RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT •The THE MACMILLAN CO NKW YORK • BOSTON • CHICA ATLANTA • SAN FRAN MACMILLAN & CO., LONDON • BOMBAY • CJ MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF TORONTO 1-1 I— I & a Q N U w a RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT THE SUICIDE OF MONARCHIES (WILLIAM II AND NICHOLAS II) BY EUGENE de SCHELKING Formerly Secretary of the Russian Embassy in Berlin THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1918 AU rights reserved Copyright, 1918 By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1918. . ■ * • • • ,s. • ••"..• • • ,. .'•...•• • . ■ • • • • • . • . . , . • • i* . • • • PREFACE The preparation of Mr. de Schelking's manuscript for publication has been an interesting, if somewhat arduous task. When I was able to secure the manu- script from the hands of the censor, in Ottawa, I discovered that what Mr. de Schelking had meant and what the translation said were two different things, owing not to the fault of the translator but to the extreme difficulty of following the trend of another man's mind. In consequence, it was necessary to rewrite the whole manuscript and then to go most carefully through it with the author, all of which took considerable time. But the more familiar I became with the manuscript, the more fascinating the matter appeared to me. In fact, when the final copies were dispatched to the publishers, I quite regretted that, for the time being at least, my con- nection with the work was over. I think any one who reads the book will agree with me that it is one of the most fascinating human docu- ments which has been published in recent years. Through it all there runs the personality of the author who throughout his diplomatic and journal- istic careers, seems to have had a premonition that the weaknesses of the men who by birth or caprice 21 218 1 vi PREFACE held the destinies of the world in their hands, would bring about a terrible catastrophe. Naturally, as a good Russian, Mr. de Schelking was not altogether in favour of the Russian entente with England. The greater part of his diplomatic ca- reer was evidently passed during the period when Russia and England were constantly clashing in the East. It must be admitted that in England for years, the instinctive sentiment of the politicians and public was to regard Russia as an enemy just as France had been regarded as an enemy. Thus Russia's natural policy was to oppose England with Germany, while remaining friendly with France, al- though even her friendship with the latter seems to have been tinged with autocratic regret for an alliance with a republic. Metternich's idea of an alliance of the three Em- perors of Austria, Germany and Russia naturally made its appeal to an autocratic government, but Mr. de Schelking evidently very soon came to the conclusion that the archaic anachronism known as the House of Habsburg, was a pillar in this structure which must inevitably crumble under the storms of national passions. The gradual federation of the Balkan nations in- evitably brought about the resurgence of Polish, Czech, and Jugo-Slav aspirations. Intensely Slavic in his sentiments and constitutionally democratic in his instincts, Mr. de Schelking had no patience with PREFACE vii the vacillating policies of the statesmen who refused to face facts, but took refuge in expediencies. The dynastic interests of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Komanoffs, sooner or later, would inevitably clash with the progressive tendencies of the vari- ous European nationalities. Therefore like many others, Mr. de Schelking regarded the personal inter- ests of statesmen, whose power came through the favour of their rulers, as utterly opposed to all prog- ress. He does not hide his contempt for those states- men who tried to retain power at the expense of the interests of the nations over which they ruled. No man who has a definite constructive policy and who has the gift of analysing the logical results of expediency, can avoid arriving at Mr. de Schelk- ing 's conclusion, when he realizes the folly of these men. Intimately acquainted with the characters and personalities of the two principal actors in the Euro- pean drama, the Emperors Nicholas II of Russia, and William II of Germany, Mr. de Schelking is ruthless in exposing their weaknesses. In these pages, men make their entrance and their exit from the Euro- pean stage, not as the historical characters they have hitherto represented in the eyes of their audience, but as human beings, with all the weaknesses and foibles of ordinary every-day people. I know no book which gives a better proof of the value of democracy than this one. Not because it deals with democratic principles but because it ex- viii PREFACE poses the weaknesses of autocratic government. One of the most fascinating things about the book is the manner in which the most trivial affairs be- come the direct source of a tragic aftermath. L. W. Makovski, Vancouver, B. C. June, 1918. NOTE BY THE AUTHOR It is difficult to relate with any degree of clearness those events which culminated in the Russian Revo- lution and the great tragedy of the European War. Hundreds of books have been written about the poli- cies of the various governments involved. History has dealt with Germany, Russia, France, Italy and the Balkan Powers and with their relations to the British Empire. Many of these books have been written by men intimately connected with the govern- ments of what has been known as Continental Eu- rope. They have dealt with the dangers of militar- ism and from another point of view, with the so- called danger of British sea power. To the student of history, these books have been admired but never- theless they utterly failed to convince the world of the inexorable outcome of these policies. The tragedy of the European War has been ascribed to many different causes. It is, of course, the natural outcome of policies deliberately pursued, but it will be admitted that behind the policy lies the personality of the men in w 7 hose hands have lain the destinies of nations. In the following pages, I have endeavoured to deal with many of these per- sonalities as I knew them, more especially with ix x NOTE BY TIIE AUTHOR those men whose personalities guided the destiny of Russia and Germany. Moreover, to thoroughly un- derstand matters that may seem absolutely trivial but which were of themselves much more important than the widely advertised and published treaties with which history deals, it is necessary to know something of the reign and character of Alexander III, the predecessor of Nicholas II, and of Bavaria's position in the federation of Germany. I have commenced my book, therefore, with a short chapter reviewing the reign of Alexander III. After his death, Emperor William of Germany became the dominating figure around whom the whirlpool swept. I have given the name of The Suicide of Monarchies to this book because it was the feebleness of Nicholas II which brought disaster to Russia and eliminated the Romanoffs from that throne, just as the insen- sate, egoistical and dynastic policy of William will inevitably eliminate the Hohenzollerns from among the monarchies of Europe, when the people of Ger- many realize the role he has played in deliberately plotting the tragedy. The manuscript of this volume was originally dic- tated by me in French to Mr. Lawrence Mott, corre- spondent of the New York Herald in Yokohama, Japan, where I, after leaving Petrograd nineteen days after the final revolution broke out, stayed for about a year before coming to Canada. The book was practically re-written in Vancouver, B. C, by NOTE BY THE AUTHOR xi me in collaboration with Mr. L. W. Makovski of the Vancouver Daily Province whose knowledge of the European situation which led to the war, proved of inestimable value to me, who hereby desire to ac- knowledge the assistance I received from both Messrs. Mott and Makovski. The latter placed the manuscript in the hands of the publishers. E. DE SCHELKING. BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR Mr. E. de Schelking was born in Petrograd in 1858. His family, which belonged to the ancient order of Teutonic knights, migrated into Courland from Austria, and there became Polish subjects re- ceiving the title of Baron from the King of Poland, Sigismund III. When Courland, under Empress Anne, Duchess of Courland, became a Russian prov- ince during the latter half of the eighteenth century, Mr. de Schelking 's family went to Petrograd, re- taining the title of Baron in Courland but not taking out the necessary papers to make the barony Russian. His father was a Russian General — Nicholas George Schelking — who distinguished himself in the Hungarian Campaign of 1848 and in that of Poland in 1864. His mother was a Baroness Fersen, and one of her ancestors accompanied Louis XVI of France and Queen Marie Antoinette in their flight from Varennes. Mr. de Schelking finished his studies in the Im- perial College of Law at Petrograd and entered the Diplomatic Service of his country in 1883, and has held the following Diplomatic Posts: First Secretary»in Greece, France, Spain and Ger- xiv BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR many, — both in Berlin and Munich — and he was for a time Legation Councillor at The Hague. Leaving diplomatic life in 1903 he went into po- litical journalism, and was correspondent in Paris for the well known Liberal Organ — the Rouss, and later for the Novoie Vremya. After that again he was for six years in the For- eign Politics Department of the Birjevia Wiede- mosti — the largest of all the papers in the Russian capital. While in this position he was officially asked on several occasions to undertake delicate mis- sions for his government, and in consequence, trav- elled a great deal in Europe, but more especially in the Balkans. For a time he was the Petrograd Cor- respondent for the Paris newspaper — Le Temps. During his actual diplomatic career, Mr. de Schelking spent fourteen years in Germany, with Count Osten-Sacken as his Chief. During the last four or five years, Mr. de Schelking has been a member of practically all the Slavic So- cieties in Russia, and also a Member of their Coun- cils. He was especially popular in the Slavophilist circles, and the representatives of the Czech peoples in Russia honoured him with an Address of Thanks for the work that he did toward the liberation of the Czechs from the oppression of Austria. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAOE Preface v Note by the Author ix Biography of the Author xiii I Alexander III 1 Personal Life — Politics Interior and Exterior. Greatness of the Empire Beyond Its Confines. II Bavaria and Prussia and William II .... 22 The Regent, King Louis III. A Royal Tragedy. Role of Bavaria in the German Empire. III William II ^ Personal Impressions. His Character, Qualities and Faults. Hushand and Father, Kaiser and Politician. IV The German Ministers 77 V Nicholas II 103 His Character. The Ex-Emperor as Husband and Father. The Empress and Her Influence. Rasputin — The Grand Dukes. ' VI Foreign Policy of Nicholas II 128 Relations with William II of Germany. VII The Arrivistes 151 Russian Diplomats and the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire During the Reign of Nicholas II VIII The Whirlpool 185 Sazonoff's Policy: Russian Action in the Balkans. Bulgaria, Serbia and Roumania. Foreign Influ- ence on Russian International Policy. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE IX The Fox of the Balkans 218 Czar Ferdinand of Bulgaria. X The Eve op Revolution 226 The Last Foreign Ministers of Nicholas II — Stur- mer, Pokrowsky, Vice-Minister Neratoff— The Ambassadors. XI Genesis 249 The Origin of the Russian Revolution — The Minis- ters, the Clergy, Absence of Justice, Depriva- tions of Russian Society. General Dissatisfac- tion. XII The Deluge 282 Appendix I 307 Queen Marie of Roumania. Appendix II 315 The Result of Roumanians Participation in the Great War. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS The Czar and His Family Frontispiece FACING PAGE Count Witte 12 Count Ostcn-Sacken 64 Prince Von Buelow 114 Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg 164 M. Sazonoff 240 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT CHAPTER I ALEXANDER III Personal Life — Politics Interior and Exterior. Greatness of the Empire beyond its Confines Emperor Alexander II was assassinated on March 13th, 1881. His son, Emperor Alexander III, as- cended the throne under most tragic circumstances. Two paths were open to him, reform or reaction: reform would of necessity entail the proclamation of a Constitution ; reaction, suppression of the tend- ency towards Liberalism encouraged by his father. General Count Loris Melikov — the all-powerful Minister of the Interior during the last days of the reign of Alexander II — was credited with being a Liberal. Reaction had as its leader and devoted ad- herent Monsieur Pobiedonoszeff, the Procurator of the Holy Synod, and as its public exponent Monsieur Katkoff, the famous Moscow journalist. The Emperor finally decided on reaction, and per- sisted in following this path for the fourteen years of his reign. 1 2 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT As I was a young man at the time, and held but minor official positions, I will only touch on a few of the Sovereign's better-known characteristics, which were quite the opposite of those of his successor, Nicholas II. I will also endeavour to give a clear idea of his foreign policies, which I was able to ob- tain from men who were his intimates. Alexander III was undoubtedly very popular throughout the nation : among the masses he had the reputation of integrity, loyalty, and firmness. The people felt sure of him and this won him their uni- versal sympathy and understanding. Furthermore, he created for Russia an exceptionally brilliant po- sition beyond the confines of her own domain, which naturally greatly flattered the amour-propre of the nation as a whole. Even the turbulent Liberals did not escape this benign influence and popular senti- ment, thus making the reign of Alexander III one of complete political calm. It must be noted, however, that the favouritism and Court intrigue so over- whelmingly present in the last year of the reign of Alexander II were non-existent during the reign of his son. Alexander III had his favourites ; foremost among them were Count Vorontzow-Dachkow, Minister of the Imperial Household, General Tcherevine, Prince W. Obolensky, and the Cheremetiews. But these in- timates of the Sovereign had no political influence over him whatsoever. The Emperor dealt ex- ALEXANDER III 3 clusively with his Ministers in matters of state and he chose these in person with the greatest of care. The Emperor disliked any changes: for this reason he had but one Minister of Foreign Affairs — Mr. de Giers — whom he inherited from his father ; and only one Minister of War — General Vannowsky, who had been his Chief of Staff during the Turkish Campaign of 1877-78. In choosing collaborators he did not rely on old family names and traditions. Mr. Pobiedonoszeff, Procurator of the Holy Synod, was the son of a poor, country priest ; and Mr. Witte — later created a Count of the Empire — and world-famous at the age of forty-two years — began his official career in the modest position of a station-master. It was not until he was forty-one that the latter 's integrity and acumen attracted Imperial notice and he was placed at the head of the financial affairs of the Empire. Soon after a political intrigue of doubtful character was started against him, and he would have lost both his position and his public prestige if it had not been for the powerful protection and support of the Em- peror, who explained his action by stating that he not only felt sure of his Minister but felt certain that at heart he had acted solelv and to the best of his ability for the good of his country. Mr. Witte, after the death of his Imperial master, preserved the greatest loyalty and pious affection for him. In speaking to me of the deceased sov- 4 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT ereign he always referred to him as "My Czar." But Alexander III could be severe when he deemed it necessary. If he discovered that the men whom he trusted were not worthy of his confidence and that his trust was misplaced, he rid himself of them forth- with. This happened in the case of the two power- ful dignitaries, Prince Lieven, Minister of Domains, and General Kryjanowsky, General Governor of Orenburg. Both were deprived of their positions at a day's notice, the Emperor having personally found out that they were illegitimately trafficking in state lands. As a husband, Alexander III was a model ; also a generous, kind and considerate father. He married the Princess Dagmar of Denmark (who had previ- ously been the fiancee of his elder brother, who died very suddenly at Nice shortly before the wedding). Everywhere in the salons of Petrograd it was whis- pered that the young Empress was the first woman the Emperor had ever known intimately, and this was probably quite true, as he was never known to have an intrigue of an amorous character all his life. He surrounded his wife with the greatest tenderness and care, but would not permit her to interfere in the slightest way with matters of State. Neither would he allow her to interfere with his per- sonal habits of living, which were rigidly exact and somewhat austere. I quote an anecdote that was told me on this mat- ALEXANDER III 5 ter by Count Golenistcheff Kutusoff, Master at the Imperial Court: The Emperor shared a large double bed with the Empress. Being a man of huge physique he was the exact opposite of the Empress, who was thin and delicate]" Owing to his massive weight, the mat- tress had sunk on his side of the bed and when he was away this made sleeping uncomfortable for the Empress. One day, while he was absent on a tour of inspection in a distant part of Russia the Em- press could stand the discomfort no longer and sent for the Household Minister, Count Kutusoff, and asked to have the mattress changed at once. This was hurriedly done. The Emperor returned late one evening, but when he came to retire for the night discovered the new mattress. Notwithstanding the hour, and the fact that the Empress had already gone to bed, he sent for the Household Minister and or- dered him peremptorily to return the discarded bed equipment. "You are to take orders from me per- sonally," said he, "and no one else." Then turn- ing with his delightful smile to the Empress, who was in tears, he said: "Since that is thoroughly J understood, Marie, let us now go to bed!" The Empress was passionately fond of dancing and, although fetes of all kinds were a nuisance and a bore to the Emperor, the Court held many gay functions of diverse kinds. But, as Alexander III worked twelve hours out of the twenty-four and 6 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT was therefore very tired after his day's duties, it was generally the rule that all Court entertainments finished not later than two a. m. Sometimes, how- ever, the Empress, carried away by her enthusiasm for dancing, would forget the hour, and the Emperor then made use of various ways of bringing the func- tion to a close. For instance, on the occasion of a ball at the Peterhof Palace, where the Imperial couple were then in residence, he made use of the following unique method. Having finished his game of cards he signalled the Empress — who was danc- ing — that it was time to finish, but as she was too engrossed to notice him he quietly told Prince Obol- ensky, who was his favourite A. D. C, to have the music stop instrument by instrument. Not until only two instruments were left still playing did the Empress leave the floor, and the Emperor laughed uproariously at his bit of fun. The Emperor's tastes were of the very simplest kind. At Gatchino, his favourite winter residence —a huge palace built by Emperor Paul I— Alexander III only used the smallest of all the Imperial apart- ments, and the Czarevitch had to be content with three very small rooms. The Dowager Queen of Greece (an ex-Grand Duchess of Russia) of whom the Emperor was extremely fond, told me that once, while visiting the Emperor and Empress there, she expressed the desire to be located somewhere near ALEXANDER III 7 her Imperial hosts, and was given a cot in the bath- room adjoining the Empress's bedroom! As I have previously stated, Alexander III was a model father of a family ; he entered with avidity into the most trivial details that concerned the edu- cation of his children. Especially was the Czare- vitch his care and the object of his deepest affection and interest. After having studied very hard as a boy, Nicholas — the Czarevitch — went into the Navy for a course of training, and later into the Army; but his father permitted him to rise in rank but very slowly, and when Alexander III died the Czarevitch had only attained the rank of Colonel. When Nicholas reached his majority the Emperor sent for the Grand Duke Alexis, the Grand Admiral, and a prince notorious for his laxity of morals. To him the Emperor said with the utmost composure and frankness, " Alexis, go find some charming young woman for Nikki. You understand all about these matters. But on no account say a word to my wife!" The Grand Duke hastened upon his com- mission and his choice fell upon a young dancer, Labounskaya by name; Nicholas, however, soon changed her for another artiste — this time from the Imperial Ballet — the now famous Kchessinskaya, whose magnificent residence has but lately been seized by the Maximalists; and who became — after 8 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT the marriage of Nicholas — the mistress of his uncle, the Grand Duke Sergius. With regard to the foreign policies of Alexander III, his motto was ever the conservation of the peace of Europe. The Russian people gave him the nickname of "The Pacifist" because of his well- known antipathy to war, and he thoroughly de- served the affectionate title, as he so managed his foreign affairs that not the smallest thing disturbed the diplomatic quiet of his reign. His relations with Germany, while not so intimate as they had been during the reign of Alexander II, were nevertheless absolutely exact and correct, and the Alliance of the three Emperors was renewed for a term of three years at the Meeting of Skjernewice in 1884. In 1887, however, it was not renewed. The rapprochement with France was beginning to be felt which was later consummated under Nicholas II. M. de Giers, Alexander's Minister of Foreign Affairs, had but to take the orders of his master, who knew exactly what he wished done. The Emperor, though friendly to France, was rather sceptical as to the possibility of a lasting rapprochement between a Monarchy and a Republic — finding little to justify it. As a fact, the gradual "growing together" of Russia and France was ef- fected without much aid from the Emperor. Two men of obscure birth and of subservient positions played very important parts in the Russo-Franco II ALEXANDER III 9 relationship, namely M. Ratchkowsky, Chief of the Russian Secret Service abroad, and Mr. de Hansen, a Dane by birth. Ratchkowsky lived in Paris, and was on most friendly terms with M. Gustave Flourens — then Min- ister of Foreign Affairs in the French Government, who was, on his side, an intimate friend of our Am- bassador in Paris, Baron Mohrenheim, ex-Minister to Copenhagen, at which place Alexander III liked to pass what he called his "vacations." In the summer of 1886, on one such vacation, the Emperor, accompanied amongst others by Ratch- kovsky, confided to him the extent of his very friendly feelings towards France. Very naturally Ratchkowsky — who was an enthusiast on the sub- ject — hastened, upon his return to Paris, to inform his great friend, M. Flourens, and also Baron de Mohrenheim, about this conversation. The two lat- ter at once set to work to such good purpose that the Emperor consented to visit a French battleship in Copenhagen harbour, and by this act laid the first stone in the edifice of the future Franco-Russo Alli- ance. A curious incident related to me by Baron de Mohrenheim is worth recording: When the official ceremonials for the reception of the Emperor had been concluded, some one in the entourage of Alexander III suddenly remembered that the French national air had been forgotten! But the "Marseillaise" played in the presence of so 10 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT decided an autocrat as Alexander III, seemed an exceedingly tactless thing to attempt. A careful question was asked the Sovereign in words as well chosen as possible. ' ' Whai^-d^D^-yoji^w^sh^^ about it?" the Emperor laughed. "I am not a suf- ficiently good musician to write another national air especially for the occasion." In this easy way the matter was settled, and the "Marseillaise" was played, the Emperor standing at salute the while. Mr. de Hansen had been in Danish diplomatic life for some time, and had earned the illwill of Bis- marck, who insisted upon his resignation. Hansen retired, proceeded to Paris, and, becoming a French subject under the name of M. de Hansen, was soon made an Honorary Embassy Councillor at the Quai d'Orsay, and, as he knew the workings of the Ger- man Chancellery at Berlin from the bottom upward, became most useful to the French Foreign Office. He soon made an intimate friend of Ratchkowsky — became his alter ego almost — and through the cour- tesy of Baron de Mohrenheim sent several memo- randa to Copenhagen which the Danish Court did not fail to bring to the attention of the Russian Em- peror. These memoranda were much liked by Alex- ander, the proof being that an annuity of 12,000 roubles was granted to M. de Hansen from the Em- peror's privy purse. At the proclamation of the Russo-Franco Alliance, Nicholas II did not forget the aged Danish diplomat, ALEXANDER III 11 and conferred on him the Grand Cordon of the Or- der of Ste. Anne. I knew de Hansen very well indeed, and he had a most interesting personality. This was during my stay in Paris during the years 1905-08. Despite his advanced age — he was at least eighty years old then — de Hansen had preserved all his great clear- ness of mind and lucidity of thought, and worked harder than ever at a new political combination — his dream being an alliance between Russia, France and Germany. His ancient and most mortal enemy, the Iron Chancellor, having disappeared from the scene, his hatred of Germany had likewise vanished. Hansen had great faith in his experience and, fur- ther, he did not lack supporters for his ideas, having won over such French statesmen as M. de Constans, Ambassador to Constantinople, and M. Etienne, the Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies. Later, however, the occurrences at Tangiers put an end for ever to his hopes, and disappointment was the real cause of his death. Our rapprochement with France notwithstanding, our relations with Germany maintained their correct character until the death of the German Emperor, William I, who, in dying, especially recommended his grandson, William II, to continue these relations as they then existed. In this connection an interesting incident was told me by a secular witness at the deathbed of the Ger- 12 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT man Emperor. His son, Frederick, the Emperor to be, was away at San Remo and was unable to re- turn in time, so Prince William stood in his father's place at his grandfather's bedside. The aged Em- peror had lost his power of vision