before them."^ It may be noticed that the members of the Star Chamber, like those of the Merchant Taylors Court, dined together after each sitting, and the expense of the Star Chamber dinners are set out in the authorities quoted. * This gentleman was ambassador for thirtj-four years for the Netherlands in Elizabeth's and James I's reigns. He had a handsome house at South Lambeth (site of Beaufort's Distillery), with a deer park, where in July, 1599, he entertained Elizabeth. He was a donor to Lambeth parisli, and in 1G15 founded almsliouses at Vauxhall, for seven poor women, with an annual ])ension of 4/. each. His house is shown in maps of the present century. He died in December, 1624. — Eye's England, page 251. ^ The Star Chamber papers are to be published by the Record Commissioners, b'lt till then see Hudson's Treatise (1635) printed Hargrave's Coll. Jur., vol. 2, and Mr. Bruce's paper in vol. 25 ArchiEologia, and cases printed in 32 (N.S.) Camden Coll., 1886. CHAP. IV.] List of Clerks and Beadles. List or Clerks and Beadles of the Livery. ' Date of Appointment. Clerk. Beadle. Before 1397 John Brenchele. Da^^d Kelby. 140.3 — John Wenge (or Wynge)^ 1420 Nicholas Hoper. 1427 Thomas Swaby (or Swatlieby). Before 14.52 Nicholas Mille. Reginald Burgate. 1453 William Bouchier. 1456 Thomas ffililode. 1462 — Peter Ferrys. 1464 Thomas Kirton. Before 1492 William Duryvale. Thomas Gresyle. 1493 Henry Mayour. Before 1512 — William Erie. Before 1545 Eoger Wylson. Thomas Carne (or Can). 1546 John Huchenson. Richard Corryndon (or Carry ngton). 1569 — Francis Yoman. 1571 Nicholas Fuljambe. 1575 Thomas Hazelfote. 1579 — Robert Dowle. 1586 Barnabas Hilles. 1587 Richard Wright. 1590 — Edward Thruxton. 1594 Eichard Langley. 1598 — Nicholas Hmxlys. 1610 Richard Baldock. 1621 Robert Churchman. 1624 Clement Mosse. 1 Mr. Chambers has furnished this list. VOL. I. 82 CHAPTER V. THE HALL AND ITS CONTENTS. The Hall,antiqidty, p. 82. — Purchase in \'^Z\, p. 83. — Sir 0. Ingham tenant thereof, p. 84. — Inghani's Hall rebuilt, p. 84. — Hall in 1575, p. 84. — Ambassadors lodged in (1518 and 1619), p. 85. — Fire of London, p. 85 — Dates of different parts of the Building, p. 85. — Description of the Hall, p. 86. — Saltpetre diggers, p. 87. — Floor covered with rushes, p. 87. — Erasmus's description, p. 87. — Flooring of Hall, p. 87. — Glazed in 1419, p. 87. — Inventories of 1512 and 1609 as ilhistrating tioo distinct periods, p. 88. — ^S*^. John Baptist's Statue, p. 88. — Tapestry, p. 89. — Furniture, p. 90. — Table trestles, p. 90.^ — Laying the Cloth, p. 90. — Plate of 1491,^. 91. — " The Joivell House," p. 91. — Basyns and Ewres,p. 92. — Saltes,p. 93. — Spones,pp. 93 and 94. — Stondyng Vuppes, p. 95. — Pottes, p. 96. — Bolles, p. 97. — Plate for kepyng of Obyttes, and Masers, p. 98.— 0/ie knife, p. 99. — " The Parloure,''' p. 99. — >S'^, John's Statue, p. 99. — Tapestry, p. 99. — Sir John Skevington's ivill {note), p. 99. — Furniture, p. 100. — For Funerals, p. 101. — For Triumphs, p. 102. — The Yard, p. 102. — Almery,p. 102. — The King's Chamber, p. 103. — 7'he Kitchen and the Larder, p. 104. — The Pastry, p. 104.— The Buttery, p. 104.— The Storehotise, p. 105.— -A'o Napery, p. 105. — No Glass, p. 105. — Pewter, p. 106. — Butler, p. 106. — Additions in 1609, jo. 106. — The Brasse, p. 107. — The Lynnen, p. 107. — Clock in the yard, p. 108. — Armour, p. 109. — Note as to the dimensions of the Hall, p. 109. EOLLOWING upon the incorporation of the Guild in 1327 was the acquisition of the Hall premises in 1331, in which during succeed- ing centuries the corporate life of the guildsmen has been passed. Therefore it may be well before entering upon the record of the doings of these citizens to gather up some particulars of the Hall premises in which they passed much of their time and with which their labours for the craft are closely associated. The incidents in M'hich they bore part will be better realized if we can make our- selves familiar with the Hall (in which they assembled the Erater- nity) and its contents. The Hall from the necessity for accommodation must have been large, as the place not only for the annual festival of St. John, at which many guests and all the Eraternity attended, but also for the assembling of all craftsmen, native or foreign, tliat were afiiliated to the Company. CHAP, v.] Purchase in \2>^1. 83 It would be interesting if we could determine with accuracy whether any and what parts of the present Hall premises are the same as those in which Sir John Percyvale, Sir Stephen Jenyns and other worthies conducted the Company's affairs during their masterships ; but though we believe them to be so, yet the Com- pany's records afford no positive proof of the fact. The property was purchased by the Company of Crepin in the year 1331.^ "It is needless to remind you that at that time no Bank of England, no Eoyal Exchange, no Mansion House, no Guildhall existed, but we had three grand religious foundations around us — St. Austin's, St. Helen's, and St. Antholin's — the jiigs of which latter house often, we have no doubt, were found in our stable and on our dunghill. You must think of London as of a small city surrounded (as York and Lancaster now are) with walls and well- guarded gates. Wliat the Merchant Taylors Company acquired in 1331 is carefully set out in the conveyance deed enrolled at Guild- hall. Threadneedle-street sprang from our subsequent occupation as we abutted on Broad Street (then what its name signified), with a garden, stable, &c., in the rear, having a gate opening upon Cornhill. What adjacent residences then existed are facts not easily traceable, but their usual surroundings were open gardens, for when in later years Sir W. Pawlett and Lord Crom- well built their houses in the ward, they had large gardens.- In Cheapside a tournament was held in the year following our acquisition, at which Edward III and Queen Phillippa were pre- ' From a paper read in Merchant Tajlors' Hall on the 8th day of December, 1886. ^ The injustice which Cromwell, then " Sir Thomas," inflicted on Stowe's father, his son thus describes : — " On the south side, and at the west end of this church, many fair houses are built ; namely, in Thiogmorton Street, one very large and sjjacious, built in the place of old and small tenements by Thomas Cromwell, master of the king's jewel-house, after that, master of the rolls, then Lord Cromwell, knight, lord priry seal, vicar-general, Earl of Essex, high chamberlain of England, &c. This house being finished, and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a garden, he caused the pales of the gardens adjoining to the north part thereof on a sudden to be taken down ; twenty-two feet to be measiu'ed forth right into the north of every man's ground ; a line there to be drawn, a trench to be cast, a foundation laid, and a high brick wall to be built. My father had a garden there and a house standing close to his south pale ; this house they loosed from the ground, and bare upon rollers into my father's garden twenty-two feet, ere my father heard thereof; no warning was given him, nor other answer, when he Sf)ake to the surveyors of that work, biit that their master. Sir Thomas, commanded them 80 to do ; no man durst go to argue the matter, but each man lost his land, and my father paid his whole rent, which was 6*. Qd. the year, for that half which was left. Thus much of mine own knowledge have I thought good to note, that the sudden rising of some men causeth them to forget themselves." VOL. I. G 2 84 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. sent. Walbrook ran as a clear stream. The Maypole stood in Leadenhall, and the Ton for incontinent priests in the centre of Coruhill." " What kind of premises we acquired may be judged of by the social position in London of the occupying tenant whom we succeeded. His name was Oliver de Ingham, first a knight and then a peer of Parliament. Born of a Norfolk family, and coming to his inheritance at 23, he became a great soldier and was the Seneschal of Gascony, then one of the guardians of the realm, and in 1328 (when resident here) a Eoyal Commissioner with the Lord Mayor to enquire into the City riots. The notable exploit of his life was the defence of Bordeaux against the French king (Philip) in 1340, when, by inviting the enemy within the gates, he captured them with a slender garrison. His occupation of our hall was from 1327 to 1331, in which latter year he was again sent on foreign service, and there died in 1344. In the village church at Ingham is to be seen his effigy, with his gilt spurs and the order of the Garter.^" " Ingham's Hall, it is thought, was replaced in the fourteenth century by the present Hall, and no traces of his original hall are to be found, unless they are the kitchen or chapel and a crypt leading thereto from the street. The fire of 16G6 burnt down the houses standnig in front of the Hall in Threadneedle- street, but stopped at St. Martin's Church, which was slightly in- jured. It did not reach to the houses in Bishopsgate-street, but the hall was so injured as to need a new roof and general restoration, the area and general arrangement stand, it is thought as they existed when James I was entertained in 1607."^ We are not aware of any particular description of the Hall by any writer contemporary with the Tudor period, save in a MS. History of London,^ by W. Smith, Citizen and Haberdasher, who, writing in 1575. describes the Hall " as of stone and of such byggnes that it passeth all the Halles in London for beauty and comlyness."'* This descri]3tion could scarcely apply to Crepin's ^ Other incidents in his life are given in Part 2, Chapter 1. 2 I have examined all the extant leases granted before and after the fire that are held by the Company, and the text is the residt. Other particidai's as to the entertainment are given in eo-^PMso.— Chapter XVI, page 275, post. ^ Possessed by Simpson Eostron, Esq., of the Inner Temple, London. * In the Rutland Papers (Camden Society, 1842) there is a list of "lodgings " up]iointed for Mie Emperor Charles V and his retinue, when he visited London in 1522. Four of the Companies' Halls are described, but not the Mcrcliant Taylors'. The accommodation which each house would afford, in rooms and feather beds, is given. A good proportion of the houses had " Halls " and " Chapels."— Page 86. CHAP, v.] Ambassadors lodged in 1518 and 1619. 85 dwelling-house of 1331, and therefore at some time prior to 1575 the Hall which W. Smith refers to must have been bmlt by the Merchant Taylors' Company. Of the size of the Hall we have other incidental evidence.^ It was used until 1502, alternately with the Grocers' Hall for the Mayor's Feast, and, like other Halls of the period, for the lodgement of ambassadors and other great men visiting Loudon. The French ambassador who negotiated with Wolsey the four treaties of October, 1518, for the marriage of the Princess Mary with the Dauphin, the restitution of Tournay, the meeting of Henry and Francis in the Valley of Andern, and other matters, was quartered in the HaU. Upon the occasion of the Emperor Charles V's visit to London in 1522, the Emperor and his suite were lodged in the Blackfriars and Bridewell, and in the clergy-houses round St. Paul's, but in 1526 the ambassador from Scotland and in 1619 the Dutch ambassador^ were lodged in it. Lea^T^ng the date of the building for the present undecided, we will refer, by quotation, to the Company's records for the dates at which the Hall and the several rooms in and adjacent are men- tioned thus : — 1. The gateway and solar over it in Cornhill (1331). 2. The chapel (1406-7). 3. The lord's chamber (great parlour), (1419). 4. The grand chamber (1-422). 5. -The hall (1406-7). 6. The pantry (1408). 7. The buttery (1433-4). 8. The larder (1408-9). 9. The scullery (1433-4). 10. The kitchen (1406-7). 11. The pastry— on Sital House (1408). 12. The chamber over the hall. 13. The laundry. 14. The bakehouse (oven), (1406). 1 Xote, page 109. 2 Payments in Henry VIII' s reign. To Sir Jolm Daunee for prorision made by him of wines, &c., at Tailor Hall, Loudon, for the French ambassador, 134?. 19*. lOd. January, 1519. — For. and Dom. Letters, Henry YIII, vol. 3, page 1534. Eichard Blakgrove (the Mercer), was the keeper of the HaU for that occasion. 1526, 12th July. 14 Henry YIII.— Hire of staff for Tailor Hall for the am- bassador of Scotland.— 2751, vol. 4, For. and Dom. Letters, Henry VIII, page 1228. lt)19.— Dutch ambassadors.— Col. S. P., pages 8 and 480. 86 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. 15. The brewhouse. 16. The gardener's house. 17. The stables (1422-3). 18. The clerk's chamber (1426-7). 19. Chequer (1421-2). 20. The spring (or well), (1421-2). 21. The storehouse (1426-7). 22. The ewery (treasury), (1422-3). 23. The wardrobe (cloth chamber), (1421-2). This list is not exhaustive of the accommodation of the premises, while it must be noticed that the Hall stood in a garden (with a fountain and bowling green, grass plots, and allies), well cared for by the Company, and sufficiently private in 1625 as to induce the East India Company to solicit for the Lord Ambassador^ from Persia " the liberty of walking therein for his recreation." The present Hall is an accurate representation of one of the 14th century. In the arrangement of such we begin, writes Parker,^ " with the dais or raised platform at one end, on which the high table was placed lengthways ; in the centre was the seat of the lord, sometimes raised again in a separate chair. . . At one end of the dais in the recess stood the buffet, on which the plate was displayed, and opposite were two doorways, one to the cellars, and the other to the staircase leading to the saloon or principal chambers." So far his description is exactly that of Merchant Taylors' Hall, and he proceeds with a closer analogy : — " At the end of the Hall opposite to the dais was the screen, with the Minstrel's Gallery over it ; and under the gallery was a passage through, with a door at each end. In the wall behind the screen there were three doors — to the kitchen (down a short flight of steps), to the buttery, and to the pantry or servants' apart- ments." Those who know the premises will be struck with the accuracy and applicability of this description to the present Hall and to that in which James I was entertained. No chimney or fireplace exists, and the usual custom was to make the fire in the middle of the Hall,^ and huge logs were piled ' lie lived in Sir L. Halliday's house in iiishopsgate, and on 10th August, 1626, attended the funeral of his secretary, whose tomb was till lately to be seen in St. Botolph's Churchyard.— Vol. 10, p. 3, B. of E. and W. (1815), page 160, Bishops- gate Register, page 437. He was also entertained by the Company 20th March, 1625. 2 Domestic Arch., "S'ol. II, l)agc 39. •* This was so here, page 49, ante. CHAP, v.] Erasmus s Description. 87 upon the " andirons," and thrown upon the rere-dos or hearth, the smoke escaping from the louvre in the roof/ In the year 1415-6 the Company made two chimney in their premises, and one of these in the Parloure, " for a pece of wayues- cote was framed " to cover it up.^ It will be noticed that the " fote pace " at the " high dais " was boarded, but that the dais was both matted and boarded, and so were the sides of the Hall, leaving the centre, or " Marsh " (to be covered with clean straw or rushes on the feast day of St. John's), for the convenience of tlie domestics or the display of pageants. In the accounts of 1545-6 we find this entry: "Given in reward to my Lord Chancellor's ofticers (the Company's tenant, Lord Wriothesley, being Chancellor) to stay the saltpetre makers from turning up the floor of our Hall, 10s." Of English houses in Henry VIII's reign, Erasmus wrote thus: "The floors are in general laid with white clay and are covered with ruslies,' occasionally removed, but so imperfectly that the bottom layer is left undisturbed, sometimes for twenty years, harbouring expec- torations, vomitings, the leakage of dogs and men, ale droppings, scraps of fish, and other abominations not fit to be mentioned."* Before the floor was tiled the Court Minutes (July, 1646) describe it " as inconvenient and often times noisome " ; which this entry in the Master's accounts for 1545-6 would seem to confirm : " Paid 10s. 2d. to 2 women for 12 days, taking 60 loads of rushes out of the Hall." Ptushes were used as early as 1399, and for the banquet to James I in 1607, Guy Robinson (who was reprimanded in July, 1595, for unseemly behaviour) supplied for the Hall upon that occasion twenty-four dozen of rushes at 3s. a dozen. Late in the sixteenth century (November, 1587^) the Hall was ordered to be glazed, and the arms of benefactors to be set up at the cost of the Company, but from an entry in the account books for 1403-4 (Pour I'amendment de fenestre de glas, 3s.), and in 1419-20 (glazing the great window, 31. 15s.) it would appear that glass® was used at an early period. ^ Domestic Arch., Yol. II, page 39. ^ See Life of Percyrale, post. ^ If clean ones were not provided for each new guest, the expression arose "that you did not care a rush for him," which has siu'Tived to the jJresent day. ■* Erasmus to Francis the Physician and Cardinal Wolsey, vol. 1, Brewer's Henry YIII, page 239, note. * By a singular coincidence the Merchant Taylors Company adopted this course in NoTember, 1887, as to their Library and Court Koonis. ® The cost of glass in the 15th century was ocl. per foot. When tlie Duke of Northimiberland left his London house the windows were taken out and laid up ; 88 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. "What were the furniture and garnishment of the Hall premises and how these were distributed in the different parts or rooms are shown in two Inventories of effects, the first taken originally in the year 1512 (but to which articles were subsequently added as they were acquired), and the other in 1609, taken under an express order of the Court of the 28th August in that year. Tliese inventories represent two distinct periods of religion and manners ; the first, say fifty years before, and the other fifty years after, the Reforma- tion. The test is founded upon the first inventory, and the other is only used when distinct reference is made to it. In some particulars the differences in the inventories are noticeable. In 1609 all the religious emblems have been removed from the plate, and the statues of St. John, besides the splendid em- broidered tapestry are not to be found on the premises. Some progress had been made in furniture, but still for the rooms and the biiuq'^ets it is very sparse compared with our modern con- veniences. In the Hall, the place of assembly for the whole Fraternity at their Quarterly Courts, stood a statue of their patron saint John Baptist (" gilt standing in a Tabernacle also gilt ") which was probably the gift of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, as we find 10s. .paid to his servant in 1436 for bringing a statue of St. John to the Hall. This Earl was admitted to the honorary freedom of the Company in 1420, and was slain at the battle of St. Albans in 1455, as a follower of Henry VI.^ " 3 costrynges," i.e., side pieces or hangings, " of red saye," probably of sDk, " with borders stayned of the lyf of St. John hangyng there the more parte of the yere." Then " 3 torches garnysshed hangyng afore St. John." The Hall at that time would seem to have been lit with wax, although candles date from the loth century. The distinguishing garnishment on the surrounding walls of the Hall was the embroidered tapestry, giving the incidents of the life and death of St. John Baptist, which Edmund Spenser may have often looked upon (Book 2, Canto ix). It is thus entered : " Itm, 9 pieces of Arays richly made of the lyf of Saint John, wherof 2 of the first are made atte costes of the crafte, price 80Z. they appear to have been deemed more essential in Henry VIII's reign, when they became fixtures. — See Dom. Arch, {passim) and Northumberland's expenses (1512). Pickering, London (1827). > See his life in Vol. 1, jjage 241, of The Annals of the House of Percy (1887). CHAP, v.] Tapestry. 89 " The 3cle cloth of the same syde of the gyfte of Maistres Kateryn Pemberton/ whose soule God pardon, the price, 4S)V' After this follows the entry of Sir Stephen and Lady Jenyns and William Buk's gifts to the Company, which are thus de- scribed : " The 3 clothes of the high doysse of the gyfte of the Eight honourable Sir Stephen Jenyns, Knight, late Maj-re of London, the price 100/. and aboue. And the last 3 clothes of the gyfte of the Eight Worshipful! William Buk, late Maister of this frater- nitee, decessed, on whom Jhu have mercy, price 123/. " Whiche 9 Clothes of Arays are well lined with canvas, lyred lowped and corded, and ben putte in 9 seuerall bagges of canvas w stryuges to them pertynent. " Also the Eight revered Dame Margaret, Wyfe of the forsaid S' Sephen Jenyns, of hyr good mynde and zele that she bereth to this Company, hat gyffen a cloth of Saint John, richely browdered, sette vpon blewe velvet with a white Eose over the hed of Saint John, the sydes of grene velvet, browdered with floure de luces of venyce gold, and with thise Wordes browdered in golde Entere tenere, Which said clothe and all the forsaid 9 clothes of arays are remaynyng in a gret joyned chest w* 2 lokkes, staudyug in the ChapeU." Arras was introduced in the 14th century, and was often richly embroidered and used to furnish or ornament the back of th ( dais. Frequently it was so costly that noblemen had it removed with them from one castle or mansion to another. Some appears to have been introduced into the Hall as early as 1421-2, when brackets were purchased for hanging it, and another part was bought in 1502. Looking at the vast cost of the gifts of Jenyns and W. Buk these were probably very fine specimens of the embroiderer's art.^ In the inventory of the gTeat Hall in 160 9 the images of St. John and the beautiful embroidered tapestry are not to be found, only "the nine pieces of arras " as "the hangings for the hall," with "nine bags wherein the same arras were kept." These pieces would appear from an earlier entry ^ of March, 1587, to have been 408 • Tins lady, the wife of Hugh Pemberton, was a donor of land still held by the Company in the Yintry, but lost sight of as a donor till 1885. ^ The Hall was wainscotted in 1729, and what was left of the tapestry sold in 1736-2 to Mr. Deputy Tatem for 201. — Memorials, page 37. * Memorials, page o3G. 90 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. Flemish olnes in length, and they were probably the same which sur\dved the fire and were sold in Alderman Salter's mastership to Deputy Tatem for 20/. The paucity of ordinary furniture contrasts strangely with our modern experience, but in the Inventory of the Earl of Northvmi- berland for his two mansions of Wressel and Leckingfield, taken in the same year (1512), the furniture of the apartments consisted of nothing but long tables, benches, cupboards, and bedsteads. Thus the " great chamber " had one long table upon a frame, and a cupboard with a door ; and the " Hall " sixteen great standing- tables with six forms, three cupboards with two doors, but neither keys nor locks. The boards and trestles were brought in by the domestics and made up into tables before each dinner, and the table was set out with great solemnity. Paul Hentzner in 1598 describes what he saw at Elizabeth's palace at Greenwich : " A gentleman entered the room bearing a rod and along with him another who had a table cloth, and after they had both knelt three times with the utmost veneration, he spread the cloth upon the table, and after kneeling again they both retired. Then came two others, one with the rod again and the other with a salt cellar, a j)late, and bread, when they had knelt (as the others had done), and placed what was brought upon the table they too retired with the same cere- monies performed by the first."^ After dinner the tables were removed in the presence of the guests.^ The Constable of Castile in his description of James I's banquet at Wliitehall in 1604 writes : " The cloth having been removed, every one immediately rose up, the table was placed on the ground, and their Majesties standing upon it, proceeded to wash their hands, which is stated to be an ancient ceremony.''^ The furniture of the Merchant Taylors' Hall was : — " Eirst an image of Saint John Baptist, gilt, standyng in a Tabernacle, gilt. " Itm, 3 Costrynges of red Saye with borders steyned of the lyf of Saint John, hangyng there the more parte of the yere. " Itm, the high table dormaunt* with a particion slydyng in the myddell. ^ Rye's England, page 106, and see further Our English Home, page 30. - Order, 1st July, 1588 {po.sl). •* Rye, page 122. ■• In Chaucer's desc-iplion of tlie sumptuous Franklin he writes ; " His table Donnaunt in his Halle alway Stood redy covered all the longe day." CHAP, v.] Plate of 14.01. 91 " Itm, 9 double stoles Joyiied with fote paces for the same table. " Itm, a Joyued stole with a fote pace for thende of the same table. " Itm, 4 syde tables dormaunt. " Itm, 4 formes dormaunt. " Itm, 4 foimes remevable. " Itm, 8 tables remevable. " Itm, 3 torches garnysshed hangyng affore Saint John.^ " Itm, the high doysse matted and horded. " Itm, both sydes of the said haU matted and horded. " Itm, the fote pace atte high doysse horded thurgh oute. " Itm, thall crested rownd aboute. " Itm, a Cupborde with 4 fete in the South Wyndowe. " Itm, in the Cupborde Eoom on the North syde 3 hawle paces for plate and a shelve bylowe. " Itm, dyvers tresteUes and stoles staked Hying atte theste ende of the Hall." The cupboard was the equivalent for our present buffet or sideboard, placed m a conspicuous position for tlie flagons and cups to be shown upon it. To serve at the sideboard was a post of honour. The absence of all chairs will be noticed, only " stoles " and forms being used. In 1609 only twelve great stoles belonoiucr to the upper table are entered. The earliest list of plate is A.D. 1491.^ The contents are valued thus : White plate of 1,081 ozs. at 3s. M. the oz., 180^. 3s. 4d The Nottes and Mazers had 52 ozs. and 2s. 8^. an oz., 6/. 18s. 8d. The gilt plate was 504 ozs. in weight and 3s. 8d. an oz., was in ardent 147^. 8s., making a total of 334/. 10s., according to the entry. But the plate of 1491 is included in the Inventory of 1512, many of the articles being set out in detail. It will be seen that the emblems were all more or less religious and frequently have a special reference to St. John Baptist. The place of custody is thus described : — " The Joivell House. " First, a new Almery of waynescote, with 3 flores, 4 lokkes, and 6 keys of the prouysion and ordynance of the forsaid Maister TresaweU and his Wardeyns, for the conseruacion and sauf kepyno- ' See an illustration of a torch before an Image. Wright's Domestic Manners, page 878. ^ Purchases were made in 1428, amounting to 73?. 2*. 11(^.— Memorials, paf^e G2. 92 Tlie Hall and its Contents. [part i. of the plate, jowelles, chailres, evy deuces, and muuymeutes con- cernyng and bilongyng to this fraternitee." First in the enumeration are " Basyns and Ewres" which were essential articles of domestic use before James I's reign, when forks were introduced from Italy. The banquet being served both before and after its completion the attendants came with these articles and a napkin, offering them to each guest. " Basyns and Eivres} " First, 2 gilt basyns of estate, with lambes and sonnes, pois togiders by the weight of troye (gift of W. Chapman, Master, 1428), 149 vnc. " ^Jtm, 4 basyns of siluer parcell gilte, with lambes and sonnes in the botoms, pois togiders by the said weight, 191 vnc. " ^Itm, 4 ewres of siluer, with lyke tokens on the lyddes, pois togiders, 93 vnc. •' Itm, 3 basyns, with sterres and lambes in the botoms, pois togiders, 193 vnc. and di. " Itm, 3 ewres, parcell gilt of the same makvng, with lambes on the liddes, pois, 87 vnc. and di. " M*^ that the Basyn and Ewer w* tharmes of Mr. Hugh Pem- berton,^ late Aldreman (Master 1481), weyen togyders by the weight of Troye, 78 vnces lakkyng di qrt. " Itm, of the gift of Master Henr. Dacres (Warden 1510), A Basyn and An Ewar of Siluer parsell gyft w' his Armes in the Botom of the saied basyn, weyeng poiz." It will be noticed that the Company possessed eleven basins, but in 1609 there were only seven in number of which one only bore the name of an old benefactor (Dacres), and other four were given by wci^ benefactors (as Eichard Maye, Master 1583; William Wilkes, 1592 ; Henry Lee, and Arthur Medlicote, Warden, 1604). Of ewers they possessed nine, of which seven only existed in 1609, and are accounted for as the basins have been. The old basins and ewers must, therefore, have been sold, or transferred to the Bachelors Company. " The Saltes gilt." The Company had one large square salt and four others. The place in which the " salt " was fixed in the Hall ^ John Stone, Warden in 1439, and Sheriff in 1404, was a donor of two Basons and Ewres. His widow, Margaret, gave a salt in 1465-6. 2 Kose Swan (1498) gave two basons and two Ewres, weighing 174 ozs. 3 Buried in St. Martin's, but now in St. Helen's, whose wife, Katherine, was a benefactress to the Company. CHAP, v.] Saltes and Spones. 93 determined the seats of the guests. The principal, guects were seated on the dais, but the others at long tables in the body of the Hall ; in the middle of each table stood the " great salt " and the guests were classed as they were placed either above or below the " salt." The better servants attended upon the first and the inferior on the other guests. " Saltes, gilt. " First, a large square salt, with a couer with torettes, and a lambe w* a sonne on the pomell, pois, 70 vnc. and di. " Itm, a square salt couered, with a pellycane on the knop, of the gyfte of Maistres Bate^ (1418), pois, 42 vnc. and di. " Itm, a round salt, gilt, couered, with a lambe and sonne on the pomell, pois, 44 vnc." " Itm, 2 salters with a couer parcell gylt, chaced with sonnes and small roses of the biquest of Thomas Howden^ (Warden 1494) late Master, weyen togyders 39 vnces and di. In 1609 the same number but none of the old salts remained, one of the new being given in 1603 by Mr. Anthony Sprott, ad- mitted to the Livery 21st August, 1602. The old salts weighed 195 oz. and the new 148 oz. only. Then are entered : " Sjjones, gilt and tvhite. " First, 6 spones of the gyfte of Mr. Barther Eeed and Thomas Wyndowte, Shreffs (1497) (for the use of the hall for their dinner), w* Saint John Baptist on the spones endes, pois togiders, 9 vnc. 3 quarters. " Itm, 6 gilt spones, with wrethen knoppes, late Mr. Swannes . . . . . . . . . . . , , ^ _ v^ To vn c " Itm, 6 gilt spones, with strawbery knoppes, pois [ J togiders " Itm, 6 gilt spones, with acornes, of the gyfte of John Herst (Warden 1490 and given in 1499), pois togiders, 10 vnc. quarter di. " Itm, 2 gilt spones,with round knoppes and sonnes, pois, 3 vnc. " Itm, a gilt spone, of the gyfte of Grey (a whole brother in 1495), with Saint John on the knoppe, and the stele graven w*' his name, 2 vnces di quarter lesse. " Itm, spones, whyte, with Saint John vpon the knoppes, 12 ^ Ealpli Bate was Master in tliis year, aud Eichard admitted to the freedom in 1485-6. 2 See Bill in Chancery to recover this. Appendix 19, page 372. 94 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. dossen and one spone, pois togiders by the weight of troye, 181 vnc. " Itm, 3 spones gylt, which Kichard Barton gafe to thiise of this place for to haue his lees sealed w*' the comen seale of the tent that he holdeth in Lumberd Strete, pois, 3 vnces. " Itm, a gilt spone wt seint John of the gyft of Agnies Benet poys, 2 oz. "Itm, 12 spones w* seint John of the gyfte of Alane Hubert, late deceased, weyen to gyders 20 vnces, quarter. " Item, 1 dozen gilt spoons of the gift of Mr. John Wilkinson, Alderman (buried in St. Andrew's Undershaft), given in the time of John Goune, Master 1620, 26 oz. and 3 quarters." One donor, the late Mv. Swannes, was a member of a family connected with the Company from 1399-40, as in the books of that year one " Johan Swayn, Taillour," is found entered as a confrere, paying 20s. for admission. John of the same name became Master in 1-470 and Sheriff in 1485, and afterwards an Alderman ; he died sometime before 1493, as in that year his widow, Eose, paid the Company (in the presence of Buk, Jenyns, and other worthies) ]49/. 6s. 8<^. Cin gold and grotes) for establishing an obit under indenture with the Master and Wardens,'^ money which appears soon to have been spent in rebuilding the property of the Company in the Vintry. Another donor, Eichard Barton, was probably the first lessee of part of the estate which Sir John Percyvale had devised to the Company in Lombard Street. In the inventory of 1609 the spoons given by Hubert and "Wilkinson are to be found. All the other s]ioons in the inventory of 1512 have disappeared, but these are entered as special gifts : — " 1 dozen spoons by John Fount, and 24 gilt spoons by our bene- factor Eobert Dow^e, Master 1578."2 ■ " Stondyng Cuppes," are then entered, which, with " Pottes and Bolles." were articles of necessity when glass and earthenware were not used. Many of these cups were gifts of guildsmen in commemoration of holding office : the earliest donation being that of John Fulthorp, who was Master in 1412 ; and one (Fener's) was given for an obit. " Stondyng Cuppes. " First, a gret gilt standing cup, couered, for the chosyng of the Maister, pois, 66 vnces. ' Memorials, page 72. ^ Dowe's spoons were given 19th June, IGOo. CHAP, v.] Stand (j7ig Cuppes. 95 " lim, an other gilt cu'p, couered, with a lam be and the soune graven in the fote, with gaudete in diio, pois, 51 vnc. 3 quarters. " Itm, a stondyng gilt cup, couered, with 3 angelles on the fote, and ecce agnus dei on the couer, pois, 55 vnces. " Itm, a stondyng gilt cup, couered, with a lambe and the sonne on the couer, of the gyffe of John Fulthorp (jMaster 1412), pois 45 vnc. " Itm, a standing cup, couered, of the gyffe of Maistres Cham- pernon (wife of Hugh, given in 1489), pois, 51 vnc. and di. " Itm, a stondyng cup, couered, chaced wrethen, of the gyfte of Maister Stodard (Master in 1465, but the gift was made in 1490), pois, 40 vnc. " Itm, a stondyng cup, couered, with a pomell castell wyse, of the gyfte of Maistres Eose Swan (1493), pois, 42 vnc. " Itm, 2 stondyng gilt cuppis, couered, chaced with sonbeames, of Mr. Materdale's (Master in 1480 but given in 1499) yefte, pois togiders, 80 vnc. " Itm, a stondyng gilt cup, couered, and chaced with the Ee- surrexion on the pomell, of the gyfte of my Lady Bergevenny (wife of Eichard jSTaylor, Master in 1475, but given in 1499), pois 40 vnc. 3 quarters. " Itm, 2 standyng cuppes, couered, a more and a lesse, of the gyfte of M'^- Petyt (Master in 1498), pois togiders, 63 vnces. " Itm, a standyng cup, couered, of the gyfte of Mr. Boughton (Master in 1495), pois, 34 vnces and di. " Itm; a standyng cup, couered, chaced di. gilt, of the gyfte of Mr. Prince, pois, 41 vnces. " It7n, a standyng cup, couered, chaced di. gilt with a floure in the botom, pois, 22 vnces. " Itm, a standyng cup, couered, with Saint MigheU on the knop, with a spere and a perle on thende, of the gyfte of Margery Materdale, pois, 32 vnces and di. " Itm, a grete notte, garnysshed with siluer and ouergilt with Saint John on the knop, of the gyfte of Mr. Breux (Master 1463), pois, 39 vnc. " Itm, a standyng cup, gilt w* a couer, and a columbjm on the pomell, of the gyfte of Dame Thomasyn Percyvale, pois by the troye weight, 47 vnces. " Itm, of hyr gyfte a layer of siluer parcell gilt, weiyng by the same weight, 39 vnces." " Itm, a white standing cup, with a couer, of the gyfte of Thomas Gardyner (AVarden 1501), poys by troy weight, 24 vnces. 96 Tlie Hall and its Contents. [part i. " Itm, a standing gylt cup, couered cliaced vpriglit of his said (Howdan's) biqueste, weieth by the weight afforsaid, 39 vnces and di. " Itm, a gilt cup of the gifte of John Smith, w* a couer weiyng of Troye weight 26 vnces and 3 quarters. " Itm, a gilt cup of the gifte of Maister Eichard Hill (Warden 1493), weiying of troye weight, 16 oz. and di. quarter. " Itm, of the gift of Maister Flovver (Master 150-4), 1 gilt cup w* 1 couer, w* a columbyne weiying 28 oz. " Itm, of the gift of Hugh Fener, towardes the fynding of an obite, 3 goblettes w* a couer, w* 10^. of redy mony, the goblettes weiyng 64 oz. 1 qrt. " It, of the gyft of Sir Willm. Fitz AVillm., Knyght, A standyng cupp w' a cover all gilt, weying of Troye weight, — vnces. " Itm, of the gyfte of the worshipfuU Mr. Eychard Wadyngton (Master in 1548), A standynge Cuppe of Siluer w* a couer, all gylte, poiz 80 ounces." (Presented 26th October, 1565.) It will be noticed that the Company possessed twenty-four standing and gilt cups and " one greate notte." But in 1609 these cups had been reduced to fifteen, of which one only had the old arms of the Company, and ten were new cups given by these bene- factors: — John Olyff, Master 1564; John God, Master 1565; William Albany, Master 1568; John Hutchinson, Clerk 1574; Robert Hawes, 1580; George Sotherton, JMaster 1589; Jolm Mansbridge, Warden 1592 ; William Linfold, Warden 1596 ; William Price, Warden 1596-1602, Whitcoote, so that nineteen of the old cups had disappeared. " Pottes. " First, 2 gilt pottes, playne, with lambes on the lyddes, pois 123 ^^lc. " Itm, 2 gilt pottes, with bayles, of the gyfte of Sir John Percyvale, Knight, late Mayre of London, pois, 251 vnces. " Itm, a layer of sylver and ouergilt, of the gyfte of Eoger Gerveys, pois, 14 vnc. and di. " Itm, a potell potte, parcell gilt, whiche Mr. Eichard Smyth, late Shreffe (1508, Master 1503) had to pledge for 10/., whiche lOZ. he gafe freely vnto the crafte, and deliuered the same potte ayen w'^out any peny therfore payng, weiyng of troye weight, 47 oz. and di." " It, A little Ale pott, pownced parsell gylt w* a cover, of the gyft of Master Eic. Gibson (in 1530), weying of troye weight — vnces. CHAP, v.] Bolles. 97 " Itm, of the gifte of Eobert AVilford,^ one Ale pott, w* A couer of syluer, all gilte, poiz, — vnces." In the inventory of 1(309 the two gilt pottes of Sir John Percyvale's are entered as Flagons, and Mr. Gibson's ale pot sur- vived. The only pot therein entered was given by Edward Davenant, the plaintiff against Hurdys the Beadle, in 1600. " Bolles. " First, 4 holies, with a couer, parcell of 6 bolles, parcell gilt with lambes and sonnes, bought in ]\Ir. Duplage (]\Iaster 1480) tyme, pois togiders the 4 w* the couer, 10(5 vnc. " Itm, 6 bolles, playne gylt, with a couer, whiclie late were Maistres Swannes, pois, 170 vnces. " Itm, 6 gret bolles, with a couer, chaced, that late were Mr. John Kyrkebye's (Master 1502, and Sheriff 1507) pois togiders, 397 vnc. " For the whiche 6 bolles and couer the Company is bounde by indenture vnder their comon seale to kepe an obyte for the said Mr. Kyrkeby, the Gth daye of Juyn, duryug the terme of 80 yeres, expendyng atte same obyte at the blak freres yerely, 20s. As in the said indenture thereof made more playnely is conteyned. " Itm, 5 j)layne bolles parcell gylt wt the couer weyen to gyders by the same weight (Pinkerton's gift), 94 vnces 3 quarters.'.' The inventory of 1609 contains these bowles, viz. : — " One nest of Bowles with a cover, all gilt, of the gift of Mr. Hulson (Master 1569) and Mrs. Hulson, weighing 99 oz. " Five gTeate Beere Bowles, w^eighing 124 ounces and a half. " Six other Beere Bowles, weighing 66 ounces and one quarter. " Six middle Wine Bowles, weighing 72 ounces and a half. " Six lesser Wine Bowles, weighing 58 ounces and a half." The small statue of St. John, presented to the Company in liquidation of an assessment, is not in this inventory, nor are the Bolles of 1512, unless they can be identified with any of those before enumerated as in 1609. The words used in making some of these gifts would suggest a doubt whether they were given for secular use, and this may be the reason why they disappeared before the inventory of 1609 was taken. Thus Mrs. Eose Swan in the time of the mastership of Thomas Eandell, 1493, made her offering in these terms : " Of ' He -was one of five of the same name wlio were Members of tlie Company in 1537. 2 Moore's Keports, 576. VOL. I. H 98 Tlie Hall and its Contents. [part i. very grete zele and harty love that she oweth and beareth to God and St. John Baptist, patron of the Fraternitie " and " for a token and perpetual remembrance. " And William Gray made his gift in 1496 in the same form of words. The inscriptions on things offered would lead to the same suggestion. Thus John Stodard in 1490 gave "of greie zele and love that he oweth to the Fraternitie " a standing cup of silver and gilt with a " lambe and sonne in the botom graven upon the fote with one ' Agnus dei qui tollis precatEe mundi miserere nobis.' " They must have had plate for religious services although the heading in the Inventory " Plate for kepyug of ob}"ttes " is not a description of the articles enumerated, thus : — " Plate for hcpyng of Ohyttes. " First a hlak Noite couered garnysshed with siluer and ouergilt pois, 15 vnc. Itm, a maser couered with an Image of Saint Kenelme on the Couer of the gyfte of John Cober, pois, 9 vnc. " Itm, a standyng maser without a couer, pois, 11 ymq,. " Itm, a standyng maser with a couer and a lowe fote of the g}^te (1491) of Eoger Doget,^ preste. As it appereth on the fote of the same maser, pois, 14 vnc. 1 quarter. "Itm, a gret lowe maser with a couer and a floure on the couer, pois, 17 vnc." Various articles not of silver follow, as a plate chest, weights and beames, with balances, and their "nottes and masers." " Itm, a standing Notte, couered, garnysslied w* siluer and ouer- gilt of the biquest of AYillm. Erie, late bedell, decessed, weieth, 35 ovnces. " It, a nott wt a handyll, and A couer fast to hyt of syluer and geltt, of the geft of John Gavncell, of Axtall (Master 1437), weyyng 21 ownces A quarter. " Itm, of the gift of maistres Boughton widow (of Master 1495) a nut w* a couer weiyng of troye weyglit 24 oz. and 3 quarters, tree and al. " Itm, of the gift of maister Button, a standyng maser gar- nysshed w* siluer and gilt, poiz." It was the custom of the Tudor period^ for each guest to bring his own knife, a whetstone hanging in the passage behind the ^ John was Master in 1501, and Eoger Chantrj Priest to the Company. - See Percyvale's Life. CHAP, v.] " The Parloure." 99 screen so that he might sharpen it before sitting down to table ; and the only knife in the inventory is thus entered : " Itm, of the gift of S Laurence Wareyn, chauntrie preest, of S'' John Percyval Knight, A pair of Knyves and a bodkyn harnesid w* siluer, and the shethe also hernesid w* siluer." The said Wareyn lying buried beside Sir John in St. Mary Woolnoth. There are no knives or forks in the inventory of 1609. When feasts were given in the Hall or a member became Lord Mayor or Sheriff, then the plate was brought out for use, but otherwise it was kept like the money of the Company in the Treasury in the garden under several keys. " The Tarloure " Is the other room to which the Inventory principally applies. As the place of meeting for the Master and Wardens with or without the Court of Assistants on the general business of the Fraternity, there was found — " First, a gret Image of Saint John Baptist in a clothe with browdery worke of tholde makyng." This probably stood originally in the hall for in 1415-6 "100 pins for the image of St. John " were purchased at a cost of 3d, and in 1457-8 John Halle "painted the Image of St. John" then standing " in the Hall." The ordinary furniture were cushions and bankers, the latter being usually placed on the form which was to be the seat of the chief guest. This seat was often (as in this instance) embroidered with tapestry worked with scriptural or emblematical subjects. " Itm, 18 newe quysshens of the gyfte of John' Skevyngton^ (Warden 1503), then beyng Maister, George Sail, Henry Dacre, Gefferey Vaughan, and John Harryes, Wardeyns that tyme, with Angelles )>-7/. 14s. lOrf. holdyng tharmes of the said M'' Skevj^ngtou and with the markes of the said 4 Wardeins and tholy lambe, which quysshyns coste . . . . _ ^ The will of Sir John Skeyington, 31st December, 1524, Alderman, Member of the Staple at Calais, is to be found in Cal. State Papers, 16 Henry VIII, vol. iv, page 411. He was Sheriff in 1520, resident in St. Mary Woolnoth, and his executors were Robert Strether and Guy Rawlinson ; his apprentice, Christopher Varassour, was to be free of the Merchant Adventurers in Flanders at the testator's expense. He gave to the Company his " White Basyns and Ewres." To the six persons of the Fellowship who bear his body to burial Qs. 8cl. each. To James Wilford and the Master of the Merchant Taylors Company a black gown each. His best gown of pecoke with fur of foynes, and a gold ring of five wounds to Sir Walter VOL. I. H 2 100 The Hall and its Contents. [part t. -■' Itm, 6 quyssheiis with tlioly lambe browdered of the gyfte and beqiiest of John Powke late a brother of this fraternitee decessed whose soul | God assoyle . . • • • • • • •^" J " Itm, the tapet liying upon the table there of the gyfte of Thomas Speight (Warden 1499), late Maister, whiche coste . . " Itm, the hangyng aboute the parlour of the gyfte of Henry Dacre, Eicha HaU, George Harward, j> 3Z. 8s. 8f?." and John Benet than Wardeins with the said late M', which coste " Itm, a banker, with tholy lambe in a sonne and Ecce agnus dei, lyned thurghout . . . . ^ The other articles of furniture were few. " Itm, a table of grene, paynted of Kyffyns (Warden in 1467) gyfte. " Itm, an old verdour for the same table. " Itm, 3 trestelles and 3 formes joyned." Then are entered " two course olde Aundja-orons and a pair of tonnes," meaning, we presume, andirons or dogirons which were orif'iually used for the reredos or brazier in the middle of the Hall and then in the common fireplaces. As coal came into use they became gradually to be discarded. The contents of the parlour in 1609 are thus given :— " Itm, One old long table. One old greene carpet fringed with greene silk. One drawing table. Ten Waynescott ioyned stooles. 2 Pictures of Sk Thomas White. 1 Picture of Mr. Dow, with a Silk Curtain to it. 3 Great Mapps in 3 great frames. Three large SiJk Curtains to them. 1 Green cloth chair. 1 Pair brass andirons. 1 Fire Shovel, 1 Pair Tongs. 1 Large Iron rack in the chimney. 1 Hand bell of brass." GriiBth. Tlie witnesses are James WUford (iate Aldermau) and Paul Witliipotts, with John Devereux, the Notary. He was never Lord Mayor, but Master of the Merchant Taylors Company probably in 1510, see p. 55, ante. CHAP, v.] Furniture. 101 This last item marks an advance in domestic manners. Until January, 1607, the Master had to use his hammer for two pur- poses: («) to keep the Court in order; and (b) to summon the Beadles, who (as they now do) stand outside the door, to Ms service. How was the confusion incident to this arrangement to be avoided? The Court Minute of 9th January, 1607, decided that question : — It is agreed that there shall be provided a hand- some little bell to stand upon the table for the Maister to ringe when he hath occasion to call for the beadle who attendeth with- out the dore, soe as he and others may take notice that the knock with the hammer is onely for silence, and that the beadle is not to come in but when the bell is rung." " Itm, 1 Large Testament. 1 Hammer of Ivory ."^ In 1609 two other rooms and their contents are given : — " In the Council Chamber. " Itm, 1 long table, 1 long form to this one tabfe." " In the Chamber next to the Couneil Chamher. " Itm, One great old press of wainscot. One great new press of wainscot. One great old wainscot chest. The State Cloth of Black Velvett ymbrothered with gould. One Buryall Cloth of Black A^elvett being in two parts and ymbrothered with gould. One large Persia Carpett for the King's Chamber. One large Cloth ymbrothered with the Company's Arms being in three sev'ral pieces." The furniture used for the burial of a deceased brother is entered thus : — " Itm, a Coffyn of Estriche borde with the buriyug clothe and half a shete to lay within it. " Itm, 3 peces of led to lye vpon the bankers. " Itm, an olde Curteyn w* a wyre afFore the dore. 1 Not the one at present in use, wbicli was given by Thomas Roberts in 1679 (Memorials, page 95) . 102 Tlie Hall and its Contents. [part i. " Itin, in a gret CoffjTi 3 baners of silke, whereof one is beten with an Image of oiir Lady, the 2"^* with Saint John, and the 3^® ^\dth tholy Crosse and a dyademe in paper gilt. " Itm, 2 stremers and a banner of Saint John all closed in a cofyn of Estryche borde, whiche coffyn WiUiam Erie (the Beadle) hath gyffen to the crafte." At the date of this Inventory each funeral had to be specially provided for and therefore the cost of it might be great, unless the deceased were a member of such a society as this. The almsmen were buried by the Company at a cost in 1545-6 of 2s. only, and in 1663-4 (Dowe pensioner) at 9s. 8fZ. The trade of an "Under- taker " did not come into existence until a much later period. The coffin was not buried but was brought into store and used as a chest with lock and key. The herse was a temporary structure in the church covered with black cloth on which the body was placed covered with the herse cloth, of which the Merchant Taylors' Company have two beautiful specimens still hanging on their walls. The articles used in city triumphs were preserved and entered. " Itm, 4 scocheons in bokeram, w**" tharmes of Queue Elizabeth (of Henry 7**^), late decessed (11th February, 1503). " Itm, 8 trumpet banners whiche were made whan Sir John Percyvale was mayre. " Itm, 8 large trumpet banners made in ]\Ir. Duplage (Master 1481) dayes." In 1609 all the old banners of 1512 have disappeared. These items following are worthy of special notice : " Item, a yerd of sylver and another of iron " with which the Company tested the measure used for the sale of cloth in the city and at St. Bartholomew fair. " Item, a table of the suffragies bilongyng to this fraternitee," in substance, we should presume, the same as that referred to else- where, as placed in the chapel of St. Paul's. The last entries relate to the " Almery " which took its name from being originally a receptacle for broken meat left after a feast and to be given away in alms, a custom not altogether extinct in the Merchant Taylors Company. Of these Almeries two larger ones existed in the "Larder House" and "Botery." These articles at a later period had anotlieruse — that of a cupboard or safe for the CHAP, v.] The Kings Chamber. 103 clejDOsit of plate or muniments, and such was the use which those in the parlour^ appear to have been applied to. " Itm, a double Almery of the coste and gyfte of Henry IMayour (Common Clerk), wherein be dyuers boxes and bookes of Maisters Accomptes and other. " Itm, vpon the same Almery an hawte pace of Estryche borde to set ouer plate. " Itm, an almery with 3 dores, of the cost of Mr. Doget (Master 1501-2), behynde the parlour dore." " The Kings s Chamhre" was thus furnished : " First, an olde longe table of vyrre. " Itm, 4 trestelles with 4 fete. " Itm, an horse trapper with tharmes of the crafte. " Itm, a staf for the Eesurrexion, the Crosse thereof gilt. " Itm, a bedsted with strawe." For whose use this one bedstead was provided is not apparent, though it might have been appropiated to more than one official. When the hall premises were assigned for the lodgment of am- bassadors, their retainers (of either sex) must have slept (as was then usual) on the floor of the hall, then covered with rushes. Feather beds were introduced into English homes in the early part of the fourteenth century, but this bed was of straw only. Many of the houses were reported to the civic authorities as having feather beds when Charles V visited London in 1522, and the sparseness of these articles in the Merchant Taylors' Hall is the more remarkable. In 1609, after James I had been a guest in this room, the furniture was thus entered : — " One pair of faire brass andirons. " One fair wainscot dinino- table. "Two foot parts belonging to that table. " One faire wainscot cupboard. " Two square tables of wainscot. "21 wainscot joyned tables. " One greene velvet chair. " 6 chairs covered with red leather. " 12 low stools covered with red leather. ' Parker's Domestic Arcb., Vol. Ill, page 133. 104 The Hall and its Contents. [part l "In the Drtivnng C/iamher, next to the Kings Ghamher. " One playne wainscot cupboard. " One wainscot settle in the closet. " One wainscot lather which is used to set herbes and flowers about the King's chamber." The other premises to w^hich the inventory applies may be mentioned without enumerating the articles in each room or build- ing. They were on the ground floor in the garden lying to the south-east corner of Crepin's site. « The Kitchen "^ Formerly here, as elsewhere, as a security against fire, was a detached building connected with the Hall by an alley oi; passage. The ]\Ierchant Taylors Company's kitchen appears as having been repaired in 1408, and a large expenditure was made in enlarging or rebuilding it in 1425-6.^ It was not then complete without ''im portraiture del patron del cusine." In the kitchen butchers (as well as cooks) were useful, for carcases were flayed and dressed tliere.^ The furniture was very scanty. The mess of meat with various ingredients was beaten with a pestle and mortar. No spits are to be found, but they were probably used as the meat was sent to table upon them. " TJie Larder"'' Was the place of deposit for provisions, and where many such had to be stored for use must have been of considerable size. The larder was placed adjacent to the kitchen and to the " weyhouse." " The Pastry or Pantry "^ Was the office for bread, butter and cheese, and was super- intended by the " Panter " or " Pannetier " whose duty it was to raise and arrange these things on the Hall table. In this pantry the articles were mostly standards or wooden chests for the preservation of the food. " The Buttery "^ Was the place for distribution of the wine or other drinkables, which were not laid down or kept in stock by the Guild.* The cups, casks, and vessels which were used more or less during the meal ^ No entries relating to these in the inventory of 1G09. 2 Memorials, page 569. •' Domestic Arch., Yol. II, page 124. * " Few people keep wine in their own houses but buy it for the most part at a lavern, and when they mean to drink a great deal they go to the tavern." — Venetinn Ambassador (a.d. l-iO?). Rye, page xlii. CHAP, v.] Tlie Storehouse. 105 were kept there. It would appear from the mention of a " window " that it was still a moveable article of furniture. " The Storehouse "^ Was usually what its name indicates, for in the earlier times there was no social machinery for an immediate or early supply of the wants of a large household, and provisions had in many places to be kept in " store." When napery was first brought into store at the Merchant Taylors' Hall is not traceable. None appears in the inventory of 1492, and the inventory of 1512 is not a safe guide as to dates. Stowe says that the wearers of napery were brought over by Edward III, who appointed St. Lawrence Poultney as the place of their meeting. When Anthony Radcliffe was Sheriff in 1585, he made application for the loan of it at Guildhall, but it was agreed that as " this house had never been charged with the loan of napery, therefore, the Court thought it not mete to provide anie." As Kympton was the Sheriff of 1576, and made no such application, it is possible that the acquisition had been recent.^ However, according to the Inventory of 1512 the " napery, playne," was abundant. There w^ere twenty-eight pieces with various marks, J & B being the most frequent, and varying in length from 21 to 4 yards. " The Diaper Table Clothes " were seven in number and varied from 14|- in length and 2^ yards in breadth. There were seven " ToweUes," the longest being 31 yards (with a Sonne in one part thereof) and the shortest 4 yards. The last entry was : " In thandes of the Bedell. " 2 old bankers of red saye lyned, both cont. 9 yerdes. " Itm, 5 old quysshons stuffed with flokkes." The inventory of 1609, though wanting in some of the valuable contents of 1512, has in it other articles which require notice. There is no glass entered, but it was used in the mastership of Walter Plumer (1599), and this entry is found in the account of Thomas Aldworth, Master in 1601-2 : — " Item, paid for a dozen and a half of botle glasses and for the cases to the same, which bottles be used for service with wine 1 No entries relating to this in the inventory of 1609. 2 Our English Home, page 38. Kogers on Prices, Vol. ir, page 553. 106 The Hall and its Contents. [part i. on the election clay and quarter dayes, and other dinners in the haU, 20s." This charge, however, was not allowed against the Company hy the auditors or the Court of Assistants (so that Mr. Aldworth was obliged to pay it himself), the ground of the disallowance^ being that the former Masters had at their own charge paid for the glasses, out of the grant annually made to meet all sumptuary expenses. For the quarterly feasts the Company had found it necessary to provide plates, dishes, pots, and trenchers, besides other con- veniences, which are thus entered : — "Pewter. " Inprimis, nyne greate Chargers. One dozen of 5 lb. platters, ffowre dozen of 4 lb. platters. Two dozen and tenn of 3 lb. platters. Three dozen of 2 lb. platters. Three dozen and eleaven sallett dishes, ffowre dozen and eleaven plate trenchers. Two dozen and eight py plates. Eight dozen and fyve sawcers. Two dozen of pottle potts. "More Peiuter bought this yere Anno Dm. 1609. " Inprimis, nyne greate 7 lb. Chargers. Twelve lesser 5 lb. Chargers. Two dozens of 4 lb. Platters. Three dozen and two of 3 lb. Platters. Two dozen of 2 lb. dishes. Two dozen and one Sallett dishes, ffowreteen long pasty plates. Three dozen and fowre round plates. Seaven dozen and eight Sawsers. Two plate trenchers. Six Dansk Potts, \dz., fowre of quarts and two of pottles. Six chamber potts." Then we find a butler mentioned as attending upon the guests at the quarter dinners : — ' 21st August, 1G02. CHAP, v.] Bvasse and Lyniien. 107 " Brasse. '' One Brasse Cesterne, which is used by the Butler at quarter dynners and other dynners kept in the Hall." The linen is entered with some particularity with an initial letter, added to show probably the place for vdiich it was adapted as the school, parlour, hall, &c, " Lynncn. " Inprirnis. 1 Damask Table Clotli for the High Table in the Hall, length 12 Ells. Marked H. *'Itm, 1 Damask Towell, length 11 Ells for do. Marked H. 1 Do. Table Cloth, 6 Ells and i length for the long Table in tlie King's Chamber. Marked K. 1 Do. Towell, 7 Do. ^ Do. Do. Marked K. 8 Do. Do. SQ. board Cloth, 2 Ells, King's Chamber. Marked K. 1 Do. Table Cloth, 5 Ells, Table in the Parlour. Marked P. 1 Do. Towell, 4 Ells f , for the same Table. Marked P. 1 Do. Cupboard Cloth, 1 Ell |, for the Parlour. Marked P. 2 Doz. Do. Napkins, much worne. 6 Damask Coverpanes edged with Gould, wanting 2 buttons. 6 other Do. Do. with Silver, Do. 4 do. 1 8 Do. Do. and bottomed with thread, Do. 1 do. A Diaper Table Cloth for the w^aiting AVomen's Table in the Hall, 12 yards in length. Marked M. Do. Guest Table in the middle of the Hall, 10 Ells. Marked G. A Diaper Cloth for the Skreene in the Hall, 5 yds. and ^. Marked S. 2 Coarse Diaper Cowchers, 9 Ells each. 9 Diaper Livery To wells, 2f Ells each. 5 Doz. and 4 Do. Napkins. 3 Diaper Table Cloths for the Schoole, 7 yds. each. Marked S. 2 Do. Square board Cloths for do., 2 yds. ^. Marked S. 1 Do. old Cowcher for the Parlor, 6 yds. Marked P. 108 Tlie Hall and its Contents. [part i. 1 Do. Do. Cowcher, playne, somewhat torne. 8 Ells. 1 Do. Do. Do., 11 yds. ^, Way ting Women's Table in the Hall. ■ 2 long diaper Towells for the Schoole, 7 yds. each. Marked S. 1 Damask Table Cloth, Maister's Table, 12 yds. \. ]\Iarked M. 1 Do. Towell, Do. 11 yds. ^ Marked M. 12 Dozen and 9 Napkins. 1 Diaper Table Cloth, Lyvery Table, divided into 2 pts., 24 yds. i Marked L. 2 long Diaper Towells for Lyvery Table, 12 yds. each. Marked L. 6 Square Do. Clothes for the Carving boards, 2 yds. \ each. 10 Dozen and 8 Diaper Napkins. A Cowcher of playne Cloth for the high board in the Hall, 11 Ells 1. Marked H. A Do. for the Table in the King's Chamber, 6;^ Ells. Marked K. 7 Dresser Cloths, 4| Ells each. A Cowcher of plain Clothe for the Guest board, 11 Ells Marked G. 1 Sq. Board Cloth of Damask, 2^ Ells. Marked P." In the yard they possessed a clock, with a case of wainscot for the same clock ; and lastly came the armour, of which no mention is made in the inventory of 1512. At what date the armoury of the Company originated has not been noted, but in 1548-9,^ and in Wyatt's rebellion, and in later periods, as in March, 1577, it is certain that a store of armour was held at the house. The contents are thus given in 1G09 : — " Armor?- " Itm, Three and fyfty Corsletts. Thirty Curetts. Thirty musketts. ^ Memorials, jiage 526. - The gallery over the King's Chamber would appear to have been the place where the armovir was kept (October 5th, 1595). At the Court of 23rcl March, 1603, George Bell was appointed the Company's ai'mourer at 40«. per annum, for scouring and making clean the whole of the Company's armour. CHAP, v.] Dimensions of the London Halls. lOU Two and twenty miiskett rests. ffortey Calyvers. ffyfteene Bandaleeres. Tliirteene long bowes. ffowre and twenty slieaf of old arrowes. Twenty and eight pykes. Thirteen Armynge for pykes of red cloth. One hundred and ten fiiaskes and tutchboxes. Fowre score and eight hed peeces. One hundred and one new Swords and daggers. fforty old Swords. Three and twenty old Daggers. ffowre black bDls. Thirty one payer of leather hangers. Twenty and three leather girdles. Eleaven muskett mouldes. One little bundle of match." The Dimexsioxs of the Several Loxdox Halls weee Collected by THE Late Me. Nathaniel Stephens. Feet in The Merchant Taylors' Hall Length. 82 Width. 43 Height. 43 School HaU Charterhouse 93 50 44i Lincoln's Inn : — Old HaU 71 32 32 New HaU 120 45 62 Westminster Hall 288 66 110 GuildhaU 153 48 55 Lambeth Palace . . 93 38 — Middle Temple : — HaU 100 42 47 Library . . 96 42 70 Bartholomew's Hospital . . 190 35 30 Freemasons' 96 37 38 Goldsmiths' 80 40 35 Christ's Hospital . . 187 — — 1 To the collar of the roof principals. 110 [part CHAPTEE VI. EELIGION AND ALMSGIVING. Care of the Fraternity as to the tivo objects of Religion and Almsgiving, as evidenced by the early records, p. 110. — Acquisition of Religious Privileges by Merchant Taylors Company from (1) St. John's Jerusalem, p. Ill / (2) Chapel in St. Paul's, p. 112 ; (3) Papal and Episcopal Pardons, p. 113. — Our Lady of Rounceval, p. 114. — And other grants, p. \\b.— Contracts for performance of Obits, p. 116. — Chapel at the Hall, p. 117. — Payments for Religious Service, p. 119. — Charities of the Company, p. 120. — Endoicments for both objects, p. 121. — Illustration of expenditure in 1399-1400 enume- rated, p. 123. — Coronation oj Henry IV and Banquet, p. 124. — Expenditiire 0/1466-7, p. 125.— Grant of arms, 1480, p. 126. We are now about to enter upon the business of the Guild with regard to two of the important objects which the Guildsmen liad at heart at the earlier period of their association. It will be remembered that the earliest ordinances of 1371 gave the penalties for the workman's misdeeds " to the priests and poor men " of the mysterie, and that the oath of the foreign brother was in these words : " Ye shall give in your life time or else bequeath in your testament to the use and behoof of the said Fraternity more or less after your estate, and demean that ye bear and leave to the same in supporting and maintaining of the priests and poor almsmen of the said Fraternity."^ The prayer (the first entry in the ordinance book) which was used at the meetings of the Fraternity was partly in these words : " Multiply thy mercies towards us with increase of well wishers, hcnefactors, and sound members of the same, settle and confirm faithfull and harty love amongst us all. Bless and du-ect (by the Holy Spirit) all our actions and endeavours, and give us grace faithfully and lionedly to discharge the trusts 7'eposed in us as well by our good friends and hrcthcren deceased, as any other way belonging to us to the glory of thy holy name and peace and comforte of our owne soules and good example and incitement to others."^ * Page 77 and Appendix 15. - The Clerk was sworn twice in each year at quarter davs to read out " the wills and compositions of old benefactors to the whole body there assembled." As to the prayer, see Appendix 9. CHAP. VI.] Acquisition of Religious Privileges. Ill Such then is the evidence which the old records present on this subject — and the same facts find an echo in the post-Ueforma- tion benefactors to be afterwards noticed. Having, therefore, acquired the Hall as a place of assembly for secular business, the next purpose was to secure a chapel for the public worship of the Fraternity. This was done as early as 1361-71, when during Simon de Sudbury's episcopacy of London the Merchant Taylors Company received a grant or admission to a chapel on the north side of Paules^ in honour of their patron, St. John Baptist. But some thirty years before this grant was made to the Com- pany they had obtained from John Pavely (the Prior of 1333) an admission " to be partners in the right holy Hospital House of St. John in Jerusalem," a fact which — with others of the like cha- racter — ^is thus recorded in the ordinance book : — 1. For asmoche as amonges all werks medefull, most meritory is in this oure lyfe, naufrage and perilous, the allectyfes of goostly helth deryvied from the moste mercyfull and plenteous founteyn of oure moder holy chirche to be publysshed, ministred and declared to all Cristen people as the perfite preparatyfes guydyng mannes soule to eternall salvacyon ; Therfore it ys that we — John Prynce,^ late Maister, Thomas Pye, Piichard Sutton, John Martyn, and Thomas Burgeys, late Wardeins of the ffraternitee of Seint John Baptist of Taillours in the Citee of London beyng possessed of goostly tresoure and willyng all Cristen people to be partiners of synguler and all suche Indul- gences, Pardons, and Kemissions by cures of blessed memory precessours and predecessours of entier charitee purchased long tyme secrete : now of oure goostly mocyon to meve the reders and herers to devocyon of all & singuler such Indulgences, Pardons and remissions in oure moder tonge as is in this table ensuyng, have made a declaracyon. First, this reverent ffraternitee stablisshed in hymself to have that blessed prophete Seint John Baptist for their patrone, thurgh^ theire deservyng were admitted to be partiners of the right holy hospitall house of Seint John in Jerusalem* after the tenoure here ensuying. 1 Built by Sir John Poultney iu 1349. Fuller's Wortliies, Vol. I, page 573. 2 Pry nee was probably Master between 1445-51. Bm-geys (the Junior Warden) was Master in 1467. 3 Through. ^ The Ordinance of 1417 shows the celebration of the Feast of the Decollation of St. John the Baptist, at the Church of St. John's of Jerusalem, near SmythOeld, to have been then an annual custom. Chapter III, page 63, note. 112 Eeligion and Alm.sgiving. [pa.e,t i. " Frere John Pavely,^ of the holy hospital! house of Seint John in Jerusalem prioure of tli'ordoure in England, and all the brethern of the same hospitall, to oures welbeloved in Crist, all and singuler Taillours in the Citee of London which are of the fFraternitee of Seint John Baptist in the saide Citee of London and to all other of the said ffrateruitee brethren & sisters, heltli in our Lord Jesu. " Advertisyng & brynging to mynde the grete zele and right many benefyttes by you don to oure religion and trusty ng to be don, "\ve, yelding love for love, have receyved & receyve you all and singuler into our ffrateruitee and of tli'ole religyon we admitte you withouten ende,^ grauntyng you to be partyners of masses, mateins and other houres of prayers, fastynges, almesdedes, hospi- talitees, abstynences, watches, pilgrimages, goostly laboures and of all other goode dedes by the brethern of oure religyon don or to be don w'orlde withouten ende." This graunte is confermed by Eobert Malory^ late prioure of the saide relisiion in England. The entry is then continued with reference to the chapel in St. Paul's, and shows the special days wdiich were to be observed there by the Fraternity, and the grant of indulgences made by Popes and English Bishops to any benefactors for the chapel and God's services therein. 2. This devoute ffrateruitee w^illyng th'encrease of Godde's honoure by lowly supplicacion,^ were admitted of theire right reverent fader in God, Symon^ the Bisshoppe of London, to have in theire moder chirche of Powles a Chapell which is halowed in th'onoure of Seint John Baptist atte North syde of Powles wliere they have ordeyned, by graunt of their saide right reverent fader, preestes to the grete laude of God, specyally to sey masses dailly and to praye for the sowles of brethern and systers of the said ^ Prior in 1333 and in 1371. Admiral of the Fleet in 1375 and 1377 (Dugdale). 2 These conventions were eaid to be common with religious guilds. — See Brentano Essay (1870), p. Ixxsiv. 3 Prior in 1432, and made an honorary member of the Merchant Taylors Com- pany in same year. — Memorials, page 619. * Edward Ill's letter to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, complaining of the deficiency of Priests there (1345). — Riley's London. ^ Simon de Sudbury, alias Tybold, appointed to London in 13P1, translated to Canterbury in 1371, and beheaded by the Rebels in Wat Tyler's rebellion, on 14th June, 1381, whose skud is said to be preserved iu a niche in the vestry wall of St. Gregory, Sudbury, Suffolk. CHAP. VI.] Papal and Episcopal Pardons. 113 ffratemitee deceased from oure mortalytee, and dayly contynued ys in goodenes for the preservacyon of theym that are or shalbe of the said ffraternitee. 3. Oure [^most holy fader in God Bonyface pope the ninth^ of that name] hath of his mere mocyon to cause people to devocion, to all Cristen people that wyll putte to theire helpyng handes to the makyng of the said chapell or to the mayntenaunce of Goddes service in the said place and to all theym truly penitent and shryven that visyt the said chapell in the ifeestes of Cristmas, Circumcisyon, Epiphanie, Easter, th'Ascencyon, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, th'adnunciacyon, Purificacyon & th'Assumpcyon of our blessed Lady Saint Mary, and in the ffeest of the Nativitee of Seiut John Baptist the ffest of Peter & Paule and in the ffeest of the dedicacyon of the said chapell, hath mercifully for eche of these ffeestes graunted vij yeres and vij lentes of remissyon, and whoso, within th'utasses of Cristmasse, th'Epiphanie, Easter, th'Assencyon, Corpus Christi, the Nativitee and th'Assumpcyon of the blessed Vii-gyn Mary, the Xativitee of Seint John Baptist, the ffeest of the blessed Apostels Petir & Poule and of the vj dayes immediatly ensuying the ffeeste of Pentecost, are willy ng devoutely to visyte the said Chapell or to put to theire helpyng handes for every daye within th'utasses hath mercyf ully graunted [c dayes of indulgence].^ 4. Also"* the right reverent faders in God Symon th'arche- ' There is an erasure here ia the Ordinance Book, and a blank left, wliich Mr. Martin, of the Record Office, has revived and restored the words here given in [ ]. 2 Tliis should be Bonyface IX (1389-1404) who interfered in the affaii-s of tlie English Clmrcb and establislied the payment of Annates or First Fruits to the Pope. Bonyface VI was deposed in 896 after a reign of fifteen days only. ^ The rest of this part of the record is erased and has been also revived. ■* I understand tliis document to be an enumeration of antecedent grants made to the Company wliich are here summarised or formulated in (say) 1464-5. This is conjecture, and by comparing the dates of these Bishop's consecrations with other circumstances I am enabled to identify the Prelates who are referred to. The names of Robert, Rauf, Adam, Roger, and others are easily identified, and were all in office fi-om (say) 1360 to 1385. In other cases where the same Christian name is repeated in the text I have taken that prelate holding office in or about the same period. Symon of Canterbury was Islip from 1349 to 1366, and Lingham from 1366 to 1368. William of London was probably Courtney ,who held office from 1375 to 1381, and was an honorary member of the Merchant Taylors Company in 1378. William of Wynchestre was Wykeham 1367 to 1404. John of Lincoln was de Bokingham, 1362 to 1398. Robert of Coventry, Stretton 1360 to 1385. John of Bathe and Welles, Baraet, 1364 to 1366, or Harewell, 1366 to 1386. Thomas of Exeter, de Brentingham, 1370 to 1394. Thomas of Ely, de Insula or de Lisle 1345 to 1361. Rauf of Salisbury, Ergham, 1375 to 1388. John of Hereford, Gilbert, 1375 to VOL. I. I 114 Religion and Almsgiving. [part i. bisshoppe of Cauiiterbury, William of London, William of Wyn- cliestre, John of Lincoln, Eobert of Coventre & Lychefelde, John of Bathe & Welles, Thomas of Excestre, Thomas of Ely, Eauf of Salesbury, John of Herforde, Henry of Norwych, William of Chichestre, Adam of Seint Davyd, Thomas of Eowchestre, John of Bangor, Eoger of Landaffe and William of Seint Asse, Bisshoppes, have grannted to all theim that put to theire helpyng handes to the laude of God in this Chapell to be mayntened to exorte Christian people to devocyon eche of them [xl days of remissyon].^ Endowments were soon after given to maintain the worship there. In 1382 Thomas Carleton gave by his will a yearly rent of ten markes to find a priest to sing for him " within the chapel at the north dore at Paules." Thomas Sibsay by will of 1404 directed his body to be buried " within the chapel of St. John the Baptist within the north entrance of the church," and gave 40s. for his obit. In 1408 Beatrice De Eos (widow), founded by contract with the Company a chauntry priest for service in the same chapel, to which preferment Henry Chassure was appointed on the 28th May, 1461.2 Probably the fifth grant follows in order of date, as the chapel of which Martyn (the Graver) was the Master was suppressed in the reign of Henry V (1412-22). The entry runs thus : — 5. Also right reverent faders in God, first Garsias Martyn of Savoy Channon and proctour generall of the Convent of th'ospitall of oure Lady of Eoscydevale (Eounceval),^ Maister & keper of the Chapell founded atte Charyngcrosse, hath receyved tliis worthy ffraternitee into theire ffraternitee, grauntyng theym to be parcyaU 1389. Henry of Norwich, Despeuser, 1370 to 1406. William of Chichester, either William de Lenue, alias Latimere, 1362 to 1368, or Eeade, 1369 to 1385. Adam of St. Darvd was Houghton, 1361 to 1389. Thomas of Eowchestre, Trillick, 1365 to 1372. John of Bangor, either Gilbert, 1372 to 1375, or Swafham, 1376 to 1398. Eoger of Llandaff was Cradock, 1361 to 1382. William of St. Asaph was de Spridlington, 1376 to 1382.