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ENGLAND AND FRANCE
IN THE
15TH CENTURY.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
ENGLAND and FRANCE
IN THE
FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
The Contemporary French Tract entitled " The
Debate between the Heralds of France and
England/' presumed to have been written
by Charles, Duke of Orleans :
TRANSLATED FOR THE FIRST TIME INTO ENGLISH j
WITH AN
INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AN INQUIRY INTO THE AUTHORSHIP, ETC.
BY HENRY PYNE.
LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1870.
j^I/ rig/its reserved.
c , < , c c
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D^7
PREFACE.
N ORDER to avoid embarrassing
with details the translation which
follows, such foot-notes only are in-
serted as will suffice to explain the text, and to
point out the few errors of fact which occur in
it. Inasmuch, however, as the text is sug-
gestive, and occasionally raises a question as to
the truth of a prevalent opinion, some further
notes are added by way of appendix, for the pur-
pose of illustrating the subjects which have ap-
peared worthy of attention. Yet even here con-
ciseness has been attended to ; and a reader,
instead of finding full information, will some-
times be referred to other works in which it is
Ml888Jei
VI Preface,
afforded. In the notes mention is also made of
some peculiarities in the translation. The typo-
graphical errors of the original French tract are
very numerous, though most of them are only of
slight importance, and leave no doubt as to the
meaning intended. The points, therefore, alone
are noticed which seemed to be of consequence,
or vs^ith respect to w^hich an historical student
might probably w^ish to exercise his ow^n judg-
ment. ' The additional notes are followed by
an Inquiry into the Authorship of the '* Debate
betw^een the Heralds '^ here translated. In this
Inquiry the '' Debate" itself has been made to
render up the name of its author, since there is
no external evidence upon the question ; and
hence this portion of the work naturally comes
after the former. There is further added a Con-
clusion, containing a few remarks on the political
subjects suggested rather than discussed in the
" Debate," from a point of view embracing a
wider range than could be enjoyed by the French
author who lived amidst the events which he
has described.
Preface,
Vll
For the information necessary to explain the
technical passage relating to liturgical ornaments
in page z^, I am indebted to the kindness of the
Very Reverend Canon Rock, to whom I have
much pleasure in acknowledging my obligations.
CONTENTS.
PACE
V
Preface . . . .
Introduction xi
The Debate between the Heralds of
France and England Translated
INTO English 3
Additional Notes to the Debate . .92
Inquiry into the Authorship of the
Debate 125
Conclusion 185
Introduction,
I. The copy of the French tract entitled '* The
Debate between the Heralds of France and
England," * from which the following translation
has been made, is in the library of the British
Museum. Brunet, who describes the edition,
is of opinion that it was published about the
year 1500 ; my own researches lead to the same
conclusion, and no other edition is known. That
the work was written by Charles, Duke of
Orleans, and finished between the years 1458
and 1 46 1, I shall here assume to have been
proved by internal evidence. f More than forty
years previously,;}; a debate between the repre-
sentatives of England and France, regarding the
* Le Debat des heraulx d'armes de France et d^Engleterre.
f Sec An Inquiry into the Jut hor ship of the Debate, infra ^ p. 125.
X A.D. 1416,
xii Introduction.
importance of their respective kingdoms, had
sprung up at the Council of Constance, upon the
occasion of a dispute whether England should
form a distinct nation in the Council. It seems
not improbable that this circumstance may have
suggested to Charles of Orleans the idea of
composing in its actual form the work now
translated.
There is also some reason for believing that
the appearance in print of the French ''Debate
between the Heralds " may have led to the subse-
quent publication of the Debate at the Council
of Constance, which Sir Robert Wingfield, the
English ambassador from Henry VIII. to the
Emperor Maximilian, first caused to be printed
at Louvain, in 15 17.* He does not, indeed,
allude to the previously published French work,
but he states in a preface, that having to at-
tend the Emperor at Constance, he was shown
the palace in which the Council had been held ;
and that, having obtained permission to inspect
the records of its proceedings, he found amongst
* This Debate was first published iinder the title of No bills sima
Disceptatio super dignitate et magnitudine Regnorum Britannice et
Gallice, habita ab utriusque Oratoribus et Legatis in Concilio Con-
stantinensi ; and it will also be found inserted in the Jesuit Labbe's edition
of the Councils ; in the Appendix to the Latin edition of Beccatelli's Life
of Cardinal Pole, Lond. 1 69 1 ; and in Von der Hardt's Collections. All
four editions of the Debate are very inaccurate, though the last of them
is the best.
Introduction, xiii
them the Debate in question, and was so much
pleased with it, that he determined to have it
published at his expense.
With the exception of Sir Robert Wingfield's
publication, we have met with nothing from which
it can be inferred that the French ^' Debate be-
tween the Heralds" excited any attention in Eng-
land until the reign of Edward VI., when a formal
reply to it appeared under the following title : —
'' The Debate betwene the Heraldes of Englande
and Fraunce, compyled by lohn Coke, Clarke of
the Kynges recognysaunce, or vulgerly called
Clarke of the Statutes of the Staple at West-
mynster, and fynyshed the yere of our Lorde
1550-"*
The author thus accounts for the origin of his
work : —
I lohn Coke, Clarke of the recognizaunce of our soueraigne
lord the Kyng, or vulgarly called Clarke of the statutes of the
Staple of Westmynster, one day in Bruxelles in Brabant, beynge
then secretary to the ryght worshypfull and famous company of
marchauntes aduenturers of the nacion of Englande, in a
prynter's shop chaunsed to fynde a lyttel pamphlet in Frenche,
called the Debate of Heraldes of England and Fraunce, wherein
was contayned the comodities in effect of both the sayd realmes,
with the victorious actes and prowesses of sondry noble prynces
domyniyng in tymes past ouerthe sayd regyons, whiche after I
had perused, perceyuynge the Frenche Heralde wholy (without
* See Dibdin's Typogr. Jntiq.j iv., p. 238 ; and his Bibliomaniay
P- 13-
xiv Introduction.
desert) to gyue the honours to Fraunce, and in all thynges dif-
famyng this most noble realme and people of England ; per-
ceyuyng further the sayde boke to be compyled of harty malyce,
nothyng ensuyng the true Cronycles of the one realme nor the
other : Therfore to the ende that the trueth myght appere to
the readers hereof I haue made this small
treatyse folowynge, humbly desyryng the readers hereof, that
suche defaultes which therin shalbe founde, they woll gently
correct, excusyng my ygnoraunce beynge not lytell, and to haue
for agreable this present laboure and worke of the sayde lohn
Coke, whiche perauenture wylled more than he myght ; as sayth
Properce, In magnis voluisse sat est.
After this comparatively temperate intro-
duction, we might expect to find something like
moderation in the pages which follow it, but the
perusal of them will prove disappointing. Coke
imitates the style of his contemporaries Bale and
Ponet, and reviles alike the French nation, the
Pope, and the Church of Rome ; but possessing
neither learning nor discrimination, much of
what he writes is trivial and unsatisfactory. He
tells us scarcely anything of the recent condition
of his country, or of what was going on around
him ; and, indeed, it would not be easy to point
out a publication, claiming to be original, and
treating of English life and manners more than
three hundred years ago, which is so uninterest-
ing.
In a controversy for superiority between Eng-
land and France, a French author of the fifteenth
Introduction, xv
century would naturally be partial to his own
country ; but we are not compelled to have
recourse to an obscure writer, like John Coke,
for a reply to the case brought forward by Charles
of Orleans, since about the time when the Prince
was finishing his work, there was a distinguished
English exile residing in France, who has left
upon record the result of his experience regard-
ing the condition of the two kingdoms. This
was Sir John Fortescue, whohad previously been
Chief Justice of England, and who, it is not im-
probable, may have been personally acquainted
with the author of the French ^"Debate."* A con-
siderable part of his treatise entitled *' The Differ-
ence between an Absolute and a Limited Mon-
archy,"-}- consists of a comparison between the free
institutions of England and the arbitrary Govern-
ment of France ; and the consequences which he
deduces from this opposition of policy, it may
be readily imagined, are not in favour of the
latter kingdom. In the same author's more
* Fortescue was a statesman as well as a lawyer, and we can trace
him at Paris in 1463 or earlier {Arch^olog. Jour. vii. 171). He had
also been a resident in Berry, which is close to Blois, where Charles of
Orleans held his Court, though the date of his residence there is
uncertain {De laudibus legum Anglia, c. 27). But he may likewise
have known the Duke of Orleans in England.
f This treatise was published by the author's descendant. Sir John
Fortescue- Aland, in 17 14 and 1719 : and it is remarkable that of the
two biographers of Fortescue, Lord Campbell and Mr. Foss, neither
xvi Introductimi.
famous work in commendation of the laws of
England, he has treated of the difference between
the kingdoms from another point of view ;* and
on these two productions taken together, the case
of England may safely be left to rest. Indeed,
at the present day, the points of discussion raised
by the author of the ^* Debate " here translated
are almost removed from the domain of contro-
versy, since the ancient bitterness of national
feeling f has so far subsided, that each country is
willing to admit the peculiar excellencies of the
other.
With regard to the French '^ Debate " itself,
it forms the earliest work which I have met
with in my researches amongst the foreign tracts,
relating to English affairs, published during the
era of the Tudors. The commencement of
modern history, after the close of the middle
has noticed its existence, although the^ work had been commented upon
and quoted by our best historians since the time of Hume.
* De laudibusy &c, chaps. 29 and 35.
f This feeling, though very strong in ancient times, was in some
degree mitigated by the institution of chivalry. In the Imperial
Library at Paris, there is a contemporary French tract giving an account
of Henry VIII. 's last invasion of France, in 1543; but the incident
which occupies the chief part of that little volume consists of a tourney,
held '* for the honour of the ladies," between six English and six French
cavaliers, selected from the opposing forces. The tract presents in a
pleasing light the courtesy which the contending parties, in spite of the
war, mutually observed in their intercourse with each other. The
Chronicle of Calais, printed for the Camden Society (p. 213), also
slightly notices this tourney.
Introduction, xvii
ages, and the origin of printing were contem-
poraneous. Linked together as the European
States then were by the one faith of Christendom,
it is not unreasonable to suppose that each would
like to know something of the others ; and that
beyond the accounts which existed only in manu
script, a brief description of passing events in
foreign kingdoms would, from the earliest pe-
riod, occasionally find its way to the press. But
amidst the disturbances and neglect of the last
four hundred years, many of the oldest publi-
cations of this class have perished, while, with re-
spect to those which remain, it seldom happens
that more than one or two copies of each can be
recovered. I formerly thought of publishing in
English a selection of the best of these tracts,
which might fall under my notice, and which, as
a class, have been overlooked alike by historians
and bibliographers,* I found, however, upon
* These tracts having been published as well as written, shortly after
the events to which they relate, sometimes serve to point out the origin
of popular errors in history. Thus an obscure French tract published
at Arras in 1520, and of which only a single copy is known to
exist, enabled me some time ago to detect the fact that Henry VIII.*s
famous motto, Cui adh^ereo pr^eest, is a forgery, and to show that
the whole story respecting this motto was fabricated by Paulus Jovius
{Notes and Queries, 3rd series, ii. 262). The old popular notion that
there were fifty- two thousand parish churches in England, constitutes
the groundwork of the libel by Simon Fish, called The Supplication of
Beggars, which gave such an impulse to the Reformation in England ;
and there can be but little doubt that it was derived by him from the
xviii Introduction,
taking the matter in hand, that there was a great
difference between making, for my own amuse-
ment, a rough translation, in which all the diffi-
culties are slurred over, and ascertaining the
meaning of every passage which had been dis-
figured by the typographical errors so common
in these ephemeral publications ; and I became
apprehensive, that if I attempted to multiply
indefinitely the time expended upon the pre-
sent little work, by including with it others of
a similar kind, I might end by doing nothing
at all with the subject. If .some of my readers
should be of opinion that this latter course would
have been the most prudent of all, I would ob-
serve, that having taken some pains to discover
the author of the present tract, I could not make
my discovery available without translating and
publishing the tract itself. If it be admitted
that the authorship of it belongs to Charles,
Duke of Orleans, then this fact gives to the
anonymous ''Debate between the Heralds" an his-
torical importance which it would not otherwise
edition of the Debate at Constance, published by Sir Robert Wingfield
in 1 5 17, and previously mentioned at p. xii. I suspect that the error
arose out of the substitution of the numeral letter L, instead of X, in
some early manuscript of that work. Again, a passage in the present
Debate between the Heralds^ which is referred to subsequently, goes^jar
to discredit the widely-spread tradition of Henry V.'s declaration, that
he would die rather than be taken prisoner at Agincourt. Inf^^^ note
20, p. 103.
Introduction,
XIX
possess, since he was one of the most accom-
plished princes, as well as the most elegant poet
of his age. But these advantages are slight
compared with the special knowledge which he
possessed beyond every other of his country-
men, seeing that he resided as an exile in Eng-
land during a quarter of a century, and thus
enjoyed opportunities of becoming intimately
acquainted with both kingdoms. Still the pre-
sent work is intended not so much as a contri-
bution to history, as to point attention to a class
of materials for English history which has been
neglected. The '^ Debate " itself, however, pos-
sesses two distinct claims to notice. In the first
place, it throws fresh light on the social, political,
and economical condition of England and France
during what is still a very obscure period in our
own domestic annals. Its second claim is of a
different kind. The most prominent writers of
the history of the contest between the two king-
doms in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
are Froissard and Monstrelet. In France, under
the reign of Louis XIV., it became the fashion
to decry these authors ; it being alleged that as
the former of them was a pensioner of England,
and the latter belonged to the Burgundian party,
both of them unfairly favoured the English, and
were untrustworthy. The tradition of partiality
XX Introduction,
thus raised influenced even our own historians
during the last century. Now, the present "' De-
bate between the Heralds" tends to support the
authority of the two early historians, since the
admissions made in it, by a witness adverse to
England, are of the highest moment. From
these it will be seen that, after the territorial
struggle with France was over, the shadow of the
mighty name of her rival still rested over the
land from which the English had been expelled
for ever.*
* Machiavelli, in his Remarks on the State of France, written about
half a century later, notices the dread which the people in the north
of France even then entertained of the English; although, as he justly
observes, there was no longer the same reason for it which there had
been formerly.
THE
DEBATE BETWEEN THE HERALDS
OF
FRANCE AND ENGLAND,
The Debate between the Heralds
of France and England.
S Prudence was one day diverting
herself in a garden, she fell into the
company of two heralds, one of whom
was the herald of France, and the
other of England. So Prudence thought she
would ask them a question, in order to find
out whether they were learned and skilful in
their office ; and she began to discourse with
them in the following manner : —
'^ Fair sirs," said Prudence, ^' you hold a goodly
office, and one which all noblemen ought to
love and esteem, since, by means of your reports
and information, kings, ladies, princes, and other
great lords form their judgment of worldly hon-
ours ; whether in arms, as in assaults, battles,
and sieges, or in jousts and tournaments in high
B 2
4 England and France In the i^th Century,
and stately festivities, and in funeral solemnities.
And all things performed on occasions of great
magnificence, and relating to honours, ought to
be proclaimed and published by you in divers
kingdoms and countries, so as to incite many
princes and noble knights to undertake great
exploits, whereby they may attain to lasting
fame and renovs^n. You are also bound to
declare the truth in matters of arms, and to
dispense honours to those who are entitled to
them. With a view, therefore, to pass the time
agreeably, as I now see you somewhat at leisure,
I will propose to you a question.
'^ You may," said Prudence, '' have often seen
in pictures and tapestries the figure of Honour,
admirably represented in great magnificence, and
clothed in royal attire, sitting on a rich throne
adorned with fine cloth of gold, and having
divers crowns on her head, in one hand a globe,
and in the other the sword of Honour. On
one side are placed the likenesses of Alexander,
Julius Cassar, Judas Maccabeus, David, Charle-
magne, Roland, Oliver, and other famous knights,
and on the other side are the likenesses of the
noble Hector of Troy, King Arthur, Godfrey of
Bouillon, and others, representing the persons of
the valiant knights who have lived in former days,
and on account of whose valour the romances
Heralds of France and England,
and chronicles have been made.* All these per-
sons aspire to advance themselves In the presence
of Honour, who is thus seated in great magnifi-
cence, as I have before mentioned. Therefore, I
ask you a question, w^hich is one of general con-
cern : What Christian kingdom is most w^orthy
to be advanced to honour ?"f
The herald of England suddenly rose up and
exclaimed : — *^ I say. Lady Prudence, that it is the
kingdom of England ; and that you ought to
advance England to honour in preference to
every other Christian kingdom, and that there
* Roland is an historical personage, but both he and Oliver are best
known as heroes of Romance, who accompanied Charlemagne in his
Spanish expedition, and perished at Roncesvalles, where the overthrow
of the French host was said to have been brought about by the traitor
Ganelon. The eight other personages here mentioned, together with
Joshua, the Jewish leader, formed the famous company known as the
Nine Worthies ; and their names will be easily remembered if it be
observed that they comprise three Heathen, three Jews, and three
Christians. Our ancient poet Gower thus refers to them in a ballad
addressed to Henry the Fourth :
See Alexander, Hector and Julius,
See Machabeus, David and Josue,
See Chvleymayne, Godfray and Arthus.
Their exploits are recorded in a once-popular French work, bearing the
title of The Triumph of the Nine Worthies, This book was evidently
a favourite one with the author of the Debate, since he several times
refers to it in the following pages, and has adopted from it the idea of
introducing his own work by personifying Lady Prudence, in imitation
of the former, which commences by the personification of Lady Tri-
umph. (See Additional Note i, p. 92.)
f See Additional Note 2, p. 92.
6 England atid France in the igtb Century,
is no other to be compared to her. This I will
prove to you in three ways — by her pleasures, her
valour, and her riches.
^^ With respect to pleasures, Lady Prudence,
you must know that there are three things
which are the source of great and exquisite plea-
sure in England — fair ladies, fair chases, and fair
sport.
" Concerning fair ladies, I have on my side the
proverb,
Qui veult belle dame acquerre,
Preigne visage d'Engleterre.*
And believe me. Lady Prudence, they are the
most angelic and lovely faces which it is possible
to imagine.
^' With regard to fair chases, the kingdom of
England is well provided and adorned with them,
for it is a fine thing to see what a great number
of parks there are, wonderfully full of venison —
as of stags, roes, and deer ; so that when the
ladies go out to divert themselves,^ they draw
* There was probably an English equivalent in rhyme for this proverb,
but we cannot venture to think that we have recovered it. However,
in 1550, John Coke published in English The Debate between the
Heralds of England and France, which is an answer to the French De-
bate here translated, and in our own copy of Coke's work there appears,
in a handwriting coeval with the book itself, the following couplet :
He that a fayre Ladye will seke to haue.
Let him beholde the face of Englande braue.
t See Additional Note 3, p. 93.
Heralds of France and Efigland,
their bows and kill these animals, which is a
very exquisite pleasure.
'^ Concerning sport, or, in other words, the
pastime of hawking, there can be no comparison ;
for England is a level country, well cultivated,
and not covered with trees or bushes, which
might hinder the game from being easily found
and caught ; and it has also many partridges,
quails, and other birds, as well as hares in great
abundance. And with regard to the sport of
fowling, no one can imagine a more beautiful
country ; for there are many little streams which
flow into the great rivers, where it is a fine thing,
during the season, to see what a profusion there
is of wild fowl.*
^' Therefore, I say. Lady Prudence, because
the kingdom of England is so agreeable and de-
lightful in regard to the pleasures which I have
mentioned, you certainly ought to advance that
kingdom to honour; for honour well becomes
beauty and pleasures, which are things befitting
a great nobleman."
* See Additional Note 4, p. 93.
8 England and France in the i^th Century.
THE HERALD OF FRANCE.