and spoke earn- estly to Prince William, believing he was the Crown Prince Frederick. He said several times, "Fritz, my son, above all things keep on good terms with Russia." As soon as he had ascended the throne in 1888 William II began his visits to allied and friendly courts, and came to Petrograd first, notwithstanding the very intimate relations between the Hohenzollern and Habsburg Empires. At the Russian Court William II was gushing and almost servile, while Alexander, on the contrary, was cold and very reserved, never overstepping the line of demarcation required by strictly formal eti- quette. This was because the young Emperor had ever been most decidedly distasteful and antagonistic to him. Admiral Lomen, in charge of the Imperial Pavilion where the meeting of the two Emperors was held, told me of this incident : When the German Squadron arrived off Cron- stadt, William expected to receive the Russian Sov- ereign on board his yacht; but Alexander was also in his yacht, and carefully watched the evolutions of the German ships through his glasses. By him on the bridge stood the Grand Duke Alexis, and Ad- COUNT Wl ill ALEXANDER III 13 miral Lomen. "Well," said Alexander, turning to the Admiral, ' ' why does he not make a move ? " i l He seems to await your Majesty," answered the Ad- miral. "He will have to wait a long time, then. Alexis, you go over there and bring the little German to me." The Emperor's orders were promptly exe- cuted, and William II was forced to acquiesce — al- though he did so with the worst possible grace and arrived on the Russian Imperial yacht in a regular schoolboy's sulks. The return visit of the Russian Sovereign to the Court of Berlin was delayed for many months, and Bismarck's pride and amour-propre were hurt by this. In revenge, on the very day that Alexander III reached the German capital, an order was given to suspend all quotations of Russian stocks and bonds on the German Stock Exchange. Hence it was but natural that Alexander was not in the best of humours, despite all the attention and pomp with which William II surrounded him, and his person- ally enthusiastic reception of the Russian monarch. But a delicate situation of this kind was an oppor- tunity for Bismarck to show his great diplomatic skill, and in the conversations that ensued he gained every point he wished to make ! Alexander received him at our Embassy in Berlin, and the interview lasted for more than an hour. At the beginning of this interview (so Count ChouvalofT, then our diplo- matic representative in Berlin, told me afterwards) 14 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT matters began very badly. Our Sovereign did not attempt to disguise his ill humour, and broke a silver match stand between his fingers. But little by little he succumbed to the charm of his famous and clever adversary and when saying "Au revoir" to Prince Bismarck he gave him his hand, saying: "You have convinced me and I believe you. But can you guar- antee that the Berlin Cabinet will not have a sudden change of heart and that I shall not be left in the dark as to any alterations in conditions?" "Sire," Bismarck answered gravely, "in order that this should come to pass, I should have to be in another world." At the gala dinner afterwards Alexander lifted his glass to the health of the Chancellor of the Ger- man Empire, who beamed with delight, having come off victorious in a delicate and near-dangerous strug- gle of wits, and also having triumphed over his enemies who accused him of gambling for his own profit with immensely vital political and diplomatic questions which existed between Germany and Rus- sia. After the fall of Bismarck the two Emperors main- tained mutual relations of sentiment and respect, notwithstanding the terror with which Alexander inspired the young German Emperor. The political world of Russia, however, had implicit faith in the well-known pacifist ideals of their monarch and the conviction rapidly gained ground that the Franco- ALEXANDER III 15 Russian Rapprochement, far from being a danger to the peace of Europe, would act as a restraint on France should she evince a desire to create dissen- sion. Our relationship with Great Britain suffered a severe strain in 1885. The Afghans became ob- streperous and threatened our frontiers in Central Asia. General Komaroff, who commanded our forces in Turkestan, put them to flight, but in fol- lowing up his advantage he crossed the Afghan frontier and the British Government became greatly excited. An exchange of diplomatic notes followed and the language of the British Foreign Office be- came more and more abrupt, Lord Salisbury insist- ing upon the recall of General Komaroff and his dis- charge from our army. The action of the British Cabinet was supported by a partial mobilization of the fleet, and war was in the air. M. de Giers was in a desperate mental condition of excitement and worry. The aged statesman had taken as his polit- ical device that of the Duchess of Offenbach, "Above all things, no scandal in my Castle." Naturally he pleaded for a reconciliation, but having no success with his sovereign, sent him — as his personal repre- sentative — Baron de Tominy, First Councillor in the Foreign Office, and one of his chief aides, a man in whom he had the utmost confidence. The Baron attempted to fulfil his mission, but after having used all his arguments in vain the aged 16 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT diplomat brought his message to a close with the words, ' ' Sire, I have grown white in your diplomatic service. It is old age and long experience that speaks from my mouth." This did not displease the Emperor, who answered kindly: "I see indeed that you have greatly aged, my poor Baron. ' ' And instead of disavowing the acts of General Komaroff he presented him with a sword of honour! The meaning of this gift was well understood in London. Steps were immediately taken to avoid the Czar's adroitly pointed challenge, the incident closed, and Russia had won a significant diplomatic victory. In the Balkans Alexander III followed the same dignified and firm policy, notwithstanding that these were ever the most dangerous of diplomatic grounds. He, however, caused the fall of Prince Alexander of Bulgaria, because the latter was absolutely deaf to his counsels, and would not recognize his successor, Prince Ferdinand, who installed himself in Sofia against his will. His authority in Europe was so great that Germany was forced to resign herself to following out his desires in spite of her alliance with Austro-Hungary, whose candidate for the monarchy of Bulgaria was Prince Ferdinand. In the spring of 1894 Alexander III fell ill of in- fluenza, which developed into kidney disease shortly after. The Court physicians insisted that a com- plete change of climate was necessary and for a time Corfu was considered as the best place — but the ALEXANDER III 17 Emperor refused to go there. Feeling that he was a dying man, he said that he wished ' ' to die at home, ' ' and the Court moved to the Crimea, as climatic con- ditions were slightly better there. But the disease gained rapidly, and on November 2nd Alexander III breathed his last. Feeling his end approaching, the Emperor Alex- ander expressed his desire to see his heir married, and, if this were impossible, to know at least that he was engaged. There had already been a question, more than once, of the marriage of Nicholas. One of the daughters of the Duke of Edinburgh was men- tioned; also one of the Princesses of Wurtemburg, daughter of Princess Vera (previously a Grand Duchess of Russia and sister of the Dowager Queen of Greece) and, finally, Princess Alice of Hesse- Darmstadt. The Grand Duke of Hesse came to Peterhof three years before the death of Alexander III with his daughter, Alice, but had no success, as the Dowager Empress knew the secret history of the Hessian Court — in short, she knew the character of the parents of Princess Alice. The mother of young Princess Alice (Hesse- Darmstadt) the Princess Alice of Great Britain, daughter of Queen Victoria, had died when her daughter was but eleven years of age from the con- traction of diphtheria, while nursing her son through that illness. She had been a very good woman, but unfortunately had a strong leaning towards mysti- 18 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT cism, and this she doubtless had imparted to her daughter — a tendency which was later to be of so grave and tragic a portent in the life of the latter. Count Osten-Sacken told me, after the wedding of Nicholas II and Princess Alice had been finally de- cided upon, that he foresaw and prophesied nothing good of this union. " Remember, my friend, these words of mine," he said: "Princess Alice will be the misfortune and unhappiness of Russia." Knowing these things, it seems only natural that the Dowager Empress had, in her day, vigorously opposed this union; but the young Princess had made a strong impression upon Nicholas. Admiral Lomen, who accompanied the Imperial heir, (Nicho- las), on his voyage to the far east, told me that the photograph of Princess Alice, signed by her, always stood on Nicholas' bureau beside those of his own family. Having received orders from his father with re- gard to his forthcoming wedding, with carte-blanche as to his own freedom of choice in the matter, Nich- olas at once went to see his aunt, the Grand Duchess Marie of Saxe-Coburg, where Princess Alice hap- pened to be staying at the time. Because he was most anxious to have Nicholas marry a German and not a British Princess, Emperor William of Ger- many hurried as fast as he could to Coburg also. Very timid by nature, Nicholas could not muster up the courage to offer himself to Princess Alice, ALEXANDER III 19 and it was the German Emperor himself who forced his hand. When the engagement was finally an- nounced formally, the German Emperor, radiant and overjoyed with the success of his hopes and plans, met the British Military Attache at Darmstadt and said to him " You may congratulate me ! I am very much pleased! Nikky has at last proposed. But it was hard work to get him to do it, and I had to make him drink a whole bottle of champagne to get up his courage!" Evidently the German monarch had his plans all thought out and rapidly maturing. Knowing the weakness of Nicholas' character, he hoped and fully expected to wield much influence in Russia through the Princess Alice when she became Empress of Rus- sia. Having been of so much help in making the match, he no doubt felt he was entirely able to rely upon the gratitude of Princess Alice. The Emperor Alexander III died as he had lived — simply and with great dignity — and transacted matters of State almost to the very last minute of his existence, even signing important documents on the morning of his death. His iron will sustained him to the end, as it had done all through his life. During the latter part of his illness he also suffered from an ailment that caused his feet to swell, and he could scarcely move about at all. On the day of his arrival in the Crimea the following incident occurred (told me personally by Doctor Hirsch) : 20 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT The Czar was slowly getting into his uniform and was found doing so by his favourite physician, Dr. Hirsch, his intention being personally to meet Prin- cess Alice at the station. "Sire," exclaimed the physician, "what are you thinking of?" "Let me do as I wish," answered the Czar; "I am fulfilling my duty as a father, and do you obey the orders of your Sovereign." I was at my post in our Legation at Munich when Alexander III died; the impression made in both Austria-Hungary and Germany was profound, and the general opinion, freely expressed, was that the world had lost a firm and just friend, and that Eu- rope had lost its chief advocate for peace. Nicholas inherited a white page in his country's political history and an exceedingly healthy condi- tion of affairs within his own domains. But, ex- ternally, matters did not look so bright. The Habs- burg Empire was interfering in the Balkan States and creating a situation of continuous unrest. The Franco-Eussian Alliance had but just begun; and Kusso-Germanic relations were somewhat uncertain. At the death of Alexander III, William II made a great parade of his poignant (?) grief. He hurried in person to our Embassy in Berlin to bear his own condolences and sympathy, and attended the funeral services in the Embassy Chapel. But his intimates very well knew that all this sorrow was cleverly feigned. In his heart of hearts the present German ALEXANDER III 21 Emperor was delighted to be rid of a load that seriously oppressed him and baulked his pride, which was overweening even in those early days of his career. Furthermore, he was thoroughly aware of the feeble character of Nicholas II, and fervently hoped that he (William II) might even use his influ- ence over the young Czar to such an extent that it would prove possible to rule Russia from Berlin ! Alexander III left his son an empire that wa s all- suificient to itself within itself, and in excellent con- dition — also powerfully influential beyond its bor- ders. In the twenty years of his reign Nicholas II was to destroy absolutely all that his father had so pains- takingly secured and to waste his magnificent heri- tage ruthlessly. CHAPTER II BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II The Regent, King Louis III. A Royal Tragedy. Role of Bavaria in the German Empire In the spring of 1890 I was appointed Second Secre- tary of the Russian Imperial Legation at Munich. I crossed the Russo-German frontier on the same day as newspaper extras announced the fall of Prince Bismarck and the appointment as German Chancellor of Count von Caprivi. Consequently Bavaria was in a turmoil. The young Emperor William was an absolutely unknown quantity, and every one realized that the Iron Chancellor had been the inspiration and motive power of Germany's prosperity and power. On every hand people spoke with the great- est misgiving of the young Emperor. The Munich cafes were positively humming about him. He was openly dubbed an ingrate and a fool, and Bismarck's name was on every lip. Personally speaking, the disgrace of the Imperial Chancellor was neither a surprise nor news to me. I had been extremely friendly with the social clique surrounding Countess Rantzau, Bismarck's daugh- 22 BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 23 ter, and there was much chattering in that clique re- garding the dissensions and differences of opinion between her father and the monarch. It had been therefore quite clear to me that these two men, of quite divergent character, although curiously enough they had many traits in common, could never really agree on anything. Both of them were auto- crats par excellence. William II believed himself — and still believes himself — directly destined by Providence to be the sole guardian not only of Ger- manv but of the whole world. On the other hand, Prince Bismarck, sure of himself and guided by his experience, would tolerate no opposition, consider- ing the German Emperor as a pupil whom it was necessary to teach and to lead, with the help of a switch — like a school boy. It was reported that the Iron Chancellor sent the Emperor all kinds of state papers for his signature, without even taking the trouble to inform him previously of their contents or consult with him about them. A short time before my arrival in Munich, Bis- marck went to Abazzia, in Austria, to take part in the wedding ceremonies of his son, Count Herbert, with the Countess Hoyos. Count Chouvaloff, the then Russian Ambassador to Berlin, a personal friend of the Iron Chancellor, was to take part in the proceedings as a witness. His position was a very delicate one, for he was, at the same time, a great favourite with the Emperor. He finally de- 24 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT cided to take the bull by the horns, and informed the Emperor of his invitation to the wedding, asking him what he would do were he in his place. Natur- ally there was nothing for the Emperor to do but to give his permission, though he did so grudgingly. For his part, the Ambassador did his best to curtail his visit to Abazzia, as, knowing the violence of Bis- marck's temper, he feared an outburst. What the Count feared happened. Interviewed at Abazzia by a Viennese journalist, Bismarck told him of his pending resignation, and expressed himself in terms that left nothing to the imagination. Almost every word of the interview was an insult to the dignity of the Sovereign, and the Emperor was furious when it reached him. Fortunately Chouvaloff had left Abazzia before the interview took place. In returning to Germany from Austria, Bismarck passed through Munich, and stopped for a few days with his friend, the well-known Professor Lenbach, the famous Bavarian portrait painter. He was tu- multuously greeted. Every day thousands of Ba- varians made pilgrimages to Villa Lenbach. The cheers of the vast crowds seemed never to lessen and the Chancellor was forced to appear again and again on the balcony outside his window in order to satisfy the people. He profited by the occasion and made patriotic speeches, carefully avoiding in them any direct reference to the young Emperor. The Prince Regent of Bavaria and all the members of BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 25 the royal family left Munich the clay before Bis- marck arrived, wishing to avoid the difficulty of being between such a Scylla and such a Charybdis. But the Prince Regent had slily given a free hand to the municipal authorities, and thus Bismarck's re- markable reception might well be termed official. He was specially escorted to the Town Hall, and wrote his name in the Golden Book. I well remember comparing the reception for Bis- marck with that given the Emperor by the citizens of Munich on the occasion of his first visit to the Bavarian capital in 1892. Naturally the Prince Re- gent, surrounded by the royal family, ministers and high dignitaries of the court, was at the station. Troops were posted along the route of the Imperial procession. Eager to see the show, the streets were a solid mass of people, but the cheering was very feeble, and I remember that when William II left Munich shrill whistlings and catcalls were heard on all sides. It was learned afterwards that when he wrote his name in the Golden Book William added the following: "Sic volo, sic jubeo." The citizens of Munich understood the reference. They inter- preted it as a direct challenge to their old idol, Bis- marck. Moreover, the Emperor was deliberately one hour late for the formal reception tendered him at the Town Hall, and the reason for his tardiness was that he was being photographed in his many uniforms, one after the other. The citizens of Mu- 26 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT nich at that time felt that their pride, their city, and Bavaria in general had been insulted. But as every- thing in this world changes, the sentiments of the Bavarians were no exception to the rule, and when socialism made such rapid progress in Prussia, and the Emperor lost much of his popularity, it -was in Bavaria especially that he found it again. During my stay there (1890-1896) the Court was very quiet. The Prince Regent was almost an oc- togenarian and found no amusement at all in worldly pleasures, fetes, and so forth. He was an enthusi- astic sportsman, and despite his great age was al- ways ready to climb the Bavarian mountains after the chamois. To these hunting parties he usually invited men of literary and artistic pursuits, also a few doctors and surgeons who had made themselves famous by their attainments. He always rose at five in the morning, dined at four in the afternoon, and was in bed by 8 p. m. His food was . of the simplest, as good cooking meant nothing to him. He was a great connoisseur of paintings, and after having attended to state business always visited the studios of painters and sculptors, and constantly made purchases there. In this way he got together a really fine collection of examples of modern art. Nothing gave him greater pleasure than the offer of some sort of picture, provided of course that it was well executed. Once when the Grand Duke Vladimir of Russia was in Munich the Prince Re- BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 27 gent told him of his desire to obtain photographs of three paintings which were at Tsarskoe Seloe, near Petrograd, representing episodes of the visit of Em- peror Nicholas I of Russia to Munich during the reign of King Louis I of Bavaria, his father. The Grand Duke mentioned this to Nicholas II, who at once ordered that the three originals be sent to the Prince Regent. I was chosen to convey them to him. The Prince Regent was overjoyed. On my arrival at the Station his A. D. C. gave me, in the Prince Re- gent's name, the Order of the Crown of Bavaria, and an invitation to dine at the royal palace that night. I was requested to be at the palace half an hour before dinner. I found the Prince Regent studying the three pic- tures I had brought. "I shall never forget the deli- cate attention of Emperor Nicholas," he said. "I have telegraphed him my most sincere thanks. But admittedly, you did the talking necessary to obtain them, and that is the reason," he added, in pointing to the decoration which I, of course, was wearing, "that I wished to give you proof of my recognition of your services." From the political point of view the Prince Regent, contrary to his predecessor, King Ludwig II, was a fervent supporter of the Imperial federation. But when Berlin attempted to infringe on Bavarian rights he knew how to stand up for them. From a religious point of view, although a strong 28 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Catholic, he proved himself extremely tolerant. His Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count von Crailsheim, and his Chief Huntsman, Count Pappenheim, were both Protestants. At the beginning of the regency the Prince Kegent was not popular with the people. They even went so far as to accuse him of having forced the abdi- cation pf Ludwig; IL^who had been the idol of his people. ^ButTTtTle by little he gained the affection of the masses by his goodness and his extreme sim- plicity. Thus when he celebrated his ninetieth birthday he was surrounded by the love and friend- ship of his people. He died at the age of ninety- four, having always maintained not only a simple lu- cidity and clearness of mind but a powerful and ro- bust body. A year prior to his death he complained bitterly to his friends that while out hunting he had missed a chamois. "My sight is beginning to fail me," he said sadly. His son, who now reigns in Bavaria, under the title of Ludwig III, only resembles his father in his simplicity of manner. He is a man of very strong character, and very definite in his religious convic- tions. He once told me that he blessed Heaven every day for being born a Catholic. It is therefore not at all astonishing that he surrounds himself with priests, and has become the revered leader of the Cen- tre Party, or Catholics, in Germany. When he was Crown Prince he always paraded his exclusively BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 29 Bavarian sentiments. At the coronation of Nicholas II at Moscow, at which he was present representing his father, he said: "We Bavarians are Allies of Prussia, but nut her vassals." But when he became Regent, and later King of Bavaria, he even surpassed his father in his cujt_o_f.Jjiip©*ia4»m. He married an Austrian Arch-duchess, of a Tuscany house. He had fifteen children, of whom eleven are still alive. Not having a large personal fortune, and his father having a very limited Civil List as Regent, he was on short commons as far as money was concerned while he was heir presumptive. His sons were always in need of money. Pjdnee-Rupprecht, (the eldest), heir to the throne, and the commander of one section of the German front in France during the great war, did not attempt to hide from me that he was very often without twenty marks in his pocket! The King is extremely amiable, but a despot to his family. He is not popular in Bavaria, but on the other hand he is very high in favour with the Emperor. His brother, Prince_ Leo pold, w ho commands the German troops today (January, 1918) in Russia, is married to the Archduchess Gizela of Austria, daughter of the late Emperor Francis Joseph. Since his youth he has been devoted to things mili- tary and to a military career. Having obtained the highest rank he became notorious for his extreme cruelty towards his soldiers. When in 1892 the So- cialists obtained representation in the Bavarian 30 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Chamber of Deputies their first interpellation was regarding the unhappy and wretched conditions pre- vailing in the Bavarian army. Although the name of Prince Leopold was not mentioned every one un- derstood who was meant. The Prince Regent also understood perfectly well to whom the Socialists re- ferred, and for some time Prince Leopold had to ef- face himself. His notoriety as a cruel disciplinar- ian and a desire to flatter the Bavarians made Em- peror William offer him this highly important com- mand in the European conflict. Of the other Bavarian Princes, Prince Ludwig Ferdinand, who married Infanta Paz of Spain, and whose mother was a Spanish princess, is of some in- terest. He is of a somewhat original character, and very popular with the masses. He was by profes- sion a male midwife, and every day spent hours tak- ing care of women in child labour in his private hos- pital. Besides this hobby, he is a fine musician, and a great admirer of Wagner. At Wagnerian Festi- vals in Munich he is always to be seen playing with the first violins in the orchestra. Another interesting personality among the Ba- varian Princes was the Duke Charles Theodore, father of the present Queen of the Belgians, who was a surgeon oculist, and pupil of the famous Rus- sian oculist, Ivanhoff. He personally took care of patients in his hospital, assisted by his wife — a very BAVA1UA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 31 beautiful princess of the House of Braganza of Por- tugal. As is known, the more recent history of Bavaria contains some tragic pages. Two of her kings, Otto I and Ludwig II, were mad. King Otto I was stricken with the disease to which he later succumbed during the French campaign of 70-71, in which he took part as a lieutenant. Very- sensitive and refined, it is said the sight of so much blood, and the horrors of war, caused the loss of rea- son. When I was in Munich King Otto was shut up in the castle of Furstenrid, a few kilometres from the capital. A small court was attached to his person. Half a squadron of the Light Horse bearing his name were at once his Guard of Honour and his warders. The unhappy Prince had then reached a stage of madness akin to bestiality. During the early stages of the disease he had moments of lu- cidity. When his brother's death was announced to him, he asked at once for his gala uniform and his decorations, and half opening the door he shouted to the crowd, "It is I who am now your king." Baron von Redwitz, Grand Master of his court told me the following episode. Ordinarily the King took his meals alone, but on Saturdays his whole court met at table. The King was a great smoker, and smoked cigarettes all through his meals. One day he was more taciturn and silent than usual, and 32 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIA'N DIPLOMAT did not smoke at all. At dessert