— Bedford Blazonry of Episcopacy, 1858. ^ Another erasure and revival here. 2 Vol. I, page 443, Materials for History of Henry YII's reign. One of the abuses in Chaucer's time was the neglect of conntry cures for London clmimtries. " His good parson sette not benefice to hire And let his sheep encumbered in the mire, And ran unto London unto St. Paules To seeken him a chauntry for soules. But dwelt at home." ^ Foimded by William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke in Henry Ill's reign, on the site of Korthumberland Avenue, and suppressed as an alien priory. The " ^entil Pardoner of Eounceval " was one of Chaucer's pilgrims. CHAP. VI.] Other Grants. 115 of the beuefyttes in theire religion don or to be don of all indulgies graunted or to be graunted confermed or to be confermed by holy faders worlde withoute ende. This graunte ys confermed by the prioiirs in the generall chapitre by name " Examinacion De Aynore." The six other grants which are entered were probably made during the fourteenth century. 6. Also William Warden/ Abbot of the monastery of oure Lady nygh the Toure of London hath receyved this saide ffrater- nitee into the brotherhed of theire religyon ever to be partyners of theire suffragies perpetually. 7. Also William, the Prioure^ of the Monastery of the Trinitee in London, hath admitted this notable ffraternitee in breder of theire religion and to be prayde fore perpetually. 8. Also William Hesperby^ the prioure of th'ospitall of oure Lady Withoute Bisshoppesgate of London hath graunted to this said ffraternitee to be partyners of theire suffragies for ever. 9. Also Eobert Draycote,* prioure of the hospitall of oure Lady of Elsyngspitell within Crepilgate of London, hath graunted this saide firaternitee to be partyners with theym in all theire goode werkes goostly for ever. 10. Also William Gedney,^ prioure of the monastery of Seint Barthilmewe in Smythfelde of London, hath by th'assent and con- sent of his brethern admitted this right devoute ffraternitee into theire all & singuler suffragies don or to be don in their religion withoute ende. 11. Also all these places of religion have graunted that whan any brother or sister of this devoute ffraternitee shall decease from this mortalitee, that than they of the name certefied shall do and make to be done in all thynges as is or shall be don for any brother of the saide religion. 12. Also all they that are or shalbe of this blessed ffraternitee by the privilege of Eoscydevale to them graunted ben released of the vij*'' parte of theire penaunce by oure most holy faders in God Nicholas^ the iiij"' and Innocente ''the vj*"" popes of blissed memory confermed. 1 Owborne, lionorary member of the Mercliant Taylors Company in 1423-5. ^ The latter ofEce was iisually held by an Alderman. — Strype's Stowe, Book 2, page 3. 3 Prior in 1388. "^ Prior in 1400. * Prior in 1381. '' Pope 1288-9. ' Pope 1352. VOL. I. I 2 116 Religion and Almsgiving. [part i. 13. Also Elizabeth, abbasse, and Thomas, generall confessoure and all the cong-regacion of sisters & brethren of the holy monastery of Seinte Brigitte of Syon, have graunted unto this saide ffraternitee to be partiners with theym, as wele in this lyf as after, of all masses, prayers, prechyuges, fastynges, abstynencies, watches, disciplynes, almesdedes and all other good dedes don or to be don by theym and theire successom's for ever. The record is not dated, but we believe it to have been originally composed or formulated in 1464-5, as the account books for the same year contain an entry of this payment for a somewhat similar document : " For composing, writing, illuminating, and painting a table of the indulgences and remissions granted to the fraternity by divers Popes, Archbishops, and Bishops, and other prelates of the Church, hanging in St. Paul's, 10s. and 1^." At a later period, 16th December, 1595, there was "a table pendant in the parlour," which was openly read at the quarterly Courts. It may have been the religious characteristics which were the inducements for persons unconnected with the Company to enter into contracts with the Master and Wardens to carry out for a pecuniary consideration their obit endowments. The earliest contract of this kind which we have traced is that with Beatrice De Eos, widow of Sir Thomas De Eos, of Hamlake, Knight. In 10 Henry IV (1408-9) she obtained licence from the Crown to found a charity " within this Cathedral (St. Paul's) for one priest to pray for the souls of persons named (not being Merchant Taylors) and to grant twelve marks per annum issuing out of certain messuages in London for the maintenance of the said priest (Dugdale, p. 42). A contract was then made with the Mer- chant Taylors Company to carry out this arrangement between the Merchant Taylors' Company and Beatrice De Eos, widow, dated 5th March, 1408, whereby Thomas Sutton, the master, and John Warlock, Thomas Wylby, Adam Teryby, and Ealph Shackelacke, the Wardens, charged their Hall and other property with an annuity of 8^. per annum for a chauntry priest at St. John's Chapel in St. Paul's, for a consideration which appears to have been 10/. only. The second of such contracts was made with an equally notable person, Sir Gerard Braybroke, the brother of the Bishop who held the See of London till his death in 1404. It is dated Gth March, 1419, for an obit in St. Martin's Outwich church, which was re- deemed by the Company in 1550-1. These contracts and other contracts for similar purposes are enrolled in the Hustings Court. CHAP. VI. ] Cliapel at the Hall. 117 There had been a chapel in the Hall premises from early time, probably during Ingham's tenancy, and certainly from 1406. The grant following might lead the reader to think that a new chapel had then recently l^een built, but the account books of the Com- pany afford no corroborative evidence of tliis fact. The chapel is frequently mentioned in earlier years, and in 1454, but only for repairs, and these principally to the windows. However, in the MastershijJ of George Ashton, and may be upon his petition, " The Chapel at the Hall " was established under the papal sanction of Calixtus in the year 1455, and is an evidence of the religious zeal then animating the Taylors, for although the church of St. Martin's Outwich (of which the Company were the patrons) was adjacent to the Hall, this was not enough, but to their patron saint, St. John, they must have a cliapel in their Hall premises. The Bull is entered in the Company's ordinance book in these terms -} " Calixtus, bishop [servant of the servants of God] to his beloved children the Masters, Keepers, Wardens, and all the brethren of the Brotherhood or Company of St. John the Baptist, generally or commonly called Tailors Armourers of the linen armoury of London, of both sexes, present and future, greeting and apostolic blessing." It then sets out by way of recital the inducements which have led the Holy Father to make the grant : " The feeling of sincere devotion which you bear towards us and the Church of Eome, deserves that we should favourably consent to your petitions, as far as God will allow us, especially in those cases which concern the health of souls and the increase of Divine worship. Whereas a petition lately exhibited to us on your behalf, declared that formerly a certain perpetual chapel in the Church of London was founded and endowed by some deceased faithful servants of Christ, belonging to your company or brotherhood (in ^ Tliis Bull is printed from the contemporarj copy in the ordinance book of 1507, rendered into English by Mr. C. Trice Martin. In one or two places the copy is manifestly incorrect, but the general sense is clear. The passages within brackets have been carefully eiiised in obedience to the Proclamation for the abohshing of the usurped power of the Pope, issued on 9th June, 1535, which orders the Bishops "to cause all manner of prayers, orisons, rubrics, canons of mass books, and all other books in the churches, wherein the said Bishop of Eome is named, or his presumptuous and proud pomp and authoi'ity preferred, utterly to be abolished, eradicated and rased out, and his name and memory to be never more (except to his contumely and reproach) remembered, but perpetually suppressed and obscured." 118 Religion and Almsgiving . [parti. which as you assert, very many ecclesiastical prelates, nobles and divers other persons of both sexes are united, to the honour of i^lniighty God, the Glorious Virgin Mary and St, John the Baptist), for the persons of your company or brotherhood, and priests meeting in great multitude, to say masses and other divine offices there for [the souls] of the brothers and sisters of your brotherhood ; certain other faithful servants of Christ of the same brotherhood now living, considering that the members of your company or brotlierhood of both sexes, have increased so much in numbers that the said chapel is too small to hold so many persons of this company or brotherliood, have founded and endowed another perpetual chapel in the hall or inn of your brotherhood, called " Taillours Halle," within the bounds or immunity of the parish church of St. Martin of Oteswyche, London, with an altar in the chapel, for the more commodious performance of the de- votions of your said brotherhood. And you desire that masses and other divine services may be celebrated and sung there, as often as necessary, and that the anniversaries of the faithful servants of Christ of your brotherhood or company, now and for the future, may be performed according to custom at the respective seasons of the year, the licence [of the apostolic see] for this being [first obtained]. Wherefore humble supplication was made to us on your behalf that we would deign of our apostolic goodness to pro\dde lawfully for you and your convenience in the premises." And then concludes with the grant : " We therefore consenting to your petitions on this behalf, with [apostolic] authority, by these presents grant you and each one of you free and lawful permission to have masses celebrated when- ever it is necessary, on the altars in the said chapel of " Taillours Halle " with due reverence and honour, other divine services to be sung, with the ringing of bells, and anniversaries to be performed by your own or other priests also of your brotherhood, in what- ever number, whom you may choose for this purpose; saving always the right of tlie parish church of Oteswyche aforesaid, and any other. The [apostolic] constitutions [and those] of Otto and Ottobonus, formerly [legates of the Apostolic See] in England, and others, general or sj^ecial, published in provincial or synodal councils; the statutes also and municipal customs of the City of London, whether enforced by oath [apostolic confirmation], or any other security, and any other thing to the contrary notwith- standing. " [Let, therefore, no man infringe this page of our grant, or with CHAP. Yi.] Payments for Religious Service. 119 rash daring dispute it. If any one presume to attempt this, let him know that he will incur the indignation of Almighty God and his blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. " Given at Piome, at St. Peter's]. In the year of the Incarna- tion of our Lord, 1455, 7 June, in the first year of our Pontificate." It would appear from the account books that there were quarters for the chaplain (Sir John Doyley in 1409) in the Hall premises, and the same books show many entries regarding the chapels at St. Paul's and at the Hall : — " 1453-4 : To tapers in the chapel of St. John at St. Paul's and two in the chapel at the Hall 4 lb. at 7d. a lb. Bread and wine to the Bishop of London after per- forming mass at St. Paul's on St. John's Day . . M." " 1455-6 : To such chaplain for bread and wine for celebrating mass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20d Three chaplains of the Company eacli. . . . . . 10 marks." " 1456-7 : Mass on St. John's Day by the Bishop of Lincoln." " 1458-9 : Mending the glass window at the chapel at St. Paul's 5s." " 1460-1 : Mending two vestments in the chapel at St. Paul's . . 3s. Ad." " 1463-4 : To a joiner for making "Ix pewes" in St. John's Chapel, St. Paul's 4/. Is." (An early instance of such in the Cathedral Church.) But the founders of the guild were benevolent^ as well as religious, and the first great acquisition of a mixed character (partly by contract and partly by gift) invites a special notice, as connecting the Company with the Otewiches, and with their church of St. Martin's and their beautiful monument to be seen in St. Helen's. The church of St. Martin, according to Stowe, was called " Oteswich," after " j\lartin " of that name, as Martin, Nicholas, William, and John De Oteswich were the founders thereof, and at the instance of WiUiam and John the advowson was given to the Taylors by John Churchman. The Merchant Taylors' records show that the Taylors paid 40/. to King Henry IV on 15th July, 1405, 1 See Appendix 33, page 406. 1'20 Religion and Almsgiving. [part i. for a license enabling John Cluirclimau to grant the advowson and other rentals to them, and that on the 20th July he made such a grant. It was not, therefore, altogether a gift, and so long as Cliurchman lived he was to receive an annuity of 10^. per annum, and after his death the Company were to maintain an obit for him, and to pay five marks (3/. 6s. M.) to the priest of the chauntry then late "founded for the soul of Master WilHam De Oteswyche," in St. Martin's. Besides these obligations the grant lays down certain ordinances (to the observance of which the Master and Wardens are to be sworn) for the appointment to the living of St. Martin's, and for other matters which the Master or Wardens were to fulfil " as before God and His Saints they will answer." The rents at the time of the grant in 1406 appear to have amounted to 26/. 13s., and so soon as this wealth came to them from Churchman they turned a portion of his estate to the use of their almsmen of the Livery by erecting almshouses in close proximity to their hall, so that those in want might ever be within sight and hearing. From this initial opening a large fountain of benevolence has been developed and poured in upon the Guild. There was not, as we know, any legal provision for the poor until Elizabeth's reign, and the original purpose of these Guilds was to provide work, so far as they could do so, for the competent craftsmen, and by their benevolence, alms, and succour for those whom age or infirmity rendered incompetent to labour. For these charitable purposes an assessment was made under the ordinances of 1613 upon some members in order to supply the need of others. The first devise " in pure and perpetual alms for relieving the poor needy brethren of the brotherhood " was that of Peter Mason in 1-412. The second devise in November, 1418, was for coals^ to be given to the poor at Christmas, and coals were also given by later benefactors, as Candish in 1460, Langwith in 1467, 1'ercyvale in 1507. The money to be given away by the Master and Wardens ^ This is an early bequest of coals which, in 1306 were prohibited from use in London as a nuisance, but in 1400 very generally used there. The Merchant Taylors' books show the cost in early days to have been as under : — " 1418.— Creek gave 13 qrs., cost in 1443 (first entry I find) at M., 8s. Sd. " 1460.— Candish. 36 quarters coals, cost, 1463, 15^. \Qd. " 1507. — Sir J. Percival. 30s. at three festivals. " Account, 1515 : — " Item, for three loads of coals at Zd. the quarter — every load containing 24 qrs., to be delv. in Ward of Langbourne for Sir J. Percival and my lady his wife, 30s." CHAP. VI.] Endowments for both Objects. 121 was to be done with careful discrimination, so as to injure as little as possible the self-respect of the recipients. One donor, Candish, adds these directions : — The recipients were to be " poor," but " such who may have been honourable and discreet persons of the mysterie, and afterwards by the visitation of God come to poverty." Then he desires that the alms should be " paid to them in their dwellings and not in the Common Hall," for so to receive their alms " in the view of others oftentimes happening to be there " would put these " poor and needy persons to no small shame " which this worthy man would spare them. Often for like purposes landed estates were entrusted to the Master and Wardens by their members, who gave a residue over to the Company when the primary trusts for religion or charity were fulfilled. By these donations, and by purchases made out of corporate funds, the Company acquired houses and tenements in London, which are still, thanks to the integrity of our predecessors, more or less intact with a vast increment of rent. The hall, as we have stated, was purchased in 13.31. In 1382 Carleton gave the Company an estate in Wood Street of 4/. 4.s. IQd. per annum (sold in 1550-1). In 1392 Simon Wynchcombe in- creased by donation the area of the hall premises. In 1400 the Company purchased the site of the " Saracen's Head," in Friday Street of 21. 5s. IQd. per annum, and assessed their members in Percyvale's mastership to rebuild the premises for the second time. In 1404-5 Thomas Sibsay gave another " Saracen's Head," that in Bread Street, of 11. 65. %d. per annum. In 1405 John Churchman, the Grocer, gave the advowson of St. Martin with an estate adjacent to the church in Bishopsgate Street, and to the hall premises in Threadneedle Street of 26/. 15s. per annum. In 1412 Peter Mason gave the corner shop in Cheapside and Bucklersbury of 111. Qs. 8d. per annum. In 1422 John Buck, the " Scutle on the Hoj)pe"in Gracius Street of 21. 4s. 2d. per annum (sold in 1550). In 1432 Thomas Sutton Anchor Alley and lands adjacent of 10/. 12s. per annum. In 1451 Idonea Hallegate lands in St. Margaret Patyns of 11. 6s. 8d. per annum (sold in 1550). In 1452 Ralph Holland lands in the city, partly sold in 1550-1, and the residue still held by the Company of 47/. per annum. In 1460 Hugh Candish, probably the son of " John," the Master in 1413, gave lands in Walbrook and Fenchurch Street of 6/. 5s. per annum, the acqui- sition of which by the Company appears to have been disputed by his cousin and namesake. These entries in the account books following relate to the controversy. 122 Religion and Almsgiving. [part i. " 32 and 33 Henry VI, 1455. — Payment for ale given to men assembled in Fenchurch Street to witness the agreement between the Master and Wardens of this brotherhood and Laurence Percy- Chaplain, feoffee of Hugh Caundish, deceased, concerning a certain rent of lis. M. to be received yearly by the Master, Wardens, Clerk, and Beadle, and making other declarations there, according to the last will of the said Hugh, 2d. " Wine given to Percy John Scotte and others, for advice in collecting evidence touching the lauds and tenements late belonging to Hugh Caundish in Walbroke and Fenchurch Street, given and bequeathed by the said Hugh to the brotherliood for ever, Is. 8d. " Other payments for advice and for writing the composition of the last will of Caundish and evidences.^ 34-35 Henry VI, 1457. — Breakfast to the Clerks of GuHdhall for a matter concerning the tenement late belonging to Hugh Caundish in Walbroke, 10s. 4-5 Edward IV, 1465. — Advice of Geoffrey Coytmore, lawyer, concerning the evidences of the lands and tenements late belonoino: to Hugh Caundish in Fenchurch Street, which Augustine Caundish, cousin of the same Hugh, claims, 3s. 4d." The Company's title prevailed, and it is a noticeable feature that eating and drinking were freely resorted to at the cost of the Taylors. In 1467 Ellen Lang with gave tenements in Sherburne Lane of 121. 6s. 8d. per annum, stiU held by the Company. These several estates then gave to the Company an aggregate revenue of 138^. 15s. 6d. charged to some extent with payments, and which after the sale 47^. 3s. Sd., part thereof, leaves a present surplus rental of 8,606/. 15s. lOd. in favour of the Company. We must turn now to the account books — taking two^ years 1399-1400 and 1468-9 as illustrations — to see what was the expenditure made by the Company in relation to the subject headings of this chapter — adding for future use the sumptuary expenses then incurred out of Corporate funds. The first year's account is headed thus : — "Fait a remembrer que ceux sont lez acomptz de Clement Kyrton, Mestre de la Fraternite Seint Johan le Baptistre des Tail- lours en Londres de les biens du dit Fraternite, renduz le xx"'* jour de August^ I'an du regne Iioy Henry quarte puis le conquest primer." * Account Book, No. 2. 2 Tlie Account Books commence in 23 Rieharrl IT, but are not very legible." ' Over this date is written, " Vendredi devaunt le foste de tieiut Alichell." CHAP. VI.] Expenditure in 1899-1400. 123 The income or receipts of the Company are set out from rents, benefactions, fines (Almoigne De veill, 45/. and De Novell 11/. 14.S. 4^.), and admission of " Coufrers," amounting to 29/. Gs. 8f/. Then follow the payments thus -} " Ceux sount les espensis faitz el noun du dicte Fraternite. Chapelins et Pours." The Company's Ordinances^ of 19th February, 1371, gave, as we have already pointed out, all the fines leviable under it to the " Alms of St. John Baptist, that is to say to the priests and poor men," and this heading shews the expenditure. Eu primes. A Sir Wauter Edenestowe, pur I'an 'Da\ad Kelby, bedell, pur Tan ^Johan Brenchele, clerk, poiu- soun salary pur Tau Item, pur sa table, pur Tan Umfrey Dunham, pur Fan Richard Walwayn, pur I'an Cristian Wytham, pur I'an Nicholas CoruewaiU, j^ur Fan Johan Bateman, pur I'an .... Sara Lunt, pur I'an Robert atte Pye William Herford, pm- iij quarters Geffrey Kent, pur iij quarters Adam Ladies, j^ur demi an .... .... Johan Cornewaill .... Richard Jardevyle, serjant, pur Tan Item, pur I'enterment de Roger Dalby .... Item, pur I'obit de Maister Thos. Carleton Item, pur ij novelles torches et le peinture pm- le lumir a Poulis et pur chaundelle en la chapelle, par I'an .... xx iij The sumptuary exjjenses relate to the great feast of the year — " the day of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist," in whose honour it was kept under their Charters, and to the autient custom of entertaining " strangers " by the dinner then given to them. The items were these H. s. Item, alowance a le Mestre pur straminer* et apparailer la sale et lez chambres encontre le feste de Seint Johan .... .... .... .... .... .... .... xl Item, pur i^ayn et vin pur chaunter messe en le cha- pelle par I'an Item, pur jarlondis as mestres et maistresses Item, pur loture de la naperie 1 Memorials, page 657. ^ Chapter II, page .35. ^ Establishment Charges. ^ Str.'wing rushes on the floor of the Hall. li. s. d. ^j xiij iiij iij liij iiij Iij iij iij iij iij iij xl Ivj viij Iij xlv XXX xxviij iiij vj viij vij x\\\ vj sj ij iJ ^J iJ ^■J 124 Religion and Almsgiving. [part i. li. s. d. Item, pur Minstrellis pur la feste et pur autres estrangers .... .... xxviij viij Item, pur le wafrer pur le feste.... xiij iiij Item, pur lez chajDerons des mynstrelles et wafrer, et faisure xij ix Item, paie a le peiutour eu jmrti de paiemeut del pein- ture de lez bauers .... .... .... .... .... xxii Which with two concluding ones : — Item, pur paper et parchemyn pur I'au xij Item, pur quitrente al abbe et coveiit de Westm', pur I'au XX amounted to the total sum of 51/. 16s. lid. The account then contains the customary expenditure on giving of " cloth " to various officials, from the king downwards, as foUows : Drap alowe par le Companie.' li. s. d. En primes, a le Eoi, vj verges drap de ixs. un pece tartaryu, xxviijs. injd. iiij ij iiij A le prince, iiij verges demi drap de ixs. un pece tarteryn, xxvjs. viijd iij vij ij A le meire, un goune et chaperon,^ pris xviij Item, a le tresorer, im chaperon, pris iij Le Recordour et ij viscontz, iij chaperons vij vj Eichard Whitynton, le chamberleyn et son clerk, iij chaperons vij William Cressewik, une robe xviij William Morehay, une robe xvj Sir Wauter Edenestowe, une robe xix iij Sir Hugues Tesdale, une robe xij iij Eichard Jardevyle, Credy, Battisford, Est, Eose, Otis, vj chaperons .... .... •••• — • — • — • ^^J Johan Berfayr, un chaperon ij vj Johan Godeston et sa femme, ij robis xij ij William Herford, une robe xnj ij Johan Brynchele, clerk, un robe xj Summa xyjli. xs. injd. The last section of the account includes the expenses incurred for the "Coronation of Henry IV" on Edward the Confessor's Day (13th October, 1399). A "reat occasion was that coronation, which was made with the full consent of Parliament, and after "all the people with one voyce sayed that their wylles was to have him Kynge, and how Chapter VII, page 132. ^ Hood. CHAP. VI.] Expenditure of 1466-7. 125 they wolde have none other but hym Then the people lyfted up their hands on hygh, promising hym tlieir faythe and allegyance." To such ceremony the King rode from the Tower on a white courser, and the Garter on his left leg. " All the burgesses and lombard merchants in London, and every craft with their livry and devyse accompanying him." "After the Coronation (continues the Chronicler) the king went to his Palays, and there was a fountayne that runne by divers branches, white wyne and reed .... At the first table sate the king, at the second the Peers of the Eealm, at the thyrde the valyant men of London, at the fourth the new made knights," and so on other tables mentioned. " Thus the day passed of King Henry's coronation with great joy and feast."^ These are the items : XXUJ d. iiij xxiiij viij Item, pur m}Tistrelles al coronacion du Eoy .... Item, pur lours chaperons, et le fesure, et pur boire a icelle temps .... .... Item, pur mynstrelles al chivache du meire Item, pur lotu's chaperons, le fesure et boire a icelle temps .... .... .... .... The other year taken for illustration comes down to the date of Langwith's gift. The account would not repay perusal in its entirety, and this analysis is given of receipts and payments •? 1466-7.— Pteceipts 283/. Is. 2d. Payments. Trust payments Chantries Salaries Almsmen^ Obits, &c. . . Cloth Sumptuary* Eepairs Sundries , . £ s. d. 7 11 8 37 14 2 15 10 22 8 4 4 10 9 9 14 7 42 16 13 1 3 Eents — outstandincT 167 42 £209 9 1 2 Frois. Chro., vol. 2, page 752 (ed. 1812). ^ I am indebted to Mr. Chambers for this analysis. 3 MS. (1468-9). * The chief item of this is, 7 dozen garnish against tlie feast, 4?. 13i. 4(f. 126 Religion and Almsgiving. [paet i. 1468-9. Almsmen were as follows : John Calliam, one whole year, U. 14s. M; Clement Ashton, Eobert Enderley, William Whyte, for one whole year, 3/. 17s. 4d each, made up thus, per week, the Company, Is. 2cl., Sutton, 2d., and Holland Id., 111. 12s. Od ; Henry Ketelwell, whole of year, 3^. 17s. Ad. ; William West, whole year, 11. &s. M. ; Thomas Percyval, 21. ; Thomas Sele, 1^. 13s. 4^. It only remains to say that towards the close of the century (October, 1480) the Company obtained a grant of arms with these religious emblems^ : "Silver, a pavilion between two mantles imperial, purple, garnished with gold in a chief azure, an holy lamb set within a sun ; the crest upon the helm a pavilion, purple, garnished with gold, being within the same our Blessed Lady St. Mary the Virgin in a vesture of gold sitting upon a cushion azure, Christ, her son standing naked before her, holding between his hands a vesture called tunica inconsutilis, his said mother working upon that, one end of the same vesture set within a wreath gold and azure, the mantle purple, furred with ermine." This grant taken voluntarily preceded by a few years the order of the Earl Marshall, for all the crafts to take grants under a penalty of imprisonment or fine for using any sign or token without his authority, thus^ : " And also to all craftes and Companies of this noble city of London to have tokens of armes devised and given unto the said Companies, so that it doth appear by the same what crafte and occupation they be of, and also tliat no Masters and Wardens of what occupation they or any of them be of, do not enterprize or bear any signs or token of armes or devices in targets, banners, &c., without they be authorized by Clarenceux King of Arms, upon pain of imprisonment and to fyne at the King's pleasure." The charges for such a grant of arms being 10^. ' The Corporate seal of 1502 has nerer been changed or altered, and bears a beautiful impression of these arms. 2 Charles Suffolk, Earl Marshal from 1509-1547. Callaway's Heraldry, 1793, page 170. 127 CHAPTER VIL SECULAR AFFAIRS AND POSITION OF THE COMPANY AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. Continued action of the Guild, p. 127. — As to trade, p. Ii27. — Search, p. 128. — Yard measure, p. 128. — Authority of the Master and Wardens, p. 129. — Fines, how enforced, p. 12Q. — The Mace, p. 130. — Company used for semlar jyurposes, p. 130. — Pier's contract, p. 130. — Class and status of ordinary members,p. 131. — Homrrary members as {\) Kings, pp. 132, 133; (2) Nobles, p. 134. — Company in relation to (1) Corporation, p. 134. — Dispute u-ith Clapton in 1441, jo. 135. — R. Hollaivi rejected as Sheriff, p. 136. — Charter of 1439 dispxded, p. 136. — (2) The Shynners' dispute, p. 137. — Billesden's award, p. 139, Ix the last chapter \ye have endeavoured to show the early con- nection of the Guild with religion and almsgiving, we propose now to trace its action in things secular, and to show the position in matters social or civic which the Taylors held towards their feUow citizens of other guilds at the close of the fifteenth century. By the first charter (1327) the Company had committed to them the government of their mistery or trade and the state of their servants, as well foreigners {i.e., non-freemen) as others taking shops. No one could hold a tailor's shop or counter within the city, or be admitted to the freedom thereof, unless testified by the freemen of the Company that he was honest, faithful, and fit for the same. By the charter of 1390 the right to use a livery garment was conceded as a distinction " to the brothers and sisters of the Fraternity;" and by the charter of 1439 the exclusive right of search within the city and the suburbs thereof was granted to the Company, over and against all members of the trade, with power to cancel and reform aU defects by the survey of the Lord Mayor. These privileges were largely extended by their final charter of 1502. Their right of search included aU natives, strangers, and foreigners in the city, liberties, and suburbs, making, cutting, and working of men's apparel, and no person could exercise this craft unless first admitted thereto by the Master and Wardens. The search was "as to their goods or wares, woollen cloth, ells and measures," and to carry out the powers conferred by these charters " ordinances " were made, imposing fines and penalties, which were recoverable by the authority of the Master 128 Secular Affairs. [part i. and Wardens primarily, or of the Lord IMayor in case an extreme measure of suppression was needed. Taking the ordinance for search-making^ as an ilhistration, it was in these words : — Also it is orda}Tied that according to the ould usage and custome the ffower Wardens of the said Mysterie and such other of the same as have bene Wardens as the ]\Iaster will appoint mth and by the oversight of tlie Lord Maior of London for the tyme being shall as often and when as the said Maister shall tliink beneficiale to the said Mysterie make search throughout the whole cittie and the suburbs thereof and also at Bartholomew Faier during the tjine of that Faier amongst all the occupiers and fFreemen of their owne mysterie, as well for waights, measures yardes and ells as for non presenting of Apprentices, non enrolling of them, and of keeping of fforeyns contrary to the Lawes and use of the said City and of the good Eules and Ordynances of the said Mystery and of all other defaults which shall happen them to finde in theire search-making ; And the transgressors and Breakers of theire said Acts and Ordynances to be punyshed and pajnied accordyng to theire deserving (viz.) Every offender in using a false waight or yarde, six shillings and eightpence, and for not pre- senting and enrolling of every Apprentice the like peualtie of six shillings and eightpence. And it is ordayned that this same ordy- nance be openly redd by the Clerk of the said Mysterie, twice or thrice in a yeare, at Quarter dayes holden at theire Comon Hall, upon payne of fforfeiture of 40s. to be forfeyted by the same clerk to the use of the said ffellowshipp." Now the " yard " here referred to is still in possession of the Merchant Taylors. It was the measure of London from say a.d. 1445, and has the Lombarde H, the Hall Mark in that year.^ " The Iron yard of our Lord the King contained (as the Statute of Edward II still provides) three feet and no more, and a foot ought to contain twelve inches by the right measure of this yard mea- sured (to wit) thirty-six parts of this yard rightly measured maketh one inch neither more or less." Such the standard yard has con- tinued to this day. Bartholomew Fair, instituted by Henry II, by grant to the " Prior " for three days, was the great occasion for the "search." The Lord Mayor and Aldermen went in proces- * Page 26, atite. 2 Tins letter also iclentified llie yard of Henry VII. See House of Coniinona Eeport of 1758, page 42, and serenth Keport (1873) on Weights and Measures, page 34. CHAP. VII.] Authority oj Masters and Wardens. 129 sion and proclaimed the fair on the Eve at the great gate of the Cloth Fair. The search having been made, sales forthwith commenced, all the clothiers of England and the drapers of London resorting to it. The account books show the " search " to have been made as early as 1428, and until the fair was abolished in 1854. In earlier days it was attended with some conviviality, as in 1445 we find this entry : — " In expenses for the wardens, the clerke, and bedill, with other drynkyngs in the search time, and about gadering yn of the money for prentises, and at other tymes with consell and suche other necessary and iiedful for the craft 11. 15s. 2d." These Wardens thought more (we fear) of their own enjoyment than of the cost to which they put the Company, for in 31 and 32 Henry VI the cost was 12d. ; and in 32 and 33 Henry VI the entry runs thus : " Expenses of the wardens making a search ' super homini- bus hujus misteriae' at Bart fair 10|fZ." Latterly the beadle only attended on one day of the fair with the silver yard to test those used by the cloth vendors, of which he made a return to the " Pie Poudre Court." The question naturally arises. How were these fines enforced ? What were the powers of the Master and Wardens as rulers of the Guild : and had they any and what judicial functions ? From the books of the Company it is abundantly clear that tlie Master and Wardens exercised the power of fine and imprison- ment over the guildsmen, and were, according to Lord Holt's definition, " a Court of Eecord." The oaths have been already set out. That of the Master clearly points to his judicial functions — he is " descretely to examine the matter of complaint and of variance, truly to determine it." " No favor or partialitie to either party " is to be shown, and all breakers of the ordinances are be to punished by fine and amercement, for the benefit of the Company. The Wardens were also sworn in these respects to be assistants to the Master. The ordinance against "partiality " is most emphatic, and a penalty of ol. each is to be levied against the ]\Iaster and Wardens, if found guilty, by the" sadest and most discreete of the Eraternity." Both the livery and freemen were sworn "not to withstand or disobey the summons of the Master and Wardens." The beadle, as the summoning and executive officer, was sworn to do aU the sum- monings or warnings without one penny receiving, " within the Fraternity, whether between party and party of the same mysterie, or else between masters and apprentice or servant," and, except of stranger complaining, he was also to gather in aU distresses, fines, and amercements awarded by the Master and Wardens. VOL. I. K 130 Secular Affairs. [parti. The emblem of tlie Master's authority was the " mace." The " Chronicle of London" states: "In this year (1338) King Edward oraunted that the seriaunts both of the meire and the scliirreves of London schiilde beren before the maire and the schirreves of London maces of silver and other gilte with the Kinges Armes," and the charter of the same date confirms this statement. Under what express authority the Company adopted a "mace" we have not discovered ; but the mace held is the work of Mr. Duckett, a notable goldsmith in 1597 (who probably lent Queen Mary 2,000/. in 1569, as one " Leonel" of that name did so according to Stowe). A mace had been in use before this date, but the original one was stolen 1596-7, and the present one was made to replace it, at a cost of 6/. 4s. (with the " yard," which was also stolen). The tribunal of the Master and Wardens held its sittings in the hall, and from the "dais" justice was for many years dispensed to the members of the Guild in all the minor matters of trade and good manners. It has already appeared that the Guildsmen used the Company as the executor or administrator of their devises and bequests for matters other than civil or secular, but it will be seen that there was a disposition on the part of its members to use the Company in a somewhat similar way to carry out or see executed their trade or family arrangements. An instance of this as to trade, originating during the mastership of Thomas Burgeys in the year 1'±(j7, is preserved.^ Stephen Piers was anxious to retire and to transfer his business, which he carried on in Bucklersbury, to liis son John, giving him his stock-in-trade and book debts, and handing over to him all his servants and apprentices. But he was to have a provision for himself and for his wife, and for " Anne Parys, a poore mayden that is dief and dome." The terms as agreed upon by father and son are set forth in a memorandum. The stock-in-trade was valued at 220/. sterling, and besides paying the rent of the house and allowing his parents the " White Chamber," and another annexed called " the Eede," the son was to provide, when either walked out,^ " an honest man chyld to wayte upon the father," and ^ Appendix 16, page 367. * This prorision of a child to " wayte" on the parents when they walked out was (I suppose) a necessity. One writing in 1598, a century and a half later than Piers' time, says, " If the mistris ride abroad she must have 6 or 7 serving men to attend her — one to carry her cloake and hood, another her fanne, another her boxe with rutiles and other necessaries, and some (which could not apply to London), to open gates and supply other services that may be occasioned." — Eye's England, page 197. See also page 259, post. CHAP. VII.] Class and Status of Members. 131 " an honest mayde to wayte upon the mother." For their main- tenance he was to pay 10/. per annum at the usual quarter-days. Following upon the last entry is another^ of the 4th December in the mastership of William Parker (1469), which leads to the impression that the first agreement had not been found to be altogether satisfactory. The son had married, and liis wife, Margaret, was to be a party to the new arrangement. Whether or not, the old people resented the introduction of Margaret into the home, at any rate they agreed " from hensforth beyng good fader and moder to their sone and his wyf," that the annual payment was to be thereafter "20 marks " for both, and 10 marks for the survivor of the father or mother. The agreements are printed in the Appendix. As another instance, a century later, as to family arrangements, is seen when Sir Thomas White married Lady Joan Warren, and we find the " Mercers Company " parties to the marriage settle- ment of November, 1558, in the interest of the lady. We must now endeavour to ascertain something of the personelle of whom the Guild was composed. Originally Taylors and Linen Armourers, they so continued until after the charter of Henry VII was gi-anted, when the tailoring element began to die out, and that of the clothworker or merchant to be introduced. The changes which ultimately resulted from this charter will be dealt with hereafter, but here we deal with the Company as it existed towards the close of the 14th century. Early records show traces of some members of the Company in their dealings as " Taylors." Thus Pioger Tego, who was Master in 1463, appears in the household expenses of Sir John Howard (Duke of Norfolk), under date 1462 : " Delivered to my Lord's own Armourer, for his cost by the way, 20s. " For a Bannett, 15*:/. "For a horse to Roger Tego, 30s. " For a dagger for my Lord, 2 Of/." In 1466, the name of Henry Galle, whose widow became Lady Percy vale, appears as a Taylor — his relative "William" being Master in 1471. The next enquiry which suggests itself is whether all the VOL. I. * Appendix 17, page 371. K 2 132 Secular Affairs. [parti. members of the Guild in the Tudor period which became, as we shall see, so conspicuous were of this class or status ? All those who attended the Guild meetings and directed its affairs were certainly (so far as we know) of this class, to w^hom all gratitude from their fellow citizens is due. But the Taylors had a number of honorary members, tradition saying that Edward III enrolled himself as such, but that other Kings, including Henry VII, were members admits of little doubt. ^ A note of a late Clerk^ to the Company runs in these words : — " Pilchard II and his Queen were both of the Livery, being admitted like other members at that period by a payment of 20s. to the Company on their admission. " The earliest entry (1398-9) in this Account Book is as follows : " ' Allowance of cloth by the Company. — First for the King 6 (yards or ells) of cloth of 8s. and 1 piece of Tartain 30s. — 2)1. 18s. To the Queen 6 y<^^ of cloth of d>s. and 1 piece of Tartain 30s. — Zl. 18s.' But whether these were supplied to this Sovereign and his Queen as being members of the Company, or as a matter of courtesy, is uncertain. " The next entries relate to Henry IV and his son, who, in 1400, were both members of the Company. Similar entries are contained in the account to 1404, when the allowance of cloth to the Prince ceases, but the allowance as regards the King is entered throughout the reign, though the quantity and price of cloth vary occasionally, " In the entry of the admission of members in 8 Henry IV, a.d. 1407, is the following one of the King's son, — ' Mons"" John, fitz au Eoy Henri quarte, xxs.' ; from wliich it is clear that the members of the royal family paid for their admission like any other member, as in the same list in which this entry is contained, are the admissions of noblemen and tradespeople at the same price of 20s. each. "In 10 Henry IV, A.D. 1409, another son of this King was admitted, as appears by the following entry, — ' Mons"" Thomas, fitz au Roy, xxs.' " It is believed that the Queen of Henry IV was free of the • The circumstances under which Henry VII grani ed his Charter will be referred to in the hfe of Sir W. Fitz William, but there is Strype's authority for Baying that this King took a personal part in the affairs of the Company, sitting openly in the Common Hall in a gown of crimson with a citizen's hood upon his Shoulder at the elections of the Master and Wardens. 2 Mr. de Mole in 1830-3. CHAP. VII.] Honorary Membe^^s. 133 Company, for in the year 1408 is the following entry : — ' To our lord the King, 8 yards of coloured [cloth] of 5s. 8d, and 1 piece " tarteryn " of 23s. U.—U. 8s. M. The Queen, 8 yards of cloth of 5s. 8fZ., and 1 piece of tarteryn of 23s. 4d — M. 8s. 8d/ being the only year in which the Queen had cloth. " Henry V ascended the throne in 1413, and was admitted to the Freedom in 1414, but he had cloth the first year of his reign. " The following entry in the second year of his reign shows his admission to the brotherhood or ' confreres ' : — ' Nostre tres ex- cellent S*" le Eoi Henri Quinte ' ; but in the last three years of this reign no cloth seems to have been given to him, though the Queen had 9 yards of green cloth at Qs. 8d. in the 9th year. " Henry VI commenced his reign in 1422, and was admitted to the Company between the years 1436 and 1437 ; but in the state- ment of cloth allowed by the Company in the second year of Henry VI (1424) is the following entry: — ' Our Lord the King, 3 yards of colored cloth of 6s. 8d. the yard, xxs. For Tartaryn Eobe, 12s.' " The entry of the allowance of cloth to the King is regularly made up to and including 1445 ; but in 1446 (23 Henry VI) there is no entry of cloth to the King, but an entry as follows : — ' First for the Privy Seal 5 yards of colour of 4s. 6d., sum 22s. 6d.' " " There is a lapse in the Company's account from 1445 to 1453 in 31 Henry VI. " The allowance of cloth appears to have been discontinued after 1453, for there appears no entry upon the subject in the account after that year nor in subsequent reigns." These entries show the attendance of the governing body of the craft on the Sovereign at various dates : — " In 1453-4 : A barge to London for the anniversary of Henry V , . 6s. lOd." Expenses of the Master and Wardens appearing before the Coimcil at Westminster, by the King's order . . Is. Id." A barge for a member of the Company to meet the Queen coming from Greenwich to Westminster . . 4s." " In 1461-2 : To 10 Brethren riding to meet the King (Edward IV) '31. 6s. 8d." " In 1462-3 : Boat hire with the Mayor to Westminster at the King's command, and eight horsemen to serve the King, each 6s. Sd." 134 Secular Afiairs. [part i. " In 1463-4 : To 10 Brethren riding to meet the King, each . . Qs. 8c?." " In 1464-5 : Barge hire to Greenwich for the Master and others going to meet the King and Queene to the feste of St. John 4s." The list of other (honorary) members given elsewhere^ com- mences in 1351 with Roger Mortimer (summoned to Parliament in September, 1355, as Earl of March), and of the first 60 names ending with William Ferrers De Groby (summoned to Parliament in 1396) and admitted in 1413, almost all (save prelates and religious men) were related to the Plantagenet family. What were the inducements for men of the highest rank to associate themselves with the Taylors and Linen Armourers are not easy to determine, for there was little hospitality save at the cost of the individual members, and few other advantages of which they could avail themselves.^ Still many of these did join the Company, paying for their admission, as it is supposed, like ordinary freemen, and exercising their privilege of taking apprentices and admitting to the freedom. One of such instances, at least, is known, and others may be extant. Thomas Ratcliffe, third Earl of Sussex, who stands on the list of honorary members as of 1562, presented John Bull as his apprentice on the 28th January, 1577, for admis- sion to the freedom, and asked for John Evans, though not a member of the Company, to be appointed to the Clerkship in December, 1571.^ Something must now be mentioned of the position or relation- ship which the Taylors' Company occupied towards the Corporation and the other guilds of London,'* Unfortunately, in the 15th century, controversy had arisen towards each of these bodies, which, at the intervention of the King in the one case, and of the Mayor in the other, had been adjusted. The controversy with the Corporation arose out of the " great Charter" granted to the Company in February, 1439 (18th Henry VI), and which made one of their members obnoxious to the Mayor and Aldermen. Under this charter the Master and Wardens had power " to ' See Chapter XVI, and notes thereto. 2 Up to 1453 Livery cloth was given to them, Memorials, page 5!)7. 3 See jiage 305, ^;o*/. ■* Part II, Chapter III, as to this. CHAP. VII.] Dispute ivith Clopton in li4.\. 135 make full search in and concerning the mysteries and all those who are or may be privileged with the Taylors within our city and the suburbs thereof, and that no other persons or person shall in any manner make any search in or concerning the persons or mystery thereof." It would appear from the Company's records that the right of search after those who infringed the rights of the Company, as foreigners, was exercised from a very early period of its history, for entries of money spent for meat and drink, " sur le serche faitz par les gardeins," occur as early as 6 Henry VI, 1427-8. Thus, in 7 Henry VI,— ^ "Paie as dyvers foitz sur lez serchez del Mistier et autres hommes pour warnyng de dyvers foreins overautz en musset, 6s. M." And in 13 Henry VI,— "Espendu divers foitz en viaunde et boire sur lez gardeins pour le serche et gaderyng dez revenuz, xx5." Again, in 14 Henry VI, — " SjDent in mete and drynke whan the Meister went to serche, sur luy et lez gardeins et le serjaunt, et autres, iij dales, xxjs. Item, Paie a Holgrave Serjaunt, pour son labour delserche, xkZ." It was in this state of feeling that our guildsman, Ealph Holland, presented himself to his fellow citizens for election as Mayor in 1441-2 (the other candidate for the mayoralty being Eobert Clopton, the Draper), and was rejected, with something like a riot. Holland was a noble benefactor to his guild, giving his estate " in pure and perpetual alms " by will " sealed in the pre- sence of Koger Legg and other guildsmen, on the 5th day of May, 1442, executed between the sixth and seventh hours after noon, the said Kalph then lying in his upper chamber in his bed." And we may reasonably presume that the irritation arising out of the " grete Charter " was the cause of his rejection by the Court of Aldermen, as thus described by Holinshed : " When the Maior brought down Clopton upon his right hand towards the Hall, whereby the Taylors present saw that Holland was not chosen, they cried out, ' Nay, nay.' Wherewith the old Maior being astonished, stood still upon the staire, and where he sat downe and his brethren about him. In the meantime con- tinued their crie and incensed of base trades of the citie (as simple persons) to take their part and to cry as fast as they, not proffering to cease their misrule for all that the Maior could sale, no nor yet ' Accouut Jiooks, />a**(j/i. 136 Secular Affairs. [parti. where the Maior's Serjeant-at-arms had cried, ' Yes.' Whereupon the Maior to appease the rumor, sent downe the Sheriffs and com- manded them to take the offenders and send them to gaole ;" which precept was fulfilled, and about twelve or sixteen committed to Newgate, where some of them abode a long time imprisoned.^ Holland's rejection shows at least that the election of a Mayor was then by choice and not by seniority, or surely the law- abiding Aldermen would not have rejected him. One of the earliest of Eobert Clopton's official acts was to require this charter to be suspended. A Council Order appears to have been obtained " from the King's Parlour at Sheene," dated the 21st August, 1442, stating that "it is advised and commanded that letters of Privy Seal be directed to the Wardens of the Craft of Taylors of London and to all the Taylors thereof, and then setting forth the grant and ordering and charging for certain causes, moving the King and his Council that after the sight of these pre- sents they should surcease of putting in execution the said pleas as touching the said search, and that every and each of them obey the Mayor of London after the old usages, customs, and laws of London, and that they bring before the King at the Council the said letters patent at St. Michael next even, for to see the contents of the said letters."^ This order was sent to Clopton on the 20th March with instructions to put in force " all the articles of the great Charter of the city," notwithstanding the aforesaid charter of the Taylors. The search under the Charter made at St. Bartholomew's fair appears to have brought the Company into trouble, for some men of the craft were committed to Newgate. It involved the payment^ of more fees to lawyers and Crown officials for procuring a letter from the king to the Mayor to set the matter straight and to save the Charter from being revoked. The search in its continuance appears to have been a convivial meeting, for the next entry is : — "23 Henry VI. — In expensis for the Wardens, the clerks and bedill, with other drynkynges, in the serchyng tyme and aboute gaderyng yn of the money for prentises, and at other tymes with consell and suche other necessary and needful for the craft, xxxvs. ijd" So much for the controversy with the Corporation. The dispute ^ Holinslied, Vol. 3, page 204. - Vol. 5, page 196, Sir H. Nicliolas' Privy Council. ^ See Cluqitcr II, ante, and for bill of payments, Appoudii I, page 3iG. CHAP. VII.] The Skynners' Dispute. 137 with the Skynners Company arose on a question of precedency and the claim of the Taylors to go before them in the Eoyal and other processions which were then frequent in the city. There would appear to have been no fixed rules to determine such a question, other than this one, namely, that the guild from which the Mayor was chosen should take precedence of all others. The guilds varied from time to time too much in numbers and in wealth to make either of these facts the test of precedency. Thus in 1464 the Skynners furnishing only 20 men were placed before the Taylors furnishing 30 men for the entry of Elizabeth, the Queen of Edward IV, for her coronation in May, 1465. So again, in the watch for St. Peter and St. Paul, though there were 20 Skynners and 50 Merchant Taylors, and in November, 1483, when 24 Skynners and 30 Taylors rode out to meet Eichard III coming to the city. The disparity was even greater in the order of 28th July, 1485, for the " marching watch," as only 60 Skynners paraded against 200 Taylors. However, the rule of precedency laid down in Shea's mayoralty of 1483, gave the Taylors precedency with 84 men over the Skynners 54 men, and when Henry VII entered the city in August, 1485, after the battle of Bosworth, the Taylors having John Swan, their guildsman, as Sheriff, and furnishing 30, they took precedence of the Skynners furnishing 20 men only. But, from the date of their Charter, or incorporation, the Skynners were entitled to precedence, for theirs is dated on the 1st and the Taylors on the 10th of March, 1327. In this state of uncertainty controversy arose in one or other of the processions between the two Companies and their differences, according to the wise temper of those times, were submitted for decision to the supreme civic ruler, the Mayor Mr. (afterwards Sir) Piobert Byllesden. The reference appears to have been a formal one, very soon disposed of. " For nourishing of peas and love between the Masters, Wardens, and Fellowships aforesaid," so runs his decree of 10th April, 1484, let them dine together at their respective Halls, the Taylors with the Skynners on the vigil of Corpus Christus Day and the Skynners with the Taylors on the Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist. As to precedency, let each Company take that on each alternate year, save that a Mayor of either shall give that Company precedence in his year of office. So the decree has for 403 years been observed, while " peas and love " has reigned between the two fellowships.^ ' See P'igc l7o fur Sir Fraiicif Pulgrave's opinions on City Festivals. 138 CHAPTER VIII. THE EARLIEE HALF OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND THE DISENDOWMENT OF RELIGION. Two great changes in the sixteenth century: Disendowment of religion and destruction of Guild monopoly, p. 138. — Religious and eleemosynary gifts from 1507 to 1531 to the Company, p. 138. — Example of an Ohit from Sir John Percyvale^s rvill, p. 139. — Act for Cha^tntries Collegiate, p. 140. — Effect of it, p. 140. — 37 Henry VIII, c. 4, p. 141. — Commissioners' return under it, p. 142. — Extracts from cash books, p. 142, — Payment to the Croion, p. 143. — Edward VFs Act and preamble, p. 143. — Royal Com- missioners to ascertain sums dne from Ouilds, p. 144. — Court of Merchant Taylors Company in 1548-9, p. 145. — Execution of Commission and Extracts from cash books, p. 145. — Obit omitted, p. 145. — Annual pay- ment to the Crown, p. 145. — Purchase of obit charges from the Crotmi, p. 146. — Extracts from Commissioner^ Report of\SSA,p. 146. — Extortion against the Oxhilds,p. 147. — Conveyance of Property to Guilds, p. 148. — Petition to Parliament for Act b and 6 Edward VI, to confirm same, p. 149. — Religious services extinguished, p. 149. — Eminent members of the Guild, p. 149. The sixteenth century was the most eventful one in the history of the London Guikis, for in the earlier half religion was disendowed and in the later half their trade monopoly was destroyed. Taking these subjects in the order in which they arose we shall deal with the first in this chapter. We have already seen how to the close of the fourteenth century the Merchant Taylors Company had been selected by many persons to carry out their religious and charitable purposes, giving to the Company in most instances estates, and in others money for rent-charges (created over their Guild estates) to provide priests (and other attendants), with all things needful for the due solemnity of religious worship. The lives of Percy vale, Jenyns, and others will show that this current of benefactions did not cease with that century. From 1507 until 1531 fourteen estates were devised to the Company, besides (at least) two contracts, those of John Ilowdan and Sir William Fitz William made for obits. All these devises were of valuable estates, ten of which are still possessed l>ythe Company. Huwdan's CHAR VIII.] Example, of an Ohit. 139 contract was made in 1514 by nuncupative will, which his family refused to recognise. The Company asserted their title in Chancery before the Lord Chancellor (Warham), and the full circumstances of the gift, as made in the Common Hall, in favour of specific objects are set out in the Bill, which, as the trusts are now being carried out by the Comj)any,^ we presume was successful. As the direction for an obit on the anniversary of a bene- factor's death occurs in many wills of this period, it may be well to give the exact words of Sir John Percyvale's will in creating his obit. The testator directs that it shall be done " solempnely by note " with placebo and dirige on night and masse of requiem on the "morne by the persone of the Church or by his deputee and " by my said ij Chauntry Preests and by oder ij Chauntry Preests " and the ij Clerks of the same Church (that is to say) vii " persones in all at which obite I woll that the Clerke cause to " be rongen iij solempne peales in the tyme of synging placebo " and dirige on night and oder iij like peals to be rongen on "the morne in the tyme of synging of the masse of requiem " and that the persone or his deputee shall sing the High Masse of " Eequiem there praying for my soule and other souls aforesaid and " that the said Maister and Wardeyns of the said Fraternytee " shall so ordeyn ij tapers of wax weiyng booth xii lbs. to brenne " there during the tyme of the said service, paiying for the wax and " makin of the said ij tapers x\id. and I woll that the Maister and "Wardeyns of the said fraternytee with a competent number of "bretheren of the same Fraternytee and with the Beadle and " Clerk of the same Felowship shall come together in one clothing " to the said obite as well to dirige and nighte as to masse of requiem " in the morne to say there ' De Profundis ' and other prayers as "like as in such cases they may be accustomed to do and after " dirige done I woll that the said Maister, Wardeyns and Bretheren " and also the Freest and Clerk and other neighbours beyug at the " said obite shall come if it please them together into my said " dwelling place, if the tenant thereof woll suffre it and else to " the Merchant Taylors Hall and there the INIaister and Wardeyns " for the time beyng to provide as much bread and ale to be spent " among them as shall amount unto xs." They were to make divers payments thereat, i.e. — ' Appendix It), page 373. 140 Disendowment of Religion. [parti. s. d. 2 wax tapers 1 4 Bread, cheese and ale . . 10 In worship of 5 wounds . . 6 The Parson 1 4 Chaimtry Priests 2 2 Clerks 1 Chamberleyn of London . . 6 8 Now at these services the governing body and officials of the craft, together with the brethren who cared to attend, were present, and hence religion — whether false or aught else you can call it — had a very conspicuous place in the routine of corporate life, which the Fraternity thought it to be their duty to fulfil. But by the Act under notice all these religious services were swept away, and the rent-charges by which they were supported con- fiscated and misapplied to purely secular uses by the Crown and its courtiers. Some few years before the " Act for Chauntries Collegiate " of Edward's reign became law, the monasteries and religious houses,^ by the aid of the Eoman^ Parliament, had fallen into the King's I The 26th Henry YIII, cap. 3, sees. 2 and 9, granted the first fruits of all bishoprics, monasteries, &c., to the Ci'own, and directed a Commission to issue in each diocese to enquire into and certify the true yearly value and the deductions therefrom allowed by the Act, Dr. Tanner* gives the detail of each house in each county, and then this general summary : — £ s. d. 555 Eeligious houses of the yearly value of . . . . 136,710 14 5 Knights Hospitallers . . . . . . . . . . 5,396 6 6 Friars 809 11 8 Total £142,916 12 17 Another authority gives these figures : — £ 5. d. 186 The " greater " monasteries 104,919 13 3 374 The " lesser " monasteries .. .. .. 2,385 12 8 48 The Knights Hospitallers (London) . . . . 3,026 9 5 28 Do. do. (country) .. .. 851 9 608 Friars £140,785 6 3 2 See Mr. Gasquet's remarks on the formation of the Parliament of 1529, ■which passed these measures. Vol. 1, page 300, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries. > Notitia, page Ivii. CHAP. VIII.] 37 Henry VIII, c. 4. 141 hands. Eeform, either by themselves or by the State, they had resisted, opposing every attempt to bring them back to their earlier and purer mode of life. " It is " (writes Archbishop Trench) " the misfortune of institutions, which are merely human inventions, that after a while they overlive themselves, ha^dng contributed all which they were capable of contributing to the Church's good or the world's, they tbenceforward cumber a ground which they may have profited once ; the reason of their existence having ceased, there is now one supreme favour which they would confer, that is not to seek to exist any more. It is seldom, how- ever, that those who are bound up with institutions which have thus overpast their time see things in this light, while yet the falseness of their position, and the consciousness of this falseness which they cannot wholly escape — in many ways tell mysteriously upon them. The elevating sense of a true vocation is gone. The sphere in which a healthy activity is possible has grown much narrower, or has quite disappeared, and under these conditions it is almost inevitable that a rapid deterioration, moral and sjDiritual, should follow. The decay of discipline, the dissolution of manners, the dying out of all sense of corporate life (in the monasteries) were everywhere making themselves visible to the eyes of aU."^ But although the monasteries had fallen without opposition from the mitred abbots in Parliament, there were left other endow- ments for colleges, chauntries, guilds, &c., which stood somewhat on the same platform, and the founders and owners in possession fearing the same fate as the monasteries, thought (as some persons in our own day have done) to anticipate the action of Parliament. They entered into possession of the endowments for their own use, dividing the spoils, and it was the primary object of the 37th Henry VIII, cap. 4, to defeat these alleged misappropriations, which "some donors or patrons had of their avarouse and covetouse myndes " effected, whereby the said colleges, chauntries, and guilds had been clearly dissolved. To meet the war expenses of the King, the Commons with their " hole voice, petition, and inter- cession besought the King" that all these colleges, chauntries, guilds, &c., with their estates, which between the 4th February, 27th Henry VIII (1535-6) and the 25th December 37th Henry VIII (1544-5), had by such means aforesaid been dissolved should * Page 420 of Archbishop Trench's Lectm-es (the Eve of the KcforuiuLiuiii ou Mediseval Church History. Macmillan, 1877. 142 Disendoivment of Religion. [parti. be deemed to be in the very actual and real possession of the King and his successors for ever. This part of the Act had no operation against establishments not dissolved, and as all founders had not entered on these Guilds to dissolve them, another theory was put forth with regard to those remaining established for charitable purposes, viz.: — That they " were not so employed, to the great displeasure of Almighty God, and the discontent of the King," and as the King " of his most godly and blessed disposition intended to have the premises used to more godly and virtuous purposes," Parliament authorised him during his life to issue Commissions to " persons in any county or place to enter into any such colleges, chauntries, guilds, &c., and hold the same in his name and for his use, and that of his suc- cessors for ever." Althoucrh the statute was drawn in such wide terms as to have swept away into the Eoyal coffers all the endowments of Win- chester and Eton, if put in operation against those colleges, such a construction was not asserted against the Guilds, but the Act appears to have been brought into operation against them forth- with. Before the King's death the Eoyal Commissioners, either in person or by their deputies, had visited the Company's Hall to execute their Commission, and had ascertained by enquiry what property was held by the Guild, and returned to the Court of Augmentation their certificate as to that property which they deemed to have passed to the Crown under the Act. The return of chauntries and obits made by the Merchant Taylors Company is stiU extant, and these entries in the account books relate to the subject. " 1545-6. Item,pd. for meat and drink ordained for them that was appointed to make the boke for the certificate of the Chaun- tries according to a commission to them directed, 40s. " Item, pd. to Mr. Eecorder' for his accounceill in making the said certificate, 15s. " Item, pd. for a quire of paper, ocl. " Item, pd. to Eobert Christopher for his pains in writing the book for the same, 40s." " Paid for refection at the ' Mermaid Tavern ' when we put in our book to the Commissioners, 8f^." " Item, paid more for refection made at the ' Mermaid Tavern,' ' Robert Brook, Cliief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1554. CHAP, viii.] Payment to the Crown. 143 when we met tlieir to take counsel to answer Mr. Milclma}^ and other the King's Commissioners, touching the last will of Sir S. Jenyns, Is. ^d." " Paid, and giving more to the witnesses at the Lord Chan- cellor^ when as we went to speak to his Lordship in the said matter, by the advice of them that were appointed for the said matter, 2s." The certificate was accepted by the Crown and immediately acted upon, for the same year's accounts contain this entry : "Paid to the King's Majesty for certain money which was given to this mystery by Sir Stephen Jenyns, Master Percival, and Master Acton for to keep an obit, and otherwise to be dis- tributed by this Company, all which is dissolved^ and now found due to the King's Majesty in areages, 52^. 10s." By Henry VIII's death the Act expired and further legislation was absolutely needful, as, in the absence of it, the founders or owners of the existing endowments would again have taken posses- sion of them for their own use. Fortunately or unfortunately, as the case may be viewed by each reader, the late King had not declared upon the statute the " godly and virtuous purposes " to which (had he lived) he would have applied these endowments, but that there might be no mistake as to the intentions of Parliament these were declared by the preamble to the Act of Edward VI. Possible confiscation would be made more acceptable to the people if the Act were prefaced with an enunciation of the doctrines of the Reformed faith and of the necessity for their preservation to the State. The ostensible object of Parliament, as declared by the preamble, was to convert uses deemed to be superstitious into godly uses. " To correct superstition and error in the Christian religion," which had been brought into the minds and estimation of men by reason " of their ignorance of their very true and perfect salvation through the death of Jesus Christ," which vain opinions " of purgatory and masses satisfactory to be done for the departed," by nothing more was maintained than by trentals, chantries, and other provisions for the continuance of such igno- rance, "therefore (the preamble went on to declare) these funds ' Lord Wriottesley, the Company's tenant in Bisliopsgate Street. ' As tlie House of the Grey Friars was dissolved these obits became vested in the Crown. 144 Disendowment of Religion. [part i. must be applied to better objects," as the erection of Grammar Schools for the education of youth in virtue and godliness ; the further augmenting the Universities and better provision of the poor and needy.'" Godly uses truly had they been carried out. As Parliament could not discharge administrative duties the Crown, having for its aid and assistance the officers of the Court of Augmentation, was constituted a trustee for the Eealm to put the Act (which was framed on a narrower basis than that of Henry) into execution. Of course when all the rents or lands were applied to what was deemed under the statute to be a superstitious use, then all the lands were transferred to the King ; but where part onlyi of the rents were so applied, then from Easter next coming for ever the King had such sums of money as in any one year within five years before the first day of the then present Parliament had been so expended or bestowed, holding the same as a rent- charge, which was to be paid half-yearly at Michaelmas and Lady- day, by even portions to the Court of Augmentation. Hence it became necessary (as the Act provided) that Commissioners should be appointed by the Crown to ascertain^ and report after examination of all evidences, compositions, books of account, and other writings, what moneys, or other things, had been applied to or bestowed on such superstitious uses. At that time the Merchant Taylors Company held 29 here- ditaments, standing at an annual rental of 440/. 13s. lOd, all of which (to some extent) were charged either by the Company's contract or by will, with payments to provide for masses or obits called "superstitious uses." To ascertain the total amount of these payments another Ptoyal Commission was issued to the Lord Mayor^ and other persons selected by the Crown for their know- ledge and ability to determine what rents were held for, or what sums had been applied to, these superstitious uses. The Act was not directed against the City Guilds, indeed in its passage through the House of Commons an assurance was given to its opponents (according to Collier and Burnet), by the Ministers of the Crown that such should not be its operation, but as that of the last reign had been so loosely drawn, it was necessary to be watchful, and this emphatic declaration should have made the Guilds secure. Except for religious sentiment the Guildsmen had no reason for concealment, as instead of making, as theretofore, several payments to several priests and in several parishes, one ' Section 5. * Section (>. 3 Sir H. Hubbathorne, a member of the Court of Assistants of tlic Mercliant Taylors Company. CHAP. VIII.] Execution of Commission. 145 payment of an ascertained and definitive sum had thereafter to be made to the Crown. This Commission was also executed at the Halls of the several Companies by production to the Commissioners or their agents of the contracts or wills founding the masses or obits, and the books showing the payments for these superstitious uses. The results were summed up in the form of a certificate or return to the Court of Augmentation, which appears to have been framed under the advice of the Eecorder (Brooke), a man who afterwards became Speaker of the House of Commons, and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. Further, it was handed in to the Commissioners at the Company's Hall, when a dinner was given at the cost of the Company, " the Lord Mayor being there." The facts are evidenced by these entries : " 1547-1548. Thos. Offley, Master. •' To Mr. Brooke, recorder of London, for his advice given in making our book of certificate as touching what priests, obits, lamps, and lights was found and kept by the Company, and what lands and other thing was given for the maintenance thereof, and how long they should endure, 13s. Ad. To the Clerk, John Huchenson, for drawing and engrossing the same book and search- ing evidence, 40s. To the pursuivant attending on the kings commissioners at Haberdasshers' Hall, when we desired a longer day to bring in our book, 3s. 4d " Item to one of the Commissioner's clerks for entering the said day that was given us for bringing in of our book, Is. 8d " Item, pd. for making of a dinner unto the said Commissioners my lord mayor being here at the same when they sat here in receiving of our said book of certificate as appeareth by a bill of particulars thereof ready to be showed, 7/. 18s." We shall see hereafter that one obit, that of FitzWilliam's, was omitted by the Eoyal Commissioners ; but as might have been expected the former recipient informed against the Company, in the Exchequer Court, and out of these circumstances arose the exhibitions long known as " Fish's Battelings," given to the poor divinity students of St. John's, still administered by the Company.