The herald of France rose up, and with great
respect and humility requested Prudence that she
would be pleased to give him audience, which
she freely granted. He then addressed the herald
of England in the following manner : —
^* Sir Herald, I wonder what has moved you to
speak so forwardly and, as it appears to me, in so
proud and uncourteous a manner, since you have
begun your discourse without paying any token
of respect to Prudence. I also wonder that you
should not have invited me to speak, seeing that
I am the herald of the greatest of Christian
kings,* and who, wherever he may be, takes the
right hand in preference to all other kings. I
think you have given but little consideration to
this matter, as by-and-bye I shall show you.
However, I will answer all the articles which
you have at present proposed.
'' Most high and excellent princess. Lady
Prudence, the Cardinal Virtue, I see the herald
of England, who attempts to solve the question
proposed, and he says he will show that, on ac-
count of pleasures, of valour, and of riches, you
ought to advance England to honour before every
* See Additional Note 5, p. 94.
Heralds of France and "England,
other Christian kingdom, and that no other king-
dom is to be compared to her ; and he has already
spoken of the pleasures in England. To prevent,
therefore, the assertions of that herald and my
arguments and proofs from being too far apart,
and to make the matter more intelligible, I am
willing to answer him with respect to pleasure,
on which he has now spoken. He shall after-
wards speak of valour and riches, and I will
answer him, to the best of my ability, on each
subject in succession.
*^ Sir Herald, you attempt to show Lady Pru-
dence that she ought to advance the kingdom of
England to honour before any other Christian
kingdom, and you say that you will show this by
reason of the great pleasures, valour, and riches
which are in the kingdom of England.
'' I say, Lady Prudence, that the English are
great boasters, despising every other nation than
their own; and they readily begin wars* which
they do not know how to finish. They are like-
wise so presumptuous that they think their king-
dom is of greater valour and dignity than any
other Christian kingdom. And in the discussion
of this matter you will be fully able to compre-
hend whether I tell you the truth.
* See Additional Note 6, p. 95.
lo England and France In the i^th Century,
'^ You maintain, Sir Herald, that you have
three exquisite pleasures in England — fair ladies,
fair chases, and fair sport ; and you say.
Qui veult belle dame acquerre,
Preigne visage d'Engleterre.
I answer you, that if there are beautiful ladies in
England,* so also there are in France, and very
charming. And trust me. Sir Herald, this is a
most important matter ; and referring it to Paris,
the son of Priam, to decide upon the beauty of
the ladies, I will say no more. And with this I
take my leave of the subject.
" To what you say, that you have fair chases,
and such a wonderful number of parks, all of
them full of venison, I answer that to catch an
animal in a park is no chase. I say that it is a
chase when a wild animal, in a state of nature,
is at full liberty to run through woods and forests,
and a man by his diligence, with the help of dogs
and hounds, forcibly overcomes him. Then are
seen the excellence of the dogs, the courage of
the hounds, and the perseverance of the man.
This, 1 say, is a real chase, and I call Count
Phoebus to witness.^ But to catch animals in a
* This sentence is in the original, *' Je vous respons q en une dame en
engleterre aussi ail en France et de bie getes ; " and as the text appears to
be corrupt, our translation is little better than conjectural.
f This Count Phcebus is Gaston Phoebus, Count de Foix, whose
name will be familiar to the readers of Froissard. He was gne of the
Heralds of France and England, i i
park is not a chase, since they are caught because
they are in the park. It is no wonder, then, if
the ladies of England kill them with their bows,
since the poor animals must, of necessity, come
where they are wanted, and they can only move
backwards and forwards within their parks, so
that this ought not to be called a chase. It
may be a certain sort of pastime, but it is no
chase.
'' Sir Herald, you do a fine thing in boasting
of the parks in England.* Tell me, I pray,
whether you have any parks of such great mag-
nificence as the Bois de Vincennes,f the park of
Lusignan, J the park of Hesdin,§ and many others
earliest French writers on Hunting and Falconry, and his work has
been several times printed.
* See Additional Note 7, p. 96.
f The Bois de Vincennes, near Paris, was enclosed with walls by
Philip Augustus in 1 183.
X The Park at Lusignan, together with the castle built there in the
thirteenth century, belonged to the family of that name, which was re-
markable in history as enjoying the titular sovereignty of Jerusalem and
Cyprus during three centuries. Lusignan is in the department of
Vienne, not far from Poictiers.
§ Eustace Deschamps, the French patriotic poet of the fourteenth
century, lays the scene of one of his most spirited poems, " Between
Beaurain and the Park at Hesdin." {Poesies, p. ji.) The English,
during the wars under Edward III., had burned down the house, and
laid waste the little property belonging to the poet, and he denounces
them with a vehemence which is very natural. The park at Hesdin
must have belonged to the castle there, which Edward III. failed to
take after the battle of Cressy. Mr. Kirk, in his History of Charles the
Bold, Duke of Burgundy, gives an ample description of this castle, which
belonged to his hero. Sir John Paston also, writing to his brother from
i^ 'England and France in the i ^th Century,
that are to be found in France, which are all
called walled parks, being enclosed by high walls,
like enclosed towns ? These are parks for kings
and princes. It is true that you have a great
number of parks in England ; but with the ex-
ception of Windsor park, they are enclosed only
by a narrow ditch, a hedge, or palings, like the
vineyards and pasture-grounds of France ; and,
indeed, they are merely village parks, so that
there was no occasion for making such great boast
about them.
'' I say. Sir Herald, that we have not only all
the wild animals which you have, as stags, roes,
and deer, but we have many other animals for the
chase besides these ; for we have wild boars, or
wild black swine, and we have also wolves and
foxes, while you have none.* And you must know
that these are bloodthirsty animals, so that it
requires persons of great courage to overcome
them. Thus it appears from what I have men-
tioned that we have fairer and pleasanter chases
than you have, since we have all that you possess,
and much more.
Calais in 1477 (Paston Letters, YLmg\[.t\ ed., ii. 113), speaks of the
castle of Hesdin as then being *'one of the royallest castles of the
world." The present town of Hesdin, in the department of Pas-de-
Calais, is built at some distance from the ancient town, which was
destroyed in 1553.
* See Additional Note 8, p. 97.
Heralds of France and England. 1 3
" Sir Herald, you boast of the fair sport which
you have, whether the game be birds or hares.
And we also have more ; for we have great red-
legged or Grecian partridges,* and we have like-
wise pheasants f in great abundance, while you
have none, and, believe me, these are delicious
birds, fit for the palate of kings and princes.
We have also goshawks and tercelets, J which are
bred in the kingdom of France, and are neces-
sary for the sport and pastime of hawking ; but
you have none, except such as may be brought
to you from foreign kingdoms. Therefore, with
respect neither to the pleasure of the chase nor
of sport do you at all approach the kingdom of
France.
" Now proceed to say what you please con-
cerning valour, and I will answer it all to the best
of my ability."
* See Additional Note 9, p. 97.
f See Additional Note lo, p. 98.
X See Additional Note 1 1, p. 98.
14 England and France in the i^th Century,
THE HERALD OF ENGLAND SPEAKS OF
VALOUR.
'' Lady Prudence, I say, that for valour, you
ought to advance the kingdom of England to
honour before all other Christian kingdoms.
This I will prove to you by the valiant deeds
done in times past, as well as in the middle
times said to be within the memory of man, and
also at the present time.
Of 'Times Past,
" Lady Prudence, you know that the Emperor
Constantine sprang from this noble kingdom of
England, and that the Romans sent even into
England to seek for him ; and he reigned in
great honour and authority as universal emperor.
Maximian,* who was so worthy a knight, and
who conquered the Gauls and the Lombards,
was a native of the kingdom of England. So
also was King Arthur,f who was personally so
valiant and so great a conqueror that by reason
of his great exploits he is in the number of the
* The Emperor Constantine the Great, and the Emperor Maximus,
whom the chronicles call Maximian, were long regarded as English
worthies. It is now generally admitted that neither of them was born
in Britain.
f See Additional Note 12, p. 99.
Heralds of Fr mice and "England. i^
Nine Worthies. He also in his time accom-
plished a work of the highest honour, in making
the Round Table, at which were assembled those
valiant knights who performed so many noble
actions that the romances of them even now are
all over the world, and the memory of them will
be everlasting. Thus, it appears, that in times
past the men of valour have come from England,
and that no kingdom can or ought to be com-
pared to England, which ought to be advanced
to honour before every other.
Of the Middle ^imes,
" We will now speak of the middle times,
said to be within the memory of man. It is
very certain that France, which was anciently
called Gaul, is one of the most powerful nations
of Christendom. Let us look then at the battles
which the English have gained over the French
within the memory of man : the great battle of
Cressy, which was won by the English ; the
battle of Poictiers, in which King John of France
was taken prisoner and afterwards carried into
England by the English ; and, within recent me-
mory, the great and famous battle of Agincourt,
in which there perished so many of the nobility,
and so many of the great lords of the royal
1 6 England and France in the i ^th Century,
blood of France were taken prisoners ; the battle
of Verneuil,* and many others, all of which were
won by the English.
" Therefore I say. Lady Prudence, that a king-
dom producing such valiant warriors ought to be
esteemed ; and since they have been thus victo-
rious over the most powerful nation of Christen-
dom, they ought to be highly esteemed and
advanced to honour.
Of the Present TUme,
" Let us now speak of the present time. The
kingdom of England is not so extensive as the
kingdom of France ; and yet the English are at
war with the King of France, the King of Spain,
the King of Denmark, and the King of Scotland,
which latter country is within the same island as
England ; and thus they are at war with four
* Verneuil, on the frontiers of Normandy, is in the department of
the Eure. The battle fought there in 1424 closes the list of great
victories won in France by the English under the princes of the Plan-
tagenet family. John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, commanded
the English on that occasion, and the army opposed to him was com-
posed of French arid Scots^n about equal proportion, and not greatly
superior in number tb^-his'own. The battle was obstinately contested,
and cost the English sixteen hundred men, but their victory was com-
plete. An excellent description of this battle is given by Wavrin du
Forestel, who was present at it in the retinue of the Earl of Salisbury.
{^Anchiennes Cronicques d^Engleterre, i. 262.)
Heralds of France and England, 1 7
kings.* They are also at deadly war with the
Irish ; and, in sailing from England to Ireland,
the opposite coasts arc almost visible from each
other. Yet, nevertheless. Lady Prudence, they
find the means of carrying on all these wars, and
there is no other kingdom than England which
could support such a burden. f Hence may very
plainly be seen the power of the kingdom of
England and the great valour of the English, who
are able to encounter so many kings.
" Besides, they are more richly and amply pro-
vided at sea with fine and powerful ships than
any other nation of Christendom, so that they
are kings of the sea, since none can resist them ;
and they who are strongest on the sea may call
themselves kings.
" Thus, for the reasons mentioned. Lady Pru-
dence, it is plain, that in regard alike to past
times, to the middle times, and to the present,
your question is solved, and that you ought to
advance the kingdom of England to honour."
* During the latter years of the reign of Henry VI., within which
period the text was written, the relations of England with foreign
Powers were in a very satisfactory condition, and the four wars re-
ferred to were of long standing. It appears from the Fcedera, however,
that a truce for four years with Scotland was concluded in July 1459,
and after the accession of Edward IV. treaties of peace were made with
France, Denmark, and Spain.
t See Additional Note 13, p. 99.
J 8 England and France tn the i ^th Century,
THE HERALD OF FRANCE ANSWERS
WITH RESPECT TO VALOUR.
^^ Sir Herald, you say that the Emperor Con-
stantine, the valiant knight Maximian, and the
mighty and valiant King Arthur^ w^ho all per-
formed such w^onderful exploits in their time,
w^ere natives of the kingdom of England, and
that on this account England ought to be held
in perpetual honour.
" To this I answer, that it is necessary, in the
first place, to consider from vs^hence these noble
knights mentioned by you came and were de-
rived. Believe me. Lady Prudence, if it be your
pleasure to be informed, they were descendants
of the great nobility of Troy ; and after the de-
struction of Troy, a valiant Trojan knight, named
jEneas, accompanied by many noblemen, came to
the country of Rome, and from him afterwards
descended a knight, called Brutus. This Brutus
landed with a strong force in the island of Albion,
which is at present called England, and fought
with many giants who were in that island, and
in the end he conquered the island, destroyed
the giants, and peopled the country with his own
followers. He likewise willed and ordained, be-
cause his name was Brutus, that the island should
Heralds of France and Enf^Iand. 19
be called Britain, instead of Albion. And what
the herald of England has spoken of applies to
this Brutus and his race.
"" Now, Lady Prudence, let us see from whence
the English are sprung, and why the island for-
merly called Britain is now called England.
You will find, if you please to enquire, that they
came from the land, of Saxony, which is a
country in Germany. It is very true that, in
consequence of divisions which broke out amongst
the Britons, the Saxons were invited to come
over and make war in Britain ; and they carried
on very great wars there. Afterwards they re-
solved, by certain subtle means, and with the aid
of a man called Gormond, to set up pretensions
that the kingdom of England belonged to them,
which the Britons resisted for a very long time.
This Gormond was the son of a king, but did
not choose to succeed to the kingdom, for he said
that no one was worthy to have a kingdom who
was not able to conquer it ; so he went away
triumphing through the world, and came to the
aid of the Saxons, and by his means they de-
stroyed the Britons and drove them out of their
country. Gormond afterwards passed over into
Gaul, and gave his conquest to the Saxons. And
because there was a Saxon named Inglus, who
had begun the war in times past, before the
zo 'England and France In the i^th Century.
arrival of Gormond, all the Saxons agreed that
the island which was called Britain should take
the name of Inglus, and be called England. In
this way it took its name ; and thus these things
are related in the book called 'The Brut.'* And
* The Brut is a poem written in French by Robert Wace, an Anglo-
Norman poet of the twelfth century, and it is chiefly founded upon the
pretended British history composed by Geoffrey of Monmouth. This
history commences with the arrival in Britain of Brutus, the great-
grandson of ^neas, and ends in the year A.D. 688, with the death of
Cadwallader, and the settlement of the Saxons in England. As Geoffrey
of Monmouth lived in the twelfth century, or about five hundred years
after the latest of the events described, he professes to have translated
his work, which is Latin, from an ancient chronicle in the British lan-
guage. The great fact which is opposed to its authenticity is, that the
whole performance is pervaded from first to last by ideas which could
only have come into existence after the establishment of the feudal
system in Europe ; and it presupposes throughout the fully-developed
action of that system upon events, which, if they ever happened at all,
must have taken place many centuries before feudalism was known. In
spite of this, however, Geoffrey has composed his narrative with won-
derful skill, to have imposed upon the credulity of his own age and the
ages which succeeded him, so that during several centuries his fictions
formed the basis of the popular histories of England. Shakespeare also
is indebted to the same source of fiction, and found there the original of
King Lear and his daughters. The author, who was Bishop of St,
Asaph, seems to have written his work for the purpose of extolling the
ancient British, who in his time were settled in Wales, Cornwall, and
Armorica. There is not a word in his book, unsupported by other
authority, which can be relied upon as truth ; although, as a presumed
veracious history, which our forefathers, and the French as well, believed
in during several centuries, it is by no means to be despised, since it has
powerfully influenced the English race. Even Sir John Fortescue,
Chief Justice of England, who was a contemporary of the author of the
Debate, refers to Brutus as an historical character {Abs. and Lim,
Monarchy, p. 12).
The original French version of Wace's Brut was published at Rouen
in 1836-8. Sir F. Madden has since published Layamon's semi-Saxon
paraphrase of the same poem, together with an English translation.
Heralds of France and England. 2 1
the Saxons did this honour to Inglus a long time
after his death.
" Now let us see, Lady Prudence, how greatly
the herald of England is mistaken and unfaithful
in his office ; for he would fain cover and adorn
himself with another man's robe, and would
attribute the honour of the before-mentioned
knights, who were of the nation of Britain, to
the nation of Saxony, which is at present called
England. A greater reproach or dishonour can-
not be charged against a knight than that of
attributing to himself the honour and valour due
to another. And you have already said. Lady
Prudence, that we heralds ought to dispense
honours to those who are entitled to them.
'^ Therefore, Sir Herald, do not bring forward
the exploits of those knights, for you have no
right to proclaim or mention the valiant and
honourable deeds which they performed in their
time, and which ought to be ascribed to the
honour of the nation of Britain, from whence
they sprung, and not to the renown of the
English.
" But tell me, Sir Herald, and inform Lady
Prudence, of the great exploits and wars of mag-
nificence which the English, otherwise called the
Saxons, have engaged in since the succession to
the island of Britain devolved upon the race of
%2 England and Fra?ice In the i^th Ceyitury.
the Saxons, by way of donation from the before-
mentioned Gormond. For my part, T have neither
known nor read that they have ever made war,
except among themselves (which the Romans
call civil war), or against their neighbours ; and
in these respects they have abundant experience.
And they readily begin wars which they do not
know how to finish, as I shall hereafter show. It
is true, indeed, that a king of England, called
Richard, Duke of Normandy, in discharge of the
feudal obligation belonging to his fief of Nor-
mandy, accompanied King Philip of France in
his expedition against the Saracens, but he did
not remain with him long ;* nor is the matter of
* This is literally true, although in a contrary sense to what the
author intended to convey to his readers. Richard the Lion-hearted
did not remain long with the King of France, because the latter aban-
doned the army of the crusaders. Joinville, the friend of St. Louis, and
whose authority on this mattter is unimpeachable, says : *' After Acre
was taken. King Philip returned to France, for which he was much
blamed. King Richard remained behind in the Holy Land, where he
performed such high exploits, that the Saracens were in great dread of
him ; as it appears, in the Book of the Holy Land, that when the
Saracen children cried, the women, in order to keep them still, called
to them and said, *Be quiet; here is King Richard coming' ; and the
Saracens and Bedouins, when their horses started at a bush, said to their
horses, * Do you think you see King Richard ?' " (c. 17). As the author
has chosen to raise the question in the text, we may here mention
another circumstance related by Joinville. Richard, as he marched for-
ward with the English, in the confident expectation of capturing Jeru-
salem, was called by one of his soldiers to view from an eminence the
city, which then first appeared in sight, at the moment when he had
received intelligence that the French, who ought to have followed him,
were turning back. The King thereupon drew his banner before his
Heralds of France and England, ^3
much consequence, since the case is not one that
has often happened.
"You must know, Sir Herald, that I make a
great distinction between common war and war
of great magnificence. For I say that common
war is either domestic, or against neighbours
and kinsmen ; and war of magnificence is when
•princes proceed at the head of their feudal vas-
sals to make conquest* in distant and foreign
countries, or to fight for the defence or extension
of the Catholic faith.
'' I shall now, therefore, Lady Prudence, under
your good correction, speak of the valour of
France in times past. Clovis, king of France,
was the first Christian king, which I account a
great honour.f And one day, when he was fight-
ing against the Saracens, his shield, charged with
the fleurs-de-lis, w^as brought to him from heaven,
and he won the battle. The sacred ampulla, J
face, in order to intercept the view, and bursting into tears, he exclaimed,
** Ah, Lord God ! let me not, I beseech th:e, behold thy holy city,
since I cannot deliver it out of the power of thine enemies " (c. io8).
Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall (ch. 59), refers to these statements by
Joinville, and gives a summary of Richard's exploits.
* See Additional Note 14, p. 100.
f See Additional Note 15, p. 100.
X The ampulla was the phial containing the holy oil with which the
kings of France were anointed at their coronation. It was broken to
pieces and destroyed in 1793 by the revolutionists at Rheims. The
English Church, in the fifteenth century, not wishing to be outdone, pro-
duced at the coronation of Henry IV. their ampulla also, an account of
V
24 England and France in the i^tb Century,
from which the kings of France are anointed, was
sent to St. Remi by an angel from heayen, and
is preserved in the abbey of St. Remi at Rheims.