Baron von Red- witz, accustomed to smoke at the royal table, asked permission of the King to smoke. As the King did not answer he took silence for consent and lighted his cigar. He was considerably upset when the King, addressing himself to the valet de chambre, who was standing behind him, exclaimed, "Look at Fritzel! That beast smokes in any case." His moments of lucidity, already becoming more and more rare, completely ceased during the last few years of his existence. More than once the entourage of the Prince Re- gent advised him to proclaim the truth regarding King Otto's condition, and in this way put an end to a situation that was so entirely abnormal. The Regent, however, always refused to do anything of the kind. As has been said, he was accused at one time by the people of having forced the abdication of Ludwig II, and he did not wish to bear the burden of another accusation of the same kind. His son, however, was less scrupulous, and accepted the Crown offered to him by the representatives of his people. King Ludwig II, elder brother of Otto I, and his predecessor on the throne of Bavaria, was really a re- markable sovereign. Unfortunately from his youth upward he was abnormal, and ended his days in a state of absolute madness. He had been nicknamed "The Virgin King," because he had never been BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 33 known to have an amorous intrigue. Having de- cided to marry in order to leave descendants, he became engaged to his cousin, a Bavarian princess, who later married the Duke d'Alengon, and came to such a tragic end in the terrible bazaar fire in Paris. The day before the wedding, when all the in- vitations to the European Courts had been accepted, Ludwig II suddenly broke off the marriage, although most of his guests, royal and otherwise, had gath- ered in Munich, and others were en route. He had always avoided the society of women, and the only exception that he ever made was in favour of the Empress Marie of Russia, wife of Alexander II, for whom he entertained a very strong feeling of friend- hip. The Grand Duke Vladimir, her son, and brother of Alexander III, told me that his mother, having been ill, and staying on the Khine, was or- dered by her doctors to go to Italy for her health. Her journey would take her through Munich. Learning this, Ludwig II begged her to stop over, if only for a few hours. The invitation was couched in such fervent terms that she could not decline it. She, however, asked the King to receive her, if pos- sible, in one of his castles, so as to avoid all crowds and ceremonies. The King offered her the Chateau of Berg, on Lake Starenberg, quite near Munich, where he later ended his days in so terribly tragic a way. Ludwig II personally attended to the prep- arations for the Empress, and to her installation 34 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT there. All the wonders of the Glypthotheke (fa- mous museum of sculptors) were scattered about the park surrounding the castle. All the royal furni- ture itself was taken to the castle — or enough of it to fill all the apartments. The Empress, accom- panied by her son, the Grand Duke Vladimir, arrived at the Chateau of Berg just before dinner. The alleys and roads of the park were lighted like a beau- tiful fairyland. After dinner the King suggested a trip on the lake in a gilded gondola which was spe- cially built from his own design. The entire lake was magnificently illuminated by hundreds of torches, each one held by a peasant in national cos- tume. The peasants were all in boats, and sang their native and national songs. The King desired the Empress to accompany him alone on the gondola, but the Empress, who was afraid, begged the King to permit her son, the Grand Duke, to accompany them. At her departure the King asked the Em- press to give him a rose she wore in her dress. Later this rose — all faded and crumpled — was found carefully preserved among his most sacred pos- sessions. The Bavarian sovereign had always avoided peo- ple, and during the last days of his life saw abso- lutely no one. He was then a maniac, living only by night and going to bed by day. He began his day at sundown. My chief at Munich — Count Osten- tSacken— told me the following details of his first BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 35 reception by the King. At midnight a gala carriage and an escort of honour called for Count Osten- Sacken and the legation personnel in order to take them to the royal palace. Before this, Count Per- w/ X _ | -■■■■ glassy-Grand Master of Ceremonies of the Court, had asked my chief, in the King's name, to make his official greeting in German, quite contrary to diplo- matic usage, which prescribes the use of the French language for this purpose. The Russian minister refused categorically, saying that he was not suffi- ciently cognizant with the German language. But Count Perglass tried again, and Count Osten-Sacken perforce had partially to acquiesce. He was deter- mined that the official exchange of courtesies should take place in French, but that he would speak Ger- man in any conversation which would naturally fol- low the precise formal language and allocution. The palace was lighted from top to bottom. The King received the Count in the great Throne Room, sur- rounded by the high dignitaries of the Crown. All of these His Majesty dismissed as soon as the official part of the presentation was over. In the conversa- tion which followed the monarch showed a surprising knowledge of the political life of Europe. As had been arranged, the conversation was in German. Suddenly the King quoted a French proverb. Count Osten-Sacken at once seized the opportunity, and from that moment French took the place of German in the conversation. Finally the Count asked the 36 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT King why he had insisted on hearing him massacre the German language, especially as the King spoke French irreproachably. The King smiled and said : "It was not merely a caprice. You see I have not spoken to any one for several years. I was sure I had not forgotten my native language, but I was not so sure of my French." As a matter of fact the King never even saw his Ministers, who sent in all their reports in writing. He lived entirely alone, and in a most fantastic way. He protected Wagner, of whose talent he was a passionate admirer, but to whose work he listened in an absolutely empty and darkened theatre, seated far back in the royal box. He liked to apparel him- self in Wagnerian costumes, and, dressed as Lohen- grin, had himself towed about in a very small boat by a swan on the lake belonging to one of the castles. It was in this dress that Count Werthern, Minister of Prussia to Bavaria, surprised the King one day, and dragged from him his consent to the heredity of the Hohenzollerns to the Imperial throne of Germany — to which he had always been strongly opposed. His carriages were the most fantastic creations. His sleigh, for instance, was gilded, and the cushions were in blue velvet trimmed with ermine. He trav- elled by night over the mountains accompanied by his body-guard, who carried electric torches. There has been much gossip regarding his abdica- tion and the last days of his life. I can give an BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 37 authentic and detailed account of the tragedy, as the events were told me by witnesses all of whom played important parts in the final drama. Ludwig II had entirely expended all state moneys in the building of his fairy castles and the financial backing and support of Wagner. His Ministers had not hidden from him the sad state of the Bavarian finances, and finally had to refuse him the credits he asked for. The King, who by this time had com- pletely lost his reason, wrote to Queen Victoria of England proposing to exchange the crown of Ba- varia for a few million pounds sterling and a desert island in some ocean where he could build himself a fantastic castle. This letter of his was intercepted, and as it proved conclusively the mental condition of the unfortunate monarch the members of the royal family and the Ministers of State met in council under the presidency of Prince Luitpold, the future Regent of Bavaria, and decided to proclaim to the people the insanity of the King, and their intention of asking him for his abdication, and then to estab- lish a Regency over the Kingdom. Two Ministers, the Counts Crailsheim and Feilitch, from whom I received all these details, were sent to the King to acquaint him with the decision of the Crown Council. Ludwig II refused categorically to receive them. He sent them a small bit of paper addressed to the Count Montjelas, leader of his military escort, on which was written in his own handwriting an order 21218 J 38 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT to put out the eyes of the two Ministers, and to im- prison them in one of the subterranean cells of his castle. Naturally enough his order was not ex- ecuted, and the two gentlemen reached Munich in safety. But the news of the demand which was made on the King soon spread in the neighbourhood of the royal castle. The King was very popular amongst the Bavarian mountain folk. These latter armed themselves and hastened to the assistance of their beloved King. In Munich every one expected very serious trouble, and the situation became ex- ceedingly difficult. It was then that Dr. Goudden, the head of an Institution of Mental Defectives, of- fered his services to Prince Luitpold and the Minis- ters. He promised to obtain from the King every- thing that was required of him, without resorting to violence or force, and to remove him to one of the palaces near the capital, in order to get him away from the mountain people — his friends and pro- tectors. The proposition was accepted, and Goud- den kept his word. When he presented himself to the King, despite all his previous orders to the contrary, Ludwig II not only received him in a friendly way, but signed his abdication at once and permitted himself to be taken to Berg Castle on Lake Starenberg, near Munich. Dr. Goudden took up his residence there also, and during the first few days nothing happened. The King seemed to like the doctor's society. At the end BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 39 of a week, however, the King asked the physician to rid him of the surveillance of the police, who were posted at intervals about the castle and in the parks. These men annoyed him, the King said, on his walks abroad. The doctor was imprudent enough to ac- cede to the King's request, and the next day two bodies — those of the doctor and the King — were pulled out of Lake Starenberg. The inquest deter- mined that a tremendous struggle must have taken place between the two men. The King's chest was badly torn by the Doctor's finger nails, and the muscles of the Doctor's throat were terribly mangled and torn. But it was proved that the King died of heart failure. After having strangled his victim, Ludwig II had dragged his body into the lake, prob- ably to hide all traces of his crime. The water being very cold at that time of year — it was the late autumn in 1886 — and the King being very stout, and natu- rally over-excited by the fight he had just finished in so terrible a fashion, his weakened heart could not stand the shock of the icy water. Ludwig II lay in state as he had lived. The body was dressed in the picturesque attire of the Knights of St. George, and a rose was placed in his folded hands. The memory of the King has always remained popular in Bavaria. It is difficult to find even the smallest village that has not erected a monument of some kind to his memory. The masses, as a whole, 40 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT for one thing, like legends, and the King's life was fantastic; but more than this, the Bavarian people, not without reason, saw in the person of Ludwig II a defender of the rights of Bavaria against Prussia, and a heavy curb in the teeth of Hohenzollern ambi- tion. I was in Bavaria four years after the King's death. The Prince Regent was doing everything he could to gain the sympathy of the people, but had singularly failed in doing so despite four years of effort. The ghost of the late King rose between him and the Bavarian people. The old Prince knew this and suffered much because of it. Bavaria is, after Prussia, the largest state in the German Federation. But the political life of the Empire is almost entirely centred in Berlin. Prus- sian intrigue has been crowned with success. Count Crailsheim, Bavarian Minister of Foreign Affairs, was merely a docile instrument in the hands of the German Chancellor. Of course the Emperor, Wil- liam II, has never failed to be extremely polite to the Bavarian Court, and carefully avoids anything which might tend to a misunderstanding, even of the slight- est kind. He well knew the susceptibilities of the Bavarian Princes, and has never forgotten the words of Prince Ludwig at Moscow — ''Bavaria is an ally of Prussia, but not a vassal. " As may be supposed, the foreign legations at Munich played a very secondary part as far as the BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 41 politics of the German p]mpire were concerned. Yet the European chancelleries considered the Bavarian post as one from which excellent observations could be made, and chose men as their representatives there with great care. It thus follows that Munich became a training school for future Ambassadors For example, of Russian Ministers to Bavaria, Count Osten-Sacken and M. Iswolsky became, the former Ambassador at Berlin, and the latter Minister of Foreign Affairs in Russia. The Ministers of France, Comte de Moui, the Marquis de Montebello, and Monsieur Barrere, w r ent from Munich as Am- bassadors to Petrograd and Rome. The Minister of Austria-Hungary, Count Doubsky, was made Ambas- sador to Madrid. The Ministers of Prussia, Prince Eulenberg and Count Pourtales, became Ambassa- dors at Vienna and Petrograd. During my stay of six years in Bavaria (1890- 1896) I was able to obtain many definite impressions from which to judge the exact relations between Germany and other European powers. I saw, for instance, that France was eagerly sought after by Germany at that time, and her representatives were treated with exceptional courtesy at Munich as well as at Berlin. German diplomacy very much feared a rap- prochement between England and France. As for the French alliance with Russia, the cleverness of our representatives in Germany eliminated any un- 42 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT easiness. Both Counts Chouvaloff and Osten-Sacken succeeded little by little in instilling into the German foreign office the idea that this alliance served as a check on France in case of a belligerent attitude on her part towards Germany. The Bavarian aristocracy, being, as a general rule, impoverished, did not receive or entertain much. This was however entirely made up for by her liter- ary and artistic world, which liked festivities very much and entertained accordingly. This artistic and literary world was divided into two camps. The first — and the minority — partisans of the German Emperor, bowed before Prussia ; the second, admir- ers of Bismarck, although fearing Berlin, made be- lieve to ignore it completely. As for the Bavarian peasants they hated and despised the Prussians. The greatest insult was to call a man "Pig of a Prussian," and they ever referred to the Germans as "Pigs." The explanation for this is simple. The Bavarian, in character, is diametrically opposed to the Prussian, for where the Bavarian is simple and as good natured as a child, the Prussian is proud, overbearing and arrogant. It is therefore natural that an idea gained ground outside of Germany that Prussia might run across an enemy to her political conceptions in Bavaria. This idea is entirely er- roneous. Imperialism is solidly entrenched in the Bavarian mind, and nothing but an absolute defeat BAVARIA AND PRUSSIA AND WILLIAM II 43 of Prussia will change the Bavarian belief in Prus- sia and Prussian power. In order to make the relationship quite clear, I can make use of a trivial example. Let us suppose that any two people inhabit the same house. They have two separate apartments, but share the same kitchen with but one cook between them. It is obvi- ous that continual quarrels will arise, but if the house were to catch fire both inhabitants would do their utmost to extinguish it. It is thus with Prussia and Bavaria. In 1870-71, during the French campaign, the Bavarians contributed greatly to German vic- tories, winning especially those of Woerth and Bazeilles. In the present great war the Bavarians have defended and attacked the most exposed and dangerous positions, and fought with an elan which Prussia itself has not surpassed. If Prussia is finally and completely defeated Bavaria may reassert herself and head a great Roman Catholic federation in Central Europe. CHAPTER III WILLIAM II Personal Impressions. His Character, Qualities and Faults. Husband and Father, Kaiser and Politician Emperor William is a man of an extremely complex and difficult nature. In the opinion of some people he is a monster in human form — especially since the outbreak of the present war — the war of his making. His admirers, on the other hand, place a halo about him. They regard him as a great monarch, passion- ately desiring the best for his people, loyal to his friends, and even most kind and amiable. These two opinions — much exaggerated — are not at all like the realman - It is necessary to strip William II of Germany of his position, and power, and regard him merely as a man, to realize his faults and weaknesses, and to give him credit for his good qualities, before it is pos- sible to paint a true portrait of the man who set the world ablaze. I knew him intimately for the six years that I was attached to the Russian Embassy in Berlin, during which time, I of course, had number- less talks with him, many of which were of a confi- dential nature. Therefore, I shall portray him as I 44 WILLIAM II 45 found him, and will try and impress on others the impression he gave me. Above tJl traits in his character, impulsiveness is the most apparent. He suffers from it to such an extent that it is a malady. On the impulse of the moment, under the influence of his surroundings, he can be as easily led towards good as towards evil. Also — by an adroit use of his mood or of his imme- diate circumstances it is quite easy to change his whole point of view. Therefore he cannot be called stubborn. The man who wrote in the Golden Book at Munich ''Sic volo — sic jubeo," when cleverly flat- tered and his great amour propre played upon by any one who knows his peculiarities and character \.< u, can be made to change his decisions — often to reverse them completely. Count Osten-Sacken, the Russian Ambassador of my day, more than any of the Diplomats in Berlin, had the gift of knowing how to talk to him, and also how to influence him greatly. An excellent illustra- tion of this may be given. The Krupp yard at Kiel was going to launch a Russian battleship, and the Emperor William suddenly announced that he would attend the ceremony. Consequently our Ambassa- dor and his suite had to rush off to Kiel. The Em- peror arrived in a very bad humour, owing to the fact that the Emperor Nicholas had gone from Petro- grad direct to Darmstadt, thus quite pointedly avoid- ing an interview which William had earnestly sought. 46 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Contrary to the latter 's habit, he did not shake hands with the staff of our Embassy — with the exception, of course, of Count Osten-Sacken. He merely greeted the others with a stiff military salute, a very irritated and sombre expression, and a look of great anger in his eyes, — an aspect — which as a pose — he knew very well how to assume. He can always "make up" for his parts, and is an excellent actor. Behold him then making his entrance to the tent re- served for him. After the ceremony he turned to our Ambassador and said he would speak very seri- ously with him that evening. That night a dinner was given by his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, Grand Admiral of the Ger- man Fleet. Afterwards William lighted a cigar, and invited Count Osten-Sacken to sit beside him. At the same time he beckoned to Chancellor von Buelow to make one of the group. His conversation from the very first was extremely violent in charac- ter. The Emperor petulantly complained about the way he was treated by Nicholas II, and said he was not being properly recognized in Russia. "I — who am so well disposed towards you," — he exclaimed. Then he launched into a bitter tirade of our Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Muravieff, accusing him of directing a policy that was contrary to the com- mon understanding and relationship between Russia and Germany. Allowing himself to be more and more carried away by his own rage, he went so far WILLIAM II 47 as to say that — ''the continuation of such policy on Russia's part would most certainly have the most dire results." It was perfectly plain by the things he said, to understand he threatened a definite rup- ture between us and Germany. Prince von-Buelow— was very ill at ease. Count Osten-Sacken, however, maintained his usual sang- froid and dignity; and when William asked him what he had to say, he answered with a smile, — ''Very little, Sire. All that you have said to me, you really cannot believe. Still less can you put such threats into execution. After all you have as great a need of us as we have of you. I will even go so far as to say that it is you who need our support the most." Count Osten-Sacken then reminded him that the great successes of his grandfather — William I — were due to the intimate relations which that monarch always maintained with the Russian Empire. He also mentioned the political "will" of the old Sovereign, and the last words regarding Russia William I uttered on his death-bed. Seeing that the Emperor was gradually becoming calmer, Count Osten-Sacken tried to lead the conversation away from the dangerous ground on which the Emperor was treading. He told several historic anecdotes, which always pleased the Emperor, and finally the interview ended in reciprocal joking. William burst into fits of laughter at our Ambassador's stories, and his temper disappeared as mist before the sun! 48 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT When the party broke up each member of our Em- bassy was amiably addressed by the Emperor, and he left very much pleased with the entire evening, expressing himself as entirely satisfied with his talk with Count Osten-Sacken. To relate another such incident — William wished the Reichstag to pass a law increasing the effectives for military duty. The Party of the Right had shown itself recalcitrant towards this measure, and joined itself with the Party of the Extreme Left. The Emperor was furious about it. He considered the members of the Party of the Right — who be- longed chiefly to the Prussian aristocracy and were known as ''the Junkers," — as wax between his fin- gers. He promptly eliminated from the Court list forty of the highest names in the Prussian aristoc- racy, and wanted to make a speech of a most violent character at the opening of the Reichstag. Prince von Hohenlohe, then Chancellor of the Empire and the Empress' uncle, had done everything he could to dissuade the Emperor from making this speech. Finally William had promised he would confine him- self to reading the Imperial Speech, as prepared by the Chancellor. I was present at the opening of the Reichstag. The ceremony was carried through ac- cording to custom, in the White Hall of the Royal Palace in Berlin, as the Emperor never puts his foot in the Reichstag. William ascended the throne, put on his helmet and read the speech. I knew from WILLIAM II 49 Prince von Hohenlohe himself what the Emperor had promised. Imagine then my stupefaction, and that of those who knew, when William, having taken off his helmet — thus showing that the official opening was ended — began a most violent address to the members ! I was far from being the only one pres- ent in that crowded hall who was astounded. The short statured Imperial Chancellor, who was stand- ing on the steps of the throne, turned towards Wil- liam with an expression of horrified surprise. I learnt later from the lips of Prince von Hohenlohe, that, on descending from the throne — the Emperor said to him — "What w ould yo u, Uncle Chlodwig, I could not keep it in!" The most vitally important political and diplo- matic decisions were very often determined in the most thoughtless way by the Emperor, owing to a sudden and inexplicable impulse of the moment. The famous telegram to President Kruger in South Africa, and the expedition to China, which gained Kiao-Tchao for Germany — were both determined by the Emperor personally in this characteristically quick way of his. Owing to the assassination of the German Minister at Peking, the German Govern- ment had, of course, to take severe measures, but the German diplomats had previous to that been plan- ning what was to be done in the Chinese question. Having learned from Admiral Tirpitz, Minister of the Imperial Navy, that in his time Prince Bismarck 50 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT had dreamt of extensive operations in China, and had actually in 1868 fixed upon Kiao-Tchao as the neces- sary "jumping off" place, William decided that the moment was most propitious in which to carry out the ideas of the Iron Chancellor. He had no sooner jumped to this conclusion than he sent for Prince Hohenlohe, and ordered him to obtain all the details of the matter. This order was carried out in haste, but at the same time, the Chancellor added to the official archives on the subject some suggestions of his own. These were to the effect that he was afraid of serious complications with Russia if Germany undertook any armed intervention in China, because Kiao-Tchao was considered as lying within the zone of Russian influence and protection. The Emperor sent back the hints to Prince Hohenlohe with the laconic notation "Ochsen" (Idiots) written on them in his own red pencil, and within ten minutes sent a personal telegram to Nicholas II, asking him for authority to occupy Kiao-Tchao with a squadron as a coercive measure, as Russia was the only foreign power possessing anchorage and harbour rights for men-of-war in those waters. Nicholas received this message very late that night, and at once sent for the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Muravieff, who, casual as usual, and quite unaware of the grav- ity of the situation and completely ignorant of the Russian agreements with China, told his Imperial Master that we had nothing whatsoever to do with WILLIAM II 51 Kiao-Tchao. Nicholas then telegraphed to the Ger- man Emperor, as usual in English, — " Unfortunately I can neither authorize you, nor prevent you entering Kiao-Tchao bay, for I am this moment informed that we have no rights in those waters." When he re- ceived this message, the German Emperor hurriedly sent for Prince von Hohenlohe, triumphantly showed him the message from Nicholas, and telegraphed his order to the German squadron in Far Eastern waters to seize Kiao-Tchao at once. Meanwhile in Petrograd the day following his sending of that telegram to William, Nicholas ob- tained a report on the matter from Admiral TirhofT, Minister of the Russian Navy, and then showed him his telegraphic correspondence with William. The Admiral was aghast, for, as