^ By the Commissioners' certificate the sum of 98/. lis. Qd. was due to the Crown, and the Company's books show that this sum was 1 Chapter XIII, page 23«. VOL. I. L 146 Disendowment of Religion. [parti. paid half-yearly to the Augmentation Ofl&ce, until (as we shall see) the Company was requii-ed to purchase up or redeem these payments.^ The dealing of the Crown with the chauntry lands is a matter of history upon which many authorities are to be fomid, all con- current in their testimony, but none agreeing with the statements which, under the authority of some of the Eoyal Commissioners, appointed to enquire into the City of London Livery Companies, ^yere laid before Parliament in 1884. After saying that — "In the course of the suppression of the religious houses many lands held by the Companies to superstitious uses, such as the performance of masses for the dead and the maintenance of chauntries were con- fiscated," they continue, " the Companies were, however, allowed to redeem the lands on a representation that they were required for the purposes of the eleemosynary and educational charities to which they were trustees; "^ and again, " The terms of the grants (from the Crown) have been held by the Court of Chancery to have vested in the Companies the same absolute property in these lands which the Act of Edward VI vested in the Crown, and they have thus been since, in the eye of the law, the corporate property of the Companies free from any trust. There is no doubt, hoiccvcr, that the lands ivere only allowed to he hrought back because the Companies represented to the Croion, as was no doubt the fact, that the rent vxis required for the support of their Almshouses, Schools, and Exhi- bitions many of which dej)ended for their existence on these super- stitious uses."^ Collier and Tanner^ represent the Act of Edward VI as being one of subsidy, and state that there was little intention in the King's advisers ever to use the chauntry lands for the pious purposes set forth in the preamble. However that may be, ui^gent necessity for money obliged the Crown to sell the lands and rent-charges. " The King," writes Strype, "hastened in 1548 to sell them to make up the defects of " his Treasury and to get ready money for necessary uses." Burnet is more explicit, Parliament having given the chaun- try lands " that they might be dehvered from all subsidies, the " Commons were dismissed and then the whole Council did on the " 17th of April unanimously resolve that it was necessary to sell " 5,000/. a year of chauntry lands for raising such a sum as the ^ Appendix 17, page 371. ^ 13th Eeport, page 15. 3 13th Eeport, page 40. * Page XXV. Mr. Rogers in his History of Prices so treats it, vol. 4, page 183. CHAP. VIII.] Extortion against the Guild. 147 " King's occasion required, and Sir Henry Mildmay was apiDointed " to treat about the sale of tliem." Stowe^ gives the 8th April as the date of the Council Order, and this as the method in which the order was carried into effect : " The citizens of London having certain cliauntry lands for priests' " wages, obits, and lights, suppressed into the King's hand by Act " of Parliament, valued by the Commissioners to 1,000/. a year, " purchased the said yearly quit-rents of the King for 20,000/. " to be paid within eight days after by the Council's commandment, " which caused them to sell much of their best land, far better, " cheaper than they bought their quit-rents as after 16 or 14 years' " purchase." Heylin's^ words are " for the redeeming whereof the " Companies were constrained to pay the sum of 20,000/. to the " use of the King by an order at the Council Table." The sale of obits or chauntry lands became part of the ways and means for assuring the King's debts, and in 1552, Lord Burleigh^ proposed for that year to realise 12,000/. in this manner. Shortly after these transactions the city of London placed these facts upon record thus : — •' In the third year of Edward's reign, having occasion to levy " a great mass of money, the King did require the Companys to " purchase those rents, which they were loath to do, but being urged " by their duty of love and service to the King ; " The Companies accordingly purchased those rents, for which " they paid to the King almost 19,000/. " For the raising of this sum they were enforced to sell divers " of the said lands and tenements to pay for the rest." The terms of redemption imposed were extortionate.* At that time the Crown was paying 14/. per cent.^ per annum for money borrowed, but the Company was required to purchase these rent- charges at the rate of 5/. per cent, {i.e., 20 years' purchase), and to pay this purchase-money in eight days. As a consequence such estates as were most marketable, and therefore most valuable, had to be disposed of at such prices as could be obtained for prompt payment, and had not Sir Thomas WTiite, Sir Thomas Offley, and other members of the Company come forward as purchasers, the result would have been more disastrous than it was to the Company." To redeem the rent- ' Annals, page GOI. - Vol. 1, jjage 279. ^ Vol. I, Burleigh Papers, page 127. * Wriothesley's Diary, page 35. ^ In England the rate was limited to lOZ. per cent, by 37 Henry VIII, cap. 9, sees. 8 and 4, but this Act was repealed in Edward's reign. See part II, page 275. " Note, page 151. VOL. I. L 2 148 Disendowment of Religion. [part i. charge of 98?. lis. 5d. estates with a rental of 1221. Us. 2d. had to be disposed of, inflicting then a percentage loss of 5/. 9s. 6d. with a continuous annual increase ; which, measured by the actual rental of the estates left unsold, would now amount to upwards of 10,000Z. per annum ; and is therefore the present loss inflicted on the Comj)any by the enforced sales of 1549-50.^ In this manner the money was realized, and the entries in the cash book show these payments. " 3 ells of canvas for bags to put the money in for redeeming the rent- charge, 2s. Ad. " To the Clerk of the Mercers, who was appointed by the Lord Mayor to come to aU the Companies to confirm the gxeat patent for redeeming the rent-charge, 6s. Sd. " To the Treasurer of the Court of Augmentation for redeeming and purchasing money and quit-rents lately due to His Highness out of the lands belonging to this mystery, 2,006?. 2s. M." The conveyance obtained by the Company is printed at length in Herbert's work. The grant was by letters patent, made at Leighes, and bearing date 14th July, 1550, to three several nominees of the Corporation in trust for the several Companies. Nothing can be more specific than its terms. Each rent-charge is described in regard to the amount and to the estate out of which it had accrued. The use to which it had been applied under the deed or will (which is recited) is also set out, and the rent-charge is conveyed to the nominees, their heirs and successors for ever from St. JMichael's day then last past (1549). Until sanctioned by Parliament the transaction was illegal, for the purchase moneys were used by the Crown for purposes other than those to which the preamble of the Statute had appropriated them, besides the objections presented to the title of the purchasers or grantees of the Crown arising from the rights of re-entry or gifts over contained in the founders' mils, should any default be made (as it had been) in keeping up the superstitious uses. Therefore in the mayoralty of Sir Eichard Dobbes (the Skynner), 1551, a petition was presented to the King by the Corporation of London, and underwritten with the signatures of " T. Cant, K. Eychelane, W. Wiltesh^ J. Bedford, T. Wentworth, T. Ely, N. Wotton," setting forth that by the authority of Parlia- ment the superstitious uses had become vested in the King as annual rent-charges, and that these had been sold for " notable * Appendix 18, page 371. CHAP. Yiii.] Eminent Members of Guild. 149 sums of money " paid for " thexployte of your waytie affairs," and granted to the suppliants and the Fraternities. That the sup- phants and Fraternities had sold of necessity and must sell the "greatyste part or porcion"of their other estates for the "furnyture of the said sommes of money " and therefore they prayed an Act of Parliament (which wtis passed as in the 5th and 6th Edward), confirming the title of Corporations and Fraternities, or other per- sons who since the 1st February (15-49-50) had purchased, or should thereafter purchase of the King, or of the aforesaid Corporations, Fraternities, or persons, any such rents or hereditaments absolutely in fee simple, and free from such re-entries or gifts over a statutory title against the Crown, as plain and emphatic as Parlia- ment has ever conferred upon any subjects of the Crown.-^ An exemplification of the Petition and Act are held at the GuildhaU, and copies of both in the archives of the Merchant Taylors Company. Thus was the religion of the Fraternity disendoioed by a Parlia- ment of Eoman Catholics, the chapels at " Ponies " and at the Hall both ceased to be filled by the " great multitude " of the brethren, the Guild became secular, and though the Baptist's name continued to be used in the antient terms of incorporation, no longer was the day of his nativity to be kept by the notable feast in his honour, nor his statue to remain in the hall, where little was left to remind the Fraternity to hold his character in reverence. During the period embraced in this chapter, several other members of the Guild had risen to eminence in London, as shown by the civic and parliamentary offices to wliich their fellow citizens had elected them. Thus, in civic oflices we have these names of guildsmen : — James Wilford,^ Master 1494 (Alderman), Sheriff in 1499. Nicholas Nynes, Master in 1496, Sheriff in 1502. WiUiam FitzWHliam, Master in 1499, Sheriff in 1506. John Doget, Master in 1501, Sheriff in 1510. John Kyrkeby, Master in 1502, Sheriff in 1508. Ptichard Smith, Master in 1503, Sheriff in 1509. John Skevynton, Master in 1510, Sheriff in 1521. Ptobert Pagett, Warden in 1527, Sheriff in 1536. Henry Suckley, Warden in 1527, Sheriff' in 1541. 1 The sale of the chauntry lands were also confii-med by 1st and 2nd Philip and Mary, cap. 8, sec. 12. 2 One of the Subsidy Commissioners under 12 Henry YIII, cap. 13 (1196-7). — Memorials, page 283. 150 Disendowment of Religion. [part i. Thomas '\^liite, Warden iu 1530, Sheriff in 1547, Lord Mayor in 1553. Henry Hubbathorne, Sheriff in 1542, Lord Mayor in 1546. John "Wilford, benefactor in 1550, Sheriff in 1544. John Yorke,^ Sheriff in 1549. In 1529 Paul WithypolP was returned for the Parliament of 14 Henry VIII. He had been Warden in 1522, and no doubt at some later date Master. He was appointed with Will Wilford to have the survey of the provisions supplied to the Emperor Charles V on his visit to London in the same year (1522), and in 1515 he was discharged from jury service as being in the Commission of the Peace. His daughter married Emanuel Lucar, a highly esteemed member of the Company. In the next Parliament of which we have a record of names, 1542, we find Xicholas Wylford (an established family in the Company) the meml)er for London. But the men who may be supposed to have had control and influence with the Company between 1545-51 were notably Sir Thomas White and Sir Thomas Offley, each taking an opposite view of the poKcy of the Reformation ; the one a protector of the old, the other an advocate for the new learning, and not therefore sure to agree as to the morality of the course taken by the Crown under the Chauntries CoUesfiate Act. Men of the accepted character of White and Offley might have been held to be above the imputation of any public act of dis- honesty, such as either concealing (even had the Lord Mayor, as the Cliief Commissioner, lent himself to the fraud) or misapplying property acquired from the Crown, but these imputations stand recorded, and therefore we have given in detail all the facts to show that their characters are entirely beyond impeachment. Towards the close of the century it will be seen that some of those citizens who rose to eminence in the government of London had previously held office as IMasters of the Taylors Company, the three most notable being Sir John Perc}'\'ale in 1484, Sir Stephen Jenyns in 1489, and Sir W. FitzWilliam in 1499. In gathering up the particulars of their lives as passed within the hall premises, we shall gain some further insight into the affairs of the Company at the period when they lived, and note (if so disposed) the zeal and integrity with which they discharged their duties as guildsmen. ' A freeman and liveryman in 15J5-6, but I do not trace him as Warden or Master. In the assessment of February, 1565, be is assessed after " Alderman " Howe, and for the same sum. 2 See Vol. 1, Mait., page 236, as to special grant to liim by tlie Common Council in October, 1539. CHAP. VI] r Ilereditameii' s sold in 1849-50. 151 t3 p o CO < m p m P5 C3 I lO P O m m Eh P n C <^ o ^ • • o « C-'-i f^' N c a s o 1 C -s • ® - ~~' 1 '■ - s i S o i»> <^ S ^ S -S ci K « 7-. - 5 ^- : -^ - _j J ' 1 1 l^illl'-^lll i ^ "^ A ■ ^ :::::: : :■.■.:: -^^ ■". -Z 1 4 • « S ^ « s o -.J c : : : : :i.5 •^. -^ B CO C^ ■/ ' "^ * 00 •^ H =: 2 tl -.■ ^ S ... • o • - e £ - . "T . 2 llMll h ifilglliili c? ■s 03 i1 CJ ~0 00 O O O O O X 00 -* CO OD ' to o — ^ >» •f g =c o o o tc c o ?i :s -.i ^^ -^ o ^ o .H ^ o i£^ . , O O O C. O O M CC M '-i -O O « o X. «« 1- -^ 00 ^-; ic o CI — ai "J- CO ^J — -I< _ _ _ CM CO , cf c-r ^0-*-*000 O O 00 C O X » 't O f o ^ ■^ O C> fl* 2 5 ^ 5 § 3 f :^||«|^^ :^2?i :g?S |^? o 0-1 □ 0) c3 ►J »2 o ■3 2 ::::::::: ::::::: y : : 'i5 ::::::::: g a :::::: g : : S S ■ ■ ■/ ■ -2 ■ ■ = - c ^^ £ c ll? -^.Js ■^ 3 ::::::: :a'S 2 :. ".^c S-p : : S 5- fi ' o . . . .-S ■■^oooiZ-^'^c^K^*^ n i2 C3 etc: : : :£ rguyyT^cMi^c^cg C C 2 a ? 2 ^oot'i;i^--ooSo:=t^s"t;^g ♦^ •<3 E-cc = = c.i = =: = <=cr-cccC.><=.S X - CCCCCS^CCOOC^ OCShCji-S, in f=< 152 CHAPTEE IX. AFTER DISENDOWMENT.— LATEE BENEFACTIONS. Bays of racked consciences. — Obit moneys applied to secular uses, p. 152. — Mall chapel nsed for secular purposes and fitments removed, p. 152. — Religion the vital principle of the Guilds, p. 152. — Constitutional changes in the Guild, p. 153. — Effects of on benefactions and expenditure, p. 154. — As to benefactions, p. 155. — Character of Post- Reformation gifts, p. 155. — Robert Donhyn, p. 155. — His charity of 1570, p. 156. — Progress of it, and Scheme of 1872, p. 157. — Bognor House, p. 157.— Robert Doive, p. 157. — His charities, p. 158. — (1) For prisoners in Newgate, condemned to death, p. 159. — In City prisons for debt, p. 161. — (2) Pensions for Guildsmen, p. 162, et seq. — For parishioners, p. 165. — For improvement in Church singing, p. 167. — School probation, p. 168. — Commendatory sentences in favour of poor tailors and St. John's, Oxford, p. 168. — Almshouses, p. 169. — Schools fou7ided, p. 171. — No contract with non-members to charity endow- ment, p. 171.— William Roper's offer declined, p. 171. — Guildsmen made such, p. 172. — What religious observances were kept up, p. 172. — Grant of arms with secular emblems, -p. 173. — Note. Cooke the Herald, and Pay- ment for same, p. 173. Those must have iDeen " days of racked consciences " (as a later Court minute describes them) when the " service^ of placebo and dirige, with the mass on the morrow," which Henry abolished for others, he directed by his last will should be celebrated for himself,^ and when the outcome of the Act was the sale of the obits and the application of the purchase money not to religious but to secular uses. Following upon if not the effect of this confiscation was that the worship of the sanctuary was silenced within the hall premises, that the chapel of Calixtus was dismantled and then secularised ; the beautiful tapestry (save the hearse cloths which still hang on our walls) was sold, and that all the plate with any religious emblems was melted down into modern shape or pattern. That disendowment was a blow to religion as a principle cannot be reasonably doubted, and how vital religion was to the Guilds let a writer of authority declare : 1 Wilson, Vol. 1, page 45, and Part II, page 20. - Test. Vet., Vol. 1, page 38. CHAP. IX.] Constitutional Changes in Guild. 153 " Keligion was the foundation of the Guild. Divine worship the solid bond of the association. The members were constantly- reminded that it was not to the contrivance of wit or the strength of the labouring hand that man owes his daily bread. Industry, they were taught, might be the applied means, but God's provi- dence was the only source of our subsistence, its increase the result of His blessing, not of our frugality, the alms the testimony of our gratitude to Him from whom the bounty emanated and undeserved is obtained." * * * * But other very considerable alterations were introduced during the reigns of the later Tudors into the ordinances of 1507. Besides those which we have already noticed, relating to the government of the Yeomen or Bachelors, others had reference to the Merchant Company. In the first place all the changes which the Eeformation rendered necessary in the oaths and ordinances were made as of course. As the Guild had become secular, no attendance at public w^orship after elections was prescribed, although it was followed out as a custom. AVith these exceptions the oaths and duties remain as they did in 1507. The new Master or Wardens absent from their election or the dinner (an offence increasing in later times), were to be fined. The " brotherhood money," for the Master's feast, hitherto indefinite, was fixed at 3s. 4^d. for the Assistants and Livery, and 12d. for other members for the general feast. Each member had also to pay to the Wardens assigned to receive it a quasi poor rate, viz., a quarterage of 2s. 6fZ. yearly to the use of the Fraternity. The government of the Guild was placed on a narrower basis. Although for legislation affecting all the members a full assembly may still be needed, we find no trace of any such meeting being- summoned ; and the Master instead of yielding up Ms receipts and payments after the expiration of his year of office, openly in the common hall before the whole of the Fraternity, has only to do so to the Court of Assistants, or to auditors appointed by the Court. Some of the old ordinances are altogether omitted, such as the previous licence of the Master and Wardens to open a shop- (A. 4), as to keeping secret chambers (^ih. 5), as to emplojdng foreigners ^ Sir Francis Palgrave. 2 Appendix 7, page 351. 154 After Disendowment. [paet i. {ib. 6), as to unlawful assemblies {ih. 7), as to taking houses to dis- turb tenants {ib. 8), as to attendance at burials^ {ib. 10 and 25), as to rebels against the Master {ih. 12), as to the observance of holi- days {ib. 16), as to those associating with the breakers of ordinances {ib. 19), and lastly, as to the Wardens and the purchase of stuff at Kingston {ib. 4, 5, and 7). Some ordinances were amended thus, the limit to the numbers and to the fees paid for apprentices were omitted (A. 3), and the free- man had only to present his apprentice at the hall for examination as to his birth; and in case the fine for leaving the Guild was excessive (under A. 20) the appeal was given not to the Chancellor and Treasurer of England, but to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of London. Lastly two ordinances were added to ensure impartiality in the Court of Assistants, and to give it jurisdiction over cases of masters and apprentices. When Parliament passed the Chauntries Collegiate Act the charitable needs of the kingdom were declared to be the want of funds for three definite objects : — Grammar Schools, University Exhibitions, and Poor Eelief. It therefore remains for us to examine into the effect which this Act had upon the generation of guildsmen experiencing the consequences, whether, as evidenced by future endowments, it lessened their desire to give property to the Guild either for " the Common P)Ox " or for any charitable purposes, and whether the future expenditure of corporate funds, became either diminished or altered in regard to benevolent objects. The first of these questions we will deal with in the present chapter. The main source of wealth to the Guild has always been the benevolence of its members. In the pre-lieformation gifts we fiind these often made to the Master and Wardens, as in Tressawell's will " in pure and perpetual alms," or in other cases " to the brethren and sisters of the Fraternity." Again other gifts were made as in Percyvale's case " to the common box for the support of the common charge," or in Slater's and Moncaster's in 1521 for the Master and Wardens " to do and dispose of their own free will." But no such gifts were made to the Guild after the Chaun- tries Collegiate Act was passed, and the post-Iieformation charities ^ Thoiigli tlie Bedel was to summon tlie Fraternity, tlio penalty for non-attend- ance was withdrawn. CHAP. IX.] Rohert Donkyn. 155 of which there were fourteen during Elizabeth's reign/ took a different form. The first, Wilford's (1550), was for the repair of roads, and others were for similar uses. Sir Thomas Eowe (1559) gave annui- ties to poor freemen of various Companies " from age or impotence unable to practise their craft ; " but he did not forget the men of his trade, clothworkers, and knowing how others could become nominally such by joijiing the Company, he laid down the qualification that his recipients should be " shearers with the broad shears or rowing at the perch," an example which was followed by Eichard Hilles in 1586, by Eobert Dowe (in 1605), for Taylors, and Craven (in 1615) for both. Another form of charity was the release of prisoners by payment of their fees due for discharge. Special gifts were also made for sermons, as by Vernon on the day of his decease : and by Wilford for Good Friday. But two benefactions of this period claim special mention, the first from the good which it confers or ought to confer on the " poor inhabitants within the city of London," and the other as marking the distinctive characteristics of a Guildsman of the 16th century. Eobert Donkyn, the first founder, was one of several of that name who were members of the CJompany. He was a contemporary of Eichard Hilles, and became a freeman prior to 1530, and was called to the Livery in 1556-7. He was a resident in St. Michael, CornhiU, renting from the parish a house at 6/. 12s. M.,^ and then from the Company one of Giles Slater's houses at 2/. 13s. 4:d. per annum. In 1549 he served with William Machyn^ the ofiice of Churchwarden ; and as his trade had reference to church vestments his name appears in the parish accounts of St. Dionis Backchurch, when purchasing after the Eeformation in 1549, " a badkyn or carecloth " (which was held over the bride and bridge- groom's heads at a marriage till the benediction) for 40s., and two best suits of vestments (one a cloth of gold and red velvet, and the other "ryche whylvet," having four copes and three vestments), for 42s. ; and in those of St. Michael's when purchas- ing in 1550 copes, vestments, altar clothes, and curtains for 31^. 17s. lOd., and in 1552 five copes with certain banner staves for 40/. It may be supposed that he was successful in his business, for ' In this I reckon Dowe's charities as one. 2 St. Michael's Eegistry, by Waterlow, page 61. ^ One of the Company's tenants of Sir John Percyvale's estate. 156 After Diseadowment. [part i he was a benefactor to the parish as well as to the Merchant Taylors Company. To the former he gave two houses now 143 and 144, and formerly known as Waterbearers' Hall, in Bishops- gate Street Without. Towards the close of his life he purchased another estate in Bishopsgate parish consisting of houses and gardens with a rental of 26/. per annum or thereabouts, apparently with the noble purpose of dedicating it to the poor of London, as on the 13th March, 1569, he came to the Court and offered it for acceptance on the terms and for the purposes mentioned in his proposed will. The record runs in these words : — " Whereas Eob* Donkyn, a loving mebre of this mystery, for the greate good will and hartye zeale he beareth to the same, hath declared unto the aforesaid M'' and Wardens that he is mynded to give and assure by his last Will and Testament unto this Mysterie fo'ever. All these his lands, tenem*', and gardens lienge in the pisshe of St. Botoulphe w^^'oute Bishopsgate, in London, bemg at this pnte of the yerely value of 26/. p' ann™ or theire about." He made his will on the 1st December, 1570, devising the estate to the Master and Wardens, to take the rents and thereout to give 12 poor men inhabitating within the city of Loudon, of honest fame and most in need, and to 12 poor women of honest conversation, fame and name, and most in need ; to each man a gown of freese, containing 7 yards at Is. 4f/. per yard, a shirt^ at 2s., and a pair of shoes at 12c/. To each women a cassock of like freese and price containing b\ yards, a smock at 20f/. per yard, and a pair of shoes at 12f/., on every Christmas Day; with legacies of 10s. each to the Chamberlain and Town Clerk, first, to put the Master and Wardens in mind on All Saints' day, and then to attend and see the bequest performed. The residue of yearly rents (then 9/. 13s.), was received and for many years was thought to be given to the use of the Company. In June of the same year he had been appointed one of the Eenter Wardens, William Kympton being Master, but while he w^as holding office, in February, he died, whereupon the Company having accepted the trusts entered into possession, and the first appointment of men and women to receive the benefit of his * Althougli Falstaff, before the Battle of Shrewsbury, thought to clothe his ragged soldiers with shirts stolen from the hedges, on which they were placed to dry, yet they only came into general use at the beginning of the 16th century, and ts. would seem to have been a libcial price for a shirt. The treese was in 1510 at 8fZ. per yard, but afterwards it rose to 1*. l\d., the allowance of 1*. Ad. was therefore liberal. The same authority put shoes at Is. 2d. as the liighest, and Zd. as the lowest price. — Kogcrs on Prices, Vol. 4, passim. CHAP. IX.] Robert Dowe. 157 charity was made on the 28th March, 1572, and their successors have had continuance to the present day. But the rents which in 1570 were 26/., or thereabouts, amounted in 1843 to 386/. 2s. M. ; in 1852 to 798/. 18s. Id. ; and in 1862 to 1,125/. 7s. 6r/., and the residue increased from 9/. 13s. to 1,001/. Is. 6f/. and was transferred to the Taylors' corporate funds.^ As the result of a suit instituted by the Company against the Attorney-General to get an authoritative decision on the con- struction of Donkyn's will, a scheme was framed for establishing a convalescent home at Bognor for the reception of poor men dis- charged from the Metropolitan hospitals, and sanctioned by the Charity Commissioners on the 22nd March, 1872. Other funds (as the Prison Funds), have subsequently been added, so that in December, 1875, there was 2,019/. 18s. M. annually available for this charity. Up to December, 1887, the poor who have been inmates of Donkyn's home amounted to a total number of 10,900, possibly not a tithe of whom ever heard of his name as their benefactor. Eobert Dowe, the second of these founders, was more munificent, for in his lifetime he deposited with the Company, and they agreed in consideration of various sums of money (which, fortunately for their successors in the Guild they invested in London houses) to see to the fulfilment of various charitable foundations, which, partly in his own words and partly in the legal language of the times, he defined in various deeds which are still held in the archives of the Company. The total of his benefac- tions amounted to 3,448/. 10s. 8f/,, a vast sum of money at that period, Dowe, as a guildsman, had had a long experience of London life, he would know not only what were the wants of the poor, and how, according to opinions then prevailing, they could be best relieved, but to whom and with what safeguards the distribution could be best entrusted, while the nature of his benefactions and the terms used in their creation reflect his experience and worthy characteristics upon the guildsman of later times. All that we know of him is but little, and is as follows : — Ptobert Dowe (or Dove, as was his crest, and as his name first appears) was the second son of Henry Dove of Stradbroke, Suffolk, by Alice, the daughter of • Nowell. He came to ' Sec the case of the Merchant Taylors Coinjiany stated in a Memorandum dated iOth August, 1882. Appendix 20, pages 374-88. 158 After Disendow ment. [part i. London, and had the good fortune to be the apprentice of Nicholas Wilford, living, as %yas then usual, in his family, and through this channel he became a freeman on the 9th August, 1550, when about 27 years old. His ultimate place of residence was Houndsditch, Aldgate, and his business that of a taylor. He married Letitia, the daughter of Nicholas Bull, by whom he had five sons, all of whom (with his wife) predeceased him. He was called to the Livery of the Company some time before September, 1562, his name being found as such in an assessment of that date. He first served as Warden in 1571, and the second time in 1575, and as Master in 1578, having Thomas Wilford and Eeginald Barker as two of his Wardens. In 1605 he was a donor of gilt spoons (40-^ oz. in weight) to the Company, and founded the "convivium dinner." In September, 1611, when he was 88 years of age, he attended its celebration at the " Angel," in Islington, for he was a vigorous man. His handwriting to the nomination of scholars to St. John's, Oxford, on the 12th June, 1611, is clear, the letters well formed, the strokes thick, with no appearance of age discernible. He was present at the probation of the school on the 17th March, and he died on the 2nd May, 1612, at the age of 89. At the desire of Mr. Ealph Hamer and Mr. Zachery Dow (two of his nearest kin) his body was bimed from the haU, and a funeral dinner provided by them for such as accompanied the corpse to the church of Aldgate ; all " the hall linen and plate being freely lent to perform the last duty to so worthy a brother."^ Such is the bare outline of Eobert Dowe's life, a detail of whose charities will presently be given. His memory was sought to be perpetuated by a monument still standing in Aldgate church, erected at the expense of the Company in 1622, when " five nobles were given to the parson for liis suffering y* church wall to be broken to sete up Mr. Dowe's picture there," as thus described in the Court minutes : — " It was at tills Court- ordered that twentie marks shalbe given of y' Stock of this house for to bestowe upon a picture engraven in stone for M"^ Eob' Dowe an antient M'" of this Societie and a memorable Benefactor to the same to be sett up in the Church of St. Buttulph without Aldgate where the said M' Dowe was buried as a Eemembrance of him to succeeding ages Our M"" to pay the same and have it allowed in his account." > Court, 8tli May, 1612. - 14th August, 1622, Vol. 8, page 114. CHAP. Tx.] Rohcrt Doives Charities. 159 He first comes prominently into notice as a benefactor in the establishment of the Widows' Almshouses, in Hog Lane, after Eichard Hilles death, when, in 1592, he was appointed the Treasurer and one of three Assistants to act as " Surveyors " of that founda- tion. After an interval of ten years (5th June, 1602), we have this entry in the Court minutes respecting him : — " Certain Assistants with whom Mr. Eobert Dowe had former speech and conference do state to the Court that it hath pleased God to move the heart of said Mr. Eobert Dowe. to disburse a further good sum for the relief of the necessitous brethren of the Company, for whom the Company do make public declaration of their thankfulness to Mr. Dowe and to Almighty God, A deed to be drawn and sealed to charge and bind the Company to see the charitable alms for ever justly and truly performed." The earliest operative deed held by the Merchant Taylors Company is dated the 8th July, 1605, and commences thus : — that " an antient citizen of London, named Mr. Robert Dowe, one of the Societie of the Worshipful Companie of Merchant Taylors in his lyfe tyme of his own charges and charitable dis- position hath delivered " 50^. into the hands of the parish officers of St. Sepulchre without iSTewgate, for the fulfilment of a " charitable deed " which he afterwards sets forth. At the date of the endowment, capital punishments were fre- quent, and poor criminals condemned to death were thought to deserve and, indeed, received little spiritual aid or comfort. Dowe's anxiety was to prevent such from passing out of this world unrepentant, and his " charitable deed " was directed, first, to their conversion, and then to engage the sympathy of the parishioners in their fate. These were his plans. With the previous assent of the Lord Mayor and Bishop of London lie obtained a contract with the Vicar, Churchwardens, and Vestry of the parish to have these services performed. First for arousing the attention of the prisoner: — "about the hour of tenn of the clock in the quiet of the night next before everie execution dale they were to appoint one to goe unto Newgate there to stand soe neere the window as he can where the condemned prisoners do lye in the Dungeon the night before they shall be executed and w*'' a hand bell (given to the parishioners by the said Mr. Dow) shall give there twelve solemn tolls with doble strokes and then after a good pawse to deliver with a lowd and audible voice (his face towards the prisoner's window) to the end the poore condemned sowles male give good care and be the better stirred up to watch- 160 After Disendowment. [part i. fulness and praier certain words of exhortation and prayer . . . and then he shall toule his bell again."^ The night ended, the morning of the execution arose, and all criminals then and indeed until 1783 were taken for execution from the prison to Tyburn. A church custom also prevailed (the observance of which was no doubt stimulated by paying the sexton's fees for his trouble) of having the " passing or soul " bell tolled when a soul was passing out of this life, to call all within its sound to prayer for its pardon and acceptance with God. " When any shall be passing out of this life a bell shall be tolled and the minister shall not then be slack to do his last duty." It should be tolled three for a man, two for a woman, and at the conclusion a peal on all the bells.^ On the morning of execution, Dowe made another exhortation both to the prisoner passing to execution and to the assembled crowd, thus : when the prisoners goe to execution the carte shall stale a small while against the church wall to hear this short exhortation pronounced by one standing there bareheaded w**" the hand bell ha^ing first given twelve solemne toules with double strokes for better stirring up as well the prisoners' mynde as other good peoples' harts to praie for God his mercie towards them in the words," which are set out.^ He then provided for the " passing bell," " that the greatest bell of Saint Sepulchres shall alwaies begyn to toule from the 25 th of March unto the 29th of September at six a.m. and from the 29th of September unto the 25th of March before seaven a.m. in manner "as the passing Bell is used and that this Bell shall alwaies continue fowling until tenn of the clock or until such tyme as the Sheriffs' Officers shall return home from the execution to the end and pur- pose that all good people hearing this passing Bell may be moved to pray for these poor Synners going to execution after which the said Bell shall cease fowling and be rung out the space of one half hower or thereabouts." If any neglect or default should arise in these observances the correction was left to the Lord Mayor and Bishop of London, and by a later deed (April, 1610) to ensure detection of neglect, '■ he gave to the Beadle of his Livery 3s. 4:cl. yearly that three times in the year, yearly for ever, in the evening and morning • Appendix 21, page 388. 2 Hook's Ch. Diet. (1887), page 566. Brand's Pop. Ant., Vol. 2, paj,c 122. ^ Appendix 22, page 389. The Charity Conuuissionei's liuve rceeutly sell led a scheme for applying tliis charity to the benefit of poor prisoners. CHAP, ix.j For Prisoners in City Prisons. 161 before the execution of the prisoners at Newgate, he shall repair thither to see and hear whether the persons appointed by the parish of St. Sepulchre to come in the evening under Newgate and in the morning in the church to perform the ringing of the hand bell and exhortation to the prisoners, also the ringing out of the passing bell for the prisoners in such devout and discreet manner as is appointed."^ But these were not the only prisoners who came within the scope of Eobert Dowe's benevolence, for there were those confined enduring a life of misery for small debts unpaid, of which the debtors of the j)resent day endure nothing. The City prisons for such debtors were four in number, all utterly wanting in furniture and sanitation, held by keepers who had purchased their offices, and whose pay or revenue was derived from exactions inflicted upon the inmates. Ludgate was a free- man's prison, and had an endowment from Stephen Foster in 1454, for freeing the prisoners from paying for lodging and water, but. Newgate had no such advantages. The Sheriffs' prisons were the two compters — that in the Poultry held by one, and that in Wood Street by the other Sheriff, the prisoners getting the scraps from their tables.^ These prisons were, or should have been, regulated by (as the keepers did not obey) the Common Council ; indeed, such an act of disobedience obliged the City to build Wood Street in place of Bread Street Compter, for as the keeper of the latter was also the freeholder of the prison, he could only be displaced from office by building another prison.^ " He was " (writes Stowe) " hard with his prisoners, having also servants such as himself liked best for their bad usage, and would not for any complaint be reformed .... whereof myself am partly a witness, for being of a jury (1552), we found the prisoners hardly dealt with for their achates* and otherwise, also that thieves and strumpets were there lodged for 4fZ. the niglit, whereby they might be safe from searchers that were abroad : for which enormities and others, he was indicted." It was to "relieve poor prisoners — redeeming them that are 1 The Beadle presented his proposal to the Court. — Memorials, page 18. ^ Strype's Sfcowe, Book 3, i^age 51. 3 The same circumstances applied to the Fleet prison. See Commissioners' Report, 1729, in note. Vol. 17, State Trials, page 298. 4 From the French word " achat," and in English use meant provisions not made in the house, but purchased, say. of the baker or brewer.— Chaucer's Prologue, line 570. Spenser's Faerie Queen, Book 2, chapter 9, line 34. VOL. I. M 162 After Disc ndowment. [paet i. in pryson for small debts or for tlieir fees, and for relieving such that are very syck in prison, and not otherwise," that Eobert Dowe gave 20Z. per annum to be so distributed between the 20th and 24th AufTust in each year. His almoners for this charitable business were the Wardens of his Company,but to aid them in a careful distribution (which except under special circumstances should be bl. for each prisoner) the Beadle of the Livery eight or ten days before the dis- tribution should go round to the prisons to get information of the wants and necessities of the several inmates. Tlie trust which Dowe reposed in the Wardens is thus expressed:^ he " dothe repose this speciall trust and confidence in the said Wardens and well assured of their charitable and conscionable care herein that he doth give them this power and authoritie that if in some one or more of the said fewer prysons they shall fynde more want either for redeeming or relieving as aforesaid then in the other and that a greater porcon of charity were fitter to be bestowed there then in th'others that then they may in their wisdomes encrease the porcon to such one or more of the said fower places or prisons where most charity is fitt to be bestowed and defalke the same out of th'other that shall have lesse neede." His next thought was for the poor workmen of his Guild, and on the 28th August, 1605, he declared his intentions regarding them. The deed opens with these words, the said " Eobert Dowe looking into the great decay of his poor brethren the Merchant Taylors using the handicraft of tailory and being moved with a charitable love and care towards the relief of the deceased estate of the said handicraft, hath placed in the hands of the Master and Wardens various sums of money to be laid out in the purchase of tenements, by the revenue whereof, as well certain decayed brethren of the handicraft might be from time to time relieved by yearly pensions, when either by age or other accident they were not of ability of body to get their living by their handy labour, and also whereby other deeds of charity and good uses might be per- formed." One of such pensions, to his honour be it recorded, he specially conferred on " the loving brother of mysterie, John Stowe," who had been a taylor, and the other recipients were to have distinct quali- fications, thus : " To the thirteene poore aged and decaied Brethren of the said Societie of Marchaunt-tailers which have exercised and ' Deodof 4tb ipril, 1610. CHAP. IX.] Pensions for Guildsmen. 163 have beu brought up in the haudycraft of Tailoiy and have contynued theh trade so long as their sight and strength would permytt them to worke being of the full age of three score yeres and which have ben househoulders and niayntainers of famylies and of honest sober and good reputation and which have been obedient and dutifull to the Master and Wardens and so long as they were of capabilitie paid their quarteridge and have borne other charges and duties belonging to the said Brotherhood " , . . . " But if there happen ympoteucy lamenesse or blindenes A'po" any brother of the said Handycraft of Tailory under the said age of threescore yeres (and being quallified as before at large is recited) he may in the discretion of the Warden Substitute be appo}Tited one of the fowre in Election Soe as he be not under fiftie yeres of age well approved." Their continued good conduct was to be assured by the powers of removal : — " If found negligent in the Service of God or in doing the Duties appointed or be unquiet or of any other lewd behaviour duly proved or be insolent and hygh mynded or disdaine or be negligent in wearing his livery or in performing the Orders appointed by these presents .... So that none remayne with the name to receave the charitie of Mr. Eobert Dowe but them that be knowne and approved to be of very honest and quiet behaviour and of a religious and holy conversation," To each of these he gave a liberal pension (according to the then value of money) of GZ. 13s. 4fZ. with a gown at the cost of 2/. 3s. Ad. every third year. Foreseeing from his experience how great would be the im- portunity for these pensions, he took the precaution of instituting six ones of lesser value, to which the candidate should be first elected, thus : " The better to avoid such requeste and petitions that may be made to the M"" Wardens and Assistants for placing Men into the Pencon of the said thirteene almesmen which may grow to their trouble and breede much evill will and thereby the good meaning of the said Eobert Dow abused," he appointed " six parsons of like age trade quallitie and condition as is before mentioned who shall be elected and chosen in forme hereafter ensuing to stand in reversion of the said almes, which said six persons shal be placed in the roome of the said almesmen when and as often as any of the thirteene doe decease." To each of these he gave IZ. (js. 8d., and with a cloak at the cost of 11. 10s. every third year. Each of these gowns and cloaks to have a badge with a VOL. I. M 2 164 After Disendowment. [parti. " Dove " thereon. Tliey were to be of broad cloth and good cotton, to be cut np in tlie common hall " by a discrete man or twayne," all of one colour, shape, and fashion, and delivered to each of the poor almsmen to make up for himself. Which done they were to be brought back and retained at the hall until St. John's Decollation, when at seven a.m. they were to be redelivered to the almsmen, who were then to have the first wearing of them, with this admonition " that they shall weare them faire and cleanly upon Sundaies holy dales quarter daies and other appointed tymes in seemely manner untill the three yeres be expired when they shall receave new gownes and cloakes and yet neverthelesse their old gownes and cloakes to be preserved and to be usually worne upon the weeke daies." Liberal as these pensions were it is clear that they were not designed for members of the Livery, as were the earlier pensions, but for those of the Bachelors Company. The strict im- partiality which the founder desired should mark the elections is apparent on the deed. On a vacancy a name should be brought up from each quarter by the Wardens Substitute and presented to the Master " incontinent." Then, the four candidates being present, choice of one shall be made by the balloting box (first reducing them to two by scrutiny), " which way is thought briefest and best to avoid suspition of partialhtie. And the reason that moveth the said Eobert Dow to comyt and repose this trust in the Wardens Substitute and Sixteene Men is because they best know the quallitie behaviour and necessity of the poor handicrafte men and which of them have most neede and best deserve the said pention or almes. Neverthelesse the said Robert Dow doth not so restraine the M"" and Wardens and Court of Assistants but that if it shall appeare that the Wardens Substitute and Sixteene Men shall use partiallitie or affection in their choice and presentment of Names (which is hoped they will not) that then the said M' Wardens and Assistants may refuse and put back the parsons so presented and cause them to present others more needy and fitt to be preferred to the said pension or almes according to the true meanyng of the said Eobert Dow untill the M"" Wardens and Assistants allowe of the same. But tlie said Eobert Dow is well persuaded that as well the Master Wardens and Court of Assistants as also the Warden Substitute and Sixteene Men will deale up- rightly iustly and with the like integretie of mind and conscience as everie one of them would have liis owne will and charitable disposition truly performed which the said Eobert Dow desireth CHAP. IX.] Pensions for Parishioners. 165 them all for Christ Ihesus sake to remember and dulie to observe as they will anuswer to Almighty God for the same." These pensioDers were to l)e present at the hall on Decollation Day, and then — dinner or no dinner celebrated — they were to go either to St. Helen's or to St. Martin's Church to serve God and hear His Holy word preached. Nor was this all, for Eobert Dowe required " That when the pensioners came to receive their pensions they shoidd be put in memory and warned to frequent the Church and House of Prayer and Service of God, and that they do humbly and heartily praise to God for the good estate of the said fellowship, and that it would please Almighty God to raise up more good bene- factors and men able and willing to relieve the poor, aged, and de- cayed brethren of their Company, according to the effect of a printed prayer appointed to be delivered to him or them at their elections which they shall all learn by rote and w^ithout book perfectly to say the same wheresoever they shall be examined by the said ]\Iaster and Wardens ; and if any of them cannot say the same prayer without book within such a time as he or they shall be limited or appointed, then he or they were to be fined at the discretion of the Master and Wardens, and the fine distributed amongst those that can perfectly say the same prayer." His next thought " on perceiving the multitude of poore in- creaseth " was for those of his own parish, and in the Aldgate records his benefaction ought to be found, set forth to this effect. Having agreed with the Merchant Taylors that they should pay 10/. 6s. to the parish for ever, he gave his directions as to the distribution of this sum by the parish officers which commences thus : " I Eobert Dow Citizen and Marchant Tailer of Londo now dwelling in this parish of St. Buttolphes without Aldgate (mynding alwaies to help the poore and through the goodness of Almightie God from whom all holy desires all good councells and all just works doe proceed)! have contracted with theWorshipfull Companie of Marchantailers under their Common Scale upon due satisfaction to them made to performe for me certen deeds of charitie by God's Grace for ever." The Renter Warden and Common Clerk " on the eve or vigil of St. Thomas the Apostle by nine a.m. were to pay this money to the Churchwardens within the Church," and 10/. of this sum was before twelve at noon to be distributed to sixty poor parishioners (by 3s. M. each), thirty being taken from the upper and thirty from 166 After Disendowment. [part i. the lower end of tlie parish being warned by the Clerk and Sexton to be at the church before nine a.m. " The poore of the upper end shall alwaies be first called and as they answer to their names they shall goe up into the north Isle of the Quier and shutt the partition dore to them and soe that noe other be amongst them then shall they of the lower end be called and as they doe answer goe up into the south Isle and shut the like partition dore to them and remayne as aforesaid." All others are then to be shut out of the church, the door thereof locked, and " Then the churchwardens being within the Quier shall distribute first to them of the upper end and as they be paid the parish clarck shall call their names in the Booke and they shall goe down into the Body of the church this donne then the parish clarke shall call them up neere the Quier Dore and the Minister (or the Clerk in his absence) in presence of the church- wardens shall exhort them^ to come to church to serve God at the tyme of Common Prayers appointed yf they maie and especiallie upon the Sundaies and other Holidays not to faile and if anie be found negligent in the saine or be of anie other misdemeanor the Churchwardens in their precinct shall exclude such person and bestowe this charitie upon some more worthy person. " This exhortation being done the said poore shall all kneele downe and humblie with harte and hand lifted up to God say with the Minister openlie The Lord's praier and lastly they shall say God reward all good Benefactors and bless the Worshipful Coni- panie of Marchauntailers. Then shall the South Church Doore and Gate be sett open that they may all go out quietly three and three together." The distribution of the 6s. 8d. was to be made in payments of 8d. each to Company's Clerk, the Minister, and to each Churchwarden ; of 12d. to the parish clerk for keeping the list of names, and 6d. to the clerk and sexton for summoning the recipients. These pensioners — subject, of course, to good behaviour — were appointed for life by the Churchwardens, who by the first deed were directed to give a preference " to aged poor widows," without other detail. But by a later deed increasing the benefaction by 10^., Dowe, ' By the later deed of IGIO lie increased ihc jiensions by 61., making tlieni 61. 8d. each, and lie set forth tlie exhortation, which Strvpe credits him witli having ■written ; its conchision is the same as the present clause. lie also gives full in- structions for the selection of tlie pensioners by the Churchwardens. — Strype's Stowe, Book 2, psige 21. CHA.P. IX.] For Improvement in Church singing. 167 having experienced " how the poor are given unto too much idle- ness, and little labour to get, and much seeking after alms, how- little so ever it be, whereby the Churchwardens were cumbered with feeling," gave directions " partly to excuse the honest Churchwardens from affection to any others than those who have most need," that four ancient and discreet neighbours should be associated with the two Churchwardens, to select as they will answer to God for the same, and for request of any whosoever to make no grant before the day of their meeting, whereby the most needy may have the charity.-^ Another endowment was to improve the celebration of Divine worship, and for tliis purpose he gave 250?. to the Governors of Christ's Hospital, who, by indenture of 8th February, 1609, agreed to provide for a perpetual sum of 12/. per annum " a suffi- cient man skilful in music to teach the poor children of that house the knowledge and skill of Pricksong "^ — that is, written or recorded music, singing by note and not by ear. Music and singing in Divine worship have always been more or less a subject of controversy ; people there were and are " who would not have the Psalms to be made a part of our common prayer, nor to be said or sung by turns, nor music to be used with them -P but Robert Dowe, we may reasonably suppose, was not of that party in our Church, and that he (like Pilchard Hilles in the vestment controversy) sided with the moderate party. According to Strype, the music in the London churches stood in some need of improvement ; but however that may have been, having established the plan it must be looked after, and therefore Dowe gave to the Common Clerk yearly the sum of 3s. 4f/. that " three times of the year, yearly for ever, he should resort to Christ Church on three Sunday mornings at the time of Divine service there to see and hear how and in what manner the schoolmaster and singing children do perform their singing in Divine service in the choir, and at some other convenient times likewise to resort to the place allotted to the schoolmaster for teaching the singing children to see that he has fit and convenient rooms within the Hospital for their teaching and for his own lodging, and that all things be performed concerning the singing children according to ^ Strype's Stowe, Book 2, page 20. ^ See Grove's Dictionary of Music, Vol 3, page 30. •^ Hooker, Book o, sec. 35. 168 After Disendoivment. [parti. the agreement with the Corporation."^ Accordingly we find, shortly after the establishment of this charity, reports presented to the Court of Assistants^ from the Clerk of liis visits to the church. The disposition of his charity would have been imperfect had he omitted all mention of the Company's school, and the only endowment held for it is that given by Eobert Dowe. In March, 1608, he had proposed that the school probation should be examined twice a year by two learned men, between the hours of six and eleven a.m. which commenced on the 22nd March, and was formulated by order of the Court, providing " money to be given and distributed " for these purposes : — " There shalbee payd unto the maister of the schoole for beere, ale, and new manchet bread with a dish of sweete butter, which hee shall have ready in the morning, with two fine glasses set upon the table, and covered with tw^o faire napkins, and two faire trenchers, with a knife laid upon each trencher, to tb'end that such as please may take part to stay their stomacks, untill the end of the examination, ijs." To cover these and other expenses he gave 8/. a year, which continues as a charge on the tenements purchased with Dowe's money. The perpetuality of his gifts he never doubted, " the whole (referring to the charitable payments) by the assistance of Almighty God shall be paid and performed by the Master and Wardens and their successors so long as the sonne and moone endureth in perpetual memory and remembrance of the said Eobert Dowe," and these commendatory sentences stand at the end of his deed :' " And the said M»"- Eobert Dow doth hartiliepraie the worshipp- full assistants of this Companie (whome God hath blessed with habillitie) that they would rememb'" as well the poore of the Companie as also the said CoUedge w* some relief towards their better help maintenance and encouragement for preferment of our Schollers in the Companies schoole at Saint Lawrence Pountnies in London to their said Colledge according to the Devise of the said Sir Thomas White Knight their good founder which reason hath moved the said M""' Eobert Dow to extend such help to the said Colledge as is before mentioned and the rather because he ' Dated 8tli Fibniary, KJOO. ^ Memorials, page 18, note. ^ lie gave to St. John's 100/. ami a fair Bible in velliun. CHAP. IX.] Almshouses. 169 wisheth that perpetuall love and true friendshii^p and amyty may for ever continue betwene this Companie and the said CoUedge." Nor was Dowe's the only individual gift which was made by guildsmen during their lives. At the instance of Eichard Hilles^ though not carried into execution by his brethren of the Court until after his death, almshouses in Hog Lane were erected and endowed originally for the widows of poor brethren dying in the almshouses at the Hall, for inconvenience had been experienced by their continued residence there. In February, 1588, the Court came therefore to this resolution : — " Upon the consideracon that our almshouses are cliarged with the widdowes- of some of oure almesmen, deceased, and by theire residence & continuance there other of our almesmen are disap- poynted & keapte oute, suche course should be taken to make some other provision for the said widdowes, and suche other poore which shall hereafter be left destitute and wantinge of rehefe. Whereupon it is called to remembrance that Mr. Eichard Hills did before his death make a mocon to the Courte that those Tenements which he purposed to devyse to tliis Companie situate upon Tower Hdl might be employed to receive the widdowes of such deceased almesmen, For the furtherance of which motion and the performance of soe good a worke the light Worshipful ]\lr. Alderman Eatcliffe beinge charitablie affected to bringe the same to effecte, did voluntarilie offer to the same ende and for further benefitt of this howse to give to the Companie a Hundred Loade of Tymber to be delyvered them uppon his owne charge at the waterside at Eeadinge soe as they woulde new build the said small Tenements and reserve them rent free for suche widdowes and other poore makinge theire buildinge of the same, from the foundacon to the seconde storie of brick, and for the acceptinge of his offer dothe give the Companie respite of time to be advised hereof betweene this and our Ladie dai, whose offer tliis assemblie taketh verie thankefidlie, and the Maister and "Wardens doe promise to goe and survey the Grounde, between this & y^ tyme appoynted." The offer made by the Alderman was too good to reject, and 1 Part II, page 230. 2 It was usual to take sureties for the quiet departure of their wives, children, and servants within forty days after the almsman's death, and some small tene- ments in Chui'ch Lane, Vintrie, were used as Almshouses. — See Court Minutes, 22nd September, 158J?, page 117. 170 After Disendowment. [part I. therefore on the 16th April " Our Maister & Wardens accompany ed by Mr. Eecorder and others of this companie were entreated to goe to the right wor"- Mr. Alderman Eatcliff and to give him to uuderstande howe kindlie k thankfully the Companie doe accepte of his charitable & liberall offer of the Hundred loade of Tymber to be given towardes the buildinge of Howses for the Poore :" and the Alderman " upon the declaracon of the thankfulle mind of the Companie and the acceptation of his guifte doth continue his good purpose towards them and perform his promise made unto them to the uttermost." The prosecution of the scheme was postponed until August, 1592, when it was ordered by the Court that the houses should be built " on Tower Hill upon the Land lately devized to this Company by Mr. Eichard Hilles, that the building should be performed with convenient speed, and be committed to the consideration, order, and appointment of three surveyors : Mr. Eobert Dowe, Mr. George Sotherton, and Mr. Eichard Spencer ; and that Mr. Eobert Dowe be appointed Treasurer." In the beginning of tlie year 1593, 14 almshouses were erected for the dwelling and relief of poor Widows of Merchan- taylors or otherwise as the company upon further consideration should be induced to receive. And on the 23rd of June, Mr. Eobert Dowe delivered to the Court a Book of the charges of the Building, by which account it appeared that the particular charges of the same, amounted to the sum of 400Z. 16s. Id. So far, so good — the houses had been erected by aid of Mr. Alderman EatcHff and the Guild — but the funds of the latter were wholly unequal to maintain the objects of the charity, whereupon the then Master of the Company, Eichard Procter, immediately came forward and pledged himself " at his own cost to maintain in perpetuity one widow's place, and Mr. Eobert Hawes bound himself in like manner to provide for another." The good example was contagious, and by June, 1594, the four- teen widows were put into possession, as fourteen members^ of the ^ Richard Procter, Master. Anthony Radcliffe, Alderman and Sheriff, 1585. Robert Lee, Lord Mayor 1602. tlohn Robinson, \Yarden, 1585-90. Henry Ofiley, Master, 15S4. Uobert Dowe, Master, 1578. Robert Hawes, Master, 1580. Leonard HoUiday, Lord Mayor, 1605. Roger Abdy, Warden, 1590. Richard Venables, Master, 1598. Robert Hampson, Sheriff, 1599. Gregory Smith, Warden, 1590-5. Geri'ard Gore, Warden, 1601-4. William Craven, Lord Ma^or, 1613. criAP. IX.] Schools Founded. 171 Court (notable men in their day) had each come forward at their own cost to maintain a poor widow for ever. But in these benefactions we have not reckoned the noblest that were made by members of the Company, viz. : the foundation of schools, all still continuing to confer great benefits upon the present age, and these foundations were frequently made, not as post mortem gifts, but by donation during the lives of the founders. The earliest dates from the pre-Eeformation period, that at Macclesfield by Sir John Percyvale' in 1502. His example was foUow^ed by his wife, Dame Thomasin Percyvale/ who established a school at Launceston. The present school at Wolverhampton was founded by Sir Stephen Jenyns'' in 1508. Then after a long- interval Sir Thomas White^ founded St. John's, Oxford, partly before and after the Eeformation. Following upon his example Sir William Harper^ founded the present school at Bedford when the same influence was spread to others of tlie Court, and notably to Eichard Hilles, who, with the aid of other individual members, established in 1561 the Company's Grammar School in Lawrence Pountney Lane, in honour of Christ Jesu, and to teach boys of all nations coming there duly qualified to receive education But there are no contracts which can be traced for the execution of charitable trusts with persons other than members of the Guild, a fact which may arise not from the want of confidence in the Guild, but from the unwillingness of the latter to accept such responsi- bility, as one such case comes under our notice in the following entry of 10 November, 11th Elizabeth, 1569. " Whereas, M"" Will"" Eoper, Esq., hathe made an offer to gyve certen Tents of his lyinge in the pysse of S* Olave in Southwerke, in the county of Surrey, unto this Misterie for ev' upon condytion That this Mystere shall yerely for ev'' give & dystribute ffowre pounds to and amongst the poore pryson''s at the flowre pry son bowses of Newgate, Ludgate, the Kingsbenche, and the M'^shalsea, viz., to evry of the sayde 4 pryson houses 20s. in brede or coles, and to kepe the same in due repacon, w*^^ sayde Tents were some- time in the tenure and holding of M"" John Jenkyns while he lived, citizen and Mchaunttaylor, of London, yt is agreed by the foresayde M' and Wardens & Assistants that the said Tents shalbe firste 1 See Part II, Chapter III, page 37. ^ g^e ih., page 20. 3 See Part II, Chapter IV, page 34. ^ See Part II, Chapter XIV, page ISO. 5 See Part 11, Cliapter XVII, page 252. 172 After Disi^ndowment. [parti. viewed, and if it sliall happen upon the viewe thereof had that it will be profytable for this house to take the same Landes according as they are offered Then this house to accepte -the same offer to them made and yf yt shall appeare otherways, then this house to make refusal of the accepting the sayde offer, and yet nev^'theless to render there hartye thanks to the sayde M"" Eoper for his good wyll to them. Whereupon after vyewe made of the foresayde Tents, they the said M'' and Wardens & other the vyewers agreed to refuse the takinge of the sayde Lande according to the foresayde offer to this house, for that the same lande be nowe in greate ruyne and decay & lyke to fall downe."^ But the guildsmen as freely used the Company as adminis- trators of their charitable foundations after as they did before the Reformation, as that event made no difference in the execution of the charitable trusts which the antient governors and fathers of the Guild had entrusted to the Master and Wardens. Of this we shall find an instance in the life of Sir W. Craven, when we deal with that hereafter. Although a great change was wrought in the Guild by the Chauntries Act, and all payments for priests and obits disappear from the Guild accounts, it must not be understood that all relio[ion or relioious observances were in fact abolished. At the annual election of officers, the Guild assembled at the Church of St. Martin's, or in plague time at St. Helen's, for service and sermon, and at every Quarterly Court prayers were read " each man," as the entry states, " devoutly kneeling on his knees." The form of prayer varied somewhat from that used in pre- Eeformation times, including and praying for, as amongst the enemies of the Gospel, the Pope,^ the Turk, or their adherents. The brethren continued to be devoutly buried by the Fraternity, ' I am indebted for this extract to tlie late Mr. N. Stephens, who added this note : — " The above extract may derive some interest from the fact that the proposed donoi", William Roper, was the husband of Margaret, Sii* Thomas More's favourite daughter, and the ancestor of the noble house of Tcjnham. The rejected gift may probably be traced down to our own time, as a certain property in Bermondsey CJtreet was given by William Roper, shortly after the date of tlie above extract, to the Parish Clerk's Company, upon the same condition as above. The sakl property was sold for the formation of the Greenwich Railway tor about 3,000^, part of wliich sum was afterwards applied for the pui-chase of a house in Wood Street, Cheapside. ^ Memorials, i)age 129. CHAP. IX.] Graiit of Arms. 173 and when a commemorative dinner was given a " commendable grace," still extant, was used by the Chaplain, who was on the staff of the Company, observances which were probably continued until the fire of 1666.^ But the religious emblems placed in the coat of arms in 1480 were, after a century's usage, removed from the Company's shield in 1586, under the plea that to further the worthiness of the fraternity this grant should be made to them, " that is to say, the field silver, a pa^dlion with two mantles imperial purple garnished with gold on a chiffe azure, a lion passant gold, and to the crest upon the helm on a wreath silver and azure on a mount {vert), a lamb silver in the sumbeams gold, mantled gules doubled silver, and supported with two camels gold." The cost of the grant was 5/., and in March, 1586, the HerakP had a further sum of 15s. paid for arranging the arms in the west window in the hall, after (we may presume) the new roof, wdiich was undertaken about the same time, had been completed. ' It was composed for the funeral dinner of Mr. John Swynnerton, November, 1608. 2 The new arms were granted by Robert Cooke, a Herald of some repute, who was said to have been the son of a Tanner, ignorant of languages, of dissolute life and haunting taverns, but a very diligent man in his science and had a vast collection of descents and pedigrees. At his death in 1573, Lord Burghler as Earl Marshall sent to the Lord Mayor to take an inventory of his books, some of which he had taken out of the Heralds' ofBce violently.* » Strype's Stowe, 175-1, Book I, Chap. 23, passim. 174 CHAPTER X. AFTEE DISENDOWAIENT— LATER EXPENDITURE. Object of the Chapter, p. 174. — As to expenditure in hospitality in Edtvard VFs reign, p. 175. — Sir F. Palgrave on civic hospitality, p. 175. — Feasting traditional in London, p. 175. — As to feasting, sanctioned hy Charter of Riclmrd II, p. 175. — Guild funds have borne such charges, p. 176. — Early records of this, p. 176. — As to method of accounting, p. 176. — Renter Wardens, p. 176. — Master's accounts, p. 176. — Auditors, p. 177. — Master's fees of offi,ce, p. 177. — As to income, p. 177. — Subsidy Return, 1566, p. 178. — Other sources of income, p. 180. — Total of receipts and payments for decennial periods, p. 180. — Tivo great feasts, St. John the Baptist's and Decollation days, p. 180. — Contributions thereto, p. 181. — Changed to quarter days, p. 181. — The charges in Edvmrd's and Mary's reigns, p. 181. — Sumptuary expenses of Elizabeth's reign, p. 181. — Livery increased, p. 181. — Guildsmen acted as Waiters, p. 181. — Election Dinner, 1593, jo. 182. — Increase of Allowance, p. 183. — Gore declines it, p. 183. — Accepted by Elu-es in 1605, p. 183. — School dinner, p. 184.- — Sir Thomas White's, p. 184. — View a7id search dmners,p. 184. — Increase in Elizabeth's reign, p. 184. — Coitrt dinners in James Is reign, p. 185. — Dowe's convivium dinner, p. 185. — Cook's employment {note), p. 185. — Funeral dinners, p. 187. — Dowe's grace, p. 187. — Extraordinary cost of a mayoralty, p. 187. — Feast postponed for scarcity, p. 188. — As to Expenditure for alms, p. 189. — Charities administered without costs, p. 189. — School at St. Lawrence, p. 189. — University Exhibitions, p. 190. — Almsmen, p. 191. — Qualifications and duties in 1507, p. 191. — Altered, p. 192. — Widows, p. 192. — Almshouses not full, p. 192. — Provision for Livery, p. 192. — Grants to Freemen made under circumstances, p. 193. — John Stowe's pension, p. 194. — Wakefield's for leprosy, p. 194. — Refused to general applicants, p. 194. — Analysis of receipts and payments, p. 194. — Explanatory notes thereon, p. 195. The effect of the diseudowment of religion on the expenditure of corporate funds, and whether it was either diminished or altered in regard to religious or benevolent objects, now remains for consideration. We have observed in the last chapter that salaries for priests and obits disappear from the Guild accounts, and for the future no payments for religious services were made, save for sermons delivered under some benefactors' wills. The other expenditure of the Company may be examined under the two headings of CHAP. X.] Charier of Richard II. 175 reasting and Almsgiving — which in civic custom are not un- freqiiently associated together. As early as Edward VI's reign the sumptuary expenses of the Guilds were challenged as excessive. " Many rich Guilds," it was represented, " were spending 800/. or 600Z. yearly in making great feasts every month or six weeks in their halls, and thereby causing victuals to be dear,"^ which so far as the Merchant Taylors' records afford information is entirely destitute of truth. By some readers all such expenditure, even though a rule of moderation be observed, may be considered as waste, serving no good end, but a high authority writing after he had (under the authority of the Crown given him in 1833), inquired into the existing state, and collected information respecting the defects of the Corporation of London, came to an opposite conclusion; for thus Sir Francis Palgrave wrote in 1844 : " Amongst the causes of the well-being of London we must not omit the kindly influence of civic hospitality — long may it continue. Constantly in the habit of assembling at the festive board, as well in the greater assemblies of the city as in the smaller bodies of the Guilds, our citizens, however much they might be at discord or variance, were always in the way of being brought together by good fellowship, when the rival parties at Florence would have been employed in razing each others towns to the ground, our London factions were united in demolishing the ramparts of a venison pasty."^ It must, however, be remembered that when these entertain- ments originated the individual citizen had not (as he has now) the wealth or tlie house, or the appliances in the house, to feast his friends, and that the only other alternative was to take them to the "Mermaid" or the "Sun," or another tavern: as the traditional custom of London has always been that of feasting. Those of Chaucer's Pilgrims who were clothed in the livery " of a solempne and a great fraternite," had with them a cook " to boyle chyknes with the Mary bones," and that " feasting in an honest manner " or, as we may interpret these words, without extravagance or excess, was one of the purposes which the guildsmen in Eichard's reign had in view is clear, as in express terms that charter authorised them and their successors to keep such a feast of meat 1 Stiype's Stowe (1721), Book 5, page 252. ^ The Merchant and the Friar, by Sir Francis Palgrare, pnge 69. See his Eeports on London Corporation and London Companies, ordered to be printed, 25th April, 1837, and see page 137, ante. 176 Later Expenditure. [part i. and drink on St. John Baptist's day, although it furnished no authority for the Master to hold such a feast in the common hall or at the cost of the body of the Fellowship without their licence, as the incident of 1485 in Sir John Percyvale's mastership proves. Nor can there he less doubt but that sumptuary expenses even for others not of the Guild have always been borne out of its funds whether as payments for all to the men who asseml)led in Ten- church Street in 1455 as witnesses in Candish's affair, or for suppers and dinners to the King's officers or to the men of law when the Guild had to procure its charter, or an adjustment of it, or to the watch in the hall or at the city gates, or to the volunteers who repulsed Wyatt — on all these occasions and numberless others the Guild funds were so used. But with regard to these payments for the enjoyment of the guildsmen records are found of an earlier date ; thus it is clear from the Master's account for 1408-9, that " a kitchen, larder- house, and sotil-house " had been sufficiently long in use at the hall as to need the repairs which he expended upon them ;^ while the inventory of 1512 gives the contents of a "kitchen" and various other outbuildings necessarily connected with the enter- tainment of many guests. But before entering into the subject of expenditure we must explain the changes which had been introduced in the method of account and audit at some time anterior to 1561.