The sacred banner of the Oriflamme* was also
sent to Clovas from heaven. Because God showed
him so much honour, we, who are in this world
and mortal men, are surely bound to pay honour
to him, and to all his posterity and race. Charles
Martel, king of France, defeated the Saracens
near Poictiers, and gained over them a great
battle, in which they numbered 385,000 com-
batants.f The same king, Charles, afterwards
marched into Languedoc, to raise the siege which
the Saracens were carrying on before the city of
Caxcassonne, and he gained the battle, and over-
which will be found in the old chronicles, in Sir John Hayward's Life
and Reign of King Henry IF. and also in Rapin's History of England.
Juvenal des Ursins, Archbishop of Rheims, the historian of the reign
of Charles VI., and who would naturally be interested in the more
ancient relic, describes Henry's coronation, but does not venture to say
that the English ampulla was a counterfeit, though it is not very difficult
to discover that he thought so.
* The Oriflamme was the famous banner of France, the ground of
which was red, strewed over with flames of gold. It was, in fact, the
ancient banner of the abbey of St. Denis, and did not belong to the
kings of France until towards the end of the eleventh century. The
oriflamme was displayed for the last time at the battle of Agincourt in
1415-
f This exaggerated estimate is derived from the chroniclers, and may
be partly accounted for by the fleetness of the Arab cavalry, whose fre-
quent and rapid incursions would have the efi^ect of apparently multi-
plying their numbers.
Heralds of France and "England, 25
came three Saracen kings, and killed and took
prisoner a marvellous number of the infidels.
^'The Pope was driven out of Rome, and lost the
patrimony of the Church. Pepin, king of France,
came to his assistance, and brought him back to
Rome, placed him in his see, and made King
Astolfo tributary to him. The son of Pepin was
Charlemagne, who was so noble a king, and
performed such great acts of valour, especially
against the Saracens ; and he brought over all the
Spains to the Catholic faith, and conquered many
lordships, both in Germany and Lombardy. He
likewise restored at another time Pope Adrian to
his see, and overthrew King Desiderius of Lom-
bardy, the enemy of the Pope and of the Romans.
Also he recovered all the patrimony of the Church,
and restored it to the Pope, and gave him what
belonged to himself; as Master Brunet, a Latin
writer, relates in his work called the ' Treasure of
Sapience.' Indeed, it is said in the book called the
^ Dream of the Orchard,'* that the kings of France
have nine times restored the Pope to his see of
* The books here referred to existed only in manuscript at the time
when the present tract was written. Brunet, the Bibliographer, records
two printed editions of the Italian translation of the Treasure of Sapience
{Tresor de Sapience), which work he says was first written in French
in the thirteenth century (i. 222). The Dream of the Orchard {he
Songe du Fergier) was written in the fourteenth century, and there are
several printed editions of the work (Brunet, iii 247.) Charles de
Louviers is stated to be the author. See Additional Note 16, p. 100.
26 England and France in the ^ ^th Century.
Rome. The same Charlemagne was afterwards
emperor, and you yourselves in England were
subject to him ;* and for his great acts of valour
* This assertion and the subsequent one which the author makes, that
Charlemagne conquered England, are not to be altogether disregarded.
The subjection of England to Charlemagne, and subsequently to the
Empire of Germany, it need scarcely be added, never had any founda-
tion in fact; but there was at the commencement of the fifteenth cen-
tury a vague tradition on the subject sufficient to exonerate the French
herald from the charge of inventing the statement in the text. We do
not now allude so much to the shadowy supremacy of the German
Empire over all Christian kingdoms, derived from the ancient Roman
Empire, as to the special circumstances relating to England. The tra-
dition that Charlemagne conquered England does not appear to have
arisen until long after his decease, since it is not alluded to by Eginhard,
in Turpin's Chronicle, or in the narrative of the Emperor's exploits
contained in the Triumph of the Nine Worthies. It probably arose
from the use of the equivocal word Britannia, which might mean either
Great Britain, or the province of Brittany in France. Several instances
where a mistake might have occurred, and originated the tradition, will
be found in Dom Bouquet's Collection of the old Historians of France.
Thus, for instance, under the year 799, and therefore during the reign
of Charlemagne, it is stated (vol. v. p. 130, e.) " Itaque Britannia
[i. e. Brittany] tunc primum Francis subjugata est." This is sufficient
to show that the French herald might fairly have been mistaken.
Roger de Hoveden expressly says (^(?r. Anglic ar. Scriptores, p. 724)
that Richard the Lion-hearted, before he was suffered to quit Germany
in 1 193, did homage for the kingdom of England to the Emperor Henry
IV., and the memory of this circumstance may possibly have given rise
to the strange incident which occurred in 141 6. In that year the
Emperor Sigismund, with a train of one thousand persons, visited Eng-
C^w 1 land, and just as he was on the point of landing at Dovor, the Duke of
j \\ ■ Gloucester, accompanied by several English noblemen, rushed into the
water with their drawn swords, and accosting the Emperor, informed
him that if he challenged any sovereign power in England, they would
oppose his entry into the kingdom. The Emperor graciously satisfied
their minds upon this point, and was then welcomed with acclamation.
This incident shows that, although the Emperor's authority in England
would not have been allowed, there was a suspicion that it might
have been claimed.
Heralds of France and Kngland. 2,y
he is placed in the number of the Nine Worthies.
Roland and Oliver,* who performed so many-
valiant and memorable actions against the Sara-
cens, were Frenchmen. Godfrey of Bouillon,f
who conquered Jerusalem, and is one of the Nine
Worthies, was a native of France, and Count of
Boulogne-sur-mer. These are what I call wars
of great magnificence and honour, and which
well deserve to be related, and to form the subject
of chronicles ; and they are not wars compelled
by necessity. I pass lightly over the common
wars which the French have made against the
Germans and their other neighbours, and which
it would be tedious to relate ; since in the
romances and chronicles there are wonderful ac-
counts of them, and such common wars are not
to be mentioned or chronicled with wars of mag-
nificence. J
"' If in times past. Sir Herald, your kings of
England have made wars of magnificence, you
would do well to give an account of them, in
order that you may receive an answer. Never-
theless, I warn you, for your chronicles do not
mention that either you or your predecessors have
* See note, supra y p. 5.
f Godfrey of Bouillon, the principal hero of the first crusade, and
of the celebrated poem of Tasso, the Jerusalem Delivered.
X See Additional Note 17, p. loi.
^8 England and France in the i^th Century.
ever made a war of magnificence by sea or
land.
^^ From what I have already said, you may see,
Lvady Prudence, that the kings of France have
always been perfect in the law without swerving
from it, and that they have extended Christianity
and defended the rights of holy Church. There-
fore, the Saracens, and also all the other infidels,
say that the King of France is the great king of
the Christians, and no other can be so called.
And now I address my speech to the herald of
England.
" You know. Sir Herald, it was not long ago
that for your misdoings you wore the maniple,
otherwise called the gonfanon, sewn behind the
left shoulder in the middle of the alb, with a
difference from other Christians. Perhaps during
the last schism which was in holy Church, you
pestered so much the anti-Pope,* whom you had
faith in, that he granted you a dispensation, and
ordained for the future that the maniple should
not be put in albs to be afterwards made, but
that it should remain in those already made until
they were worn out. I say this because I, who
am speaking, have been in England ; and in the
* Whenever there was a schism in the Church, the English and the
French always took opposite sides, and hence each nation called the
Pope obeyed by the other the anti-Pope.
Heralds of France and England, 2g
ancient abbeys, where the vestments of holy
Church are honourably preserved, I have seen
the maniple behind, in the form and manner
which I have described, and as it has been from
all antiquity. Therefore, Sir Herald, do not
think that by reason of any dispensation which
you may have had from your Pope, the disgrace
can be blotted out ; for it is written in so many
books and chronicles, that the matter cannot be
hid, and however much you may think to efface
it by means of such a dispensation, and cause it
to be forgotten, it is a shame and reproach to
you.*
* The Very Rev. Canon Rock, to whom the editor is indebted for
the explanation of this passage, states that the word maniple in the text
(orig. le manipulurri) ought to have been apparel', and that the author,
by wrongly substituting the one word for the other, proves himself to
have been a layman. Canon Rock adds : —
'* The fact is this; in olden times, all albs in England had six apparels
sewed to them — one on each cuff; one before; one behind, below;
one on the shoulder, one on the breast. The one on the shoulder had
a form to make it two-tongued as it were, in token that this island had
been twice brought to the faith — once under the Britons, once under
the Anglo-Saxons ; and this two-tongued apparel was an English singu-
larity in liturgical ornaments, and as such noticeable to strangers. To
teaze Englishmen foreigners argued — to be twice converted showed that
once at least England must have fallen away from the truth, and become
heretic. This the English denied ; and no doubt the Frenchman in the
dialogue [in the text], to be smart upon the Englishman at the time,
twitted him with his supposed national defection from the Church.
"John of Ypres, abbot of St. Bertin, who died A.D. 1383, speaks of
this English apparel on the alb " {Novus Thesaurus Anecdotum^ t. iii. p.
450, ed. Martene).
Canon Rock further refers to his own Church of our Fathers, t. i.
pp. 430, 448, for an explanation of the subject.
30 England and France in the i^th Century.
" King John of England greatly persecuted
and outraged holy Church, insomuch that the
Pope excommunicated him, and put the whole
kingdom of England under a general interdict ;
and the King was so obstinate and disobedient that
he would not repent or humble himself to the
Pope, until the latter declared him unworthy of
the crown, and gave his kingdom for a conquest
to the then reigning King of France. Your King,
seeing that the King of France was resolved to
bring him to reason, sent to the Pope, and threw
himself and his whole kingdom upon the Pope's
mercy ; and the Pope sent thither his legate,
called Pandulph, to whom, as representing the
person of the Pope, King John made such great
and abject submission that, from respect for the
royal dignity, I am ashamed to declare it.* Con-
sult your chronicles upon this point, and you will
think worse of yourself. Mention might also be
made, if it were necessary, of Pope Agnes, who
deceived the Church, and who is commonly re-
ported to have been a native of England; but I
have never met with the fact in history.^
* See Additional Note i8, p. 102.
f The existence of this fabulous Pope, called Agnes, or Joan, was
commonly believed in the fifteenth century. The testimony of various
authors on the subject is collected in Bayle's Historical Dictionary.
The subject has also been recently treated by Mr. Baring-Gould, in his
Curious Myths of the Middle Ages,
Heralds of France and 'England, 3 1
"' The King of France may call himself a free
king, for he does not hold the temporalities of
his kingdom under any superior. Therefore, he
may be represented as carrying in his left hand
a globe denoting his kingdom, and in his right
hand a sword to defend the same. But you hold
by compact of the See of Rome, and are tribu-
tary to it in the yearly sum of a thousand silver
marks ; and this does not include the Peter pence,
which is a penny sterling for every hearth and a
rent of base tenure ; as these things appear by
the testimony of your chronicles, in the chapter
of the reign of King John.* What I relate, Sir
Herald, is not spoken to affront or provoke you,
but 1 say it in order to remind you of what is
* Dodd, in his Church History of England^ says, the Peter pence
*' was an annual tax or gift first bestowed upon the See of Rome by Ina,
King of the West Saxons, about 720, and so continued under the mon-
archies of the Saxons, Danes and Normans till 1532; that it was refused
by King Henry VIIL upon his breach with the Holy See. It was
granted at first for the subsisting of the English that travelled to Rome,
where a college or house of entertainment with lands, &c., was built for
that purpose, and continued as a perpetual remembrance of the English
nation for the many favours received from Rome, especially of their
conversion from idolatry "(i. 385). It would appear, however, that
the payment of Peter pence was liable to be suspended, since Caxton
states, under the year 1364, "This year was ordained that Peter pence
from thenceforth should not be paid, which of old time was granted for
continuing of school in Rome " (see the last book of " Polychronicon "
reprinted by Mr. Blaydes in his Life and Typography of Caxton),
The tax was finally abolished by the "Act concerning Peter pence and
Dispensations," passed in 1533. There never was any pretence for
affirming that the Peter pence was a rent of base tenure, or implied a
submission derogatory to the sovereignty of England.
32 England and France In the \^th Century,
contained In your chronicles, and that you may
not be so outrageous in your assertions ; for you
have said that no one is to be compared to you.
This is language which it is more becoming to
leave unsaid than to utter. And, thank God,
the French have never wavered in the faith,
and there is no blemish in their practice, and
they are neither tributary nor accountable to
anyone.
'^ Hence, Lady Prudence, it appears very
plainly that the herald of England says nothing
which should induce you to advance the king-
dom of England to honour on account of the
deeds done in times past, but you ought to decide
in my favour for the honour of France ; and be-
cause he would attribute to the nation of Saxony,
at present called England, the honour due to
others, you ought to give judgment against him,
to his great dishonour and reproach.
Of the 'Times within the Memory of Man,
" Now, let us speak of the middle times, which
are said to be within the memory of man, and I
will answer the arguments alleged by the herald
of England. He says that France, which was
anciently called Gaul, is one of the most power-
ful nations of Christendom ; and in this respect
Heralds of France and England, 2)?>
he speaks the truth. Then he says that the
English have gained many battles against the
French, and are therefore to be greatly esteemed ;
and he names these battles, and is vain-glorious
about them, and very anxious to cast reproach
upon France. To this I answ^er, Lady Prudence,
that God orders and disposes of battles, punishes
kings for their sins, makes them lose battles,
and sends them famines and persecutions ; be-
cause, says Boetius, ' If anyone uses power badly,
power afterwards uses him worse, even by God's
permission.'* Also God sometimes punishes the
people for disobedience to their king. In this
world, however. Sir Herald, it is no reproach to
a king if he lose a battle. On the contrary, it
is greatly to his honour to have fought it out
resolutely. I mean, when he stands fast, and is
either killed or taken prisoner; but if he abandon
his people, he ought to be visited with reproach.
Hannibal the Carthaginian gained three or four
great battles against the Romans, insomuch that
he came to the gates of Rome ; yet the Romans
took courage, notwithstanding the loss of these
battles, and sent to Carthage Scipio Africanus,
who made war so vigorously that Hannibal was
obliged to return to Carthage, and he was killed
* See Additional Note 19, p. 102.
D
34 England and France in the ic^th Century,
in battle,* and Carthage was destroyed by the
Romans. Thus they fully revenged themselves
for the battles which they had lost, and which
were regarded as redounding to their honour, and
not to their reproach. The valiant prince Julius
Caesar, who is in the number of the Worthies,
upon his landing in Britain, which is at present
called England, was twice defeated, as the ^Brut'f
relates ; but in the third instance he overcame
the Britons, and brought them under subjection
to Rome. If the loss of a battle were a re-
proach, Julius Caesar would not have been placed
in the number of the Worthies. The valiant
knight Duguesclin, Constable of France, lost the
battle of Auray,J and also the battle of Naxera,
in Spain, and yet he performed so many valiant
exploits against you and others that he is placed
by France in the number of the Worthies. § If
* There is no authority for this statement that Hannibal was killed
in battle, as he is believed to have perished by his own hand in Bithynia.
f See Note, supra^ p. 20.
X The battle of Auray, near Vannes in Brittany, was fought in 1364,
and that of Naxera, in Spain, in 1367. Both battles were won by the
English, and in each of them, by a singular coincidence, the celebrated
Constable was taken prisoner by Sir John Chandos, who on the former
occasion exacted a hundred thousand "francs' for his ransom. The
spirited description given by Froissard of the battle of Auray was derived
by him from the herald who was present at it, and who carried home
to England the tidings of the victory.
§ Towards the end of the fourteenth century an account of the ex-
ploits of Bertrand Duguesclin was added as a supplement to the ancient
popular French work. The Triumph of the Nine Worthies ; and he
Heralds of France and England, 2>S
a lost battle were a reproach, he would not have
received such an honour. Robert Bruce, King
of Scotland, lost divers battles against the Eng-
lish before fortune returned to him, but he was
so victorious in the end that he expelled all the
English from his kingdom. You also say that
the English have many times offered battle to
the kings of France, who have not dared to
fight, and that this is a shame and reproach to
them ; yet you admit they often have fought
vs^ith you. If they have lost the battles, this is
no reproach, but ought to be accounted a great
honour to them. With respect to the battle of
Poictiers, King John gained marvellous great
honour by it, for he was in his own kingdom and
country, and might very well have retreated if
he had so chosen ; but he preferred rather to die
or be taken prisoner,* and he awaited the for-
tune of the battle, which ought to redound very
greatly to his honour.f And you will find that
thus came to be regarded in France as a tenth worthy. (See Note,
supra, p. 5.) Brunet, under the word *Neuf/ notices several printed
editions of the Triumph of the Nine Worthies.
* See Additional Note 20, p. 103.
f King John, though an honourable and brave cavalier, was deficient
in the higher order of courage, or he would not have signed the Treaty
of Bretigny ; and Philip de Comines, who was quite ready to make all
fair allowances for kings, has held up to reprobation his conduct in thus
sacrificing the welfare of his people to procure his own release from
captivity. His son, Charles the Wise, gained much more honour by
D 2
3^ England and France in the i^th Century,
the kings and lords of the royal blood of France
have never abandoned their people in battle.
"I'answ^er you. Sir Herald, in another way.
You talk, indeed, of the battles which you
say that you have gained, and you give the names
of them ; but you say nothing of the great
number of battles which you have fought and
lost in this kingdom of France. These I do not
intend to recount, but I refer you for them to
the chronicles. Yet I will allege to you a
weighty argument which cannot be controverted.
Within the memory of man the kings of Eng-
land were lords of the duchies of Normandy and
Guienne, as well as counts of Anjou, Maine,
Touraine, and Poictou ; and because you would
not obey the King of France, of whom these
lordships are held, Philip the Fortunate, King of
France, for your felony, rebellion, and disobe-
dience, thrust you out of almost all these pro-
vinces, and conquered them from you by battles,
sieges, and other means, and reduced them as
forfeited lands into his own possession.
'^ Thus you may see. Lady Prudence, that in
the middle times, otherwise said to be within the
memory of man, whatever wars there may have
been between the French and the English, and
employing the talents of Duguesclin, and redressing the evils of the
state.
Heralds of France and England, ^y
whatever battles may have been gained on either
side, victory and conquest have accrued to the
French, and loss to the English. It necessarily
happens that there are losses and gains in vs^ar ;
for if one side always prevailed, the war would
soon be over and finished, which would not be
to the profit of the office of the English herald
or myself. It is seen in the end which side has
the advantage.
'' Within the memory of man the Saxons,
otherwise called the English, have never con-
quered the kingdom of France, although they
have frequently made the attempt ; but so often
as they have invaded it, unless they returned
home speedily and in good time, truly it has
proved to be their grave. I say the burden has
fallen upon their own shoulders, and to their great
reproach they have been repulsed. But it is well
known that the French have several times con-
quered England. Charlemagne, King of France,
conquered England, and the English were his
subjects.* William of Normandy conquered
them, and made himself king of England.
Louis, son of the King of France, expelled King
John of England from Guienne, and afterwards
pursued him into England, where he made such
extensive conquests, and carried on such fiercp
* See Note,j///r^, p. 26.
38 Kngland and France in the \^th Cejitury,
war, that if it had not been for the Pope, who
then reigned and disposed of the realm, he would
have made himself king of England.*
'^ I will show you, Sir Herald, that within a
short time afterwards there was a lady who con-
quered England, and this is how it happened.
Isabella, daughter of the King of France, was
united in marriage to King Edward of Car-
narvon, and by this marriage there was born a
son called Edward of Windsor. King Edward
of Carnarvon, being badly advised, as the chroni-
cle says, sent his son into France to do homage
for the duchy of Guienne, where the latter was
honourably received, and made Duke of Guienne.