a matter of fact, our special rights in Kiao-Tchao waters were incontest- able owing to the explicit terms of one of our treaties with China. An order was hastily dispatched to Count Osten-Sacken in Berlin to explain to the Ger- man Emperor the mistake that had been inadvert- ently made. Our Ambassador did so, but it was in vain. The German Emperor, highly elated, said to our Ambassador — "I hold Nikky's telegram and I have already given my orders. My squadron is by now in Kiao-Tchao Bay — it is there and there it shall stay. I cannot make myself ridiculous, and I will not!" William had won the game which started entirely on his own initiative and against the advifee 52 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT of the Chancellor, but as is quite evident, he had acted absolutely on the impulse of the moment, with- out having carefully thought over the plan or its pos- sible consequences. His telegram to President Kruger was far less for- tunate, but it was sent in exactly the same way, and was the result of impulse pure and simple. The message was sent without his asking any advice from his Ministers. The Boers were greatly encouraged, and believed they could obtain support from William, which he was quite unable to give them. Thus both Russian and British relations with Germany were fatally disturbed for a long time by the vanity and impulsiveness of the German Emperor. His moods were extraordinarily variable, and re- sponded to his immediate surroundings with extreme rapidity. I remember on one occasion he had asked himself to dinner at our Embassy. He had arrived to the minute and in exceedingly good humour. Dur- ing the meal he told stories, related anecdotes, and lifted his glass to each one of us in turn. Suddenly his A. D. C. brought him a telegram. William be- came very pale, and addressing Count Osten-Sacken, said : "I have just received the news of an attempt made in Belgium on the life of my Uncle Edward. Fortu- nately he was not hurt." (The Emperor's reference to his Uncle Edward meant the late King of England.) WILLIAM II 53 All through the rest of the dinner the Emperor was depressed and very grave, and all the efforts of Count Osten-Sacken to cheer him up were in vain. On leaving the table William asked for a telegraphic form and pen and ink, and dispatched a message to Edward VII. It was the custom when the Emperor dined at the Embassy to have an entertainment of sorts for him. On this occasion I had advised our Ambassador to invite a Bavarian comedy artist — Dreher by name, — whom the Emperor liked very much. This man, costumed as the Prince of Hell, was awaiting the end of the dinner in one of the Embassy drawing rooms. Count Osten-Sacken was naturally very much em- barrassed by this. W T illiam did not seem in any mood to listen to Dreher 's jokes. W T hen the Em- peror had written his telegram, and lighted his cigar, the Ambassador after some hesitation decided to mention Dreher to him. He said, smiling — "Sire, there is an exotic prince here who desires the honour of being presented to you. ' ' The Emperor, grave as ever, with his thoughts elsewhere, answered — "It must be a Caucasian Prince! Have him in!" But when Dreher appeared with his fantastic dress and false nose, the Emperor shouted — "Ah, it is my friend Dreher!" As the Bavarian comedian went on with his stories and jokes, many of which were distinctly gross in chara cter — a total transformation took place in the Emperor. His gloom and ill 54 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT humour vanished, and Edward VII was completely forgotten ! When he left the Embassy William squeezed my hand heartily and said — "My dear Schelking, I owe you especial thanks, for I have learnt that it was at your suggestion that Dreher was on hand, and I have been royally amused!" This is a small matter, no doubt, but it shows the working of William's mind — at one minute deeply distressed by a telegram, and probably wondering how soon his turn would come to be attacked by an assassin, and the next minute cheerfully and enthu- siastically enjoying the coarse and even lewd jests of a buffoon — all thought of the more deadly and serious matter completely forgotten! The following episode is very interesting as it illus- trates the instinctive irritation felt by William for England. The Emperor had called one morning on the British Ambassador, — Sir Frank Lascelles, who it is necessary to mention was never up before noon, as he worked very late at night. William called at eleven in the morning and went straight in to the bed- room of the Ambassador. The latter woke up and was greatly astonished at seeing the Emperor before him. William started a political conversation which did not at all please Sir Frank Lascelles, who cour- teously contradicted him on certain points. The Emperor suddenly lost his temper and shouted at the British Ambassador, — "You will never change WILLIAM II 55 my opinion as you are only an Englishman. I am an Englishman plus German. This great advantage which I possess, you can never get by any means. ' ' The Emperor William talks German with a strong English accent, and corresponds in English rather than in German. All his correspondence with Nicholas II was kept up in English. Like all Prussians, the Emperor at heart is cruel, — one has only to remember for instance his address to the German troops which were sent to China. His personal orders were — " Pardon wird nicht gegeben" (give no quarter). Yet on other occasions, the Em- peror seemed at times to be governed by kindly im- pulses. For instance, when on one of his daily drives in Berlin, he saw the widow of one of his old Professors at Bonn University, — he got out of his carriage, rushed up to the old lady, and exclaimed excitedly — "You dare to come to Berlin without pay- ing me a visit? By Imperial order you will have luncheon with me today at the palace ! ' ' A compatriot of mine, Countess Kleinmichel, who was present at that luncheon, told me that the Em- peror paid especial attention to the old lady. He searched his memory for events of his days at Bonn, which he told with great gusto, turning to the Countess and saying: — "If you only knew the good sandwiches she used to give me when I was a stu- dent!" To hear the Emperor talk in this way, it was incredible to think that the speaker was the 56 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT same man who had deliberately given the military such orders regarding the Chinese, and who, finally did not flinch from beginning the greatest and most awful war in all history. Aiiother characteristic of the German Emperor is the conviction of his omnipotence. When he wrote at Munich "Sic volo — sic jubeo" — it was not a pose of the moment. He expressed in those few words his firm conviction about himself. Yet after having named Herr von Buelow Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the Emperor said to Count Osten- Sacken that he was happy to have at last succeeded in having at the head of his diplomats, a personal friend. And when Count Osten-Sacken, expressing his astonishment, remarked that he had every oppor- tunity of making such an appointment before, Wil- liam replied — "Ah! so you believe, but it was not so easy as you think." This from a monarch, whose omnipotence is celebrated, is a ridiculous statement. In religious matters, the Emperor has faith, but only in his own way. His God is above all the God of Battles! He believes himself to be the direct emissary of God to mankind all over the world. He deems himself the intermediary indeed — between God and his people, and destined to be the bringer of happiness first of all to Prussia, then to Germany next, and after that as a natural consequence to the whole globe. I have personally seen him on several occasions praying at church, and my impression is WILLIAM II 57 that he prayed fervently and earnestly, and not for a pose, as he did almost everything else. In his trav- els by land and sea, he always delivered sermons in person to the personnel of his entourage. Witnesses have told me that the Emperor seemed to officiate on these occasions as a Pontiff or Prince of the Church, and gave evidence of a great knowledge of the Bible. He knew very well how to quoTe~~f rom it in such a way as to make it appear that everything he did had biblical authority ! The Emperor is an Imperialist even in the bosom of his family. When the Empress appears at recep- tions the Emperor always approaches her and makes a deep bow. But it can be assumed that he does not do this out of respect for the mother of his children. NO ! — He salutes her who has the divine honour of sharing his throne, and who acts as an excellent re- flector of the divine rays which emanate from him! He is an absolute autocrat over his children. His only daughter, the Princess Victoria, was an excep- tion. For her he had every tenderness and spoilt her in every way possible. The education of his sons was a very careful one. He himself chose their pro- fessors. Once his choice was made, he gave these men a free band with their royal charges. Baron von Pritzelvitz, whom I knew intimately at Munich, where he was Military Attache of Prussia, and later favourite A.D.C. to H.I.M., was nominated as chief supervisor of the Crown Prince's education. 58 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT He told me that for over a year after his appoint- ment the Emperor never said one word regarding the Crown Prince, although he had had any number of opportunities for so doing. One day, however, at a Royal Hunt, Pritzelvitz having drawn a stand number next to the Emperor, the latter said to him — "You are doubtless astonished that I never speak to you of my son ? I am very much pleased with you, but if I have not spoken it was in order not to inter- fere with the line of education that you were follow- ing. I wish that the Crown Prince be above all things a Man with his own character. I do not wish him to be a copy of William II. When he comes to the throne he will see that which I have done well, and also anything that I have done badly, and he will then be able to act according to his own best ideas and ideals." This fine profession of faith did not prevent the Emperor, when in due course the Crown Prince be- gan to shown signs of "his own character," from punishing him severely on many occasions by send- ing him to command a regiment at Dantzig, and for- bidding him to be seen in Berlin without his espe- cial permission. The Emperor pretends to love the Arts devotedly. He believes himself to be a gifted musician and a very good artist with brush and pencil. But his love of the Arts is like everything else. Music, painting, drama and poetry serve him only in so far WILLIAM II 59 as they can be made useful to advancing his political ideas. The famous song "Aegir" was written as propaganda for the Imperial German Navy. The pictures that he orders represent only the brilliant and successful scenes from German history. He especially favours chauvinism — or excessive patriot- ism, preferring those poems or dramas dealing with the glory of Prussia in general and of the Hohen- zollern in particular. He ordered an opera to be written by Leoncavallo on the subject of Roland of Berlin, an opera by the way, which Leoncavallo could never finish. From the Polish painter Baron Kos- sak, he ordered a picture representing, and glorify- ing the city of Marienburg. He forgot, or seemed to forget, that it was especially at Marienburg that the Poles had suffered so terribly, and when Baron Kossak, furious at the idea, handed in his resigna- tion as Artist to the Imperial Court, the Emperor still did not understand the faux pas that he had made, and treated Kossak as a "pig and an ingrate." In the musical world, he went so far as to correct Weber. When he returned from his voyage to the Orient, he personally assisted in the staging of the opera "Oberon" at Wiesbaden. The Emperor him- self designed the decorations, which were, most of them, in execrably bad taste and vulgar, and he re- wrote the finale of the Opera, introducing, no one knows why — the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa to sing of the glories of his ancestors. 60 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT One of the most beautiful alleys in the park at Berlin is completely spoilt by a series of monuments, each one more hideous than the other, representing all the sovereigns of the House of Hohenzollern. Finally the Zoological gardens at Berlin (Tier- garten) had almost as many statues as trees ! Even the inhabitants of Berlin — who have no taste at all for the arts — were frightened at the way in which the Emperor was defacing their city with his horrible and fantastic conceptions of beauty. The Emperor did not care. On the contrary, not content with "ornamenting" his good city of Berlin he gave New York a statue of Frederick the Great, and presented Constantinople with a monumental and frightful fountain. At Petrograd he built an embassy that looked more like a barracks than anything else, and he ordered to be planted on the roof two enormous Teutons of warlike mien, resting on their swords, which were intended to portray the strength of Ger- many. At the beginning of the war the people pulled these two horrors down and threw them into a canal! The Emperor pretends to know and to understand everything. It must, however, be admitted that he is very well versed in most matters, and that his memory is prodigious. When I paid my farewell visit to him, — having been appointed Councillor to The Hague, — he gave me the whole history of Dutch music and choral chants. He was in correspondence WILLIAM II 61 with Cunimberti, the famous Italian naval con- structor, and confided to him his ideas and plans for battleships. The Italian engineer was certain these drawings had been made by a German specialist, and was most astonished when he was informed that the draftsman was the Emperor himself ! His family life was an exemplary one, although often he is said to have had m istresses. . For a time Countess Goertz was named as such. She was the wife of one of the German nobles of high standing, who was a great personal friend of the Emperor's. The Count was an amateur sculptor — one of his works being in the Tiergarten at Berlin. As far as I am concerned I doubt these insinuations. The Countess Goertz was exceedingly handsome but suf- fered from an incurable disease, and, while the Em- peror was very intimate in their household, I do not think there was anything more than a platonic friendship between her and the Emperor. As the Empress had aged greatly and the Emperor still conserved his air of youth and youthful vigour — the masses ever sought a reason for his apparent aloofness to women as far as his passions were con- cerned. Then the famous — or rather infamous — Eulenberg scandal broke out and to it the Emperor's name was instantly attached. Prince Eulenberg, whom I knew very well at Munieh, where he was Prussian Minister and later Ambassador to Vienna — was publicly accused of homo-sexuality. He was 62 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT denounced by his Chief Huntsman. The Judicial address in the case established details which were exceedingly curious. It was learned then that Prince Eulenberg was the leader of a society known as "The Knights of the Round Table." Among the members of this Society were men bearing the high- est names in the German Empire ; for instance . . . both Princes Hohenhau — sons of Field Marshal Prince Albert of Prussia, the issue of his morganatic marriage ; Baron von Wedell, who had been Attache to the Empress Frederick, a Frenchman, M. Lecomte, Councillor of the French Embassy in Berlin, and many others. It was also learned that the Emperor himself — who honoured Prince Eulenberg with a friendship of exceptional intimacy — very often took part in the meetings of this society. All its mem- bers were known by nicknames. The Emperor was known as "Cheri." William did not try to hush the matter up knowing very well that if judicial proceed- ings had not taken place, his name would have been even more entangled than it was. Hence the trial took place. Prince Eulenberg — broken and ill — was brought into court on a stretcher. Finally, although the enquiry could not be brought to a conclusion as it was declared that Prince Eulenberg could not be further examined owing to the state of his health, the Hohenhau brothers lost their commands in the army and were exiled to their country estates; Baron von Wedell was also exiled : and M. Lecomte WILLIAM II 63 was transferred to Persia, where he was, for a time, the French Minister. The whole details of this affair have remained a secret, even to the present day. Prince Eulonberg, married to a Swedish Countess, had had six children by her. Those who knew the Countess knew of a certainty that her children were fathered by Eulonberg. The Prince had two hob- bies — the Emperor and music. His family life was most exemplary. Yet the accusations of his Chief Huntsman were supposed to be undeniable facts. Be that as it may, the whole affair did not advance the prestige and popularity of the German Emperor. As everything in this world is sooner or later for- gotten, the German people gradually let this matter drop into oblivion and there it has remained. Of all the foreign monarchs, William II esteemed above all others Queen Victoria of England and had a very deep affection for her. When speaking of her to Count Osten-Sacken he said: "The greatest statesman of Europe today is my grandmother." He did not in the least entertain the same senti- ments towards Edward VII, as he appreciated full well that in the person of the King of England he had a very dangerous adversary on the checkerboard of the world. I have already mentioned the fear with which Alexander III of Eussia had inspired him and also his relations with Nicholas II. 64 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT He venerated the old Emperor Franz-Joseph of Austria-Hungary. The murdered Archduke of Austria was not sym- pathetic to him in the beginning", but later — for politi- cal reasons — he formed ties of intimacy with him. It is said — and not without reason — that only a short time before the assassination of the Archduke, in an interview that he had with him in one of his castles, the German Monarch sanctioned the bellicose politics of the Habsburg Empire toward Serbia. It is here, therefore, that the date of the European War was really first decided on. In his foreign policy William regarded only one nation with an absolutely implacable hatred — Eng- land! He deemed this Power everywhere in his way, thwarting and blocking him by every road he essayed, commercial, colonial and political. All his diplomacy was designed to fight this one enemy. He swallowed all the troubles Nicholas II made in order to have Russia in the game that he intended to play. He always hoped to be able to thrust Rus- sia into some serious complication with Great Britain. Once, for instance ... we Russians were trying out a new method of general mobilization of a brigade near the Afghan frontier. William rushed at once to our Embassy in the hope that this was the beginning of a mobilization that would have the grav- est results. He assured Count Osten-Sacken that COUNT OSTI'N SACKF.N WILLIAM II 65 he was even then ready to offer Russia two army corps for an eventual campaign against Great Britain in India. The Emperor's feelings towards England dictated his policy with France. The ambassadors of the French Republic were objects of his special atten- tions. Every French artist — painter — musician — or writer — found an exceptionally warm welcome at the Court of Berlin. At the opening of the Kiel Canal, when French warships were anchored for the first time in history side by side with German ships, the admiral and officers of the French squadron were especially feted. Prior to the expedition to China against the Boxers, in which France took an equal part, the Em- peror was delighted at the order of the President of the French Republic — placing the French military expedition under German command — that of Count von Waldersee. The Emperor cherished the project of an Entente between France and Russia directly aimed at England. But even in his relations with France, his character, impetuous and ever changing — was a fatal bar. When the Government of the French Republic did not fall in with his desires and ideas, he forgot his political programme and made his western neighbours all kinds of more or less seri- ous trouble. He spoiled his own game completely after the Russo-Japanese War by provoking the Tangiers incident. 66 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Russia — the ally of France — had only just emerged from a war which had exhausted her strength. The Emperor William thought the time favourable to blackmail France, who had just con- cluded a treaty with England which recognized the right of Great Britain in Egypt and renounced her exclusive fishing rights in Newfoundland, originally granted by the Treaty of Utrecht. In return, the British Cabinet recognized the exclusive rights of France in Morocco. Although Germany was only represented in the Empire of the Scherif by four Germans, — the Mannesheim brothers — William de- manded his share of commerce in Morocco. Impul- sively, as usual, he decided to apply for his rights in person and went to Tangiers on his yacht — the Ho- henzollern — escorted by a light German flotilla of armoured cruisers and destroyers. I was in Paris at the time and all political circles were very nerv- ous. The intervention of Germany in Morocco was considered by all as direct provocation to France, who was in no way prepared for a war. A serious diplomatic reverse very painful to the amour- propre of France was foreseen. I remember one day when I was in the Chamber of Deputies, some one interpellated the President of the Council — Mr. Rouvier — as to what the whole affair meant. Rou- vier, scarlet in the face, and deeply moved, shouted very loudly : "What do I know of it ! If these pigs WILLIAM II 67 wish it they can enter Champagne as though entering butter." Suddenly^ however, two or three days before the disembarking/of the Emperor William at Tangiers, Edward VII (appeared incognito in Paris. Notwith- standing the quasi^private nature of his visit, the English Monarch naturally received the French statesmen and conferred at great length with them. In the evening, the President of the Kepublic gave him a gala dinner, followed by a reception, to which were asked — among others — all the members of the Corps Diplomatique in Paris. King Edward held a small reception after dinner and I have the details of what was said from one of the men who were actually present. Approaching Prince Radolin, .German Ambassador to France, Edward VII commenced a conversation with him on inconsequential matters. He asked after the health of the Princess Radolin and dis- cussed the delights of Parisian life, etc. . . . Sud- denly and brusquely his voice changed and he said to the Prince with great intensity of feeling : "My nephew is making a little trip to Tangiers. I would not have it happen that European complica- tions ensue. And, moreover you know, behind France, he will find me. A man warned is worth two men." I was told that after these few words from King 68 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Edward, Prince Radolin appeared stricken by light- ning and rushed from the Elysee to notify his master of the King's words. William refrained most carefully from even put- ting his feet ashore on Moroccan soil and received the Moroccan authorities on board the Hohenzollern in the offing of Tangier harbour. The Algiers Conference followed and France issued from it without any humiliation whatsoever. It may be asked, therefore, whether as William in 1904 altered his political scheme against France solely because of the intervention of Edward VII, although at that time Russia was completely ex- hausted, the Emperor would have dared to encourage the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia, and by so doing start the European War, had he known that England would join France and Russia? It may, however, be as well to add that the sudden departure of the German Emperor — owing to his diplomatic failure — lost him the few strong adher- ents he had. William had shown his hand too soon. Thenceforward France fully understood his plotting and from that moment suspected all his advances! Hence the final appeal to arms was solely the result of the German Emperor's over-subtle plotting and *v scheming. In his domestic policies William is the authority "par excellence" with the powers of an absolute autocracy. To the idea of national representation iWOlW WILLIAM II 69 he is instinctively antipathetic. He does not recog- nize the rights of the deputies to have any ideas of their own. As has been said, he did not bother with the Party of the Right. He anathematized the So- cial Democrats with the sobriquet of: "Vater- land losen Schurken" (rascals without a country). When he had to give way to the Reichstag, and this often happened, he was furious and criticized both parties bitterly and frankly to his intimates. He was almost always in a difficult position — where his domestic-policies were concerned — in his dual capac- ity of King of Prussia and Emperor of Germany. As King of Prussia he, normally, should have been able to rely on the Agrarians (The Junker Party) which party has ever been the support of the Kings of Prussia and has supplied the best elements to the Prussian armies. They were essentially reaction- aries. But as Emperor of Germany, William found it very difficult to follow a reactionary policy. The German Empire had been created — as Bismarck said — by schoolmasters ("Das Deutches Reich ist von Schuhlehrer geschaffen worden"). Its power and its extension were principally due to the com- mercial and industrial classes. Naturally enough, these elements which had established the German Empire and greatly contributed to its vast power, belonged to the liberal party. William had to pursue an agrarian policy, which exasperated the Liberals, and yet whenever he appeared to be in 70 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT favour of the policy advocated by the Liberals the Agrarians promptly set up a wild clamour. This situation often placed the Emperor in most embar- rassing positions especially when the extension of credit, vitally necessary to him for the enlarging of his armed forces and especially for his navy, was in question. He then had recourse to flattering the Liberals and, of course, the capitalists. He also made use of wise and cunning propaganda all over the country through the press. After having pro- claimed the principle: "The future of Germany is on the seas," ("Die Zukunft Deutchlands ist auf dem Wasser"), he covered the country with a net of Naval Societies, ("Flotten Vereine"). He even nominated the members and then gave them high decorations and procured all the moneys necessary for their work under his direct orders. He also showered favours on the capitalists, including the Jews. Jewish bankers, the "Friedlander," the "Furstenberg" and others were his habitual guests on the Hohenzollern for his annual voyage of pleas- ure to Norwegian waters. He said to Ballin — the great shipping magnate: "Ballin, you will yet be one of my Ministers ! ' ' And when Ballin answered : "You forget, Sire, that I am a Jew," the Emperor replied quickly ... "I may have need of them" ("Die kann ich auch brauchen"). Desirous of protecting his commerce and being unable to follow a frankly commercial policy — thanks WILLIAM II 71 to the Junkers — lie necessarily threw himself into his colonial policy with great vigour in order to pro- cure new markets for Germany's products and also to avoid emigration to the colonies of other nations which he always dreaded and which was rapidly growing — especially to the United States. When his attention was called to the fact that the increase of the German element in the United States could only have favourable results in influencing American politics even as he might dictate, he an- nounced: — "You do not know my Germans. When they are in America they drink beer as usual and sing 'Die Wacht am Rhein.' They have on the walls of their houses portraits of my grandfather, of Bis- marck and of Moltke. But you will not often find my portrait, and in political matters, they have be- come thorough Yankees." As the best opportunities for colonization overseas were in British and French hands, he had to be con- tent with territory of a secondary class, and to his keen disappointment, the German colonies were far from prosperous. Germany, though very strong commercially, is not strong in the art of colonization. Count von Goet- zen, Governor of Dar-es-Salam, said to me person- ally: "This colony is flooded with officials. In the city quantities of well uniformed police may be seen, but a few kilometres from Dar-es-Salam, I have met leopards and, about a week ago, lions devoured two 72 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT railway conductors who were on a train standing in a siding, at the very gates of the city. Our administra- tion is perfect, but we sadly lack workmen. The natives prefer to work in the British and Portuguese colonies rather than for us." It was said in Berlin that the Emperor dreamed at one time of buying the Belgian Congo outright, but was forced to relinquish this idea in view of the very strong Anglo-French opposition. I was present when the old King Leopold of Belgium visited the German Emperor at Berlin. The Emperor, — who disliked Leopold in his heart of hearts, because of his penchant for mistresses and his all-round doubtful morality — treated him nevertheless with exceptional courtesy and paid him many attentions. The German Emperor is a military monarch from 1 the soles of his feet to the crown of his head. He adores all soldiery and military matters, and enters into the most minute details of military life. Scarcely a day passes without his having visited some regiment or other. He asks himself to dinner in the officers' messes regularly and spends hours on end therein. In order to lessen the expense of his officers on these occasions he especially forbade the drinking of French champagne from German bot- tles! I was informed that he was well aware of this deception which was practised for his sake, and cheerfully acquiesced in it. It is the custom that when the Emperor honours one or other regiment WILLIAM II 73 with his presence, the colonel addresses a patriotic speech to him to which the monarch always answers at great length. A few days before the fall of Prince von Buelow, — an unusually stormy session took place in the Reichstag because of a letter the Emperor had writ- ten to the German Ambassador at Paris. All parties combined against the personal and anti-constitu- tional interference of the Emperor in serious mat- ters of state. The members' criticism was specially directed against the impulsive and mischievous speeches of the Emperor. Prince von Buelow sol- emnly promised to put a stop to the verbosity of his master. Shortly after this the Emperor was dining at the officers' mess in the barracks of a cer- tain regiment, and the Colonel made the usual ad- dress. The Emperor answered: "My dear Col- onel, I would like to be able to say a few words to you all here. ..." There he stopped and signified his inability to proceed by putting his hand over his mouth. This little incident proves how the Emperor could be influenced by the Reichstag, notwithstanding his great power and general omnipotence. When he made his official inspections of troops, incomparable and peerless actor as he was, he made himself up very cleverly and by means of paints to closely resemble Ca?sar. To do him justice, he knew how to talk to his soldiers, and also how to excite their patriotism to the highest pitch. He was un- 74 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT questionably very popular with the army, and was the idol of the German soldiery. Their discipline and enthusiasm, in the present war give complete proof of this. Such is the man who directs the destinies of the German Empire. To describe his most complex character fully whole volumes would be needed. I have only given a personal impression of him which was obtained through living fourteen years in Ger- many. Incontestably, despite all his faults, the German Emperor is a distinct and rare personality. His projects and ideas were vast, embracing not only Germany but the entire world. But in the putting of them into execution his extremely impulsive char- acter — his habit of acting on the spur of the moment, his sudden decisions made without consideration, and his extreme vanity, created very serious obstacles to his success. His plans were blocked because he had not calculated their effect. In his foreign policies he wanted too much, and he always wanted to act immediately. Obsessed with the idea of German greatness he tried to exploit the whole universe, and in so doing naturally added to the list of his enemies. He plunged towards the Turkish East, encouraged Aus- tria on her Balkan policy and battered his head against Russia, and in so doing seriously disturbed the relations between Russia and Germany. In fol- lowing his colonial policy he feverishly hastened the WILLIAM II 75 building of war ships, proclaimed himself Grand Ad- miral of the Atlantic, and found himself face to face with Britain's immense sea power. He assiduously cultivated France in the hope of winning her to his strong anti-British policies, and on the spur of the moment at Tangiers and later at Agadir he again evoked in the memories of all the present Allies the bloody pages of 1870. He did everything he could to win the friendship of the United States. All his favours and all his personal attentions were showered on the Americans who came in their yachts to Kiel in the racing season. He gave the city of New York a statue of Frederick II, executed by himself, and at the same time spread a veritable network of spies all over the United States, thus making the very name of German anath- ema there, and by inconceivable treachery paved the way for the intervention of that vast power in the European War. His political projects are incontestably worthy of a great sovereign but when it comes to putting them into operation, faults and weaknesses are apparent which can only be the outcome of a very question* and mediocre miini— The unlimited ambition of the Kaiser and his arro- gant desire to be the centre of attraction have prac- tically paralyzed all his acts. He was not satisfied with sowing seeds but he wanted also immediately to reap the harvest. He wanted to do everything 76 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT himself and not leave anything to his successors. Evidently his main object in life was to write his own epitaph as "William the Greatest," and this was one of the essential causes of the present struggle. CHAPTER IV THE GERMAN MINISTERS I did not personally know Count de Capr ivi de Montecuccoli, the Emperor's second Imperial Chan- cellor, who succeeded Bismarck. He was known as a good soldier, absolutely honest but little prepared for the part he was destined to play. In speaking of his own dismissal and Caprivi 's appointment in his place, Bismarck, just created General in Chief, said, "The Emperor has made a General of his fore- most chancellor, and one of his best generals he has made a Chancellor." The short tenure of Count Caprivi in office was foreshadowed when he de- nounced the treaty with Russia which had been made by Bismarck in the days of his power, and also initi- ated an anti- Agrarian policy. Caprivi fell under the violent attacks of the Junkers party. — Prince Hohenlohe, who succeeded him, is hardly known in Europe or even in Germany. He neverthe- less deserves a certain amount of attention. He had previously been President of the Ministerial Council in Bavaria, where he was greatly liked and esteemed by all parties without exception. He later held the position of Ambassador in Paris and succeeded, in 77 78 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT spite of many serious difficulties he had to contend with while there, in making himself very popular. Before being made Chancellor he was the Emperor's personal representative in Alsace-Lorraine. After he became Chancellor he had to accept as Foreign Minister Herr von Buelow, a great favourite" 01 the Emperor, and who from the time of his entrance into politics was considered in Berlin as successor to Hohenlohe sooner or later. The position of the Chancellor at once became very ambiguous. To please the new star, which was in the ascendant, the flatterers at Court hastened to intrigue against the Chancellor. But it must be admitted that Prince Hohenlohe accepted this disagreeable state of affairs with a princeliness which was characteristic. He allowed his enemies full rein. One day he said to me, "When I was First Minister in Bavaria, Ambas- sador in Paris and the Emperor's representative in Alsace-Lorraine, it was said of me that I was a great statesman. I was the only one to disbelieve this! Now that I am Chancellor of the Empire the Berlin world would have it that I am an ignorant brute, and I am the only man who does not believe it ! " Prince Hohenlohe had married a Russian, the Princess Wittgenstein, daughter of the hero of the Napoleonic Wars of 1812, and was a great landed proprietor in Eussia. He was an ardent advocate of a strong and binding entente with Russia. Indeed this was his political creed. At the beginning of his THE GERMAN MINISTERS 79 chancellorship he enjoyed a certain influence. As the Empress' uncle he had the freedom of the Im- perial Court, but very soon this influence had to give way to that of von Buelow, whose subtle and flatter- ing manner and nature were gratifying to the Sovereign. Prince Hohenlohe vacated his office in the same way as he came to it — with all the dignity of a great nobleman and the manners of a gentleman. He was never known to complain of the Emperor, or to sneer at his successor as Bismarck did. The new chan- cellor was diametrically his opposite. Vo n Buelow was the perfect type of a Careerist or Arrivist. He was very astute and machiavellian. A master of the art of flattering those who could be of use to him, possessed of extraordinary erudition, an excep- tional memory, and a superlatively wonderful ora- torical talent, von Buelow was a brilliant conversa- tionalist and a diplomat of great finesse. I will not go so far as to say that his policies were conceived or carried out on this scale, but I think that his chief political fault was pandering too much to the caprices of his Imperial Master. Left to himself von Buelow might have risen to be a really remarkable states- man, for he had all the qualities that are necessary for the making of one. His speeches in the Reich- stag were always in good taste, and much admired, although these speeches were sometimes very in- sincere and rang hollow. The first time he addressed J 80 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT the Reichstag he roused the unanimous applause of all the deputies. I was present at the time, and left with Herr Kardorff, one of the leaders of the Party of the Right. He was most enthusiastic about von Buelow and his speech, but after having gone a few steps with me he said suddenly: — "My dear Schel- king, when one stops to think — what did Buelow really say?" This characteristic was the most re- markable of all others in the Emperor 's fourth Chan- cellor. There is no need to detail the policies fol- lowed by Prince von Buelow while he was in power. He was a docile instrument in the Emperor's hands. In his private life the Prince was a most delightful and charming man. He captivated all who came near him by his intelligence, his brilliant conversa- tion, and his great amiability. But when one knew him better one detected a falseness beneath all these qualities. During the whole of his stay in office he had but one really patriotic impulse. That was on the day when he promised the Reichstag to control his Sovereign's habit of making speeches, and to assume the responsibility for them. But at the same time and by that promise he threw aside his protector, to whom he owed his rapid rise to power, and risked his whole career, having in nine years advanced from the position of Councillor to the German Ambassa- dor at St. Petersburg to the Chancellorship of the German Empire. THE GERMAN MINISTERS 81 Prince von Buelow married an Italian, the Prin- cess Camporeale, who had been Countess Poenhaf in her first marriage. She had ever cultivated music and poetry and was a musician far above the ordi- nary. Pupil of Liszt and friend of Wagner, she had a saioirwhieh. was frequented not only by the highest Berlin society, but also by the whole artistic and lit- erary world. Herr Stein, the well known editor of the Frankfurter Zeitung, was one of von Buelow 's intimates. As the Prince assiduously cultivated the press, he often received Stein even when ambas- sadors were waiting to see him on matters of state. In the salon of the Princess all speech was unre- stricted and frankness cultivated, and in this way Prince von Buelow was always in touch with the world at large, and with the ideas of all classes of the people. As the Princess had become engaged to her first husband in Count Osten-Sacken's drawing-room in Florence, where the latter was Charge d 'Affaires in 1865, the relations between the Chancellor's family and our ambassador were of the most intimate kind. But our ambassador was rather suspicious of Prince von Buelow. He w T as not sure of his sincerity, and told me more than once that he would rather have to do with Baron Marschall von Bieberstein who was a gross personality at best, but with whom one was always sure where one stood. Prince Buelow fell after the promise he made to the Reichstag with regard to the Imperial habit of 82 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT making speeches. William was furious with Buelow for giving this promise and a few months later the chancellor was suddenly dismissed. But, and this is strange, the Emperor's irritation with him did not last long and Prince von Buelow continues, even to- day, to keep his master's great friendship and favour. During the present war, he has filled the position of Ambassador to Eome, and it is certain his name will be prominent among those of the German plenipotentiaries to the Peace Conference. The discovery of a successor to Prince von Buelow proved most difficult. It was necessary to find a statesman who was not only a diplomat but well versed in the domestic conditions then existing in Germany. For a time Count von Wedel was con- sidered for the position. He was then representa- tive of the Emperor in Alsace-Lorraine, and had held the post of Ambassador to Vienna for several years. It was even said at Berlin that the position of the Chancellorship had actually been offered to him, but that he had declined. Finally the Emper- or's choice fell on Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg. This nomination was entirely unexpected ! The new Chancellor was of obscure birth, his ancestors were Jewish, and were a family of bankers at Frankfurt. The family name was Bethmann, and the noble name of Hollweg came to it by marriage. He had never held a diplomatic post, but had been Chief of Police at Potsdam, (Polizeipresident), Governor of the THE GERMAN MINISTERS 83 Rhine Province and finally Governor General of the Province of Brandenburg, of which the capital is Berlin. At Potsdam he had been in close touch with the Emperor and he knew how to improve his oppor- tunities, and gain the monarch's favour. He knew nothing of the basic principles of diplomacy. Our Ambassador in Berlin told me he was absolutelv use- less, that it was a waste of time to talk to him, and that he preferred to discuss important matters with one of the Secretaries of State. But gradually von Bethmann-Hollweg found himself. At the interview between the Kaiser and Nicholas II in a Baltic port, Sazonoff, then our Minister of Foreign Affairs, inti- mated that it was most agreeable to discuss affairs with him. This remark is characteristic of Sazonoff as it was von Bethmann-Hollweg who forced the withdrawal by Sazonoff of our arrangement with Germany regarding Persia, which was humiliating for us. When he resigned his post Herr von Bethmann- Hollweg had achieved the reputation of having been entirely honest in all his dealings, but otherwise a nonentity, lacking in any personal initiative and will- ingly agreeing to his master's slightest wish and whim. I did not know Dr. Michaelis — his successor — nearly so well. But he occupied only a second rate position at the best. It was said of him that he was 84 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Prussian to the backbone, and eager to copy Bis- marck, but lacking any resemblance to the Iron Chan- cellor, with the exception of his personal grossness, which was notorious. In that he indeed resembled the great German. It has never been understood why he was chosen by the Emperor. The next Imperial Chancellor, I knew exceedingly well while I was stationed in Munich. Count Hert- ling is a Bavarian by birth, and during my official life he was at different times a deputy in the Bavarian Chamber and in the Reichstag. He belonged to the centre Catholic Party, of which he was one of the leaders up to the very day on which he was nominated to the Chancellorship. He was a thoroughgoing Catholic. More than once it was expected he would be appointed prime minister of Bavaria. But the old Prince Regent — although of a very liberal mind where religion was concerned — was afraid of Hert- ling's super-pronounced Catholic views and ideas. Ludwig III, the then King of Bavaria, devout Catho- lic himself, made him President of the Ministerial Council, and Minister of Foreign Affairs. I am forced to believe that his nomination as Chancellor of the Empire — without wishing in the least to de- tract from his many strong mental qualities — was made first to flatter and please the amour propre of the Bavarians, and secondly so that the Em- peror could have at his right hand one who had the ear of the Pope, who could therefore easily be used THE GERMAN MINISTERS 85 to approach the Holy Father in case it should be necessary to have the support of the Holy See in the peace pourparlers which must come. In view of the various complications which exist in Ger- many and Austria I know the above to be the situa- tion. I personally knew very well two other important ministers. Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, and the present (June, 1918) Foreign Secretary, Herr von Kuehlmann. Baron Marschall was the prede- cessor of Prince von Buelow in the office of Foreign Secretary. He was a Badener by birth and a state attorney by profession. Bismarck noticed his speeches at that time, and proposed he should take up a diplomatic career. He did so and attained the high rank of foreign secretary which he occupied during the chancellorship of von Caprivi, and for two years under Prince Hohenlohe. He was a man of remarkable intelligence, and force of character which was only equalled by his personal grossness. He treated foreign diplomats with the greatest negli- gence imaginable, and made them wait in his ante- chamber sometimes for hours at a time. Hence all foreign representatives complained bitterly of him. He only made an exception in the case of Count Osten-Sacken, after having attempted to treat him as he did the others. But our ambassador taught him a lesson. One day, a few minutes before dinner, at eight 86 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT o'clock in the evening, the secretary of the Foreign Secretary came to our Embassy and communicated — verbally to Count Osten-Sacken — the desire of Baron Marschall to speak with him at once. An- noyed at this unprecedented method of procedure, our Ambassador said to the envoy — "Acquaint the Secretary of State with the fact that I am about to sit down to dinner. After having dined I shall smoke my cigar quietly, and if I have time in the course of the evening, I will come to see him. ' ' About 10.30 Count Osten-Sacken went to the For- eign Office. Baron Marschall was awaiting him at the door and was voluble in his excuses and apolo- gies. "You are right in excusing yourself, my dear Marschall," said our Ambassador, "for it must in- deed be something most urgent which permitted you to disturb the Russian Ambassador at so unreason- able an hour. ' ' Baron Marschad took this lesson to heart, and also took very good care not to run the risk of ex- periencing another such snub, in his dealings with our Ambassador. From that time onward, the re- lations between our Embassy and the German For- eign Office left nothing to be desired. The Baron Marschall was a supporter of our entente with Ger- many and — with our assistance — of one with France also. His master stroke in diplomacy which en- couraged such an entente, was the Treaty of Shim- onoseki, which brought the Chino-Japanese War to THE GERMAN MINISTERS 87 an end. The Japanese had occupied Port Arthur and seemed very desirous of remaining there. But France and Russia strongly protested against the establishment of the Empire of the Rising Sun on the Asiatic Continent. Pourparlers were proceed- ing and were almost at an end when — quite unex- pectedly — Baron Marschall made the suggestion that Germany should be accepted as the ally of France and Russia in the Port Arthur question. The Cabinets of Petrograd and Paris, unable to re- fuse this gratuitous German collaboration, had to accept it, and thus for the first time since 1870, France, Russia and Germany worked towards the same end. It was the dream of William II seem- ingly coming true. Baron Marschall had made it practicable, and it was the German Emperor who later spoiled it all. The Foreign Secretary fell after the famous legal case of Lutsow-Leckardt, that caused such tremen- dous scandal at the time. These gentlemen had forged letters compromising to the Imperial Gov- ernment, and were accused of high treason. As the contents of these letters chiefly concerned Baron Marschall, he was attacked most bitterly by a cer- tain section of the German Press with the object of bringing about his downfall. The Foreign Secre- tary — remembering his legal past — presented him- self at the Bar of Justice to defend himself. He began his speech, which was in the nature of a plea 88 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT against the abuses of the Prussian Government, with these words — "In coming here I take refuge in public opinion," (Flucht in die offentlichkeit). His de- fence of himself was masterly. Lutzoff and Leck- ardt were condemned but the whole country ap- plauded the plea of Baron Marschall. Yet a week later the Emperor discharged him. William never forgave him for having had recourse to public opin- ion instead of trusting in him. Two or three days after the trial, Count Osten- Sacken went to see Marschall, who was ill. He complimented him on his great success, but he also asked him if the whole affair were not likely to bring upon him the displeasure of the Monarch. The Foreign Secretary answered, "Rest assured, I am stronger than ever before. ' ' Two days later he was discharged. Nevertheless, acceding to the insistence of Prince von Buelow, the Emperor appointed him Ambassador to Constantinople, and it was there espe- cially that the Baron gave full proof of his excep- tional diplomatic powers. It was he who proposed the trip of William II to the Orient, who crystallized the Turco-German rapprochement, and made the Sultan a vassal to the German Emperor. To him is the credit due for the project of the Bagdad Rail- way, and it was he who prepared all the details for the execution of this great project. Again it was he who succeeded in placing German officers in posi- tions of high command in the Ottoman Army. To THE GERMAN MINISTERS 89 do William II justice, though he did not love the Baron he covered him with distinctions. He sent him from Constantinople to London as ambassador, and there Baron Marschall died — having but shortly before been appointed Chevalier of the Black Eagle — the highest order in Prussia. Herr von Kuehlmann came to power, thanks ex- clusively to the Emperor's favour. There can be no comparison between him and such a forceful man as Baron Marschall. I knew him intimately in Mu- nich, when he was a boy. His mother honoured me with her friendship. She was a superb musician, and a by no means undistinguished composer. Herr von Kuehlmann, Sr., a very rich man, was a merchant of Munich, having made his vast fortune at Constantinople in the construction of the Ana- tolian Railways. His wife, nee Baronne Redwitz, belonged to the highest Bavarian aristocracy. Their son, young Kuehlmann, was destined for a Bavarian diplomat's career, but his ambition was higher than that, and he entered the service of the Empire. His first appointments were not very encourag- ing to his ambition. He had to be content with posts of secondary importance in South America, Persia, etc. One day he was presented to the Em- peror, and made a very favourable impression, but he owes his final success to somewhat unusual cir- cumstances. Among the members of the Russian Embassy at London during the reign of Edward 90 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT VII, was a certain Monsieur Poklewsy-Kosiell, lately the Russian Minister to Roumania. He was First Secretary and later Councillor to the London embassy, and enjoyed the confidence and was on terms of some intimacy with the British Sovereign. Monsieur Poklewsky was thus popular at the British Court, and much sought after by all British host- esses. He was very rich, and being a man of con- siderable intelligence used his fortune to make his position still better. During one of his visits to London the German Emperor met Poklewsky, and learnt of the exceptional position the latter occu- pied. William wished to secure just such a man as Poklewsky for the German Embassy, and with his usual impulsiveness appointed Baron Eckhart von Eckhardstein as councillor. The new councillor had two trumps in his hand for the game. He had mar- ried the daughter of Sir John Blundell Maple, and she had a very large fortune in her own right. But very soon after his appointment the Emperor per- ceived that the man he had made Councillor in Lon- don only resembled Poklewsky in the matter of wealth. The intelligence of the Russian diplomat left him entirely out of the running. The Emperor discharged von Eckhardstein as suddenly as he had appointed him, and remembering von Kuehlmann, appointed him to the London post. This was the be- ginning of von Kuehlmann 's brilliant career. Without being quite able to attain the position THE GERMAN MINISTERS 91 Poklewsky had reached, Kuehlmann succeeded in worming his way cleverly into British society and becoming a member of the best clubs. Gradually he obtained the privilege of sending personal reports to the Emperor. It is possible that he was de- ceived with regard to the real intentions of the Brit- ish Cabinet, for he