^ The whole rental of the Merchant Company had been taken out of the Master's hands and transferred to the charge of the two Eenter or lower Wardens, who divided the same into two districts, each taking one and receiving the rents thereof. Further, out of the rents of one district all repairs were paid for and superintended by that Eenter, and out of the rents of the other all trusts, or as it is entered "payments under the dead's will," and quit-rents were made by the other Warden. Each paid half of the view and search dinners, and the balance due on each Warden's rent account was at the close of the year paid over to the Master, and brought to the credit of the Company in his account ; thus responsibility was distributed and the Master's authority weakened. The Master's account was composed of the receipts of appren- tices and freemen's fees and fines, the balance of rents received from the Wardens, and various otlier miscellaneous items. Origi- nally his payments were for salaries to officials both at the hall ' Memorials, page 566. 2 111 this ^eiv^• our Court records coninience. CHAP. X.] Income. 177 and at the school (until these also were brought to the Warden's account), and for such sumptuary expenses as he incurred (by decree), and for law costs. The audit of the accounts, though nominally with the Assistants, was entrusted to four members who were annually appointed by the Court, tlie Livery and Freemen not being represented on the audit, after the election of the Master and Wardens. While any expenditure of which the Court and auditors shared the benefit was probably not objected to by either body. The balance was handed over to the succeeding Master or paid over to the Treasury, the keys of which were kept by the most respected members of the Court, Richard Hilles being one for many years. Only a few years' have been preserved of the Treasury accounts, and none of the Bachelors' accounts exist. The Master and Wardens, under the wills of deceased bene- factors, had been made the recipients of small annuities as for obits (which became obsolete), under the wills of Langwith, Percy- vale, Jenyns, and Acton, and for " potation " under other wills still in force,^ but as early as 1484-5 we find 10s. on apprenticing, and in 1546-7 on Ealph White's admission to the Livery, 5s. 4fZ. paid to the Master, Avhicli in the first entry is styled the " Master's parte," and in the next " that which he is accustomed to have for himself,"^ though for many subsequent years 5s. was the only fee paid to him, and that was on taking up the " Livery." With regard to the general income of the Guild we have already pointed out how their resources were exhausted (both presently and prospectively) by the redemption of obits under the Chauutries Collegiate Act. Of the capital and income available for taxation we have satisfactory evidence in the Company's certificate returned to the Subsidy Commissioners under 8 Elizabeth, cap. 18. The Commons by that Statute presented a subsidy " in most lowly thanks" for three special matters, one of such being the most comfortable " assurance and promise by your Majesty made and declared unto us that for oure weale and suritye your Majesty would marry assone as God shold give opportunitie to accomplish the same, whereof we have receyved infinite comfort and shall pray to Almighty God to furder and prosper all yo^ Maj^'^^ actions tendyng thereunto." ' The total sum still payable to Master, Wardens, and officials for this is 61^. Vis. 2d. ^ Percy vale's Court Records, MS. page 9 (3). Memorials, page 525. VOL. I. N 173 Later Expenditure. [parti. Then follo^vs the usual machinery for raising and paying this subsidy wliich was to be assessed {inter alia) " of every Fraternitie, Guild, or ]\Iysterie (being worth 3/.) for every pound as well in coyne and the value of every pounde that every such Fraternitie, &c., hath of their own use, as also plate, stock of merchandise, al- maner of corn, household stuffe, and of all goods moveable, and of all such sums of money as to them owing whereof they trust in their conscience surely to be paide, excepting therefrom debts which they owe, &c," and for every pound it had in fee simple or for years of the yearly value of 20s. In regard to personaltij nothing could be claimed, for their debts were larger than their assets. Thus to the Lord Mayor's pre- cept of 24th January, 1566, the Master and Wardens made this return : " They do certj'fie, that all the Plate, Juells, & Good's be- longinge to their Corporacion extends not above the value of 66/. 13s. M} "And further. They do Certifie that the sayde Corporacion is indel)ted at this time, and doth owe to dyverse persons as well by their bonds obligatory under theire Common Scale as other- wyse ov and above all such debtes as be owinge to the sayde Corporacion, the some of 237/. Q>s. Of/." And this return is consistent with the Court records of that period, for a loan had to be raised in December, 1567, for paying off a debt of 300/. "Whereas at this pnte this house is and stands indebted to divers psons in sondry somes of money amouutinge in the liole to the some of 300/., the most parte is pntely due and payable, and for there is not any money remayning in the comen Boxe at this pnte to paye the same. Therefore the aforesayde M^" Wardens and Assistants agree that there shalbe levied of the Members of this Mysterie, being of the clothing by w^aye of Prete or lone towards the supplie and payment of the aforesayde debt, viz*-: — every Alderman, or of every one who hath been M"^ of this Mystere 40s. ; of every one wdiicli hath not yet obtained to be M^" 30s. ; and of evry one of the reste of the Clothinge that hath not bourne the room of one of the Wardens 20s. To be repay ed unto them as soon as the coen Boxe of this house shalbe of habilitie to paye it." — [December, 1567.] 1 In December, 1524, the money, plate, and jewels were assessed at 110?. 13*. Ad. (Cal. State Papers, page 411.) CHAP. X.] Subsidy Return. 179 As to their real estate the Company's return enters more into detail. £ s. d. £ s. d. " The Master & Wai'dens do Certifie that all theire Rents and Eeveuues Issuing, Coming & Growinge of all the Lands and Ten™*^ belonging to their saide Corporacion^ at this daye extends to the some per annum of .... .... — 280 15 4 " Notwithstanding of late the same did extende to the some per annum of 308Z. 7s. [As they proceed to exjilain thus :] "But at this presente there is parcell of the same Londes- situate and leyinge in the Parish of St. Marty n, in the Vyntrye of S* James, at Garlick- hithe, which was lately rented in the hole at the some of xiij?. vjs. viijc?. per annum, w* is nowe vacant by reason of the decaye thereof and lack of Newe buildinge. So that the yearly value of the Londes at this day is 280^. 15s. 4fZ. [They then claim these deductions :] " Whereof to be admitted as followeth — " Fyrste for Quyte Eentes and other Eente Charge, wherewithal the sayde Londes is charges per annum 109 15 " Item, to the Eeliefe of theii'e Almsmen & others, and for Coles gyven to the Poore according to the Devyses of the Donors of cex'ten of their sayde Londes per annum .... .... .... .... 59 17 11 " Item, to the Schoolmaster and iij Ushers of theire late erected Grammar Schole, founded in the Parishe of St. Lawrence Pounteney, in London, and for the Vysji;acon of the sayde Schole per annum .... .... .... .... .... .... 56 13 4 [They then deduct theii- establishment charges for salaries — ] " Item, to theire OfFycei's for theire flFees, per annum 22 6 8 " Soma totalis of the deductions and jaayments goynge out of the foresayde Londes & Annuyties .... 248 12 11 " And so remayneth clere to the sayde Company towardes the repayringe of the sayd Londes & of Newe Buildings, of what is decayed thereof as is aforesaid, the some of .... .... .... — 46 6 8" It is clear therefore from this return that the Corporate income was all but exhausted, and that the Guild then had no available asset for taxation. ^ In Deceniber, 1524, the Company returned their lands in St. Martin's Parish at 132^. 11*. \\d. 2 This was the gift of Mr. Thomas Sutton, Master 1408-12. VOL. I, N 2 180 Later Expenditure. [part i. The other sources of income to the Merchant Company besides rents M'ere fees on the enrohneut of apprentices, and the admis- sion of fi-eemen, fines, and other miscellaneous items. The annual rental was diminished in its actual increase by the habit which prevailed at this period of taking fines, sometimes monied ones of large amount which went to the Treasury (and did not always appear in the Master's account), and sometimes smaller ones in kind, as good fat bucks for the Master's election feast ; an instance of the former was in a lease granted to Arthur Ingram on a letter of request in May, 1612, from Prince Henry (set out in the records) of a house in Fenchurch Street (since sold) ; and of the latter the instances are too frequent to need mention. For years taken incidentally at decennial periods the account books shew these total receipts and payments : — Receipts. Payments. 1545-6 1555-6 1570-1 , . 1580-1 .. 1590-1 . . 1600-1 .. 1229 13 8 935 Of which an analysis and notes are given more in detail at the end of tliis chapter. As to Feasting. — That this was inaugurated on a larger scale after the disendowment of religion would seem to be absolutely certain. The occasion of the Commissioners meeting under the Chauntries Collegiate Act at the Company's hall in 1547 was cele- brated with a banquet, which in regard to the sum of 11. 10s. llc^. which was allowed for it must have been one of great liberality. However, to deal with the facts as they present themselves. In earlier times the two great feasts of the Company were in honour of their patron Saint John Baptist — that on the Nativity kept annually by the Merchants, that on the Decollation triennially by the Yeomen. To these feasts each of the brethren subscribed as we have already shown. The Company contributed some of the expenses towards inviting great guests, pro\dding music, cleaning the hall and laying down clean rushes, hiring pewter vessels, and washing the napery, with other smaller items, but " the £ s. d. 512 10 3 428 14 10 711 9 11 822 19 6 989 19 4 ■229 13 8 £ s. d. 408 5 7 323 11 3 655 2 4 786 13 6 847 10 6 CHAP. X.] Contributions to Feasts. I8i meat and drink " were provided by and at the cost of the Master out of the " brotherhood money " of the Livery, which he received direct from them, and not from the corporate funds. All the members of the Livery were present. At a later period, but as early as 1545, we find three other " quarter days " kept, and the sum of 3/. each (9/. as a total) allowed out of the corporate funds to the Master for three dinners. To these and to other dinners (as on St. Simon and St. Jude, and at the school) two Stewards, taken in seniority from the Livery, were appointed, so that each liveryman had in turn to bear the extra charge (if any) of these dinners. But at the close of Edward's reign by a decree of 26th April, 1553, in the master- sliip of John Jakes (Ralph "\Miite being a Warden) the charge of the quarter day dinners was raised to 13/. per annum, which was allowed to Sir W. Harper, his successor. The income in 1545-6 was a total of 512Z. 10s, 2>d. ; the sumptuary expenses 17/. 17s. Oc/., but at the close of the decennial period ending with 1555-6 the corporate income had fallen, from the forced sales for the purchase of obits, to 428/. 14.s. lUt/., and the sumptuary expenses had risen to 54/. 2s. Id., and they probably continued to rise during Mary's reign.^ The sumptuary expenses of Elizabeth's reign increased not so much by reason of there being more entertainments, but more guests (so far as the Livery were such) and these being feasted at a higher cost.^ All the Livery were summoned to dine on these occasions besides tlie younger brethren who were chosen to wait on the elder members, thus on the 1st July, 1588 : — " This Court was informed that divers of the younge men, brethren of this Compauie, that were chosen for waighters and the carrying most of the meate served into the ball at dynner, did murmer and misHke that they were kept soe longe w^'^out their dynners and not appointed to sitt downe before the Dynner was fuUie served in, and the tables taken upp in the Hall, and there- upon contemptuouslie departed away without then- dynners, using some harde speech and apparent shewes of ther discontentment. Agreed, that such as departed awaie sliould be sent for at the next ' We have no account books from 1557 to 1569. 2 Take one item as an illustration. The waits in 1555-56 were paid Qs. 8d., but in 16U2 their fee (for six in number) was raised to iOs. — Memorials, page 510. 182 Later Expenditure. [parti. Court to answer their contempt, and to receive such orders therein as the Court shall awarde."^ This service continued to be performed till a later period, for when the late Master, Thomas Aid worth, claimed, on the 21st August, 1602, an allowance of 50s. for thirty officers, six of the Lord Mayor and twenty-four of the Sheriffs, that waited on the election day, which sum the auditors had disallowed, because they did not hold fit to allow it without the consent of the Court. The Court disallowed it, " for on consideration and due regard had to the said demand, as the said 50s. was paid by Mr. Plomer and Mr. Palmer, late Alasters, out of their own purses and no allowance by them demanded for the same, and because it is a nna custom to have officers to w^ait which heretofore hath been supplied by brothers of the Company, and as it is at the Master's pleasure whether of them he will have, therefore the Assistants do not allow of the s*^ demand." But the Master's " election " dinner would seem from a Court minute of the 9tli July, 1593, to have been held at his option, for when the Company received a precept " from the Lord Maior, by order of Her J\lajesties most hon''^^ Privie Counsell to this effecte, videlicet, that the Master and Wardens of tliis Societie should under their hands make certificate to the Lord Maior of the value of the yearly charge which is disbursed at the election dinner to th'end the same beiuge certified to the councell that it maye be ordered and employed to the reliefe of the poore visited with the plague," the Court " considered that the same charge is p^formed by the Master of the ComjDany at whose choice it is either to have an election dinner or none at all, and that the usual and ancient allowance of the Company to the Master's deration of his charges of the same dinner was eighte pounds (viij7.) and thereupon it is ordered that a certificate shall be made to the Lord Maior that the charge beinge the private charge of the Master of the Companie, there is no accompt kepte with us of the same, nor of any p^ticular thereof more than of the eight pounds putt to the common accompte of this Societie which is ready to he disposed as other companies shall dispose of theirs." At a later period, in 1605, the quarter day dinners, which ' It would appear in other respects they came under reproof : — " IGtli July, 1622. " Whereas divers of the Liverie at this Ehccon daie did rise from ye table before the Eleccoii was finished. It is ordered that notice sliall be given tiieni at ye next Quarter daie that such disorder maie be amended." CHAP, X.] Increase of Master s Allowance. 183 began to be allowed for as three in 1545, M'ere increased to four ; the Master's election dinner in July being substituted for St. .John's day. The occasion which suggested the increase was the calling of 27 freemen in 1602 to meet the cost of Sir Eobert Lee's mayoralty. Eichard Gore, the M.P. for London, was the Master of the Company, and in April, 1603, he was requested to postpone his quarter day dinner beyond the season of Lent, " in consideration thereof, and of the great recent increase of the Livery a resolution " was come to that an extra allowance of 20/. should be given to him. While the subject was under discussion the Master very properly left the Court, and during his absence the affirmative vote was carried. Another resolution was then put and carried that the allowauce should to all succeeding Masters be lOOZ., but at the next Court of the 1st June this resolution was revoked. If we may judge from the later action of the Master neither of these resolutions for increasing the allowance had his concurrence, for in accordance with the best traditions of the Company he refused to accept it, and desired that the resolution might be expunged, " so as to leave no precedent to posterity of any such increase while he was Master." However, the question once raised was not allowed to rest, for when Jeffrey Elwes^ (who was afterwards Sheriff in 1608) was Master, the Court by resolution of the 19th June 1605, resolved to raise the allowance, imposing these conditions^ : "that the Master should keep three quarter days and his election day, and upon these occasions invite the wives of the Aldermen (being members) of the old Masters, and of the Wardens." After the foundation of the school the examinations of scholars at St. Lawrence Poultney, brouglit together many of the Church dignitaries of London, besides the Oxford examiners which neces- ^ Jefferj Elwes was possibly a man by whom money was needed. On 16th December, 1595, when three Assistants absent from former Courts were wanted by the Master to put down a self-imposed fine, Shepham gave 5-s., Lydford 2s. Gd., and Elwes ficZ. His descendants intermarried with the Gores — Herald's Visit, of Beriss (1G66). ^ To make a bargain with the Master may appear strange, but it was necessary. The allowance for each dinner did not pay the cost of it, and tlierefore a Master would claim his allowance from the auditors for dinners which he never gave. Thus 1592-.3, 60/. was paid for three dinners, and nothing for the election dinner — as for that the " Brotherhood Money" was taken. Again, the lare .\la-l. 13s. hd., and in 1590-1 bl. 4s., with an addition of 1/. from Walter Fish's will, yet strange as it may seem, few members were recipients of these alms. Thus, in 1545-6 we have only four ; in 1555-6 only two, and one for half a year; in 1570-1 the same; in 1580-1 only four; but in 1590-1 the full number of seven is reached. In later years other relief, as of pension only,^ was given to members of the Court or Livery who had fallen into decay. Thus, at a Court of 17th May, 1563, we find a grant of 20 marks per annum made to George Heton (Master in 1556-7) for the great losses he had sustained " both by land and sea," which he con- tinued to hold until he came before the Court on the 9th June, 1572,* and surrendered it. ' The wife was buried by the Company, and in the account books of 154'5-6 we find this entry : — " Item for burying Isham's wife, 2*." 2 Page 169 and Part II, page 230. 3 In 1600-1 I find 11 out-pensions of various sums amounting to a total of 37^. 6a-. 8(;. •• It was on his petition re-granted to him in AprU, 1576, and in June following CHAP. X.] Grants to Liverymen. 193 "Mr. George Heton, now Chamberlain of this honorable Cytie of London, giving his most hearty thanks unto this Worshipful! Companye for their greate benevolence in relyving him by annull pension of 13/. G-s. Sc/., \n'^^ was to him lovingly and largely granted, of his free and good will bathe declared this psent daye in open courte that he is well pleased (God having otherwise well pvided for him) that the said annuity or annual pension should henceforth cease and be no longer paid ; nevertheless it is agTeed, notwith- standing his free release, that the some of 3/. %s. 8d shall be paide to him for the quarter ending at the feaste of the Annunciation." It was evidently not of course, but a strong case must be made for the Merchant Company to relieve those not of the Livery, and the relief when given did not come out of the common box but from such fines as might be leviable. A Court minute of the 24th September, 1564, illustrates this : — " This daye a supplication was offered by dyvrs honeste men dwelling uj)pon London Bridge, in the behalf of William Ferman, their neighbo"" and a poor brother of this mystery, whom God hath lately stricken, together with his wiffe and mayde servant w*"^ blyndness, that it would please this Comj)any to extend their Charities for their relief, Whereupon y* was accorded and dcreed that all such penalties w'^^ hereafter shall be due by any Brother of this Company for non-appearance uppon lawfuU summons shall be from tyme to tyme gathered by the Coen Clarke and disposed for the saide blind people until they may be otherwise pvided. And it is further decreed that 20s. w'='^ Mr. Geo. Heton, ChamberKn of this honorable Cytie, hath received to the use of this Mystery for the half of 40s. fyne, receved of a Stranger dwelling in Corn- hill, for the makynge of certeu newe clothes and garments, which was seassed uppon by the Wardens of this Mystery, and now by the saide Mr. Chamberlin paide in courte, shalbe also given to the relief of the sayde blind people, &c. &c." It is true that " John Stowe " who was not of the Livery was a pensioner out of the " common box " but the minute of 31st March, 1578, states that the grant was made "for divers good considerations them specially moving." During the same mastership, that of " Eobert Dowe," we find 20s. paid to Francis Wakefield " of the benevolence of the Com- rpvoked, Mr. Richard Hilles being present at the Court, "as the said George Heton staiidcth not in so great need thereof as others." He was removed from his office in December, 1577. — Memorials, page 534-. VOL. I. 3 94 Later Expendiiure. [paut i. pany" which is explained in the minute of 30th October, 1578, thus : — " Decreed that Francis Wakefield, apprenticed some time to Francis Gore, of this mystery, and afflicted with leprosy, shall have 20s. delivered unto him by the Master of this mystery to bring him down to Bath, where he is persuaded to have hope of his disease," a persuasion which we fear was not reahsed, as he never became a freeman of the Company.^ The danger of using the Company's funds to satisfy the needs of persons other than guildsmen arose for consideration in 1586, and this was the decision : On the 14th June, a letter from the Bishop of London, Dr. Aylmer, sent on by the Lord Mayor, in favour of our Mr. Stockard, a preacher, recommending his poor estate to the several companies of the city came before the Court, " but upon full consideration had thereunto and also what a precedent it would be hereafter in the hke cases, and also how many poor brothers we have of this Company more than we are any way able to relief, this Company did not think it convenient neither do find their estate able to give or bestow any contributions in such or the like cases, and therefore the said Mr. Stockard is to be entreated to rest satisfied with this the Company's answer." There was every reason why the Master and "Wardens should not bestow benefits on other persons than those of their own Guild. The funds so far as they were subscribed came from their own guilds- men, and the benefactors who were such in early years, made the " bretheren and sisters of the Fraternity the donees."^ Again, every citizen was of some Guild, and other residents not of any were, in the language of those times, foreigners, thought of with little favour by the citizens, and, tlierefore, never recipients of the Guild alms. Donations for pubhc purposes stood upon a different footing, and were made in answer to an appeal to them as citizens,^ or to their patriotism or religious sympathies,* or indeed to both. Explanatory Note ox Receipts and Payments. These are the receipts and payments (consolidated) made by the Master and Eenter Wai'dens of the Merchant Taylors Company, and do not include those of the Bachelors nor of the " Treasury," but only the current account for each year. ^ These were admitted freemen: Walieficld, "William, per William Todd, October, 1539 ; Wakefield, Eadus, per Thomas Wdson, 13th May, 1558 ; Wakefield, William, per William Maryatt, 4th November, 1577 ; but not Francis. 2 Page 409. ^ p^gg 228. * Page 320. IlECKUTS AXi' I'.vyMK: . Apprenlices' fees 7 6 10 7 12 10 30 7 6 57 17 6 08 10 2. Frecnicir. ndiniuion fc. .. :> 5 10 10 15 13 4 22 10 25 3 4 25 13 3. FioM » 3 17 2 2 7 2 16 12 2 3 18 1 4. Rents 433 8 6 311 18 6 403 10 2 595 9 10 892 1 ft, OrLer reecipU, lines for leases, &e. .. 64 8 73 r. 8 191 6 8 209 144 10 S39 10 0, Sale of ivlieftt 512 10 3 428 14 10 C30 8 8 882 19 6 989 19 4 86 8 2 1,229 13 - Out of Tre»..iey ■■ COO 517 4 B.li.nee fro.,, k..l aeeount ., 90 18 11 119 6 241 14 10 •7 .J ) 248 14 8 t 603 9 2 547 19 10 872 3 1,139 3 3 1,925 2 2 2,053 10 Ps™.-,.. 8, Silnrie. 18 6 8 43 10 8 72 16 8 135 134 C S 138 16 9 Dinners 17 17 10 54 2 7 77 15 5 85 9 1 111 1 10 Eepnir. und work 01 8 6 72 10 9 125 15 18 4 3 79 1 2 58 10 S 11 Legal expenses 23 5 11 4 11 33 7 4 122 11 10 21 10 10 26 12 12 Subsidies— Boliiicrs, &e 21 18 19 13 10 125 2 5 89 18 10 21 13 13 Sundries 6 1 4 26 19 7 77 16 8 92 1 11 109 11 5 193 1 Trust puynients. qmt-rents, &e. 244 17 8 92 12 8 107 5 10 176 19 4 223 4 2 298 17 16 Aln>sn 5 52S ,, IB. hem 700 o Purchase of reiil cstutc 200 19. Arreoisofront 54 7 2 89 8 6 BoUnee e,rr,cJ lo neil ueeou,,, .. 105 3 7 224 8 7 298 2 5 352 9 9 600 7 4 603 9 2 547 19 10 872 3 1,139 3 3 1,925 2 2 2,053 10 2 o CHAP. X.] Note on Receipts and Payments. 195 Each of the two "Wardens had a district assigned to him and collected the rents of such district. One "Warden paid all the repairs of the whole property, and the other all the trust payments and quit-rents. At the close of the year each made up his account of receipts and payments and brought the balance to account with the Master and paid it over to him. If in the course of the year the Master's account needed cash and the "Warden had such in hand for his use, the same was handed over to the Master and then credited to the Warden. Each Warden paid half of the view dinner and that at the search of St. Bartholomew's Fair, and for further illustration we will refer to each item of the receipts and payments for the year 1570-1. Receipts. 1 and 2 are regulated by the 22 Henry VIII, c. 4, as 2s. Gd. for ap- prentices and 3s. Ad. for freemen. 3. These are for the non-enrolment of apprentices and non-presentment of freemen, and for each liveryman admitted. The lesser tines were taken by the Wardens Substitute, and are not therefore included in this account. 4. When leases were granted on fine, the fine was received by the Treasury and the ordinary rent by the Warden. The rent here given is only that received by the Warden. 5. Miscellaneous sums other than fines as last mentioned were received by the Master. 6. The corn supply of London was first made by the Corporation with money borrowed from the Guilds. It was afterwards made by the Guilds buying and selling corn at rates named by the Corporation. These tr^aisac- tions were not part of the ordinary income of the Guild. 7. The Treasury was equivalent to the banking account of the present day, and advanced to and received from the Master moneys to be accounted for. The Company's outstanding assets and obligations were retained there for safe custody, and the keys were held by appointed members of the Court of Assistants. Payynents. 8. These included {inter alia), the School, AOl. ; the Clerk 16?. 13s. Ad. ; the Beadle 11. 3s. Ad. ; two counsel at \l. 6s. Sd. each. Although Strype's statement as to the sumptuary expenses of the Guilds in Edward VI's reign^ was an exaggeration so far as the Merchant Taylors are concerned, yet the fact is clear that such expenses were increased^ at a date (1545) co-incident with the disendowment of religion. 9. These included in the Master's account : Audit, 4Z. 9s. 8d. ; "View, II. ; four quarter days at the hall, 20?. ; by decree, St. Simon and St. Jude's for livery, 3?. ; the like for school dinner, 10?. ; Assistants who specially viewed Sir Thomas Eowe's estate, 2?. 17s. Id. Then came special payments for St. John's feast, or rather the Master's election dinner : music, \l. 10s. Od. ; clean straw, 18s. ; hire of rich arras cloths for the parlour and gallery, 2?. Is. Od. ; hire of vessels, 1?. 17s. Sd. ; washing of napery, \l. 2s. Od. ; purchase of napery, 11?. 15s. 10c?. In the Warden's account : Search at St. Bartholomew's Fair, 7?. 13s. Ad. ; and view dinner at the hall (each charging a half), 5?. 17s. 7c?. 1 Page 173. ^ Page 181. VOL. I. 2 196 Later Expenditure. [part i. The expenses of each year would be for similar occasions, but the quarter day dinners were increased to 60^. in 1581, to 80?. in 1591, and to 100?, in 1605. 10. These would necessarily vary and in time would be imposed on the tenants. 11. The annual fee to the standing counsel was included in the salaries, but the other items would vary as litigation arose. Thus, in 1578-9 35?. 7s. 6c/., and in 1579-80. 74/. 6s. 8c/. were paid, and in 1580-1 112?. 17s. 2c/., and a reference is made in the latter entry to Star Chamber proceedings. 12. The accounts included armour, and the expenses of keeping it in repair. The charge was an imperial tax. 13. These would vary with a tendency to increase as the afFau's of the ComjDany enlarged and became more important. 14. The difference noticeable in the years 1545-6 and 1555-6 is explained by the abolition of obits under the Chauntries Collegiate Act. 15. These sums are included (so far as they are corporate) in salaries ; and (so far as they were trust) in trust payments ; but they were paid. 16. These exhibitions were paid out of the corporate fund ; in addition to Fish's Battliugs. I have thought it best to preserve the names of the exhibitioners as some of them may be traced in their future career in the Church. £ s. d. 1570-1. Sir Huchenson, fellow of St. John's, Oxon .... John Huchenson, student, Pembroke Hall, Cambridge .... 10 1580-1. John Huchenson, student, Pembroke Hall, Cambridge .... .... .... .... .... 5 John Fuljambe, student, Peterhouse, Cam- bridge 5 John Cobb, scholar, in Cambridge, for 3 quarters, 6?., Special Gift, 10s 6 10 1590-1. Thos. Harrison, M.A., Trinity, Cambridge .. 'Ealph Eaven, M.A., St. John's, Oxford •John Perrin, M.A., St. John's, Oxford 'Thos. Cranmer, scholar, St. John's, Oxford .. "Walter Rowse, scholar. Queen's, Cambridge.. Robt. Wall, scholar, St. John's, Oxford £ s. d. 5 5 5 3 6 8 3 6 8 4 2 2 5 3 6 8 2 3 6 8 2 16 10 19 13 4 1600-1. E. Seny, student, Clirist's College, Cambridge S. West, student, St. John's, Oxon J. Wicksted, student, St. John's, Oxon J. Sansbury, .student, St. John's, Oxon W. House, student, Trinity, Cambridge 15 13 4 17. See 6 ante. Sometimes the Guild (taking the money of its members) paid it to the Lord Mayor, or purchased corn, and on return, or sale, re- distributed it to the subscribers. See Part II, page 234. 18. Was the purchase of the " White Horse," Watliug Street, and the " Blue Bear," in Bow Lane from St. John's College. — " Memorials," page 537. • As to the future of these scholars, sec Vol. 2, Wilson, paxiim. 197 CHAPTEE XI. THE TEADE MONOPOLY OF THE GUILD DESTEOYED. Persons of various occupations admitted to the Merchant Taylors Company in 1399, p. 197. — The Merchant Taylors became Clothworkers, p. 198. — Charter of Henry VII, p. 198. — Hereditary principle of the London franchise, p. ]99. — Impossihle for all trades to become hereditary, p. 199. — Complaint of Clothivorkers against the Taylors, p. 200. — Controversy of 1550, JO. 200. — Claim right of search, p. 200. — Refuse to grind Taylors^ shears, p. 200. — Their claims overnded by the Lord Mayor, p. 200. — Order as to apprentices, p. 201. — Claims renewed in 1566, p. 201. — Wliite, Hilles, and other Taylors engaged in clothworking, p. 201. — Vital importance of the question, p. 202. — Lease of the Mora estate by Taylors, p. 202. — Various tenants thereof, p. 202. — Return of the number of Taylors, &c., occupied in clothivorhing, p. 202. — Appeal to Parliament, p. 202. — Parliamentary Bills prepared by Clothivorkers, p. 202. — Rejected by Par- liamentary Committee, p. 203. — Other two Bills proposed by the Committee, p. 203. — No Bill passed, and the controversy ended, p. 203. — Complaint of the Haberdashers, p. 204. — Order of 1571 to employ guildsmen in cloth- working, p. 204. — The principle of Guild monoply raised in 1571 by fourteen other Guilds, p. 204. — Their case as stated to the Lord Mayor and Council, p. 205. — Remedy sought, p. 205. — Richard Hilles aiid others as a Committee answer the case, p. 205. — Decision in the Clothworkers^ case adhered to, p. 206. — No order made by the Lord Mayor and Council, p. 206. — Attempt at Legislation in 1575, p. 206. — Haberdashers asked by Taylors to join in search, p. 206. — Taylors in the Company, p. 207. — Though Guild monopoly destroyed, Guildsman covld not qtdt his Company without license, p. 208. — Wilkes^ case with the Widoiv Hodgson, p. 208. — Nor sue a brother guildsman without license, p. 208, — Arbitrament, p. 208. — /. Jurisdiction of Master and Wardens : (a) in partnership qioarrels, p. 209. — (6.) Apjyrentices, p. 209. — (c.) Dress, p. 209. — (d.) Bad work, p. 210.— (e.) Recovery of debts, d-c, p. 210.— (/.) Slander, p. 210.—//. Manners and Amenities of the Guildsmen: Assault, p. 211. — Hitting in the face, p. 211. — Provoking words, p. 212. — Insult to a Warden, p. 212. — Hvil words in anger, p. 213. — Bastardy, p. 213. — Insult to the Master and Wardens, p. 214. — Eminent Gihildsmen during the controversy, p. 215. It would appear from the earliest existing record of admissions to the Merchant Taylors Company (1399-1400) that persons with occupations other than those of Taylors or Linen Armourers were admitted into the Guild. Thus of the thirty-five persons 198 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [part i. whose names are entered as " confrers " paying 20s. (tlien a large sum) we find a chevalier, a brewer, a tallow chandler, a vintner, a harbour, esquires, a parson, a sherman, a tavener, a grocer, a dyer, and a chaundler, the followers of which occupations should have been associated with the several Guilds of the same name. Whether at that time any trade could be followed under the franchise of the Merchant Taylors Company is not known, bat, be that as it may, the object of the present chapter is to show how in the latter half of the sixteenth century, if not before, the guilds- men of the Merchant Taylors Company became Clothworkers, and when challenged by, justified their absolute independence of, the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers Company in respect to search or control, basing their case on the Charter of Henry VII, and the earlier ones. At the opening of the 16th century a new charter, or as it was then termed, a " New Corporation," was granted to the Guild by Henry VII. The part which Fitz William took in procuring this Charter (of 1502) will be explained in his life, but the reasons for obtaining it are not apparent, unless we accept those which are thus set forth in the recitals : " The men of the Misteries aforesaid, in the city aforesaid, or at least the sounder part of them, have from time whereof the memory of man is not to the contrary, and daily do use, occupy and exercise in all quarters and kingdoms of the world, all and every kinds of merchandizes, to the renown, honour, and benefit of our kingdom and subjects, and the great advantage of us and our progenitors formerly kings of England : and that the same men of the said Misteries having during the wholetime aforesaid used, occupied, and exercised the buying and selling of all and every wares and merchandises whatsoever, and especially woollen cloths as well wholesale as retail, throughout our whole realm of Eng- land, and particularly with our city aforesaid and the suburbs thereof." It is more than probable that the alteration about this time made in soldiers' accoutrements had prejudicially affected the trade of a " Linen Armourer," and that more profit was to be gathered up from a trade in clothworking than in making up cloth into garments. If this were so then it was well for the Company tliat the Masters and Wardens were authorised by their new Charter " to augment and increase the aforesaid Fraternity, and to hold the said Fraternity of whatsoever persons, niatves, whom they may be willing to receive into the same Fraternity, and to retain, have CHAP. XI.] Ilereclitary Princij^le of Fixinchise. 199 and enjoy, all and singular, persons of the said Fraternity, or received into the same Fraternity, or from henceforth to be received into the same, lawfully and freely, without tlie hindrance or dis- turbance of any person or persons, of any other Art or Mystery of the city aforesaid." What however gave rise to the greatest animosity in the minds of their fellow citizens towards the Company was the right of search which was also given to the Master and Wardens in these terms : " So also within the city, liberties and suburbs thereof they were to make full and entire sur^'ey, search, governance, and correc- tion of all and singular the men of the said Fraternity or Mistery, and also of natives, strangers and foreigners^ using the said Misteries, or anything appertaining to the same Misteries in the city afore- said, and the liberties and suburbs thereof, as well in the making cutting, and working of men's apparel, as howsoever otherw^ise using or exercising the same Misteries," and to have " the correction and punishment of all natives, strangers and foreigners, in and concerning all matters appertaining or heretofore belonging to the said Misteries of the Merchant Taylors, or Taylors and Linen Armourers, for their offences therein, so often and when it shall be needful for the advantage and benefit of our liege people or others whomsoever, so that the correction and punishment of such natives, strangers and foreigners, and every of them so offending in the premises be exercised by the Master and Wardens of the said Fraternity for the time being, according to the laws of England, and the ordinances and statutes therefore made, and the customs of our city of London." The freedom of a Company obtained through the Corporation of London gave trading as well as political privileges, and these were held to be hereditary. Of course trade for one or tw^o suc- cessive generations may be so, but even then all a freeman's children could scarcely be Taylors, but must find employment in occupation other than that of their Guild. When, therefore, a guildsman of the Taylors Company was found doing the work of a Clothw^orker, the question arose whether he should be reckoned as to his trade, craft, or work to be a Taylor or a Cloth worker? This 1 The oath points to a prohibition against keeping foreigners, and in 1581 (April 18tli) a Proclamation, or Precept, was put out by the Lord Mayor, begging the Gruilds to give quiet usage to the French then visiting England, and to appoint two of their members to see the order obeyed. The French and Dutch tailors who had come over for liberty of conscience appear to have been tolerated by agreement in October (14th) 1608. 200 Trade MonoiJohj of Guild Destroyed. [part i, was tlie subject of controversy between the two Companies, which was first raised in 1566, and was finally set at rest in 1575 during the mastership of Edward Joans, though no remedy was found. Obviously the Taylors could be no sufficient judges of the com- petency of the work or workmen of other trades or crafts, and yet they insisted that they only (without breaking up the unity of the Guild or apprenticeship in it) should exercise authority over such freemen of their Company ; the Clothworkers contended that the Taylor who desired to work as a Cloth worker should previously be affiliated by apprenticeship or service to their Com- pany, thereby becoming amenable to their search and inspection as to his competency as a Clothworker.-^ The earliest record which the Merchant Taylors have of this contention dates from 1550-1, when their account books- show that 26?. 4s. 9c?., a vast sum in those days, was spent for the defence of the suit made against them by the Clothworkers. First, the Taylors " occup}T.ng the biode shere and rowyng at the perche " would not submit "to the right of searche in their howses from the Clothworkers," and were imprisoned at their instance. Then the Clothworkers would not grind the Taylors' shears, and so 41. 13s. Od. had to be spent " in getting up shere grinders to London," -svhen after all this trouble and expense the Lord Mayor " finally made order that the Clothworkers should grind shears for the Taylors." When the ordinances of 1507 were framed a fine of 20s. was thereby imposed on each apprentice after the first, the intention being thus to limit the number of apprentices, but as such an ordinance was held to be an infringement of the statute of 19 Henry VII, cap. 7, any limitation being held to be " against the common profit of the people," and also obnoxious to the 22 Henry VIII, cap. 4, in imposing a higher fee than 3s. 4(Z. which the Act authorised,^ the ordinance (probably about this time) was with- drawn. It was therefore a grievance that the Taylors should deluge the cloth trade with an unlimited number of apprentices, whereas the Clothworkers had endeavoured to keep up the monopoly by limit- ing their apprentices to two for each master. Upon this issue it would seem that the Clothworkers appealed to tlie Common ^ Rep. 16, page 135, under date of 14th Norember, 1566. - Appendix 2\, pages 390-3. ^ 11 Coke Eep., 55; London case, page 44.; Savers, 251; Hobart, 210; and 7, Ter. Rep., 543, and page 216, ^joa/. CHAP. XI.] CJothivorl:ers Claims Reneived. 201 Council and were, for a time at least successful — that is so long as the following order of Lord Mayor^ was obeyed : — " Adhuc Jovis 33 Marcij a° vij E. VI (1552). " M^ch''unttayllo''s and Clothwoi"kers, " Itfh for certyn good & necessarye consideracons movynge the co'"te it was this day orderyd & decreyd by the same that none of the m^ch'^unttayllo's usynge or that herafter shall use the occupacon of the clothwo^'kers shall have kepe or Retayne in his s^vice after the Feste of S*" Mychaell tharch'^ungell nowe nexte comynge enye mo apprentycs att once then twoo, as the seid clothwo^'kers do kepe any lawe custome or ordyn\ince hertofore made usyd or devysed to the contrary notw^'^stondynge."^ Some other controversy had been carried on for in the following year, 1551-2, probably to clear up all outstanding costs, a further sum of 21/. 2.S. M. was paid " for the wrongful suit made by the Clothworkers." In May, 1559, the two Companies came again into conflict and a special Court of Aldermen was appointed to examine into the cause of variance, but in October some members of each Company were committed to prison for riot and released upon recognizances.® There the matter rested until in the year 1666, when in the mastership of Thomas Browne, Eichard Hilles being absent on the continent, and Sir Thomas White probably in his last illness (as he had made his final appearance at the Court), the subject was revived by the Clothworkers. The question raised was vital to the principle of Guild monopoly on the one hand, and to the com- mercial interests of those Taylors who were Clothworkers on the other. Of such there were many, and we shall see not the least important members of the Merchant Taylors Company, This is evidenced by what happened upon the application of the Bridewell Governors to the Company in JMay, 1566, that purchase "might be made from them of woollen cards made by the inmates and not yet uttered or sold." Fifty dozen were purchased by the members present, the following names appearing with others : — ■ Sir Thomas White 10 dozen, Mr. Eichard Hilles 4 dozen, W. Meryche 2 dozen, Gerard Gore 2 dozen, E. Dawbney 3 dozen, J. Mansbridge, 4 dozen. But the controversy was probably forced upon the Cloth- workers by another incident, which was this : In November, 1566, ' Page 55, anle. ^ Extract from City Kecords, Rep. 13 (1), fol. 3G, b. 3 Ibid. 14, pages 167 and 225. 202 Trade Monoj^ohj of Guild Destroyed. [part i. the Merchant Taylors Company acquired for a period of eighty years from the Prebend of St. Paul's a lease of the Mora estate (then an open field) for the purpcse of using it for racks or tenters in clothworking. The estate was sub-divided by the Merchant Taylors Company into very many tenancies or holdings, and at a somewhat later period (between 1570-1600) was tenanted thus :— Of those who had been been Master and Warden of the Merchant Taylors Company^ 15 Freemen of the same. . . . . . . . . . 21 The Clerk and Beadle 2 One Alderman and others, not members . . . . 18 Asain, from a return extant on the Merchant Taylors' records (as of 21st October), it is shown with names and addresses that the members of the Company did then use and occupy the art or mystery of clothworking in considerable numbers, thus there were : — Of householders . , . . . . . . . . 38 Apprentices . . . . . • . . . . . . 66 Journeymen . . . . . . . . • . . . 11 And the return also shows which of these " do rowe and sheare broad clothes, and also which of them do shere only kersies and cottoning." There can, therefore, be no doubt regarding the importance of the controversy, both to the two Guilds, parties to it, and to all others whose interests were involved in the principle of keeping up or breaking down the Guild monopoly. Two or more Bills which had been prepared and submitted to Parliament by the Clothworkers to regulate the clothworking, and to settle the con- troversy in their favour were not accepted by the Taylors, whose opposition before the Parliamentary Committee prevailed, and the Bills were lost.^ On the 10th October the Clothworkers submitted to the Taylors another Bill which they proposed to get passed during the session, but the Taylors at once appointed a Committee of John God and fourteen other guildsmen to make influence with the members of the House of Commons and to get the Bill rejected. After an intervening meeting on the 21st October 1 Lady Joan, widow of Sir Thomas White, and Daniel, son of Eichard Ililles, were amongst the tenants. 2 The subjcetis to be found in the Corporation Eecords, Eep. (16) pages 135 to 145. CHAP. XI.] Clothworhers Bills Rejected. 203 (when a return of all the guildsmen who were Clothworkers was made to the Court) a Committee of Sb Thomas Offley, Lucar, and others were appointed on the 7th November to defend the interests of the Company before Parliament, and after meeting on the 9th, 11th and the 15th j^resented their answer to the Clothworkers' case to the Lord Mayor, and after other meetings on the 22nd and 23rd in the same month Eecorder Fleetwood read out, for approval, the answer to be made to Parliament by the Corporation.^ Thus prepared, the Merchant Taylors on the 13th December, 1566, attended the Parliamentary Committee of the Commons, at the lodgings of Sir Ambrose Cave, and after the proposals of the Clothworkers had been fully discussed, the same were declared to be " dasshed and voided;" but in place thereof it was proposed that two Bills should be made by the Committee, the one to be only for certain clothes to be dressed within the realm of England before they should be transported, and the other Bill to be only for the true dressing of woollen clothes. The Bills are set out verbatim, on the Merchant Taylors' records, the first provides that one in every ten clothes exported shall be dressed within the realm of England under a penalty of 10/., and another provision is added relating to Kentish clothes. The second Bill provides that no one shall rowe or full any broad cloth or kersey with any iron card but with tassells only, and that every shearman of the broad cloth shall shear the same from end to end with the broad shears only, without the use of any instrument of sleight, under a penalty of 20s. and the forfeiture of the instruments. Under this proposed enactment the Merchant Taylors and Clothworkers were to have equal right of search, but the session of 1566 closed without legislation. The rights of the Taylors were never afterwards successfully questioned, so that clothworking became their recognised trade to be carried on without the search or interference of the Clothworkers Company.^ But the account books of the Merchant Taylors show another controversy to have been raging at the same time with the 1 Part II, page 271. 2 In September and Norember, 1595, the Taylors tradina; as plasterers, and on 31st March, 160-i, Taylors trading as bakers, chandlers, cooks, shoemakers, and other ways, were called on by these several Companies to pay, and were distrained on for quarterages to support tlieir Halls, &c. ; but as " these exaction are unlawful (as by trial of the common law in like cases hath been approved), the Court of Assistants stood forward to protect them as learned counsel shall advise and direct." — See Rowe's Charity (1565-9), Memorials, page 287. 204 Tirade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [Pi\RT i. " Haberdashers," who, taking exception to the Taylors making hats and caps, appear to have retaUated in the manner thus described in the only entry which the Taylors possess relating to the dispute : " 1566-7.— Master's Account. " Paid to Mr. Southcote,^ for drawing of a Bill exhibited to the Mayor and Aldermen in declaration of the unlawful doings and proceedings of the Haberdashers in the making of an Act or Order among themselves that they nor none of them should buy any hats or caps out of their own Company, neither set any awork in the same faculty but of their own Company, upon a certain pain to their own private gain, contrary to the laws of the realm and godly orders and customs of this city, 13s. 4r/." Having possession of the clothworking trade tlie IMerchaut Taylors endeavoured to turn it to the profit of their freemen, by publishing an ordinance in December, 1571,^ on the authority of the Court alone, to oblige their members to put out for dressing half the cloth they made to the men of the Guild, under a penalty of lO.s. for each piece of cloth not so put out ; which was for a time observed, although the legality of the ordinance was ultimately disputed. The question of Guild supervision and monopoly was again raised in 1571, when fourteen of the smaller Companies® pre sented a petition on the 15th May to the Court of Common Council praying for relief, but gained nothing. They were in " ex- treme poverty, decay, and ruin," which they attributed to the then present laxity of the Guild system. " In ancient times (their petition set forth) the Company of artificers or handicraftsmen of the city had reserved the o^^/y use, trade, or exercise of their several arts and handicrafts, and then tlie things thereto pertaining were truly, workmanly, and substantially made," because the Wardens and Governors of every handicraft had the "search and punishment of all persons occupying the art, those deserving it were pujiished, ^ Mr. Southcote was for many years Counsel to the Company, and became in February, 1563, one of tbe Judges of the Queen's Bench, which ofHce he hekl until the 29th May, 1584. He was succeeded as Counsel to the Company in March, 1562, by Mr. Jeffrey, of Gray's Inn (at the usual retaining fee of \l. 6*. Sd.), who, in May, 1576, also became a Judge of the same Court, and afterwards Chief Baron of the Exchequer, which latter office he held till his death in May, 1578. ^ This was disobeyed by Davenant, and a suit was instituted in the Queen's Bench, when the ordinance was held to be void. — Davenant v. Hurdes, Moore's Reports, 576. — Appendix 25, page 393. ^ The Dyers, Coopers, Carpenters, Tallow Chandlers, Harness, Upholders, Cutlers, Bakers, Girdlers, Glaziers, Paniters, Blacksmiths, Cordwainers, and Stationers. — Rep. 17, pages 14 and 20. CHAP. XI.] A Committee Answer the Case. 205 love nourished in the said Corporation, and they (the handicrafts- men) able to live and bear such charges as were cessed upon them for the Queen's affairs, the honour and worsliip of the city, and the maintenance of their Companies." The remedy which these petitioners asked the Corporation to apply was to order " that such persons occupying and exercising such handicrafts being free of another Company should thence- forth observe and keep the ordinances of the Company of handi- craftsmen as touching their wares and works made, and to pay their fines and duties to the said Company of handicraftsmen ac- cordingly, and that the apprentices already bound to those men who occupy handicrafts free of other occupations may at the expiration of their apprenticeship be made of those Comj)anies of handicrafts- men that they use." This involved, as it would seem, a double apprenticeship and allegiance, but if skill is to be a qualification for an art, it was not unreasonable that the masters of that art should be the governors of it. " Give this relief," the petitioners went on to say to the Council, and " you shall not only profit the commonwealth and bind your petitioners ever to pray for the preservation of your honourable and worshipful estates, but also purchase yourselves everlasting renown and immortal fame here on earth, with the fruition of the immortal God in the world to come." The petition was sent by the Mayor to the Merchant Taylors, and probably to all other Companies, for consideration. In May during the mastership of William Kympton (a man of reputation, who was Sheriff in 1570, but was brought before the Star Chamber in 1576), the Court of Assistants appreciating the importance of the questions raised, appointed a special Committee of five of its members, of which Mr. Eichard Hilles was the senior member, to investigate the subject, take advice as to their position in law, and put in their answer, Mr. Dalton and Mr. Mattas, both members of the bar, being appointed as Counsel to the Company. On the 21st May the Court met, and a great number of the Livery (not Assistants) were summoned to consider and approve the answer which had been prepared by Counsel on the Company's behalf. Their case was rested upon " chartered rights " and upon the decision at wliich Parliament had arrived, when the same question was raised by the Cloth workers in 1556. The meeting adopted the answer prepared for the Company, and entrusted its presenta- tion to Mr. Eichard Hilles (as a member of the Common Council) in case any debate should arise in the Council upon the petition. 206 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [part i. How tliis was we have no record, but we know that no order was granted to the petitioners against the Merchant Taylors Company. The Guild monopoly was broken down, but the monopoly of the London freeman lingered on for many years. The decision also broke up the trade guarantee which a crafts- man might gain as being a member of his Guild, nor could the Guild with advantage limit the number of apprentices taken by the members so as to keep up the monopoly when any number of apprentices of other Guilds might practice any trade or handi- craft.^ The record of this controversy for monopoly would not be complete without mentioning the unsuccessful attempt at legislation which was again made in 1575. A Bill (according to Strype)^ was drawn up reciting the statutes of 37 Edward III, and 5 Elizabeth cap. 4, prohibiting the exercise of any art or mystery save by such as had been apprenticed to the same. The Bill, which was supported by the Corporation of London, was passed by the Commons but challenged in the other House,^ and never received the Eoyal Assent.'* The advantage of search by competent judges of the artificers' work and material seems to be obvious, and in August, 1597, the Taylors invited the Haberdashers to a general search of " felt " in the hands of a Taylor, but they took it amiss and summoned the owner of the felt before the Lord Mayor, Billingsley (a Haber- dasher), " who was very round " on the Taylors, and committed the ^ Rogers on Prices, vol. 4, page 97. - Stowe, Bk. 5, page 252. ^ Commons Journal, 105. Monday, 13th February, 1575. Tlie Bill for the Freemen of tlie City of London, first reading. 1. Commons' Journals, 106. Mercurii (Wednesday), 15th February, 1575. The Bill for the Freemen of tlie City of London. The second reading, and ordered to be engi'ossed. 1. Commons' Journal, 107. Martis (Tuesday), 2l8t February, 1575. The Bill for the Freemen of the City of London. The thii-d reading. Jud'in. N.B. — The above Bill is sent to the Lords by Mr. Treasurer and others. 1. Lords Journal, 734. Die Martis, 2l8t February, 1575. Hodie Introducte sunt a Domo Communi quattuor Billc. Tertia. That all the Freemen of the city of London may use the Mysteries and Trades within the same city lawfully quaj 1* vice Iccta est. 1. Lords Journals, 745. Die Veneris, 9th March, 1575. Same BUI read a second time. CHAP. XI.] Taylors in the Company. 207 defendant to prison, but as on the next day he was discharged, no further proceedings were taken.^ But although other occupations were opened to the Merchant Taylors under these decisions, it must not be supposed that the art or craft of Taylory was altogether abandoned, though what proportion of the Livery followed the occupation of tailoring is not recorded. In July, 1555, Machyn attended the Company's feast and records the fact that the Master and Wardens " all five " were born in London, and " Taylors' sons all."^ Later in the same century we find the Master and Wardens certifying to the Lord Mayor " that a goode and experte journeyman or servant in the art or occupation of Tayllory is to have fFower markes wages by yire ; " but before they gave that certificate the record states that they did so " by the advice of divers and sundry members of this mysterie using the handicraft of Tayllory, viz., Walter Fish (who in 1580 Stowe describes as Tailor to Queen Elizabeth), Eichard Williams, Will Gaye, John Fount, Thomas Widnell, Will Phillips, John Lay ton, and divers others;" and as pertinent to the same question, it may be noticed that in the warrant of James I, dated May 4tli, 1613, on the occasion of his daughter's marriage — the Princess Elizabeth with the Elector Palatine — for the outfit or trousseau, directions are given to the different tradesmen to execute the commissions which are there specified. Clothes for women as well as for men were made by the Taylors, and orders were given to four persons, as Thomas Spens, Edward Thomasen, Thomas Watson, and Robert Baker, all of whom, save Spens (whose name has not yet been traced), were freemen of the Mercheait Taylors Company; Thomasen by redemption on November 14th, 1602 ; Watson and Baker by apprenticeship on February 27th, 1587, and January 16th, 1584. The nature of their business may be judged from the warrant. To Spens was assigned the making of gowns — or dresses with 1 " 23rd January, 1622. " A Petition of the Drapers Merchauntailors Haberdashers and Clothworkers was presented to the Maior and Aldermen praying that an equal nomber out of the said several Companies may be joined in search with the Company of Weavers, and the one part not to goe without the other whereby the said search may be indifferent and the Weavers as well searched & punished for their abuses as those not free of the Weavers are to be & that in an equal manner and that the nomber of apprentices & Loomes to be kept by tlie Silk Weavers of the several Companies may be limited to certain times and yeares of freedom for y' ye Weavers free of other Companies are never to be Baililfe Wardens or Assistants of the Company of Weavers and soe thereby shall receive muc^h preiudice." ^ Diary, page 91. 208 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [part i. petticoats — the material being mostly cloth, or such like material ; to Thomasen, the making the servants' coats or liveries; to Thomas Watson, the suites for the maske ; and to Eobert Baker, collars of white satin and other material. But the authority of the Company, though weakened, could not be thrown off nor its membership relinquished without the licence of the governing body. There was then no serving two masters nor membership, save of one Company ; \^■heneve^, therefore, a con- flict of interests or advantages a,rose, the freeman must make his election for one Company or the other. This dilemma presented itself in the mastership of William Dodworth (1592) to William Wilkes who had engaged the Widow Hodgson, of the Vintners Company to marry him if he could get his release from the Mer- chant Taylors Company, that he might become a Vintner. His petition^ was presented and referred to a Committee, who on a conference, found " that the widow will by no means assent to leave her trade." Wilkes, therefore, was released on terms set forth, and gave the Merchant Taylors Company a present of plate, which is duly recorded in the inventory of 1609. Another consequence of membersliip, or rather of citzenship,^ was the inability to sue or take the law of another member of the Company without the pre\^ous assent of the Master and Wardens, which in effect obliged a reference of the controversy to their arbitrament and award. Two instances of this licence to sue are here given. On the 5th IMarch to Henry Elston " to take the Lawe of Thomas Brackshawe, Provyded that if Brackshawe complayne there the said Elston to abide the order of the Master and Wardens ;" and again on the 7th November, 1585, " licence is given unto Ptichard Baker to take the Lawe of John Garrett," the Master and Wardens having probably satisfied themselves that the law was Baker's best remedy. We will therefore take from the Company's records some of the awards made during this period, to show the jurisdiction which was exercised by the Master and Wardens, and what were the manners or amenities of the guildsmen towards each other. I. Jiirisdiction. — {a) As to partnership quarrels. — Those who read Sir William Craven's life'^ will notice how he had a con- 1 Appendix 26, pages 394^6. - It rested on the freeman's oatli, wiiicli was amended 11 George 11, so as to enable citizens to sue in the King's Courts. ^ Tart II, Chapter XXI. CHAP. XI.] Jurisdiction — Apprentices. 209 troversy with his late master, and afterwards his purtner (Hulsou), which was referred to the Master and Wardens, who gave an award on jSTovember 16th, 1582, in favour of Craven, with an apology from Hidson to him. (&) Apprentices were under the care of the Company, and masters were fined for illtreatment, thus in 1457-8 for assign- ing him without license 2id., and 5s. for unlawfully beating him. Further in 1466-7 10c?. for clothing "him ill to the grete disgrace of the mysterie." In a case of misusing an apprentice, an entry of April 2nd, 1563, shows that very summary measures were taken against his master, thus : "The Wardens have comytted Thomas Palmer to pryson for that he hath broken Henry Bourefelde his apprentice's hedd without any just cause. Henry Bourefelde by composition had comytted his two apprentices to serve with Thomas Palmer during and for so long time, and for such consideration as they were agreed. And for that the said Thomas Palmer hath not onely evill used hymself towards the said apprentices, but also for that tliey have not had of hym sufficient meate aiid drynke as they ouygt to have had. Therefore it is decreed by tassente of both the said apprentices, that the said Henry Bourefelde shall immediately take his said apprentices from the said Palmer, and use them as be- cometh apprentices to be used." But a head was not to be broken for nothing, and, therefore, the Master and Wardens in the year foUomng ordered Thomas Palmer to pay Henry Bourefelde "61. 6s. ^d. heretofore owing by Thomas to Henry, and pay the sur- geon for healing Henry's head broken by the said Thomas." (c) Dress came under their cognizance. Thus as early as 1463-4, we fijid "fines of 12d." entered "for wearing cloaks too short after the manner of gallants contrary to the ordinance," and in later years these entries appear : Item : " Eobert Mally is comytted to pryson for that he came to this house in a cloak of fresadowne,^ a paire of hosen lyned with taffatory, and a shirte edged with sylvr contrary to the ordinance of this house." Item : " Thomas Elliatt is also enjoyned to pay to this house upon Fryday next for a fyne ' Frizido was a fine cloth of tliis period of which little appears to be known (Draper's Dictionary, page 134). It appears to have been made by the members of the Merchant Taylors Company, from this Court entry : — " 21st June, 1578, Vol. Ill, Court Minutes, page 32. " Certain loving brothers of the Mystecie appointed soassors of the members occupyinge ofryzzadoes for and towards the charges laide owte in tbe defens of a sute prured by Mr. Hastings againste such as are occupyers of ffryzadoes." VOL. I. P 210 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [parti. for wearinge a cloke in this house contrary to the ordinance of this house, 5s." Item : " Whereas Richarde Symsone, a brother of this mystry having on apparrell not thouglilie meite for his habilitie to weare, and that admonysion is givene unto hime to reforme himself therein. It is ordered and agreed that yf he be founde faultie therein hereafter, then he is to pay such fyne as is provided for them that mysorder them selves in apparell, according to the ordinances of this house." (d) In case of bad work, injuring the garment, the appeal was to the same tribunal. Thus on January 12th, 1571: "In the cause of varience betweene Margery Story, plaintiff', and Thomas Taylor, defendant, concerning a Cassock made to litle, it is ordered by the Master and Wardens, with the consent of sayde parties, that the said defendant sliaU paye to thands of the Gierke of this Mystery, for the use of the plaintiff, before the next Courte the some of ffbrte shillings, and shall take to hym self the said garment to make his best pffitt thereof accordingly."^ (c) Ordinary debts due between members were recovered by the intervention of the Master and Wardens, as the next entry shows : Inter Henrien Bartlett, plaintiff, John Swetser, defendant, yt is ordered by the Master and Wardens, with consent of bothe the saide parties ffbr all matters in controversie betweene them. That the said John Swetser shall paye unto the said Henry Bartlett the some of iijVi xs. modo et ffbrma, viz., at thannunciation of our Lady next ensuinge, iij.s. xd, and then iij.s. xc?. quarterly, untill the said some of iij/*. xs. be fully contented, and paide, and so all things to be cleare betweene them from the beginning of the worlde untill the days of the date hereof," &c. ]\lany similar entries are found, and on Sir Thomas White's death his widow came to the Court to assist her in the recovery of his debts from members. (/) Slander. This case has an especial interest to antiquaries, as Thomas, the apprentice of John Stowe, w^as the plaintiff. " For the pacyfienge of a controversy depending here betweene Thomas Stowe, plaintiff",, of the one ptie, and Thomas Holmes, defendant, of 1 In a case where the plaintiff was not apparently a member of the Company the Master and Wardens avenged her wrong by imprisoning the defendant, a member : — Order of the Master and Wardens, 18th May, 1571, that H. Eeynolds is coramitted to ward for that he will not pay such money as by him is owing unto a poor ■woman who kept him in the time of the Plague, he lying sick thereof for a quarter of a year, or thereabouts. CHAP. XI.] Amenities of Guildsmen. 211 the other ptie, both brethenne of this niistery, as well for and concerning nndesent and unseemly words spoken, uttered, and reported by the wyfe of the said Holmes againste the wyfe of the said Stowe, as hath beene here witnessed by certen credible persons. It is agreed here by the said ]\Ir and Wardens, by and wth thassente and consente of bothe tlie said pties as followeth, viz. : That the wyfe of the said Holmes shall forthwth in this place, before the wyfe of the said Stowe, utter, declare, and speak these words as followeth, viz. : ' I am sorry for those undesent woords wch I have heretofore spoken of you, and therefore I praye you to forgive me,' wch, beinge done accordingiie, the wyfe of the said Stowe shall forgive her accordingiie. Further, it is agreed that the said Holmes shall paye to the said Stowe 20s. of lawful! money of England, in satisfaction of all lawe and other charges incurred by him, and that being done, either of the said pties shall release the one other of all manners of actions, &c., &c., as well spiritual as temporal, whatever heretofore rysen between the said pties at any tjmie synce the beginninge of the world untill this pnte daye. AMiereupon the Wyfe of the said Holmes, in the p'sens of the said Mr and Wardens and dy\Tse others of honest neighbors of bothe the said pties did accomplish the said order in asking the wife of the said Stowe forgiveness accordingiie ; and Hohnes paid 20s., and so bothe the said pties were made friends by taken of hands the one of the other." (October 20th, 1570.) II. As to the Manners and Amenities of the Guildsmen. — First. Take an ordinary case of assault : — " On the loth January, 1568. — Itm, Miles Gilbee is commytted to warde for that he, in the presence of the Master and Wardens openlie in the streete did strike and drewe bind upon Luys Lloyde, a brother of this mystery, contrary to the ordinance of this House, and also to the infringing of the Queen's peace." In the next case the persons ought to have known more of good behaviour, as both had borne office in the Fraternity. The offender was WiUiam Offley,^ a member of the well-known family, and who had been Warden in 1580. The person towards whom he was guilty of assault and personal abuse had held the office in 1579, and in December, 1581, when Pilchard Bourne was Master, and another OfQey (Eichard) Warden, we have this entry : — " The late Master Phillips^ complained of (brother) William Offley for his unseemly speeches, and for striking him on the face. ^ He never held office again. ^ He was father-in-law to Daniel, the youngest of Kichard Hilles' sons. VOL. I. r 2 212 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [parti. Both submitted to the jurisdiction of the Master, and Ofl^ey was imprisoned and then fined 10/." Another case is where some freeman complains of "William Kympton's conduct towards him. The ofi'ender ought to have known better manners, for he was Warden two years later, and became (as we read in these pages) a well-known citizen. This is his case, and another happening to another member of a well- known family : — " 29th August, 1562. — William Kympton fyned 40s. for calling Stephen Myliney, a ' craftie boye,' whereupon the said William lefte in pawne with the Master a ring of gold for the payment of the said 40j. JSTevertheless the Master and Wardens upon gentle sub- mysion of the said Kimpton have remytted the moytee of the said fyne." So again in February, 1563, William Hector is fined 40s. for calling Thomas Wylford a " pratynge boy," and makes a similar deposit. Unfortunately a Warden was not then free from the malice of a brother guildsman, and had to protect his credit by summoning him before his colleagues, the ]\laster and Wardens (Kympton being a W^arden") : — "22nd March, 1564. Item, At this day Mr. Thomas Browne Warden complavned agaynst Edward Aley a Brother of this Misterie for that the said Edward shulde reporte by the saide Mr. Browne lliat he was but a shyfter and in thende it shulde appeare that he is not worth a grote with other lyke words of infamy. Whereupon the said Edward was called to make answer thereunto and utterley denyed to speake any suche words by the said Mr. Browne as aforesaid and thereupon the said ]\lr. Browne for pfe. of the said wordes spoken by the said Aley dyd p'duce one Mrs. Anne Smythe wydowe to wytnesse the same who did take her othe in the p'sens of the said Aley that the said Aley had reported unto her and said that Mr, Browne was but a shyfter and lyved only by making of shifts and in thende his word would prove true that the said Browne is not worthe a grote and thereupon for that the said Aley hath mysbehaved himself in words and deeds towards the said Mr. Browne as aforesaid, contrary to the ordinances of this house, they the said Master and Wardens have comytted the saide Edward to p'son, there to remayne untill he shall make his submyssun for his offence comytted accordingly." In August, 1583, a similar entry is found of Dawke v. Mans- bridge. The defendent (who lived in Chiswell Street, Finsbury) CHAP. XI.] Evil loards in anger. 213 became a Warden in 1592, and a donor of a standing cup and cover (gilt), having to pay a fine and, after Dawke's forgiveness, to make this apology in tlie presence of the Court. " I know I have offended you and not used myself well towards you in speaking such evil words against you. I am sorry for them from the bottom of my heart, and do ask your hearty forgiveness, for they were uttered by me in coller, but rudely, rashly, and immoderately. I pray you that we may be friends and so continue." The two following entries possibly involved more delicate inquiries: 16th March, 1586, fol. 50: Inter. Alice Wrighte, pit, David Powell, deff'., it is ordered by the Master and Wardens, in consideration of 20s, paide unto the saide pit. by the same deff before the saide Master and Wardens in full satisfaction and paymente, as well of her charges for the carryinge of a childe gotten by the saide deff uppon the saide pit. into Wales, to be nursed ; as also for all mannr of claymes, tythes, and Demandes, and all other controvrsyes between them whatsoever, from the begynige of the world untill the daye of the date of these pntes. that the deff. shalbe acquitted and discharged aga.inst the saide pit. for ever. Xovember 29th, 1577, fo. 72 : Inter. Andrew Greene, compt., and Francis Coltman, deft, yt is ordered by the Master and Wardens, Avith the assente and consente of both the saide pties., for a fetherbed, a bolster, and a blankett and coverlett that the sayde Green, his executors or assigns shall paye or cause to be payed unto the sayde Ffrancis Coltiman, the some of xvj.s. viijV?., and so the sayde Ffrancis to delyor unto the saide Green the sayde Ifetherbed, bolster, blanket, and coverlett, and to fee the saide Greene discharged againste Isabelle, the mayde wch should have marryed with one Eobert Coltman." The offender in the following entry was a rising man, who was to become Master, and as such entertained King James I. He came of an ancient Worcestershire stock, then and now thriving in that county, but apparently he could not restrain his temper or his speech, when things did not go as he could wish them, and this was the consequence, five days' imprisonment during the master- ship of Thomas Wilford.