The queen and her son lived for some time in
Guienne, contrary to the will and consent of
King Edward of Carnarvon, who looked upon
them as his enemies. And when the queen saw
that this was the case, she collected Frenchmen
and Hainaulters, all of them men of great
* Louis, the eldest son of Philip, King of France, was invited over
to England by the English barons, during their contest with King John,
after they had compelled their sovereign to sign Magna Charta, and he
had brought a mercenary army into the kingdom, for the purpose of
enabling him to abolish that law. Louis was proclaimed king by
the barons of his party, but never had undisputed possession of the
government, and not long afterwards King John fortunately died.
Henry IIL, the son of John, succeeded to the throne without difficulty,
and Louis with his followers was obliged to return to France. The
Pope, it is true, took part against Louis ; but independently of this in-
terference, the position of the French prince had become untenable.
Heralds of France and England. 39
courage, and she and her son departed with a
great force into England, and she acted so
vahantly and wisely that she caused her husband,
Edward of Carnarvon, to be taken and impri-
soned, and had her son Edward of Windsor
crowned in the lifetime of his father. Thus the
queen showed plainly that by conquest she was
the mistress, and her son king ; and that she con-
quered England in opposition to her husband.
To this effect your chronicles bear witness, in
the chapter of King Edward of Carnarvon-
And King Edward of Windsor, at the age of
fourteen years, caused himself to be crowned in r
the lifetime of his father, and afterwards he went
to Amiens to do homage for the duchy of
Guienne, to his uncle the King of France.*
" Therefore, I say. Lady Prudence, that the
herald of England speaks nothing of the middle
times, said to be within the memory of man,
which makes much for his purpose ; and that for
the reasons before mentioned, it behoves you to
decide that the kingdom of France ought to be
advanced to honour, and that my facts and argu-
ments are most evident."
* The shameless and unnatural conduct, as a wife and mother, ex- v
hibited by Isabella of France, the consort of Edward II., is too well )
known to require comment :
" She-wolf of France, with unrelenting fangs.
That tear'st the bowels of thy mangled mate ! "
40 England and France in the i^th Century.
Of the Present Time.
*' Let us now speak of the present time, Sir
Herald. You do wonders in lauding your king-
dom of England, and you boast of being at war
with the four kings whom you have mentioned,
and at deadly war with the Irish ; and you say
further that you are king of the sea. I answer
you, and will show that your boasts ought to be
retorted upon you with reproach, shame, and
dishonour. Therefore let us first take the King
of Scotland. You maintain and say that the
King of Scotland ought to be your liege man
and subject, and ought to come to your parlia-
ment when he is summoned. The King of
Scotland says that he is as much a king in his
kingdom as you are in yours, and that he is in
no respect your servant or subject, and that he is
not within England, which was formerly called
Britain. There is no arm of the sea, no moun-
tain or great river by means of which an easy
entrance from one kingdom into the other is
prevented ; and also it is true that your kingdom
of England is superior in wealth, in good towns,
and in the great number of its people to the
kingdom of Scotland. Yet you are unable to
find the means of subduing the Scots, and bring-
ing them under your authority. But the King
Heralds of France and England, 41
of Scotland is the true possessor, well obeyed by
all his subjects ; and when you make war against
him he is well able to resist you, and to make
you lose more than you gain. Therefore it must
be said that honour belongs to the King of Scot-
land and his subjects, and that shame remains
with you ; for he knows better how to defend
himself than you know how to attack him, and
he maintains his independence. Thus you have
no reason to boast of that war.
'' With respect to the case of the Irish, you
derive but little honour from it, for in your title
you call yourself Rex Anglia, Dominus Hibernia,
that i^, King of England, Lord of Ireland ; and
thus you maintain that Ireland is your lawful
domain and inheritance.* Ireland is a country
not within the island of England, but the sea
between the two is not much wider than can
be seen across ; and it is very true that you
possess several towns and castles there, and that
you have dominion over certain districts, but
it is not a tenth part of the island of Ireland
which submits to you. That island is very ex-
tensive : as large, indeed, or larger than all Eng-
land and Scotland.f The inhabitants have no
* Henry VIII. was the first English sovereign who assumed the title
of King of Ireland ; and this title is recognised by an Act of Parliament
passed in the thirty-fifth year of his reign.
f Giraldus Cambrensis, and other writers on the topography of
4^ England and France in the ^$th Century.
great store of clothing or armour to make war-
like resistance, and they are called the voild Irish,
because they do not employ themselves in agri-
culture, but subsist entirely upon their cattle,
and are but little civilised. You say that they
are rebellious and disobedient to you, and yet you
cannot find the means of bringing them into
subjection, or of making your sovereignty avail-
able. Hence it must be said that honour is due
to the poor Irish, who are even a much greater
reproach to you, and proof of your folly, than the
Scots. Thus your boasts are in contradiction to
your deeds, which are shown to be very small.
" You say that you are at war with the Kings
of Spain and Denmark. I answer that I fully
believe you hate them ; but it is a war of words
which has no result, for you possess nothing in
the kingdom of Spain or of Denmark. It may
be that when you are able you make war at sea
against the merchants of those countries, and that
you obstruct the utility of commerce. There-
fore you have no business to make any great
Ireland, ought to have prevented our author from falling into this error ;
but strange language respecting the extent of Ireland was spoken by the
English at the Council of Constance, a.d. 1416, in their famous debate
with the French. Manuscript accounts of this debate soon got abroad,
and we suspect that to one of them we owe the statement in the text.
Richard of Cirencester also quotes Agrippa as stating that Ireland
(Hibernia) was 600 miles in length and 300 miles in breadth.
Heralds of France and England, 43
boasts about this war, since you cannot gain
much honour from it ; and you do not make
war within these kingdoms, which are so strong
that war with them is no easy matter. I fully
believe that if you could conquer them by means
of threats and maledictions, you would readily
do so.
^^ Now let us speak of the kingdom of France.
It is very true that, not long before what I re-
gard as the present time, there was great divi-
sion within that kingdom between the lords of
the royal blood of the same kingdom, from
which has followed extraordinary and long con-
tinued war. The proverb says, ^ He who has a
good neighbour has also a good morrow.'*
When you knew of this war and division, you
came forward with offers to the Duke of
Orleans on the one hand, and to the Duke of
Burgundy on the other, and you inflamed and
exasperated the war by every means which you
could conceive.f And when you saw that
the war and division were at the height, you
* This appears to have been an English proverb, since Camden, in
his Remainsy has inserted amongst the Proverbs of the English Nation,
A good neighbour y a good morrow »
f The responsibility of reneviring the war with France rests with the
French princes rather than with Henry V., since he only availed him-
self of their offers, and did not himself come forward in the first instance.
Every contemporary historian admits this fact.
44 England and France In the \^th Century,
laboured incessantly with all your force to bring
about the destruction of the kingdom, and you
resolved to set up a claim to be king of France,
and such you insisted upon being called. It is
likewise true that by reason of this division, as
well as because our king was of tender age and
an infant,* King Henry of England made great
conquests in this kingdom, and gained many
towns and provinces, insomuch that during his
life, and also after his death, there was a time
when your conquests had reached as far as the
river Loire, and even beyond ; yet all this did not
happen without your having to fight great battles,
and meeting with strong resistance.
'' Now let us see how Charles VII. of that
name,'f^ who is the present reigning king of
France, has succeeded in resisting you ; for while
he was in France, J and during his youth, you had
the upper hand, and made fierce war against him.
He has met with the greatest adversities and
changes of fortune which could ever befall a king,
* Infant is here used in its legal sense, as meaning a person under
age, and applies to Charles VII. In reality Henry V. made his con-
quests during the reign of Charles VI ., who was not an infant.
t Charles VII. died a.d. 1461.
X The word France here seems to mean France proper, as dis-
tinguished from Guienne and Normandy, the ancient patrimony of the
kings of England, which were fiefs not yet reduced into possession.
The author soon afterwards marks very clearly the diiFerence between
France and Normandy.
Heralds of France and England, 45
and which it would detain me too long to relate.
But after he had come to his full age, he found
means by his great wisdom to reconcile the lords
of his blood, and to restore amity between them,
as well as to allay the war which had lasted so
long. This being done, he soon afterwards found
means to recover his city of Paris ; then, by siege,
his town and castle of Meux ; and next, by siege
and assault, Pontoise, where he himself was pre-
sent ; and, in fact, he expelled you from the
whole of France, as far as the Duchy of Nor-
mandy. Soon afterwards he assumed the heart
of a lion, and the courage of a prince, and with
great force, at the head of his feudal vassals, he
entered into his duchy of Normandy, and in a
short space of time — what with sieges, battles,
surprises, and other means — he drove and put you
out of his duchy of Normandy, and did not leave
you a single place in that country ; and he con-
quered as much in one year as you and your King
Henry had done in thirty-three years. Follow-
ing up his good fortune, he advanced in the year
1450 with great powxr into the duchy of Gui-
enne, and found many towns and castles which
you occupied there — as Bourdeaux, Bayonne,
Bourg, Blaye, Fronsac, Libourne, St. Emilion,
St. Macaire, and several others, which, from the
time of the conquest made by Philip, called the
46 England and France in the i^th Century,
Fortunate, king of France, had continued under
your dominion, because in his lifetime he could
not quite complete his conquest, but died in the
interval.* Yet our King Charles, by means of
assaults and sieges, has in a short time conquered
that country, and brought it under his dominion.
And although after his conquest the town of
Bourdeaux rebelled against him, and submitted to
the brother of Talbot the Englishman, the king
gained a battle against this Talbot,f and soon
afterwards resumed the siege of Bourdeaux by sea
and land with such effect that the Bordelese
were obliged to surrender at discretion. In fact,
he has not left you a single place in Guienne, but
has driven you back ignominiously into England.
I think. Lady Prudence, that within the memory
of man, such great and noble actions, and such
great conquests, have never been achieved within
so short a time as have been achieved by our King
Charles, who now reigns.
"[You ought not], J Lady Prudence, to entrust
honour to the guardianship of the English, who
* Philip I., or the Fortunate, died in 1351.
f This was the battle of Chatillon, which occurred in the year 1453,
and in which the famous Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, was slain together
with his son. The little army which he commanded had been the
forlorn hope of England, and it fought resolutely to the last, but sus-
tained a defeat that utterly extinguished the English power in France.
X These words appear to be wanting to complete the sense, in con-
sequence of a typographical omission.
Heralds of France and England, 47
in so short a time have lost France, their duchy
of Normandy, and the duchy of Guienne. And
yet it is an easier thing to retain than to con-
quer. As I have said before, the EngHsh know-
how to begin wars, but they do not know how
to finish them. They say that they are at war
with four kings, and the reason is that they are
not able to conquer them, for if they could bring
them into subjection the war would cease. Thus
their very boasts tell against them. It is not long
ago that the King was at war with the Bordelese,
as I have said before, but he soon conquered
them ; and now they are his subjects, and the
w^ar is finished.
'' Now let us speak on the subject of the sea.
You say. Sir Herald, that the English are kings
of the sea, and that they possess wonderful power
and fine ships. To this I answer you, it is very
true that he who is strongest on the sea may call
himself king of the sea while his strength lasts.
I also admit that you have a great number of
fine ships ; the reason of which is that your king-
dom is an island, and therefore everything which
is taken there or brought away must be conveyed
in ships. You have many seaports all around
your kingdom, and in each of these ports there
is shipping : therefore, when the whole is as-
sembled, there must of necessity be a great
48 England and France in the i^th Century,
number and force of ships. But I will show you
that notwithstanding your great force of ships,
you do not employ it in such a manner as to
entitle you on that account to be advanced to
honour. If your predecessors in times past, or
in the middle times, or yourselves at the pre-
sent time, possessing the ships in which you
abound, had made, or did make, a great assem-
blage of them, well supplied with men and pro-
visions, and set in order, and had gone against
the infidels — as, for instance, against the King of
Granada,* — or if, with your fine navy, you had
made magnificent war against the infidels, you
would have deserved great honour, and to be
honourably mentioned in chronicles. But I
find. Sir Herald, quite the contrary to what you
say, and that neither your predecessors nor you
have ever made magnificent war at sea. At all
events there is no report of it anywhere. But it
is very certain that your island is so situated that
every merchant ship coming from the cold into the
warm countries, or returning from the warm into
the cold countries, must pass through your dan-
gers of the sea, and sail along the coast of England,
and especially through the straits of Calais and
* In point of fact, between thirty and forty years after this was writ-
ten, a body of English volunteers did go against the King of Granada.
See Additional Note 21, p. 105.
Heralds of France and England, 49
Dovor, where the opposite coasts are visible from
each other. And this your shipping you employ
to make war upon the poor merchants, and to
plunder and rob them of their merchandise, and
you make yourselves plunderers and pirates.
The war which you carry on against the four
kings is in reality against the said merchants of
France, Spain, Denmark, and Scotland ; and,
in fact, you obstruct the utility of commerce
everywhere. As I have said before, the great
valour which your predecessors and you have
exerted is to make war upon your neighbours.
I say that you ought not to be advanced to
honour upon that account, but you ought to be
kept back from honour, and made ashamed, for
you obstruct the utility of commerce throughout
all Christendom ; and you carry on no magnifi-
cent war against the infidels, but every kind of
war and plunder against Christians.
" And because. Sir Herald of England, you
speak so-proudly of your shipping, by reason of
which you call yourselves kings of the sea,
I mean to show you that the King of France,
when he pleases, will be king of the sea above
you ; and that he has many more resources, and is
better suited to become so than you are. The
case is this. I say that a prince who intends to
become king of the sea must, of necessity, have
E
go England and France in the igth Century.
three things : first, deep and very strong har-
bours for the security of his ships ; secondly,
he must have abundance of great and swift
ships ; thirdly, he must have merchandise in his
country w^ith w^hich he may employ his ships.
These three things are so necessary, that one
of them without the others is of no avail ;
for he who has harbours can do nothing if he
have not ships, and without harbours the ships
cannot be preserved ; and if he have no mer-
chandise to employ his ships with, they must rot
in the harbours. Therefore I mean to show you
that the King of France has these three things in
a greater measure than you have them. For, in
the first place, he has the harbour of Sluys,*
which is one of the finest harbours in Christen-
dom, and it is also strong for the protection of
ships. In Normandy he has Dieppe and Har-
fleur,'!' which are enclosed harbours, and Gran-
* Sluys, though now fit for the reception of only small vessels, was
formerly a deep and capacious harbour ; the great fleet, consisting of
900 ships, for the invasion of England, having been assembled there in
1386.
f Harfleur, once the great port at the mouth of the Seine, is now little
more than a harbour for fishing-boats, and the town has gradually fallen
to decay, since Havre, or, as it was called in Queen Elizabeth's days,
__Newhaven, came into repute. The lofty and beautiful spire of the
church at Harfleur, which is said to have been built by the English,
and which somewhat resembles that at Salisbury, still remains, however,
as a memorial of their former possession of the town. An English
visitor at Havre, Honfleur, or Trouville, might find something more to
interest him in Harfleur, since enough of the ancient fortification is left
to give an idea of Henry V.'s siege of the place in 141 5.
Heralds of France and Englafid, 5 1
ville, where ships may anchor in safety. In
Brittany he has St. Malo and Brest, where ships
may lie in great safety. In Saintonge he has La
Rochelle, which is the strongest harbour known.
He has also Bourdeaux, where, by reason of the
town, ships may be well secured ; and he has
Bayonne, and many other harbours. He has
likewise many great rivers in his kingdom, where
ships may be kept in safety. You, also, on your
part, have fine roadsteads and harbours, but they
are not enclosed ; or, if some of them are, they
are not so many, so strong, or so valuable as those
of France. Thus, with respect to harbours, we
have the advantage over you.
"With regard to ships, I will show that the
King of France can have a great number of
them when he pleases, and at less cost than you
have them. Observe that, in the construction of
ships, these three things are requisite : wood,
iron, and artificers. As to w^ood, God knows
what fine forests the King has in his kingdom,
some of which are upon the banks of rivers,
and conveniently situated for the building of
ships. To say the truth, more hewn timber can
be had in France for ten crowns than you can
have in England for fifty. It is also the fact
that, in consequence of the high price of wood,
you are obliged to warm yourselves and cook
n
5^ 'England and France in the \ ^th Century,
your food with coal,* which you w^ould not do
if wood were cheap. We will speak now of
iron. You have iron in England, and we have
abundance of it in France ; but the best iron
that there is for shipbuilding is the iron of
Biscay or Spain, since it bends, and does not
easily break. Now we dwell near Biscay, and
are allies of the King of Spain, so we can procure
it readily and cheaply. But, for your part, you
cannot procure it except by means of safe-con-
ducts,f and with great difficulty. With respect
to artificers, there are as good artificers for ship-
building in France as in any country in the
world : namely, in Normandy, Brittany, and
Guienne ; and, if it be needful, in Spain. To
say truth, a ship which may be built in France
for a thousand or twelve hundred crowns, would
cost more than two thousand nobles in England.
Thus you may plainly see that the King of
France can have great and swift ships in larger
number, and at much less cost, than you can pro-
cure them. Let us now speak of the employ-
ment of ships. If I assume that the King should
* See Additional Note 22, p. 107.
f Safe-conducts were granted by a sovereign to subjects of a foreign
power with which he was at war, protecting them, their ships, and
merchandise against molestation during the period of hostilities. By
this means, in the middle ages, the commerce between two kingdoms at
war with each other was still carried on ; the carrying trade by neutrals
being then unknown. """
Heralds of France and England, 53
have many great ships carrying a thousand or
twelve hundred tons, then there is no prince
who can fully employ them better than he. For
he has two of the finest vine districts known,
namely, Bourdeaux and La Rochelle, which are
on the sea coast. In addition to this, he has salt,
which is made in abundance by the action of the
sun, as well at La Bassee * and in the neigh-
bourhood, as at Brouage, in Saintonge. These
two articles of merchandise alone are of no slight
importance, since they require, and are sufficient
for the employment of, a great number of ships.
And if, upon good consideration of the matter,
the King determined so to employ his ships, he
would derive a great revenue from them ; for his
ships would gain, by freight or otherwise, what
foreigners now gain in his kingdom, which
would be a great profit to his people, and the
money would remain in his country ; since it
is reasonable that his ships should be first served.
You also have good merchandise in England, but
it is not merchandise of such heavy weight for
loading great ships as wine and salt ; and you
must, of necessity, have such wine and salt from
* La Bassee (in the original, la Bace). We have been unable to
identify this place, unless it be the village of La Bassee, formerly in
the province of Poitou, and at present in the department of the Two
Sevres, The salt-works at Brouage, at no great distance from La
Bassee, still maintain their celebrity.
54 England and France in the i^th Century,
the kingdom of France, either by safe-conduct or
by smuggling, otherwise your ships would have
no employment, and would perish in the mire.
Besides, you would have nothing wherewith to
salt your fish, which is the chief source of
wealth and employment for ships that you
possess.* By these two articles of merchandise
your great shipping is supported, and that solely
by means of the kingdom of France, for other-
wise you would not have a sufficiency of them.
Therefore, Sir Herald, you see that the King of
France has all the three things which are need-
ful for him who would become king of the sea,
and he has much more of them than you have ;
and these circumstances are greatly to his ad-
* This is contrary to the fact, for though fish formed an important
article of commerce, it was secondary to wool, both in regard to value
and weight. Edmund Dudley, the able but extortionate minister of
Henry VII., says, in his Tree of the Commonwealth^ with respect to
England : " The commodities of this noble realm be so noble, and with
that so plenteous, that they cannot be spended or all employed within
the same, but necessarily there must be intercourse between this realm
and outward parts, for the utterance thereof, and specially for the wool
and cloth, tin and lead, felt and hide, besides divers other commodities,
that doth great ease to the subjects." In this passage, written in the
year 1 509, it will be observed that fish is not even mentioned. An
early instance of mercantile ingenuity, in connection with wool, the
chief article of English commerce in those days, may here be mentioned.