assured his sovereign that Great Britain would never intervene in the European war the Emperor premeditated. Even so, the Emperor did not withdraw his support of Kuehlmann. When it became a question of encouraging Turkey to favour an alliance with Germany, von Kuehlmann was sent to Constantinople. Monsieur de Giers, one time Kussian Ambassador to Turkey, and later Am- bassador to Italy, told me that the Turks in his time had no intention of breaking their neutrality, if such a war occurred. There were then two parties at Constantinople. One led by the Grand Vizier, worked for strict neutrality, the other, led by Enver Pasha determined on an alliance with Germany After war had broken out four days were sufficient for von Kuehlmann to persuade the Turks to allow the Goeben and the Breslau to attack the Russian coast on the Black Sea. It is probably due to this success that Kuehlmann later owed his appointment to the post of Foreign Secretary. It is necessary to add a few words regarding Ger- many's foreign representatives in various countries, whose members played important parts at their vari- 92 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT ous posts, until within a few days of the actual break- ing out of the war. The choice of the Emperor in these matters was not always happy. He per- mitted himself to be guided — as usual— purely by personal reasons, and personal policies. In this manner Count Pourtales was sent to Petrograd, as German Ambassador — one of the most difficult diplo- matic posts. Mentally, he was not nearly big enough for the position. In the same way Count de Monts, a typical Prussian, stiff and severe, was ap- pointed Ambassador to Rome where he was intensely disliked. Count Pourtales — married to Countess Kanitz — was my colleague at The Hague, where he was a dis- tinct success. He went from there as Prussian Min- ister to Munich, and there too, made for himself an enviable position. From Munich he was appointed Ambassador to Petrograd. Justice must be done him by saying that he did everything he could to please. Very rich in his own right, his dinners and other entertainments were of frequent occurrence, and always in excellent taste. His receptions were noted for the eclaJLwith which they went off, and the number of notable people present. But diplomat of the old school as he was, he was only seen in the most aristocratic circles and salons. He did not seem to realize that the times had changed, and that a foreign diplomat who was earnestly desirous of knowing the true state of public opinion in Russia, THE GERMAN MINISTERS 93 should not confine himself solely to high society in Petrograd. Furthermore, Count Pourtales was not as well versed in all matters pertaining to his duties as he should have been. It was known later that he expected the outbreak of a revolution in Russia the day after Germany declared war, a revolution which he said in a code message I happened to decipher, should immediately make it impossible for Russia to fight or give assistance to the Allies. Yet, as the world knows, Russia struggled to do its best from the very beginning, despite the most terrible handi- caps imposed upon the country and people by an in- competent government and treacherous ministers. In political circles at Petrograd, Count Pourtales was not taken very seriously. He was deemed vain and possessed of but little intelligence. This was indeed true, for when by chance he wished to be really astute and cunning, he was the more easily trapped. Thus, for instance, a few months before the war, an article of the most virulent kind attacking the amour propre of Russia appeared in the Cologne Gazette. It was proved that it had been inspired by Count von Dohna, chief A. D. C. to the German Em- peror, then attached to the Russian Emperor's per- son, at the instigation of Monsieur Lucius, Council- lor at the German Embassy in Petrograd. Both men had to leave the Russian capital and Count Pourtales was seriously compromised. The whole 94 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT policy of the German Embassy in Russia was cen- tred on the Count's firm conviction that Russia would never accept a war with Germany. He had been spoiled by the diplomatic success he achieved in 1909, over the annexation of Herzegovina by Aus- tria-Hungary. In 1914 at the time of the Serbian ultimatum, which unleashed the dogs of war in Europe, Count Pourtales too hastily concluded that he was going to place another diplomatic feather in Germany's cap by achieving complete success in the game of threatening Russia with war. The declaration of war made him lose his head completely. I well remember his horrified astonishment which for a time bordered on hysterics, when he handed our Foreign Minister, S. D. Sazonoff, his government's note declaring war. He was very pale and trembling all over, and was so beside himself when he left the Russian minister's presence that he forgot some im- portant papers. The German Ambassador to Paris, Baron von Schoen, was similarly not equal to his task. He came of a small and unknown family of Jewish origin, his father having been a banker at Darmstadt. Baron von Schoen was far from being a serious diplomat, and confined himself, while in Paris, to playing the part of a thorough bon viveur and man of the world. His career was one of constant shifts and changes, and curiously enough, I personally played a certain THE GERMAN MINISTERS 95 part in his promotion. After having spent many- years at Petrograd and Paris as Councillor to the German Embassies, he was appointed minister to one of the South American Republics. His vanity wounded, von Schoen refused the post. Prince von Buelow — who in any case did not like him — offered him an even less important post, that of Minister of Prussia at Oldenburg, and he notified the Baron that a second refusal would be deemed sufficient rea- son for his immediate discharge fromjthe diplomatic service. Von Schoen handed in his resignation, but was appointed Grand Master of Ceremonies at the Court of Coburg, where — nevertheless — he did not remain very long because he was not liked by the Duchess of Coburg (oniy sister of the Emperor Alexander III). He then retired to a small estate he owned in Bavaria, and set to work to criticize the Prussian Court. One day while he was staying for a short time in Berlin, presumably as I had known him very well in Petrograd and Bavaria, he con- fided to me his regret and disappointment at being out of the diplomatic service, and his earnest desire to re-enter it. He added that he had done every- thing he could to see Prince von Buelow, but that the latter carefully avoided him. Finally he asked if I would be his intermediary through Count Osten- Sacken, and try and obtain an invitation for him to the dinner which was to be held the following night at the Russian Embassy, and to which the Imperial 96 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Chancellor was coming. As the invitations had al- ready been issued, Count Osten-Sacken suggested that he should come in during the evening. Baron von Schoen hastened to accept this suggestion and had a long conversation with the Chancellor which re- sulted in his appointment as Minister to Copenhagen, where later he met Monsieur Iswolsky, who at that time represented the Russian Emperor at the Danish Court. Both of them being ambitious men they soon understood one another and concluded a pact. Baron von Schoen promised that he would do his best to obtain for Iswolsky the post of Ambassador to Berlin, and Iswolsky agreed to do his best to ob- tain for the Baron the post of Ambassador to Petro- grad. As it turned out Iswolsky succeeded. Von Schoen became German Ambassador to Russia, and from there went in the same capacity to Paris. Baron von Schoen 's intrigue in favour of Iswolsky met a stumbling block in the finesse of my chief, Count Osten-Sacken. He went to Petrograd and presented his resignation to the Emperor, without a word of warning, explaining to him the utter im- possibility of continuing his work in Berlin, con- tinually undermined by an intrigue, the headquarters of which were in Copenhagen. Nicholas did not like sudden shocks. He begged Count Osten-Sacken to remain at his post, promising to put an end to Is- wolsky 's intrigues. The latter stayed on at Copen- hagen, but — as may seem very strange to those ig- THE GERMAN MINISTERS 97 norant of the character of Nicholas II, but most nat- ural to those who know it — Iswolsky in a few months became Foreign Minister at Petrograd. It is necessary to give these details in order to draw attention to the fact that the personal interests of the Russian and German foreign representatives always took precedence of the best interests of the two nations, despite such vitally serious times as those immediately prior to the outbreak of the war. Personal intrigues were invariably the order of the day, and unfortunately, the characters both of Wil- liam and of Nicholas — although usually so opposite in all things — lent themselves to this dangerous state of affairs. Pourtales and von Schoen knew how to flatter the amour propre of their respective sover- eigns. They made an art of sycophancy. M. Sazon- off, for instance, one of the last foreign ministers appointed by Nicholas, who held his portfolio much longer than any of his predecessors, distributed ap- pointments of ministers and ambassadors, not be- cause of any talent or efficiency in the men he chose but exclusively by his personal liking for them. This is well illustrated by the appointment of Monsieur Sverbeef, our last ambassador to Berlin, who was in no way fitted to fill the position of my former chief Count Osten-Sacken. The Emperor William had better luck in his choice of an ambassador to London. Prince Lichnowsky was essentially a gentleman in every acceptance of 98 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT the term. He belonged to an old and aristocratic Silesian family; he was very rich and very well read, a fine conversationalist, and had considerable finesse. In London he made for himself entirely by his own skilful efforts, an exceedingly enviable position, both in political circles and in the drawing- rooms of the British capital. Unfortunately, I have every reason to believe that his diplomatic actions were somewhat paralysed by von Kuehlmann, who was Councillor of the Embassy at the time.* The German Emperor had entrusted the Embassy at Vienna to Herr von Tchirsky, emphatically a per- son of a gross and vulgar nature. The following episode proves his lack of subtlety, and his inability to adapt himself to circumstances. At a Court Ball given at Petrograd, Herr von Tchirsky, who was present, as he was then Councillor to the German Embassy there, was walking with a lady on his arm, when in the crowd he bumped into the Grand Duke Vladimir, the Emperor's Uncle. The Grand Duke, whose pleasantness was of a somewhat ponderous na- ture, said to Herr von Tchirsky 's companion — "What can you find to talk about to a diplomat? They are always so frightfully dull. Come with me instead/' and he offered the lady his arm. Von Tchirsky 's Prussian pride was wounded. He com- plained to his Chief, Prince Eadolin, about the mat- * Editor's Note: This was written before the publication of the Lichnowsky memoirs. They completely justify the author's belief. THE GERMAN MINISTERS 99 ter, making his version of the incident appear much more serious than it really was. Radolin went alone to see the Foreign Minister (Iswolsky) and insisted on an apology from the Grand Duke. Iswolsky re- ported the incident to the Emperor in person, who — on his part — spoke to the Grand Duke. The latter was exceedingly astonished, for he had not the least intention of hurting the feelings of Tchirsky, and much less those of Germany. The Grand Duke ex- plained this to Prince Kadolin, but naturally this inci- dent did not tend to increase the popularity of the members of the German Embassy in diplomatic and social circles in Petrograd. The majority of the more important houses were closed thereafter to von Tchirsky, who had in consequence to be moved to another post. Even the position of the German Ambassador was seriously compromised, and shortly after Prince Radolin was suddenly transferred to Paris. Imagine how much adaptability there was in the character of Tchirsky when it was a question of dealing with really serious diplomatic affairs. One suspects Germany did not desire to adapt herself to her circumstances but was constantly on the look- out for grievances. Before having been raised by the Emperor to the position and dignity of a prince of the German Em- pire, the new ambassador to Paris was known as Count Radolinsky. A Pole by birth, he had great landed estates in the province of Posen. In his 100 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT youth he had adopted a courtier's life and had be- come Grand Master of Ceremonies at the Court of the Crown Prince Frederick — later Emperor of Ger- many under the title of Frederick III. He was the Crown Prince's most intimate friend, and also pos- sessed the fullest confidence and friendship of the fu- ture Empress of Germany, who was the daughter of Queen Victoria of England. As is also known, dur- ing the last year of the reign of William I (1888 to 1890) the future Emperor Frederick was dying at San Remo, of an illness that was to cause his death after a reign of a hundred days. During this period an intrigue was in full swing at Berlin which had as its object the abdication of the Crown Prince of his rights to the German Throne in favour of his son, the present Emperor. Prince William, who was then twenty-eight years of age, and who was very im- patient to obtain the throne, was fully cognizant of the details of this nefarious intrigue and was not only wholly a party to it, but energetic in its fur- therance in order that he might the more quickly achieve supreme powers. Bismarck was also entangled in this intrigue, of his own volition, but he committed the error of being too sure of William, whom he hoped and expected to become a docile instrument in his hands. He feared the accession of the Crown Prince, whose political ideas more often than not did not coincide with his. The intriguers were almost sure that the Crown THE GERMAN MINISTERS 101 Prince, ill as he was, would balk their wishes, but they also knew that they would find a serious ob- stacle in the person of Princess Victoria, who for her part wished to ascend the throne, if only for a few days ! The reason for this was chiefly a finan- cial one. As Princess of Great Britain, Princess Victoria was far from being rich. If she were still only Crown Princess on the death of her husband her Civil List would have naturally been greatly less than if she became Dowager Empress. It was de- cided to try and use the Princess, and to do this, Prince Radolin was chosen. Notwithstanding his intimate relations and devotion to Frederick, which he emphasized on every possible occasion, he prom- ised his assistance to the scheme. As is known, the intrigue failed, and the Crown Prince became Em- peror for one hundred days, but Prince William did not forget Radolin 's services. As soon as he as- cended the throne he appointed Count Radolinsky Ambassador to Constantinople, and created him a prince of the German Empire, under the name of Radolin. Later he transferred him to the Embassy at Petrograd, and thence to the same post at Paris. This anecdote shows the despicable intriguing of the present German Emperor against his own father and mother, and it also shows to how great an ex- tent Prince Radolin lent himself to acts that were aimed at those who had been kindest to him, and had benefited him in many ways. 102 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT With Prince Radolin, I conclude my short de- scription of the principal German diplomats William II chose during his reign to assist him in the execu- tion of his European policies. It must be said that all these statesmen were, with rare exceptions, men of second-rate intelligence and capacity, and only useful in promptly executing their master's orders. Thus it is obvious that on the shoulders of Emperor William II must rest the sole responsibility for all of Germany's foreign policies which finally resulted the present world-wide war. CHAPTER V NICHOLAS II His Character. The Ex- Emperor as Husband and Father. The Empress and Her Influence. Rasputin — The Grand Dukes Emperor Nicholas II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors under circumstances which but little re- sembled the accession of his father. Alexander III had found Eussia seething with revolutionary movements and dissensions of many kinds; his father had been assassinated; the army was disorganized and the navy conspicuous by its nonexistence for any practical purpose. He left his son as a legacy an Empire quiet within its borders, and a nation respected by the world in general. The army left nothing to be desired, and the navy had reached very respectable proportions. But the Em- peror Alexander had pursued a reactionary policy and it was soon evident that this could not last. Liberal reforms were spoken of on all sides. The nation impatiently awaited these reforms and cen- tred its hopes on the young Sovereign. Very soon after he ascended the throne, Nicholas II received from all parts of his immense Empire ad- dresses expressing the fe alty a nd also the hopes of 104 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT his people. The address of the people of the Prov- ince of Tver (situated between Petrograd and Mos- cow) was particularly explicit. Its most funda- mental suggestion was the necessity for national representation. But the monarch soon proved a dis- appointment to his people. At the audience granted by him to the representatives of Tver, he declared that he would continue the political policies of his father and termed as "insensate" the suggestions of his people. The impression made by the Im- perial discourse was disastrous and the popularity of the Emperor was undermined. /It was quite evident to impartial observers that Nicholas II would under no circumstances be able to continue the policy of his illustrious father. In the first place, times had greatly changed, and in the second, the young Emperor totally lacked the char- acteristics of his predecessor. Where Alexander III had been firm and decisive in his actions — Nich- olas II was irresolute and weak. From his earliest childhood he had been absolutely under the domi- nance of his powerful father, and had no initiative whatever. His mother entirely lacked strength of character and her influence was of no use at all in helping to form the character of her son. He fur- thermore, had the misfortune to have as preceptor, General Danilovitch, who was in no way equal to the great responsibilities of his position and duties. He was very narrow minded and suspicious. He eter- NICHOLAS II 105 nally told his young charge : " You must remember always, Highness, that everybody who approaches wishes to obtain something from you." Such an education bore its natural fruit! Nicholas became sly and suspected all his entourage — even his most intimate friends — of plotting against him. In his youth Nicholas II worked hard and, being capable by nature, his instruction should have left nothing to be desired. But his sole pleasure con- sisted in frequenting the officers' messes and casinos and very often he spent whole nights in such places, drinking heavily and listening to the songs of Bo- hemian minstrels. This sort of existence was ob- viously not good training for the Sovereign-to-be. In military circles he was, very naturally, the centre of adulation and flattery. Little by little he be- came very vain, which when taken in conjunction with his natural weakness of character, was certain to cause trouble in the future. At the time of his accession then Nicholas II was not a man of very complex character. He certainly did not lack intelligence and had a natural kind- ness of heart ; but, on the other hand, his father had utterly crushed his will-power and General Danilo- vitch had impregnated him with hypocrisy and a general suspicion of humanity; in addition his mother had encouraged in him a lack of decision in every act which became the tragedy of his entire existence. Very often during his reign he tried to 106 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT emulate his father, but in vain. He was his father's antithesis — even in physique — and could not imoress his personality upon the masses. In his personal relations Nicholas II was delight- ful ; he had the rare gift of picking out at first glance the most sympathetic chords in the nature of those who came near him and he never failed to play upon these most successfully. The German Emperor — William II — experienced this on more than one oc- casion. Nicholas II had a really extraordinary method of almost hypnotizing those with whom he talked ; he became exceedingly suave, seeming to in- terest himself eagerly in what was being said to him, and always agreed with the speaker no mat- ter what ideas were set forth. Moreover, being gifted, as are all the Romanoffs, with a prodigious memory, he would address to the person speaking to him remarks concerning his or her intimate life and circumstances therein, which never failed to flatter and charm. In his heart of hearts he was an auto- crat, but lacking either will-power or decision, he had recourse to cunning in order to make his author- ity felt or respected. When he was displeased with any minister, he never had the courage to tell him so frankly and far less had he the courage to dismiss him personally. On the contrary, he surrounded the already condemned minister with all sorts of friendly kindnesses and marks of esteem. After such an audience, the minister naturally would re- NICHOLAS II 107 turn to his home delighted with his reception and believing himself to be more favoured than ever by his Imperial master. Very often, however, that same night would arrive a notification dismissing him from office. On one occasion Count Witte, then Minister of Finance, not being in agreement with his master, re- signed. Nicholas would not hear of it and assured Count Witte of his great esteem and confidence. Count Witte therefore withdrew his resignation and left the audience in triumph. In the Ante-room he found M. de Pleske — Director-in-Chief of the State Bank, and hence his subordinate — and asked him the reason for his visit to the palace. Pleske replied that he knew nothing about it but that he had been commanded by the Emperor himself. The next day Pleske was made Minister of Finance in Witte 's place. That was just like Nicholas II. Sometimes, in order to avoid painful scenes, he dismiss ed his min- isters by telegram. Thus, for instance, in " "18977 the elder Goremikine, then Minister of the Interior, and in Europe on a two weeks' holiday, learned of his dismissal by an Imperial telegram handed to him by the station master at the Russian frontier, as he was on his way back to his post. In his own family circle Nicholas was faithful only to himself and to those things He deemed essential to his own benefit. But even here he was ever ir- 108 RECOLLECTIONS OF/ A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT resolute. His brother, the his uncle, the Grand Duke will contracted morganatic Grand Duke Michael, and Paul, having against his marriages, he dismissed them from the army and deprived them of their titles and their incomes as Grand Dukes of the Imperial Family. But, shortly afterwards, he re-instated them in their positions and gave titles to their wives. During his reign the dissolution of family ties in Imperial circles became more and more pro- nounced. The ex-mistress of the Emperor— the Dancer Kchessinskaya — became the mistress of his uncle, the Grand Duke Sergius, and at the same time had as her lover the Emperor's cousin, the Grand Duke Andrew. In the exrfavourite's residence a game of the devil's own poker was played. Grand Dukes rubbed shoulders with a crowd of interlopers and ne'er do wells, with women of ill repute and business men of the worst character and reputation. Orders for war material, railway concessions and many other matters of like character were there talked over and contracted for. The Grand Dukes haunted the cabarets and were seen everywhere in public with the most notorious and profligate women of the demi-monde and underworld. Nicholas II tolerated these hideous excesses and members of the Imperial family who thus disgraced themselves were allowed to retain their high military posts and ex- tensive commands. It is true that, at the end of his reign, the Grand Dukes lost their influence with NICHOLAS II 109 Nicholas, but this was chiefly due to their being in- volved in the death of Rasputin. With his ministers the Emperor made use of a system peculiar to himself, based on the principle: " Divide et impera. " When Count Witte. a strong Liberal, was made President of the Council in the first Cabinet (so-called Constitutional), the Em- peror gave him as Minister of the Interior, M. Dour- novo, the avowed and bitter enemy of Liberalism. When Siolypin reached power he was forced to accept as Minister of Finance, Count Kokowtzoff, his antithesis in every way. Even Goremikine the elder, who more than any other minister possessed the Imperial confidence for more than a year, was unable to rid himself of several colleagues who were most annoying to him, as, for instance, the famous General Soukhomlinoff, Minister of War, who after the revolution was condemned to death for high trea- son. When Goremikine finally succeeded in getting rid of these men he had to put up with statesmen in his Cabinet who were in no way his own choice. Continual dissensions and quarrels were the result, greatly to the detriment of the government. Yet the success of the principle "Divide et impera" seemed to please the Imperial Couple greatly ! The Emperor was not only sly, but childish. He also insisted on keeping things secret which were ridiculously apparent. This trait he carried into the most trivial concerns of everv day life. Admiral 110 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Lomcn, Chief A. D. C, attached to the Emperor's person, related the following incident to me. The Imperial Couple were in residence at Livadia, in the Crimea, having left Petrograd in September for a few weeks only. They changed their minds however and stayed until December. The Christmas holidays were approaching and, as the Emperor and Empress were accustomed to giving small gifts to their entourage at Christmas, Count Fredericksz, Minister of the Household, wished to know if the Imperial Couple intended to stay in the Crimea over Christmas so as to be able to make the necessary arrangements for obtaining presents and other things necessary from the Capital. He tried in vain to get some sort of decisive answer from the Emperor and therefore asked Admiral Lomen to help him. The Admiral mentioned the matter to the Empress, who promised to speak to the Emperor about it. A few days later the Emperor meeting the Admiral said to him: "My dear Lomen, you have become very curious. You wish to know when we are leav- ing here, but I shall not tell you." In consequence, at the last minute, there being no time to obtain the presents from Petrograd, hurried purchases had to be made in the Crimea. Naturally, the only things available were objects of no value and of very doubt- ful taste. Nicholas was the same in affairs of State ; none of his ministers could boast that they really knew his NICHOLAS II 111 mind. He changed it with extraordinary