^ "John Sw}Tierton, as brother of tliis Mysterie, being a sewtor to the said Mr. Warden, and Assistants, in which sewte they dealte with him very favorably, and their favorable dealing being opened 1 At and for his funeral dinner at the Hall on the 3rd November, 1608, " the commendable grace at a funeral dinner" was composed. 214 Trade Monopoly of Guild Destroyed. [part i. to hiin, he said, ' it was uot worthe tliankes,' saying further ' yt they had neither wysdom, reson, nor conscience in their doinge/ wth other hawghtie and unseemly speeches ; and being willed to attend and not to departe or goe away, he very con- temptuously went his waye. It is therefore ordered and agreed that he shalbe comitted to pryson, according to the discretion of the said Mr and Wardens." (November 11th, 1585.) " Ordered that the said John Swynerton shalbe released of his imprysonmt uppon his submission wch he hathe made before the Master and Wardens, craving pardon for his rashe mysdemeanor and speeches then uttered." (November 16th, 1585.) Such then, as we have attempted to describe it, was the position of the Guild in the middle of the latter half of the 16th century. The eminent guildsmen who were influencing its course in the con- flict against monopoly were Sir Thomas White, Sir Thomas Offley, Eichard Hilles, and Eecorder Fleetwood, and the men of lesser note were Sir W. Harper, Gerard Gore, Eoliert Hulson, Walter Fish, and Eobert Dowe. Their names are to be traced in the Court minutes, and the individual acts of some are to be found in the notices of their lives given in the second part of this volume.'' 1 See Part II, page 212. 215 CHAPTEE XII. THE GUILD WITHOUT MONOPOLY IN TEADE. DISINTEGEATIOK Primary use of Ouild destroyed, p. 215. — Opening up of foreign trade, p. 215. — Increase of London, p. 215. — Apprenticeship needful for London citizen- ship, p. 216. — Franchises of Guild and Corporation not sought after, p. 216. — Burthens to he avoided, p. 216. — Apprentices the cheapest labourers, p. 216. — Scot and lot, p. 216. — Return of apprentices and freemen, p. 217. — Freedom not taken up, p. 217. — No presentment, p. 217. — Fleetwood fined, p. 217. — Membership of Company not sought for, p. 217. — Guild offices neglected, p. 217. — Master absent on election, 1565, p. 217. — Refusal of Shottesham, 1572, jo. 217. — Assistants absent, p. 218. — Master and four Wardens absent on election, 1589, p. 218. — Auditors absent, p. -218.^ — Great neglect in 1595, p. 219. — Committee appointed, p. 219. — Report, p. 219. — Ordinances to be amended, p. 220. — Increasing punishment, p. 220. — Neglect in 1602-3, ja. 220. — Wardens to be removed from office, p. 220. — Warden a defaulter iri account, p. 220. — Dowels opinion of the evil, p. 221. — Court renewed by thirteen members, p. 221. — Master and Wardens are absent on election in 1611, jo. 221. — Residt of changes in the Guild, p. 222. — New basis of Guild, without religion or monopoly, p. 222. — Table of apprentices and freemen, p. 224. Although the primary use of the Guild was injured, if not de- stroyed, there were other commercial enterprises in which the members became the distinguished pioneers. Trade had burst through the restraints of home monopoly to enter upon a wider sphere elsewhere. The Guilds enlarged their usefulness by be- coming the centres of these new projects which, often modelled on their outline, were largely recruited by the resources of the Guild, and of individual guildsmen. Therefore, the Guild as affording facilities for evoking public opinion or substantial help, continued to be an important factor in the trade of London. However, before entering upon these topics, we must endeavour to show what were the immediate effects of the changes upon the Guild in regard to its numbers and government. London throughout tlie reign of Elizabeth largely increased in population^ and size, tlie flux of people from the country and the * See Fleetwood's Life, Part II, Cliap. 19, page 269. 216 Guild without Monopoly in Trade. [part i. uew buildings being the frequent subject of interdict. The city was the centre of trade/ and no one could enter upon that or any other occupation there without protecting himself with the rights of citizenship. To secure these, apprenticeship to a guildsman was still a necessity, for though the Guild monopoly was destroyed as to its own particular trade, it was in full force as to the larger monopoly of London, to which the Guild remained the sole channel or access. It must not, however, be assumed that Guild membership or that citizenship was otherwise the attraction to or cause of the increase of London. On the contrary, both must be looked at in many instances as conditions imposed upon, rather than as aids to, an in- dustrious man seeking employment. The laws and customs of London were too strong to be broken down by the raw recruits of commercial enterprise, who had therefore to submit to unless they could in some way evade them. Besides which it was the common interest of all guildsruen to maintain this wider monopoly, giving to them the exclusive command of the cheapest labour — that of educated youths as their apprentices. Hence, the master did not then (any more than he does now) limit his number to two apprentices, for the 5 Elizabeth, cap. 4, sec. 24, allowed three to be employed to every journeyman, a license^ which the Bachelors in January, 1562, petitioned the Mer- chant Company for permission to get repealed. Nor was the freeman then influenced (as he is now) by any consideration of letting in another claimant upon the alms^ and emoluments of membership, or not at least, as a restraining (as now it is an in- ducing) motive to apprenticeship, for the freeman's advantage was n this manner to get cheap labour. The constraining motive with the ajjprentice for entering into his contract was not at all times the attainment of citizenship, as the burthen of scot and lot prevented many from taking up their freedom. The London artificer was jDermitted under the 7 Henry Vlll, cap. 5, to earn higher wages than the assize, because of these charges, but these would remain payable though no wages were earned, and the difficulty of obtaining wages in times ' Eogers on Pi-ices, Yol. 4, page 76. 2 Jbid., page 97. 3 Two -was tlie limit by 12 ITenrv TIT, cap. 1, as applicable to Xorfolk, wliich possibly (by custom) e3.1x.^iidccl to London when t!ic b Elizabeth became law, and see 200, ante. CHAP. XII.] Freedom not taken up. 217 of keen competition would not be diminislied. Hence a practice sprung up until checked by the Charter of Charles II (18th October, 1638) for apprentices to trade without taking up their freedom.^ The primary irregularity was in the freeman omitting to present the apprentice before entering into contract with him to the Master and Wardens, an offence against which the ordi- nances provided a penalty, but that this omission was not then deemed to be a grave offence may be inferred when we find Ser- geant Fleetwood, the Eecorder, one of our guildsmen, from whom a penalty was enforced. It will be seen by the Table at the end of this chapter how frequent were the omissions to take up the citizenship of London. The number of apprentices and of freemen in the year 1545-6 were all but equal (58 and 56), yet in the four quinquennial periods from 1574 to 1599, it will be seen that 1,825 persons were apprenticed, but only 678 admitted to the freedom, and that in the years 1612-3,695 were apprenticed, but only 289 admitted,^ to the freedom. It would seem, therefore, that citizenship was not eagerly sought for during the latter part of the sixteenth century. In the absence of Court records prior to 1561-2, it is not possible to show whether in earlier years there was the same reluctance to hold office, as there was in these later years to become a freeman in the Guild. All we can do is to point to the fact that, in the ordinances of 1507, such an offence as absence by a Master or "Warden on election is not mentioned, and therefore no penalty or punishment provided. It was the experience gained in the latter half of the century which obliged the rulers of the Company to introduce provisions in the ordinances of 1613, making a new offence and increasing the penalties against ojjUcial defaulters. Of this experience we will now give some instances : — The earliest entry of any seeming neglect is that of " John God," the newly elected Master of 1565, who was absent from the election dinner, and was sworn into office on a later day by Mr. Emanuel Lucar and Eichard Hilles. In 1572 w^e have a case of absolute refusal to serve as Master, and a fine imposed. The defaulter was Thomas Shottesham, who had served as Warden in 1570. To the Court of the 7th July, he sent his wife to plead his excuse, but this failing to be satisfactory to the Assistants, he was summoned to the Court on the 11th, 1 Norton, page 402. 2 The admissions would in all the years mentioned have reference to persoas who had been apprenticed at least seven years prior to such admission. 218 Guild ivithout Monopoly in Trade. [part i. when instead of attending he wrote begging their worships would excuse him " in taking an office unworthy of me to hold for divers causes, one is for the ability in substance lacked thereunto ; also for that I am aged, remembrance faileth me, utterance in speech I lack, also divers other inconveniences remains in me for that I have not been acquainted with such like dealing as others of our Company have been and who be much worthier for the same office than I." However the Court held these excuses very lightly and fined him 40^,, to be levied of his goods without abatement. Then the Assistants made default, and had to be fined for default as is evidenced by this entry: "18th November, 1585. It is ordered by y^ said M"", Wardens, and Assistants that these psons. Assistants and Councelo" of this house vidolt M"" Kobt. Dowe, M' Charles Hoskins, Mr. Spencer, Olyver Eoe, W"" Offeley, Eic Prockter, and lioger Abdey, beinge warned by the Bedell and have made de- faulte, shall pay ther fyne for the same provided w*''out a reasonable excuse to be shovven to the contrary." The elections appear to have gone on without improvement in this respect, as at the Quarterly Court of July, 1589, all the AVardcDs (Eichard Gore being one) were absent, as well as many of the Assistants, besides many of the Livery, both " young and old," of which this is the record : — "And forasmuche as a great number, as well of the younger sorte of the Livery of this Company, as also of the Assistants and older sorte of the Livery of the same were absente this day to the greate discredite of the good governmente of this Company, whileste so many worshipful persons of other Companies heere presente mighte justly note a contempte and disobedience of good orders. Wliereas they should see foure Wardens chosen, and none of them presente. It is therefore ordered that the former lawes heretofore made for such as absente themselves from the assemblies appointed for the service and worship of the Company, be severely executed without parciality against all such as have beene absente this day, and cannot lawfully excuse themselves of their absences." The ordinary work of tlie Court was delayed on the 26th July, 1595, from the absence of a quorum of four Assistants to constitute a Court, and in August succeeding, as two of the Auditors, Procter and Craven, did not attend, their places had to be specially filled by Mr. George Sotherton and Mr. J. Elwes. Judging from the next entry matters went from bad to worse, as every year all or most part of the newly elected officers were absent at their election, and not unfrequently at the feast also. CHAP. XII.] Great Neylect in 1595. 219 In July, 1595, at the election of Eeynold Barker (one who afterwards became a benefactor to the Company), he and three of his Wardens were absent, Eichard Gore, the other Warden (having learnt better manners since his last default) being the only elected officer present. The garlands of the absentees had to be delivered to the principal guest, viz., " the Lord Mayor according to antient order," and Gore only was sworn in. Such an affront could not be passed over, and therefore the Court assembled so soon as they had dismissed their guests, and passed " a resohition adverting to the great disgrace and contempt to the Company that the IMaster and Wardens yearly elected, or some of them, are for the most part absent, wanting due regard and consideration to the Mystery and of their oaths taken, which the Masters and forefathers in times past held of more account than to offer thereunto any neglect or want of duty," and appointed a Committee^ of eight Assistants to consider the means for the redress of these disorders." There the matter was left to sleep, for no meeting of the Com- mittee was held until after one of its members (Roger Abdy) had died, and Eobert Hampson been appointed in his room. Then Eobert Dowe, " the antientest of the said Committee," warned them to meet at the common hall on the 9th June, 1596, but only three came, while waiting for the others they " did peruse and examine the books and ordinances of the house to learn what pains and penalties be inflicted upon such as shall be absent at the election day, and finding the penalties very small, viz., 35. 4f?., for so great a contempt, and perceiving that by the laws and statutes of this land the Company cannot make any laws or ordinances to inflict any greater punishment, unless with the assent of the Lord Chan- cellor and others ; therefore to the end the same contempt and offence may be reformed, and for that they hold it not fit to move so honorable a personage for one only cause, yet forasmuch as divers others of the ordinances are worn out of use and alteration of tliis time requireth reformation thereof," the Committee thought " it very convenient that all the said ordinances, or such of tliem as require amendment, may by such authority be corrected and reformed, and in their opinion they think these penalties very convenient, viz., if the Master, which shall be now chosen, shall be absent at the election to forfeit 5/., and any Wardens Zl. Qs. Sd." ^ Mr. Robert Dowe, Mr. Robert Hawes, Mr. Nicholas Spencer, Mr. George Sotherton, Roger Abdj, Nowell Sotliertoii, Richard Venables, and Henrj Webbe. 220 Guild Lvithoat Monopolij in Trade. [part i. But nevertheless they reserved the consideration of the whole premises to a full Court of Assistants. To reform the ordinances, and to procure their approval hy the Lord Chancellor and others, were matters too serious to be taken up to redress an affront, and so the Court were contented to submit to it if it should happen again, and so, surely enough, it did happen when Eichard Gore (just mentioned as an absent Warden) was elected the Master for 1602-3. The statement in the Com- pany's records of the 12th July is as follows: — " And foreasmuch as it is generally held and reputed to be a ("■reat blemish and disgrace to the government of the Company, that every year either all or the most part of the new elect Master and Wardens are absent on the election day, when they ought above all things to be here present to give countenance and grace to the Company, and minister occasion to strangers, to speak all n-ood of the civil government of the same, the reputation whereof, together with the credit of the same, every brother of the Company ouo'ht by oath and conscience to preserve." Therefore for the reformation of this evil, the Court initiated a remedy by ordering : — " That every brother which at any time hereafter shall not be present in person in the Common Hall of this Society on election day, when they are chosen either ]\Iaster or Warden of this Company, and cannot upon their oath show a lawful or compulsory excuse, either by visitation of God, or command of the Prince, or some urgent occupation, having express license granted by the Master and Wardens, at a convenient time before the day of election, shaU at the end of his year's service be absolulely removed from his place as an Assistant of this Company, and such as have not been Assistants and shall offend shall not at any time be admitted to the said place, nor receive so much grace and reputa- tion from the Company, who so little regard the honour and credit of the same." The entry consequent upon this election would lead to the conclusion that the men chosen as office bearers had also deterio- rated, for the Eenter- Warden, Will Chambre, was a defaulter in his rent accounts,^ and in 1604 the Company had to take from him a carpet for the King's Chamber, and credit him ^\ ith 50/. on his account, leaving a balance still due. That this description of laxity was reckoned to be a serious ' See page -19, note 2. Court "Records, Vol. v, page 156. CHAP, xil] Doice's opinion of the evil. 221 evil by the antient members of the Fraternity may be clearly seen from the language which Eobert Dowe used in his deed of 1605, whereby he gave sums of money "to the officers and principally to the two Beadles that they should put the Master and Wardens in remembrance of the names of such brethren as shall be absent from the quarter days, Court of Assistants, and common assem- blies, and for not paying the duties belonging to the hall, wherein they shall take refornuition and help of both the said Clerks^ as need requireth of such absentees and not payers of their duties, and shall procure the Master and "Wardens to send for tliem, to the end that either they do reconcile themselves in seemly order for the first default or else do pay their fines according to the ordi- nances." Eobert Dowe then goes on to state that he " doth find and take it to be a matter very needful to be effected in these evil days because men were daily more insolent and high minded towards their superiors or governors, and have small remorse or conscience of their solemn oath, taken at their first entry for good government of themselves and the whole Company."^ The Court also would appear to have got below the established number of 24 members, so that in 1611 there were added nine Assistants on the 27th January, and four on the 2nd March,^ which may in part account for the ignorance of the Company's affairs in this respect, which is so painfully noticeable in the Court Minute of the 11th July, 1611, although John Langley, the Clerk, who had made the earlier entries, had become an Assistant on retiring from office. The IMinute is : " Mr. Eichard Wright was elected for M'" or Governor, Geo. Lyddiatt, Francis Evington, Thomas Boothby, and John Gore for Wardens, and the said M'' and Wardens being all absent {iv'^^' never heretofore hath hcyn scene), to the greate greefe and discontent of the grave fatliers and governors of this Mystery, there garlands was therefore delivered to the Lord ]\layor, being the principall guest ^ History of the Merchant and Baclielors Companies. 2 " Therefore the said Robert Dowe bestoweth this remembrance chiefly for a mean to help to reform this disorder so much as may be, for it is seen by daily experience that the suffering, neglecting, or not punishing of evil passions in due time eniboldeneth them and others to do the like, even so long till the attempt of reformation may breede dangerous, which the said 'My. Dowe prayeth tlie Governors to consider, and by their daily care and diligence to reform the same in due time." ^ Court Eecords, Yol. vii, pages 24 and 25. 222 Guild uitliout Monopoly in Trade. [part i. according to antient order. The Assistants assembled in their Counsell Chamber, and there considering how greate a blemish it was to this Society to have both M'' and Wardens absent on the Election-day, caused the books to be searched for orders for punishing of such defaults, sett fynes upon the heads of such as have either this yeare or the last byn absent at the Election-day, it was ordered that John Wooller, Upper Warden, who was absent the last yeare, should pay a fyne of 4Us. Mr. Eich'^ Wright, now chosen M"" and being absent on the Election-day, shall paye 4^., the 2 Upper Wardens 3/. a-peece, and the 2 Kenter Wardens 40s. a-peece, unless they can upon their oathes shew some law full cause for their absence." Without following this disintegration further the thought probably suggests itself to the reader whether this indifference in the apprentice and freeman to become first a guildsman and then a ruler or governor of the Guild was not the natural consequence of the changes which had been made in the functions of the Guild : — First, in disendowing religion ; and then in breaking down the trade monopoly, acts by which the Guild was removed from its original basis. Such, therefore, as we have described, was the immediate effect of the changes theretofore made during the century, but it must be borne in mind that the Guild was left in possession of several antient real estates solely applicable to secular uses, and so long as any real government by the Guild lasted its rulers had the power of replenishing their coffers by taxation of the Guildsmen. The real estates, no doubt, were charged with definite payments for chari- table or eleemosynary uses, but as these were fixed in amount and the rents were rapidly rising in value it needed no special prescience to decide for whose ultimate advantage these arrangements would accrue. Therefore the Guild still offered attractions and induce- ments to membership, though of a different kind to those of the 14th and 15th centuries, but different as they were, more suitable to the citizens of a later period who, having possession, would use the Guild funds for any which they were pleased to think were Guild purposes. Hence the expenditure and mend)ershi23 of this later period must not be criticised with the hope that they will accord with the rules prevailing at tlie early existence of the Guild, for in these later years the sumptuary expenses had largely increased and the member had little or nothing to do with the Guild trade, CHAP, xn.] New Basis of Guild. 223 either Tayloriug or Clotli working. The Guild when recruited from the young cadets of new families was used as a stepping stone to higher commercial enterprises and to the social pre-eminence which was then accorded to such pursuits. 224 Guild ivithout Monopoly in Trade. [part i. p < P-i o O Pi o H H <1 tc o PS o H P w H H I— I o w Q 00 00 b ^ s t*» fi — Cli fl 6I-Z-988T To o 1 1 1 PL, ,„" o ca ^ -fi Qj o 00 ^ a =« rH •- O - « i? O rH c fi -^ ^^ oj .P5 oi •g-STQT -0 h- 1 1 1 iced the f and again to open r at Taylors Freemen. 27f CO rH «!,■■! «!= K|= =« — J; 00 *^ CO rH rH a> CM CO '^ O .fi "0091 -6621 7h ^ CC CO lO r-l 1 Ife O ■"3 1835 redi 15Z. to 5Z., n-freemen le Mcrchai ices. s M M -«»* •s fi •8-Z62I £- CO ^ T— 1 1 C<1 CO 1 r-l CO fi a idon in 3 from 2 ablcd no t upon tl Apprent 37J >ra t^ rH O CO (N (M i-jo fi o C-1 CO m _fH s OQ •g-662T \a T— i 1 1 '^ 1 1 CO 03 !> o o 2 .2 fi fi ^ o ID o S CO CO OD -2 o rH rH rH fi O '-\ r^ CC Ci .-. r-l -p 18 The chasing tli order of C These mea •9-2f2X 00 CO t- ^ O .4 " H -f *^ t>. tc O-l ■0Z-69f'I IS 1 °° CO 4^ -H i-< « -*< lO I- •t 82tT IS ^!h ! C'~' s. ^d. for rty of the Bach, each. 1 1 § !>H .2 ;^ CO CO Co (D r*.J rH CO -D ^<: eg .„ ^ - ^ •OOT'I 1 ^' 1 1 1 CO -668T 1 1 1 o ^ 2 o "^ ^ 1 § 1 S 1 q . c5 ^ 05 .fi g ^ ^ r^ rH M cj; -=i ^ P^S ^ § !^Q0 fi -2 S .S ■* " a ' Kt- =. 2 ^ 21 J2 <1 ^ r^H-lf^ % 6 o 225 CHAPTEE XIII. MATTEES MISCELLANEOUS IN THE LATEE HALF OF THE 16th CENTUEY. Matters found on records of the Merchant Taylors Company^ p. 225. — School and St. JohnJs College, p. 225. — Claim of the Croivn on School site, 1565, p. 226. — Grant from James I, 1620, p. 226. — The Royal Exchange, p. 227. — Corporation desire Percyvale^s House, p. 227. — Lombard Street, oldest Burse in Europe, p. 227. — Deputation from Ouildhall, p. 228. — Company object to sell, p. 228. — Conference with the Recorder, p. 228. — Ofer to exchange land declined, p. 228. — Subscriptions raised, p. 228.— First lottery established (1568), p. 229.— Tlie second, 1585, jo. 230. — Lotteries in the city sanctioned by Lord Mayor, p. 231. — Abolished in 1826,/*. 231. — NorfoWs treason, 1572, p. 231. — Guard at the city gates, p. 231. — Conduct of citizens towards foi^eigners, p. 232. — Lord May or' s precept in 1573,^. 232. — The tivo terrors of London, p. 233. — Plag^ie in 1563, p. 233. — In 1575, p. 233. — Fire and precautions agahist, p. 233. — Plays and playhouses, p. 234. — Plays not favoured by citizens, p. 234. — Plays by scholars of the Company's school, p. 234. — Prohibited in the Hall, 1573, jo. 235.— Act of Common Council, 1574,^. 235. — Measures of the Crown, p. 235. — Players licensed, p. 235. — Master of the Revels, p. 236. — Lord Mayor's proposal, 1591, declined by the Company, p. 236. — The Bible set up in the Hall, 1578, p. 237. — The Exchequer suit against the Company in 1578, jo. 238. — Fish's and Fitz William's scholarship at St. John's, pp. 238-240. — Alleged concealment by the Guilds, 1582, jo. 240. — Patent of concecded lands to Adams and others, p. 240. — Negotiations with Sir C. Hatton, p. 241. — And the patentees, p. 241. — Company's tenants proceeded against, p. 242. — Suit dismissed, p. 242. — Offer to pay 2001., p. 2A2.^ Statemerit laid before LRizabeth, 1587, p. 243. — Sir Philip Sydney's funeral, p. 243. — Thanhs- giving at St. Paid's for talcing of Cadiz, p. 244. Having dealt hitherto with those subjects of vital importance which affected the religion and monopoly of the Guild, it is pro- posed in this chapter to bring before the notice of the reader in something of chronological order other matters of general interest, (exchiding assessments for pageants, subsidies, or soldiers), which are to be found on the records of the Company in the later half of the 16th century. The first great undertaking connected with the Company was estabhshing the school in St. Lawrence Poultney Lane in 1561-2, and the second was connecting the school with St. John's College, Oxford ; but as these good works wei'e carried out by the benevo- lence, not of the Guild, but of Eichard Hilles and Sir Thomas White, the history of the events is given in their lives. VOL. I. Q 226 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. However, the scliDol comes before our notice in the 7th Eliza- beth from the claim set up by the Crown to military service and homage from the Company in regard to the site of it, which was brought before the Court on the 27th September at the instance of William Beswick, citizen and draper, the owner of the other half of the manor by purchase from Hettie. The entry is as follows : — " First, whereas a writ is directed from the Court of Exchequer to the Sheriffs of the city of London enjoining them thereby, the said Sheriffs, not only to the tenants of the manor and place with the appurtenances to the same belonging, situate, lying, and being in the parish of St. Laurens Pountney, in London, called the Eose (a great part whereof belongeth to this house, and whereupon and wherein this Company have founded their grammar school), to appear in the said Exchequer at the octave of St. Michael the Archangel now next ensuing, to answer by what title they hold the same, as also to do homage to the Queen's Majesty for the same, for that it is supposed by the said writ that the same manor and place and appurtenances holden of the Queen's Majesty in capite, and forasmuch as tlie said writ is served upon Mr. Beswick, draper, and that he hath been here to know whether this house will join with him to answer the said writ by order of law or no ; and forasmuch as that it is to be proved that the said lands are not holden in capite, but only in free socage. Therefore it is agreed and decreed that this house shall and will be contented to join with the said Mr. Besweke to answer and to bear the said charge in the law as much as our part shall extend unto value for value accordingly if the law will so permit." The claim then only entailed upon the Company the cost of paying the lawyer's fee (in 1569-70), as under: — " Item paid to Mr. Cresswell, Attorney of the Court of Exchequer, for the copy of a record concerning a writ of intrusion brought against this Company for their land in St. Lawrence Pountney, whereon their school is erected, in discharge thereof and for the entry thereof, 21." And they were left undisturbed in title until James I obtained 600^. for a confirmation of it by a patent of 23rd July, 1620.^ In the early part of Elizabeth's reign the great undertaking of the citizens, or rather of one aided by others, was the establishment of " the Eoyal Exchange." Clough, writing from Antwerp to his ' Appendix 27, page 396. CHAP. XIII.] The Royal Exchange. 227 master, Sir Thomas Gresham/ as to the wants of London in 1561, says " it is a reproach to the citizens, that considering what a city London is, and that in so many years they have not found means to make a Burse, but must walk in the rain when it rained, more like pedlars than merchants." And the description was true, for Stowe writes, " the merchants and tradesmen, as well English as strangers, for their great making of bargains, contracts, and com- merce did usually meet twice a day (at morn and evening) but in an open market." The place of their meeting was Lombard Street, then a narrow street, where Gresham had his shop as a goldsmith, under the sign of " The Grasshopper," upon the site of No. 68, now and for years occupied by Stone and Martin, the bankers of the present gene- ration. The street had been known in commerce since Edward II's reign, when a house was purchased for the Florentines by one Gierke living there. It was a frequent place for the presentment and protest of Venetian bills. Thus on 11th January, 1460, a presentment was made in front of the " dwelling of Humphry Hayford, Goldsmith, in Lombard Street, where merchants of divers nations were wont to meet."^ Therefore when the Corporation liad to acquire a site for Gresham they selected Sir John Percyvale's house, now 71, which has become quasi historic as the intended site of the new Exchange, and from the refusal of a Guild to part with an estate because charged with charitable bequests " by a dead man's will." On the 10th January, 1564, Eowe warned his colleagues that the Corporation intended to make application for Percyvale's estate. Thus forewarned they looked over the testator's will with the assistance of Mr. Jeffery (their learned Counsel), and decided (four members dissentient) not to part with the estate. A committee con- sistincj of Emanuel Lucar, Eichard Hilles, and two others was appointed to draft a letter of refusal. On Friday, the 12tli January, a deputation from the Corpora- tion was received at the hall to urge the Court to grant the estate, so that the new Burse might "retain this antient name, for that policies made tyme out of myude there had gained liigli credit as being made in Lombard Street^^ that Burse being of " longer anti- quity than any other in Europe," but the arguments were of no avail, and the letter of refusal was sent. As the matter was urgent, the ^ Burgon's Life, vol. 1, page 409. 2 No. 354 of 1460, Yenetian Papers (Rolls Series). VOL. I. Q 2 228 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. Master and "Wardens were required to attend at the Guildhall for a discussion of the reasons assigned for their refusal, of which a graphic description is given in the Court Minute of the loth January set out in the Appendix.^ To remove their conscientious scruples they were advised by the Eecorder to consult their Diocesan or the Dean of St. Paul's. WTiether that course was actually taken does not appear, yet they so far conceded to the wishes of tlie Mayor as to be willing to accept an exchange of the properties set out in their reply (one such being then or lately in the tenure of Sir Thomas "White and another). Nothing, however, came of the negotiation, but a century later the necessities of the Company, arising from forced loans, obliged them in 1674 to sell the property (subject to a trifling rent-charge equivalent to the testator's charitable bequests), and thus Sir John Percyvale has ceased to be remembered by the members of many generations as a great benefactor to their Guild. Another site was therefore obtained, but although the Merchant Taylors Company could not assist the undertaking by selling their estate, the individual guildsmen in answer to the Lord JMayor's precept of December, 1565, readily contributed to it. They were commanded " as ye tender the honor of this city of London," not to " fail at your peril to collect, gather, and receive with all con- venient diligence all and every such sum or sums of money, of all Livery persons of the Company (and retain the same with their names) as they have lovingly granted and agreed to give towards the building." In the succeeding month (14th January) a list of seventy-five subscribers was sent up, including many well-known names, with a total sum of 185/. 16s. 8c/. towards the Burse.^ In 1567-8 lotteries were introduced to the notice of the citizens by the Privy Council, although both Hume in his History of England and Sir John Sinclair in his annals of the " Public Ee- venue," mention them as originating in the Virginian^ Lottery, but the Merchant Taylors' records show this statement to be erroneous. The first lottery ever put forth in England was in the lUth Elizabeth (1567-8) a notice of which is thus given in the Court Minutes, of 4th August, 1568. ' Appendix 28, page 396. ^ Sir Thomas White gave notliiug, Sir Thomas Offlej and Sir W. Harper 10^. each, Sir John Yorke Ql. 13*. 4i., Kowe 10^., Hilles hi., &c. 3 Chapter XVII, page 322. CHAP. XIII.] First lottery established. 229 " First at this day it is agreed by the foresaid Master, Wardens, and Assistants, that for divers considerations them specially moving that all the members of this mystery being of the Livery shall be forthwith called into this place. And to know of every of them what sum and sums of money they will willingly be contented to put into the Lottery all under our posy in the name of this Common Hall, and what gain soever shall grow, arise, or come by the same money so to be put into the said lottery shall be equally divided to and among all the said members of this mystery that shall so put in money under the said our posy into the said lottery as aforesaid. And the said posy to be devised by the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants before the last of this present month of August, accord- ingly whereupon the whole livery of this mystery being called hither to answer to the premises as aforesaid, gTanted and con- descended to put all such sum and sums of money into the said lottery under our posy to be devised as aforesaid, according as is noted severally upon every of their heds or names hereafter written viz. : — Mr. William Albany, Master „ Eichard Hilles „ Robert Eose . . „ John God „ Thomas Browne „ Gerard Gore „ John Travis . . „ N. Lowe ,, E. Jones » E. Ley „ F. Pope With 29 others at 10s. each. „ 11 others at 205. each. „ 1 at 21. 10s." On the 28th August, 1568, the Court again met, and "they, the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants have likewise agreed that this posy underwritten shall be put into the lottery in the behalf and names of all such members of this mystery as liath granted to put money into the said lottery as is noted upon e^^ery of their heads entered here of record at the last Court of Assistants holden as by the said Court of Assistants among other things therein mentioned doth and may more plainly appear, viz. : — £ s. d. .. 3 .. 1 .. 10 .. 1 ,.5 .. 10 .. 2 10 ..10 .. 10 ,. 1 10 .. 10 230 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. " One Byrde in hande is worthe two in the Woode, YflF wee have the greate lott it will do us good." The object of the lottery was to raise a sum of money for the reparation of harbours and places of strength. It was drawn at the west door of St. Paul's, commencing on the 11th January, 1569, and continuing day and night until the 6th May following. The second lottery of which these records give us any trace was held under Letters Patent granted to John Calthorp, the originator of lotteries, and was brought to the notice of the Merchant Taylors Company by a Council letter of 12th July, 1585, signed by " Thos. Bromley, L.C.," and other Lords of the Council. Few subscribers came " by reason of the hard opinion and distruste conceived of the last lotterie, and the length of tyme set downe for the execucon of this nowe in hande," and for the " satisfacon of such as are disposed to adventure in the said lotterie, the Council redeemed the tyme of the execucon and performance thereof, unto the Eighth dale of November nexte at the furtheste, for the execucon whereof and trewe delivery of the pryces to the wynners," and to secure fair play " we meane to appoynt certaine psonnes of credite and trust to whom the care thereof shalbe committed, that noe man slialbe defrauded of such part or prtes of the armor as shall befall unto him by the event of the said lottery." The Master and Wardens of the Company were to be appealed to and this bait was offered ; " There shalbe bestowed upon you the Lord Maior, as of Her Maj"*^ gift and liberalitie in respecte of the foresaid ser\dce of the said Lotterie, one bason and ewre of 100/., and to other of you the Sheriffs, one bason and ewre of 100 markes, to remayne to you the Maior and Sheriffs, and to yo^ successors j\Iayor and Sheriffs within the Cittie for ever." All the guildsmen were called together and a venture was made. The drawing was not as soon as was anticipated, but on the 28th June, 1586, three members were appointed to attend the drawing of the lottery. "It is agreed by the Master, "Wardens, and Assistants that Oliver Thomas Pearson, Eich*i Prockter and Ptoger Abdye, Lovinge Brethren of this Misterie, shall give theire attendance in the Lotterie Howse, sett up at the west dore in Pawle's Churche Yarde, where the Lotterie shall be cawled out on Tliursday, in the morninge next ensuinge the date hereof, and their to remayne from eight of the clocke of the said morninge until xii of the clocke at noone, and soe uppon everye warninge to p^cede dowards in the Companie untill the same Lottery be called out." It com- CHAP. XIII ] Lotteries Abolished in 1826. 231 meuced on St. Peter's Day and continued only for two days longer. Originally the Lord Mayor could veto lotteries being held in the City^ but so long as they were permitted they were held for various local or charitable objects, as conveying water to London (1680) ; for Loyalist officers (1674) ; for the Charitable Corporation (1733); y^ Westminster Bridge (1736); and other instances set out in Hone's Every Day Book, pages 703-768. The Treasury resorted to this means of raising money from 1693 by the 5th William and Mary, cap. 7, and used the same means (more or less) until the year 1826, when the last lottery was held and all future ones proliibited by the 4th George IV, cap. 60. This lottery was drawn on the 18th October, 1826, at Cooper's Hall, from 5 P.M. until 6 p.m. In 1571 we are brought in contact with the treason of the Duke of Norfolk by a precept in October for actual service, which was rendered necessary as a precautionary measure by his conspi- racy, then discovered by Elizabeth. The Duke, resident in what is now used as " the Master's House," at the Charterhouse, had entered into a traitorous correspondence with Mary Queen of Scots, the Duke of Alva, and the French Ambassador, for the purpose of surprising and seizing Elizabeth's person and the Tower of Loudon, and to liberate Mary from imprisonment, with the intention of ultimately marrying her. On the 5th, Sir E. Sadler was ordered to keep a strong guard wpoii the Duke's house in the Charterhouse, and on the 8th Elizabeth's government had sufficient evidence against him to order his arrest and detention in the Tower. He was examined before the Council on the 10th and lltli, and the facts as elicited were stated first to the Star Chamber, in a full assembly of nobles with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and then to the citizens at Guildhall, by our guildsman, the Eecorder, Fleetwood. As part of the scheme was that the Duke of Alva should trans- port 10,000 men from the Low Countries to Harwich ; it was deemed prudent that the city gates should be guarded, and hence the precept to the Merchant Taylors Company^ to provide ten able men each tenth day to watch (with ten Vintners) every gate of the city, viz., two at Newgate, at Ludgate, at the Bridge, at Billingsgate, ' See Dribbet's appeal to James I iu 1012 against the Lord Major's decisiou. — Col. State Papers, Domestic, page 13G. 2 Appendix 20, page 400. 232 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. at ]\Ioorgate, at Cripplegate, at the Postern beside the Tower, at Bishopsgate, and at Aldersgate, commencing on the 21st October at 6 A.M., and continuing to remain there till 5 p.m., watching and having " continually a ^dgilant eye to all and every suspect and idle person as shall pass and return in and at the same gates, and upon suspicion to stay and examine them, and such as they should find faulty to commit to ward," and to apprize the Lord Mayor thereof. It remains only to add that the Duke was tried for high treason in January and condemned, but his execution was delayed from the irresolution of Elizabeth until the 2nd June, when he was beheaded on Tower Hill by the Sheriffs of London.^ The manners of the Londoners towards foreimers were no- toriously bad,^ tliey looked upon them with extreme jealousy which on the e^dl May day of 1517^ culminated in actual riot, for which the ringleader was hanged. Whenever, therefore, an em- bassy or any great number of foreigners were to be received in London, it was necessary for the Privy Council to put the Lord Mayor, as answerable for the good beha\dour of the citizens, upon his guard.* Such a necessity arose at the close of the year 1573, and, there- fore, the Lord Mayor, Sir Lionel Duckett, the Mercer, addressed his precept to the Masters and Wardens of the Guilds on the 9th March, setting forth " as some complaynte hathe ben made that the strangers abydinge w*4n this citie and the liberties thereof have ben of late molested and evyll entreated goynge in the streates abowte their busynes by servants and apprentices undescretly and w%ute order," the precept "shalbe to require you, and in lierMaj*^*' name to commande you that forthwith you cause all your Com- panye to be called together at your Coen Hall, and to exorte and also strongly to charge all yo'' saide Companye that, neither they nor any of their servantes or app^ntices do hereafter in anywise misuse, moleste, or evyll entreate any strangers goynge or beinge ^ Camden, Elizabeth, on date and vol. 2, page 177, Bur. Papers. 2 Eye's England, page 186. ^ Strype's Stowe, Book 1, page 253. "• Resident foreigners increased in numbers during Elizabeth's reign. In 1580 there were 6,462, thus :— 2,302 Dutch ; 1,838 French; 1,106 Italians, and 1,512 English born of foreign parents, and 664 of countries not specified, an increase of 3,762 over the number in a prior census, thirteen years antecedent. Anotlier authority gives 7,143 as from counti-y districts and strangers in 1571. Vol. 8, Notes and Queries (2ud), page 447. CHAP. XIII.] Plague in 1563. 233 aboute their busynes, but shall quietly suffer them to pursue without lett or vexation upon payne of disfranchisement," adding^ " fail ye not hereof as ye will answere for the contrary at your peril." The suljject was brought before the Court on the 16th Sir Thomas Offley and Eichard Hilles being present, and orders given accordingly. The two terrors of London in those days — plague and fire —are brought to our notice by the suspension of business and the pre- cautions taken. As to the plague, on the 17th September, 1563, the calling of " the Livery by name was this day omitted, by reason that the most part of them were departed out of the cytie into the countrye for avoidance of the infectyon of the syckness of the plague that so sore coutynueth amongeste us, which God for his Christe sake cease yt and withdrawe his heavye hand from us. Amen." And again on 1st September, 1575,^ the business of the Com- pany is stopped by this visitation, thus : — " It is agreed and decreed by the Maister, Wardens, and Assis- tants, that fforasmuch as yt hath pleased God to vysite the Howse by takeing awaye of our late Coen Gierke, Nicholas Ffuliambe, with the Plague, and his wife also vysited with the same sicknesse, And for that the WorshipfuU M"" Edw*^ Joans, our newe Maister Electe is oute of this Citie, wee have thoughte good that the Quarter daye which usually hath beene kepte the Teusdaye before Mychael- mas, shall be put off and not kepte for this tyme, for the considera- cons aforesaid." Fortunately, considering that gunpowder was placed in storage in the hall premises, fire does not seem to have hajDpened until the great fire of 1666, but precaution was taken against it by this order of March, 1598 : " It is considered and agreed that our Master and Wardens shall make provision of such quantity of Bucketts for the store of the Hall, to be ready for service to prevent the danger of fire, as the said Master and Wardens, in their wisdome and discrecon, shall think convenient. " Notwithstanding this provision, wee humbly ' Other similar precepts are to be found in the Court Minutes. 2 As to the precautions to be observed during this plague, Strjpe's Stovve, Book 5, page 433. From 1st January, 1562, to 31st December, 1563, in London and the suburbs, 23,372 died, and of these 17,40i from plague. No dinner was given at Guildhall, and Sir John White (tlie Grocer) took his oath " at the uttermost gate of the Tower." — 4 IIol, Chron., 22 i, and Lodge {passim). 234 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. pray Almighty God to p^serve and defend us from the danger of fire, & grant that wee may not have any occasion to use the same." The order of the Court to be now noticed has a reference to plays, the first of these containing a prohibition against permitting the common hall to be used for their performance, and as Sir Thomas Offley and Mr. Eichard Hilles, senior members of the Court, were both present on the 16th March, 1573, when the ordinance was made, we may presume it had their sanction. The drama would appear to have received scant favour from the citizens in Elizabeth's reign.^ Until theatres were established the Halls were used, notably that of the Company, for masks and plays, and the earliest theatres or stages in the city^ were but temporary erections, constructed in the yards of inns, such as the " Boar's Head, Eastcheap," the " Cross Keys,'" Gracechurch Street ; " the Bull," in Bishopsgate Street ; and the " Belle Savage " in Ludgate, The plays written and represented by the University scholars or the Law students raised the drama to a higher level. The boys at the Company's school were instructed in music and singing, and Mulcaster in 1573-6, represented plays before the Court (of Eliza- beth) in which his scholars were the only actors.'' It is probable from the tenour of the order, that they had previously been per- mitted to make or act some play at the Hall to which the public had been admitted, paying an entrance fee to cover the expenses of the entertainment.* However, it is certain that the experiment was not to be repeated, as this order of 16th March, 1573, proves : — " Whereas at our comon playes and suche lyke exercises whiche be comonly exposed to be scene for money, everye lew'd persone thinketh himselfe (for his penny^) worthye of the chiefe and moste comodious place withoute respecte of any other either for age or estimacion in the comon weale, whiche bringeth the youthe to suche an impudente famyliaritie with theire betters that often tymes greite contempte of maisters, parents, and magistrats foUoweth thereof, as experience of late in this our comon hall hathe sufficyently declared, whereby reasone of the tumultuous ' See Proclamation against. Players, April, 1559, 4 Hoi. Cbr., page 283, and Plays and Players in Remembrancia, and Part II, page 289. 2 Applications for leave to play were made to the Lord Mayor by these players, Tiz., in July, 1582, from the Earl of Warwick's, at " the Bull"; in October, 1594, from Lord Hunsdon's, at "the Cross Keys"; and in March, 1602, from Lord Oxford's, at " the Boar's Head." ^ Liber Famelicus, Camden Society (1858), page 12. * Part II, page 215. ' This was the lowest price, see Collier's Stage, vol. 3, page 341. CHAP. XIII.] Players licensed. 235 disordered persones repayringe hither to see suclie playes as by our schollers were here lately played, the Maisters of this Worshipful Companie and theire deare ffrends could not have entertaynmente and convenyente place as they oughte to have had, by no provision beinge made, notwithstandinge the spoyle of this bowse, the charges of this Mystery^ and theire juste authoritie wliich did reasonably require the contrary. Therefore, and fCor the causes ffirst above saide, yt is ordeyned and decreed by the authoritie of this presente Courte, with the asseute and consente of all the worship- full persones afforesaide, that henceforthe theire shall be no more any playes suffered to be played in this our Comon Hall, any use or custome heretofore to the contrary in anywise notwithstandinge." In 1574 the Common Council passed an Act to regulate the stage within the city. The preamble sets forth the evils resulting from it, as assignations from tlie inns being used, the people being withdrawn from Divine Service,^ M^aste of money, robberies, sedi- tions, besides the breaking down of scaffolds and stages ; again, the plague which was then upon the city spread by such assemblies, and therefore the Common Council, " lest upon God's merciful with- drawing of his hand of sickness from us (which God grant) the people, especially the meaner and most unruly sort, should with sudden forgetting of his visitation without fear of God's wrath .... return unto the undue use of such enormities, to the great offence of God, the Queen's commandment and good goverance," put the stage under regulation, requiring amongst other things that all the plays performed in the city should be licensed by the Lord Mayor.^ The measures taken by the Crown were in the same direction. Elizabeth by patent of the 6th May, 1574, gave a licence to James Burbage and others, servants of the Earl of Lycester, to exercise and occupy the art of " stage players," provided the plays were licensed by the Master of the Eevels for the time being. In 1583, twelve of the principal comedians were selected from the companies then subsisting under the licence and protection of certain noblemen, and were sworn as Her Majesty's servants, and 1 " Master's Account, 1572-3 and 1573-4. " Item, for charges impended at tlie Coen Hall when as Mr. Moncaster's Bcholers did playe before this worshipfid Companje as appereth p ' bill, summa, 36*. Qd. " Item, paid for charges impended at the Coen Hall when as Mr. Moncaster's scholars did playe there as p ' bill of the p 'ticulers appereth, summa, 49*. 3f/." 2 The plays were often on Sundays, and in 1618 daily from 2 to 5 p.m. — the usual time for christenings, burials, and afternoon service." — Remembrancia (London, 1878), pages 350-7. '' Strype's Stowe, Book 5, page 245. 236 Matters Miscellaneous. [part t. eight of these had an animal stipend of 3/. Qs. M. each. Thus the London theatres came under the control of the Crown. The " Master of the Eevels " became an important officer, and the second order of the Court (which we shall print) had refer- ence to him. The first Master patented in Elizabeth's reign was Thomas Benger, on the 18th June, 1560-1 ; he was succeeded on the 24th July, 1579, by Edmund Tilney, who continued throughout the reign. The salary was 10/. a year, but by fees and perquisites squeezed out of others made up to 100/. a year, and this or other considerations made the office much sought after.^ The Common Council had, as we have seen, ordered that the plays to be acted in the city should be first licensed by the Lord Mayor. Probably the Master of the Eevels had given his autho- rity to plays, which sooner or later were brought into the city and there acted ; at any rate the Lord Mayor thought it expedient to engage Mr. Tylney's services to redress the grievance that had arisen, as we find on the Court records this entry : — " A precepte directed frome the L. Mayor to this Companie shewinge to the Companie the great enormytie that this Citie susteyneth by the practice and prophane exercise of players and playinge howses in this Citie, and the corrupcon of youth that groweth thereupon invitinge the Companie by the consideration of this myscheyfe to yeilde to the paym*® of one Anuytie to one M' Tylney, mayster of the Eevelles of the Queene's house, in whose hands the redresse of this inconveniency doeth rest, and y* those playes might be abandoned out of this citie." "An Assembly hereon the xxij"" of March (1591), beinge our M''^ view daye after they came downe frome dynner out of the Gallarie," took the precept into consideration and determined, " albeit the Comp : think y* a very good service to be p^ formed yet wayinge the damage of the president and enovacon of raysinge of Anuyties upon the Companies of London what further occasions y' may be drawne unto together w*** their great chardge otherwyse which this troublesome tyme hath brought, and is likely to brings, they thinke this no fitt course to remedie this myscheife, but wish some other waye were taken in hand to expell out of our Citye so generall a cotagion of manners and other inconveniency, wherein yf any endev or travile of this Companie might furthei the ^ See Historical Account of tlie Euglish Stage, Vol. 3, page 40, et seq., of Jilaluiie's Shakspeare (London), 1821. CHAP. XIII.] BiUe set tip in the Hall (1578). 237 matter they woulde be readye to use their service therein. And this to be certified as the Comp : answere yf y' shall apeare by conference w"" other Companies that the precepte requireth necessarilie a returne of the Comp : certificate, and answere in this behalf." By no means an unwise resolution, or the Crown would have appointed, and the Companies paid the officers; a division of duty little to the advantage of those who provided the salary. The entry which follows relates to a very different subject. A great number, — indeed a Court minute of 3rd March, 1598,^ calls them a " great multitude " — of people had occasion to resort to the hall at Court and quarter days, and there to wait for the hearing of their causes. Were they to be left to waste or lose their time, or was some other alternative to be offered ? The Eeformation was safe, but the great instrument of the conversion of England to the " new learning " was the Bible, then translated into the mother tongue. Miles Coverdale, one of the original translators, was, as we shall read, an old friend' of their most worshipful member Eichard Hilles, and had long been the Company's tenant in Fink Lane. On the 30th October, 1578, ten years after the Bishop's or Parker's Bible was put forth, this order of Court, (Eichard Hilles being present), was issued : — " The Master and Wardens decree that a Bible of the new form lately printed by Christopher Barker, the Queen Majesty's Printer, shall be brought and set up in their Common Hall, in some con- venient place for such as resort unto the said Hall may occupy themselves at Court days while they attend for the hearing of their cause." In consequence of objections raised to the Bishop's Bible at a conference of Divines at Hampton Court, a new translation was agreed upon, in which Bishop Andrews and other divines, some of whom had been educated in the Company's School, were engaged. This was printed in IGll, and in process of time supplanted the older edition ; for in the Mastership of Mr. Edward Cotton in 1627,^ a bible was purchased for the Company, as this entry proves : — " Item paid Mr. Churchman, w'^'' liee laid out for a Bible to stand in the Hall, the summe of 39s." ' Memorials, page 33 (note). ^ The Bible was not destroyed by the fire in 1666, but is still in the possession of the Company. It was rebound in the Mastership of Mr. Foster White, and bears the mark of the chain which attached it to the lectern. 238 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. This bible escaped the fire of 1GG6, and is in the present library of the Company, having still the mark of the chain by which it was attached to the lectern. The troubles of concealment which threatened the Company at a later period were foreshadowed in 1578. Probably the only obit payable by the Merchant Taylors Company that was ever applied for pious or educational purposes is that of Sir W. Fitz William. It would appear that the Eoyal Commissioners made no return to the Crown under the Chauntry Act of Edward VI, nor did the Company make any payment to the cestuique trusts under Sir W. FitzWilliam's deed of May, 1533. As a consequence an information was filed in the Court of Ex chequer by one Lytchfielde against the Company, in Eobert Dowe's mastership, the result of which will be best explained by these orioinal entries : — "1578, October SOth.^ — The Master and Wardens have de- creed that the matter of Lytchfielde, by him informed in the Exchequer against this Mystery, for the concealment of 71. a year, for the finding of a prieste to sing masse for Sir W. Fitz- William as he supposeth, to be commytted unto y^ dealing of the s*^ Master and his Wardens, Mr. Anthony Eatcliffe, Thomas Ofliey, and George Sotherton, loving brothers of this Mystery, according to ther wise discretions." " April 29th, 1579.^ — Wliereas this Mystery is found to be in arreayre to the Queen's Majesty in her Court of Exchequer for the sum of 1031. 5s., for her moiety of 206^. 10s., found to be concealed for the stipend of a prieste, to have yearly 71. for to sing in the church of Masham, for the soul of Sir W. Fitz William, which sum of 103^. 5s. is to be paid by 10/. a year until the same be fully paid, as appeareth by a decree made in the same Court, the Master AYardens, and Assistants have agreed that the Common Seal shall be affixed unto a safe bond for the payment thereof, if the same may be allowed, by Sir Walter Mildmay." The bond was sealed by the Court, 10th June, 1579, and wlnle matters were so situate, Walter Fish (Master in 1576), the Tailor to the Queen — if Stowe's authority be accepted — obtained a grant by Patent,^ dated 3rd October, of the Company's bond, and of the rent of 71. 6s. 8d. " in consideration of his faithful service, and that he will grant the rents to the Merchant Taylors Company for ' Mr. KiL-hard Ililles was jDresent at these Coui-ts. 2 21 Elizabeth Qiart 7, M. 3). CHAP. XIII.] FisKs and Fitz Williams Scholarships. 239 pious uses to be specified by him." He came before the Court with his grant from the Crown to arrange for the payment of their debt, and to estabhsh some " pious use." The next extracts, like the last ones, show that the Company was not overburdened with ready money; thus at a Court, 14th November, 1579.^ " Item, the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants, do accept and allow of the motion of Mr. W. Fish, a loving brother of this mystery, for the assuring unto them of 7/. 6s. ^d. of lawful money of England, yearly to be bestowed in charitable deeds according to the devise of the said W. Fish. " And whereas the Master and Wardens of this mystery and their successors stand bound under the Common Seal of this house unto the Queen's Majesty for the payment of 103/. 5,9. of lawful money of England to be paid in her Majesty's Exchequer for certain arrerages of the devise of Sir William Fitz William, Knight, deceased ; whereof there is paid 3/. 5s., the rest is 100/. to be paid by 10/. a year. As also for the payment of 7/. yearly for ever ; whereof there is due to her Majesty for two years past at Michaelmas last 14/. of lawful money of England, the whole sum of 103/. 5s., and 7/. yearly for ever is parcell of the devise of the said Sir William Fitz William as by the said obligation it doth and may appear. "And whereas also there is conceled 6s. 8f/. a year for 31 years past at Michaelmas last which amounts to 10/. 6s. M., being also one other parcel of the devise of the said Sir W. Fitz William. All which sums of 100/. and 7/. 6s. M. yearly with the arrerages thereof, &c., the Queen's Majesty hath given unto the said Walter Fish, the said 100/. of arrerages unto himself, and 11. 6s. 8f/. in perpetuity for ever to be employed and bestowed in charitable deeds. The whole sum of 7/. 'os. Sd. of the devise of the said Sir WiUiam Fitz William as also other 10/. of yearly rent according to his motion aforesaid. The said W. Fish is contented to assure unto this house to be bestowed and employed according to liis devise in consideration whereof, as also to be discharged against the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, as well of the said bond of 103/. 5s., as also of the said 71. 6s. 8d. for and with all the arrerages thereof, the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants have agreed and decreed that there shall be paid unto the said W. Fish, by the said Master and Wardens in hand the sum of 74/. 6s. Sd., and 50/. more at the feast of St. John the Baptist next ensuing the ' Mr. Richard Hilles was present at thia Coiirt. 240 Matters Miscellaneous. [parti. date hereof, upon tlie coming in of 501. due there by Eichard Ofiley, a loving brother of this mistery, being parcell of the fine of his house." With this money, when paid to him, Walter Fish purchased a freehold house in Cannon Street, from John Marshall (tlien paying a rent of 10/.), and by deed of 22nd May, 1580, between Fish of the first part, John Stanton of the second part, the Merchant Taylors Company of the third part, and the President and Fellows of St. John's College of the fourth part, conveyed the house to Stanton that he might devise the same to the Merchant Taylors Company with trusts declared in favour of " five poor scholars of St. John's, Oxford, which should be most like to bend their studies to divinity, to be divided yearly between them towards the amendment of their victuals and battlings ; " such scholars to be nominated by Fish during his life, and after his decease by the Merchant Taylors Company.^ This trust has been performed by the Company to the present day, and h]/ their retention of this real estate, the income for the benefit of these x^oor students has grown in these sums : £ In 1580 the rent was . . . . . . . . 10 „ 1829 „ „ „ 20 „ 1830 „ „ „ 102 „ ly'iO „ „ „ 120 „ 1868 „ „ „ 240 From this concealment these incidental advantages have resulted : — 1. The endowment of 7/. has been saved from the Crown and applied to charitable uses by the Merchant Taylors Company. 2. The Company has only been required to pay annually and not to purchase 71. from the Crown by the sacrifice of an estate then bearing an equivalent, but now (like Fisli's house) a vastly increased rental. 3. By investing the 100/. in real instead of personal estate at interest, the Exhibitions instead of falling below 10/. have been raised to 240/. per annum. The troubles of concealment arose in 1582, under the grant of Letters Patent made to Adams and Woodshaw, of lands alleged to be concealed by the Guilds from the operation of " The Act for Chauntries Collegiate." So far as the Merchant Taylors Company's > The present scheme of March, 18S7, is set out in Appendix 30, page 402, and see in Sir W. Craven's hfe as to purchase of Creeke advowson. Part II, chapter XXI. CHAP. XIII.] Negotiations with Sir C. Ha tton. 241 interests were to be imperilled the attempt to obtain money failed absolutely, but as one of the burning questions of that period, which may be revived by modern controversy, it wUl be well as briefly as possible to state the facts, and set out the records of the Merchant Taylors Company in relation thereto. The contention of the Patentees appears to have been presented in t\A'o aspects : ^ 1. That the lands out of which the rent-charges arose, and not only the latter, passed to the Crown, for superstitious uses. 2. That both lands and uses had in many instances been con- cealed from the Crown, notably by eight of the Guilds, as the Grocers, Skynners, Salters, Vinters, Drapers, Clothworkers, Fish- mongers, and Haberdashers. On the 9th May, 1582, these Guilds made application to the Merchant Taylors to join them in a general suit for redress to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who had acted for the Guilds in 1549-50, which, thinking reasonable, they consented to do. How- ever, communications were opened with the Privy Council, and at the Court of the 24th the articles of Sir Christopher Hatton were submitted for acceptance, namely, that two judges should be named (one by the City, the other by the Patentees) to hear counsel and decide. If against the Patentees that the contention should cease, but if in their favour, that a favourable composition should be offered to the Companies by the Lord Treasurer; Sir Christopher Hatton's oft'er was to be considered final, and an early answer to be sent through the Lord Mayor. At the Court of the 28th May, proposals of a somewhat similar character were received from the Patentees, accompanied by a letter from the Lord Mayor asking for a speedy and definite reply. Investigations appear to have proceeded at the instance of the Patentees, when other Companies (including six of the smaller ones) were charged with concealment, and an informal suit appears to have been instituted, as under the title of " The Suit of the city of London against the Patentees for concealed Lands,"^ the reasons of the city of London are found, which Strype has printed. The Patentees were willing to accept 5,000/., and a suggestion was made that 580/. would be the share to be paid by the Merchant Taylors Company ; but when the Court had time to ' Lansdowne MS., Vol. 35, page 29. •^ Ibid., Vol. 38, iiagos 2:i-5. Ibid., Vol. 26, page 72. VOL. I. 242 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. look into the matter, their resolution was for no compromise^ and when summoned on the 10th June, 1583, to decide, they came to these conclusions : — " Item, to the question whether they think good to make com- position severally with the Patentees, Adams and Woodshawe, the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants have agreed and decreed that they will make no composition with them." And again, " to the question if the Eight Honorable Sir Christopher Hatton will take upon him to deal generally for all causes of the said Companies, and to compound with them, it is by the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants agreed and decreed to make no composition with him." The result of this firmness was that the tenants of the Company had proceedings taken against them in the Court of Excliequer, which failed according to the confession of the Attorney-General, and entailed upon the Merchant Taylors Company the costs of their defence. The Master for 1583-4 claims allowance for his expenses in these words : — " Item, this Accomptant Mr. Eichard May asketh allowance for divers particular charges laid out by him in and about our lands in Cornhill and Lombard Street, some time the lands of Sir John Percival, for our lands in the Vintry, some time Cornwallis, lands, and for our house in Tower Street, with a house at Dowgate, which was sold by the Company, called the Talbot, divers of our tenants being served with process out of the Exchequer at the suit of Sir James A. Crofts, as lands said to be concealed from Her Majesty, which was cleared by the confession of Her Majesty's Attorney-General upon the sight of our wills concerning the same as may appear in the Eecords substitute by the hands of Her said Majesty's Attorney. Total, as appearetli by the particulars, 11 3^. 6s. ur Notwithstanding the Merchant Taylors Company were not implicated in concealment, they were willing, so as to get their title absolutely cleared from all doubt, to pay 200/. " if they could be well assured by learned counsel;" but no payment can be traced in the account books, nor any deed or assurance found amongst their muniments, so that nothing came of this resolution.^ ' In the Lansdowne M8., under date of 1585, the Patentees' ease is set out -with a note upon the statute of Edward VI and on the equity of the case. Then follows tlieir proposals for compromise," but no acceptance having been given the Patentees presented a petition for hearing'' with a statement of their case against the Grocers, Drapers, Haberdashers, Goldsmiths, and Skynners. • Vol. S8, pagts 17 and 19; ibid., pages 20 and 23. ^Ihid., Vol. 114, page 21. CHAP. XIII.] Sir Philip Sydney's Funeral. 243 During the remaiEcler of Elizabeth's reign nothing more was clone, for it is said " that to satisfy Elizabeth on tliis subject, the rental of each Company in 1587 was^ set out and the particulars of such charitable good gifts as are performed by divers of the Companies of London out of the annuities purchased of King Edward were laid before her^ and in this document (which cannot be found in the records) the case of the Merchant Taylors Company is thus stated : — They purchased of the King in rent per annum, 98/. lis. 5c?. They sold tenements to buy the same, 124/. Is. 8<:/. Payments yearly out of their rents purchased — 15 86 -7. 1587-8. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. In pensions to decayed brethren . , .. 58 36 13 4 33 S 4 In exliibitions to scholars . . 18 17 6 § 20 3 4 One grammar school 10 62 16 3 4 To their almsmen 42 39 2 40 § 128 133 2 170 3 What the Company spent on " charitable good gifts " is given in italics from the extant account books in parallel columns, but in all honesty it was rather for Elizabeth and her ministers to account to her subjects for all the chantry monies received by the Crown for pious uses, than for her subjects to explain how they had spent the rents of estates purchased by them and purged of such uses. One of the last incidents to be mentioned is the precept here given neither for festival nor service, but for respect " to the noble and virtuous gentleman, most worthy of all titles both of learning and chivahy," Sir Philip Sydney. As indeed he was, and styled by Edmund Spenser, in his Shepherd's Calendar, " as the precedent of noblemen and chivalrie." Sydney, as the reader will remember, was mortally wounded on the 22nd September, 1586, at the siege of Zutphen, on the Yssel, and died at Arnheim on the 17th October following. The answers^ of certain Companies and the offers of the Patentees appear to have been submitted'' to the same tribunal, and the opinions" of the Judges are given in certain cases enumerated for the Patentees and in others against them. 1 22nd January, 1587, Vol. 55, Lansdowne MS., page 28. 2 Lansdo-wne MS., Vol. 16, page 30 ; and Strype's Stowe, page 337. 3rd February, 1587. a Vol. 49, page 9. »> Vol. 44, page 35. <: Vol. 14, page 13. E 2 244 Matters Miscellaneous. [part i. The States, a young nation then fighting for their liberties and tlieir faith, petitioned Elizabeth to allow them to inter their champion at their own cost, pledging themselves to erect " as fair a monument as has ever been set up for any King or Emperor in Christendom, yea, though the same should cost half a ton of gold in the building," but the offer, of course, was declined. His body was conveyed vid Flushing to London, and lay at the chapeP of the dissolved convent in the Minories, until the 16th February, 1587, when it was interred in St. Paul's. Such was the national sorrow, that the first general mourning was after his decease. A deputation from the Company, chosen on the precept of the Lord Mayor, attended his funeral to act as pikemen. The entry from the Company's records is this: — " 10th February, 1586. — A precept from my Lorde Mayor was receaved and redd whereby iiij pikemen in fayre white graven harnesse and gilte rapieres and daggers and fayre apparell gentle- man like and ij holberdiers gilte weare apoynted to be by this hall furnished Whereof the M'^' and Wardens at this Court took good order in chusinge and sendinge for suche sixe fitt man Bretherren of the Societye, who are all warned to be on Tewsday next at the Artillery Yard to be trayned or sett in the order they shall go yn to the enterriug of Sir Phillipp Sydney, Knight, at St. Powlei Cihurch, London. Theire harness together w*^ theire pikes they are apoynted to receive heare on Tewsday and Thusday both at this Hall." The last precept to be given was for the several Companies to be jjresent in St. Paul's at a general Thanksgiving for the capture of Cadiz in June, 1596. Thus in a meeting of the Court of the 9th August, a precept was read from the Lord Mayor as under : " The Livery of the Company apparelled in their best clothing are upon Sunday next by the hour of 7 in the morning to be at Paulles Church according to her Majesty's pleasure to yield thanks and praise to Almighty God for the great victory given to the Army and Navy in Spain." In the succeeding chapter we will notice the assessments made against the Company during the period embraced in this chapter, and shew as best we can what was the position of the Company at the close of the reigjn of Elizabeth. ' Since pulled down on the union with Aldgate parish. 245 CHAPTEE XIV. THE COMPANY AT THE CLOSE OF THE EEIGN OF ELIZABETH. Object of the Chapter, p. 245.— Guild consisted of Taylors, Clothivorlers, and Merchants, p. 24-5. — Wealth of the Company, p. 246. — Assessments on Precepts, p. 246. — The Principle of, p. 246. — Assent of Common Council essential, p. 247. — Freemen represented on Assessment Authority, p. 247. — Assessment of Common Council, 1562, p. 247. — Corn assessments of two kinds, pp. 247, 248.— 0/ 1 564, js. 249.— 0/ 1565, p. 249.