In order to evade the high export duties to which wool was liable, it
became a practice to carry over sheep to Flanders and shear them there.
This evasion was checked by a statute passed in 1424 (3 Hen. VI. c.
.2), which rendered illegal the transportation of sheep beyond sea, with-
out the King's licence.
Heralds of Frdnce and 'England, 55
vantage whenever it shall please him to under-
take the design of making himself king of the
sea. And observe the power which he has to
destroy your great shipping, when he chooses to
give orders to that effect. Sir Herald, I will
show you that when it shall please the King
of France, he is able, without quitting his palace,
to ruin all the great shipping of England ; and
this is how he may do so. It is the well-
established, notorious, and regular practice for
this shipping to come to Brittany, or Guienne,
for the purpose of procuring salt, and conveying
it into the cold countries ; and also to come
to Guienne, at the season of the vintage, and
likewise in the month of March, for the purpose
of conveying wines into England and divers other
countries, otherwise such shipping would lie
idle. The King shall give commandment that
no safe-conducts be granted to any English
ship above the burden of a hundred tons,
but shall order them to be granted to smaller
vessels upon easy terms ; and he shall prohibit
the sale of wine or salt to any English ship
exceeding the burden of a hundred tons. By
this means the common shipping of England
and Brittany, as well as of other countries, will
have reputation and employment. Thus your
great shipping must necessarily rot in the mire
56 Englafid and France In the i^th Century,
for want of employment and wages to the sea-
men ; and the great shipping of the cold
countries will have the profits which your great
shipping was accustomed to have. I will show
you that, by the maritime law of war,* the French
have great advantages over you at sea, and this is
the reason. If a ship sailing from England is over-
taken by a storm at sea, and is not able to return
to a harbour of that country, or of the kingdom
of Portugal, your ally,'f' it must run out to sea to
the Great Swin, J and struggle with the v^aves.
For since you are hated by all your neighbours,
it would not dare to take refuge in the harbours
of France, Spain, Scotland, or Denmark, and
thus it happens that many ships are lost at sea.
This is not likely to be the case with the ship-
ping of France ; for, as the French are beloved by
all their neighbours, they can take refuge in all
the harbours between Sluys and Bayonne, and
*• See Additional Note 23, p. 108.
f See Additional Note 24, p. 108.
X The original passage thus translated is au Soyne dicte maiour. The
only Swin at present known about the coasts of England is a shoal of
that name at the mouth of the Thames. This, however, could hardly
be the Great Swin alluded to, if we have rightly understood the text.
In an English poem inserted in Hakluyt (i. 188), and which was written
between the years 141 1 and 1437, there occur the following two lines,
which may possibly throw some light upon the point, and seem to point
out the Great Swin as being near Sluys :—
** The hauen of Scluse hir hauen for her repay re
Wich is cleped Szvyn the ships giding."
Heralds of France and England, 57
they are well received everywhere in Germany,
and meet with good cheer. Thus they have
a great advantage over you by maritime law,
since it is safer to be in a harbour than to
beat about upon the sea. They have also a
great advantage over you in fighting, for you
have solely archers on board, and an archer
can only kill at sea when he is on the upper
deck of the ship, and in great danger himself,
and so he cannot take good aim in consequence
both of his fear and the motion of the vessel.
This is different with the French, for they make
use of the cross-bow,* and a cross-bowman can
shoot under cover from the forecastle or stern-
castle, without danger or peril ; and even in his
doublet, and through a small hole, he can kill or
wound his enemy, since, however great may be
his fear, or the motion of the vessel, the cross-
bow will give force to its arrow. Hence it is
seen that a French ship at sea always defeats
an English ship of the same size.'f' The French
* See Additional Note 25, p. 11 1.
f The English during the latter years of the disastrous reign of Henry
VI. had lost their supremacy on the sea. In the Chronicle of London,
written by a contemporary, and edited by Sir H. Nicolas, it is stated,
under the year 1442 or 1443, " Also in this yere was gret losse of shippes
in the narroe see on our party, be enemyes of Depe, Boloigne, and
Bretayne" (p. 132). Abundance of similar evidence might be adduced
to prove that, during the career of victory which the French enjoyed
upon land, they were correspondingly successful at sea. Hence, with
58 England and France In the i^th Century,
have another advantage over the EngUsh in the
means by which war can be carried on, for you
can make war in France only upon one of its
sides, namely, between Sluys and Bayonne.
But because you are in an island, and surrounded
by the sea, the French can make war all around
you, and on every coast of your kingdom,
whether east, west, north, or south ; and thus it is
plain they can do you much more harm than you
can do them. If you ask me why they do not
make the attempt, I answer that some things are
done willingly and for pleasure, and others from
necessity and strong compulsion. There is no
need for the King of France to have a great
number of ships, since his country is almost
everywhere adapted for the conveyance of goods
by means of horses. On the other hand, there
is a powerful nobility in France, who, for several
reasons, much prefer war on land to war at sea.
For there is danger and loss of life, and God
knows what distress, when a storm arises ; sea-
sickness, also, is, by many people, hard to be
borne ; and the rough life which it is necessary
to lead does not well suit noblemen.* If, there-
reference to the period of about twenty years before the text was writ-
ten, there was some basis of truth for the fact which the French herald
has here asserted. See also infra, p. 200.
* See Additional Note 26, p. 1 1 1 ,
Heralds of France and England, 59
fore, the King would make himself king of the
sea, he must do so for mere pleasure, and in order
to chastise you, and show his power. But, Sir
Herald, it is a different matter in your kingdom,
for whether churchmen, noblemen, or others,
you must, of necessity, encounter the dangers
and accidents of the sea, both the rough life and
the storm, since you cannot go in or out or
carry on commerce otherwise than by sea, and
unless you have shipping. But, understand, that
when the King of France chooses to take upon
himself to do so, he is able, for the reasons
before mentioned, to make himself king of the
•sea above you. Also, if the King be desirous
of reinforcing his navy, he can apply to the King
of Spain, who is his brother and ally, who is
well provided with great and sumptuous ships
and galleys, and who has mariners much re-
nowned in naval war, to be pleased to send him
some of them, which he will willingly do, and
that without their costing the King of France
anything. The King is also lord of Genoa,*
where there are great carracks and galleys, which
will always come at the command of the King,
whenever it shall please him to send for them.
And, further, I tell you that, by the maritime law
of war, the French have great advantages over
* See Additional Note 27, p. 112.
6o England and France in the ix^th Century.
the English, which I do not now think proper
to acquaint you with, since there is no need
to give too much information to an enemy. So
this must suffice you for the present. And,
therefore, I pray to God that He will give the
King of France spirit and courage to make war
against you upon the sea, for this is the rod with
which he may punish you, and cool your lofty
courage. And all your neighbours, when it
shall please him to make the attempt . . .*
^^ Therefore, most high and most excellent
princess. Lady Prudence, the Cardinal Virtue, I,
the herald of France, say that the herald of Eng-
land has spoken nothing with respect to valour
in times past, in the middle times, or at the
present time, by reason of which you ought to
advance the kingdom of England to honour; and
that the English have no reason for calling them-
selves kings of the sea. But I have answered
him on the two subjects of pleasure and valour
in such a manner as to make it clear to you that
the kingdom of France ought to be preferred and
highly advanced to honour. And as to what
remains, let him speak, and I will answer him."
* In the original, the paragraph breaks oiF here abruptly.
Heralds of France and 'England, 6 1
THE HERALD OF ENGLAND SPEAKS
OF RICHES.
*^ I say, Lady Prudence, that riches are a fine
thing for a great lord to possess. And because
the kingdom of -England is full of great noble-
ness and riches, I say and maintain that it ought
to be advanced to honour ; and in order to sup-
port my opinion, I mean to show you some of the
riches of England. I say, then, that there are
riches of three kinds : riches upon the land,
riches under the land, and riches around the land.
And of these three kinds of riches I will speak.
'' In the first place, with respect to riches upon
the land, I say that there are riches of three
kinds : riches of people, riches of fruits, and
riches of cattle.
Of Riches of People,
'^ I say. Lady Prudence, that it is wonderful
what a fine and abundant population there is in
England, consisting of churchmen, nobles, and
craftsmen, as well as common people. To say
the truth, you will see such great and populous
villages there, that if they were only enclosed
within walls, they might be called great towns ;*
* See Additional Note 28, p. 112.
6z England and France in the i ^th Century,
and this is the case not with one village only, but
with many, and, in my opinion, England may be
said to be a little world of people.
Of Riches of Fruits.
" It is a fine thing to see the abundance of
fruits which grow in England, for the country is
level and all of it cultivated, and there are no
waste lands there. Also, by reason of the great
extent of cultivation, there are hardly any woods,
but the people w^arm themselves with coal, which
they dig out of the ground, as I shall afterwards
mention ; and there are great quantities of wheat,
rye, and oats, as well as all kinds of vegetables
more plentifully than in any other country
known.
Of Riches of Cattle.
" England is abundantly supplied with cattle,
fiamely, oxen, cows, swine, and horses, and
especially with sheep, which produce the finest
and choicest wool that can be found any-
where, from which the fine cloths and scarlet
stuffs are made ; and the merchants of the
kingdom carry them for sale into divers king-
doms and countries. And such great quantities
of them are produced, that the common tables at
Heralds of France and England, 6^
Calais* have them for all who choose to pur-
chase ; and a wonderful amount of wealth is
gained by them. Therefore I say, Lady Pru-
dence, that for the three causes which I have
mentioned, there is not in the world so rich a
country as England.
Of Riches under the Land,
^' The riches under the land are the fine and
valuable mines which it contains. In Cornwall
there are very rich tin mines ; and there are lead
mines, in which ore is found yielding silver, and
mines of metal,f alabaster, black and white
marble, whetsones, and iron. There are likewise
mines of coal, with which fire is made, and the
people warm themselves throughout the country,
and large quantities of which are carried into
divers countries for sale. In fact. Lady Prudence,
the merchants of England maintain and say that
the kingdom is of greater value under the land
than it is above.
* These common tables were probably in the open streets or market-
place, it being still the practice to expose for sale articles of dress and
stuiFs for making clothing, in the provincial towns of France on market-
days. Scarlet stuffs, or scarlets, as they were called, formed an impor-
tant article of commerce, and are mentioned in the great charter granted
by Edward I. to foreign merchants in 13P3, when a duty of two
shillings was imposed upon each. {Hakluyt, i. 137.) Calais, it will be
remembered, was an English town during the whole of the fifteenth
century.
f See Additional Note 29, p. 112.
64 England and France In the i^th Century.
Of Riches around the Land,
*' England being an island almost entirely sur-
rounded by the sea,* fish is produced in great
abundance along all the coasts ; and the people
catch it in such plenty, that, after the country is
well provided, they salt and prepare it in large
quantities. This fish, salted and prepared, the
merchants of England carry for sale into divers
kingdoms and countries, and thereby gain great
sums of money. Thus, Lady Prudence, you
have the secret of the three kinds of riches in
England — namely, riches upon the land, under
the land, and around the land. And hence it
appears that there are riches on all sides.
" Moreover, there is an ancient law^ in England,
that the merchants shall never carry out of the
kingdom into foreign countries either gold or
silver, except it be a very small sum ; but they
can export in abundance the before-mentioned
merchandise, and sell it for gold and silver, w^hich
they bring home into their ow^n kingdom ; and
thus they cunningly withdraw^ and bring to their
own home and kingdom the money of the neigh-
bouring countries. Also when foreign merchants
* This solecism occurs in the original, though possibly it may arise
from some typographical error.
Heralds of France and England. 65
bring wines or other commodities into England,
the English let them sell their merchandise,
but never suffer them to carry away much
gold or silver ;* and hence such merchants
must of necessity buy merchandise, or barter
their own for that of England. Thus it is no
wonder that there should be great riches of
gold and silver in England, since they are con-
stantly imported, and it is not permitted to
carry them away. In truth. Lady Prudence,
I think it certain that, considering the size of
England, there is not so rich a country in
Christendom.
" Hence, Lady Prudence, as I have plainly
shown to you what I promised with respect to
pleasure, valour, and riches, I now come to the
conclusion, that, in spite of what the herald of
* There are several enactments in our Statute-book against carrying
the precious metals out of the realm ; the earliest which we have found
being that orp'EawaH" III. (a.d. 1335). The particular statute
referred to in the text is the 2 Henry VI., c. 6. (a.d. 1423), which
prohibits, under the penalty of forfeiture, the exportation of gold or
silver without the King's licence. This prohibition was enforced against
Erasmus, upon his quitting England in 1 499 ; and he bitterly complains
in his Epistles that the searchers at Dovor had robbed him of nearl2_2o/.,
which was almost all the money that he possessed, and which he had
acquired by means of his diligent labours in this country. It would
seem that the revival of this obsolete statute, in the case of Erasmus,
was one of the extortions practised by Empson and Dudley ; and when
the day of reckoning came for those Ministers, it is likely that the
treatment of the illustrious scholar was not forgotten.
C-^\^
66 England and France in the i^th Century.
France has said, you ought to advance the
kingdom of England to honour before all other
kingdoms."
And hereupon the herald of England ceased
speaking.
Heralds of France and England, 67
THE HERALD OF FRANCE ANSWERS
WITH RESPECT TO RICHES.
^' Most high and most excellent princess, Lady
Prudence, the herald of England endeavours to
show you that, in consequence of the great riches
which are in England, you ought to advance that
kingdom to honour before all others ; and he
says that in the same kingdom there are riches
upon the land, under the land, and around the
land. I shall now answer to each article.
'' In the first place, he says that there are upon
the land riches of three kinds : riches of people,
of fruits, and of cattle.
"The Herald of France speaks of the People.
"' Let us now. Sir Herald, speak in the first
place of the riches of the people of the clergy.
I say that in France there are three estates :
the people of the clergy, the people of the
nobility, and the common people. Concerning
the people of the clergy, I say, and will plainly
show, that there is a much greater number of
clergy in France than in England, in conse-
quence of which ninety -five bishops are required
in France, while in England there are only
F 2
68 England and France in the i^th Century.
\4 A ^- fourteen bishops and two archbishops.* Thus,
if only the cathedral churches of France were
in question, it must be said that the clergy
are more numerous than in England ; but God
knows whether there are not also fine collegiate
churches, and many of them. With respect to
the religious orders, we have the mother-abbeys
on this side, as Citeaux, Cluny, and Clairvaux ;
and we have also Fontevrault, the mother-abbey
of ladies.f Indeed, I think there is no religious
order which is not largely endowed in France ;
and many benefices which you have on the other
side are in the patronage, collation, and gift of
the abbeys on this side. Also we have seven
universities in France: J Paris, which excels all the
/ others, Orleans, Angers, Poictiers, Montpellier,
Toulouse, and Cahors ; and you have only two —
Oxford and Cambridge. Thus it is very evident
that we have a much more dignified clergy than
you have ; and I wonder that you are so pre-
sumptuous as to think the clergy of England
equal to that of France.
* See Additional Note 30, p. 113.
f Full information respecting these abbeys, and the subordinate
foundations dependent upon them, will be found in Gough's Account of
the Alien Priories, 2 vols. i2mo. 1779. The statute, 35 Edward I.,
passed in 1 307, also throws light on the subject.
X See Additional Note 31, p. 113.
Heralds of France and England, 6g
The Names of all the Churches of great magnificence
in the Kingdom of France.
^* Since, Sir Herald, we have to speak on the
subject of holy Church and the clergy, believe me,
we have such churches that, in point of decora-
tion and magnificence, you do not even come
near them. Such are those of Our Lady, at
Paris, Chartres, Rouen, Amiens, and Rheims ; of
St. Stephen at Bourges and of St. Gatien at
Tours-Marmoutier. The matter indeed will bear
no argument, for it is manifest ; and they who
have been in both kingdoms can well declare
the truth, and give information of it to Lady
Prudence.
^^ Also, Sir Herald, you have no such relics in
England as there are in France : namely, the
crown with which our Lord was crowned on the
day of his crucifixion, the nails by which he was
suspended to the tree of the cross, and also a
fragment of that cross ; the iron head of the
spear with which he was pierced, and the fore^
skin of our Lord Jesus Christ, which Charle-
magne left at Charroux; also the holy winding-
sheet wherein our Lord was wrapped, which is
at Toulouse ; and the bodies of six of the Apostles
of Jesus Christ, which are in the church in the
70 England and France in the \^th Century.
same town.* Sir Herald, in consequence of the
singular devotion to our Lord which the kings of
France have shown in the extension of our faith,
they have diligently collected these relics and put
them out of the power of the infidels. I refer
to the Chronicles for the means which they em-
ployed in recovering them, since, if you have been
in France,f you have paid but little attention to
the subject of the Church and all the matters
before mentioned.
''When the clergy of Christendom are as-
sembled there are four nations : France, Spain,
Lombardy, and Germany. You are no nation,
but are under the German nation. Thus it
clearly appears that the clergy of France is ten
times greater than that of England, for it is a
nation of itself, while you are only a member of
the German nation. J
* In 1 561 was printed "A very profitable Treatise, made by M.
John Calvin, declaring what great profit might come to all Christendom,
iftherewerea register made of all Saints' bodies, and other reliques,
which are as well in Italy, as in France, Duchland, Spain," &c. In
this little treatise the several reliques mentioned in the text are noticed.
The six bodies of the Apostles at Toulouse are stated to be those of St.
James the Greater, St. Andrew, St. James the Less, St. Philip, St.
Simon, and St.Jude.
f See Additional Note 32, p. 114.
X At the meeting of the Council of Constance, the question arose
how the votes of the members constituting that assembly should be
reckoned ; and in order that the ecclesiastics belonging to the States on
this side the Alps might not be outvoted by the preponderance of
Italian prelates, it was settled that the votes should be counted, not by
Heralds of France and England, ^ \
" Take notice, that all Christendom does
honour to France, and regards France as the first
of nations ; and the German nation, under which
you are, as is before mentioned, especially does
so. You ought, therefore, to do as your said
nation does, and give honour to France, and not
to put yourself upon an equality with her ; and
you ought to retract what you have said, and
acknowledge your error.
individual members, but by nations. The further question, which is
adverted to in the text, of how many nations Christendom was divided
into, does not appear to have been then discussed ; but Italy, Germany,
England, and France were acknowledged to be the four nations repre-
senting Christianity; since Spain, which had not yet joined the Council,
was left out of consideration. This arrangement continued undisturbed
during nearly two years, until, in 141 6, Spain was admitted into the
Council as a fifth nation. Shortly afterwards the French raised the
question as to the right of England to form a separate nation, and
maintained that the enemy who had recently fought against them at
Agincourt was only a member of the German nation. The dispute
thus originated led to an acrimonious controversy between the repre-
sentatives of the two kingdoms, and the speeches on each side, which
have been preserved and frequently printed, are amongst the curiosities
of history ; particularly that of the English orator, if read by the light
of the Jesuit Labbe's derisive comments upon it. The Council, how-
ever, promptly decided the question in favour of England.
The assertion in the text denying the right of the English to form a
distinct nation, which they were excessively proud of, would probably
have been resented by an Englishman of that day more than any other
of the charges which the author has brought forward to their disparage-
ment. See also the Note p. 42 ; the Introduction, suprri, and the
Additional Note, No. 5, p. 9^^.