facility and reversed orders on the morrow that he had insisted upon the day before. For example, he declared him- self in agreement with Count Witte, who was strongly opposed to the occupation of Port Arthur, and, at the same time gave orders to Count Cassini, our Ambassador in Peking, to take up the matter with Li Hung Chang. In 1906 the majority 01 the Privy Council declared itself against the dissolution of the Duma, and the Emperor readily acquiesced. Directly he was left alone with Goremikine, an advocate of dissolution, immediately upon leaving the Council Room he or- dered the Duma to be dissolved. In his relations with his people, Nicholas missed many opportunities of making himself popular. The reason for this must be ascribed, at any rate in the beginning of his reign, to his modesty which was akin to timidity, but latterly to his absolute indif- ference. I remember when a new cruiser was to be launched near Petrograd, the Emperor was present on board the yacht of the Minister of the Navy. When he returned a great crowd awaited him along the docks of the Neva, among them being a lot of young girls from a nearby boarding school — all of them daughters of officers— and a group of wounded soldiers and sailors from neighbouring hospitals who had come to salute the Emperor. When Nicholas appeared the crowds greeted him vociferously. The 112 RECOLLECTIONS OP A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Emperor lighted a cigarette and passed them all with a careless and a very casual salute, and without pay- ing the slightest attention whatsoever to the wounded men who had suffered and were still suffering for him. At the time of the declaration of the Great War, an enormous crowd of about 300,000 people were kneeling before his palace in Petrograd, singing the National Hymn and cheering madly. Nicholas did not even then know how to make use of this re- markable proof of patriotic sentiment and, hardly three years later abdicated, carrying with him only the regrets of those who had tried to be of use to him and those who had used him. Had Nicholas had the good fortune to have mar- ried a woman who would have seen and understood his weaknesses and faults and have tried at least to mitigate them, the fate which finally overtook him would very probably have been averted. Un- happily for him, he did not find such a helpmate in the Empress Alexandra. To be sure, she did not lack intelligence, but she carried her scepticism of every one and everything and her doubt of humanity in general, even further than did General Danilo- vitch, ex-Preceptor to the Emperor. She had a special gift of caricaturing every one and in this > way influenced her husband to a very marked degree. Born in a small German Court she brought with her to Russia its narrow customs and habits. She did . NICHOLAS II 113 not understand in the least the part she should play in an empire so vast as Russia. Very autocratic by nature, she only seemed to understand that she was at the head of 180 millions of people ; that fate had picked out for her a weakling of irresolute char- acter for a husband and that she could, in conse- quence, govern Russia as best pleased her. She was, as has been said, thoroughly and essentially auto- cratic — even in her own family. She adored her only son with a tierce passion and was constantly in a state of terror about his health. Because of this she neg- lected his education, and the young Prince — by na- ture very sturdy and capable — attained the age of thirteen years without having had a preceptor. Fraulein Schneider, a German governess, and Dere- venka, a common sailor, looked after him. The Im- perial Couple lived a most retired life, admitting no one to their intimacy but a few persons specially chosen by the Empress, who was not happy in her choice of friends. Among these I will cite the famous Madame Wiroubova and General Voeikoff. Ma- dame Wiroubova was the daughter of a man named Taneef, Chief of the Imperial Chancellery, and was divorced from her husband who had been a naval officer. She was narrow minded, dishonourable and very tricky and was one of the principal introducers to the Court of the infamous Rasputin. General Voiekoff was an " Arriviste" and nothing else ! He sought to enrich himself through his proximity to 114 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT and intimacy with the Imperial Couple. He had separated from his wife — who was the daughter of the Household Minister— and had the most detest- able and disreputable reputation. At the same time, the mystic nature the Empress had directly inherited from her mother was very apparent. Church after church was being built and nearly every year some new saint or other was dis- covered. The Empress, having become more ortho- dox than the orthodox, prayed for hours on end, but her prayers did not seem to satisfy her. She leaned strongly towards the supernatural and in conse- quence the Imperial Court was infested by all sorts of adventurers, spirit rappers, charlatans, quacks and other fraudulent impostors. First there was a certain "Philip" who main- tained that he was a re-embodied spirit. He in- voked the shade of Alexander III who dictated his desires through "Philip." Knowing how the Em- peror had been influenced by his father, "Philip" showed considerable perspicacity and ministers fell from grace without any apparent reason. One day, seeing matters were being carried too far, General de Hesse, Commandant of the Palace, a man of un- impeachable integrity and devoted to the Emperor, determined to put an end to them. He summoned Monsieur Ratchkovsky, Chief of the State Police, (who had held the same position under Alexander III) and asked him to obtain details regarding the PRIXCK VOX m EI.OW NICHOLAS II 115 antecedents and personal history of "Philip." It was then proved that he was an ordinary petty crim- inal, having served a prison term in France. Gen- eral de Hesse hastened to report this to the Emperor and as a result " Philip" was expelled, but then, presumably to maintain his authority, the Emperor dismissed Eatchkovsky and General de Hesse fell into disgrace. It would have been comic if the end had not been tragic. After "Philip" there came many others and last of all as an anti-climax and fitting conclusion came Easputin. He was a peasant of Tobolsk, in Siberia. His real name was Novich and he had had a very stormy youth. Hence his name "Easputin" which means "libertine." He was reputed to have be- longed to the sect known as "Chlisty," well-known for its terribly depraved rites and customs. Sud- denly a change occurred in him and he abandoned his family and his home and went on pilgrimages to holy places— Moscow, Kieff, Mt. Athos and even Jerusalem. When he returned to Eussia he began to preach in the villages, his doctrine being the duty of personally inflicted self-punishment and of plac- ing oneself above all temptations. He had a very strange way of applying his doctrine. He used to collect some of his women disciples and — after hav- ing undressed them — undress himself and bathe with them. In the bath he would read passages of the Scriptures to them. When the police learned of 116 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT these rites, they forbade him holding any more of these "pious exercises" as he called them. Whilst travelling about Russia he met a monk by the name of Iliodor, who — quite unwittingly — was to become a personality in his sensational career. Iliodor had a certain reputation in Russia and had made himself known even at Court, by his anti-Revolutionary and pro-Czarist opinions during the elections for the sec- ond Duma. He was supported by a Prince of the Church, Bishop Hermoguen. Iliodor interested Ras- putin who had helped him and he presented Rasputin to the Bishop. The latter obtained an introduction for him to the Imperial Court. Madame Wirou- bova became an enthusiastic disciple of his, and he made a very deep impression on the Empress. I must admit that Rasputin was far from being a nonentity. Despite his manners of a Moujik (peas- ant), his filthy aspect, and his quasi-frankness, he was very clever, crafty and subtle. It is said that he had hypnotic powers. Professor Sirotinine, Physi- cian to the Imperial Court, assured me that Rasputin in his presence, had by a few manipulations stopped a hemorrhage of the Grand Duke Alexis (heir to the throne) and therein lay the origin of Rasputin's special favour at Court with the Emperor and Em- press. He had persuaded the Empress that, as long as he was an intimate in the palace, the young heir to the throne would be in no danger of ill-health or accidents. Fate seemed to lend truth to his state- NICHOLAS II 117 ment. One day Count Kokowtzoff — then President of the Council of Ministers — had at last persuaded the Emperor of the necessity of banishing Rasputin from the palace. Rasputin was thereupon ordered to leave Petrograd at once and to return to Tobolsk. The Empress was broken-hearted but, for a wonder — Nicholas stuck to his guns. Hardly had Rasputin gone when the Czarevitch slipped in his bath and was seriously ill in consequence, remaining lame from that day to this. There was a terrible family scene and Nicholas had to retract his orders. Rasputin was recalled. It is generally rumoured in Russia, as well as abroad, that intimate relations existed be- tween the Empress and Rasputin, but this is abso- lutely untrue. The Empress worshipped her son and looked upon Rasputin merely as his salvation. Furthermore she was attracted to this strange peasant by his seeming frankness — a virtue that she absolutely refused to recognize in any of the other members of her entourage. The Emperor never in- tervened again. He said: "I prefer one Rasputin to ten hysterical fits of my wife. ' ' I knew Rasputin personally and he certainly was a nefarious character. On two different occasions I had conversations alone with him. He spoke al- ways in the shortest way possible and his lynx-like eyes continually avoided looking straight into mine. He addressed me in the familiar peasant manner of ''thee" and "thou." "Yes, yes," said he to me, 118 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT "I know that thou wouldst like to know all my doings at Court. Many tales are told of the Empress and me. I know this. It is infamous. Yesterday I went to see her. The poor little thing; she too is in need of being able to speak frankly with some one. She suffers much. I console her. I talk to her of God, and of us peasants and she becomes calm. Ah! it is but yesterday she went to sleep on my shoulder." And, after a few moments silence, Rasputin began again: "I also saw Nicholas. I took tea with him yesterday. He gave me an excellent sweet and per- sonally filled my cup." Then winking leeringly at me, he added : l ' Admit that thou wouldst very much like to know what we talked about? It did not con- cern politics. He has enough of them, poor man, from talking of them always with the others." Rasputin was much interested to know if I would publish my conversation with him in the newspapers. He said to me : "I know journalists. They always write horrors about me. Thou must not." From my conversation with Rasputin, I received chiefly the impression that he was undoubtedly very cunning and exceedingly able, and far from being frank, outspoken and debonair as he wished to ap- pear. I was also struck with the fact that his power lay in the servility practised toward him by some of the high dignitaries, who fawned upon him in hopes of favour and to increase their influence at Court. Rasputin did not attempt to hide his con- NICHOLAS II 119 tempt for them all and treated them as dirt beneath his feet. He wrote petitions to the various minis- ters on small scraps of soiled paper, knowing full well that they bore the importance of Imperial or- ders and insisted upon having his shoes and stock- ings taken off and replaced by ladies of the highest Russian society in Petrograd. He had the reputa- tion of being venal. Personally I do not believe it. No one can prove that he ever accepted large sums of money; he contented himself with small gifts, such as silken shirts, and a few bottles of the best liquors, of which he was very fond, and jewels of no igreat value. I believe rather that the large sums supposed to have been received by him really went into the pockets of his friends. He led the most dis- solute life imaginable and was addicted to heavy drinking in company with women and girls of the streets and often spent whole nights in question- able restaurants listening to songs of the under- world, of which he was very fond. When he was drunk — which was very often — he was dangerously garrulous about the part he played at Court. One day in a restaurant in Moscow, he went even fur- ther than usual. General Djounkovsky, Governor of Moscow, therefore arrested him and made an official report to the Emperor himself of the reasons for his action. The only result was the disgrace of JDjounkovsky. Of course the Empress had learned of the report 120 RECOLLECTIONS OP A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT of the Governor of Moscow. It would have been thought that the Empress, rigidly severe as she was in all moral matters, would not only raise no objec- tions, but that on the contrary she would be the first to wish to get rid of Rasputin. That she did not is proof conclusive that only because of her firm con- viction that Rasputin was absolutely necessary to her son's life, was he enabled to keep his position at Court — no matter what he did. Rasputin's old protector — Bishop Hermoguen — having learned of his depraved ways of living, or- dered him to disappear from Petrograd and to go to a distant monastery there to expiate his sins. This advice of course did not please Rasputin, who replied to it by an intrigue against his old friend the Bishop, which resulted in his losing his see and re- tiring to a monastery which he did not leave until after the revolution. At the same time, Rasputin remembered the monk Iliodor and fearing he might expose him took care not to overlook him again. Iliodor found himself suddenly persecuted and finally unfrocked on a false charge. He left Russia and went to Sweden where he became a journalist. Rasputin became more powerful than ever and did not hesitate to continue his vile way of living, doing as he pleased openly. Several plans were made to get rid of him, the ministers even daring to speak of them to the Emperor. But all in vain. The luckiest of them made no impression whatever on the ob- NICHOLAS II 121 stinacy of the Emperor. The others not so lucky, paid for their daring with the loss of their public careers. Finally, one of the innumerable Ministers of the Interior during the last days of Nicholas II, M. Khvostoff, decided to rid Russia of Rasputin by violence. A regular plot was organized with the assistance of the ex-Monk Iliodor— but it fell through at the last moment. M. Beletzky, the Assistant- Minister of the Interior, gave the secret away, ifchvostoff fell and Rasputin's friends were backed by Beletzky, who became persona gratissima at Court. At last some of the Grand Dukes, mingling with all classes as they did, realized the grave danger of these abnormal conditions. They saw the abyss yawning at their feet. They, therefore, collec- tively addressed a signed letter to Nicholas, begging him to rid Russia of Rasputin. The answer of the Emperor was laconic : * * I absolutely forbid any and all concerned to interfere in my private affairs." The answer was followed by the exile of the Grand Duke Nicholas-Michaelovitch, who was sent to his estates and forbidden to leave them. It was then that the assassination of Rasputin was decided upon as a positive necessity. The following details of his "Execution" were given to me by one who took part in it : A few young people belonging to the most aristo- cratic circles of Petrograd, among them two mem- bers of the Imperial family, cousins of the Emperor, 122 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT the Grand Duke Dimitri and Duke Igor, met at the palace of Prince Yousoupoff. Easputin was invited to the party. When he received the invitation, he at first refused it and only accepted when the young Prince Yousoupoff personally went to get him in his private car. There was an excellent supper and the party was superficially most hilarious. Many of the guests not in the plot were dead drunk. Eas- putin, very drunk, began to dance as was his custom. At that moment the first shot was fired by the Prince Yousoupoff. Easputin, wounded, attempted to es- cape and, as he was a very powerful man, a terrific struggle took place. Finally he was struck down. There were eleven men in the plot and they all set upon the fallen man, repeatedly stabbing him wher- ever they could get knives or daggers into his face and body. The horribly slashed and irrecognizable body was covered with Easputin 's great cape, bundled into a motor car by three of the young men, and thrown into a canal outside Petrograd. The body was dragged out the next day. When the Em- press heard the news she went into hysterics; she burst into violent weeping, screaming wildly: "They have killed our only friend." Dressed as a Sister of Charity and accompanied by Mme. Wir- oubova — she visited one of the public hospitals of the city where all that was left of Easputin had been taken. She knelt beside the body and remained there a long time, praying. NICHOLAS II 123 The next morning the remains of ''the only friend" were removed to the Imperial residence of Tsarkoe-Seloe and buried in a plot of ground be- longing to Mnie. Wiroubova. A church was imme- diately ordered to be built on the spot with the altar placed exactly over Rasputin's grave. When the revolution broke out, however, the body was ex- humed and sent to Tobolsk, where it was buried very simply in the village where Rasputin was born. The Empress demanded that the assassins of Ras- putin should be punished in an exemplary way ; but, in view of the delicacy of the situation, the Emperor contented himself with sending Duke Dimitri to our army in Persia and Prince Yousoupoff — married to a Grand Duchess of Russia — he exiled to his estates, forbidding him to leave them. Thus Russia was finally freed from a highly dan- gerous personality. A curious detail was told me afterwards by one of Rasputin's intimates. Raspu- tin, it seems, had always foreseen a tragic death for himself and had said: "If I die it will mean the end of Czarism for ever." Rasputin's power had lasted more than six years and, during this time, nominations to the highest posts in the Empire were made through his influence. The Chief of the Diocese of Petrograd, Teterem, an adventurer pure and simple and a man of the most depraved morals, had attained the highest rank solely on account of Lis friendship with Rasputin. 124 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT A monk, by name of Varnava — a peasant without any education whatsoever — on the same account was made an archbishop. The Procurator of the Holy Synod, M. de Sabler, was Rasputin's Master of the Chamber. Count Kokowstzoff, having refused to ask favours of Rasputin and having been instru- mental in getting him exiled to Tobolsk, lost his posi- tion as President of the Council solely through an intrigue engineered by Rasputin. The nomination of Sturmer as premier was also Rasputin's work, as also was that of the infamous Protopopoff as Minis- ter of the Interior. The last named finally provoked the revolution. In domestic politics Rasputin always pretended to defend the rights of the peasant classes, but in his heart of hearts he was in sympathy with all violent and reactionary principles. In foreign politics — for Rasputin even had his dirty fingers in that pie — he was against the present war and worked for peace. As is obvious from the foregoing, Rasputin's tenure of power was solely due to the Empress. It was she who protected him, and who, for one reason or another, supported him against the wishes of the Russian people, taking advantage of the Emperor's characteristic weakness in this connection, as in all others. Count Osten-Sacken, therefore, was quite right when he called the Empress ' ' tiie Evil Fortune of NICHOLAS II 125 JSussia." She was the chief cause and author of the fall of the Romanoff dynasty. At the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II the Grand Dukes still had certain parts to play, being the Heads of Departments in some of the Adminis- trative Bureaux. But, after a terrible verbal at- tack in the Duma by M. Goutchkoff, who was the first Minister of War after the revolution, the Grand Dukes — although maintaining their positions for a short time, to all intents and purposes lost them. Two of them, nevertheless, played prominent parts up to the very last days of the reign of Nicholas II. These were the Grand Dukes Michael and Nicholas. The latter,— son of the Field Marshal of the Turk-, ish war, had worked hard in the Military Academy and had the reputation of being a first-class cavalry officer. Brutal, and a hard drinker, he was by no means a favourite with the troops when he com- manded the Imperial Guard in Petrograd. Never- theless, when the Great War broke out, public opin- ion selected him almost unanimously as Commander in Chief of the army and, notwithstanding his de- sire to put himself at its head, the Emperor agreed to the wishes of the people. Despite his past ; the Grand Duke soon became the idol of the masses. He had great force of character which pleased them, as they were weary of the feebleness and incessant indecision of the Emperor. His early triumphal march through Galicia added to his popularity. 126 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT The Emperor became jealous of him and after the great retreat of the Kussian army, dismissed the Grand Duke and took command himself. But the Grand Duke had not lost his popularity in the army, where it was perfectly well known that the ill-fortune of the Russian arms were not due to the Grand Duke, but to the treachery of the Minister of "War and his intrigues. The Grand Duke Nicholas is, perhaps, the only member of the ex-Imperial family — with the exception of the Grand Duke Michael — who has not entirely lost a certain popularity with the masses and the army. The Grand Duke Michael, only brother of the Emperor, morganatically married a divorced lady, Wolfins by name, whose husband was the Grand Duke's most intimate friend in his regiment. Grand Duke Michael carefully ignored all matters of state, but people who knew him well gave him a character of the utmost loyalty and integrity, dia- metrically opposed to that of his brother. During the Great War he commanded a Caucasian Division and it accomplished much. The dignified way in which he refused to accept the throne without the sanction of the people gained him their greatest respect. Nevertheless, it is doubtful even if a restoration took place — an extremely unlikely con- tingency — whether he could ascend the throne, as his morganatic marriage is a serious obstacle to his becoming Emperor. NICHOLAS II 127 The unpopularity of the other Grand Dukes with the nation is so notorious that their fate is sealed. It seems as if the Romanoff dynasty really ended in the person of Alexander III. CHAPTER VI FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II Relations with William II of Germany To review the foreign policy of Russia during the reign of Nicholas II it is necessary to begin with our relations with Germany. As has been explained already the death of Alex- ander III was a great relief to William II, Emperor of Germany. Feeling himself rid of this obstacle in his path, William hoped to revenge himself for imaginary humiliations in the past, and assume the role of protector and mentor to his successor. He relied upon the weakness of Nicholas II, but forgot the other characteristics of his flexible temperament. Moreover, the two Empresses having both come from small German Courts, were themselves in continual rivalry. The first interview of Nicholas and William, in 1896, at Breslau, was a complete farce. A few days before the meeting a photograph of the two monarchs was circulated in Germany, it was said, by order of Emperor William, which represented the German Sovereign as almost a head taller than the Russian — 128 FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 129 whereas they are about the same height. Nicholas was much displeased and an order was given the Russian Embassy to buy the negative and, if pos- sible, all prints in circulation. This was a bad be- ginning. At the military review at Breslau, Nicholas, following the usual custom, wore a Prus- sian uniform, with the Grand Cordon of the Prussian Black Eagle. William II naturally appeared in Prussian uniform, but did not wear the Grand Cordon of the Russian Order of St. Andrew; more- over, William continually spurred his horse so that Nicholas II might not by any chance get ahead of him. All these seemingly trivial details did not escape the Russian Emperor, and as a result the "raison d'etre" of the interview between the two Monarchs fell through completely. Nicholas went home feeling very bitter against his German neigh- bour and this sentiment was stimulated by the influ- ence of his mother and even of his wife who, though she was a German — had a pronounced personal antipathy for William II. A year after the meeting at Breslau, Nicholas went to Darmstadt and purposely went by a route which did not pass through Berlin. William, who had ex- pected another meeting to be held, this time in his capital, was furious. He complained bitterly of the matter to the Grand Duke Michael, great uncle of the Russian Emperor, who happened to be in Berlin at this time. William was even more explicit to the 130 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Count de Pahlen, Charge d 'Affaires during the ab- sence of Count Osten-Sacken. He spoke heatedly and angrily of his relations with the Kussian Sovereign, accusing him of rudeness in coming to Germany without paying his respects to him, and carried away by his anger, went so far as to say: "Nikky is becoming impossible! He smokes ciga- rettes, plays tennis all day at Darmstadt and calls that ruling his nation." Count Pahlen reported this verbatim to Count Muravieff, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, who had accompanied the Eussian Emperor to Darmstadt. He, in turn, told the Emperor. In consequence, Pahlen had to resign his post in disgrace, and rela- tions between the two Sovereigns grew still less cordial. The German Emperor realized he had gone too far. He promptly went to Darmstadt and radiated with amiability, not only toward the Emperor and Empress, but also towards the Count of Hesse whom heretofore he could not bear. On his part, Nicholas pretended complete igno- rance of all that had happened at Berlin and was most courteous and agreeable, but the bad feeling between the two Monarchs was only veneered and was certain to show itself again at the first oppor- tunity. In the autumn of 1898 Nicholas again visited Darmstadt, having followed the same itinerary as FOREIGN POLICY OP NICHOLAS II 131 before so as to avoid passing through Berlin. This time, the German Emperor insisted upon an official interview, and as Nicholas owed him a formal visit, he could not again avoid it. It was, therefore, de- cided that the Emperor and Empress should return to Petrograd via Potsdam near Berlin and stop over a few hours. This meeting turned out even worse than the previous one at Breslau. This time the greatest blame rested with Empress Alexandra. Two weeks before the meeting of the