— Of 1596, jo. 249. — Merchant Taylors assessed in highest amount, p. 249. — Precepts for military service, p. 250. — In \bl2, p. 250. — In 1577 and 1579, p. 250. — In 1585, p. 251. — Wealth of the guildsmen, p. 251. — In 1565, p. 251. — Precept to meet the Lord Mayor in gold chains in 1578, p. 251. — Demands for Crown loan of 5,0u0^. on Privy Seal in 1588, p. — 252. — Loan notes issued, p. 253. — Imprisonment of defaulters, p. 254. — Offley and others command trained bands, p. 254. — As to the Merchants, p. 254. — Wealth of citizens in 1557 and 1590, jo. 254. — Russia Company, p. 255. — Establish- ment of East India Company, 1599, p. 255. — Part taken by Guildsm,en, p. 256. — Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 256. — Common Councilmen, p. 257. — Political influence, p. 257. — M.P. for London, p. 257. — List of the wisest and best Merchants, p. 257. — High position of the Guild, p. 257. — What were their household expenses, p. 258. — Their house rent, p. 258. — Cost of living, p. 258. — Rise of prices, p. 258. — Wild DarrelVs expenses in 1589, p. 259. — Attendant servants, p. 259. — Locomotion, p. 259. — Educational attainments of Guildsmen, p. 260. — The admirable discharge of duty in the I6th centxiry,p. 260. Ix a former chapter we traced the progress of the Guild during the 15th, and endeavoured to show the position which it held at the close of that century. Taking up the same subject, we propose to carry it down in this chapter to the date when England passed from the Tudor to the Stuart dynasty. During this period the members of the Guild had entered upon the employment of cloth- working, and when James I came to the throne they were probably divided into three classes, Taylors, Clothworkers, and Merchants, though in what proportion or what wealth and importance was possessed by or attached to each class are facts not easily traceable. We shall begin, therefore, by examining the assessments made 246 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part i. on the Company under precepts issued by the Lord Mayor, as perhaps the best test of the wealth, if not of individuals, yet of the aggregation of such men in the Company. These precepts, though addressed to the Master and Wardens, were not as a rule satisfied out of the " common box," or " treasury," but often by the sub- scriptions of indi\ddual members. The principle underlying ci\dc assessments we have already shown in dealing with corn assessments, originating in 1521,^ viz. : — First that the Common Council determined which of and in what amount the several Companies should be assessed, and secondly, that the Master and Wardens distributed this assess- ment amongst the members; therefore, upon the receipt of the precept by the IMerchant Taylors Company, the Court had to determine in what proportion the assessment should be borne between the Merchant and Bachelor Companies ; and then dis- tribute the assessment amongst the several members of the Mer- chant Company. But it must be emphasised that the assent of the Common Council was essential to the validity of the Lord Mayor's precept for enforcing an assessment upon the citizens. Thus, in the mastership of Anthony Eadclyf, in 1577 (Sheriff 1586), the Mayor's precept to the Master and "Wardens was obeyed but only under protest from the Company, wliich stands recorded in the Mayor's Court. Yarmouth Harbour needed completion; money was difficult to raise, and the Lords of the Council pressed the Mayor and Aldermen to procure 1,000/. from the City as a loan, to be repaid by yearly instalments of 200/. The Lord jNlayor, Sir Thomas Eamsay, the Grocer (whose wife. Lady Mary, was a bene- factress to the Merchant Taylors Company) yielded to this request, because, as he stated in the precept, the Privy Council had with "sharpness urged the cause," and he thought it expedient to comply " in consideration of the divers affairs of the city depending before the Lords, and for divers other causes that might thereafter happen." Wliereupon a precept, on the 11th June, was sent to the Company for 100/. to be paid to the Chamberlain before the 24th instant. The Court of Assistants objected, and replied to the Lord Mayor (1) The amount was excessive, for as one of twenty Com- panies 100/. was more than their fair share; (2) That it was not meet or right to ask for any grant sinless the same had hccn hefure the Common Coimcil and a.grced to by them. ^ See Chapter II, page 58, and page 329, note 1. CHAP. XIV.] Assessment of Common Coancil. 247 On the 2ud July a second precept came, that the Company- should pay 100/. at once, " fail ye not hereof as you will answer to the contrary at your peril," and a deputation waited on the Lord Mayor and gave the former answer. The Court of Assistants was summoned on the 6th, and resolved to stand out and deny as the fourth, if three others would do so. Hampden^ had not yet lived to show these guildsmen what an English country gentle- man dared to do alone. They, remembering the fate of a re- calcitrant Alderman who refused to join in an arbitrary loan to Henry YIII, paid their money, but with this protest of the 11th July recorded in the City archives : "The Merchant Taylors Company deliver the sum of 100/. which is prayed of them to be lent for the Haven of Yarmouth with tliis protestation, that they do not yield to this precedent that such payment be made a precept or command of the Lord Mayor, where no assent of the body of the city by Common Council proceed to find, but understanding Her Majesty's good Liking, the earnest request of the Privy Council, and the benefit of the Commonwealth, they are for the same respect content to lend the same sum with this protestation, and that it be not hereafter by this precedent, and they pray that this their protestation be recorded in the registry of this Court." — SeahrigJit. What were the considerations which led the Common Council to fix the amount in which each Guild should be from time to time assessed, or the Master and Wardens the amount which each member should contribute, are not explained, but as the Guildsmen were amply represented both in the Common Council and in their Court ; the remedy for any grievance inflicted was to be found in this representation. Taking these assessments as evidence of wealth and numbers, we shall, by following them out, trace the development of the Merchant Taylors Company in these respects during the period under our consideration. The assessment made in 1548-9 for Bridewell Hospital we have already noticed.^ In October, 1562,^ an assessment was made by the Common Council on 36 of the Companies to provide a loan of 3,928/. 6s. 8f/. to enable the Corporation to purchase corn. These corn assess- ments were originally made by way of " present or loan " to the Corporation of London, and the money was advanced out of the 1 3 State Trials, page 825. " Page 58, ante. ^ This scale of rating jn-obably continued in force for some time. Appendix 32, page 405. 248 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [paeti. '•common box" or by individual members; but in one way or the other the money must be provided, or the Master and Wardens would be in contempt and liable to imprisonment. For the money paid to the Corporation the Chamberlain or Bridgmaster gave bond to the Guild for repayment with interest. While the loan system lasted the profit and loss of purchase and resale rested with the Corporation, but at a later period, say, 1599, the Corporation required the Guilds themselves to make the purchase and resale, and then the precept was not for money to be lent to the Corporation but for a stated number of quarters of corn to be purchased and resold by the said Guilds at given dates. Thus the precept to the Taylors of January, 1599, was in these words : — " And that you have the same here at London by the 20th day of March next, to be by you put forth to be ground and sold in meals by yourselves in your halls or in the markets, in such sort as then and from time to time afterwards shall be thought meet by me and my brethren the Aldermen."^ To revert, however, to the loan assessment of 1562. The Mercers and Grocers were assessed at 400/,; the Merchant Taylors at 350/., the Drapers, Fishmongers, Goldsmiths, and Cloth- workers at 300/. ; and the other Companies at various smaller sums. This assessment was distributed (by order of the 2nd October) on the members of the Company, thus : — £ s. d. Of every Alderman that hath been Sheriff Of the same that hath been Mayor Of every Assistant . . Of the rest of the Livery which had not been Warden . . . . . . . , 3 6 8 Of the common box of the Wardens Sub- stitute 50 And the Collectors to be Kympton and Johnson. In the same month another assessment was made for armour, seventy members being assessed. Wliite, Thomas Offley, and Harper, Knights and Aldermen, 3/. 13s. 4(/. each; Thomas Eowe, Alderman, and H. Suckley, 3/. Gs. M. each ; twenty-five otliers at 26s. M. (including Lucar, E. Hilles, J. God, Albany, Duckington, ' Extract from precept of 9tli Januai-j, 1599. 10 6 11 16 4 6 CHAP. XIV.] Corn Assessment of lb (S 4:. 249 and Hulson) ; and thirty-eight at 20s. ; and on Geoffrey Yaughan^ and John Godwyn no assessment was made. The Wardens Substitute brought in 33/. 6s. 8(/., making a total of 122/. 6s. M. collected by William Albany and E. Hulson. In February, 1564, this assessment was made : — £ s. d. Each Alderman who had passed the chair paid . . 5 18 4 Each new Alderman . . . . . . 5 3 4 Each Past Master . . . , . . 2 3 4 Each other of the Court . . . . . . 2 3 4 Each Liveryman .. .. .. .. 1134 And the residue of this assessment, if any such, was to be made up by the Bachelors Company. Another assessment was made on 6th May, 1565, White, Offley, and Harper paying 5Z. 18s. M-., Eowe bl. 3s. 4f/., twenty-four others 21. 3s. 4f/., ending with Love and Shotesham, and thirty-seven others II. 13s. M. each. The Wardens Substitute brought in 38/. 8s. 4f/., making a total of 175/. During the latter part of the century the Merchant Taylors were no doubt increasing in wealth and importance, for in the assessment made in December, 1596, we find them standing for the first time at the highest amount, having to provide 280 out of 3,000 quarters of corn. In the previous assessment of 1575, the Mercers and Grocers were rated at higher amounts than the Taylors, " as in right and equity they ought to be be," and the latter found " them- selves " as the Court minute recorded, " very hardly and unequally dealt with." However, they complied with the assessment and agreed " to be humble suitors to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen that the Company might be reasonably and indifferently assessed as other Companies were," but as wdien 55 Companies were assessed for raising 10,000 quarters of corn by order of 22nd December, 1599,2 ^jjg Merchant Taylors Company stood at the highest amount, viz., 936 quarters, it is clear that no relief had been granted to them bj the Corporation. The illustrations given hitherto may be thought to prove the wealth, those hereafter the numbers, of the Company; thus the Lord 1 One of the same name Master in 1522. I presume these Lirerjmen were in too poor circumstances to meet any assessment. 2 See App.-ndix [32, page 405. This scule probably coutiuucd in force until raised in 1603-4. 250 Company at Close of Reign of Elizaheth. [paut i. Mayor, by precept or command, called ou his fellow citizens to discharge personal service either for military array or duty. Take for instance their array before Elizabeth in 1572, which is men- tioned in the pages of Holinshed,'' thus : — " On the 24th March,^ the Lord Mayor sent his precept on Her Majesty's behalf to appoint 188 good, tall, cleanly, and best picked persons of the Company to appear in their proper persons or by other mete and apt persons at their cost to use and beare armes only for the shewe to be made by Her Majesty. They were to parade in the Artillery Yarde in Bishopsgate Without, on the 27th at 8 A.M., and as a preliminary the AVardeus Substitute were to warn all the horse soldiers of the Yeomanry of the Company to appear at the hall at 6 a.m., on the 26th, to take order for furnishing the men and armour according to the precept." The records of the Company show the apportionment of this burden, 107 members (whose names are given) each supplied one soldier; 16 acted in person; 7 were supplied by the house = 130. The names of 58 men with calyvers and shot are given, and probably the cost of these was defrayed by an assessment of 29^. 10s. 8f^.,made on the Bachelors Company, of which Sir Leonard Halliday was then a member. Though Eicliard Hilles was present he did not act in person or supply a soldier. In 1577, a levy of 2,000 men was to be raised by the citizens of London, and of these 200 were assigned to the Company to be trained as soldiers, all being within the age of 19 and 40 years, either apprentices, workmen, or freemen of the city, whereof 50 were to be free of the Guild, whose names and addresses in the city and their commanders were to be certified to the Lord Mayor. This levy was increased in February 1579, to 3,000, of which number the Merchant Taylors had to supply 296, i.e., 100 with calyvers (to be of those that were by the former order trained, and for want of those by death or absence of others to be supplied) and 96 pikemen. The Wardens Substitute were then directed to go through their quarters to take the names of all the masters and their servants that were serviceable and warn them to attend at the Hall. The corselets w^ere to be furnished by members of the Livery as far as possible, and the rest by members of the Bachelors. In each instance a burthen of 10 per cent, was borne by the 1 Vol. Iir, page 128, and Vol. Ill, page 206 of Nichol's Elizabeth. - McuioriaLs, page 140. CHAP. XIV.] Wealth of the Gaildsmen. '251 Taylors, and in the assessment of 1585/ for men (with armour) and for the cost of maintenance, tliese figures appear : — ^ ompauies. Men. Money. £ s. d. Mercers .. 294 . .. 392 10 Drapers .. 347 . .. 567 16 7 Grocers .. 395 . -. 467 10 Skynners .. 174 . .. 163 5 3 Taylors „,i — i- ,,1, .. 395 . .. 273 5 4 The highest number of men being 395, and largest amount of money 567/. 16s. Id. The wealth of individual or the proportion of such to poorer members of the Merchant Company, for of absolutely poor there were scarcely any, are facts not easy to ascertain; probably the best guides, when recorded, are the voluntary gifts or loans paid for public purposes. We have already seen that to the Burse in 1565 the members speedily contributed the sum of 185Z. 16s. Qd., which was given in various amounts ; as the Aldermen (Oftley, Harper, and Eowe) 10/. each, Sir John Yorke 6/. 13s. 4g?., Hilles, Dowe, and Gerard Gore 5/. each, Anthony Eadcliffe 3/. 6s. ^d., Neu, Tope, and Eden, then partners, 21., Eichard Harrison 1/., and Eeynold Barker 11. 10s., and we shall see in a later reign how willing the members were to make contributions to the proposals for planting new colonies. Other criteria suggest themselves, — take for instance the ready answer made to such precepts as that to be now mentioned. In May, 1578, Casimer (brother to the Elector Palatine), who had commanded troops levied and paid with English gold, on the Ehine, came to visit England to vindicate his want of success to Elizabeth. His host was to be Sir Thomas Gresham, who, on becoming a knight, had left his shop in Lombard Street (such being the usual etiquette of those times) ,^ and taken up his residence in his new-built house in Bishopsgate Street. The Londoners desired to give the Prince a becoming reception, and therefore, ^ On 26tli July, 1585, -wlien 37 out of 500 were to be raised in Aldersgate Ward tlie proportion was only 24 per 1,000. 2 Vol. I, page 253, Ant. Rep. ^ Sir Baptist Hicks (Lord Campden's ancestor) is said to liave been the first knight who continued his sliop. — Stovve (1720), Book T, page 287, vol. I, Mait., page 288. 252 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part i. the Lord Mayor (Sir Kicliard Pipe, the Draper) called on the Guilds to aid liim. The Prince was to land at the Tower Stairs, and to he brought from thence in procession to Gresham House. Tlie jMayor's precept was, therefore, issued to the Guilds, and he commanded the Merchant Taylors to appoint thirty-two persons to attend him at eiglit a.m. " in cotes of velvet with chaynes of gokP on horseback and every one of them having a man on horseback to attend upon him." The precept concluded thus : " And as many more as the Master ana Wardens thought meet for the purpose." The Court numbered only twenty-four, and therefore the Livery were summoned and those whose names are recorded in the books " assented to ride accordingly." Though the notice was short, for the Prince arrived the next night, forty-four names are entered as riders. IMaster Dowe, then Master, and these past Masters, Masters Hilles, Albany, Pish, Piadcliffe (then the four Wardens) and others of the Assistants and Livery.^ Another instance may be given, though of a totally opposite character, yet as illustrating the ability of the Guildsmen to meet at call the pecuniary demands of the Crown for aid, the occasion being the Spanish Armada, thus : — "At the Court of Assistants of 27th August, 1588, Mr. Nicholas Spencer, the Master, reported to the Court that he and his Wardens had been sent for with others of the twelve Companies to await on the Lord Chancellor (Hatton), and Lord Treasurer (Lord Burleigh), by whom it was declared unto them that Her Majesty ]iad cause for the better maintenance of her arms and forces pre- pared against the invasion of this realm to use the help of her loving subjects the citizens of London in the loan of a certain sum ' The biographer of Sir Thomas Gresham states that at his death a considereble portion of his wealth consisted of gold chains. — Burgon, vol. 1, page 281. Nichols (vol. II, page 411, Elizabeth's Progress) gives an account, under date 1 7th September, 1583, of an assembly of 3,000 archers "Prince Arthur's knights" (of which corps Hugh Oniev and Mulcaster were members), "sumptuously apparelled — 942 having chains of gold around their necks " — who assembled at IVlerchant Taylors' Hall, and marched down Broad Street, where tlieir Captain, " the Duke of Shoi-editch" (a sobriquet gained by a great shot, Barlow), lived, to Tinsbury and Smithfield, to carry out their military exercises. 2 There were two other precepts to apjiear in rich costume with attendants — in November, 1600, when thirty persons of the most grave, tall, and conilie personages were to attend the Queen from Chelsea to Westminster, and the Master and Wardens ordered " the principal members whose bodyes were able to endure the extremity of the weather," to attend the Queen; and the other in January 1603, when James I entered London to take possession of the throne. CHAP. XIV.] A'^otesfor Crown Loan for 5000/. 253 of money which the Lords assured the Master would be repaid to the Companies, and the Lords having apportioned the sum pur- posed by Her Majesty to be borrowed upon the Companies of London, the proportion required in loan of this Company was 5,O0OZ. as appeared in a ticket thereof delivered to the Master, who was required to call the Company together; whereupon they resolved as the sum required was very gTeat and hard to be levied, to appoint a Committee of the Master and "Wardens, with Eobert Dowe, Thomas Wilford, and Eoger Abdy to consider upon some platform or proportionall ground how a less sum of 4,000/. shall be accepted and performed." The first action of the Court had relation to the Bachelors' dinner on the Decollation day which was " postponed indefinitely, in consideration of the busy and troublous times of the provision of munitions and other things for the defence of the realm," and the Committee then interviewed the Lords of tlie Council. At the Court of the 9th, the Master reported that the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer refused to abate the loan, but that the same might be levied by assessment of the Master and Wardens and all the brethren free of the Company wherever resident, and that the Master and Wardens should return to their honours the names of all refusing to pay, with the sums allotted for payment. It was thereupon decided that the Master and Wardens with the other members of the Court should go through the list of the Bachelor Company and set down the names of all those who were of known ability to pay their proportion, and that the remainder should be assessed upon the Court and Livery. This was accordingly done, and at a Court of 17th August it was decided that a ticket should be sent to every person assessed, on which should be entered the amount due and the date of pay- ment in this form, viz. : — " You are to bring in and pay at the Merchantailors Hall, at or before the 28th of this month 50/.,^ to be lent to the Queen's Majesty for six months, parcel to the sum assessed by the Lords of the Council upon this Company, whereof fail you not as you will answer at your peril." With this entry the Company's records of the transaction end, but not so other records, for the loan was raised when Sir George Bond (the Haberdasher) was Lord Mayor, at the peril of im- prisonment. The proceedings taken against defaulters are thus ' Or siioh other sum as may hsiTe been aa?essecl. 254 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part i, explained to the Lord Treasurer by Martin Calthorp, his successor, in a letter of the 9th November, 1588,^ " that he had called before him those refusing to pay and living in the city, and entreated them to contribute, and those refusing to pay he had committed to prison, where they do remain." It is perhaps a remarkable fact regarding this great national deliverance that the Merchant Taylors' records should be ab- solutely silent, and but for the Queen's necessity for money, no mention whatever would have been made of it. However, from other sources of information we find what array of men were fur- nished by London, and that the command of three, if not four, brigades was held by Merchant Taylors. Thus Eobert Ofifley was Captain of Basinghall ; Gerard Gore of Cripplegate ; John Swin- nerton of Farringdon ; and Medlicote of Queenhithe.^ What Avas the wealth of London or the distribution of emplojTQent therein at any early date must be a matter of speculation rather than of fact, but in the mayoralty of Sir Thomas Lodge (1562) there were (it is said) in all 327 merchants in London, and of these Strype assigns only 25 to the Merchant Taylors Company.^ How far either estimate may be true we have no definite knowledge, but according to another authority, writing in 1557,* " there were many merchants in London who possessed of from 50,000/. to 60,000/. sterling, all, or the greater part in ready money," which is scarcely consistent with Hume's^ statement that at a later period, 1590, when wealth and prices had greatly risen, there were only four persons in London rated in the subsidy books so high as 400/. That wealth had been accumulated in this reign by the citizens who were also guildsmen is no longer a matter of controversy, and from this class the promoters of the new trading companies which then came into existence were drawn. 1 2 Burleigh Papers, page 632. 2 2 Burleigli Papers, page 606, " Arthur " was the Christian name of our guilds- man, and " Anthony" appears in the list. 3 Yol. 2, Bk. 5, page 291. 4 Col. State Papers (Venetian), 1884. •"' Vol. 5, Appendix 3. In the subsidy of 5 Elizabeth Sir B. Hicks stands at the head of the list of Aldermen at lOOZ., four aliens are in the higher assessment of 100/., and there are 7,123 on tlie Roll besides strangers assessed " by poll." In the RoU of 20th September, 1607, Ilalliday stands at 60/., Craven and Swynuerton in 70/. "in goods." — Col. S. P. Dom., James I, vol. xxvii i. CHAP. XIV.] Establishment of East India Company. 255 In the reigns of Edward VI, guildsmen, such as Sir Thomas Wliite, Sir Andrew Judde, and others, were the promoters of one of the earliest commercial trading companies, the Eussian Company, which is still prosperous, and at the close of Elizabeth's reign a larger commercial enterprise was initiated which opened up India to her subjects. On the 22nd September, 1599, a day that ought to be had in remembrance, a meeting of citizens was held at Founders' Hall under the presidency of the Lord Mayor (Sir Stephen Some, the Grocer), for the purpose of establishing a company to trade with the East Indies. Amongst the supporters of the project were to be found (Sh-) E. Lee, (Sir) L. Halliday, and (Sir) Eobert Hampson as Aldermen, with William Oftley, John Swynnerton, Thomas Juxon, the Gores (Robert and Ealph) with other Taylors. A subscription was opened, the Lord Mayor heading the list with a sum of 200^., and these are some of the other subscriptions :— Sir L. Halliday, 1,000/. ; Robert Hampson (Warden, 1594), 300Z. ; Ralph Hamer, 200/. ; Will Harrison and Bond, 200/. ; Sir Eobert Lee, 300/.; WiU Offley, 200/.; W. and S. Gore, 300/.; and Sir John Swynnerton, 300/.^ A petition- to the Crown for a grant of incorporation was determined upon, and as the result on the 31st December, 1601, letters patent were issued, setting forth " that for the honour of the realm of England " and " as greatly tending to the honour of our nation, the wealth of our people, and the encouragement of them in their good enterprise," the petitioners were incorporated as " The Governors and Company of Merchants trading unto the East Indies," with a monopoly of the trade for 15 years of those districts which were included in the patent. The government of the new Company was framed on the analogy of a Guild, that is to say a Master or Governor was appointed with 24 members as a Court or Committee to aid him, all to be sworn in for one year and then a new and annual election was to be had. Apprentices and freemen were to be admitted, the oath of the freeman being in outline the same as the freeman's oath to the Master of his Guild.'^ 1 Cal. S. P. (E .1.), pages 99-101, 105, and the List of Incorporated Members in 1600, page 115, and of Adventurers in lGOl-2, page 123. 2 Besides the other contributors there are included in the letters patent Thomas Juxon, "William Chambers, Eobert Offlej, Eobert Brooke, Henry Polstead, William Greenvvell, Eobert Johnson, Robert Buck, Edmund Spencer, and Richard Wright. 3 Bruce's Aimals of the East India Company, page 159. 25G Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part t. Under this charter no joint stock capital was to be sub- scribed, but each voyage or venture was fitted out by members with such sums as they each pleased to underwrite. The cost of the first voyage is said to have been 68,37^^/., and when the second voyage was completed and the accounts made up the profit of both is said to have been 95/. per cent. Members of the Guild were on the Committee, and of some of the ventures Sir L. Halliday was the treasurer, and William Harrison the auditor. After James I had granted another charter (31st May, 1609), it was deemed expedient by the proprietors or members to subscribe a " joint stock capital " of 429,000/., and to conduct the afi'airs of the Company, with a duly organised staff, which was ultimately established in the House of Sir Will Craven in Leadenhall Street. The civic or parliamentary offices filled by members of the Guild may be taken as another criterion of wealth, and during the period under our notice the Merchant Company furnished several Sheriffs and Lord Mayors, thus : — Thomas Oflley, Master in 1547, Sheriff in 1553, Lord Mayor in 1556. "Willian: Harper, Master in 1553, Sheriff in 1556, Lord Mayor in 1561. Thomas Rowe, Master in 1557, Lord Mayor in 1568. John 01yft;i Master in 1564, Sheriff in 1568. WiUiam Kympton, Master in 1570, Sheriff in 1576. Anthony Radcliffe, Master in 1577, Sheriff in 1585. Hugh Oflley, Sheriff in 1588. Robert Hampton, Warden in 1588-94, Sheriff in 1599. Robert Lee, Warden in 1590, Lord Mayor in 1602 While in the early years of James's reign men who had risen to eminence in their Guild, came to hold higher civic offices, as : — Leonard Halliday, Warden in 1588-93, Lord Mayor in 1605. William Craven, Warden in 1593, Lord Mayor in 1610. John Swynnei'ton, Lord Mayor in 1612. How many Merchant Taylors other than Richard Hilles were members of the Common Council is not recorded, but it is ^ Son of Sir John, the surgeon to Henry VIII, who died October, 1550; the son died January, 1577, and was buried at St. Lawrence Pour.tney Hill. CHAP. XIV.] Guilclsmen ivho ivere M.P.for London. 257 not unreasonable to suppose that many others were so, as the Guilds and the Corporation were in Tudor times far more closely allied than they are at the present day. Turning to politics the Guild was not without considerable in- fluence throughout the century. This is evidenced by the part which some of its members played (as we read in Hilles' life) when the throne became vacant by the death of Edward VI, and Sir Thomas "White was elected as Mayor. His decided action in Wyatt's rebellion threw the weight of the political influence of the Guild in favour of Queen Mary. Neither at tlie latter part of the century was the Company wanting in men to discharge the higher duty of representing their fellow citizens in Parliament. In that of 1558-9 Eichard Hyde and in 1572 William Fleetwood were returned as members, and the latter sat for many years.^ Of the Parliament in 1592 and 1597, George Sotherton (Master in 1589) was a member; and lastly in the Parliament of 1602, Eichard Gore (also Master in 1602) sat for London. There is another document in Elizabeth's reign which may be taken for what it is worth, namely, a list^ of " the names of sondry the wisest, and best merchants in London to deale in the weightiest cares of the citie as occasion is offered," found in a handwriting which is imknown, but apparently correct, with the period to which the list refers, and preserved (1683) amongst theLansdowne MSS. in the British Museum. The date was probably after Sir Thomas Ofiley's death in 1582, as his name is not on the list. Many of the names are familiar to any one conversant with the affairs of- the Merchant Taylors Company, and of the 99 names, the Merchant Taylors' records show that 27 of the persons so named are on their roll of freemen.^ From the materials which have offered themselves to our notice, it is evident that the guildsmen of the Merchant Taylors Company held a very creditable position at the close of the period under notice, and it would be interesting could we find any authentic record of the ordinary expenditure in the households of these men ; such for instance, as held office or formed the Court of * William Fishe is given by Stowe as a member of Parliament and of tlie Merchant Taylors, but he is not found on the books. ^ Notes and Queries, Janunry, 1877. It also contains the names of lawyers, and Fleetwood is entered as of the Middle Temple, "very learned and riche." ^ Appendix 31, page 404. VOL. I. S 258 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part i. Assistants. The only definite figures that are available to iis are the sums paid for house-rent by some two or three/ who were tenants of the Company, thus Donkyn's house in St. Michael's, Cornhill, was held at a rent of 21. 13s. M. ; Sir Thomas Eowe paid for the house in Bishopsgate Street from 1554 to 1571, 15/.; Sir William Harper for Percyvale's house in Lombard Street, from 1553^ to 1574-5, 10/. ; and Eichard Offley for the same to 1583, 13Z. 6s. M., subject to fine of 410/. ; Eichard Hilles for a house in the Quadrant, Vintry, paid 200/. fine and 3/. per annum from 1574 to 1602, or the equivalent at 12/. per cent, of a rental of 27/. 19s. IcU If the rent formed one-tenth part of the total cost of domestic life in those days, we have an approximate estimate. But the cost of living rose considerably during Elizabeth's reign. " I know " (writes a resident of 1598) " that a gentleman cannot maintain his port or hospitality as his ancestors in former days, for his father and grandfather paid but 20s. an ox, 3s. a mutton, 2s. a calf, 6f/. a goose, 'id. a capon, 2cl. a hen, and 2d. a pig, and for all other house- hold provision the like rate. Now there is not anything that belongs to housekeeping, but it is a triple charge over it, and whereas 100/. per annum was a competent living to maintain good hospitality, now 300/. a year will not defray the cost of such a house, rateably proportioning all necessaries thereunto belonging, without exceedmg his accustomed plenty,"^ and in the same year Bancroft (Bishop of London) returned " his needful household expenses" at 760/. per annum.^ The cost of particular items are easily ascertained from W'Orks of authority, but these items differ in proportion in each house- hold, and from those of the present day expenditure. When Wild DarrelP canie up to London with six or seven servants in 1589 he was lodged in Warwick Lane, and the items of his expenditure from the 16th April to the 14th July are preserved. His washing, the first item that presents itself to notice, which was a small ' See an agreement for ecclesiastical dues on London rents in 1457, printed in Vol. I, Hugh's London, page 102. 2 The Company extended tlie lease in February, 1574, for fifty years, from Ladyday, 1575, reducing the rent thereby (at the same rate of intcres-t) to 211. \s M. per annum. 3 Kye, page 197. ■» Cal. S.P., (Elizabeth) page 44. Whitelock in 1604, living in Fleet Street, spent in the first year of liis marriage 172^. Is. 11(/., and in 1612, 389/. per annum, his earnings being 188Z. Gs. 8d., and 500/. and upwards (Camden Society, 1858, page xiv). * Hall's Elizabethan Age, 1886, pages 90, 205-233. CHAP. XIV.] HouseJwld Expenses and Locomotion. 259 one in many households/ shows a greater care for personal cleanli- ness, and amounted to 17s. 5(i. His diet, which was largely supple- mented by game, fish, and garden stuff from Littlecote, cost 42Z. 6,9. lOcl, and " his charges of coming down," or in other words, returning homo, starting and sleeping at Hounslow on the 14th, at Reading on the 15th, and reaching home on the 16th July, 3/. 7s. Ad. His usual method of getting about London was by boat on the Thames — for the roadways were execrable, and the total cost was 1/. 4s. od., the fares ranging from 2d. to IQd. extend- ing on occasions up to Fulham, down the river to Eatcliff. " Horsemeat and shoeing " was a larger item, amounting to some 15/. or more. Even in and about London there was little locomotion save on horseback, and the servants who were attendants on the master or mistress abroad exceeded the necessity for domestic service. The retired Taylor, Stephen Piers, required in 1467 for himself and wife " an honest man chyld," and " an honest mayde " to wait on them when going abroad, and according to Chaucer, the Alderman's wife : " yclelpt Madame, And gon to vigilies at byfore And have a mantel riallyclie i-bore."'^ These attendants became more numerous in the sixteenth cen- tury. " Gentlemen^ are accompanied by their servants more or less, according to their grades and revenues, all of them in doublets without kirtle or cloak. One servant usually follows with a valise on his shoulder, or a clothe bag containing his master's cloak, hat, a book, and other things, the rest of his servants all carry a little round buckler, with a sword, many of them having twO; one out of the girdle, and the other within it. Those who wear a long gown instead of a Spanish cape, have their sword and buckler carried by one of the servants. The ' miladies ' use neither carts nor coaches but go on horseback preceded by footmen and followed by maids of honour on foot, or they have one or two of them on horseback." Coaches did not appear in use till 1564, when the Queen had one, and they did not come into common use until 1605, and in April, 1609, the coach hire in London for a day was 2s. M.^ 1 Our English Home, pages 90-2. - Prologue, lines 376-8. ^ Eeport of Venetian Ambassador, 1557, App., 1670 [171], Col. State Papers. ♦ Shuttleworth Accounts, Clicetliam Society (1857), page 517. VOL. I. S 2 260 Company at Close of Reign of Elizabeth, [part i. It was, therefore, of necessity that each man whose business took him to the country or even to the suburbs of London, should keep a horse, and hence the guildsmen were sworn to " ridings," and were able to appear on horseback when summoned to any pageant. The educational attainments of the Taylors was probably on an average with other guildsmen. Sir Thomas White left school at fourteen, but his colleague, Eichard Hilles, was more highly edu- cated, and was probably far above the intelligence of those with whom his guild life was passed. The records bear the signatures of Auditors, Renter Wardens, and (after 1572) the Court of Assis- tants, and looking over these only four guildsman used marks, thus : — E. Tonge, Warden 1545, Auditor 1549, made mark 66. T. Pierson, Warden 1584, Auditor 1586-7, made mark FTP. E. Cox, Warden 1600, made mark E. C. G. Prescott, Warden 1622, made mark T.^ But whatever may have been the social and intellectual status of the guildsmen of the century, we may fairly claim for them an honest desire manifested to do their duty as guildsmen to their fellow citizens. Taking the wants of London to be grammar schools, they established a noble one ; or the Universities to need help, and they, or rather one member planted a College, and others Scholarships. If the poor needed succour Donkyn, Dowe, and many others supplied it, and if as it seems to be the case that hospitality or feasting increased, still it conduced to charity, as is evidenced by their gifts which still continue to enrich the Guild, for usefulness in that and succeeding centuries. ' I am indebted to the search of Mr. Chambers for this note. 26L CHAPTEE XV. THE COMPANY IN THE EARLIER YEARS OF JAMES I. James Ts reign opens a new era in Guild history, p. 261. — Fortunes of Mer- chant Taylors at his accession in the ascendant, p. 261. — Lord Mayor, Sir Robert Lee, p. 262. — Sir John Swynnerton, Sheriff, p. 262. — Richard Gore, M.P., Master, p. 263. — Noicel Sotherton, p. 263. — Assessments hy precepts, p. 264. — dumber of members in the Company, p. 264. — Merchant Taylors premier Company for Lee^s year, p. 264. — Payments to John Stou-e and for school boys' pageant, p. 264. — Order for Speech by school boy to the King, p. 265. — Plague, p. 265. — Lee knighted, p. 2Q5. — Coro)iation, p. 266. — Three other members knighted, p. 266. — Fine for renewal of Charter, p. 266. — Reduction thereof by the Lord Chancellor's man, p. 266. — Claim for concealed lands, p. 267. — Reference to Mr. Baron Saville,p. 267. — Letter of January, 1604, //•o??i Crown officers, p. 268. — Master and Wardens of that period, p. 269. — Court of%th February, p. 269. — Recorder retained, p. 270. — Mayoralty of Sir L. Halliday, p. 270. — Session 0/I6O6, p. 270. — Recorder's advice as to claim of Crown, p. Til. — Clothioorkers agree to support Bill, p. 271. — Merchant Taylors contribiUe 1001., p. 272. — Act of 4 James I {local and personal), p. 272. — The case against the Guilds lender the Chauntries Collegiate Act, p. 273. The reign of James I opened a new era to the London Guilds — one of advancing commercial prosperity, as resulting from new enterprises lying beyond the purposes of their incorporation, which at the instance of the King, were undertaken by them. Upon his accession, James found the fortunes of the Merchant Taylors Company in the ascendant, and one of their members, Sir Robert Lee, in possession of the civic throne. Elizabeth died at Richmond early in the morning of the 24th J\Iarch, 1602, and Lee was summoned to Whitehall with the members of the Privy Council to determine the right of succes- sion, and, as the result of that meeting, to subscribe a declaration (to which the names of others were added') " that James of Scot- land was the lawful and undoubted heir to the En^iisli Crown."^ ^ Chamberlayne (Present State of Great Britain), states that he subscribed first before all the great officers of State and Nobility, being said to be, on the death of the Queen, tlie prime person of England. 2 Lingard, vol. 7, page 3, and paije 27, ante. 262 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [parti. This done, the whole multitude, who w^ere assembled in front of the Palace, proceeded to the Cross at Clieapside, where Sir Eobert Cecil with his own voice proclaimed James as King. In a short interval of only four days, on the 28th, a letter^ was addressed from Holyrood House by the King to Sir Piobert Lee and his brethren, the Aldermen, thanking them for their " great forwardness " in proclaiming him King, and " wherein " (his letter continued) " you have given a singular good proof of your ancient fidelity, a reputation hereditary to that our city of London, being the chamber of our Imperial Crown." Not only the Lord Mayor — but one of the Sheriffs (Sir) John Sw^ynnerton, was also a Merchant Taylor — who, from the illness of his colleague (Pemberton) had to lead out his fellow citizens on horseback with their cloaks of velvet and chains of gold to Stam- ford Hill, there to receive the King on the 7th May on his entry into Middlesex from Scotland, and conduct him to the Master's House at the Charter House,^ the first place in which he was lodged as King in London. Both these members, each from the country, like many others of the successful men whose lives pre- sent themselves to our notice in these pages, worthily represented the Company. Lee came from Bridgenorth, was apprenticed to Anthony Ead- clyff, a highly respected member of the Guild, and became free of the city in October, 1572. He served only the office of Warden (in 1590), for he escaped service in the Company by becoming an Alderman (of Walbrook) in 1593, Sheriff in 1594, and Lord Mayor in 1602-3. He lived but a short time in James's reign — dying on the 28th January, 1605, and leaving an apprentice loan fund to be administered in favour of the Clothworker members of the Guild. His widow and sons did some injustice to his memory by refusing to provide, as he had pronjised that his estate should do, for a poor widow in the new almshouses, who, as a consequence, had to be removed, and another widow (readily supplied by another benefactor) installed in her room.^ Swynnerton (described on the records as an officer to Her Majesty* and by Bishop Hall as a vehement advocate for the press and a lover of learning),^ was of the well-known family, then, as now, flourishing with honour in the county of Stafford. John, the father, ' Maitland, vol. i, page 282. - Nichols, James' Progress, toI. 7, page 113. 3 Court, entry, 2nd August, 1606. •• Court, 24tli October, 1G02. ° Vol. 5, page 78, of his works (Oxfor.l, 1837). CHAP. XV.] Richard Gore, M.P., Master. 263 came into connection with the Company as apprentice to Galfridie Vanghan, and became free on the 12th March, 1562. He was Warden in 1596 and 1600, and Master in 1606-7, dying in 1608, at whose funeral dinner, on the 3rd November, Mr. Eobert Dowe's " commendable grace " was first used. The son was free by patri- mony in October, 1589. When he was in course of election to the Livery he was elected as Sheriff, and never served in any of the Guild offices, save that of attending the Court of Assistants.-^ He was a man of wealth, farming the Customs- duties, and, notwith- standing Fulke Gre\dlle's sneer, a man of ancient pedigree, able to purchase from the Marquis of Winchester his mansion house in Austin Friars, in 1602.^ He died in December, 1616,* and both father and son are said to be buried in St. Mary's Aldermanbury. Besides in these higher offices, in the j\lastership the Company was well represented, as the chair was held by Eichard, the descendant of John Gore, of 1399, a family distinguished for integrity in their dealings with the Guild, and in later years ennobled. He was also returned as member for the city to the first Parliament of James. For due reception of the Sovereign, a Select Committee was appointed^ by the Common Council consisting of sixteen members, four being Aldermen, and one from each of the twelve great Companies. As the Merchant Taylors was the premier Com- pany, so was their member such for the year. The guilds- man sent to act for the Company was ISTowel Sotherton, of a family which had been honourably connected with the Company, through George Sotherton (the apprentice of Eoger Bayuton and free on 24th October, 1561); though some of them had fallen into decay. John, his father, was appointed as a Clerk in the Ex- chequer in 1579, and became a coursetour therein — Nowel, admitted 1 At the Court on lOtli July, 1602 (Mr. John Swynnerton, Alderman, being present), " The said Mr. Aid. Swynnerton who was lately elect to the said worshipful degree and calling of an Alderman, and yet never of the Livery of tliis Company, nor ever bore any office in this house, was with a general consent admitted, and sworn one of the Assistants and Counsellors of this Society, who very lovingly did accept thereof and faithfully promised to do his best endeavour for the credit and good of this Company." 2 In September, 1613, he wrote to Rochester for a renewal uf his farm of the sweet wine duties, urging that he had raised the revenue 60,000^. per annum. — Cal. State Papers, page 199, see also page 150. 2 IVichols Progresses, Elizabeth, vol. 3, page 598. Greville lived in Broad Street Ward, and was assessed in the subsidy of September, 16u7, at 9^. — Cal. Dom. Ser. '' Cal. State Papers, James I, page 414. * N'ichols Progresses, James I, vol. 1, page 376. 2G4 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [part i. to the Company by redemption in September, 15 70, was ofUray's Inn — but no lawyer. As connected with the Exchequer, and familiar with its practice, he was made the first Cursitor Baron, an office for taking the Sheriff's accounts, or otlier^ formal matters of the department but not then judicial. He had served the Company as Master in 1597, and was a man of reputation. Of course, the citizens had to be assessed, to meet the ex- penses of the King's progress, and in these assessments the Merchant Taylors Company stood for and paid, as at the close of Elizabeth's reign, larger sums than any one of the other twelve Companies. For James's entry " into his highest city chamber of his supreme crown as towards his honourable coronation" the members paid 234^. out of 2,500/., and 37/. 8s. M. for the assessment of 400/.2 Fortunately for the information of their successors a complete list of the members and of their contributions has been preserved,^ and it appears from the assessment to James I's coronation that the Master and "Wardens, Assistants, and Livery consisted of 80, and the Wardens Substitute, Sixteen Men, and the Bachelors Company (the latter divided into four quarters), stood thus : Watling Street Quarter, 90 ; Candlewick Quarter, 48 ; Fleet Street Quarter, 14 ; Merchant Taylors' Quarter, 47 ; add the Wardens Substitute and Sixteen Men, 20 ; making a total of 299 persons.* As "having the Lord Mayor of their Company" at the accession of a sovereign to the throne was an advantage which the Taylors were anxious to enjoy, the precedents of earlier reigns were looked to. When Lee came to the mayoralty they had been, as we have already seen, very anxious to do honour to that pageant. We find from the accounts of special payments for the pageant two entries which throw some light upon their proceedings. The first, " Item, paid John Stow, for great pains by him taken in searching for such as have been Mayors, Sheriffs, and Aldermen of the said Company, lOs." The second is in these words : — " Item, p^ to M''" Haines the Coy's Schoolmaster at their School at St L'cee P'tney hill for his charge for preparing a wagon 1 Vol. 36, Arch., page 27. ^ See Appendix 32, page 405. ' Memorials, page 590. '' In March, 1624, when for Sir Jolin Gore's mayoralty no brother was to be charged "but such as shall be of ability to beare the same," the numbers were: Bachelors in Foyne 72, in Budge 48, and, say. Freemen of the Bachelors Company 231, or a total of 351 contributors. CHAP. XV.] Plague. 265 & appareling 10 Scholars w^ did represent the 9 Muses and the god Apollo before the Lord Mayor in Cheapside, 11. 13s. 4d" The incidents of Elizabeth's progress^ through the city upon her accession might have been remembered by other guildsmen besides John Stowe, but however that might have been, the Court had the fact within its cognisance on the 3rd April, and made this order : — " Upon relation given at this Court that at the Coronation of or late most gracious Queen Elizabeth,^ the Company of Mercers holding then the chief place, before all other companies in regard that Sir Thomas Leigh being one of their Company was then Lord Mayor of this City, the said Company of Mercers did cause a Scholar of their School to pronounce a short Speech unto Her Majesty. It is therefore thought fit in regard that this year our Company have the like precedency and also that our Company maintain a free Grammar School, that the Schoolmaster prepare one of our Scholars to pronounce some such short and pithie Speech as the Schoolmaster (upon good consideration) shall devise, which no doubt shall tend much to his own commendation and the credit of the Company. And it is agreed that as well all such charge as he disbursed in preparing his Scholars to make a show and speech in Cheapside on the day my Lord Mayor went to Westminster as also all other charge which he shall now disburse in preparing one of his Scholars to speak to the King shall be defrayed and borne by the Company." The plague which was raging in London at this period obliged the authorities to delay the King's state progress through the city until March of the following year (after Lee had ceased to be Lord Mayor), but in James's passage from the Tower to his coronation on St. James's Day, 1603, although mention is made in the progress that one of Mulcaster's scholars at the door of the Free School of St. Paul's, founded by the Mercers, delivered a speech to the King, no reference whatsoever is made of the Merchant Taylors School or its scholars.^ Sir Eobert Lee (who had been knighted on the 22nd May), was present by right at the coronation and the banquet, taking his barge from Three Cranes Wharf, together with such selected citizens* (probably the Committee) as he thought fit should accompany him. Upon the day following the coronation, the 2Gth ' Hayward's Elizabeth, page 10. ^ Part II, page 152. 3 Nichol, page 307. * Nichol, vol. 1, page 228. 266 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [parti. July, three other members of the Court (who were Aklermen) were knighted — Leonard Halliday, William Craven, and John Swjnnerton.^ The '' state " progress from the Tower to Westminster, which had been postponed, took place on the 15th March, 1603. As the Taylors were no longer the premier Company no special mention is made of them ; but the various pageants given or performed at the several stations in the city, with the account of the proceedings of the citizens are very fully set out in the contemporary chronicles.^ At the commencement of every reign prior to that of William and Mary it was necessary for the Guilds to adjust with the Crown or its officers the fee to be paid by them for the Iloyal confirmation or re-grant of existing charters, and within a few months after the last incident the Taylors had approached the Lord Chancellor (Egerton) on the subject. To Elizabeth on her accession the Taylors paid 15/., but the Goldsmiths only 6/., although the latter Company enjoyed prece- dence over the Taylors, and paid in the assessment of 1562 300/. to the Taylors 350/. On the present accession the Lord Chancellor had assessed the Goldsmiths in 8/., and the Taylors in 30/., or more than treble the fine imposed on the Goldsmiths. Now this was an injustice which the Taylors were loth to put up with, and there- fore on the 12th May the Court resolved " (having regard to the great number of poor tailors), that the Goldsmiths were better able to pay than the Taylors, and therefore the Master and Wardens ' were entreated with Mr. Noel Sotherton to attend upon the Lord Chancellor desiring his Lordship that the Company might have reasonable favour, and be rated with other Companies of the city unless the Common Clerk (in the meantime) procure defalca- tions and abatement thereof.' " We have no record of any interview with the Chancellor, and possibly Mr. Noel Sotherton, having a better knowledge of the method of adjusting such differences, put the Company into direct communication with " Mr. E. Thomason, the Chancellor's man," who, for the 3/. paid to him, got one-third of the fine reduced, as these entries show: ''On the 13th August, 1604, the Court agreed that the sum of 21. shall be bestowed upon Mr. E. Thomason, my Lord ^ The cost of kni;.'htliood was 48^. 25. 8d., and James, on tlie I7th July, 1603-4, liad ordered tliat all persons having 40^. or upwards in land should accept knight- hood or pay a fine (1 Nichol, page 203, and Vol. 4, jiage 1001. ^ 1 Nichol, page 337, and Ilowes' continuation of Stowe. CHAP. XV.] Claim for Concealed Lands. 267 Cliaucellor's man for procuring the fine of 30/., wliich my Lord Cliancellor liad taxed upon the Company for tlie confirmation of the Company's Charter from the King's most excellent Majesty to be reduced to 21/. ; " and in the Master's account, 1605-6, tlie payment is entered thus : " Paid to my Lord Chancellor's man his gratuity for a suit made to my Lord for mitigating the fine of our charter, as by order of Court loth August, 1604, may appear, 3/." Scarcely had this claim been adjusted than an old — and to some Guilds a more formidable — one arose in the claim put for- ward against the Guilds for concealed lands under the Chauntries Collegiate Act of Edward VI. The claim as against the Merchant Taylors Company is set out in a Court Minute of 19th Jidy, 1604, in these words: — " Wliereas there is demanded of the Company divers arrearages (viz.), for a rent going out of a tenement in St. Mary, Wolchurch, at 4.S. per annum for 30 years ended at Michaelmas, Anno Primo James 6th ; and for a pension of 71. for 55 years and a half, amounting to 488/. lO.s. ; and for an other pension of 10/. 13.s. 4d. by year for 55 years as aforesaid, amounting to 591^. 6s. 8d. : this day upon perusal of certain evidences taken out of the Treasury, it appeareth that the Company can show sufficient discharges for the same. And forasmuch as diverse other Companies and particular men are called in question upon the like occasions, and the examination thereof referred to Mr. Baron Savile, to whom ye Company are to show their discharge ; therefore two writings were taken out, one marked No. 1, and the other Xo. 29, and de- livered to the Common Clerk ; and Mr. Nowell Sotherton, Mr. Wright, and the Common Clerk are entreated and appointed to attend Mr. Baron Saville, and to take care for the discharge thereof. And allowance given to them to bestow five or six pounds where they think fit for the better dispatch in the business ; and it is ordered that a Book of Collections made by Mr. Wright of the Company's evidences when he was Clerk shall be fair engrossed in vellum by the Common Clerk of the Company, with such furthei additions as shall be requisite, which the Company require to be exactly done, and they will have consideration thereof" The Company were quite prepared to meet the claim, and they had to do so before Saville, a lawyer of reputation, who, at the instance of Lord Burleigh, had been raised to the Exchequer Bench in July, 1598, and whose commission James had renewed, and to whom, in 1604, he had given the Chief Justiceship of the Palatnie 268 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [part i. of Lancaster. Saville was therefore under obligation to James, which he might have considered himself to have repaid when he gave judgment in Bates' case in the King's favour, and sanctioned the imposition of customs duties by the Crown without the consent of Parliament.^ After an interval of six months this letter came from the Crown officers : — " To our very Loving friends the Master and AYardens of the Company of Merchant Taylors. " After our hearty commendations Whereas His Majesty finding his loving subjects much troubled and grieved with books of con- cealments whereby many have been put out of possession and lost their lands to the great disquiet of His Majesty's subjects, where- with we have acquainted His Highness who hath gTanted his most gracious Commission under the Great Seal of England commanding us thereby to show all convenient favour we may and with speed to dispatch any his Majesty's subjects that shall seek a composition at our hands, wherein is any mispresion or other defect in their title or letters patent. And for that we understand that daily divers and sundry persons are and have been suitors to His Majesty to have had grants and leases of divers of your lands whereof we have made stay until we might advertize you of the same, who by his Majesty's gracious meaning are to have the preferment of the establishing of your possessions if you do not wilfully decrease your time, for which purpose we have appointed the third day of February next ensuing, at Dorset House, in Fleet Street, London, to sit by force of that Commission, desiring you to come to us your- selves or send some authorized from you, who may as there shall be cause come and compound with us for the same to His Majesty's use. And for readier dispatch with us, whom his IMajesty hath ap- pointed Commissioners for such services, we have appointed William Tipper, Genf, to attend us daily for such causes, who being always resident in London shall at all times be ready to follow this business and acquaint us with your cause as occasion shall serve. According to the equity whereof you may be sure to have a speedy composition and so be freed from all further troubles. And the arrearages and mesne profits to be likewise pardoned, which is one of the chiefest ends of this His Majesty's most gracious Commission. But if you shall not attend the day above said, then we let you know, that you do still remain subject to informations which by ' 2 State Trials, page 371. Baron Clarke, who married Barnabas Hilles' widow, concurred in the judgment. Part II, page 226. CHAP. XV.] Court of 9th February, 1604. 269 any person on behalf of the King shall at any time hereafter be exhibited against you from the which neither we nor any other can free you, but by the benefit of this Commission only. And so we bid you heartily farewell. From the Court at Whitehall this 20th January 1604 " Your lovincj friends, Tho. Dorset. Suffolk. Ceanborne. Jo. POPHAM. " Tho. Fleming. " Jo. Savile. "Edw. Coke." The Master of the Company at this time was Mr. Geoffrey Elwes,^ a rising man, and therefore we may presume competent for his office. He was elected Alderman for Farringdon in December, 1605, and Sheriff in 1607. The Wardens were all men of accepted position and benefactors ; they were A^ernon, Hyde, Gerard Gore, and Medlycott, and these were the men who had to deal with the subject and advise the Court of Assistants as to the best course to adopt. Accordingly, on the 9th February, the Master brought this letter before the Court, apprising the Assistants " that the like letters were written to all or most of the Companies, and that Mr. Eecorder hath promised to move the Lords and Commissioners con- cerning the same ; since which my Lord Mayor had sent for the Wardens of the several Companies and demanded whether all the Companies would join together in such a course, as should be ad- vised by learned Counsel, whereunto Master and Wardens prayed his Lordship to give them leave to advise and forbear answering until they had recommended his Lordship's motion to a Court of Assistants, for which purpose our Master specially called this Court. And upon relation now made by Mr. Wright, late Clerk of this Company, and now one of the Assistants of this house, who was the general Solicitor for the City and Com- panies about twenty years past, when Christopher Hatton pro- cured from the late Queen a Grant of the city's concealed lands, that u]3on good and sound advice taken by our Company we were found to be clear and out of danger (notwithstanding other Com- panies found imperfections in their estates). It is now therefore resolved that it is not fit for this Company to join with other Companies, lest as great a burden should be imposed upon us as upon others whose titles are doubtful. And our Master and Wardens ' Page 183, note 1. 270 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [part i. are entreated to make such answer to my Lord Mayor when his Lordship shall send for them. And it is ordered and agreed that Sir Henry JMoutague, the Eecorder of London, shall be retained to be a Standing Couuseller to this Company. And a fee of four pounds per ann. which was granted to Mr. Serjeant Crooke, the last Eecorder, shall be now satisfied unto the said Sir Henry Montague, to be paid quarterly by 20s. a quarter, and to have con- tinuance only during the Company's pleasure. And our Master is entreated to acquaint Mr. Eecorder therewith, and to present him with 20s. presently, which 20s. shall be accounted as paid for our Ladyday's quarter, 1605, next ensuing." The Eecorder had come to his office in Sir Eobert Lee's mayoralty, after the accession of James, and at his solicitation.^ He was fortunately a man of character, and ultimately became the first Earl of Manchester, but so far as the Merchant Taylors were concerned no further notice was taken of this overture, and before any measures were adopted the Chair of the Chief ]\Iagistrate was occupied by another Merchant Taylor (Sir L. Halliday), who in September, 1605, was elected to be Lord Mayor. However, it is certain that some attempt was made at legis- lation in the session of 1606, as on the 28th August, 1606, the Court came to this resolution : — " AVhereas Mr. Dyas, the Solicitor of the city, did prosecute two Bills in the Parliament House for the good of the several Companies, viz., one Bill for confirmation of land given to charitable uses, and another Bill for giving authority to Masters and Wardens to put their Ordinances in execution without suite or molestation in law. And albeit the said Bills were (engrossed) yet it hath been thought good that the money by him disbursed should be allowed by the several Companies. And whereas he allegeth that other Companies have satisfied and paid unto him five pounds apiece. It is agreed that our ]\Iaster shall pay unto him the like sum, and the same to be allowed him again in his account." But other Guilds might have been imperilled in their estates, and the Eecorder attended the Court of the Clothworkers on the 13th April, 1607, and advised them to this effect.^ He said " that there is a Bill pferred to the Parlyament howse touchinge th' assurance of the landes & tenements belonginge to the severall Cumpanyes of this Cittie, certen rents yssuinge out of w"^'" said ' Janii's's lptto-3 to Sir Eobert Lee, 25th May, 1603. * Sop vol. 1 , page 335, Lond n Livery Company Ecports. CHAP. XV.] Recorders Advice as to Claim of Crown. 271 landes and tenements lymited to supersticious uses were purchased by the said sev''all Compauyes of Kynge Edward the sixte in the fourthe yeare of his raigue." Of the legal merits of the claim put forward by the Crown, he spoke thus : — " The iudges & greatest Lawyers of this land then beiuge of opinion that onely the rents ymployed or lymitted to supsticious uses were the Kynges/ but not the lands \Ahereout those rents were yssuinge yet in these tymes the very landes have bynne & yet are in question." Then he described the extortion to which the Guilds had been subjected : " And certen patentees in the tyme of the late Queene have gonne about, and yet doe, to entitle the said late Queene and the Kynges Ma*'^ that now is to the said lands and tenements (onely for theyr private gayne) as lands concealed from the Crowne, not caringe to bereave a nomber of poor people in this Citty & elsewhere in the Kyngdome of theyr beste and cheifest reliefe & mayntenance & by means of those patentees have drawen from the said sev''all Companyes many greate somes of money for composicon w**" the said patentees for the landes, the rents whereof the Companyes had formerly purcliased of the said late Kynge Edward the sixte. And so the saide Companyes havinge payd fyrst to the Kynge & after compounded w*'' the said Patentees for the saide rents and landes sev^'ally for all the money they have departed with have at this pnte (of assurance) neither rents nor landes." Such being the position of affairs, " the said S"" Henry Monn- tague shewed vnto the Company how beneficiall the passinge of that byll in Parliament might be in generall to the whole Cittie & in pticular to every private Company, and did advise that soe good meanes of peace and quiet for the establishinge of theyr landes to them and theyr successors in succeedinge tymes was not to be reiected but to be embraced, and w''' all desired to know the purpose & determinacon of this Company whether they wolde ioyne w*^ the reste of the Companyes & contribute to the chardge of passinge the said byll or desiste and stand vppon theyr own defence." The decision which the Clothworkers came to w^as to give (that which an unscrupulous adversary often gets) a sum of money for peace and security. " It was answered that this Company althoughe they knew theyr landes to be as cleare and free from 1 See the statutes and cases collected to this effect in Vol. 1, Stephen's Eccle- siastical Statutes, page 291, and notes. 272 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [part i. question as any other Company in London yet in respecte of the general! good w"^ (as is declared) by possibilitie may come to the whole Cittie and to the Companyes in pticuler they will not leave theyr bretheren but ioyne w*'' them in psequucon of the said Byll & in contribucon to the chard ges thereof after a reasonable rate accordinge to the proporcon of the dannger they stand in case of concealement or purchase of rents lymited to supsticious vses." The Merchant Taylors appear to have been equally patriotic to their fellow citizens, as their records contain the following entry relating to a Court of Gth July, 1607. " Whereas the Eight Worshipful Sir Henry Montague, Knight, Eecorder of London hath taken great pains and care in procuring an Act of Parliament for assuring of land, granted and devised to the several Companies of this Citty, and is to bestow many gratifications to such as wellwishers and furthers of the same It is agreed that our Company shall contribute the sum of One hundred pounds towards the same charge. And that our Master shall pay the same to Mr. Recorder, and shall have it allowed in his account." The Act local and personal of 4 James I, cap. 10, is another parliamentary sanction to the title of the Guilds to the obit lands which they purchased from the Crown. It recites " that the antient devises or grants made of lands, &c., to the several Com- panies they have used to the comfort of many good subjects and great relief of the poor, and other good and charitable uses." That these grants, &c., have been sought " to be avoided and His Majesty to be entitled thereto as concealed or unjustly detained from him ;" but that His Majesty taking " knowledge of the several sums paid for the lands " both in the times of " Edward VI and Elizabeth," and of " the good and charitable employment of the said lands heretofore made, and at this time," and especially His Majesty taking knowledge of the letters patent of 14th July, 1550, since which time " divers doubts and questions have been moved whether the several rents mentioned in their letters or the messuages whereout those rents are mentioned in the same letters to be issuing or employed were concealed or wrong- fully detained, and both for the one and the other divers com- positions heretofore made." Therefor as an enactment for taking away of all questions moved or stirred either concerning the said rents or messuages and respectively belonging to the said Companies the King (in CHAP. XV.] Case under Chauntries Collegiate Act. 273 substance) confirmed the title of the Merchant Taylors and other Companies; under the Letters Patent of the 14th July, 1550. Thus closed for ever, as it was thought, until the Eeport of the Eoyal Commissioners^ was presented to Parliament in 1884, all controversy between the Crown and the citizens in relation to the conduct of either in the time of Edward YI under " the Chaun- tries Collegiate Act : " for there is scarcely any transaction at this period less creditable to the Crown than that case presents upon the accepted facts, which are these : Parliament — to further the good, or as the statute styled them " pious " purposes, of establish- ing education and sustaining the poor, placed the Crown in trust of the obit rent-charges, which trust was accepted, but the rents were misapplied to secular uses. The trusteeship was then used to compel the Guilds to buy up the rent-charges from the Crown, on terms of great disadvantage to the purchasers ; thus we have seen that, though the Merchant Taylors purchased for Fish's scholars a freehold estate at 10/.^ per cent., they had to purchase the rent-charges from the Crown at double^ the value, viz., 5/. per cent., the purchase-money being misapplied as the rents had been, to secular uses. That the citizens of London, and notably those of the Merchant Taylors' Company, did — from pure motives previously unimpeached by the Crown, — establish schools, promote university teaching, and provide for the poor are matters of history ; nor is it less notorious that while so doing they were harassed by false charges of con- cealment promoted by the Crown for speculative gain.* But Parliament, without absolving the Crown from its original trust for pious uses, and certainly not transferring such responsibility to others, has seen fit to confirm the title^ of the Guilds to the rent- charges and the hereditaments from which they accrue. If, there- fore, such a title as the Guilds hold is to be questioned at the instance of the Crown, no dealings with the Crown, even after a Parliamentary confirmation has been given, can ever avail, and the highest title that the law knows wiU have been destroyed. The right of the Crown to inquire " into the original objects of the Guilds, and to ascertain how far such objects are now being carried into effect " is now what it was when Sir James Scarlett* 1 Page 146, ante. 2 p^ge 2 iO. » Page 147. * Page 240, et seq. * As to Statutes of Edward and Philip and Mary, see page 149. « Parliamentary Papers (1852), Vol. XXII, App. B, page 25. VOL. I. T 274 Company in Earlier Years of James I. [parti. advised the Merchant Taylors Company on the issue of the forraer Ptoyal Commission in 1833, that such right did not exist, but the Guilds readily answered the inquiries addressed to them by Her Majesty's Commissioners of 1884. Looking at the valuable reports which other Eoyal Commissioners have made on some of the more burning questions of the day, and at the reputation, honourable beyond impeachment, which some of Her Majesty's Commissioners of 1884 enjoyed, the Guilds might reasonably have expected after full inquiry made by the Commissioners that none of them would, as they have done, give currency by their Eeport to any misstate- ment of fact^ calculated seriously to mislead Parliament in estimating the moral right of the citizens to their Guild property, which, we venture to submit, either antecedent knowledge or any subsequent inquiry would have prevented them from doing. ' Extiact, page 146, ante. 275 CHAPTEE XVI. THE BANQUET TO JAMES I AND HIS SON HENEY, PEINCE OF WALES, 1607. Royal guests in earlier years^ p. Tib. — The feast of St. John., 23- 276. — Celebrated in song, p. 276. — Clothioorkers' dinner, p. 276. — James I e.vpresses his in- tention to dine with the Taylors, p. 277. — Merchant Taylors^ record of the feast, p. 211. — Number of guests, p. 211. — Preparations made on 21th June, p. 278. — Money from the Treasury, p. 278. — Standing Committee, p. 278. — Stewards, p. 278. — Two Caterers, p. 279. — Butler and wine, p. 279. — Ben JonsorCs engagement, p. 280. — Hangings, &c., for the Hall, p. 280. — Plate hired, p. 281. — Waiters appointed, p. 281. — Watch on the Hall premises, p. 282. — Committee to meet daily, p. 282. — Court of 1th July, p. 283. — King, Prince, and Queen invited, p. 283. — Lord Mayor and Aldermen not to be invited, p. 284. — Recorder attends to remonstrate, p. 284. — Purses of gold to be provided, p. 285. — Provision laid in for the feast, and the cost of it, p. 286. — Butlers, Cooks, and Waiters, p. 286. — Utensils for the table, p. 287. — Messes for the King and others, p. 287. — Preparation of the Hall for guests, p. 287. — Reception of the King, p. 288. — Plague, p. 288. — Lord Mayor and Aldermen at the Hall, p. 288. — Retinue of the King, p. 289. — The physician, p. 289.— Cooks, p. 289. —Lords, p. 290. — Enters the Hall, p. 291. — Performances, p. 291. — Pageant of performers, p. 291. — King^s dinner, p. 291. — Dr. BuWs and Mr. Oyle^s performance, p. 291. — The Princess dinner, p. 291. — The Recorder's address, p. 292. — Master presents the purse of gold, p. 222.— The Clerk the roll of Honorary Members, p. 292. — List of these from 1351 to 1562,^. 293. — Notes of these Members, p. 293. — Purse presented to the Prince, p. 304. — Made an Honorary Member, p. 305. — Lords also, p. 305. — Master and Wardens installed into office icith garlands, p. 305. — Fareioell, p. 305. — Settlement of accounts, p. 305. — Dr. Bidl and Mr. Gyles made Liverymen, p. 305. — Ambassadors apply for certificate of freedom, p. 306. — Master's contribution to the feast, p. 306. — Final items, accounts, and total cost, p. 306. — Note. Items of expenditure for feast, pp. 307-17. We have now to relate a very different incident in relation to James I and the Company, namely, the feast given to him at his own invitation, and at a cost liitherto unprecedented in the history of the Guild, That Sovereigns had been entertained by the Com- pany, is a tradition which gathers round the names of Edward III, and Henry VII ; but that such an entertainment was given to James I, is a fact recorded on the books of the Company, with many details of arrangements and expense. VOL. I. T 2 276 Banquet to James I and his son Henri/. [part i. We have already noticed that the Company's great feast of the year, was that on St. John's Day, when the statutes ordained tliat the Master's election should be proclaimed openly in the hall " afore such estates, honourable and worshipful guests " as were present. That distinguished guests were invited the early accounts show : as entries^ for " boat hire " paid are found when the Master and Wardens went to invite the Ai'chbishop or the Chancellor, or (as in 1464-5) Edward IV and his Queen, with other noble guests, or (in 1468-9) " Ambassadors " to the feast. According to the old song said to have been written and sung on this occasion, there were but " four great Feasts of England," and that " all others be but dinners called." These were " St. George's Eeast the first of all," " the Honoured Mayor of London the second feast " ordains, " The Serjeants of the Law another feast affords," and the fourth which deserved " a gallant grace," was that of " the Taylors Company."