J% England and France in the i^th Century,
Of the People of the Nobility of France,
'^ Sir Herald, if you would match the nobility
of England with that of France, you plunge into
a sea of difficulties, for I will show you that
before England ever was England^ aye, and be-
fore Albion ever was Britain, there was a great
nobility in France, as will appear from what
follows. When Brutus proceeded by sea to
people the island of Albion, he first came into
the river Loire. And because his followers
ravaged the country, it so fell out that Geoffrey
the Pict, King of Aquitania, fought with him
and lost the battle. The latter then went away
to rally the French ; and in the meantime
Brutus and his people ascended the river Loire,
as far as the city of Tours, where he found the
French ready to fight with him. There Tu-
ronus, a nephew of Brutus, was killed, and being
buried at Tours, that city derived its name from
him. Then Brutus, seeing the great resistance
offered by the French, withdrew, and went away
into the island of Albion, which is at present
called England. Thus, since it appears that
GeofFery the Pict fought against Brutus, and
that the kings of France also fought against him
at Tours, it must be admitted that thenceforward
Heralds of France and England, 73
there was a great nobility in France.* At that
time England was still inhabited only by the
giants ; and it was afterwards called Britain, and
is at present called England, as is before men-
tioned.
*^ Sir Herald, if you would speak of the no-
bility of the present day, I say that the crown
of France is marvellously well founded upon and
supported by the twelve noble pillars whom we
call the Peers of France :f namely, three dukes
and three counts of the Church, and three dukes
and three counts of the temporal nobility. The
pillars of the Church, being dukes, are the arch-
bishop of Rheims, the bishop of Laon, and the
bishop of Langres ; and the counts are the
bishops of Noyon, Chalons, and Beauvais. The
temporal lords are the Duke of Burgundy, the
Duke of Guienne, and the Duke of Normandy,
together with the Counts of Champagne, Flan-
ders, and Toulouse, which latter county com-
* See Additional Note 33, p. 1 14.
f The origin of the Peers of France is involved in obscurity, and
has been supposed to be almost as ancient as the monarchy. Philip
Augustus fixed the number of them at twelve, and availed himself of
their authority to try King John of England for the murder of his
nephew Arthur, and upon his being found guilty, to condemn him to
the forfeiture of all his dominions in France. This is said to have been
the first judgment ever delivered by the Twelve Peers sitting as a
Court. The number of Peers subsequently became unlimited, until
the institution was abolished at the revolution in 1789.
74 England and France in the i ^th Century,
prises the whole province of Languedoc. Think
within yourself what these lords are whom I
have named to you ; for they have many counts,
viscounts, barons, knights, and gentlemen, who
are their liege men and subjects ; and they have
also many great walled towns ; and, in fact,
saving the sovereignty of the King, they are the
true lords of the provinces whose name they
bear. Thus you may see. Sir Herald, what the
nobility of France are, and whether you ought
to be compared with them. If I were to men-
tion the ancient counties and great feudal lord-
ships of this kingdom, it would tend much to
the honour of the nobility; and if. Sir Herald,
you would say that some of these provinces are
at present annexed to the crown of France, I
answer you that the crown is so much the
stronger. We have also other dukes, as the
Dukes of Orleans, Anjou, Brittany, Bourbon,
and Alengon, who are actual lords of the do-
minions, towns, and countries whose names they
bear.
'^ You know well. Sir Herald, that this is not
the case in England, for it was not long ago that
you had no dukes ; the first duke made being the
Duke of Lancaster,* and even he was made a
* This is not exactly correct, as the Black Prince was created Duke
of Cornwall several years before the dignity of duke was conferred
Heralds of France and England. y^
duke within the memory of man. The dukes
whom you have made since, and whom you are
making every day, although you give them the
title, yet they are not the lords of the town or
country whose title they bear, which is a great
slur upon nobility. For a duke is in title next
to a king, and ought to have great lords and lord-
ships subject to him, as is before mentioned ; and
if he have no nobles or people under him, but
only an honorary title, it is but a slender duchy.
In fact, it is as though the Pope made bishops for
heathen countries, or as heralds are made.
'' Since we are on the subject of nobility, con-
sider what dwellings the nobles of France have ;
for they commonly possess fine castles and for-
tresses, where they can live securely, and shelter
their men and subjects, if necessary; or when
there is war, can maintain their loyalty to their
prince until they have succour. But in England
you have only simple manor-houses ; or, if you
have any castles, for every one that you have we
have fifty.* For these reasons which I have
mentioned, you may see that you cannot and
ought not to compare the nobility of England
with that of France.
upon Henry Earl of Lancaster in 1351. Richard II. at one time, in
the year 1397, created as many as five dukes.
* See Additional Note 34, p. 115.
7^ England and France in the i^th Century.
Of the Mechanics, or Common People,
"As you boast. Sir Herald, that you have
a greater number of mechanics and common
people than there are in France, I shall show you
the contrary ; since for one walled town that you
have, we have more than a dozen well peopled
with mechanics and other inhabitants. Also we
have all the mechanical crafts which you have,
and we have others besides ; for we have people
employed in the superior kinds of textures, such
as Arras tapestry, which is much esteemed, and
highly ornamental in the courts of kings and
princes.* We have also linen of the most excel-
lent quality which a kingdom can possess, at
Troyes in Champagne, in the city of Creton, and
generally throughout France. We have likewise
the best jewellers, who produce the most beauti-
ful specimens of workmanship which can be
imagined. Also we make paper and verdegris in
France, and you make none in England.f You
* In a note to DaIIaway*s Discourses upon Architecture in England
(p. 386) will be found some information respecting the ancient manu-
facture of tapestry in our own country.
f Paper is generally supposed to have been first made in England in
the year 1 590, at Dartford, in Kent, by a German who established a
paper-mill there. It would appear, however, that this is a mistake,
since in Trevisa's translation of Bartholomeus, De proprietatibus rerum.
Heralds of France and England. yy
have no workmen to make the things before
mentioned, and if you have any of the things
themselves, they are counterfeit, and of little
value. Therefore I tell you wc have more of all
things than you have ; and whenever you can
procure any articles of elegant workmanship, they
are made in France. You say that the common
people in England are a little world ; but I
believe that there are more labourers employed
upon the vines of France than there are men of
all conditions whatever in England.
'The Herald of France answers with respect to the
Fruits upon the Land,
'^ Sir Herald, you say that you have great abun-
dance of corn and grain. I answer you that it is
very necessary you should have large quantities of
them ; for you waste more corn in making your
drink — that is to say, your beer and good ale —
than you eat ;* and yet you have not so much
but that, when you are able to procure it from
France, you eagerly come to fetch it, either by
printed by Winkin de Worde, nearly a century earlier, it is stated
that John Tate the Younger lately made in England the paper,
** That now in our Englyfsh this boke is prynted inne."
Beckman, in his History of Inventions (Bohn's ed. p. 173% says, ** It
is certain that even in the fifteenth century the making of verdegris was
an old and profitable branch of commerce in France."
* See Additional Note 35, p. 116.
78 England and France in the i^th Century,
means of safe-conduct or otherwise. I answer
you in another manner, that we possess so plenti-
fully the corn you have mentioned, that all our
neighbours come to fetch it ; since, thank God,
the soil of France is most fertile. Also we have
many things which you have not. In the first
place, we have wine, which is the most delicious
of liquids, and which is grown in abundance
throughout the kingdom of France ; and this
wine is of various sorts and degrees of strength,
white and red, and of all kinds ; and there is
such plenty of it, that our labourers drink no
beer, but they drink only wine. The merchants
of the cold countries come to fetch it, as you
yourselves do when you can obtain it. We have
also salt made by force of the sun ; and you have
none, except what you come to fetch, and we
are so kind as to allow you to carry away. You
rnake salt from sea-water by force of artificial
heat, which is a work of difficulty, and the salt
is of little value. We have walnuts, olives, from
which oil is made, also almonds, figs, raisins,
kermes, woad, and many other things of which
you have none.* These things you can only
* Kermes, as a dye, has been superseded in modern times by cochi-
neal and lac ; the red coats of the officers in our army being dyed with
the former, and of the common soldiers with the latter
Woad was imported from Toulouse (see Stat. 4, Henry VIT., c. 10,
A.D. 1487).
Heralds of France and England, yg
obtain by the favour of France, and they are
great and valuable articles of commerce. We
have also all kinds of delicious fruit, as w^ell
summer as winter fruits, so that we are supplied
with them throughout the year, the old fruit
lasting until the new comes in ; which is not the
case in England, for you have very little fruit.
You have a small quantity in the county of
Kent, but it is ill-flavoured, and would not suffice
for the little children of London. And if you
allege the Cross at Cheap,* where there is a fine
garden, I answer you that the merchants bring
the fruit from Flanders, or Normandy, or from
some other kingdom than your own.
Of Riches of Cattle.
^' Sir Herald, you say that you have riches of
cattle. I answer you that we have them also,
and in abundance. As to what you say of the
fine wool of your sheep, I tell you that in some
districts of France the sheep are as good as yours;
* This is an ironical allusion to the fruit market held near the
ancient Cross in Cheap, or Cheapside, in the city of London. In the
Liber Jlbui, compiled in the year 141 9, and in Maddox*s History of
the Exchequer, this market is several times mentioned. Arnold's
Chronicle (ed. i8ii,p. 164) contains an article on "The craft of
grafFyng and plantinge of trees, and altering of Frutis," dc, which
gives information on the subject of the fruits cultivated in England in
the fifteenth century. See also the Additional Note 16, p. 100.
8o England and France in the i^th Century.
for we have better woollen cloths, both finer
and better dyed, at Rouen, Montivilliers, Paris,
Bourges, Creton, and other places, where drapery-
is made. These fine cloths are commonly sold at
the rate of a crown or two more an ell than yours
are. It must, therefore, be admitted either that
we have better wool than you have, or that you
are so unskilful that you cannot make up your
cloths. And, also, I tell you more, that we have
cattle which you have not, namely, male and
female mules, and he-asses and she-asses, and
we have likewise much more cattle than you.
Therefore, Sir Herald, do not boast of your
wealth upon the land, for you lose your cause
at once, and I refer it confidently to Lady
Prudence.
l^he Herald of France answers with respect to
Riches under the Land,
" Sir Herald, you say that the kingdom of
England is worth as much or more under the
land than above, and you mention several mines
which you say are very valuable. To this I
answer you, that if you have mines in England,
so we have also in France. We have gold — the
most precious metal that there is — which the
refiners find in the rivers Rhone and Vienne,
and in other rivers of France. It is known
Heralds of France and England, 8 1
to the merchants of the kingdom of France that
here there are mines also. On the Rhone, in
the neighbourhood of Lyons, there are silver
mines, where workmen are constantly employed.
We have also in many districts limestone
quarries,* yielding a great quantity of saltpetre,
which is very necessary in war.
"To what you allege so strongly in favour
of your coal, I answer you that we also have
coal in many parts of France, and they who
choose to take the trouble may find abundance
of it, but with us it is used only in forges, and
by farriers ; for, thank God, the kingdom of
France is so well endowed, that corn, wine, and
wood are to be found in every district ; and the
wood is used for warmth and for the preparation
of food, and is a thing much more agreeable
than your coal.
"The Herald of France answers with respect to
Riches around the Land,
" Sir Herald, you say that the kingdom of
England is quite surrounded by the sea, and that
you catch fish in such abundance along all your
coasts that, from this fish prepared and salted,
you gain a wonderful amount of wealth. To
* See Additional Note 36, p. 117.
G
8^ England and France in the \^th Century,
this I answer you, that the word ' surrounded '*
by the sea is very disadvantageous to you, and
that it v^ould be much better for you if you were
like the kingdom of France. For one side of
that kingdom is on the sea, Uke you are, namely,
from Flanders to Bayonne, which is a great
length of seaboard, and the people of France
catch all sorts of fish in the same manner that
you do. Also at one extremity, towards Langue-
doc, they have the Dead Sea.f They have like-
wise more ; for they have four rivers, which lie so
conveniently, that all the produce which grows in
the kingdom of France can, at the pleasure of the
inhabitants, be readily conveyed to the sea — first,
the river Rhone, which, being joined by the
Saone, separates the kingdom of France from the
Empire, and, flowing on to Beaucaire, J falls into
the sea ; the river Loire, which runs from
Roanne as far as Brittany, through a country
abounding in all kinds of produce ; the river
Seine, running into Normandy, where it is joined
* The reason why the word surrounded is disadvantageous is explained
a little further on in the text.
f In the original, Mer morte. If this be not a typographical error,
the Mediterranean Sea may have been so called in consequence of its
tides being scarcely perceptible. No other sea has been known by so
many different names, but we have been unable to find an authority for
its being designated the Dead Sea.
X Beaucaire is opposite Tarrascon, to which it is joined by a hand-
some stone bridge, and is now seven leagues distant from the sea.
Heralds of France and England, 83
by several good rivers ; the river Somme, which
flows through Picardy, and runs into the sea ; and
the very beautiful and famous river Gironde,
in Guienne, which is joined by the rivers
Garonne, Dordogne, and many others, conveying
an immense quantity of produce from the upper
country. And you must know that the Gironde
is one of the finest rivers in the world, being
navigable for large sea-going ships twenty-six
leagues or more. We have also the river which
runs to Bayonne ;* in Saintonge we have the
river Charente, which bears sea-going ships very
far inland, as well as the river Brouage ; and in
Poitou we have the rivers Sevre, Lay, and Vie,
which are navigable. Indeed, there is not a
kingdom in the world better supplied or accom-
modated with rivers and streams than the king-
dom of France. Thus the kingdom of France
has this advantage over you, that it avails itself of
the sea and of these rivers when it pleases ; and
people may travel by land without passing the
sea into Spain, Lombardy, and Germany, or
wherever they choose ;. but you cannot do so, for
you are surrounded by the sea, and unable to
leave your kingdom except by sea. If a power-
ful prince were king of the sea, and stronger than
you, you would be besieged, and could not
* That is, the Adour.
84 England and France in the i^th Century,
obtain succour, and your riches around the land
would be lost. Hence this word ' surrounded '
is very disadvantageous to you.
" The kingdom of France is much more
favourably situated than you are, for it lies
between the cold and the hot countries. The
hot countries beyond the mountains* are hard
to be endured, in consequence of the great and
excessive heat ; and the cold countries in which
you dwell are very prejudicial to the human
frame, for the winter in them begins so early,
and lasts so long, that the people live in pain and
cold, and hardly any fruit grows there ; and that
which does grow is ill-flavoured. But France,
which lies between, and in the midst of both,,
enjoys a peculiar excellence,f for there the air is
most mild and agreeable, every fruit grows to
maturity, and is plentiful and delicious, and the
people live pleasantly in a temperate climate,
without too much heat or too much cold.
" Therefore, Sir Herald, abandon all hope in
thinking to compare the island of England with
the kingdom of France, whether in situation, in
fruits, in nobility, or in any other thing, for w^e
have all that you have, and we have also more of
all things than you have. And the more you
* That is, beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees.
f See Additional Note 37, p. 118.
Heralds of France and England, 85
discuss this matter the more ridiculous and
'shameful will be your failure ; but you are so
pertinacious that you think to prevail by force
of obstinacy.
^he Herald of France answers with respect to the great
Riches boasted of by the Herald of England.
'^ Sir Herald, you have boasted of great riches,
and you say that, for the reasons before declared,
England is, in proportion to its size, the richest
country in Christendom. To this I answer you,
that no wise man ever boasts of great riches ; for
a rich man never lives in security, since everyone
envies him.* It is the same with a kingdom.
Have we not the history of Darius, who called
himself the rich King of Persia?. Alexander,
his adversary, called himself the least of the
Greeks. Then the latter said to his companions,
in order to encourage them, ^ If we fight with
Darius, you will all become very rich;' and
Alexander so conducted affairs, that he gained
four battles over Darius, and made himself King
of Persia. And I say. Sir Herald, that even
if you had reason for boasting so much of
riches, you would then be like Darius, and the
* This remark suggests a sad picture of the general insecurity of the
times.
86 Kngland and France in the \^th Century,
King of France might undertake to conquer you,
and bring you into subjection. For it is a well-
known fact that he has a just quarrel against you ;
in the first place, because you killed and murdered
King Richard, who was married to the daughter
of France, and that bad business has never yet
been avenged."* And all kings and princes ought
to aid him in this design, since he may lawfully
undertake it whenever it shall be his pleasure.
Also, under cover of the divisions in France, you
have pillaged and robbed this kingdom, and com-
mitted innumerable evils. You have also carried
away great numbers of the sons and daughters,
the children of this kingdom, and detain them
in strict custody.f Therefore he has a just right
to go and fetch his subjects, J whom you have
carried away, to recover the property which
you have taken oflf, and to make you pay the
penalty of the outrages which you have com-
mitted in his kingdom. And this point is con-
clusively determined in the ' Tree of Battle,'§
* Richard II. of England was married to Isabella, a daughter of
Charles VI. of France. This princess was the King's second wife,
and was left his widow at a very early age. See Additional Note 'i^^y
p. ii8.
f It is rather tantalising that these words should be merely a con-
jectural translation ; but the original passage is en chait maisoTiy which
we can only imagine may be a typographical error for en etroite prison.
X See Additional Note 39, p. 120.
§ Two editions of the Book of Battle {^Arbre de Bataille) are noticed
Heralds of France and England, 87
chaps. :?4 and ^5, cum ihi notatts. For a prince
may lawfully make war to recover his property,
or the property of his subjects.
The King of France ought to desire this conquest
for four reasons. First, for the just quarrel before
mentioned. Secondly, for the great riches which
you boast of, since it is no conquest for a king to
conquer a poor country, and he ought not to risk
his nobility or gentry in such an enterprise ; but
to conquer so rich a country as you speak of, he
ought to risk everything. Thirdly, because a con-
queror ought to wish for battle, in order to make
an end of his conquest ; and if he would invade
England, you must, of necessity, either give him
battle, or yield up the country, since you have
but few walled towns, and hardly any castles.
Your country is level, and there are no mountains
or great rivers to impede anywhere the progress
of an enemy, nor are you able to support a
burdensome war. And if the conqueror gain
the battle, he may call himself king of England,
for he who is the strongest on the land may
call himself king of the sea. It plainly appeared
in the time of King Richard, who was the true
king and possessor of England, that when the
by Brunei, both of them printed in the fifteenth century. This work
was an authority on international law towards t)ie close of the middle
ages. See Additional Note 40, p. 1 20.
88 England and France in the ^ ^th Century,
Earl of Derby* proved to be the strongest on the
land, that king was obliged to resign his king-
dom, and afterwards he was wackedly murdered.
Fourthly, because the attempt to conquer Eng-
land has frequently redounded to the advantage
and honour of those who have engaged in it, as
King Charlemagne, William the Conqueror,
Duke of Normandy, the King of Denmark,f
and several others, as is shown in the book of
the ^ Brut.' J Hence the King at present reign-
ing, seeing the grace which God has given him,
ought not to be in a worse plight than the
others. Therefore, Sir Herald, cease to boast of
such great riches, for the dangers which I have
just described are not all over, and be assured
that there is a certain nobleman in France,§ who,
with the King's good aid, has a strong inclina-
tion to go and visit you. And as to the riches
of France, God be thanked, they are very abun-
dantly sufficient.
'' Most high and most excellent Princess, Lady
Prudence, may it please you to remember that
I have already said that the Saxons, otherwise
* This was Henry of Bolingbroke, better known as Duke of Lan-
caster, and afterwards Henry IV. of England.
f The king of Denmark here referred to was Canute the Great, who
became king of England before the Norman Conquest.
X See the Note p. 20 supra.
§ See Additional Note 41, p. 121.