Sovereigns, Princess Golitzine, Grand Mistress of the Russian Court, wrote to Countess Osten-Sacken — the wife of the Eussian Ambassador in Berlin, asking if the German Court would wear mourning at the forth- coming meeting. The enquiry was somewhat strange. The Russian Court, as a matter of fact was in mourning for the Grand Duke George, — brother of the Emperor, — but, as he had been dead for ten months, the mourning worn was purely a family affair and therefore not at all obligatory on the Ger- man Court. The Countess Osten-Sacken however mentioned the matter to the Countess Brockdorf, Grand Mistress of the German Court. The answer returned was incisive: "To receive the Empress of Russia the German Empress will wear her hand- somest gown and also all her jewels." Countess Osten-Sacken received from Princess Golitzine a second letter shortly after stating that "The Empress Alexandra of Russia insists that the 132 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT ladies of the Russian Embassy wear full mourning at the forthcoming meeting." The Countess in her answer to this communication "permitted herself to call attention to the fact that an order of this kind was somewhat contrary to diplomatic usage, which, — in matters relating to official mourning — demanded that the customs of the Court to which the Em- bassy was accredited must be followed. ' ' The Ger- man Court had, it is true, ordered three weeks of official mourning after the Grand Duke's death but these had elapsed many months previously. Count- ess Osten-Sacken expressed the fear that a Russian Embassy in mourning would have a bad effect, but Empress Alexandra, stubborn as usual, would listen to no excuses or arguments. In yet a third letter Princess Golitzine issued the order of the Empress to the ladies of the Embassy that they be dressed — "not in mourning, but in black." However, decollete dresses and pearls were permitted as ornaments, as a concession. The gala dinner was a rare spectacle. The Em- press of Germany appeared in a flaring yellow dress with the gorgeous and famous ruby and diamond head dress of the Crown of Prussia. The Russian Empress, on the other hand, wore a severely plain, entirely black dress trimmed with crepe and having no relieving colour at all. As ornaments she wore a single string of pearls alone. The ladies of our FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 133 Embassy in their black dresses looked like splashes of ink in comparison with the dazzlingly brilliant costumes worn by the ladies in attendance on the German Empress. The dinner was a sombre affair. Ordinarily very loquacious and gay, Emperor William did not say one word, merely lifting his glass at the last in a silent toast to his Imperial guests. The departure of the Russian Emperor and Em- press was arranged for 10 p. m. that night and it poured with rain. According to custom the two Ambassadors preceded the Imperial Party to the station in order to receive them. To my great as- tonishment, the Empress Alexandra came to the sta- tion accompanied by Countess Brockdorff; the Em- press of Germany was brilliantly conspicuous by her absence. She had excused herself for not going to the station on the ground that the Prince Royal of Sweden was coming to see her that same evening and she had to change her dress ! The two Emperors fol- lowed later. I was standing near Count Osten- Sacken when Nicholas II approached, and in conse- quence, plainly overheard his conversation. He cer- tainly was by no means pleased, and did not attempt to hide or restrain his indignation. "What an im- pertinence ! ' ' said he to the Ambassador. ' ' The idea of allowing my wife to drive off with a Countess of God knows what ! Imagine making such an excuse 134 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT as the fact that she had to change her toilette. ' ' And he again repeated angrily: ''What an imperti- nence." It all seems very trivial, bnt it shows how trivial- ities affected the relations between the two sover- eigns, and in consequence it was but natural that the conversations which had taken place between Prince von Buelow, the German Chancellor, and Count Muravieff, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, could not make up for the increased lack of cordiality between the two Emperors. This state of affairs was destined to have disastrous results. His amour propre deeply wounded, Nicholas tried to annoy and hamper his German neighbour by every means in his power. Another seeming triviality is an excellent example of the character of the Monarchs. The German Emperor having appointed himself a Field Marshal of his army and belonging also to the Austro-Hungarian army, Emperor Franz Joseph sent an Archduke to present him with a baton as Field Marshal of the Austro-Hungarian army. As he was also attached likewise to the Russian armies with the rank of General it was natural that he should also be created Field Marshal of the Russian army — but the Russian Emperor only sent him, by the per- son of Prince Engalitcheff, Military Attache at Ber- lin, a pair of epaulettes with his rank inscribed thereon. The baton of Field Marshal was forgotten by the Russian Emperor! William was furious. FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 135 He hurried at once to our embassy and said to poor Count Osten-Sacken — who seemed ever fated to bear the blame of his master's caprices — " Monsieur l'Ambassadeur! Will you be so kind as to explain to me what rank I have in the Russian Army? I am a General with the epaulettes of Field Marshal with- out possessing the insignia of that rank." A few months after this Nicholas sent him the coveted baton, ornamented with especially magnifi- cent diamonds. But the gift did not remove the unpleasant impression left in the German Emperor's mind. Here is another instance : The Emperor William was Honorary Colonel of two Russian regiments, both of them infantry. More than once he had ex- pressed a desire to become colonel of a cavalry regiment, — especially of Hussars. Count Osten- Sacken as well as our Military Attache at Berlin — made this desire known to the proper authorities in Petrograd and shortly after Nicholas appointed the German Emperor Colonel in a cavalry regiment — but it was in a regiment that had figured largely in history in the taking of Berlin during the Seven Years ' War, when Prince Soltikoff, commanding the armies of the Empress Elizabeth, after having van- quished Frederick the Great at Kunersdorf, made his triumphal entry into the Prussian capital. This detail, small as it was, had a most unpleasant effect on the German Emperor, because he understood at 136 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT once that the Russian Emperor intended it is a sneering insult. On his side, Emperor William in his relations with the Russian Court, gradually adopted a special sys- tem of his very own. He not only redoubled his ami- able attentions towards the Russian Sovereigns, and named both the Emperor and Empress, Hon. Col- onels of the crack regiments of the Imperial Prussian Guards, but took his revenge in political fields. In these fields, provoked continually by the German Em- peror, and ceaselessly annoyed, the Russian Emperor gave way on almost every occasion to his arrogant neighbour. Russia lost heavily in these exchanges. "We followed an entirely erroneous and false line of reasoning where Germany was concerned. Provi- dence had dealt us magnificent cards to play in the great game against the German Empire which even then was in a continual state of antagonism to Eng- land. Realizing this and relying upon our alliance with France, we only had to exploit this unusually promising diplomatic situation and veer from one side to the other just as it suited us. We had only to follow the example of Prince Bismarck, who in his day had built his policies on Russo-English antagon- isms. But Nicholas' character, was not sufficiently determined to follow a consistent policy of any kind. In the first years of his reign he exasperated William II by continually attacking and slighting his amour propre, only later to make amends in the political FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 137 field by making him all sorts of ridiculous conces- sions at his slightest request. Acquiring the habit of seeing Nicholas always ready to give way to him in the fields of diplomacy, the Emperor William naturally believed he could go to any lengths. It is clear that our relations with Germany, under such conditions would eventually conclude with a rupture. A few of the Russian statesmen tried to stop Nicholas following such a fatal policy. Count Witte and Count Osten-Sacken both did their utmost. But their efforts were in vain. Count Witte fell into disgrace and the activities of Count Osten-Sacken were reduced to smoothing over as much as possible the mistakes which were the direct result of the per- sonal feeling between the two Emperors. If Count Witte had remained in power, it is more than prob- able that a rupture could have been avoided without any humiliation for Eussia. Germany might not have dared plan her coup so deliberately. One day after war had been declared Witte asked me : "Do you believe if I had remained at the head of the government and Count Osten-Sacken had been in Berlin that Germany w T ould have dared to en- courage Austria in her designs on Serbia?" Knowing the official mind of Berlin and the per- sonal ascendancy Witte undoubtedly held over the German Emperor, I could only answer in the nega- tive. Unfortunately Count Witte had lost his in- fluence at the Russian Court and the cabinet at 138 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT Petrograd continued its highly dangerous policy of continually giving way to Germany. In Count Witte's days of power we had successfully resisted the Bagdad railway project, which had been designed to open oriental ports to Germany. We had ob- tained a large financial representation for ourselves and France in this enterprise. When Witte fell into disgrace, and Count Osten-Sacken, ill and tired out, was only a shadow of his former great self, M. Sazonoff, Minister of Foreign Affairs, promised Ber- lin to link Teheran with Bagdad by a railway to be built by Russia at her own expense ! Nothing of the fear of Russia which had existed in Berlin in the davs of Alexander III remained. The German statesmen spoke of us in the most cynical terms. For instance, M. von Miquel — the famous revolu- tionary of 1848 and the none the less famous Minister of Finance in Prussia — said to me personally: — "I do not at all agree with my Emperor, on questions of our colonial policies. Our expansion along such lines needs a great commercial fleet and that, in turn, would necessitate our having a very large war fleet adequately to protect it. I have expressed my fears to the Emperor that our present colonial policy can very well get us into serious and grave complications with England. Why, I asked the Emperor, hunt for colonies across the seas when we have so fine a one as Russia at our very doors?" Such words prove how much ground we had lost FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 139 in Berlin in a few years of not only essentially bad but also weak policies and diplomacy. The exploita- tion of Russia by our near neighbour advanced with rapid strides. German factories absorbed most of the orders given for our military and naval neces- saries — to the great detriment of France our ally. When the slightest obstacle arose to Russian orders being placed in Germany, the Emperor William II hastened unofficially to Russia to attend to it. In other words, he then played the part of a commercial traveller seeking to dispose of his wares. On these flying trips to the Russian court he would arrive, laden with presents of toys for the Imperial chil- dren and compliments for every one. He would then obtain what he wanted from Nicholas and disappear as suddenly as he had come. At the same time, as our military and naval forces were rapidly growing from day to day, thanks to the enormous orders \ placed in Europe, and especially in Germany, Wil- liam began to seek means of paralysing our fast in- creasing powers. He found such means at last in 'the Far East. It has often been claimed in Ger- manophile circles in Russia that our war with Japan was due to the cunning of British diplomacy. This "v is a great calumny. Our war with Japan was due to the folly of a few of our statesmen and to adventur- ers, such as Bezobrazoff — who were grouped about them. But, if any foreign influence is to blame for the Russo-Japanese War, that influence, I do not 140 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT hesitate to say, was the German Emperor's first, last and all the time. He very cleverly flattered the amour propre and vanity of Nicholas II and urged Russian extension in the Far East. About a year before the beginning of hostilities, while William was visiting our ex-Sover- eign in the Gulf of Finland, he hoisted — on his de- parture — the signal: "The Admiral of the Atlantic salutes the Admiral of the Pacific." Our rupture with Japan throws a great deal of light on the policy and character of Nicholas II. When our relations with the Empire of the Rising Sun became strained, thanks to the exploitations of the forests along the Yalu River (by the clique of Bezobrazofr" — a new favourite of Nicholas), Prince Ito — a few months before the outbreak of the war — came to Petrograd. He was a strong advocate of an entente with Russia, but imposed certain conditions, especially in regard to Korea. He pleaded his cause in our official circles and found supporters in both Count Witte and Count Lamsdorff, who was then our Minister of Foreign Affairs. Prince Ito insisted principally upon the cessation of the activities of the Russian company which was exploiting the Yalu River districts. He stated that two policies were open to Japan : (1) That of an entente with Russia, and (2) That of an alliance with England. He added that he guaranteed an entente with FOREIGN POLICY OF NICIIOLAS II 141 Eussia on condition that Korean affairs between his country and ours were rearranged, as Japanese in- terests in Korea were being threatened by Bezobra- zoff and his clique. Despite the efforts of Witte and Lamsdorff the Bezobrazoff clique proved too strong. Prince Ito left Petrograd as no one would listen to him and went at once to London. Passing through Berlin he paid a special visit to Count Osten-Sacken and told him — evincing great emotion — of the non- results of his visit to Petrograd. As Prince Ito was to stay two days in Berlin, our Ambassador trans- mitted to Count Lamsdorff his conversation with the Jananese Statesman in the hope that the Imperial Government might, at the last moment, be prevented from making the fatal plunge. But Count Osten- Sacken 's telegram was never even answered! The Emperor refused to make up his mind. Bamboozled by the German Emperor he believed Japan would never dare fight Russia. Prince Ito, therefore, continued on his way to London, where the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was then and there concluded. When, finally, our relations with Japan passed from bad to worse, the German Emperor made a great point — and in great haste — of warning our Ambassador in Berlin that — although he would main- tain his neutrality in case of a Russo-Japanese war, Russia could absolutely rely upon the friendly sup- port in every way of Germany ! The Emperor said 142 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT among other things, "I constitute myself herewith your Guardian of the West." It is said that Count Witte asked at the time: " Against whom will he guard us on the West?" When finally war was de- clared the German Emperor, as a matter of fact, did not cease from overwhelming us with his attentions ; his actions even had a bad effect in Tokyo. At the same time, presumably following the adage A of making hay while the sun shone, the German Em- peror affirmed through his diplomatic representative _ at Petrograd, that it was thanks to his personal ef- forts Austria-Hungary had not profited by the op- portunity created by our Far Eastern complications. The German Emperor had his plans carefully laid and made us pay heavily for his more than academic support, by a commercial treaty which was dis- astrous to us, so that, through this war, our indus- tries were at the mercy of the German factories, our fleet was destroyed and our military forces paralysed for many years to come. Such was the German Emperor's game — and it must be admitted, he played it well. Later, the German Emperor made great use of the situation thus created in his Moroccan policy towards France, of which I shall speak fully later on. After the conclusion of our war with Japan, seri- ous troubles — as is well known — burst out in Russia. Out of these the Emperor William made capital so as again to have a close understanding with Nicholas. FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 143 He even offered the use of the German fleet in case the revolution in Russia assumed dangerous propor- tions, and went so far as to offer a German battle- ship to Nicholas, in case he should wish to leave Russia. Personally speaking, this idea of a German alliance with Russia was nothing new to me. When I was Secretary at our Embassy in Berlin, despite the chilly relations which existed between the two Mon- archs, the Emperor William had the idea firmly fixed in his mind and was convinced of its value. This is proven by the following incident : — One day the Emperor William arrived at our Em- bassy in a great state of excitement. He had again been wounded in his amour propre by Nicholas. He complained of the Russian Emperor, talking rapidly and loudly, as was usual with him under such cir- cumstances, and getting more and more mixed up in the things he said. He finished by making threats against Russia. Accustomed, however, to similar outbreaks, Count Osten-Sacken remained perfectly calm and did not reply. When William came to the end of his tirade, completely out of breath, he shouted : — 1 'Well, have you nothing to say?" And Count Osten-Sacken answered: "Absolutely nothing, Sire. All that you have said you cannot do and you know it as well as I do." "But, Osten-Sacken," snapped the Emperor, 144 KECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT 1 ' You forget that I have my Alliance. ' ' (Referring to his alliance with Austria-Hungary and Italy.) "Well, what about your Alliance," returned Osten- Sacken, smiling, "Do you really know, Sire, of what your Alliance consists? It is an alliance of a force with a weakness and an inconsequential thing." Startled by this retort, William paced up and down the room several times without answering, then ap- proaching Osten-Sacken suddenly he went very close to him and said : "Very well, do you want an alliance of two Powers?" Naturally he meant Russia and Germany and— also naturally— knowing full well that the interests of his ally, Austria-Hungary, were opposed to those of Russia, he was ready to sacrifice Austria-Hungary then and there. In his inner consciousness he was convinced that England, far more than France, was his greatest enemy with whom he might one day have to reckon. It is to this conviction of the German Emperor that one must look for the reasons, — with the excep- tion of economic interests, — for his efforts to ob- tain a very close alliance with Russia. Our rap- prochement with England had been a staggering blow to him. Iswolsky, who was responsible for that rapprochement, was ever after William's de- tested ' ' bote noire. ' ' But he still hesitated— despite the Anglo-Russian Entente— to show himsell franki} FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 145 hostile towards Russia. I am very sure that with cleverness Nicholas ought to have beaten William at his own game, but to do this the Russian Sovereign would have had to change his character entirely. Our foreign policies were made and changed from day to day without any definite programme, and our statesmen— chosen by Nicholas — for this work, were none of them equal to the great delicacy of the situa- tion and the magnitude of their duties. The same stupid procedure existed in all the other government departments in Russia. The gravest questions were answered in the morning, and these answers changed again by night. After the Russo-Japanese War, Russia was face to face with the problem of rebuilding her destroyed fleet. It was evident that it was especially import- ant to do this quickly. A man named Zacharoff — Graeco-Russian by birth, a French subject, very rich and the representative of the great English firm of Vickers Maxim in France, — conceived a project for the rapid rebuilding of the Russian fleet. This con- sisted in syndicating all our naval work in France and England, who would thus be responsible for the building of a considerable war fleet for Russia in a space of from five to eight years. The Anglo-French banks indicated on their part that they would furnish the necessary moneys at four and one-half per cent., which was to be repaid in fifty years. Monsieur Loubet, ex-President of France, was nominated as 146 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT President of this dual syndicate. Through the in- termediation of M. Goremikine, Zacharoff presented his project to Emperor Nicholas. The latter ac- cepted it in principle, warmly thanked Zacharoff and conferred a high Decoration upon him. It was decided that on his next visit — then soon to occur — to France, the Emperor Nicholas would meet Loubet and arrange the final details of the combina- tion. Owing to the susceptibilities of President Fallieres, Loubet did not have an audience with Nicholas while he was at Compiegne on the occasion of his visit. A promise was, however, given to Loubet that he would be received by the Russian Em- peror at Cowes, where Nicholas was going after his visit to France. But, probably because of the in- trigues going on all this time in Petrograd among those who wished to see the new fleet built in Russia, in order to keep the vast amount of money thus ex- pended in the country, Nicholas changed his mind as usual — and the interview with Loubet at Cowes never took place. All the plans made by Zacharoff were thrown aside and went for nothing. During the whole reign of Nicholas, minister suc- ceeded minister to posts of responsibility with be- wildering rapidity. The Russian Emperor had nine Ministers of Foreign Affairs during his reign and fifteen, or more, Ministers of the Interior. In the latter part of his reign especially, the Ministerial portfolios had become veritable political "killing" FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 147 places. Ministers were placed in power for no rea- son known to any one and dismissed in the same manner. For instance, Monsieur de Sturmer, who had never known of or had anything to do with the foreign policies of Russia, was suddenly made Min- ister of Foreign Affairs, only to be dismissed a few months later. There were in the Ministry of the Interior men like Maklakoff (not to be confused with the Ambassador appointed to Paris, January, 1918) who was ap- pointed solely because his manners had pleased the Emperor while the latter was travelling with him and who remained several years in office, much against public opinion and the open hostility of the Duma, because he amused the Emperor's children and made the Empress laugh! In the nominations of ministers their own politi- cal ideas played no part whatsoever ! Unfortunately it must be confessed that the greater number of Nicholas' ministers were " Arrivistes," that is to say, men who thought only of gaining a public career and to whom a consistent policy meant nothing at all. Their sole idea was to follow the caprices of their master's mind. Under the circumstances, it was perhaps natural. The relationship between the Court and the Duma, or Parliament, left much to be desired. The fa- mous Constitutional Manifesto of October, 1905, which had instituted the Duma, was grudgingly made 148 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT by the Emperor; extorted from him, indeed almost forced from him by Count Witte at the time of the first outbreak of the first revolutionary movement. For this he never forgave Count Witte. From that time Nicholas continually nagged at the clauses of this Manifesto. When the Duma opposed him in any way, it was dismissed at once and with extraordinary facility. Before the dissolution of the first Duma, the situation had been carefully thought over before any steps were taken. Later, however, and especially during the present war, to dissolve the Duma was mere child's play. Finally, there was nothing at all left of the famous Manifesto! The only article of the Constitution which remained in force was No. 84, which gave all customs duties to the Crown in case of dissensions with the Duma, or during its holidays ; and enabled the Crown to govern the Empire under what was known as the twelve provisions. Advantage was taken of this article 84, which chiefly concerned the budget, to govern the nation autocratically. Besides the influence over Nicholas II held by the Empress Alexandra which degenerated into omnipo- tency during the last twelve years of his reign, the Russian Emperor was inclined to listen to the advice of the Courts of Darmstadt and Coburg, and, at the beginning of his reign, to that of Denmark. The influences of these three Courts played an important part in our relations with Germany. FOREIGN POLICY OF NICHOLAS II 149 Nicholas II was very affectionate in his relations with his relatives at Darmstadt and Coburg. These relatives cordially detested the Emperor of Ger- many, who returned their sentiments in kind and re- garded them with doubt and suspicion. The repre- sentatives of these two Courts amused themselves by underlining and emphasizing the ridiculous sides of William's character. These petty tricks were not unwelcome to Nicholas II, whose own character was flexible and unstable and who himself greatly enjoyed teasing and annoying others. His influence had ceased at the Danish Court on the death of his grandmother Queen Louise. This old sovereign, the "Mother of Kings" as she was always known, had a very powerful personality and charac- ter and cordially detested Germany and its ruler in every fibre of her being. She never forgave Prussia for despoiling Denmark of Schleswig-Holstein in 18C4-. "William knew this, but could do nothing to remedy it. When he learned of the death of the old Queen, he came to our Embassy in Berlin and said to Count Osten-Sacken : — "Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, I extend my most profound condolences." Then he added: — "Now that I have fulfilled my official dutv, you surely do not expect me to cry about it, do you ? ' ' To sum up : When he came to the throne of Rus- sia, Nicholas II had all the gifts necessary to become a great Sovereign. His weak character, his lacka- daisical manner of attending to affairs, combined 150 EECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT with the disastrous influence of the Empress Alex- andra had as their direct and fatal result the fall of the Romanoff dynasty and led to the state of anarchy in which Russia afterwards wallowed. CHAPTER VII THE ARRIVISTES Russian Diplomats and the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire During the Reign of Nicholas II During the twenty years of his reign, Nicholas II ap- pointed the following Foreign Ministers: — 1. Monsieur de Giers 1894-1895 2. Prince Lobanoff p, fowsky 1895-1897 4& 3. Count Muravieff 1897-1901