^ If, therefore, any Company was to be honoured by the King, the Merchant Taylors might not unreasonably expect to be selected to give him an entertainment. Accordingly in July, 1607, after the mayoralty of Halliday had expired, and he had been succeeded in office by Sir John Wait (a Clothworker), the banquet took place. On the 12th June, James had dined with the Lord Mayor at his house adjacent to Clothworkers' Hall, and after dinner when at the point of departure, the King was interviewed by the Master and Wardens of that Company, and solicited to enter their hall to accept the freedom. This he accordingly did, and drank to them as his brethren of the Clothworkers.^ Under what circumstances, therefore, the King so soon after this dinner resolved upon another, is not explained. All that the record states, is that the Company were informed of his intention "to dyne at our hall." Although the event is noticed in the chronicles of tlie time, tlie entries in the Merchant Taylors' books relating to it, though printed,* have never been published, nor the details, or cost of the " menu " given. These books, therefore, contain a valuable record of a civic feast in the early years of » 1454-5, 1455-6. * The Crown Garland of Golden Eoses, London, 1602, Tol. 1. Wilson's Merchant Tarlors' Scliool, page xxii. ^ Nichol's Progresses, James I, page 132. ■• Memorials, pages 153-180. CHAP, xvi.] Record of the Feast. 277 James I's reign, and extracts from these will be made the basis of the present text. The reader by looking througn the chapter^ relating to " The Hall and its Contents," will be able to appreciate the resources of the Company in furniture and utensils for such an entertainment. They had no establishment of servants, nor was there any con- tractor as there is now, able, with equal facility, to feed either 100 or 1,000 guests : but all the arrangements for feasting the King had to be improvised by the Company, and taken in hand by its various members. The number of principal guests for the hall would approxi- mately appear to have been, say — Court and Livery . . . . . . . . 80 President and Fellows of St. John (say) . . 4 King and Prince . . . . . . , . 2 Ambassadors and Lords . . . . . . 22 King's attendants named . . . . . . 64 172 Besides divers esquires and servants to the King, Prince, and noblemen (who would have to be fed after the chief guests had been provided for), and the swarm of servants hired by the Company. The entries begin on the 27th June, thus : — " The Company are informed that the King's most excellent Maj*'^- with our gracious Queene and the noble Prince and diverse Hon''^'^- Lordes and others determyne to dyne at our Hall on the day of the Elecon of the Master and Wardens : therefore this Meeting was appoynted to advyse and consult ho we every e thinge may be performed for the reputacon and creditt of the Company and to give his Majestic best lyking and contentment." The Master in Oftice was John Swynnerton, the elder, and his Wardens were Richard Wright, Andrew Osborne, Edward Atkinson, and William Albany, all men of experience ; and those to be declared as their successors on the occasion of the King's visit, were John Johnson, as Master, and Thomas Owen, Piichard Scales, John Wooller, and Ptandolph Woolley, the two Renters being ultimately benefactors to the Company.^ 1 Chapter Y, page 82. 2 Memorials, paged 303 and 312. 278 Banquet to James I a7id his son Henry, [part i. The election day was usually held early in July, and, therefore little time was available to gather in funds to meet the immediate cost of preparation, therefore, it was " agreed for the present that the whole money shalbe laide oute and disbursed out of the coinon Stock of the Company, and when it is knowne what the whole charges will amount to, the Master and Wardens will referr tliem- selves to the consideracon of the Assistants what is fytt for them to allowe out of their private purses towards the same chardges." But responsibility must be delegated, and therefore a Committee was formed. "The Company have entreated and authorized the Master and four Wardens, Mr. Baron Sotherton, four Aldermen and all the old Masters, and Mr. Vernon, or any six of them, to be Committees to determyne, direct and a^^poynte all matters con- cerniuge the said greate and noble entertaynement and what they or any six of them shall appoynte the Company wiU approve and allowe." Sotherton had been pre^dously useful, and John Vernon (the noble benefactor of 1615^) had served twice as Warden,^ and was the Company's Master of 1609. He is described "as the blind ]\Ierchant Stapler who died without issue," and he lies buried in St. Michael's, Cornhill, where to his memory the Company in 1696'' erected a bust, which is still standing, to remind the Com- pany at their yearly visitation at Christmas of the charity wliich he would have them carefully distribute amongst their brethren. It was usual for the Company to make a fixed allowance for dinner, and to appoint Stewards from the Livery for expenditure and to leave these officers, with the Master and Wardens, to bear any extra expenses which they might be pleased to incur. It became part of the Auditors' duty to protect the corporate funds from any extra charge, which the Stewards and not the Com- pany ought to bear. Stewards were therefore appointed on this occasion. "Mr. Thomas Eowe,* one of the Assistants, Robert Jenkinson,* Thomas Johnson,'^ and William Greenewell,'' three of the Livery, to be Stewards to receive money and to make all pro- visions and performe all other matters which tJelongeth to Stewards to undergoe." Accordingly the Stewards would need advice as to the provision to be made for such a feast, and the highest authorities for city 1 Memorials, page 306. ^ j^ 1599 ^nd 1(304. 3 Court Entries, 3rd July, lfi96, and 18th March, 1697. * Warden, 1599-1603, Master, 1610. » Warden, 1609-12, Master, 1615. 6 Warden. 1010-13, Master, 1G15. ' Warden, 1614-10, Master, 1018. CHAP. XVI.] Stewards, Caterers, &g. 279 hospitality were the officers of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs. Accordingly we find " Lansdale the Lord Maior's Cater, and Sotherne one of the Sheriffs' Caters are appoynted to be in attendance upon the Stewards to informe them of all things necessary for such an entertainment, and to consider what number of messes are requisite and ho we many and what dishes, and ho we and where the same shalbe disposed, and to draw out Bills of the Diett to be considered of by the Committees, and to doe all such services as doth apperteyne to Caters to performe."^ But that the Court might be kept informed of his Majesty's wishes and purpose, " Mr. Warden Wriglit is entreated from tyme to tyme to attend at Court to understand from my Lord Chamber- lain and my Lord of Salisbury, what complements are fytt to be performed by the Company e and to knowe if his Majestic hould his purpose and resolucon to come." Then and for many years after, the wine for a feast was brought in and specially purchased for each occasion. Here the cellar had to be put in order to receive it, which service Bellew, the Under Butler, did at a cost of 1/. 10s. llf^. Then some com- petent judge of wine must be appointed to make the selection and give directions in these matters, and therefore " Matthewe Springham,^ one of the Lyvery, is entreated to be chief, and Master Butler to commaund all the Butlers that shalbe used in this service." The varieties of wine^ were Gascoine (possibly Mountrose, deemed a liquor for a lord), Cunuock, Canara, Claret, Ehennish, and white. Little importance was attached to the quality of the wine, so long as the spice was strong and aromatic. Thus, Ipocras was hotly infused with spice, and drank after every meal as the favourite of all home made wines. The expenditure with Mr. Atkinson amounted to 61/. 12s. 7d., and 16?. 7s. 6d. for the hire of Butlers. Probably ale and beer fell to the care of the same member to purchase. There were three qualities at 6s. 8d., 8s., and 10s. per barrel, with a tun^ of Court Beere at 11. 16s., a total expenditure of 121. 9s., which with the wine contrasts strongly (as in Falstaff's time) with " 8/. paid for 160 dozen and 6 penny- worth of bread," and 9s. paid in addition to Mr. Lansdale for bread. ^ "To Richard Lansdale, the lord maio's steward, and Willm. Sotherne, one of the sheriff's stewards, being appointed to be the two caters for this service —viz., to either of them 51. a peece in toto, 10^. " To William Sothern's sonne for his paynes, 10s." ' Warden, 1613-15, Master, 1617. ^ Etiglisli Ilome, page 83. * A liquid measure of 4 hogsheads or 252 gallons. 280 Banquet to James I and his son Henry, [part i. Having Eoyal guests, a special programme of music and song must be arranged for their entertainment. Some disappointment had resulted from the last demand made on the Schoolmaster for a speech by one of his scholars, when James entered the city in 1603, and therefore other assistance was sought. " Sir John Swynnerton is entreated to conferr with Mr. Benjamin Johnson the Poet, aboute a speeche to be made to welcome his Majestic, and for musique and other inventions which maye give likeing and delight to his Majestic by reason that the Company doubt that their Schoolmaster and Schollers be not acquainted with such kinde of Entertainments." Mr. Ben Jonson was no doubt engaged, but the speech of eighteen verses devised by him, "which pleased his Majesty marvelously well," has not been preserved either on the records of the Company or in his works."^ It was usual to have in the fourteenth century hall at the end opposite to the minstrels or over the dais a gallery or room to enable the occupants to command a view of the guests and of the enter- tainment taking place beneath. A room was placed where the present corridor stands, but there was no window commanding a sufficient view of the hall. Therefore "it is ordered that the Mason shall presently cut a hole through the mayne wall at the upper end of the Hall and make a windowe out of the little roome for the King to looke into the Hall, and Mr. Warden Osborne and Mr. Warden Albany to take care to see the same performed." The inventory of the garniture and furniture of the hall have been placed before the reader. There were not sufficient chairs, stools, or bankers for each guest to be seated, and the hire of such articles was a necessity. Therefore " William Jones,^ Thos. Owen^ and Eichd. Scales,^ three of the Assistants, are entreated at the Companies charge to make provision of Hangings, Carpets, ^ Gifford's Ben Jonson, London (1816). The payments made to him by the Company were these : — " To M'' Beniamyn Johnson, the poett, for inventing the speech to his Ma'y and for making the songs, and his direccions to others in that business, 20/." " For setting of the songs that were songe to his Ma'^ to M'' Copiarario, 121. " To M'' Johnson's man for writing out cojjies of the speech and songes to be giuen to the king and lords with others, 15s. " To Mr Johnson for the Musitian's dynner the day before the feast, 21. " To Powle's singing men by M"' Ben. Johnson, 1/. 5*." - Warden 1599-1605. ^ Warden 1603-7. ^ Warden 1604-7, Master 1613. CHAP. XVI.] Waiters appointed. 281 Curtains, Stools, Chaynes, Pillowes and such other necessaries at the chardges of the Company."^ Possibly the reader may have thought the Company had a sufficient supply of plate for any feast,^ but not so, when it is remembered that glass and earthenware were not used in the hall, and that all the guests were of necessity to be provided with basyns and ewres for washing before and after dinner, and the principal guests with plate, and the other guests with pewter from which their meals were to be taken, therefore the King's plate must be asked for by Mr. Warden Wright and " George Lydiatt,^ Otho Mawditt, Eichard Osmotherly,* George Sotherton,^ James Graves, Matthew Beadles,^ John Houghton, and Henry Polstrede,' being all of the Livery of this Company, are entreated and appointed to make provision of plate at the Companies charge, wherein it is not doubted but they will deale carefully and frugully for the Company. And Mr. Warden Wright is entreated to move the Lord Chamberlain for the use of the King's silver vessel." The result was satisfactory, as the plate was provided at a cost of 2oL 14s. 9d., and the pewter at 9/. 15s. 6d. It was usual then that the servants of the King should come to cook for and wait upon him, and (as to waiting) the rule applied to noble guests, but in an ordinary way we have already seen that waiters or servants at the Company's feasts were by preference members of the Company, or the Lord Mayor's and Sheriffs' officers f the same assistance was now to be sought for. " The Master and Wardens are entreated to provide a competent and sufficient number of the Officers attending the Lord Maior and Sheriffs to wait at the Dinner. And also p^sonable young ' The particulars of this expenditure is to be found in these entries : — " To 2 carmen y' brought j" hangings from j" wat^ side, Is. 8d. " For the hjring of 18 covered stooles by GrriSyn, IO5. " For carrying re-carrying and helping vp with tilings, 1*. 6d. " To the gentlemen that lent the hangings, chaires, stooles, and other thinges for the fumisliing of the kinge's chamber and the withdrawing chambers by M' Warden Owen, 101. " Tliere was disbursed about the repayring and bewtifying of the bowse, as by the accompt of Mr. Swynnerton, maister, appeareth, the some of one hundreth fyfty fower pounds seaven shillinges and sixpence." 2 Pages 92-8 anfe. » Warden 1G08-11. ^ Warden Substitute 1603, Benefactor, 1G12. ' Son of George, and admitted by patrimony 18th June, 1599. ® Warden 1620-22, then Alderman. 7 Warden 1621-3, Master 1625. « Page 182, anfe. 282 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part i. men of the Company to give their attendance in Gownes and to carry up the meate to the inferior tables." The names of the young men of the Company who gave their attendance has not been preserved, but those who were hired cost the Company 11. 4s. at 4s. a head, a heavy charge, but it seems that they were " Serjeants." The safety of the King was the next subject which received attention, and needful it was that it should do so, for since 1586^ the Company, at the precept of the Lord Mayor, had been obliged to store gunpowder in their hall premises, and the Guy Fawke's conspiracy of 5th November, 1605, had shewn how such a store might be applied to the destruction of the King ; therefore with a view to security, " Our Master and Wardens are entreated to cause discreete men to make special serche in and about all the houses and roomes adjoyning to the Hall to prevent all villiany and danger from all which wee doe most humbly beseech Almighty God to blesse and defend his Majestic." It was etiquette for the Sovereign to dine at a table alone. " The Company are informed that the King's Majestie will dine in the King's Chamber, and the Princes Highness in the greate Hall." Arrangements must be made accordingly. " It is there- fore thought fytt the long table at the upper end of the Hall be taken away and three several tables whereby the Prince's High- ness may sitt at a table by himself in state, and the noble men at two tables at either end thereof." Adjacent to the hall was a popular " tavern," either the " Star " or the " Grasshopper," and the roof was fitted up as a place of recreation for the customers, overlooking the hall garden and premises. This might prove an annoyance, therefore " it is considered and agreed that the brick wall in the Garden which adjoineth to the Taverne shall presently be raised up to take away the prospect of such as use to walke upon the leades of the Taverne and thereby woulde overlooke the Garden." And if workmen were to be employed it would be well that " that King's Chamber and the Garden Walls and the Gate and the houses about the same to be bewtified as much as tyme will admytt." Here the directions given end and the Clerk, as a comment upon the labour of the Committee, adds : " And be it remembered that divers of the Comyttee's mett every day and appoynted officers to attend and also collected the most personable and ' Note, page 59, ante. CHAP, xvl] Court of 7th Jd>j, 1607. 283 proper men, and appoynted every one his service, as well of such as weU of the Assistants, Lyvery, and Sixteene Men, as also other young men of the Company and Ushers, and were careful to see everything performed for the creditt and reputacon of the Company." All these preliminary arrangements had been made on the bare suggestion of the King's intention to visit the Company, but at the next meeting on tlie 7tli July, " the Company are informed by Mr. Warden Wright that the Eight Hon^^« the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, and the Eight Hon^^' the Earle of Salisbury, the Kinge's principall Secretarie, oute of theire honourable love to this Companie have invited the King's moste excellent Maj*^^ to our Ffeast, so as the Company shall not need to trouble his Majestie any further." The Company were, therefore, certain that the King would be their guest, yet both earls gave " their honourable advice and also thought convenient that some of the chief of the Company should ride to Nonsuch to the Prince's Court to invite his Highness." The Prince was at this time thirteen years of age, being born on the 19th February, 1594.' Nonsuch^ (which is in Cheam Parish) was begun to be built as a palace by Henry VIII, and after his death completed as such by the Earl of Arundel, who, in 1591, conveyed it to Queen Elizabeth, where she resided occasionally until 1600.* As such an invitation had to be given "Mr. Baron Sotherton, Sir WiUiam Craven, Mr. Alderman Elwes, and Mr. Alderman Albany, have undertaken to perform that service;" then "Sir John Swynner- ton and Mr. Alderman Elwes have also promised to invite all the Lords that are resident about London," and that the feast might be graced with the presence of the Queen, "Mr. Warden Wright hath also promised to desire the Lord Chamberlain to the Queene to invite her Majestie and such honourable Ladies as usually attend her Hiohness." The royal guests being thus secured, the question arose ^ He died at St. James's Palace 9th November, and was buried at Westminster, 7th December, 1612. See the particulars of his illness and death, 2 Nichols, Progresses (James I), pages 469-93, and the sermon of Dr. Joseph Hall (Bishop of Norwich) to tlie Household of the late Prince, New Year's Day, 1613, Vol. 5, page QQ, of his works. ^ Rye's England, page 243, and Lysons' Environs, Vol. 6, page 151. ^ Hunting, it is said, every other day, though 67 years of age. 284 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part t. whether the Lord Mayor and Aldermen with their ladies should be invited, and on the 9th the Court was " specially provided to consider and advyse whether it were fitt and convenient to invite the Lord Mayor and all the Aldermen and their Ladies to the Elecon dynner this yeare," opinions, though given freely were not unanimous, and upon propounding the question, " severall dely vered their conceite and opynions, some holding opinion that it would be an honor and grace to the Company to see soe many sitt togeather in their Scarlet Robes : other being of opynion that it would much derogate from the private Companie who should be at the whole charge, and soe make it seeme as an entertainment done at the charge of the whole Cytty." Then the presence of so great an official as the Lord Mayor appeared to some to create a special difficulty. " Some houlding opynion that if wee preferred my Lord Maior and Aldermen to a principal Table it woulde offend the nobles and honourable gentlemen who would reckon my Lord Maior in the presence of the King, to be but as an ordinary Knight Quia in prcesentia Majoris cessat potestas minoris : others houlding it the duty of us citizens to have a very special care to give satisfacon and preferr the Governours of the Cytty." Unfortunately for the credit of the Court others took a lower CTTOund "houlding opynion, that my Lord Maior for the present yere being a clothworker, and having procured to grace that Company and to cause his Majesties name to be entered as one of that Society, he would doe his endeavor to crosse our Companie of that honour which wee understand the Prince's Highness meaneth to confer upon our Company;" however, after "many other reasons and opynions were delyvred, it was put to scrutiny and by moste voices agreed, that neither my Lord Maior nor any of the Aldermen (saving such as be of our Company) shoulde be inv}^ted at this tyme, hoping that none of them shall have any just cause to except against the Companies resolution herein." Such an affront to the Corporation could not be passed over without remonstrance, and accordingly on the loth "to this Court resorted Mr. Recorder of London, and did use many perswasive speeches to move the Company to invite the Right Hon'''^ Lord Maior and the Right Wor" the Aldermen his Brethren to dyne at the Hall upon the morrowe nexte ensuinge," but in vain, for " upon whose ernest mocon it was estsones put to question and scruteny whether they should be invited or no, but the major parte remembering how the same was debated at the last Courte, doe CHAP. XVI.] Pu7\ses of gold to he provided. 285 stand constant in theire former resolution. And soe by scruteny yt was agreed that they should not be invyted at this tyme." Such being the decision they made a poor excuse and " praied Mr. Eecorder to conceave well of their resolucon, and to informe my Lord Maior and Aldermen that they feared that the Company of noblemen and ladies woulde be so great that they could not possibly give his Lordshipp and Worshipps that entertaynement as would be fitt for Citizens to give to theire Magistrates, which was the cause they forebore to invite them at this tyme." The election of Master and Wardens came on in the ordinary way, but having regard to the lax discipline then prevailing^ the newly elected members were specially enjoined " not to be absent the next day at the publication of their election." There was, however, one other matter which the Court had to order before the Eoyal guests were received, viz., that purses with gold therein should be provided ; James I was needy, and money was acceptable and readily received by him. On his way from Scotland he accepted purses from Berwick and Newcastle, at Salisbury a cup of silver and also 20/. and a purse containing another 20/. When he passed from the Tower to the Corporation in July, 1603, the city provided 1,000/., 1,000 marks of which was given to James and 500 to the Queen in separate purses. Later, in the succeeding March when he went in State Progress through the city from the Tower to Westminster, three cups of gold (costing 416/. 10s. M) were given by the Eecorder to the King, Queen, and Prince;^ and again when he dined with the Lord Mayor (Wait) at his private house in the June of 1607, he carried away a purse of gold.^ Therefore the Merchant Taylors Com- pany could not do otherwise than comply with the established custom ; and " also at this Court itt was agreed that the Stewards 1 Chapter XII, page 217. ^ Nichols, Vol. 1, pages 335, 406. 3 It may be noticed that during the reigns of Edward VI, Queens Mary and Elizabeth, and for the earlier part of James, the custom of giving and receiring New Year's gifts to and from the Sovereign was seldom omitted. The manner of making these in 1603-4 is thus described by Lord Harrington, who then made one : — " You must buy a new purse of about 5*. price and put thereinto 20 pieces of new gold of 20s. a piece ; then go to the Presence Chamber at 8 o'clock a.m., deliver the purse and the gold to the Lord Chamberlain." He then mentions the fees to be paid to the King's servants, and how the donor must get a ticket in return entitling him to receive 18«. 6d. in cash and an order for a piece of plate 30 ozs. weight. — 1 Nichol, James I's Progress, page 471. It is said that the last trace of this custom in modern times was that the Chaplains in waiting on New Y^ ear's day had each a crown piece laid under his plate at dinner. 286 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part i. shall make provision of Three ritch Purses and of Two hundred poundes in faier gold, whereof one hundred poundes to be pre- sented to the King and Fyfty poundes to the Queen, and Ffyfty poundes to the Prynce, and if the Queene doe not come, then that Fifty poundes to be saved." So much then for the orders of the Court giving directions for due preparation to be made for the entertainment of the Eoyal visitors, but before reverting again to the Court minutes describing their reception let us see, so far as the cash accounts furnish information, what provision was made for the feast.^ (1) In flesh, fish, and fowl ; (2) In groceries and various items ; (3) In cooking, &c. ; (4) In waiting on the guests ; and lastly, in the equipment of the table utensils. William Sotherne, the caterer, purchased the " butchers beefe, &c.," costing as a total 40/. 14s. (with an item of " 11. 4s. for one dinner with Mr. Alexander, the Princes gent usher "), but there were fourteen bucks presented by members (as Wardens Albany and Atkinson), and from guests as Lord Salisbury, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Prince.^ The fish appears to have been purchased at a cost of 221. 19s, Ad., principally from Mr. Angell, but at whose selection does not appear except that Mr. Swynnerton, the Master, purchased some sturgeon. The " poultry " was the most various and most costly food provided, amounting to a total sum of 104/. 9s. 3c/.,'' to which must be added 21. 3s. M. for 1,300 eggs at 3s. 4d per 100. The groceries for ordinary cooking cost 32/. 9s. lOd., and for ipocras 3/. 14s. 6d., which after some abatement was paid for by 36/. The greengrocer's bill was paid by 30/. 2s. Sd. including 15s. Id. for " herbs and nosegaies." We have now to come to the cooking. Before the Chef (William Beamond) and his deputies could be set to work the kitchen had to be prepared by being provided with utensils, fuel, and candles, and other essential articles, of which the details are preserved. Thus the Chandler's articles cost 3/. 3s. 7d., fuel 71. 7s. Sd. Dresser clothes 31. Is. 5d. and linen 13/. 16s. 5d., besides certain consumable stores. * See note at the end of the chapter for the cost, &c., of supplies, page 307. 2 " Unto which dinner the Prince sent three brace of Bucks, and Su- Tliomas Chaloner did, by }re -nrittcn bj' his Uighness comniaundment, signifie that his Highness with his own hand placed the woodman to kill them." » Page 310. CHAP. XVI.] Messes for the King and others. 287 The cooking appears to have cost in wages 15^. 13s. M., the distribution being as follows : — " To Mr. Beamond (who was the Company's Cook) for his own pains 5/./ and for his apron 6s. The cooks under him were 32 in number, and they all dined together at the close of their labours, " there being no cold meat left for them," although their labours were not equal, as some were only partially engaged, as two for one day, eighteen for two, six for three, three for four, and three for four days and one night, each man being reckoned at 2s. 6f/. per day or night, and the work of the kitchen had this number of men : forty-two labourers for one day at 6f?. each, and four labourers for five days at Is. a day, besides paying three other assistants as : — " For heating y^ oven to the bakers man y* baked y® pasties, 2s." " To Tho : Jackson for looking to the custards, 2s." " To Walter Bretton for going of errands, 3s." The waiters engaged have been already referred to, and we have now to ascertain what was the table equipment. We notice that glass was introduced at this feast at a cost of 15/. 2s., but that one pair of knives only appears at a cost of 2s.,^ and no spoons or forks. We find rose water mentioned in Harper's pageant, and for this feast " 12s. was paid for a gallon of sweete water and the potes." We come now to the banqueting. For the King the messes were a desert made up of dried fruits and confectionery, that for the King cost 22Z. 2s., that for the Prince 15/. 7s. 6c/., that for the Lords 24/. 10s. To these must be added the marchpanes, a favourite dehcacy made of flour, sugar, and almonds, which cost 9/. 3s. 4f/. For the kitchen and privy kitchen a similar desert at the cost of 5/. 14s. 2d. and 2/. 2s. 6d, to which was added 4/., for thirteen dozen and eight plates of glass lost. Some preparation was always needed to make the hall fit for the reception of guests. If the old rushes had not been taken off the floor after the last feast they had to be covered with clean ' For made or hackled dishes these payments are entered : — " For one turky pye, Gs. ; for 2 peacock pyes, 11*. ; for one pheasant pye, 6s. j for 2 partrich pyes, 4*. ; for one phesant py, Qs. ; for 2 mallard pyes, Qs. ; for 1 swann pye, Qs. ; for 1 owle pye, 25. 2 Note, page 314. Bellew was retired with 3Z. on 14th July, 1610, "as well in respect of three table knives, a standing carver's knife, and a chipping knife upon two whereof the Company's arms are engraven, and to be left by him for the use of the Fraternity, as also that he is aged and past labour." 288 Banquet to James 1 and his son Henry. [part i. ones.^ The arras hangings which were used to adorn the walls w^ere (as we know) kept in nine bags, and had to be taken out and hung around the hall. A " ship," a popular emblem, was to be used and fitted up for the King's pleasure. These matters must be looked to, and caused a miscellaneous expenditure of which the particulars may be worth the reader's notice. We may now refer to the proceedings of the 16th July, when the King was received at the hall. The record begins : — " The Companie made great haste to Church to the Sermon which this yeare was in the Parish of St. Helen, by reason that a howse over against our Church, and some other howses in the Parish were visited with the Plague, which was used by some that would willingly have kepte the King and Prince from our Hall, as a very speciall motive to diswade his Majestic from coming." The plague here referred to is one of those periodical scourges which visited London before the fire of 1666. It commenced in 1603 and continued for eight years until 1611, and from March to December in the first year 30,561 are said to have died of plague alone according to the bills of mortality which w^ere then established.^ The sermon preached by the President of St. John's (Dr. Buckeridge^) was finished "in convenient time so as the Company came to the Hall to see all tilings in order and give entertainment and to attend his Majesty's company." Then to their surprise they found the Lord Mayor and Aldermen standing in the hall to receive the King. " And it is to be remembered that the Lord Maior and Aldermen (albeit they were not invited and some of them discontented therewith) came all to the Hall in their Scarlett, and there staid untill his Maj''^^' comyng, and then the Lord IMaior and the Master of our Company and some of the Aldermen went to the Gate nexte the streete and the Lord Maior delivered up his sword to the King, and Master of the Companie did welcome his Maj*^^* and attended his Maj*'^* up into the Hall." Before entering with the King into the hall we may ascertain who were the ofiicials or servants that accompanied him for protection or state. * From the Master's account for 1606-7 : — "Item, for 4 dozen and a lialf of Rushes at 6s. the bundle, and \2d. over for the Hall, Gallery, &c., 28*. " Item to Lynsey and Miller for making clean the hall against the Election Day, and carrying forth Rusl:es, according to former presidents, 10s." 2 Stowe, Book 5, page -148. ** A kinsman of Sir Thomas White's.— See 2 Wilson, piissim. CHAP. XVI. J Retinue of the King. 289 It may have been noticed that in the arrangements for this feast no mention has been made of an " Assayer " or taster, yet a modern writer assures us that " from the first of the Norman kings to the days of James I our forefathers ate their meals in fear, and did not consider their lives safe without an assayer or taster," In the Eoyal Household the physician filled this office, cut off pieces of the various viands which were tasted. So when the " hanap or standing cup " was filled for the master of the house or guest " a portion of the same liquor was poured into the assay cup to which was attaclied a material for detecting poison.'"^ Accordingly we find one of the King's attendants was " Mr. Doctor Hammond, Physician." It was essential to comfort no less than to security that the King's meals should be dressed to his liking, and therefore he brought his own cooks. Their attendance was given with six of " the Guard,'" who kept the entries to the hall and the King's trumpeters at a cost to the Company of 19/. 13s. QcV The officers of State were the Lord Admiral, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Principal Secretary of State, with the noljles accompanying him, and holding subordinate offices about the Court. The King entered the premises at the east door, and went through the garden to the hall at the door on the west end, and from thence was taken to the dais of the hall as it now ' Our English Home, page 60. ^ " Fees to y* King's cookes : — • " For 3 aprons to one groome and two children of the kinge's pfjTj kytchin by Mr. Koe 12*. "For 5 aprons for the prince's men, by order of Mr. Wright to Hugh Billy, 12«. Qd. " Gratuities to the King's men : — " To M"" Heiborne, one of his Ma" gent vshers, by order, hi. " To him for Anthony Gribsou and Henry Lyle, groomes of his Ma" chamber, by order from M' Wright, 21. " To one groome of his Ma" privy kytchin, 2 children, 2 turnebroches, two porters and scowrers, one dorekeeper, one sompter man and 4 servaunts by Hugh Billy by the same order, 2,1. " To William Lamplough, elarck of his Ma" kytcliin, whoe directed the service of the carrying vpp of the kinge's meate by Eobt. Eeliugham, \l. " To the dark of the check, \l. " To six of the guard that kept the entries into the Hall, and to the king's chamber, by the elarck of the guard, 3?. " To M' Dyer, one of his Ma" pastery, 13?. 6d. " To his Ma" trompetors, 40*. ; and to his droms, 20.'.-., 3/. " To M' Batty, s^ieant of his Ma" pastry, by Mr. Wright, II. " To M' Tridierne, the king's porter, by order of M'' Wright, 1/. VOL. I. U 290 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part i. stands. "And at the upper end of the Hall there was sett a Chayre of State where his Maj*'®' satt and viewed the Hall." Then " a very proper Child, well sj^oken, being clothed like an angell of gladness with a Taper of Tfrankincense burning in his hand, delivered a short speech^ contayning (xviii) verses, devised by Mr. Ben Johnson the Poet, which pleased his Maj"^- marvelously well." At each end of the dais seats had been erected for the lute players : " Upon either side of the Hall in the Windowe neere the upper end were Gallories or Seates made for Musique, in either of which were seaven singular choice musicions playing on their Lutes." The singing was performed in a ship which was hung aloft on the rafters of the hall roof thus " in the shipp which did hang aloft in the Hall three rare men and very skilful sung to his Majt^^'" ; and judging from the next description it may be questioned how far the arrangements had been judicious, as the musicians in the minstrels' gallery appeared to have overpowered the other performers, for "over the skreene, cornets and loud musique wherein it is to be remembered that the multitude and noyse was so greate that the lutes nor songs coulde hardly be heard or understoode." The names and the expense of these performers " who exacted unreasonable sums " of the Company are preserved. The singers in the ship were John Allen (the chief), 4.1. ; Thomas Lupo (His Majesty's musician) 3/. ; and John Eichards, 2>l. Those who played on the lute, who were more than seven in number, cost the Company 24/. lOs.,^ and the minstrels in the gallery over the skreen (six in number) 10/.^ This entertainment ^ " To M"" Hemrayngs for his direceion of his boy that made the speech to his Ma" 40s., and 5.9. given to John Rise tlie speaker, 21. hs. " To John, Mr. Swynnerton's man, for things for the boy that made the speech, 135." 2 " To them that plaid on the Lute : — " To Thomas Robinson 30s., and to John Done 40s., SI. 10s. " To George Roselor 40.s., and to Tho. Sturgon 40.5., 4/. " To WiUm. Ffregosie, by Mr. Rosclor, 40*., and by Jo. Robson, 40s, " To jS'icholas Sturt for himself and his sonne, 4/. " To William Browne, by Sturt, 40s., and to Joseph Shcrly iOs., 41. " To Willm. Morley for himself 40s., and for Robert Kcnn^sl}- 40s., 47. " To Robt. Batcman and Stephen Thomas who ])laid on the treble violens, by Nicholas Sturt and Richard Morley, 1/." 3 " To M' Edney, Mr. Lancere, and fower others of liis Ma'' mnsitions players of wynde instruments being placed over the skreene, 10/. CHAP. XVI.] Performances. 291 took place before dinner and wliile the King remained in the halL "Then his Maj*^^" went up into the King's chamber, ■v^" here he dined alone at a table which was provided only for his j\Iaj*^'''' and the Queene (] ut the Queene came not), in which chamber was placed a very rich paier of Organs, whereupon Mr. John Bull, Doctor of Musique, and a Brother of this Company, did play during all the dynner tyme. And Mr. ISTathanael Gyles, Master of the Children of the Kyng's Chapell, together with divers singing- men and children of the said Chappell, did sing melodious songs at the said dynner." AVhat were the songs selected and sung by Dr. Bull are not recorded. That he composed or sang the present National Anthem^ on this occasion is a fiction, nor do we find any evidence that the song not of eighteen but of seventeen verses before referred to, was then either written or sung. He gave his services to the Company and his name in the list of payments only occurs in this item : — " To ^IJ- John Bull, Docto"" of Musique, to pay to him that sett vp the winde instruments in the king's chamber where the king dined, and for tuning it, with the carriage of it from and to Ptuccolds, 2^. 18.S." Mr. Nathaniel Gyles, appointed Master of the Chapel Boys in January, 1604, also gave his services, and he was granted admission to the Freedom and Livery. Thomas Gyles (possibly a relative) was a dancing master on the Prince's establishment at a wage of 50/. per annum. ^ Eegarding the Prince we have fewer entries. He came (we presume) with the king bringing ]\Ir. Alexander, his gentleman usher in ordinary, and others who were enrolled as honorary members. His trumpeters and drummers also came and received payment'' from the Company. It is recorded " that the Prince did dine in the greate Hall, and that the long table at the upper end of the Hall was taken away and three tables distinct one from another placed in the ^ The National Anthem is said to have been first sung in London in ^Sovember, 1739, and first published in 1742, Hem j Cai-ej being the composer. — Sir George Grove's and jNIr. Southgate's letters in the "Times," of 4th February, 1878. ^ Establishment, page 326. 3 " Gratuities to y'= Prjnces men : — " To M"" Alexander, the prince's gentleman iisher in ordynary, 21. " To the princes trompeto''s and droms, 1?." VOL. I. L' 2 292 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part r. room thereof (viz.), one table iu the middle where the Prince sate alone in state, and the tables on either side were wiiolly furnished with Ambassadors and Noblemen." The minutes add later information as to the ceremonial that was observed : " The service to the King and Prince for the first course was carried up by the Knights, Aldermen, Masters, Assistants, and Lyvery, which were of the Companie, the Lyvery having their Hoods upon their shoulders, the service being rich and bountifull, as by the chai'ge will appear." The Eecorder was in attendance as the mouthpiece of the Company to address the Sovereign,^ " and when the King's most excellent Majesty had dyned and withdrawn himself into his inner chamber, the Master and the fower Wardens, Mr. Baron Sotherton and the Aldermen of the Companie, resorted unto his Majestic, and Mr. Eecorder of London being there present did in the name of the whole Company most humbly thank his Maj*""' that it had pleased him to grace the Company with his presence that day." The purse of gold was presented by the Master thus : " And the Master of the Company did present his Maj''^* with a faier purse^ w^herein was one hundreih pounds in gould," and the Poll by the Clerk : " And Richard Langley the Comon Clerk of the Company did moast humbly deliver unto his ]\Iaj'^^' a Poll in Vellum which he had collected out of the ancient bookes and records of the Companie." The Poll presented to the King is the most valuable record illustrating by the list of honorary members the past history of the Company. When it was framed books were extant which have since been lost, and the roll gives a complete list (as we may assume) of all the honorary members from the reigns of Edward III to that of James I. That it may be more appreciated by the reader w^e have placed to each name a note to identify the bearer of the name with the general history of England. " The copy of the Poll delivered to the King and a similar one to the Prince. The names of Seaven Kings, one Queen, &c. 1 Page 30, ante. ^ James endeavoured to solicit money by letters by Privy Seal issued to the Sheriffs of each county, against which St. John j)rotested, and was pi-osecuted by Bacon in the Star Chamber (2 State Trials, page 899), but in 1G27 the nuisance was put down (2 Parliamentary History, page 230). CHAP. XVI.] lioll of Honorary Members. 293 Edward III. (1) Eoger, Lord Mortimer, 1351. (2) Humflfrey de Baune, Earle of Herford, 1372. (3) Dame Johan, his Wief. (4) Symon, Lord Bishop of London, 1373. (5) Dame Alice, Countess of Kent. (6) Edmund, Lord Mortymer, Earle of March, 1377. Richard II. (7) William Courtney, Lord Bishop of London, 1378. (8) Henry Percy, Earle of Northumberland, 1379. (9) John, Lord Hastings, Earle of Pembrooke. (10) Isabell, Countesse of Pembrooke, 1381. (11) Robert Breybrooke, Lord Bishop of London, 1382. (12) John Fferdon, Lord Bishop of Durham. (13) The Prior of St. Bartholomews, 1383. (14) The Sub Prior. (15) The Prior of Elsing Spittle. (16) King Pdchard the Second, 1385. (17) Queene Anne, his wife. (18) John, Duke of Lancaster. (19) Sir Roger Walden, Treasorer of Callis, 1387. 1 Grandson of Eoger, who was summoned to Parliament in 1306, aud in 1328 created Earl of March, lie died iu 1360. - Cousin to (1). Hereditai'y Constable of England. Died in 1372. ^ Wife of (2) and daughter of Eichard FitzAlau, ninth Earl of Arundel. '' Pages 112, note 4, and 113, note 4. * Daughter of Edmvmd FitzAllan the eighth Earl of Arundel, and wife of Thomas Holland, second Earl of Kent, only brother to Richard II. 6 Son of (1). Died in 1381. ' Born in 1341, and died in 1396. Eiley's London, page 410. ^ Fourth Lord Percy, father of " Hotspur," made Earl of Northumberland at Eichard II's Coronation, Jvily, 1377. 3 Married Philippa, daughter of (6). Slain at 16 in a joust with Sir John St. John, 30th December, 1389. 10 Not identified. " The predecessor of (7) in London until 1404, see page 116 ante. '2 Assumed to be John de Fordham, Bishop of Durham, 1382-88, and Ely, 1.388 to 1425. 13 William Sidney, elected 10th June, 1381, till March, 1390, page 115 ante. Wat Tyler destroyed the Priory during his incumbency. » Sub-Prior, 1383. 15 Eobert Draycote, Prior, 1400-5, page 115 ante. 1^ Born 1366. Died 1399, and the grantor of the second Charter, page 35 ante. I'' The daughter of Charles IV of Germany. 18 Born at Ghent, 1340, father of Henry IV. Wat Tyler destroytd his house in the Savoy, 1381, and he died in 1391. 1" Archbishop of Canterbury. Deposed and made Bishop of Loudon. Died 1106. 294 Banquet to James I and his son Hear)/. [part i. (20) Thomas, Earle of Nottingham, 1388. (21) Hugh, Lord Zouth. (22) John, Lord WiUoughby, 1389. (23) Edmund, Duke of York, 1390. (24) Thom:is, Duke of Gloucester, 1390. (25) Henry, Duke of Hereford and Earle of Darby, who afterwards was (1390) King Henry the Fourth. (26) The Duchess of Gloucester. (27) Edward, Earle of Eutland. (28) Thomas, Earle of Warwick. (29) The Countesse his Wief, and Thomas his son. (30) Thomas, Earle of Nottingham. (31) John Holland, Earle of Huntington. (32) John, Lord Roos. (33) Ralph, Lord Nevill. (34) Thomas, Lord Ffurnyvale. (35) Reginald, Lord Gray of Ryffyn. (36) Walter Skirlowe, Lord Bishop of Durham, 1391. (37) Phillipp, Lord Darcy, 1394. 38) Robert, Lord Scales. '" Thomas de Mowbray, sixth Baron, afterwards Earl Marshall, and Duke of Korfolk. Banished and died at Yenice 1399-1400 (or in 1413 according to Sir H. Nicholas) . 2^ Probably the second Baron Burnell, and husband of Joyce, the next hen- of Hugh de Zouche. =" Probably "Robert." Died 1452. 23 Born 1342, fifth son of Edward HI. Died 1402. 2^ Born 1355. Constable of England, seventh son of Edward III. Murdered at Calais, 8th September, 1397. Eiley's Memorials, page 507. f Son of (18) crowned as Henry lY (13th October, 1399), and the grantor of the third Charter (see page 36 and 132 ante). Died 20th March, 1412. 2® probably the widow of (24). ^ Son of (,23), created Earl of Rutland 25th February, 1390; succeeded as Duke of York, and slain at Agincourt, 25th October, 1415. ^ Beauchamp, fourth Earl, banished to the Isle of Man by Eicliard II, but restored by Henry IV. Died in 1401. 29 Wife or widow of (28). '■^ Supposed to be the son of (20), and beheaded at York in 1405 for high treason. ^' Third son of Thomas de Holland, Earl of Kent, by -Joane Plantagenet, " the Fair Maid of Kent," and half brother of Eichard II. Married the daughter of John of Gaunt, and was beheaded by the mob in 1400. *2 The sixth Baron, and died in his Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 1393-4. 3^ Fourth Baron, and created circa 21 Eichard II, in full ParUament, Earl of Westmoreland. Probably resided in Leadenhall. Died 1425 (see 115flr and 135). ^ Thomas Nevdl (fifth Baron Furnival) brother of (33). Sat in Parhament, August, 1383. Died 1406. 35 Third Baron. Sat in Parliament 1389 to 1439. Died 1440. 3« Bath and AVells, 1386-88, and Durham untd 1406. ^ Fourth Baron. Sat in Parliament, August, 1377, to Xovember, 1397. Died 1398. ^ Fifth Baron. Sat iu Parliament, Xovember, 1396, to October, 1400. Died I40:i:. CHAP. XVI.] Roll of Honorary Members. 295 (39) William, Earle of March, 1397. (40) Alice, Countess of Oxford. (41) Edmund Stafford, Lord Bishop of Exeter, 1397. (42) Thomas, Duke of Surrey, 1399. Henry IV. (43) Edmund, Lord Gray, Godnor, 1401. (44) Thomas Arundell, Lord Abp. of Canterbury, 1401. (45) King Hemy the Fouith and the Prince had the Clothing of this Mistery. (46) Nicholas Bubwith, Lord Bishop of London, 1406. (47) William Colchester, Abbot of Westminster, (48) Lord John, the Kiuges sonne, 1407. (49) Edmund, Eai-le of Kent, (50) Lord Thomas, the Kinges son, 1409. (51) Eichard Beauchamp, Earle of Warwick, 1411. (52) Henry le Scroope, Tresorer of England. (53) Hemy Chichley, Bishop of St. Davies. (54) Sir Eoger Westwood, Baron of the Exchequer. Henry V, (55) John, Earle of Huntington, 1412. ^ As Edmund, the third Earl, died in 13S1, and Roger, who succeeded as fourth Earl, was slain in battle in Ireland in 1398 ; it is difficult to identify this person. ■"' Daughter of John, third Lord Fitz Walter. ted at the Siege of Caen. Died in 1446. 296 Banquet to James I and his son Henry. [part i. (56) Earle Marshall. (57) James, Earl of Ormond. (58) John, Lord Lovell. (59) Hemy Beauford, Lord Bp. of Winchester. (60) William, Lord Fferris of Groby, 1413. (61) William, Lord Zouche. (62) King Henry the Fifth, 1414. (63) Humffrey, Duke of Gloucester. (64) Edmund, Earle of March, 1414. (65) Lord Willoughby. (66) Henry, Lord Eitzhugh. (67) Lord Matravers. (68) The Earle of Salisbury. (69) Eichard Beauchamp, Lord Burgaveuny, 1415. (70) The Abbott of Bermondsey. (71) Henry Percy, Earle of Northumberland, 1420. (72) John, Lord Boos. (73) John, Sonne of the Lord Gray of Eytthyu. f74) The Abbott of Tourehill. ^ John Mowbray, second son of (20), and brother of (30), assumed the title of Duke of Norfolk, 1424. Died in 1432. *' James Butler, "the White Eai-l," Lord Deputy of Ireland, in Dublin, 1407. ^ Succeeded his father in 1403, and died 1414. "5 Third son of John ot Gaunt (18), Cardinal and Lord Chancellor in 1413, and again in 1424. TJncle to (56). Died 11th April, 1447. ^ Sixth Baron, sat in Parliament 1396 to 1411, and died in 1445. 6' Fifth Baron, born 1374. Sat in Parliament 30th yovember, 1396, to September, 1414, and died 1415. ^ (See 25). Cro\raed 9th April, 1413. Died at Bois Yincennes in France, 31st August, 1422. ^^ Youngest son of Henry lY (25), and brother of (62). Eegent during the minority of Henry VI, and died in 1446. ^* Fifth Earl, and grandson of (6). The rightful heir to the Crown through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and Edward lY (139) succeeded through his title. He died 1424. ^ Sixth Baron, born 13S5. Sat in Parliament 21st September, 1411, to 5th September, 1450. Died 1452. ^ Third Baron. Sat in ParUament I7th December, 1387, to 1st September, 1423. Died 1421. «7 Eleventh Earl of Arundel in 1322. Died 1415. ^ Thomas de Mont'cote, seventh Earl of Salisbury (his father, a zealous Lollard, and beheaded at Cirencester January, 1400). He died in 1428. 69 Succeeded his father William in 1410-11 ; then in 14-20, Earl of Worcester, and died in 1 122. ^" Thomas Thetford. Elected 8th June, 1413, and died 1432. ''^ Only son of " Hotspur," and grandson of (8), see page 88 ante. Was at the battle of Agincourt, and slain at St. Albans, 23rd May, 1455. '^ Eighth Baron in 1414. At the seige of Eoan, and rewarded with the grant of Basqu-^ville in Jformandy. Slain in the Battle of Beauge in 1421. '^ Probably the second son of Edmund, the fourth Lord. (See 35.) '■* The Monastery of St. Mary Graces. " The East Minster" next the Tower of London. CHAP. XVI.] Roll of Honorary Menihers. 297 Henry YI. {lb) Philip Morgan, Bishop of Worcester, 1422. (76) Mr. .John Stafford, Privy Seale. (77) Hiimffrey, Earle of Stafford, 1423. (78) Lewes Eobessartes, Lord Bourcers. (79) [William Owborne] the Abbott of Tower Hill. (80) Mr. William Anwick, Privy Seale. (81) Harry Werkworth, the Prior of St. Mary Overy (82) Wm. Clerk, the Prior of St. Triiiitie in Christchurch. (83) John, Lord Eoos, 1425. (84) John, Lord Talbott. (85) William, Lord Zouth. (86) William, Lord Lovell. (87) William, Lord Harrington. (88) Thomas, Baron of Carew, 1425. (89) Walter, Lord Fitzwater. (90) John, Lord Scroope. (91) John Kemp, Bishop of London. 7* Translated to Ely, February, 1425-6. Chaucellor of Normandy. Died 25th October, 1435. "s Probably Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1425-43. Ai-chbisliop of Canterbury, 1443-52. '' Sixth Earl. Sacceeded his fatlier, slain at Slirewsbury in 1403. In September, 1144, created Duke of Buckingham, Constable of Dover Castle, and killed at tbe Battle of Northampton, 27th July, 1460. 78 Third Baron Bourcher, a courtesy title ouly, as haying married (when Sir Lewis Robsart, Standard Bearer of Henry V) the only daughter of the second Baron. '^ See page 115 ante. *" Bishop of Norwich, 1426-30, and Lincoln, 1436-49. 81 Elected 1414. Died 1452. 82 Situate within Aldgate ; Clerk. Was elected on 18th October, 1*20. 83 Probably Thomas, who died in 1431. 8^ The renowned "Sir John," wlio succeeded as Baron, August, 1431. Sat in Parliament October, 1409, to November, 1421, and created Earl of Slirewsbury in 1442. Died 1453. 85 Son of (61). Sat in Parliament January, 1426, to February, 1463. Died 1463. 8^ The seventh Baron. Sat in Parliament February, 1425, to June, 1453. Died 1454. 8* The fifth Baron in 1418. Sat in Parliament February, 1421, to September, 1439. Died in 1457. 88 Not identified. 89 Born 1400, and succeeded as seventh Baron in 1419. Sat in Parliament July, 1429, to March, 1430. Much distinguished in the French Wars of Henry V. Died in 1432. ^ Sir John Scroope. Succeeded as Baron when his brother was beheaded at Southampton in 1415. Sat in Parliament January, 1426, to May, 1455. Treasurer of the Excliequer, and died 15th November, 1455. 91 Bishop of Rochester, 1419-21; London, 1422 26 ; York, 1426-52; Canter- bury in 1452-4, and then died. He was also a Cardinal, and Lord Chancellor in 1 126, and again iu 1450. 298 Banquet to James I and his son Henrij. [part i. (92 (93 (94 (95 (96 (97 (98 (99 (100 (101 (102 (103 (104; (105 (106 (107 (108 (109 (110 (111 John, Lord Gray of Codnor, 1426. Eaph Nevill, Eai-le of Westmoreland, 1427. William Gray, Bishop of London, 1428. Henry Boucers, Earle of Yew, 1429. William Poole, Earle of Suflfolke, 1431. John Sutton, Baron of Dudley. Gaylard, Lord Doros .... T Three "j Barard, Lord Mounferant.... > French >1431. Barard, Lord Delamote .... J Lords J Thomas Polton, Bishop of Worcester, 1432. Marmaduke Lomney, Bp. of Carlisle. Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, 1434. Richard, Duke of York. Lord Strange, and Constance his Wief. Robert, Lord Poyuinges. Nicholas, Baron Carewe. Sir Reginald West, Lord Delaware. Earle of Oxenford. Lord Fferris of Chartley. William L}-uwood, Privy Scale. 92 Fifth Baron. Sat in Parliament February, 1420, to August, 1428. Died 1430. ^ Fifth Baron, and second Earl of Westmoreland. He mai-ried the sister of (71). Died 14S5. ^ London, 1426-31 ; Lincoln, 1431-36. In the latter year he died. 9^ On the death of (78) the Barony desceuded on the Earl of Ewe in Normandy. ®^ Fourth Earl, on the death of his brother slain at Agincourt, 1415. Served for 17 years with distinction in the wars in France. Then beheaded at the port of Dover in 1450. His son married Ehzabeth Plantagenet, sister of Edward IV and Richard 111. ^ Fourth Baron. Carried the standard at tlie funeral of Henry V. Held several offices and sat in Parliament from 1439 to 1487, when he died. i»i At Hereford 1420 to 1422, Chichester to 1426, Worcester to 1433, when he died. '"- Translated to Lincoln 1450, and died 1452. ^"3 Daiighter of Eeginuld Lord Cobham, and wife of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, foiu-th son of Henry VI (63). 10* Only son of Eichard Plantagenet. Slam at the battle of Wakefield, 30th December, 1460 (64. and 139). '"* Richard seventh Baron, and Constance his first wife. He died 1449. 1"* Fifth Baron. Sat in P.irliamcnt August, 1404, to January, 1445. Was in the wars of France (Henry IV, V, and VI), and fell at the seige of Orleans 1406. iw Not identified. 1"' Fifth Baron and sixth Baron De la Warr. Sat in Parhament Julv, 14:^7, to September, 1449. Died 1551. 1"^ Probably John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, a stout Lancastrian, and at the triumph of the Yorkists in 14G1, he was bclieaded (with his sou Aubrev) on Tower Hdl. "" Fifth titular Baron. Not summoiied to Parlirwnent. Died 1435-6. "1 Probably the Bishop of St. David's fi-om 1422 to 1446. CHAP. XVI.] Roll of Honorary Members. 299 (112 (113 (114 (115 (116 (117 (118 (119 (120 (121 (122 (123 (124 (125; (126 (127 (128 (129 King Henry the Sixth had the Clothmg of this Mistery. Edward Nevill, Lord Latymer, 1437. Bobert Nevill, Bishop of Salisbury. Lewes of Lusingbourne, Chancellor of France. John, Duke of Norfolke, 1438. Robert Gylbard, Bishop of London. The Abbott and Prior of Westminster, 1439. William, Earle of Arundell, 1440. Thomas Luceus, Lord Scales. Robert, Prior of St. John's. Thomas Boucers, BishoiD of Ely, 1444. John Talbott, Lord of Lile. Sir Thomas Hoo, Chancellor of Normandy, 1445. The Lord Molynes. John, Lord Bishop of Rochester. Thomas Porney, Prior of St. Trinity, London. Lord Viscount Beaumont. Thomas, Lord Roos. 112 Son of (62). Born 1421. Crowned 6th November, 1429. Died in the Tower, 14/1. 112 Sixth son of Ealph, fii-st Earl of Westmoreland. Sat in ParUament September 1450 to 1472. Died 1476. ii< Brother of (113). At SaUsbury, 1427-37. Durham to 1457, and then died. 11^ Brother of (113). Sat in ParHament July, 1432, to 1469, in which year he died. 116 Tliird Duke, son of (56). Died 1461. 11^ Robert Gilbert was Bishop of London from 1436 to 1448, when he died. ii"* See (47). Ha warden was Abbot from 1420 to 1440, and Kyrton, a possible relation of the Merchant Taylor of that name, from 1440 to 1466. 113 Fifteenth Earl of Arundel in 1438, and died in 1488. 120 Seventh Baron in 1418. Sat in Parliament January, 1445, to October, 1459. Died 1460. DaiiKhtcr and heii'ess mai-ried Anthony Widville, Earl Rivers. 121 Robert Botjll. Prior from 1439 to 1469. Malory's successor, page 112 ante. 122 He was son of (95). Bishop of Winchester 1435-43, Ely 1444-54, Lord Chancellor 14 55, and Canterbury 1455-86, dying 30th March. A Cardinal. 123 Son of (84) and second Earl of Shrewsbury. Died 1460. 12-1 In 1447 created a Baron. He suppressed the Rebellion in Normandy, and had 11^. per annum granted to him for life. His daughter Anne was the wife of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn, Lord Mayor 1467, and died 1153. 12'' Robert Hungerford, who, in 1445, by right of his wife Alcanore Molines, sat in ParHament January, 1445, to January, 1453. Attainted as Baron Hungerford in 1461. 12S Bishop of St. Asaph 1433-44, and to Rochester 1467, when he died. 127 See (82). 12^ The sixth Baron, who held a conspicuous position in the reign of Henry VI. In 1435-6 he was granted the Earldom of Boloiue, and 12th February, 1440, made Viscount Beaumont (being the first grant of such a title). He lost his hfe while fighting as a Lancastrian at Northampton, 10th JiUy, 1459. 129 The tenth Baron. Born 9th September, 1427, succeeded in 1431. A staunch Lancastrian, and behig with the King at York, on 29th March, 1461. On hearing of the defeat at Towton Field, he fled with him to Berwick, and upon the sui-render of the town was attainted in November, 1461. 300 Bdnqvet to James I and his son Henry, [part i. (130) Eaph Botelor, Knt., Lord of Sidley and Tresorer of England. (131) Lord Wells. (132) Kemp, Bishop of London, 1449. (133) John Tiptough, Earle of Worcester, 1451. (134) William Wainflete, Bishop of Winchester, 1452. (135) Eichard Neville, Earle of Warwick. (136) Henry Beauford, Earle of Dorset, 1453. (137) Eichard, Lord Lawarre, 1458. (138) George Neville, Bishop of Winchester and Chancellour of England, 1459. Edioard IV. (139) King Edward the Fourth, 1460. (140) Lord Humffrey Stafford, Lord of Southwark. (141) Lord William Hastings. (142) Henry, Lord Fitzhugh. (143) George, Duke of Clarance, 1462. (144) Eichard, Duke of Gloucester, who was after King Eichard the Third. (145) John Neville, Earle of Northumberland, 1465. 130 Created Baron Sudeley in September, 1441. Died 1473. 131 Sixth Buron. Sat in Parliament February, 1432, to July, 1460. A staunch Lancastrian, and was killed in Towton Field on Palm Sunday, 1461. 13- The same as 91. 133 John Tiptoft, born 1428. Created Earl 16th July, 1449. A Yorkist during ',he temporary restoration of Hem*y VI. He was arrested, broixght to London, and beheaded on Tower Hill in 1470. 131 (J Zias) Pattyn, Provost of Eton College. Lord Chancellor 1456. Bishop of Winchester from 1447 to 11th August, 1487, when he died. 135 The son of (33) and brother of (113). Married Alice Montacote, and created Earl of Salisbury, 4th May, 1442, and Earl of Warwick ; also Baron Montacote, jure uxoris. 136 Assumed to be a courtesy title held by the eldest son of Edmund Marquis of Dorset, and fourlh Earl of Somerset, who eventually became second Duld. For a rvmlett of veniger, 7 gallons For 2 runletts of rennysh wine, 25 gallons 1 potle, at 2s. Q>d. 1 the gallon Zl. 3s. 9' in a purse lOOZ. in 20s. peeces ... 100 Memorandum that it was agreed that 50^. should haue been giuen to the queeue, but by reason that she came not bOl. was saved. Item, gyven to the prince 50^. in 20s. peeces For three purses, one for the king, 40s., one for the queene 30s. and one for the prince, 30s For the change of the 200^. in gould 50 5 2 319 CHAPTEE XVII. THE COMPANY TO THE DATE OF THE NEW OKDINANCES (1613). I^exo enterprises in ElizahetKs reign, p. 319. — Contract with Rochelle merchants, p. 320. — In James's reign London population excessive, p. 321. — American ( Virginia) Plantation, p. 322, et seq. — Lottery, p. 325. — Disastrous result, p. 326. — Ulster plantation, p. 326. — Precept for voluntary offers, p. 327. — Result, p. 327. — Compulsory assessment of the Guilds, p. 328. — Mer- chant Taylors' payments of first and second instalments, p. 328. — New Assessment, p. 329. — {Note on same, p. 329.) — Payment of third and fourth instalments, p. 329. — Irish Society, p. 330. — Allotment of lands to the Guilds, p. 330. — Manor of St. John Baptist, p. 330. — Plantation of Church and people, p. 330. — Taylors' Irish estates sold, p. 330. — III behaviour of members, p. 331. — Difficulty in filling Guild offices, p. 331. — Power of fine and impi-isonment, p. 333. — Guilds upheld by the Crown, p. 333. — Lady Elizabeth's marriage portion, p. 333. — Favours solicited from them, p. 333. — Prince Henry's request, p. 333. — Lady Elizabeth's for Cook's place, p. 334. — Sir John Sivynnerton's mayoralty, p. 334. — Dekker's Pageant, p. 335. — Opening of New River, p. 339. — Masque at Merchant Taylors' Hall, p. 340. — Ordinances of 1613 confirmed, p. 341. — Eminent members of the Company, p. 342. — Conclusion, p. 342. — Expenditure fm- 1612-13, J3. 343. We have already observed that the reign of James I opened a new era to the City Guikis, and they entered into commercial enter- prises lying beyond the purposes of their incorporation. These commenced in the previous reign, and were initiated by the Lord Mayor's precepts requiring the Guilds to subscribe funds (either corporate or individual) to supply London with corn, and after 1599, to bear the risk of profit or loss on each purchase and sale. The Guild organisation being found available for such enter- prises, the members were invited by the Crown to adventure their money in lotteries,^ and in 1572 the Lord Mayor and Lord Bishop^ of London invited their co-operation in a quasi- charitable scheme to trade with their fellow protestants needing support at Eochelle. It may be remembered by the reader that the salt tax imposed ' Page 229, ante. 2 He had three sons in the Company's School in March, 1571, who became eminent men in after life, Edwin, Samuel, and IMyles. 320 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. upon its inhabitants had provoked them to rise in rebellion against Francis I, and that the people purchased exemption from the tax in 1568. The subject appears to have interested the Bishop of London (Sandys), and came before the Company on the 7th February, 1572, when this decision was arrived at :— " Item, concerning the motion and request made by the right honourable Sir Lionel Ducket, Knt., Lord Mayor of London, and the bishop of the same, to know what this worshipful Com- pany (as well as others) will defray towards the furnishing of a more sum of money, intended to be employed in a contract to be made with divers merchants of Eochelle for wine and salt to be delivered at such prices (?), days, and place, as may be most pro- fitably concluded and determined by such persons as shall be Committees specially appointed by them to deal with the s"^ merchants of Eochell, and it was finally (after due consideration and consultation had thereof) accorded and decreed that this r' w^ful Society shall furnish and defray the sum of 300/. or under, of such money as is appertaining to the body of this mystery, to be employed in the said contract wtth such expedition as shall be conveniently required. And M' W" Kympton and M' Walter Fish, now one of the Wardens, are appointed and requested to accept the pains to deal in this matter by their good providence in such sort as may to their wisdoms be thought best for the worship and profit of this house accordingly." The matter needed some little care, and the Bachelors were consulted as to the part they should be willing to take in this enterprise, and accordingly we find on the 16th February, 1572, it was "agreed that Mr. A. Dawbney, Eobert Dowe, Anthony Ptatclif, and William Salkyns shall confer together for the better under- standino- of the ' Asshewerance ' which the merchants of Eochelle are able to make for the delivery of wine and salt for such moneys as this Company shall deliver to them, therefore, according to their (^rant heretofore made that their report being made, the baro-ain may be concluded, and the money delivered accordingly. " Item, the Warden Substitutes and Sixteen Men of the Bachelors Company have granted to disburse presently the sum of threescore pounds of lawful money of England, and also forty pounds moveover at Whitsuntyde next ensuing, for the better furnishin" of the s^ 300/., w^ this wor^pful Coy have promised to employ in a contract to be made with the merchants of Eochell as aforesaid, requesting humbly that this w^pful Comp? w^"* see CHAP. XVII.] London Population Excessive. 321 them aus^yered, therefore, again either by the said commodities or otherwise, w^ was granted by them accordingly." The next entry is on the 20th, when " 200^. was taken out of the Treasury. " Item, the said 200/. with 60/. received of the Bachelors Compy, and 20/. of Mr. Warden Borne, and also 20/. of Mr. Warden Jacob, that is in all 300/., was this day delivered by the said M'', M"^ Warden Fish, and others, unto the hands of the Eeverent ffather in God, Edwyn, Bishoppe of London, for to be employed in the contract to be made with Merchants of Eochell, if it shall go forward and take effect as it was pretended or otherwise, to be rendered again to this Company, w^ the s"^ Bishop hath faithfully promised to be observed accordingly." The massacre of St. Bartholomew happened in the following August, and Eochelle, the refuge of the Huguenots, was besieged by the Duke of Anjou, and all but destroyed, the siege being- raised on the 25th June, 1573, after a loss of many thousands of its citizens. Time was, therefore, asked by the merchants of Eochelle to fulfil the contract and given, as the Court minute of the 11th September, 1573, shews : — " The contract made with divers merchants of Eochelle by the several wpfull Cos. of this hon. City, was read by the Common Clerk, and after full consideration had thereof, and consideration of the request of the said merchants, viz., to have leave to depart home and to have year, year, and year granted unto them for the performance of the said contract, it was finally agreed that the r* w^pfuU Compy should agree in the course taken by the other Companies." For many years the 300/. was entered as a debt; but on the 12th February, 1579, from "his house in St. Paul's Churchyard," the Bishop of London (Bancroft) wrote to the Corporation with letters from Eochelle, praying that the loan might be remitted, " as they had to stand upon their defence for the maintenance of the common cause, ' true religion.' "^ After the banquet given to James, it was not unreasonable for him to suppose that the resources of the Guild w^ere very great, and that they would readily be applied by the citizens to the relief of the distress then surrounding them. London was supposed to be suffering from a plethora of population, though Elizabeth had ' Eemembrancia, page 185. VOL. I. 322 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. endeavoured, vainly, as it seems, to stay its increase, and to prevent additional houses being erected for the people. A wiser policy was to find an outlet for them. " If," wrote the Council, " multi- tudes of men were employed proportionally to the comodities which might be there by theire industry attained many thousands would be set on worke to the greate service of the King, strength of his Realmes, advancement of several trades, and benefitt of the peculiar persons whome the encreasing greatness (that often doth mynister occasion of payne to itself) of this Citty, might not only conveniently spare but also reape a singular comodity, thereby easing themselves of an insupportable burthen which soe sur- chargeth all the partes of the cittie, that one Tradesman can scarce lyve by another, which in all probability would be a meanes also to free and preserve the Citty from infection, and by consequence the whole kingdome, which of necessity must have recourse hither, which persons pestered or closed up together can neither otherwise or very hardly avoid." This poHcy of colonisation had been originated, when in 1574 a Commission was appointed by the Crown, having {inter alia) the names of Spencer, Slanye, Staper, Maye, and Leake, for the dis- covery and plantation of new settlements in America. As the result of this measure, in 1585 Lane sent to Sir P. Sydney a report upon the country of Virginia, and in October Sir Richard Grenville took possession of it in the Queen's name. The attention of the leading men in James' reign was there- fore directed to the formation of new plantations or settlements, to which the surplus population of London could be sent, and in the year 1609 proposals, which we are about to mention, were made to the citizens to aid in two new enterprizes, viz., to colonise Virginia and Ireland with Londoners. With regard to Virginia, the early history of its colonisation is not a narrative of success. But little was done prior to April, 1606, when a grant of the land Avas made to Gates, Somers, and others for the purposes of colonisation, and in 1609 a Company was formed as " The Treasurers and Company of Adventurers and Planters for Virginia," of which Sir Thomas Smyth was the Treasurer, and the Earl of Salisbury and others the members, to whom a patent was afterwards granted on the 23rd May, 1609. In anticipation of this grant the Council of this new Company addressed a circular to the Lord Mayor, which he sent to the Guilds, and came under the consideration of an Assembly of the Merchant Taylors on the 28th March. CHAP. XVII.] Virginian Plantation. 323 The Council professed themselves as " desirous to ease the City and Suburbs of a swarme of unnecessary inmates, as a contynual cause of dearth and famyne, and the very originall cause of all the plagues that happen in this Kingdome," and invited subscriptions for the removal of these people to Virginia. They would issue no Bill of Adventure under 121. 10s. Qcl., but if " any voluntary con- tribution from the best disposed and most able of the Companies were raised, wee are willing to give our Bills of Adventure to the Master and Wardens to the generall use and behoofe of that Com- panie." Should the emigrants " demaund what may be theire present mayntenance, wliat maye be theire future hopes, it maye please you to let them knowe that for the present they shall have meate, drink, and clothing, with an howse, orchard, and garden, for the meanest family, and a possession of lands to them and their posterity, one hundred acres for every man's person that hath a trade, or a body able to endure day labour as much for his wief, as much for his child, that are of yeres to doe service to the Colony, with further particular reward according to theire particular meritts and industry." The appeal was not for men but for money, and the plenty described was put forward as an inducement or to stimulate the wealthy to provide a fund to transplant the poorer citizens to this promised land. The Lord Mayor called for a reply early in April, and there- fore an immediate communication was made by the Merchant Company to the Wardens Substitute requiring them to consult the members of the Bachelors and obt.ain such subscriptions from them as they were disposed to offer. From the Taylors nearly 800/. was obtained, a small part as a gift, and the residue by way of gain. Then, on the 31st March, divers of the Livery^ (on summons) attended the Court, and it was agreed that 100/. should be taken from the stock of the house, and those assembled agreed that the profit of the venture (if any) should go to the poor of the Company. Then another Court was held on the 29th April, and the result of the appeal is shown in these figures : ' Memorials, page 143. VOL. I. Y 2 324 Company to date of New Ordinances. [pakt i. li. s. d. £ ' Out of the Stock of the Company c. t ' Of the free guift of 23 of the Lyvery ) .... > 124 whose names ensue .... .... .... ) -' " Of the free giiift of 121 of the Bachelors ) ,•■•• •■• -j- 1 Company whose names also ensue .... ) i Adventiu-ers (5) of the Bachelors Company, ) •• ■ ! whose names also ensue, expecting gaine ) " Suijplied by the Bachelors' Company out of theii'e Th'rory vj. 111]. 200 The gifts of the Livery were (save in two instances of 21.) only of 1/. each, and those of the Bachelors varied from 11. to 4s. each. But in addition to this 200/., nineteen Merchant Taylors adven- tured "for themselves, their children, and friends," 581/. 13s. 4(7., in sums varying from 75/. to 6/, 13s. 4f/. each, and the return of these subscriptions was made to tlie Lord Mayor on the 29th April. The appeal, it will be noticed, was from a private Company of Adventurers to the several Guilds at the instance of the Lord Mayor, for subscriptions which were made by the Guildsmen as purely voluntary offerings. The Merchant Company granted, with the assent of the Livery, 100/., and the Bachelors, with the assent of the Freemen, 6/. 4s. 2d., out of their separate treasuries. A Bill of Adventure for 200/., with the Great Seal of England, was given to the Company on the 4th May, entitling them rateably to the same benefits as other holders, viz., " theire full parte of all such lands, tenements, and hereditaments, as shall from tyme to tyme be there recovered, planted, and inhabited. And of all such mines and minerals, of gould, silver, and other metals or treasure, pearles, precious stones, or any kind of wares or merchaundizes, comodities, or profitts whatsoever, which shalbe obteyned or gotten in the said voyage according to the porcou of money by them employed to that use, in as ample manner as any other adventurer therein shall receave for the like some." In May about 150 persons were sent off with three vessels, two of which were beaten by stress of weather upon Bermuda (which for the time was taken as part of the Virginia scheme) ' and - I'he prolits (_if auy) to the poor (1) of the Compau}, (2) of the Bachelors. CHAP. XVII.] Lottery. 