Heralds of France and England. 89
called the English, are great boasters, that they
despise every other people except their own, and
that they eagerly begin wars, but do not know
how to finish them. They are likewise so pre-
sumptuous, that they think their kingdom, which
is only an island, is superior to every other
country. This you may judge of by the language
which they have now held, and which, to the
best of my power, I have answered. Adopt,
therefore, my conclusion, and say that the herald
of England has shown nothing with respect to
pleasure, valour, or riches, which ought to induce
you to advance the kingdom of England to
honour, although he promised to do so ; and that
the greater part of his assertions are directly con-
trary to himself; but say that, for the reasons
which I have alleged, you ought to advance the
kingdom of France, and place her on the right
hand, in consequence of the great exploits of the
kings of France, the wars of magnificence which
they have made, alike in times past, middle, and
present, and the several other reasons previously
mentioned. You ought, indeed, to prefer and
love our King who at present reigns, and advance
him in the presence of Honour, and secure to
him his seat ; for he has deserved well, and does
not forsake the path of his noble predecessors, but
follows it wisely and virtuously. And on all the
go E?igland and Frafice in the i ^th Century,
matters which have been brought forward on each
side I am prepared to await a true verdict."
And hereupon the herald of France made an
end of speaking.
Prudence then rose up, and after imposing
silence upon the two heralds, she said to them : —
*' Fair Sirs, I have listened attentively to what
you have alleged on each side, and I declare that
you are worthy to be heralds, and that you are
very learned and skilful in your office. Each of
you has argued extremely well the subject of the
question which I proposed, and in a manner
honourable to the kingdoms whose officers you
are. I also say that the question is of general
import, and one in which all Christian kings are
concerned. I will, therefore, hear the heralds of
other kings, some of whom have also done great
actions, and made magnificent wars, especially
against the Saracens, for the extension of Chris-
tianity. And since you are interested in it,
Sir Heralds, I will inform you of the appointment
vyhich I make." And thereupon Prudence sat
down.
Then Prudence said : — " Heralds of France
and England, my decision is that you commit to
writing the facts and arguments which you have
alleged on each side, in answer to the question I
Heralds of France and England. gi
have proposed. From these arguments a pretty
Uttle book shall be compiled, and called ' Pas-
time/ which will be very profitable to young
noblemen, and to all such as shall succeed you in
your office ; and they may pass time agreeably,
and derive much benefit by the study of it. I
will then consult with the readers and hearers of
this book, and having listened to the heralds of
other Christian kings, I will, in due time and
place, deliver my sentence." *
* See Additional Note 42, p. 121.
gz England and France in the i^th Century.
ADBiriONAL NOTES.
Note i. Page 5.
The Nine Worthies.
The name of Judas Maccabeus, whose exploits are related in
the Apocrypha, may sound strange in these days as one of the
Nine Worthies of the world ; but this was not the case prior to
the Reformation. When, just before the battle of Agincourt,
Sir Walter Hungerford remarked to Henry V. that it would
not have been amiss U the English had had present 10,000
more stout archers, the King replied that he did not wish for
one man more, and he added, in allusion to the French army :
'' These people put their trust in their numbers, and I in Him
who so often gave victory to Judas Maccabeus."
Note 2, Page 5.
To be advanced to Honour.
The French language, by means of the verb approcher^ has
enabled the author to say, to approach Honour^ in the sense of to
be advanced to honour^ by which means the personality of Honour
is kept alive here, as well as in the previous sentence, and
occasionally elsewhere ; but we have preferred using the English
idiom to be advanced to honour^ even at the expense of sacrificing
this personality. We have done so the more readily because
the author himself has not uniformly preserved the personality
of Honour,
Additional Notes, g^
Note 3, Page 6.
When the Ladies go out to divert themselves.
It appears from the letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou
(printed for the Camden Society, a.d. 1863), that Her Majesty
was a keen sportswoman; and the following letter (p. 91),
written between the years 1445 and 1455, will serve to illustrate
the text : — " By the Queen. Well-beloved : Forasmuch as we
know verily that our cousin the Earl of Salisbury will be right
well content and pleased that, at our resorting unto our castle of
Hertford, we take our disport and recreation in his park of
Ware ; we, embolding us thereof, desire and pray you that the
game there be spared, kept, and cherished for the same intent,
without suffering any other person there to hunt or have shot,
course, or other disport, in destroying or amentissment [dimi-
nution] of the game abovesaid, until such time as ye have other
commandment, from our said cousin in that behalf. As we
trust you, <Stc. To the Parker of Ware."
In the same work (p. 106) is another letter from the Queen
" To the Keeper of Falkeburne park," in Essex, to the like
effect ; Lady Sale having granted to Her Majesty to have disport
there. The statute " for Deer-hays and Buck-stalls," passed
in J503 (19 Hen. VII., c. 11), also affords information on the
methods then in practice for taking deer in parks.
Note 4, Page 7.
Wild Fowl,
The abundance noticed in the text appears to have decreased
during the years which followed, if we may trust the Act of
Parliament passed in 1533 (24 Hen. VIII., c. 2). This Act
recites that heretofore there had been *•' within the realm great
plenty of wild fowl, as ducks, mallards, wigeons, teal, wild
geese, and divers other kinds of wild fowl ;" and it then pro-
hibits the further destruction of them, with a saving to gentle-
94 England and France in the i ^th Century,
men and forty-shilling freeholders of the right " to hunt, and
take such wild fowl, with their spaniels only, without using
any net or other engine for the same, except it be a long-
bow."
Note 5, Page 8.
The greatest of Christian Kings.
In Sir George Mackenzie's Tract of Precedency^ inserted in
Guillim's Heraldry (6th ed., 1724), some observations will be
found respecting the precedency of kings and commonwealths.
It is a subject which was often debated in former times, and on
which Germany, France, Spain, and England would have held
different opinions ; but it is of no practical importance at the
present day. An elaborate statement of the claim of the King
of France to be the first in dignity appeared during the reign
of Louis XIV., in Godefroy's Appendix to Chartier's Histoire
de Charles FIL
Between the death of Oueen Elizabeth and the Revolution
of 1688, with the exception of a few years in which England
stood upon its feet during the Commonwealth, our country was
only a power of the second order in Europe. The kingdom
was prostrated, and thrown out of its rank by the vices of the
Government. The English people, indeed, constantly protested
against this degradation, and twice overturned the Government ;
but the misfortune of the displacement cannot be denied. Their
protest was rendered inevitable as a consequence of all their
previous history ; and could we suppose it not to have been
enforced, but that the Stuarts had been left to go their own
way, the national character must have sunk so low, that the pro-
bability is the people of North America would now be speaking
French, and the traces of the English upon that continent would
be about as important as are those left by the Dutch. The
wars with France under William III. and Queen Anne restored
England to its former rank. What the English thought was
their rightful position in Europe during the latter days of Queen
Additional Notes, 95
Elizabeth is shown by a passage in Stow's Annals^ written at
the time when the event which it describes happened. After
the treaty of Vervins had been concluded between Spain and
France, negotiations were opened for a treaty between Spain
and England, in the year 1600. Spain at that time was the most
powerful monarchy in Europe ; and this is what took place : —
" The Commissions on both sides being viewed and considered
of, some question for the precedencie and superioritie of place
fell into disputation and debate, her Majestie challenging the
same as due unto her before the time of the Emperor Charles
(as appeareth by Volateran), in the time of King Henrie the
Seventh, her Highnesse' grandfather, when this selfe same differ-
ence betweene both these crownes comming into question, the
Pope preferred England, and adjudged unto this crowne the
most honorable place" (Stow's Annals^ ed. 1601, p. 1307).
The Spaniards, whose pride was equal to their power, contra-
dicted this assumption, and claimed superiority ; the consequence
was, that the negotiation was broken ofF upon the point in dis-
pute, and, in fact, a treaty was not concluded until after the
accession of James 1.
Note 6, Page 9.
The English readily begin Wars,
This was also the opinion of Philip de Comines, who says
that, of all the nations in the world, the English were the readiest
to settle their quarrels with the sword, and his judgment on
their diplomacy in negotiating the terms of a peace is far
from flattering (1. iii., ch. 7 & 8). With reference to the
Treaty of Paris, in 1763, after the victories of the elder Pitt,
Count Algarotti observed that the English " made wars like
lions, and peace like lambs " {^Letters Military and Political
Translated^ p. 163). Since the Revolution of 1688, however,
the English have generally been more successful towards the
conclusion than at the commencement of their wars.
g6 England and France in the i^th Century,
Note 7, Page ii.
Parks in England and France.
Whatever may have been the case in the fifteenth century,
there can be little doubt as to the relative condition of England
and France with respect to parks two centuries later. Sir John
Hay ward, in his Lives of the four Norman Kings of England^
says of Henry I. : — " He permitted to make inclosures for
parks, which taking beginning in his time, did rise to that ex-
cessive increase, that in a few succeeding ages more parks were
in England than in all Europe beside " (p. 242). Sir John
Reresby thus repeats the last assertion, in speaking of a visit
which he paid to the Duke de la Tremouille, at Thouars, in
Brittany, between the years 1650 and 1660 : — ''Going to wait
on the duke, I found him very kind when I told him my
country, the late Earl of Derby having married his sister. He
commanded me to dine with him, and the next time mounted
me upon one of his horses, to wait on him a hunting in his park,
which, not being two miles about, I thought of little compass
to belong to so great a person, till I found that few are allowed
to have any there, save the princes of the blood ; so true is it
that there are more parks in England than in all Europe
besides" {Travels and Memoirs^ p. 37). The great number
of parks belonging to particular noblemen and ecclesiastical
dignitaries in former times is worthy of notice. Thus, in
15 12, the Earl of Northumberland owned, at least, sixteen
deer parks, besides forests, in Northumberland, Yorkshire, and
Cumberland, in which were contained between 5,000 and 6,000
head of deer, and these were exclusive of his possessions in
Sussex and other counties {Northumberland Household Book^
p. 425). Other instances of the same kind may be found. It
appears from a note in Pennant's British Zoology {vol. i., p. 52,
ed. 18 12), that " the largest park in England, about the year
1780, was that belonging to the Duke of Ancaster, at Grims-
thorpe, which, it is said, contained not less than 6,000 head of
fallow deer, and is annually enlarging." In Mr. Evelyn Shirley's
recently-published work. Some Account of English Deer Parks^
Additional Notes. gy
full information will be found on the subject. From that work
it appears that there are at present about 334 parks stocked
with deer in the different counties of England.
Note 8, Page 12.
We have also Wolves and Foxes^ while you have none*
Wolves appear to have been not uncommon in England in
the reign of King John, but to have become gradually extermi-
nated during the two centuries following (see Strutl's Sports
and Pastimes^ ed. 1834, p. 19). We learn, upon the authority
of William of Malmesbury, that Wales was cleared of them
prior to the Norman Conquest, as a consequence of the annual
render of 300 wolves' skins, for which the tribute payable by
the king of that country had been commuted. In the north of
our island wolves existed longer, and the Parliament of Scotland,
A.D. 1457, ^^ ^" enactment for their destruction, enjoined,
amongst other things, " that he who slew a wolf was to be
entitled to a penny from every household in the parish where it
was killed " (Tytler's History of Scotland^ iii. 303, 3rd ed.).
Note 9, Page 13.
Great red-legged or Grecian Partridges.
In an additional passage by the Editor of Pennant's British
Zoology^ he says : — " The common partridge occurs nowhere
in Turkey in a lower latitude than Salonica, or south of Thrace
and Macedonia. The red-legged species is found throughout
Greece in all the rocky districts, whether high or low, but in
no other situation. . . . Red-legged partridges were intro-
duced from France into Suffolk about the year 1770, and have
multiplied considerably, particularly near Orford, and in the
vicinity of the sea" ('vol. i., p. 365, ed. 1812).
H
98 England and France In the i^th Century.
Note io. Page 13.
IFe have likewise Pheasants^ ^c, while you have none.
If a passage in Stow's Annals can be depended upon, then,
150 years before the text was written, pheasants could not have
been uncommon in England, since, under the year 1299, it is
stated that by an act of the Common Council of the city of
London, concerning the price of poultry, a pheasant was to be
sold at fourpence, which was also the price of a goose, while
a partridge was to be sold for three-halfpence (Howes's ed.,
p. 207). It is certain, at all events, that pheasants were com-
mon enough before the end of the fifteenth century, since this
fact is sufficiently shown by the language of a statute passed in
1494 (2 Henry VII., c. 17), prohibiting the destruction of them
by unlicensed persons. The sale of pheasants and partridges
appears to have been first prohibited by statute 32 Henry
VIII., c. 8, and the prohibition lasted down to quite recent
times.
Note ii, Page 13.
Goshawks and Tercelets.
The Paston Letters appear to confirm the statement that in
the fifteenth century England did not supply these birds for the
purposes of hawking (see Knight's ed.. No. 333, and the fol-
lowing letters), though a statute passed in 1494 (2 Henry
VII., G. 17) rather points the other way. This statute, and
the 35 Edw. III., c. 22, and 37 Edw. III., c. 19, contain
information which anyone interested in the subject of hawkino-
will find valuable. The tercelet, according to Turberville
and Latham, was the male bird, which is less esteemed in fal-
conry than the female. See, also, on the subject of hawking,
Strutt's Ancient Sports and Pastimes^ and a note in Sir H. Elh's's
Original Letters^ 3rd series, i. 43.
Additional Notes* gg
Note 12, Page 14.
King Arthur,
Although it is doubtful whether such a personage as King
Arthur ever existed, yet his fame as a hero of romance was for
several centuries widely spread and believed in throughout
Christendom. We may refer to an early instance of this
renown taken from Portuguese history. John I., being com-
pelled to retire from the town of Coria, which he had been
besieging, and being dissatisfied with the conduct of his nobility,
made the remark, " We have no knights of the Round Table
now j for if any had been here, we should not have raised the
siege." To which one of the nobles present, stung by the
reproach, boldly replied, " It is only the good King Arthur that
is wanting." The English Sovereigns of the house of Tudor
professed to be descended from King Arthur, and Henry VII.
named his eldest son Arthur, in recognition of that supposed
ancestry.
Note 13, Page 17.
There is no other Kingdom than England which could support
such a burden.
We do not know whether John Coke, who wrote an answer
to the French Debate between the Heralds, was an ancestor or
relative of Sir Edward Coke, the Chief Justice. It is likely,
however, that the latter, who had read so much, was acquainted
with the work of his namesake, as well as with that to which
it is a reply. Towards the close of his life, the great English
lawyer became a patriot. It was a time when the humiliation
of their country brought tears into the eyes of hard men who
were not accustomed to weep ; and we cannot help thinking
that the text supplied Sir Edward Coke with an argument which
he turned to good eiFect. In the course of a speech against
the Court party, who maintained that England and Scotland to-
gether were insufficient to defend the Protestant interest in the
Palatinate, he then reminded the Government that " when poor
H 2
loo England and France in the ic^th Century.
England stood alone, and had not the access of another king-
dom, and yet had more and as potent enemies as it now hath,
yet the King of England prevailed."
Note 14, Page 23.
When Princes proceed at the head of their Feudal Vassals to make
Conquest^ &c. (Quant princes vont en ost concquerir).
The expression en ost has a technical signification, and refers
to a strictly feudal army, as contradistinguished from an army
assembled under the arrtere ban. In the former, all the
feudatories who held nobly, or, as we should say in England, by
knight-service, were bound to serve. In the latter force, all
persons capable of bearing arms, whether noble or ignoble,
were summoned to attend, and it was commonly raised in a
particular district, upon the spur of the moment. The feudal
army contained all the noble warriors of the province or
State, and displayed
The royal banner, and all quality,
Pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war.
Note 15, Page 23.
Clovis^ the first Christian King,
In England, during the reign of Henry VI., and sub-
sequently, it was the generally received opinion, derived from
Geoffrey of Monmouth's pretended history, that a certain
Lucius, King of Britain, who is said to have died a.d. 156, was
the first Christian king.
Note 16, Page 25.
The Dream of the Orchard (Le Songe du Vergier).
Although, in conformity with the modern interpretation, we
have in this place given the word orchard as the equivalent for
vergier^ yet the French word, and probably the English one
Additional Notes, lOT
also, formerly meant a garden. This is proved as to the French
by the following passage in the commencement of the Songe du
Vergter itself: — "Je veis un merveilleuse advision en ung Vergier
que estoit tresdelectable et tresbel, plein de roses et de fleurs et
de plusieurs autres delitz." With respect to the English word
orchard^ the ghost of Hamlet's father — a king, be it remem-
bered — says.
Sleeping within mine orchard^
A serpent stung me.
Shakespeare probably followed the story of some more ancient
author ; but had he written a century later, he would in all like-
lihood have substituted the word garden. It will be observed
that the Teutonic root which occurs in the word yard^ enters
both into garden and orchard. The word vergier occurs again
in p. 79, where the sense requires it to be interpreted garden.
Note 17, Page 27.
Wars of Magnificence.
These wars have found greater favour with the French than
with the English, and the author several times reproaches the
latter with their disinclination to them. In the Crusades, how-
ever, which involved the greatest wars of magnificence ever
carried on by Christendom, England performed her part : in the
first Crusade, under Robert, son of William the Conqueror,
and in the third, under Richard, the Lion-hearted (see Note,
supra^ p. 22) ; while in the last Crusade the English alone repre-
sented Europe, under their prince Edward, afterwards King
Edward I. The most recent war of magnificence which the
French had been engaged in at the time when the text was
written, occurred during the childhood of Charles of Orleans,
and it had been brought to a woeful conclusion by their defeat
at Nicopolis in 1396. Henry V. of England was the last
Christian king who seriously meditated a crusade against the
infidels ; and had he lived a few years longer, he might possibly
have altered the course of modern history.
lo^ England and France in the i^th Century.
Note i8, Page 30.
King John made such great and abject submission^ ^c.
This discreditable business, in which King John for awhile
involved the kingdom, was exceptional ; and the nobility and
commonalty of England had no reason in the end to be ashamed
of the part which they had taken in it. The Pope was defeated
upon the two great points in controversy. He opposed Magna
Charta, which the English won and secured, and the latter sub-
sequently repudiated the homage, which, after all, had been
merely nominal. A kingdom like England, which, prior to the
Reformation, poured forth a continuous stream of legislation
against the usurpations of the papacy, which produced Wick-
liffe, and which never effectually suppressed Lollardism, can
hardly be charged with subserviency to Rome. In fact, the
relations of this country with the Romish See were of the most
independent kind prior to the Norman Conquest, and after
that event they were those of a scarcely-stifled Protestantism.
Note 19, Page 33.
Because^ says Boetius^ (ffc.
The only passage in the works of Boetius which we can find
at all resembling the one here quoted is, y^Iios in cladem meritam
prcecipitavit indigne aucta felicitas [De Consol. Phil., I. iv.), and
wide as the translation may appear, we think it is the passage
referred to. It is stated that M. Kervyn de Lettenhove has
proved that Charles of Orleans made a French translation of
the treatise De Consolatione ; and possibly from that translation
the passage may be identified, or the prince may have quoted it
loosely from memory.
Additional Notes, 1 03
Note 20, Page 35.
King yohn preferred rather to die or be taken prisoner.
Assuming Charles of Orleans to have been the author of the
Debate^ the passage in the text here referred to acquires a
peculiar significance, since it serves to cast suspicion upon the
truth of a tradition, w^hich, v^^e believe, vv^ill not stand the test of
criticism. It is asserted that just before the battle of Agincourt,
Henry V. publicly declared his determination to die in the
engagement rather than to be taken prisoner j and this tradition
has not only been immortalised by our poets, but it has been
constantly repeated as an historical fact, from its first appearance
in print in the Polychronicon^ tow^ards the close of the fifteenth
century, down to our ov^n days. In Hall's Chronicle it will be
found inserted in its most expanded form. We are not aware
that the tradition rests upon any contemporary authority, while
it is remarkable that Harding, the Chronicler, who was himself
present in the battle, makes no mention of it. Charles of
Orleans was taken prisoner at Agincourt ; he was introduced to
Henry immediately after the battle, and remained with him
until the English army recrossed the Channel, when he accom-
panied the King in the same ship to England. It is, therefore,
impossible that such a declaration should have been publicly
made and the French Prince remain in ignorance of it. Is it
then probable that he would have brought forward prominently
the fact that King John preferred in the alternative to die or be
taken prisoner rather than to quit the field at Poictiers, when he
knew that Henry V. had resolved, without any alternative,
to die rather than be taken prisoner at Agincourt ? The object
which Charles of Orleans had in view was to show the
superiority in valour of the French over the English, and surely
he was not likely to have alleged an argument to which there
was so obvious a reply. But the strongest objection against
the truth of the tradition appears to lie in the King's own
character. Henry V. was eminently a religious man, and a
I04 England and France in the i^th Century.