325 and the cargo was re-shipped to Virginia, arriving at James Town; the people who were ah'eady there being in a state of starvation. These early settlers were described by Sir Thomas Dale in August, 1611, as being so diseased in body that only few could work, and that the wants of the Colony were for 2,000 men, with six months' provisions. A profitable return for capital was so hopeless that the original subscribers refused to pay their instal- ments, and the Court of Chancery was invoked against them in 1613. Gates, therefore, returned to England in May, 1614, to urge upon tlie Council that a collajjse was imminent unless Parliament would, which we do not find that it did, assist the colony. Eesort was then had to a lottery — the third^ (so far as we believe) tliat was ever held in this kingdom. This was initiated by the Privy Council, who wrote to the Lord Mayor, sending to him — and he forwarding to the Guilds — 1. Paper book, by Sir Thomas Smyth, the Treasurer ; 2. A true declaration of the state of the Colony, &c., printed by the ad\dce and direction of the Council of Virginia, by William Barnett (4to.), London, 1606; and 3. The Virginia Company's scale for such as should venture in the lottery. The enterprise was urged upon the citizens as " worthy and Christian " — " full of honour and profit to his Majesty and the whole realm" — but it received little support from the Taylors, for on the 8th May all that the Court of Assistants did was to vote only 50^. out of the common stock at the risk and for the profit of the house, and to order the whole Livery and all the Bachelors Company to be summoned into the hall that they might know the pleasure of his Majesty's Council, and venture for themselves such sums as they saw fit ; but no later minute is found relating to the Virginia Company. Probably the venture of 50/. out of the stock of the house brought no beneficial result to the Company, for the great prizes were purloined by some merchants, who were prosecuted in the Star Chamber.^ We will add only a few lines to complete the narrative. In 1618 the city shipped to the colony " one hundred boys and girls laying See page 228, ante. ^ Hudson, page 136. 326 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. starving in the streets," at the cost of 500/./ but as the legality of this appears to liave been questioned, leave was asked of the Council before making another shipment in 1620. Something of terror must have been felt by the victims of this transportation, for in October, 1618, the Council was informed by Sir E. Hext, J.P. for Somersethire, that forty girls had ran away from one parish to obscure places, and could not be recovered by their parents, only on the appearance of a man representing himself to be the Council messenger having authority to press them for shipment.^ Out of the Virginia Company sprang that for Bermuda, and amongst the early promoters of this are to be found the names of these Alerchant Taylors: Eobert Gore, Will Greenwell (Master 1618), Ealph Hamer (Warden, 1610), Eobert Offley, and Elias Eoberts. The settlement of the Londoners in Ulster arose about the same period and out of the same necessity of disposing of the surplus population. It was made direct from the Crown, and put forward by the Lord Mayor to the London Livery Companies in the spring of 1609, in this manner. Printed papers were sent in May (25th) of the motives and reasons to induce the city of London to undertake the work, and all the advantages in quality of soil, sea, and river commodities, and the profit to be reaped were formulated for the consideration of the citizens. The Lord Mayor sent on the proposal to the Guilds on the 1st July, with an intimation of the " King's most gracceus favour and love to the city — to grant to us the first offer of so worthy an action which is likely to prove pleasing to Almighty God — honourable to the city, and profitable to the undertakers." He requested that each Company should appoint four of their members as a Committee to meet at Guildhall on the 7th instant. A Court ' This was possibly "assisted emigration" by the parishes of London, acting (as to repayment of expenses) on the precepts of the Lord Mayor. Thus in the Master's Account of 1618-19 these items appear : — " Paid by virtue of precept from Lord Mayor for setting forth children to Virginia, after the rate of Zd. a week, which the Company pay to the poor of St. Bcnetfink, 1*. ChI. "The like after the rate of 2s. 6c?. a week, which the Company pay to the poor orSt. Martin Outwich, 15*." ^ James I, Domestic Series, pages 586 and 59i. CHAP, xvn.] Ulster Plantation. 327 was therefore summoned on the 5th, at which Sir W. Craven, Eobert Dowe, and nine other members were present, and such a Committee appointed consisting of Eichard Gore, Thomas Juxon, Thomas Owen, and Randolph WooUey. The matter does not appear to have been taken up very cordially, for a third precept was issued on the 24th July in terms some- what peremptory, "These are therefore to require you in His Majesty's name on Wednesday next to assemble in your common hall all the Aldermen of your Company, and the four Com- mittees by you formerly named and all other the Assistants, Livery, and men of note of your Bachelors Company or Yeomanry by special summons, then and there to understand and be informed by your Aldermen and Committee of the whole proceedings that have been taken concerning the said honourable intention of plantation, and to make a book of all their names, and to under- stand every man's answer what he will willingly contribute to the furtherance of so famous project, to the intent His Majesty may be informed of the readiness of this city in a matter of such great consequence, and to the end, if any, of your Company shall be then absent (being specially summoned) he may be fined for his contempt, that all such as shall be then absent, may be afterwards dealt withal concerning the same, and a note also to be taken of those that shall refuse, wherein you are not to fail as you tender His Majesty's service, for that the Committees are to return an answer to the Lords of His ^Majesty's Privy Council and if occasion be to confer with the Council of Ireland on Friday next. From Guildhall, 24th July, 1609." The Company consisted of 338 members, divided thus : — 86 of the Merchants and 252 of the Bachelors, and the formal return was sent to the precept in the 14th August, showing this result : — Of the Merchants as willing to adventure, (omitting Sir W. Craven and Alderman Elwes, who signified their resolution direct to the Court of Aldermen) there were only five. Sir L. Halliday giving 100^., and the other four 87^. 10s. = 187^. 10s. As wilKng (in sums varying from 20^. given by Richard Gore, to 21. gene- rally given) freely to contribute without expectation of gain only 23 members, 88Z. IBs. 4(i.; while seven of the Assistants, including G. and R. Gore and George Sotherton, refused either to adventure or to contribute. As being in the country there were returned Sir John Swynnerton and 68 others of the Court and Livery, whose names were oiven. 328 Company to date of Neiv Ordinances, [part i. The Bachelors were thus returned :— six as willing to adven- ture (in sums varying from 85/. to 12/. 10s.) 147/. 10s. ; four as willing to contribute 2/. each, without expectation of gain, 8/. ; seventeen, including three Wardens Substitute of the Bachelors, who refused either to contribute or adventure, while some of the Bachelors, whose names are not given, were returned as out of town, to be summoned to appear before the Court upon their return. It is clear, therefore, from these figures, that the undertaking was received with little favour, for of the Merchants only five, and of the Bachelors only six, were willing to adventure a total sum of 335/., and twenty-five of the former, and four of the latter would only bestow 96/. 13s. 4d as a free gift without expectation of gain. The course taken by the Corporation was the converse of that now adopted in compulsory dealing with lands, for they used powers of acquisition — not against the landowner to take his land, but against the capitalist to take his money and to compel him to pay for that which he did not desire to purchase. However, what else could be done, for James had the Irish Committee down to Greenwich and upbraided them for neglect.^ A deputation of four was sent over to Ireland to survey and report on the proposed purchase by the Corporation, and their reply being in favour of the undertaking the Common Council adopted their report, ordered that 20,000/. should be forthwith raised from the London Livery Companies, and that 1,872/. was the share to be i^aid by the Taylors in four equal instalments as called for by the precepts of the Lord Mayor. Accordingly in June, the Lord Mayor in His Majesty's name charged the Master and Wardens to call a Court of Assistants and to make this "assessment of 1,872/. by the poll within the Company," and on the 15th January such a Court w^as held, and a Committee consisting of Sir W. Craven, Robert Dowe, and others was appointed to meet on the 20th to levy and raise this assess- ment, which was raised as to the first and second instalments on the 23rd March and 16th June, 1610, thus :— Thomas Vernon, though the Master, paid only 1/. Qs. 8d., possibly at that time a poor man. The four Wardens paid only 11. 5s. each. The four Aldermen 10/. each, nine other Assistants 3/. 6s. Sd., and twelve others only 21. 13s. M. ; but > 2 Maitl., Vol. 1, 294. CHA.P. XVII.] New Assessment. 329 Gerard Gore paid nothing, Of the Livery, four paid nothing, and fifty-one paid 45s. each. Of tlie Bachelors 104 paid 25s., and 148 only 16s. 8cl. each, the distinction probably being in Foyne and in Budge. There were no defaulters in those assessed, and there- fore the two Gores and other dissentients had to contribute to, though they did not like the Ulster plantation. The tliird and fourth instalments were soon called for, but the Common Council enacted before the precept was issued that the former assessment should be readjusted^ and the precept of the 3rd August, 1610, issued to the Merchant Taylors stated that the Company had been re-assessed by this later Act (for rating Com- panies at 1,050 quarters of corn), and therefore that the Master and Wardens were to gather up their third assessment of money for Ireland at this higher rate " under pain of imprisonment." The assessment was accepted, though the Company was raised by 571. The Master and Wardens had to confer with the Wardens Substitute, and propose that they should bring in Bachelors from the outstanding freemen and gather up this extra sum from them. Accordingly in the third and fourth assessments new members are found added to the Bachelors Company, but though 1,050Z. had to be and was paid to the Corporation, only 1,021/. 13s. M. was collected. The instalments were paid originally for the individual benefit of each member, who we presume expected to obtain an estate or some part of one from the city, but at a Court of 17th June, 1613, all the assistants present surrendered their rights to the Company in regard to the past payments, and many other members did the 1 The method of assessing by the Common Council of London appears to have been as follows : — A Committee was constituted by one member from each of eighteen of the different Companies (ten being a quorum), and the Merchant Taylors were represented by William Greenwall (Master in 1618). This Committee brought up the scheme of assessment for raising 10,000 quarters of wheat and 10,000^. stUl required for Ireland. By it fourteen Companies were increased* and nine were decreased as to their former assessments, but 192 quarters were raised over the 10,000 quarters required. The Common Council, by act of 18th July, accepted the scheme, and remitted it to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to abate the 192 quarters from such Companies and in such proportions as they deemed fit. And that done, it was enacted that the final assessment should be entered into the Journals of the City, and adopted till amended and reformed. This abatement was made on the 11th September, in favour of five Companies : the Ironmongers 42, Mercers 80, Skinners 30, Goldsmiths 20, and Sadlers 20. The Merchant Taylors had the highest assessment 1,050, and then came the Grocers at 1,000 quarters. » As to these see note to Appendix 32, page 405. 330 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. same upon the understanding that the common stock of the house should answer all future assessments made upon them. The Lord Mayor (Swynnerton) being absent was waited upon by a Com- mittee to obtain his approval to the order or arrangement, and to entreat him that such brethren as should refuse to obey the order (or in other words to surrender their rights) might be committed on his Lordship's command. Thus was originated and set on foot the plantation of Ulster by the Corporation of London, but as the Taylors have long since ceased to hold their share, which was one-sixth part^ of the land granted by the Crown, we shall only add a few more sentences regarding the completion of the plan. A Company called the " Irish Society " was formed consisting of a Governor, Deputy, and twenty-four Assistants, the Governor and five others being Aldermen, and the remainder being the Eecorder and Commoners. To this Society the lands were granted by the King, subject to certain conditions for building upon and for peopling the district. Of these lands after retaining certain estates to cover their cor- porate expenses, a distribution was ultimately made by the " Irish Society " to the various guilds, and tlie Taylors liad an estate granted to them by indenture of 30th October, 1618, which they designated " as the Manor of St. John Baptist," and a share of another estate held by the Clothworkers. Upon the Manor of St. John they built a church (which they furnished and also equipped with communion vessels) holding the patronage of the advowson. This expenditure was necessitated by the terms of the grant as the land would have been forfeited had not the expenditure been made.^ The Taylors sold the " Manor " and these estates in 1727 for 20Z. Qs., and a rent-charge of 150/. per annum, and the land held with the Clothworkers, before any Irish Land Act was passed. The proceeds of the last sale they invested in purchasing the Charter House, and re-establishing their school for the benefit of London residents. It may be thought that these new enterprises induced a higher class of citizens to come into tlie CJuild, both better behaved and more ready to fill its offices ; but the contemporary records do not show this to have been the case.^ ' Court Minutes, Ist February, 1614. 2 Return by Court to Irisli Committee, 22nd March, lfi20. ^ See the List of Masters and Wardens in Part II, Appendix 1, and notes tliereon. CHAP. XVII.] Ill-hehaviour of Members. 331 Let us take the matter of behaviour which ends in the com- mittal of the offender to prison. It is entered thus on the 20th August, 1613 : — " At this Courte came William Wright, a Brother of this Society, who had been three several times before summoned to appear for many peremptory speeches which he had used to our Master and Wardens in their presence as taxing Mr. Wm. Jenkinson with partiality, and telling him he would talk with him in another place, and likewise for using many unseemly words and bad speeches to Edward Katcher, one of the Livery of this Company, before he went out of the Hall ; against the Comon Gierke of this Society, as terming him saucie knave and scurvey fellow, with divers other opprobrious speeches heard as well by the said Katcher as by others in the howse, some parte whereof he con- fessed before this Courte. And being spoken unto by Sir Wm. Craven, a wortliie member of this Societie, did not spare, in the presence of this Courte, to tell him also of partialitie : All which offence deservinge greater punishment than could be inflicted upon him, it was ordered at tliis Courte that Mr. William Gore and Mr. Greenwell should goe to my Lord Maior to informe his Lordsliipp what had passed at this Courte concerning the said Wright, and that it was the Companies' desier that he should be committed as well for his owne due deserts as for example for others. Where- upon my Lord Maior,^ giving good allowance to that which the Company had done, caused him presently to be committed to Prison." The refusal to serve in office was the occasion of greater trouble, as the defaulters, the Master elect and two Wardens (Eobinson being one), had retired to the country, and while there were beyond the jurisdiction of the city authorities. The Court of July, 1613, "therefore ordered that sev'all Ires should be sent unto them, which Ires were readie wi'itten and signed at this Court by the M' and Wardens and divers of the Assistants then present, for their present appearance to take their oathes and charges, and that the Beadle of the Livery should be sent unto Mr. Symon Clynt, M"", and Martin Leather, one of the Wardens, with all convenyant speede, and the Beadle of the Batchelors' Company should be sent to John Eobinson, one other of the Wardens, and that they should take with them sev'all bonds, viz. : — one for Mr. Symon Clynt to be bound in two hundreth ' Sir John Swjniierton. 332 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. pounds for the payment of one hundred pounds at five months for his fyne if he should refuse the service, and other two for Martyn Leather and John Eobinson, with either of them a good suritie in one hundreth pounds for the payment of ffifty pounds a peece at the like tyme."^ We had lately had dealings with Mr. Cartwright, the Lord Chancellor's officer in the approval of the ordinances, and there- fore, as the Beadles could not arrest out of the City, it was " further ordered that the Comon Clarke should give Mr. Cart- wright two double sovainges, and to entreate him to move the right honourable the Lorde Chancellor that it would please his Lo. to grant several] pursevants for the said pties that if they should refuse to submit tliemselves to their several service or paye their fi'ynes, the said pursevants migh by authoritie compell them to make their appearance in London." Two of the offenders readily came to terms, but not so Eobin- son, and as a consequence he was fined for not serving Eenter Warden : — " Mr. John Eobinson appeared at this Courte and refused either to serve the office or to pay his fine for not serving Eenter Warden. " The Lord Mayor, before whom he was summoned, made a mild speech to him concerninge his Oath, which he still refusing to take, his Lordshipp informed him that when mildness of per- suasion would not do. Justice must follow. He then required him to enter into a recognizance of 100/. to appear the next day by 8 of the clock at the Guildhall, which he al«!0 refused, and was accordingly committed on the morrow to Newgate. " A copy of Eecognizance was made out and he appeared on Nov^ 3, 1613, at a Court of Assistants, and after again refusing to serve or fine he at last being better advised he entered into an agreement (Mr. Isaac Kilborne) for his suretie to pay the sum of litbl. on the 3*^ of Nov^, 1614, and 25/. on the 3*^ of Nov^, 1615." However, it was cheaper for him to pay than to serve, and on the 3rd November Eobinson "made his personal appearance at this Court and agreed to submit himself unto the Company for his fyne, ' hopinge they would deal lovingly and kindly with him,' when after a lengthened negociation he agreed to pay 50/. ^ W. Jenkinson, Warden in 1609-12, and he paid lOU?. as a fine for not serving as Master in 1615. CHAP. XVII.] Guild iq^hdd by the Crown. 333 to be excused from all offices and liabilities (for the payment of this amount, lie ultimately obtained two years' time)." This power of fine and imprisonment was at this period, and for many years afterwards of the very essence of civic and Guild rule. If the apprentice did not come in as a freeman he could be stayed from trading, if as a freeman he did not take up first his livery and then office on call from his Guild, he could be fined and imprisoned. So again with civic assessments to be dis- tributed by the Court on the several members of the Guild. If no such distribution were made the Master and Livery were fined, and if such was not paid the defaulter was imprisoned. So long as the government of the London Livery Companies was in practical operation, there was no escape from it, for there was no public pressure either in or out of Parliament to alter or destroy this authority. To the Crown the Livery Companies were not only innocuous, but contributory by way of largess to the Royal Family. Thus on the 2nd December, 1612 (there being no legal claim on the Company), this entry is found : — " It was ordered that 201. should be paid to Sir Thomas Lowe, Knight, one of the Commissioners for the receiving of the aid money for the Lady Elizabeth, the King's Majesty's eldest daughter, in full payment of all such lands and tenements as belong to this Company in the City of London and the suburbs thereof." The Livery Companies were also available even to the King's children for the soliciting of favours. Of these two instances from the Merchant Taylors' records are given. In the first Prince Henry writes from St. James's on the 1st May, 1612, thus : — " On some occasions of our service having emploied (sic) our beloved Arthur Ingram, Gn., Comptroller of our Father's Custom House, and fynding liis faithful and industrious carriage in these our employments to deserve from us some kynd of respect," there- fore the Prince asked the Master and Wardens that he might have his lease of the Company's house in Fenchurch Street renewed to him, which was granted, to the prejudice of the loving brother of the mystery John Speed. ^ 1 Part II, Chapter XXII. It is only fair to give the other side of the ease. In this entry of the 12th Augnst, 1611 : — " Two brace of fatt bucks being brought to the Hall in a coach and presented from his highness (Henry Prince of Wales) by Mr. Alexander, one of his liigh- ness gentlemen ushers, whereupon Mr. Thomas Eow did deliver to the said Mi-. 334 Comijany to date of New Ordinances. [part t. The other when the Lady Elizabeth, shortly before her depar- tiu-e wrote to Sir John Swynnerton and to the Master and Wardens stating that as their Cook^ was an old man they would perhaps bestow his place on the bearer of that letter, John Warde), and if she should hear of his appointment before her departure " it shall settle an affection in me to contynue your friend, Elizabeth." But as the letter reached the Court on the 4th May after her departure from England it was not deemed necessary to make any reply. Possibly she might have thought it a request which Sir John Swynnerton would readily procure for her, as, though no longer in office, he had been such when the Elector Palatine arrived in London to marry her, and she. Lady Elizabeth, had often been brouo-ht into social contact with him. Sw3nDinerton's mayoralty was marked by the event of her marriage and by one other notable event. He entered upon office " with showes, pageants, chariots of triumph, with other devices (both by land and water) fully expressed by Thomas Dekker," at the expense of the Bachelors Company.^ Alexander, to bestow upon the keeper or where he should think fitt the some of fowi-e pounds, and to the keeper's men that came with him 205., and to the coach- man 5*., amounting in the whole to 51. os., the which the auditors did forbeare to allow. Now upon consideration it is ordered, that for as much as it is fitt that the messenger from so greate a Prince should receive a good reward, to demonstrate the Companies thankfulness and to encourage other Maisters hereafter to be bountiful, 4:1. shalbe allowed to Mr. Rowe, and whensoever the Prince shall send any more bucks or doaes, the house (over and above such gratuity as the M"" shall allowe out of his owne purse) shall allow 20*. for every buck or doae to be sent from his highness, and Mr. Thomas Rowe did willingly give the 25*. out of his owne purse for a good example of them that shall succeede." Thomas Rowe was the Master, and the audit was against him. \l. Is., if I mistake not, is still the fee for killing a buck sent by custom to the Secretary of State. ^ Page 18-i (note) a>ite. ^ Sir J. Swyunerton's Triumph, and page 74 as to other Triumphs. Receipts : — Bachelors in foyne, 81 at 3Z. 6*. %d Bachelors in budge, 46 at 21. \0s Watling Street Quarter Candlemas „ Fleet Street „ Merchant Taylors ,, Received from Lord Mayor .... From Treasury of Bachelors Company 181 11 10 £1.008 13 6 £ s. d. 270 115 154 1 86 17 4 98 83 3 4 20 Of this 978^ 12*. lid. was spent, leaving a balance of 30^ Os. Id. in hand. CHAP. XVII.] Dekker's Pageant. 335 The detail of tlie expenditure in about 70 items has Leen preserved, but only two of these need be noticed, which are : — " Item paid to Mr. Hemynge and Mr. Thomas Dekker the poet, for the devise of the Land Shewes, being a Sea Charriott drawne by two sea horses, one pageant called Neptune's Throne, with the seven liberall Sciences, one Castle called Envy's Castle, one other pageant called Virtue's Throne, and for the printing of the book of the Speeches, and for the persons and apparel of those that went in them the sum of 197/. Also to Nicholas Sotherne and George Jackson the two master painters for the making, painting, gilding and garnishing of all the same several Thrones before mentioned and for new painting the Company's Ship, the sum of 181/." The description and speeches have been printed and published by the Percy Society^ under the title of " Troia Nova Triumphans." Dekker- had prepared for the city the triumph upon James's entry in 1603, and as it was known that the Prince Palatine would be present as a spectator of the triumph, it may be presumed that it was one got up by him with greater care. The poet begins this work with an epistle dedicatory to Swynnerton "as the Deserver of all these honours which the customary rites of this day, and the general love of this City bestow." He then presents '• the labours of his pen " as undeserving of acceptance, as " notwithstanding you will give them a generous and gratefuU entertainment in regard to that noble fellowship (of which you yesterday were a brother and this day a father) who most freely have bestowed their loves upon you." He then adds : " The colours of this piece are mine own ; the cost theirs : of which nothing was wanting that could be had and everything had that was required. To their lasting memory I set downe this and to your noble disposition this I dedicate." A description of the triumphs follows. In the first on land Neptune is represented as addressing the Lord Mayor on his landing at Paul's Chain thus : — " Every gale "Will not perhaps befriend thee : but howe blacke So ere the sky looke, dread not thou a wracke, For when Integrity and Innocence sit, Steering the helme, no ship can split." 1 Vol. 10. 2 See his life in the Mermaid Series of British Dramatists (London), 1S87. 336 Company to date oj New Ordmances. [part i. The trytons then sounding, Neptune in his chariot passeth along before the Lord Mayor. The four windes dressed up drive forward the shipe of which Neptune spake into St. Paul's Church Yard, where another Chariot stands which displaces Neptune's, which is sent on to Cheapside. The second triumph is a Throne of Virtue gloriously adorned and beautified. Upon the height sits Arete, her temple shining with a diadem of starres, her robes rich, her mantle white, with starres of o-old. Beneath her sit the seven liberal sciences. Other details are given too long for us to quote, but the Lord Mayor being approached to this throne. Virtue thus salutes him : — " Hail, worthy Praetor, stay and do me grace, (Who still have called thee patron) in this place, To take from me heaped welcomes who combine These people's hearts in one, to make them thine. Bright Vertue's name thou know'st, and heav'nly birth, And therefore, spying thee, downe she leaped to earth, Whence vicious men had driven her. On her throne. The Liberall Arts waite : from whose brests do runne The milke of knowledge, on which sciences feed, Trades and professions ; and by them the seed Of civill popular government is sowne, Which, springing up, loe ! to what height is growne In thee and these^ is scene. And to maintaine This gr-eatnesse, twelve strong pillars it sustaine, Upon whose capital twelve societies^ stand, Grave and well ord'red, bearing chiefe command Within this city, and with love, thus reare Thy fame, in free election, for this yeare. All arm'd to knit their nerves in one with thine. To guard this new Troy. ****** Thou must be now stirring and resolute, To be what thou art sworne a waking eye, Afar off, like a beacon, to descry What stormes are comming, and being come, must then Shelter with sjsread armes the poor'st citizen. Sit Plenty at thy table, at thy gate Bounty and Hospitality ; hee's most ingrate Into whose lap the publick-wheale having ])our'd Her golden showers, from her his wealth should hoord ; Be like those antient spirits, that long agon, Could think no good deed sooner than 'twas don Others to pleasure. Hold it then more glory, Than to be pleas'd thy selfe, and be not sorry If any strive in best things to exceed thee. But glad to helpe thy wrongers, if thy need be." ' The Aldermen. ^ Tlie twelve Companies. CHAP. XVII.] lJekke7\s:' Pageant. 337 This chariot then sets forward taking the place of Neptune's before the Lord Mayor. The third triumph is a forlorn castle built by the Little Conduit in the Cheape, in which, as Virtue approaches, appears Envy with Ignorance, Sloth, Oppression, Disdain, &c., as her followers. At the Castle Gates stand Ryot and Calumny to stop the passage of Virtue, " but she onely holding up her bright shield dazzles and confounds them." The procession then passes ; Virtue having brought the Lord Mayor safely through the jaws of Envy on " to the Crosse in Cheape " and to the house of " Fame," where in an upper seat she sits crowned in rich attire with a trumpet in her hand, and in several places sit kings, princes, and nobles, who are free of the Merchant Taylors Company, a particular room being reserved for one that represented Henry Prince of "Wales. In this fourth Triumph, Fame addresses the Lord Mayor : " Welcome to Fame's high temple : here fix first Thy footing ; for the wayes which thou hast past Will be forgot and worn out ; and no tract Of steps observ'd, but what thou now shalt act. ****** Erecte thou then a serious eye, and looke What worthies fill up Fame's voluminous booke, That now (thine owne name read there) none may blot Thy leafe with foule inke, nor thy margent quoate With any act of thine, which may disgrace This cittie's choice, thy selfe, or this thy place ; Or that which may dishonour the high merits Of thy renown'd society." Then follows a description of some of the members of whom a list M'as given in the last chapter, and " Fame " concludes thus : — " Fame hath them all en-rold, On a large file (with others), and their story The world shall reade, to add unto thy glory, Which I am loath to darken ; thousand eyes Yet aking till they enjoy thee ; win then that prize, Which Virtue holds up for thee, and (that done) Fame shall the end crowne as she hath begun." The speech is ended. Fame's temple takes its place before the Lord Mayor, and a song is heard (the music being conveyed in a private room and not a person discovered) of which the last verse is this : — VOL. I. 7 338 Comyany to date of New Ordinances. [part i. " Goe on nobly, may thy name Be as old and good as fame, Ever be remembered here, Whilst a blessing, or a teare Is in store. With the poore. So Swynnerton nere dye. But his virtues upward flye, And shall spring Whilst we sing In a chorus ceasing never, He is living, living ever." After returning back from the Guildhall to perform the ceremonial customs in St. Paul's Church,^ the pageants move on, and when the Lord Mayor is brought home, " Justice, for a fare- well, mounted on some scaffold close to his entrance gate," thus addresses him : — " May this dayes sworne protector, welcome home. If Justice speake not now, be she ever dumbe ; The world gives out shee's blinde ; but man shall see, Her light is cleare, by influence drawne from thee. For one yeare, therefore, at these gates shee'l sit. To guid thee in and out : thou shalt commit (If she stand by thee) not one touch of wrong. ***** ****** Do good for no man's sake now but thine owne, Take leave of friends and foes, both must be knowne But by one face ; the rich and poore must lye In one even scale ; all suitors in thine eye, Welcome alike, even he that seems most base, Looke not upon his clothes, but on his case. Let not oppression wash his hands i' th' teares. Of widowes, or of orphans ; widowes' prayers Can pluck downe thunder, and pore orphans' cries, Are lawrels held in fire." Then referring to the insignia of the Lord Mayor's office, Justice continues : — " That collar which about thy necke is worne. Of golden esses, bids thee so to knit. Men's hearts in love, and make a chayne of it, Tliat sword is seldome drawne, by which is meant, It should strike seldom ; never th' innocent, 'Tis held before thee by another's hand, ' Po-gcs 23-4, ante. CHAP. XVII.] Oioening of New River. 339 But the point upwards (heaven must that command), Snatch it not then in wrath, it must be given, But to cut none, till warrented by heaven. The head, the politicke body must advance, For which thou hast the cap of maintenance. And since the most just magistrate often erres, Thou guarded art about vnih officers, Who knowing the pathes of others that are gone. Should teach thee what to do, what leave undone." It was time for tlie lalDours and pleasures of the day to end, so Justice adds this parting advice : — " Night's candles lighted are and burn amaine. But therefore here off thy officers traine. Which love and custom lend thee ; till delight Crowne both this day and city ; a good night To thee and these gTave senators, to whom Thy last farewels in these glad wishes come. That thou and they (whose strength the city beares) May be as old in goodness as in yeares." The shows by water are not given, " I suffer them to dye (writes Dekker) by that which fed them, powder and smoke. Their thunder^ (according to the old gally-foist fashion) was too loud for any of the nine Muses to be bidden to it." Prince Henry was not well enough to appear, but the Prince Palatine was present at the feast, and received from the Corpora- tion a present of plate. On the 14th February the royal marriage took place. The other notable event in this mayoralty was the opening of the New Eiver. " Flow forth precious spring, So long and dearly sought for — and now bring Comfort to all that love thee."^ Words at which the sluices were opened by Swynnerton on Michaelmas Day, 1613; the completion of a work which was commenced by Sir Hugh Middleton in 1608.^ ' See Harper's pageant, Part II, page 260. 2 2 Maitl., 1270. 3 The Taylors brought the water to the Hall in 1615-16, thus :— " Item, p^ to Mr. Middleton, for suffering the water to come into the Hall, the sum of 40s. " Item, p* more to Mr. Middleton for f of a year rent for the said water, after the rate of 40*. per annum, the first payment due at Xmas and the last ending at Mids' 1616, 305. " Item to the plumber upon his bill for taking in of Mr. Middletou's water into the Hall, 7/. 10«." As to the earlier supply, Part II, page 247. VOL. I. Z 2 340 Company to date of New Ordinances. [part i. Another event at this period with which Swynnerton's name is associated is the ball and mask given by the Corporation in the Company's hall (but not in any way mentioned in their records) to the Count Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth in January, 1G14. It would appear tliat on the 31st December James (as on other occasions) sent to the Lord Mayor a notice of his intention to visit him.^ The Court of Aldermen adopted the entertainment, which was to be a supper, as one to be paid for by the city, and ordered that Sir W. Craven, Sir John Swynnerton, and others should meet as a Committee, and make arranoements. " Lastly," so stands the entry in the Corporation Order Book, " because the Lord Mayor's house is not spacions enongh, it is agreed and so ordered that the Merchant Taylors' Hall shall be prepared and made ready against that night for these solemnities." Accordingly on the 4th January, 1613-14, the bride and bride- groom, with others, came to Merchant Taylors' Hall, where the Lord Mayor and Aldermen entertained them with hearty welcome and great magnificence. The Masque, which was acted, was pro- bably " The Irish Masque at Court," by Ben Jonson.^ It was possibly through Swynnerton's influence that the ordi- nances of the Company, which had been varied and departed from in practice, were submitted to the constitutional authorities for and obtained sanction from them. It has been remarked that great constitutional changes were made in the Guild in the earlier half of the sixteenth century, only to be traced in their effects, as the Company have no }'ecords extant to show when or under what circumstances they were made. On the 20th June, 1581, a " Booke of Orders, devised by M' Anthony Kadcliff, M"" Eobert Dow, Richard Maye, and George Sotherton, Lovinge Brethren of this Misterye, was openly redd by the coen dark and verye well lyked of by the saide M', Wardens, and Assistants, who have ordered, agreed, and decreed that the same booke shalbe followed and executed accordingly," but this book is not to be found. Lord Ellesmere was Lord Chancellor, and on 24tli June, 1612, we find this minute : — " Whereas informacon was given at this CoHe by the Comon Gierke of this Society, that it was Mr. Eecorder's^ advise and ' 2 Nichols (James), pa^e 731. 2 Cat. State Papers (James I), pages 215-20. ^ Henry Montague, Chief Justice of England in 1616. CHAP. XVII.] Ordinances q/ 1613 coniirmed. 341 counsell to have the booke of Ordinance first p'sented to the Right Hon. The Lo. Chancellor of Eng*^ and that his Lo^^ should alsoe be psented with some remembrance from the Comp. for the better furtherance and fynishinge of that busyness. It is therefore ordered and agreed that the Comou Clei-ke shall attende Mr. liecorder, intreating him to move His Lo^p in their suite.^ And alsoe to psent His Lopp with tenne double sulferants in gould ; and further ordered that what other monies shalbe disbursed by the consent of the M'' and Wardens to any Judge or Counsellor for the said business shall be paide by our M'." The effect of this distribution of money was that the ordinances were confirmed with this preface, " To all trew Christian People to whome this present writing shall come, S'' Thomas Egerton Knight, Lord Ellesmere Lord ChaunceUor of England, Sir Thomas Fflemyng Knight, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Sir Edward Coke Knight, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, senden Greeting in our Lord Everlasting." Then follows a recital of the 19 Henry VII, cap. 7, and that "the Maister and Wardens of the Marchant Tailers of the Fraternitie of St. John Baptist in the Cittie of London, willing and desiryng the said Act in every be- half to be observed and kept." On the 20th January, 1612, "have exhibited and presented unto us theire Peticon with a Book conteyning diverse Statutes, Acts and Ordynaunces, by them ordayned divised and made, for the said Ffraternity and their successors, and for the cofhon weale and conversation of the good estate of the Mistery of the said Marchauntailors and for the better governing, ruling and ordering of the same Ffraternity to be es- tablished, ordayned and used & thereupon have instaunilie desired us, that wee would peruse and examyne all and every the said Statutes, Ordynaunces, Acts and Oaths by the same Maister and ' The fees paid under this order were these : " Masters Account, 1612-13. " Item p'' & given to the Eecorder by order to peruse the book of ordinances, & to make the same ready for the Lords, five double souveraignes, bl. \0s. " Item p"* to my Lord Coake, lord Chief Justice of the Common pleas, for his fee for his hand to the book, Ql. 12*. " Item to his doorkeeper & porter, Is. " Item p* to my lord Fleminge, L** Chief Justice of England, 6/. 12.9. " Item p* to the L** Chancellor, \ll. ; and to his man, 2?. Gd. " Item p"* to the 3 Lords men for examining & procuring the scales of their Lords to the book at 40«. a poece, 6?. " Item p"* to Mr. Curtwright for engrossing the book & for passage with the L'' Chancellor for to have the fines stand as the Lord Chief Justice had agreed, 2\l. 17*. " Item to his clerk, \1." 342 Company to date of New Ordinances. [paut i. Wardens of the Merchauutailors of the said Fraternitie and by theire predecessors, to the foresaid intent made ordeyned and es- tablished and the same and every of them correct and amend in due forme, and as the foresaid Act made in the said Parliament requireth. Wee having perused the said Petition and fynding the same fitt to be graunted according to their desires, have also by the authority of the said Act of Parliament perused and redd, all and every their Ordynaunces, Statutes, Acts and Oathes in the said Booke specified and the same have corrected, reformed and amended as Wee sawe fitt. The Tenor whereof hereafter ensue and followe in these words." These ordinances have been supplemented by others of a later date — but they are (with the oaths) the rules of government by which the Merchant Taylors are ordered at the present day in relation to their Guild. Little further remains to be written but to point out that the men by whose counsels the Guild was governed during the earlier years of James's reign were Kobert Dowe (whose noble benefactions we have previously described) Eichard Gore, the M.P. for London, the Swynnertons (father and son) John Vernon (the benefactor), Sir Leonard Halliday and Sir W. Craven — and the ex- penditure of the Master and Wardens for the year 1612-13 which they sanctioned is shown on the opposite page. It will be noticed that London rents were gradually rising in value, and that the expenditure in entertainments and education and charity had increased. No reference is made to Virginia, but the plantation in Ireland adds items to each side of the account. CHAP. XVII.] Expenditure for 1612-13. 343 Merchant Tayloes Company 1612-13.^ Eeceipts. Payments. £ s. d. £ s. d. Apprentices' fees. . 86 7 6 Salaries, pensions &c. . . 131 18 8 Freemen's admission fees 48 3 4 Entertainments . . 192 1 5 Sundry fines . . 10 12 Repairs and work 59 18 4 Other receipts— fines on leases, &c. 411 Legal expenses (new ordi- nances 65^. 155. Qd.) .. 97 11 8 Interest on loans. . 236 7 4 Soldiers .. .. 31 1 7 Kents 1,118 11 8 Sundries .. Trust payments and quit- rents 62 13 705 12 3 £1,9J1 1 10 5 Repayment of loans 1,200 Lord Mayor (Swynnerton) 77 Corn money 51 11 Exhibitions 20 10 Bequests . . . . 366 13 4 School 84 6 8 On account of Irish plan- tation . . 255 16 8 Charitable expenditure . . 143 7 6 £1,606 1 £3,784 12 9 6 Balance brought from last account . 702 2 Purchase of corn .. Loans Purchase of property^ . . Plantation in Ireland . . 440 16 310 900 1,175 3 £4,431 17 9 Balance . . . . 54 17 « £4,486 14 9 £4,486 14 9 1 The Master was Andrew Osborne, and the Wardens were Robert Jenkinson, Ralph Hamer, William Gore, and Charles Hoskyns. 2 24 and 26, Basinghall Street, and 1 and 2, Sambrook Court, purchased of Sir Wolston Dixie, and now let at (say) 2,000^. a year. This was the final payment to complete the purchase at 1,840/. 344 Appendices 1 and 2. [part i. APPENDIX 1. Indentuke of Apprenticeship of 20th December, 1451 (30 HexXRY VI).i John Harrietsham contracts with Robert Lacy to serve the said Ptobert as well in the craft and in all his other works and doings such as he does and should doe, from Christmas day next ensuing for the term of seven years. He is to receive 9s. 4:d. at the end of the tenn, and he shall luork one year after the seven at the vjages of 20s.^ Robert is to find his apprentice in all necessaries, food, clothing, shoes, and bed, and to teach him his craft in all its particulars without concealment. During the term the apprentice is to keep his master's secrets, to do him no injury, and commit no excessive waste on his goods. He is not to frequent taverns, not to commit fornication, in or out of his master's house, nor make any contract of matrimony nor affiance himself without his master's leave. He is not to play at dice-tables or chequers, or any other unlawful games, but is to conduct himself soberly, justly, piously, well, and honourably, and to be a faithful and good servant, according to the use and custom of London. For all his obliga- tions Robert binds himself, his heir and executors, his goods and chattels, present and future, wherever found. Signed, sealed, and delivered by the two parties." APPENDIX 2. Petition of the Tailors and Armourers of London to Edward III for a Charter granted 10th March, 1327.^ " To our Lord the King and to his Council, pray humbly the Tailors and Armourers of London, that whereas they have hitherto held their guilds every year from a time beyond which memory ^ Rogers on Prices, Vol. 4, page 59. - The words in italics are not in the form in use by the Merchant Taylors Company. 3 This document, as will be noticed, bears no date, but when sent to me the words of it were identified as being the same as those recited in the Charter. This identity proves it to be (what I have described it to be), viz., the petition for the Charter. Mr. Trice Martin has rendered it into English. APP. 3.] Petition of 1^27 . 345 runneth not. In which guild they are wont to rule their mystery and order the state of their workmen and servants and redress all faults by them committed, for the honour of their mystery and the common profit of the said city of London, and of all the people, citizens and foreigners. And of late every one who has become a Tailor and Armourer has taken and kept a shop of his mystery in the said City, as well foreigners as those free of the City. And by such foreigners who were not ruled by the good folk of the said guild, many folk have received great damage, whereof the good folk of the mystery have been defamed and slandered evilly and wrongfully, to the great damage and dishonour of the said City. May it please you, dear Lord, for God's sake, tor the profit of your said City and for the conmion profit of all the people, to order that the Tailors and Armourers of London and their succes- sors, may hold their guild once every year, and in their guild order and rule their mystery and redress their wrongs by the Mayor of London for the time being, and the best and most suffi- cient folk of the mystery. And that no man may keep table or shop of the mystery, unless he be free of the City. And that none may be enfranchised, unless he be vouched for by the best of the mystery, as good and loyal and useful to the mystery. " Endorsed. — Let what is asked by the petition be done with the advice of the Mayor, etc. Enrolled." From the original in the Public Record Office. APPENDIX 3. NoTA Bexe, &c., of the Geeat Costs, Tempoke Lokok, Master, 1439^0. These are divers pa}Tiients and costs made by the Master and Wardens upon divers men for the new great Charter : — £ s. d. Fii-st, pd. to Radeford Vampage LymjTigton Brown, of the Common Pleas, and Wolston, men of law, for their counsel at divers times, 4 marks .... .... .... ..-. -. •••. 2 13 4 It. expended on them in dinners and suppei-s divei-s times, and on divers matters of the Mistery, as appeareth by bills 1 10 5 It. pd. to John Panycook, yeoman of the robes of our Lord the King, for the pm-suit and getting of our great Charter .... It. given to him a gilt cup, 4 marks It. given to him a box of silver and gilt It. given to his servants in money It. boat hire to the Privy Seal at Barnes .... It. pd. to the Privy Seal for writing and sealing 20 2 13 4 1 1 13 4 3 4 1 13 4 PART I. £ s. d. 2 6 8 8 9 4 4 6 8 2 6 8 7 6 8 1 1 346 Appendix 4. It. pd. for wi'iting of the gi-eat Cliarter in the Council It. pd. the seal of the gi'eat Charter to the Clerk of the " hampio " It. pd. a ring of gold to the Chancellor It. pd. damaske to John Norys It. pd. divers costs for Penycook at Dogmansfeld .... It. pd. to Geoffrey Goodlok for his labour .... It. pd. to Apjjelton, an Esqviii-e of the Chancellor .... It. pd. to Clerk of the Council.... It. pd. Master Thomas Kirkeby, of the Chancery, for the examina- tion of our Charter .... It. to a yeomen of the Crown, Waplode It. expended at divers times to John Penycook, and other men of the Mystery, on dinners and sui:)pers, as appeareth by divers bills 3 17 It. pd. for a copy of a bill wh the Mayor of London brought to our Lord the King and to the Council for the Charters of all the different Mysteries of the City 18 It. pd. to fformory, Scrivener, for wi-iting divei-se copies of our Charter, and divers bills and indentui-es, as appeai-eth by a bill 15 It. expended in hire of horse, meat, and di-ink to Dogmansfeld, and home 4 days, 3 men, for the suit of the new Charter .... 1 2 9 It. given to Lowthe, for his great labour and business about our Charter in many wise, 4 yards of scarlet .... .... It. to his two clerks at Dogmansfeld It. to the Chaiferer of wax, for his fee It. to a man that rode with us for his labour It. given to a man to be our guide It. spent on a dinner and supper on Lowthe, when he came to London, and on our men of the Craft It. for pears and plums that were sent to my lord . ,. It. pd. to Grenehode, limner, for limning of the head of the great Charter It. pd. to John More, for a copy of the Charter of the Eolls It. pd. for a pair of Boges that Peuycok had of Wilcocks' wife of the late Sum of the payments of the Charter 2 4 3 4 1 8 1 4 8 18 10 1 6 5 3 4 2 ;7i 5 5 APPENDIX 4. 22 HEXEY YI (1443), WILLIAM AUNTEUS, MASTEE.i Thise been the Paiementz and Costz made by the Meistre and Wardeins upon dyyers Men for the Serche of Barthilmew Faire. Eirst spended in mete and driuke and horsemete to Dogmans- feld and home, and fro London to the kynge's hous for a letter fro the kyng, and a nother tyme to Penycoke's place, xxiiijs. ' He was the Esquire for the King's person. See surrender and quit claim by his heir-at-law in favour of the Cartluisians at Boston, 20th March, 1486. — Materials for History of Henry VII, page 58. APP. 5.] Agreement for Henrtj VITs Obit. 347 Item, paid to Lowthe's clerk for writyng of the charter and certein writtes, xjs. viijVZ. Item, paid to Gedeney, under secretarye for devysyng and writyng of a letter fro the kyng to the Meir of London, vjs. viijd Item, paid to Lowthe, of the Chauncerie for his labour, dyvers tymes rydyng fro Dogmansfeeld^ to London and to the kynge's hous and other places for our mater, xl^. Item, paid to men of our crafte and other that wer in Newgate, vjs. viijcZ. Item, spended in horshire, horsmete to Eltham, and bothire dyvers tymes to Westminster for that matter, ijs, vjcZ. Item, espended in dyvers tymes at dyners and sopers upon Lowthe, Gedeney, and other men of lawe for the serche forseid, xxxvijs. Item, paid to Lakyn and Wolston, men of lawe, for seyng of our charter, vj-s. viijf?. Item, spended in horshire and horsmete whan Jeorge rode to Shene and fet Thomas Davy and the clerk another tyme, ijs. iiijf?. = ylli. xijs. id. APPENDIX 5. Agreement with Hexry VII, that in consideration of the New Charter certain Eeligious Ceremonies shall be observed and Masses said for him.- To the most Christian and most excellent Prince and Lord, our Sovereign Lord Henry seventh of that name, most unconquered King of England and France, and most illustrious Lord of Ireland, your humble, devoted and faithful servants and subjects, Edmund riowre. Master, also Eichard Conhyll, Thomas Speight, Eobert Colson, and John Wright, Wardens of the Brotherhood or Com- pany of Merchant Taylors called of St. John the Baptist, of your city of London, and all the Company of the same Brotherhood [wish] prosperous and happy state in Him by whom kings reign and princes govern, and perpetual increase of your most happy succession, and happily to earn eternal joys in the Lord. Whereas your most serene Majesty has not only deigned always graciously with the eyes of your Highness to look upon 1 In Hants, now the seat of the Mildmays, but then o£ the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was Lord Chancellor. Henry VIII gare it to Wriotesley, Earl of Southampton. - Rendered into English by C. Trice Martin, B.A. 348 Appendix 5. [part i. and increase us and our foresaid Brotlierhood with special privi- leges and favours, but also, as the original and most pious founder and erector, you have graciously caused to be favourably brought to light, raised up and made known, and have changed the name of the same Brotherhood, which has long lain hid in concealment and shade ; and because we are not able in the earthly and tran- sitory gifts of this world in a worthy and equal mancer to reply, repay, or recompense your Highness's great and ample kindness and benevolence, shown to us only by your graciousness, not in consequence of our merits, and because revolving in our inner mind how purely, how piously, by reason of its devotion your soul as tlie noblest of all creatures is worthy by the Divine mercy to be crowned with a crown of glory in the heavens among the hosts of Holy Angels ; and because the singular fervour of devotion which we see that your foresaid Highness ever has in the petitions of prayers, strongly urges us. Most Christian Prince, and compels us in the love of Christ to devise the making and pouring out of prayers and petitions for the safety of your soul. Therefore we, the said Edmund Flowre, Master, and Eichard Conhyll, Thomas Speyght, Eobert Colson, and John Wryght, Wardens, and the luholc of the aforesaid Brotherhood treating carefully in this behalf of and concerning the premises in com- mon amongst ourselves, by our unanimous express consent, know- ingly and deliberately have granted and grant for us and our future successors of the said fraternity for ever, and to this charge and bind us and them for ever by these presents, that is to say, that we and our said successors at our and their own charge and expense yearly, during the natural life of your aforesaid most serene Majesty, on the day when it happens that the exequies of the deceased are celebrated in the Conventual Church of your Monastery of St. Peter's, Westminster, for your good and happy estate, we and our successors will cause the office of exequies with nine lessons and lauds and with a mass of requiem on the next day then immediately following, with all and single prayers, suffrages, lights, tolling of bells, and other ceremonies requisite and fit in that behalf, with music to be celebrated solemnly and devoutly* in the parish church of St. Martin's Outwicli, of the city of London, on the same days, for your aforesaid prosperous and happy estate, as for our original and most devout founder; as also by these presents we grant to hold and celebrate for ever another office of exequies or exequies of the dead, whatever they may be, ' Solemni tarn is probably an error for solemnifer. APP. 5.] Agreement for Henry VITs Ohit. 349 every year on the day of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist for the souls of the brethren and sisters of the said Brotherhood in all the most solemn manner, form, and effect, as is most solemnly and devoutly fitting. And thus every year in future during your foresaid natural life shall be done ; and we and they will cause to be held a service of the dead, i.e., Placebo and Dirige, with nine lessons and with mass of requiem on every next day then follow- ing, for your happy estate in manner, form and effect aforesaid. And we the aforesaid Master and Wardens and the whole Brotherhood aforesaid and our and their aforesaid future successors are bound to be present at the same exequies with the whole Company of the aforesaid Brotherhood, or at least with the greater and better part of the same Brotherhood, viz., each in his decent and better clothing, as seems most decent and best to us and them, publicly and in common every year for ever. And on the day next following we and they will be bodily present at the mass of requiem in the like manner, form, and effect, and each one of us and them and each of us and them will be bound to offer to God and devoutly display offerings for each of us and them in the same mass for your said good and pros- perous estate, and we and they will offer them effectually to the praise of God. We will also and by these presents grant for ourselves and our said successors, and to this by the tenor of these presents we charge and bind ourselves and them by strict law, that when the day of your obit is announced to us, or we are certainly informed thereof in any way, that then on the very day on which as is aforesaid the office of exequies is celebrated and sung iu the Conventual Church of your Monastery of St. Peter's, Westminster aforesaid for your soul, we in like manner and form aforesaid will cause to be said for ever devoutly and celebrated solemnly and with music, in the said parochial church, the office of exequies with nine lessons and lauds, and with the mass of requiem on the morrow then following with all and single prayers, suffrages, lights, tolling of bells, ceremonies, offerings, and other things aforesaid, on every day of your obit and on every next day then following annually every year for ever, for your soul. In witness of which thing we Edmund Flowre, Master, also Eichard Conhyll, Thomas Speyght, Eobert Colson, and Juhn Wright, Wardens aforesaid, and the whole Brotherhood^ aforesaid ' The words in italics show tliis to be a contract made with the full assent of the whole Brotherhood assembled iu the Common Hall. 350 Appendix 6. [part i. ave unanimously, knowingly, and deliberately affixed to these presents our common seal which we use instead of our signatures in this behalf. Dated at London in the Common Hall of us and the aforesaid Brotherhood, on the third day of the month of December, in the year of Our Lord, 1503, and the nineteenth year of your most excellent reign. APPENDIX 6. " Th'ordynnaunce for the kepyng of the Quene's Obite and OF the Kynges when it shall happen. "Also it is ordeigned & enacted that every broder of the said fraternitee beyng duly sommoned by the bedell every yere herafter and for evermore shalbe personally present in his hole lyvery atte obite of the moste excellente Prynce of famous memory our late Soveraigne Lorde Kyng Henry the vij*^ in the parisshe Chirche of Saynte Martyn Oteswyche of London, ^^4 afte rward eofttifiwelly & fe¥ e¥ef atte ebite ef the same e«¥ ee^e^aigfte i,ei=d wha» it shail please Al migh t y Oed that his »ie&te g raey e u s p o r s one sbaii depafte fro m this p^eseet iyfe as the said ff atornitGO haw hetffid thoymoelf te 4e according unto the ef!ecte of a draunte by theym late made in writyng under their common Seale, afi4 4eli¥efed tmte the Kyng es Higheesse more plainely doth appeare. And what persone of the said fraternitee beyng duely sommoned as is afforsaid and cometh not to the said obite and wole not tary there tyll Dirige and Masse be don, nor offer atte said mass ej"^, shall paye to tli'use of the said fraternitee as often and whan as any is founde fauly iij'. iiij*^. reasonable lette & lawfull excuse alwey excepte." [There is no mention made of the Queen in the body of this Ordinance, but there is an evident erasure where her name should stand and an insertion of the King's instead, who thus becomes mentioned twice over and is spoken of as " our late Sovereign " before his death. The words underlined are later than the others and those marked through are crossed out to agree with the former alteration, which was made after the 11th February, 1503, on which day the Queen died at the Tower of London in childbirth.] APP. 7.] Epitome of Ordmances . 351 APPENDIX 7. Epitome of the Ordinances of the Merchant Taylors Company EELATING TO THE PERSONS UNDERMENTIONED: (A) ErEEMEN; (B) Apprentices; (C) Wardens; (D) Assistants; (E) Master ; (E) Master ; (G) Beadle and Wardens, as APPROVED IN 1507, UNDER 19 HeNRY VII, ChAP. 7. (^A) Ordinances relating to the Freeman. Every brother or freeman shall — (1.) On summons be present with the Master and Wardens in his whole livery or otherwise at any place and hour assigned for any noble triumph for the Kinge's Highnesse, his noble issue, or other grater estates, concerning the honour of the King and of his realme, or elles for any quarter-day obit, dirge, offering, pression riding, or other assembly (except he be Mayor or Alderman or Sheriff) or pay M. for the first ; IM. for the second, and 6s. M. for the third offence. (2.) Shall not wear costly array other than is fitting for his calling as a citizen or merchant under a penalty of 100s, (3.) Every freeman or of the Livery to pay for each apprentice, 3s. M.., and for every such over two apprentices, 20s., but if the Freeman be of the Bachelors Company, half moiety of the 20s. to go to the Common Box of the Bachelors Company,^ and every freeman before taking his apprentice shall present him to the Master and Wardens for their examination as to his birth, &c., under a penalty of 40s., and after taking him, enroll his apprentice- ship with the Chamberlain, under a penalty of Q>s. 8d. {4:.y Not set up a shop without a licence from the Master and Wardens if he has stock to the value of 10 marks paying to the Fraternity 3s. 4:d., and for his " incomyng to the Batchelors Com- pany and to be broder " with them 3s. 4:d., and shall produce his freedom and enter it of record under a penalty of 40s.^ (5.)^ The preface to this section is as follows : — " Also where^' dyvers persones aswele of the same misteere as also estraungers born in the parties of beyond the see and also ^ The preceding paragraph is omitted from the ordinances of 1613, so that the fees were regulated by 22 Henry VIII, c. 4. ^ These sections are not in the ordinances of 1613, as the Freeman's oath to the same effect was prohibited by 28 Henry VIII, c. 5. ^ A proviso is added that this ordinance is to stand only till complained against, and then to be reformed " as the King's noble grace and his Council shall be advised." 352 Appendix 7. [part i. foreyns use dayly to kepe Chambers secretly in aleys and upon stayers & houses in corners, and cutte & make almaner of gar- nientes, and the same persones be nother free of the Citee nor of the said feliship of Merchaunt Taillours, nother obedient to the good & lawfull ordynaunces made & provyded for the said feliship, nother contributory to any imposicions or other charges paid to the Kyng's grace for the common weale of the Citee, nor chargeable with the payment of any money toward the supportation and mayntennaunce of the said misteere and the fynding and releef of the pore almesbredern of the same which abusyon is lykely to be the grete hynderaunce & impoverysshyng of the freemen, house- holders and kepars of shoppes of the same misteere and to the decay and hurt of the libertees of the said Citee yf due remedy therein be not the sooner provyded and had, the premisses con- sidered." JSTot to keep any secret chamber or house in alleys or upon stairs, or cut or make any manner of garment therein unless it be for his wife and children under a penalty of Qs. 8d. "Also whereas there is a grete noumbre and multitude of aliauntes, foreyns, denizens and straungers dayly repayring to this Citee and use th'andicrafte of Tailloury in dyvers Citezeins houses of other mysteeres which is to the grete hurt & hynderaunce of th'artificers of this ffraternitee." (6.)' Not to employ any foreign stranger or denizen in his house in the handicraft of tailory unless for some work which must be done for some noble triumph, &c., under a penalty of 205. (7.)' Not to attend or make any unlawful assembly for making of ordinances to the subversion of the Fraternity, under penalty, if of the Livery, to be put out of the same, and be excluded from all alms and other benefits ; and if a Batchelor (or Yeoman) of 101. , and to be imprisoned by the Mayor. (8.)^ Not to take by cosen or fraud any tenement in the city of the lord of the soil, whereby any occupying tenant should be expelled, under a penalty of treble the value of the rent, one-half going to the tenant so expelled, and the other part to the Fraternity. (9.) Not to use rude words or revile another, or otherwise misbehave himseK to any person in any cause or matter proposed before the Master and Wardens in open audience, under a penalty of 40s. (10.)^ To attend on summons in livery the Master and Wardens at the burying of a brother and sister, and to carry such to burial ' These sections are not in the ordinances of 1613. APP, 7.] JEjntome of Ordinances. 353 (unless himself ill or the deceased died of the great pestilence), under a penalty, if the deceased had not been Master or Warden, of 6s. 8d., pro\aded that a past Warden was summoned for the burying of a Master, who made default should pay lO.s. (11.) To pay immediately ensuing the feast of Midsummer his duty for the same feast to the Warden under penalty of being put out of the Livery, and if not of the Livery shall forfeit to the Fraternity double the value of the debt he oweth to the said craft. In the ordinances of 1613 the fees for the feast were inserted as " 3s. 4d. for the Livery, and such person as be not of the clothing and able to pay their duty shall pay at the general feast 12d., whether he be present or not, and shall also pay his quarteridge of 2s. 2d. yerely to the use of the poore of the said fraternite upon payne of forfeiture of double the value of the several duties that he oweth to the said craft without any remission or pardon." (12.)^ To obey the Master and Wardens for peace, or " such rebels being obstinate," to be punislied at the discretion of the Master and Wardens. (13.) iSTot disclose secrets of trade or the counsels of the Fraternity, under a penalty of 10/. (14.) To bear charge of all cessings, prest-costs, contributions, and all other charges pertaining to the worship, benefit, and credit of the Mysterie as thought fit by the Court, under of penalty of 40s. (15.) Not to entice any man's apprentice or covenant servant away under a penalty of 20s. to the craft, and to the mast(!r of the apprentice or servant, 10/. (16.)^ Not to keep open shop on any holy day appointed bv the Church, except St. Bartholomew's Day, or on this if it fall on a Sunday, under a penalty of 40s. (17.) Xot to deliver vendible goods, cloth, M'ares, merchandise, plate or jewels to any man's apprentice or servant (save on special token from the master) save at his own adventure. (18.) Not to take an alien as apprentice, under a penalty of 20/. (19.)^ Not to associate with a breaker of the ordinances (after warning) under a penalty of 100s. (20.) No person to leave the Fraternity without licence from the Master and Wardens on payment of such fine as they, or on appeal, the Chancellor and Treasurer of England and the two Chief Justices of either bench for the time being, or three of them, shall assess according to Ms condition and quality. ^ These sectioiis are not in the ordinances of 1613. VOL. I. 2 A 354 Appendix 7. [part i. (21.) Upon a Mayor's election from the Fraternity the Bachelor's Company was appointed to certain services, thus if any of those persons appointed by the Master and Wardens^ to be Master's Bachelor of the Barge (in Foynes)' refuse attendance in such sort as is for the worship of the Fraternity, and do not supply and bear such usual rates as are usually borne by such as are elected, each shall pay 100s. to the mysterie; and if any other Bachelor (in Budge) for the same cause named do not obey the same attendance and contributions as are usually borne, he shall pay 20s. to the JMysterie. Further each of the said Bachelors to give his best attendance at the Mayor's and Sheriffs' feast of the said Fraternity as by the said Master and Wardens appointed, under a penalty of 6s. Sd. (22.) To bear the room and office of ^Master, if elected, or pay a fine of 40Z. (increased to lOOZ. by the ordinance of 16 13). (23.) Not to be a servant of a man of another mysterie, save for higher wages under a penalty of 40s. (24.) Not to instruct children in the art of the mysterie save as apprentices enrolled, under a penalty of 100s. (25.)^ To keep the Queen's obit and the King's (Henry VII) when it shall happen, and offer at the said masse a Id., under a penalty of 3s. 4rZ, (26.) Not to permit their servants or apprentices to buy or sell for their own or another's use, save for their master's, under a penalty of 20^. {B) Apprentices. Not to wear any weapon within the city unless going into tlie country with his master or other honest company. (C) Ordinances relating to the Wardens. (1.) The search at St. Bartholomew's Fair under the charter of Edward IV (1465), which is recited as a preface to the ordinance. (2.) To appear on summons at the Common Hall (Mayor, Alderman, or Sheriff being excepted), under a penalty of 4s. ' In 1507 the appointment might be made by the " Livery," but in 1613 it Tras changed to Assistants. 2 It is perhaps needless to say that this designation is by the skin which each Bachelor wore as part of his Livery. Foyne, being the skin of the marten, and Budge the skin of the lamb, these terms first appeared in the ordinance of 1613, but whether the first was a master and tlie other a workman has not come under my notice. Tlie contributions made for Sir John Gore's Mayoralty in 1624 was by each 3/. 6*. Sd. as Foyne " and 21. 6*. 8 xijj«__nijd , . 60 2 8 Sadlers^ . v'l vj^ viij*^ . . 30 90 3 12 Barbo'^ S'geons^. . v^i vj' viij*^ . . 20 50 2 Gyrdelers'^ viijii 50 70 2 16 8 CoiTyo''s iiij^' xiij' iiij*^ 20 11 8 9 Inliolders v'i vj' viij*^ . . 30 50 2 Bowyers iiif.. 10 5 4 Cowpers iiif.. 50 70 2 16 Broderers^ 21. 13.S. M. . . » • 33 1 6 6 Plumers xxvj' viij^ . . 20 16 Wexch'undlers . . XX vj' viij'^ . . 20 16 Cordwayners* . . 21. Us. 4:d. 20 70 2 16 Armorers 21. 13s. M. . . 10 10 8 Fletchers^ 21. 13s. 4cZ. . . 10 5 4 Wolpackers xxvj^ viij*^ . . 10 5 4 Pulters . . 21. 13.S. M. . . 20 lb Lory me rs xiij^ iiij** Stacyoners^ 21. Us. 4:d. . . 40 100 4 Upholders xiij' iiij<^ . . . . 11 8 9 'Browne Bakers* xiij^ iiij'i . . • • 30 1 4 Graye Tawyers , . xiij' iiij*^ Longe Bowe- stryng makers xiij* iiij*^ Turno^s . . xiij' iiij*^ , , 17 15 7 Glasyers xiij« iiij• ■^ -o T-H o S oo CO rH >H a^ ;?i o'E" S .5 o o o ,cS . cc >.«? Ph •o.S'i o ci " lo h-l PH '"oJg ^ H OS '^ J3 Eh k!; ±i -3l =*.g >"a H N S-3 r"^ a H 21 0.2 s ^ t^ : o .21 3 « o i3 . .9 i =L "^ § S3 „ .„ w t, E g g g g 3 d ■g JrC 3-g C-a .E" - i; 2 ?^ >> 3 = H-^ 3 =s P.S O o 2 o S3« .S.2 'Z ^ " 3 1/2 ^ So as O Si i; "^ of c t o O 53 O " 3| t h^ c » o g to 11 •g a O i, fj ra 3 (S 3 Q o ;^ < «^-" 5 S'S s oi ^ : "^ a If .§ "^ __ <.- o o o o ■Co 5 >T1 o o 3,3 ca -^ 408 Appendix 33. [part P^ P^ cq fq p-i =y ;4 m "^^ t< 1^ ^< S ^ ^ PQ o o 9 g- I -a ^r 773 M •« ■^ t^ ^ ?< O CO Ci a 00 N^ «'^,o ■-> 1 §.3 ■1 ^^ C3 g ji-'qtd o a 2 c3 P5 S a> P-, *i ■^ b o a ^ O - 1, o =*-< 3 ^ ;h ^2 2 © o 2^ rK . 'd 2 ' ' ♦- if-l 05 -N Si -i^ S o :: --W o O ?! J ^S o s o ? 3 H ^;£^ ^:3 o ^56 * S -i "s- ^ S ■^.^a o S «J CO •lo GO iC i-l r-l 50 -SO n £ 3 ^4i ^o.' ^ o —>. ^02 N o o Nh ■^ ^T- ;^ : N O O 1— 1 '' "\ . 'i 2 -t^ — • ^ .-:f i-:i^ j^i m -u> O o l-^l ; 11 S^ o o 1^ kj 11 ri '3 • ■71 u t-s H ^ 1- I-l oc I-l Qi ,a 14 a a '-I O o "8 g^- j: s "^s -^ ° o >• ji-^ -^^ tn ^— ' 3 e ■■^ -w a cc 0," 11 £ P :5 a' ^1 •S •§ 5 • S -d ^ Ph 1^ P 00^ Oil - 410 Appendix 33. [part 02 !zi O I— I E-i I— I CQ l-H H-> o (— ( <1 1 1 © o O J- O 1 1 1 i3 5 3 o O o To the Master and Wardens of tho Brotherhood of Tailors and Linen Armourers of St. Joiin Baptist, and also the commonalty of Tailors afore- said, on condition : — (i.) To insert her name and the name of her husband in the list of Brothers and Sisters prayed for. (ii.) 6s. ad. for superstitious uses. TTo tho Master and Wardens in pure and perijetual alms of the Brother- hood, i.e., for perpetually relieving ■{ the poor and needy persons of the Brotliei'hood, and especially to i^ray for the souls of the Brethren and 1^ Sisters of tho said Brotherhood. a © 4^ © to © Ph £ s. d. 165 _© c <1 f^' ^ i~> ^"^ vj- ^ CD "^ \0 1 13 4 as in 145 1 10 16 8 10 5 17 11 4 23 1 U o 1 St. Margaret Patyns rents then being St. Alban's, Wood Street Clement's Lane, East- cheap St. Mary, Alderman- bury St. Andrew's, Corn- hill, Lime Street 'S •S* "3 © © ft Lands , . sold in 1549-50, the 1. Lands and tene- ments 2. Shops and garden 3. Basset's Inn 4. Perbright Inn . . o S ft Halleyate, Idonia . . All these lands were Holland, Ralph (First Will) 1, 3 {in part), and 4 sold in 1549-50, and 2 at some time anterior. Date. 1451 Oct. 12 1452 May 2 12 ^ r-l : 1 APP. 33.] Antient Acquisitions of Company. 411 >i2 S g'S* Ph > "*^ 2 ^ =1 gt^ "a Brethren od. reM^s ive mount fo I tenemei .As. the Master and Ward (i.) To repair ; (ii.) 13«. stitious uses ; (iii.) \d. w poor Brother and Sistt alms of the Brotherhooc ^ '3 3 C3 e Master, Warde rs of the Brothci e Fenchiirch Stri increased by thi nents, the other e and yielding then Pi t-i H ^-- J V ) o . o o CO \a ^2, a. 2 CO -r! ^ ' ^ S ■=> 2 :3 o ao .^ ;h CD -^ -S CD O r^ 02 :r' CS rH ^-2 SPh "C o . c3 u -w Si-^Hl- , — C/D _( -t= ^ O qn S ^ O =S O o ° o o o i> O 00 00 Co CD CO V2 c3 ^ Bf •2fR d ^ ^ S-Si? 3 "■) o - y s r^ S ^o -tS " DQ ,i^ 1- jS -^ xn C/J 02 H o^ CO ^ CO d IM 00 CO c^ 2 S So" ^^-^co pq Coo c: p Pi ^•^^ S r-H CO 4^ r-< f^ V J ^• 'e* ■^ a > o; CO ■-S - 2 - c *^ o tn Sh oQ 't3;;3 g ^ =3 O H ■* ^ . CO M O • • I— 1 !— 1 CO ■* 1—1 X> -u =0 o CO .5 S^ .^ ^ ^ -^ M . -"T;>=Uo50oo"„ til . oW . ^ . fl . oM N O 'o H = ?„ If S O J S So ^ O CJ s e fl . Bq 10 1 ^ c; CO rd G ■* <-< Cl5- S .8 ^ fet-"-et ^ ■§ S 1 w w^ rH ■3 O 42 i fl 42 -t^ Cd ^6 ■il '1 III! ^ 5 2 k3 H H f ■» -ti^ o o oo ^^ a c'O o o • oo o t-l ^ o o (N t* Ph SfJO o o o ^ T? 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