Christian ; he was even called in derision, by those who did not
love him, the King of the Priests. Now it was by no means a
matter of course for a prince to be able to control his own fate
in a battle during the middle ages. There was, then, neither
the smoke nor the roar of artillery to confuse the eye and the
ear ; his banner and the trappings of his steed would distinguish
him, while his armour of proof would protect him against any
ordinary assault ; and the object of his enemies would be not to
kill him, but to take him prisoner for the sake of his ransom.
Of how little avail arrows were against a knight in armour of
proof may be inferred from a remark made respecting Richard
L, who was said to come out of battle in the Holy Land with
the arrows sticking- about him like pins in a pincushion. Sup-
posing Henry V., then, to carry out his determination to conquer
or to die, the presumption is that, if he lost the battle, he would
have to kill himself; and whether such an imitation of the
younger Cato would have been consistent with the Christian
sentiments which Henry professed may easily be decided. The
germ of the tradition appears to us to be simply a poetical in-
vention, and to lie in a contemporary poem by John Lidgate,
describing Henry's expedition Into France. After relating how,
just before the battle of Agincourt, the King knelt down in the
midst of his soldiers, " and thrice there kissed the ground," the
poet goes on to relate what next occurred : —
" Crist, seyde the kyng, as y am thi knyght.
This day me save for Ingelond sake.
And lat nevere that good Reme for me be fright,
Ne me on lyve this day be take."
We have called attention to the determination which Henry
is said to have expressed, rather than attempted formally to dis-
prove the tradition. Even so respectable an author as De
Barante has adopted the tradition as an historical truth in his
History of the Dukes of Burgundy. As the question thus stood
in our way, we could hardly avoid noticing it ; and we may
here mention another tradition which the English formerly had
Additional Notes. 105
respecting Agincourt, and which, we suspect, was blighted
when the belief in miracles began to wax cold after the Refor-
mation : —
" Saynt George was sene over our hoste,
Of very trouthe this syght men dyde se ;
Downe was he sente by the Holy goste,
To gyve oure Kynge the vyctorye."
Probably the critic will find, upon investigation, that the one
tradition is as credible as the other.
Note 21, Page 48.
Against the King of Granada.
In the last expedition against the King of Granada, which
accomplished the destruction of the Moorish kingdom in Spain,
in the year 1492, the English were represented by Lord Scales,
Earl of Rivers, and a body of volunteers, who fought under his
banner. A Spanish contemporary chronicler, Antonio Agapida,
whose manuscript work formed the basis of Washington Irving's
Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada^ gives the following
character of the Earl and his countrymen on the occasion
(Bohn's ed. 1850, vol. i., p. 145J :- —
" This cavalier was from the island of England, and brought
with him a train of his vassals ; men who had been hardened in
certain civil wars which had raged in their country. They
were a comely race of men, but too fair and fresh for warriors ;
not having the sunburnt martial hue of our old Castilian sol-
diery. They were huge feeders, also, and deep carousers ; and
could not accommodate themselves to the sober diet of our
troops, but must fain eat and drink after the manner of their
own country. They were often noisy and unruly, also, in their
wassail, and their quarter of the camp was prone to be a scene
of loud revel and sudden brawl. They were withal of great
pride ; yet it was not like our inflammable Spanish pride \ they
io6 England and France in the i^th Century.
stood not much upon the pundonor and high punctilio, and rarely
drew the stiletto in their disputes j but their pride was silent and
contumelious. Though from a remote and somewhat barbarous
island, they yet believed themselves the most perfect men upon
earth, and magnified their chieftain, the Lord Scales, beyond
the greatest of our grandees. With all this, it must be said of
them that they were marvellous good men in the field, dexterous
archers, and powerful with the battle-axe. In their great pride
and self-will, they always sought to press in the advance,
and take the post of danger, trying to outvie our Spanish
chivalry. They did not rush forward fiercely, or make a
brilliant onset, like the Moorish and Spanish troops, but they
went into the fight deliberately, and persisted obstinately, and
were slow to find out when they were beaten. Withal they
were much esteemed, yet little liked by our soldiery, who con-
sidered them staunch companions in the field, yet coveted but
little fellowship with them in the camp.
" Their commander, the Lord Scales, was an accomphshed
cavalier, of gracious and noble presence, and fair speech. It
was a marvel to see so much courtesy in a knight brought up so
far from our Castilian court. He was much honoured by the
King and Queen, and found great favour with the fair dames
about the court, who, indeed, are rather prone to be pleased
with foreign cavaliers. He went always in a costly state, at-
tended by pages and esquires, and accompanied by noble young
cavaliers of his country, who had enrolled themselves under his
banner, to learn the gentle exercise of arms. In all pageants
and festivals, the eyes of the populace were attracted by the
singular bearing and rich array of the English Earl and his
train, who prided themselves on always appearing in the garb
and manner of their country ; and were indeed something very
magnificent, delectable, and strange to behold."
We have not verified this extract with the original Spanish,
since Agapida's work still remains in manuscript. We have,
however, compared the account of the exploits of the Earl of
Rivers at the capture of Loja with the chronicle of Bernaldez,
curate of Los Palacios, which Irving also quotes in manuscript —
Additional Notes, 1 07
the latter work having since been published (Granada, 1850) —
and we have found it, as far as it goes, confirming the state-
ments both of Agapida and Washington Irving.
Note 22, Page 52.
Tou are obliged to warm yourselves and cook your food with CoaL
This is an interesting fact, and taken in connection with two
subsequent passages on the same subject (p. 63 and 81), tends
to show that the use of coal was common in England earlier
than is generally supposed. Bishop Fleetwood doubts whether
sea-coal, as distinguished from charcoal, was commonly used in
London earlier than in the middle of the sixteenth century
[Chronicon Preciosum, p. 118) ; and MacCulloch merely states
that, " in the reign of Charles I. the use of coal became universal
in London" {Diet, of Commerce ^ 1859, p. 3^^)' ^^ the other
hand, a statute passed in 142 1 (9 Hen. V., c. 10), proves
that the Newcastle trade in coal must have been considerable,
or Parliament would hardly have interfered to stop a fraud
amounting to only fourpence, or at most sixpence, in the custom
due for each keel laden with coals. We also learn that the
cost of coal consumed in the household of the Earl of North-
umberland, A.D. 15 1 2, was more than double the cost of
all other fuel, including: charcoal, faggots, and great wood
{Northumh. Household Book^ p. 21). Unless London, therefore,
was an exception to the general rule, there is reason for believ-
ing that coal was commonly used in that city nearly a century
before the time mentioned by Bishop Fleetwood. The use of
charcoal in the manufacture of iron was checked by " an Act
that timber shall not be felled to make coals for the burning of
iron," passed in 1559 ' ^"^ ^^^ object of the statute is stated to
be " for the avoiding of destruction and wasting of timber."
We have no doubt that if the old statutes, not printed in
the Statutes at Large ^ were looked into, they would afford
further information of value on the subject of the early use of
coal in England.
io8 England and France in the i^th Century,
Note 23, Page 56.
Maritime Law of War,
The ancient sea-laws of Oleron are probably the maritime
law here referred to, specimens of which celebrated code the
English reader will find in the Rutter of the See^ printed by-
Petit in 1536, and in the Appendix to Godolphin's Admiralty
Jurisdiction, These laws were formerly regarded with much
favour in England, in consequence of its being supposed that
they were ordained by our Richard I. in the Holy Land. The
general maritime law of Europe in the middle ages is rather a
wide subject, which may be studied with advantage in the very
learned work by Pardessus, Collection des Lois Maritimes ante-
rieures au XVIU. sVecle (Paris, 1828-45). We have not been
successful in finding the particular law referred to in the text.
Note 24, Page 56.
Portugal your Ally,
There is hardly another instance to be found of so enduring
an alliance between two independent nations as that which has
existed between Portugal and England. It may be said, indeed,
to date from the origin of Portugal as a kingdom in the twelfth
century, when the Christian inhabitants, who rescued their
country from the Moors, are reported to have been aided by
some English crusaders returning from the Holy Land. In the
fourteenth century the English, under John of Gaunt, Duke of
Lancaster, contributed again to the establishment of the inde-
pendence of the kingdom, when it was menaced by the Cas-
tilians ; and John I. of Portugal married Philippa of Lancaster,
the daughter of that prince. The English princess gave birth
to five sons, amongst whom we recognise the familiar names of
her native land, Edward and Henry ; and it was under the
fostering care of the prince of this latter name, so well known
Additional Notes. 1 09
as the Infante Don Henry, that the Portuguese commenced
those famous maritime expeditions, which, before his death, had
added the islands of Madeira, the Azores, and the Cape de
Verd to the dominions of Portugal ; and which led, before the
fifteenth century was ended, to the discovery of America by
Columbus, and of the sea-passage to India, by Portugal's own
hero, Vasco da Gama. In the year 1455 we find King Alfonso
v., the grandson of Philippa of Lancaster, elected a Knight of
the Garter in England [Foedera^ vol. xi., p. 368), a barren
honour it may be, yet not without its import as evincing the
kindly relations existing between the two countries. It is
pleasing to reflect upon the fact which the text reveals, that
about the same time, when England was greatly depressed, strug-
gling against powerful adversaries, and without any other help in
Europe, she was befriended in turn by her prosperous and faith-
ful ally. In the sixteenth century Spain, having become con-
solidated, was the foremost power of Christendom ; and being
strengthened by her connection with Germany, overmatched
and conquered Portugal, while England had enough to do in
maintaining her own position against the combined forces which
the religious changes of the period had brought against her.
Yet even then, after the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Eng-
land's first thoughts were turned towards her early ally, and the
government of Elizabeth despatched an expedition to the Penin-
sula for recovering the independence of Portugal, and setting Don
Antonio upon the throne. Again, in the seventeenth century,
no sooner had the Portuguese themselves re-established their
independence under the house of Braganza, than the ancient
alliance with England was renewed, and our Charles II. mar-
ried the Infanta Catherine. To th^t marriage the English are
in a great measure indebted for their dominion in India, which
constitutes their chief glory in the eyes of foreign nations. The
war of the Spanish Succession, and the Methuen Treaty at the
commencement of the eighteenth century, afford further proof
of the heartiness of the attachment between the two kingdoms.
And when, in the year 1755, the great national calamity of the
X lo England and France in the i^th Century.
earthquake destroyed Lisbon, there was a general outburst of
sympathy throughout England, which did not waste itself in
words, but the British Parliament immediately voted one hun-
dred thousand pounds, to be expended in corn and provisions
for the relief of the surviving inhabitants. The Portuguese
character was shown to advantage when these supplies reached
Lisbon, and the King of Portugal spontaneously provided that
the British residents who had suffered in common with his own
subjects should be preferred in the distribution. Only a few
years afterwards, when the Family Compact was signed between
the Kings of France and Spain, Portugal again, with remarkable
courage, stood forth as the friend of England, and suffered in-
vasion for her sake. In the early part of the present century,
England threw her utmost strength into the alliance, in order to
liberate Portugal j and the two nations fought side by side
throughout the Peninsular war. Subsequently, in 1826, after
the Spanish constitution had been trampled out under the hoofs
of the French invasion, and when the constitution of Portugal
was threatened by Spain and the Absolutist powers of Europe,
England dispatched troops to Lisbon to defend the Government
of her ally. The duty of England towards the kingdom which
has stood up so manfully on her side in every period of our
history was then proclaimed by Mr. Canning in his famous
speech justifying the wisdom of that measure : — "While Great
Britain has an arm to raise, it must be raised against the efforts
of any Power that shall attempt forcibly to control the choice
and fetter the independence of Portugal." There is something
honourable to human nature in the fact of a friendship which
has lasted more than six hundred years, and which has been
cemented by so many benefits mutually conferred and received ,
and we trust it may be long before England ceases to interest
herself in the welfare of Portugal, her oldest and most constant
ally.
Additional Notes, ill
Note 25, Page 57.
The Cross-bow,
The English obstinately persisted in the use of the long-bow
after the superior efficiency of other weapons of destruction had
been proved. Amongst the Continental nations, there was a
period between the disuse of the long-bow and the introduction
of the hand-gun, or arquebuss, when the cross-bow had been
extensively employed, but it was never popular in England.
An Act was passed in 1503 (18 Hen. VII., c. 4), the title of
which is, " No man shall shoot in a cross-bow without the
King's license, except he be a lord, or have two hundred mark
land ;" and in 151 1 this Act was confirmed and rendered more
stringent. On the other hand, the Acts passed for the en-
couragement of shooting with the long-bow were of constant
recurrence down to 1565 (8 Eliz., c. 10). Soon after this
date, however, the merits of the cross-bow forced themselves
upon the attention of the English Government. Still, so late as
the year 1590, an experienced soldier. Sir John Smythe, in his
treatise Concerning the Forms and Effects of divers sorts of
TVeapons^ holds to the opinion that the long-bow was the better
weapon for Englishmen ; and this opinion found favour in
England down to the time of the civil wars under Charles I.
It is shown by Rymer, however [Fcedera^ viii. 477), that in the
year 1406, before any kind of hand-guns had been invented, the
English used cannon on board their ships.
Note 26, Page 58.
For there is Danger^ i^c.
The reasons here alleged are so curious that we add the
original passage : — " Car il ya dangier et perdicion de vie, et dieu
sceit quelle pitie quant il fait tourmente, and si est la maladie de
la mer forte a endurer a plusieurs gens. Item et la dure vie
dont il fault viure qui n'est pas bien consonante a noblesse."
115 England and France in the ic^th Cefttury.
Note 27, Page 59.
The King is also lord of Genoa.
The republic of Genoa, after recovering its liberties in 1435,
became a prey to intestine divisions and foreign wars, and volun-
tarily submitted to the dominion of the King of France in 1458.
On the nth May in this latter year, John of Anjou was ad-
mitted into possession of the city, after swearing to protect the
rights and liberties of the citizens ; but the French were expelled
and lost their sovereignty in 146 1. The passage in the text
must therefore have been written during their three years' occu-
pation of the city (Sismondi, Hist, des Republ. Italiennes^
X. 74).
Note 28, Page 61.
Great Towns.
The general state of insecurity which prevailed in the
thirteenth century is shown by a statute passed in 1285 (13
Edw. I., c. 4), for keeping watch in great towns which were
walled. It is probable that at that period husbandmen resided
chiefly in walled towns, and if such were the fact, the populous
villages mentioned in the text afford evidence of the advance-
ment in civilisation which had since taken place.
Note 29, Page 63.
Mines of Metal.
The original is minieres de metal^ and we suspect that this
last word is a typographical error. It looks very much like
mezel^ an old word which Cotgrave translates, " a kind of brass
or copper, good to make ordnance of ;" but whether or
not copper was the metal intended, we cannot venture to
decide.
Additional Notes. 1 1 3
Note 30, Page 68.
In England there are only Fourteen Bishops and Two
Jrchbishops,
If we exclude the Welsh bishoprics, and the bishopric of
Sodor and Man, this will be found to be a correct enumeration
of English sees in the fifteenth century. To these sees then
and now existing, five were added after the dissolution of the
monasteries in the reign of Henry VIII. , and two more in the
present reign. The Isle of Man, having been rendered
virtually independent of England after the grant of that island
by Henry IV. to the Stanley family, and the struggle of Wales
for independence under the same sovereign, might be the
reason for the author's omission of the sees which have been
excluded.
Note 31, Page 68.
W^e have Seven Universities,
The loose confederation of provinces which succeeded the
Heptarchy, and became subject to the Anglo-Saxon monarchy,
was consolidated into one homogeneous kingdom, governed by
the same laws, under the reign of William the Conqueror.
From that time forward the universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge would suffice for the whole of England, and, in fact,
they have helped to preserve the unity of the State. In France
it was otherwise. There the union of the provinces was not
effected until four hundred years later, and in the meantime an
extensive province would require a university for itself. Thus
the greater number of universities in France sprang out of a
condition of affairs which has always been regarded as one of
the chief misfortunes of that realm.
1 14 England and France In the ic^th Century.
Note 32, Page 70*
If you have been in France,
The author seems to have forgotten himself here, since we
must presume that he meant to lay the scene of the debate be-
tween the two heralds in France, as the French herald says
(p. 28), " I, who am speaking, have been in England." An-
other defect of memory of the same kind occurs in p. 19,
where the French herald says that the Saxons were invited to
come (venir) over, not to go (aller) over, and make war in
Britain. Or, do not these and some other passages raise a
suspicion that they were actually written in England, although
the Debate as a whole in its present form was not finished until
the year 1458 ? How a public man may be delayed in com-
pleting an historical work is shown, in his Historical CharacterSy
by Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, who informs us that his sketch
of Mr. Canning was written twenty-six years before it was
published.
Note 33, Page 73. ■ •
// ?nust be admitted.^ iffc.
The reasons here alleged to prove the early origin of the
French nobility would hardly be put forward by a modern
Frenchman, looking back upon the wars of the Revolution.
The argument expressed in its full terms is as follows : — •
Every nation which carries on war must possess a great
nobility.
But the French nation did carry on war against Brutus.
Therefore, the French nation must then have possessed
a great nobility, which has lasted down to the present time.
This specimen of reasoning is certainly curious, since
it will be observed that both of the premises are false ; and
even admitting them to be true, the conclusion does not follow
from them.
Additional Notes, \ i ^
Note 34, Page 75,
For every Castle that you have, we have fifty.
The best answer to this fact, if such it be, is contained in
the patriotic little poem of Sir William Jones, the distinguished
Oriental scholar: —
" What constitutes a State ?
Not high-raised battlement, or laboured mound,
Thick wall, or moated gate.
No ; men, high-minded men ; —
Men who their duties know.
But know their rights ; and knowing, dare maintain."
Forty-nine castles only are enumerated in Domesday Book,
but there can be no doubt that a very great number of castles
for defence formerly existed in England, built during the reign
of the Conqueror and his successors of the Norman line.
During the three centuries which followed, a large proportion of
these castles must have fallen into decay, or been destroyed.
We have, however, within a short compass, some authentic and
valuable information respecting the state of landed property in
England, in the statute of Extenta Mancrii, passed in the year
1276, about midway, between the Norman Conquest and the
accession of the House of Tudor ; and this proves that the
castles of the nobility were even then of great consideration.
On the other hand, in the century preceding the date of the
text, many new castles were built, for the double purpos(* of
defence and convenient habitation, by the fortunate soldiers who
had grown rich from the spoils gathered in the wars with France.
During the wars of the Roses, not so many castles were
demolished as might have been expected, it being the practice of
the English of that day to fight battles in the field, and not to
allow the war to linger by the besieging of castles. The Tudor
sovereigns did not encourage the building of castles ; the cm-
I 2
1 16 England and France in the i^th Century,
ployment of artillery in war was now becoming general, and the
fortifications which a private man could raise were not of much
avail against the assaults of gunpowder, while the state of
internal security had become improved, and a new style of
architecture for domestic purposes came into use. Had Wol-
sey lived in the time of Anselm, he would not have built
a palace at Hampton Court, but a castle. Nearly the last of
the castles erected in England was the ostentatious structure
erected in place of the old castle of Kenilworth, and which was
built by Queen Elizabeth's favourite, the Earl of Leicester.
In the civil war under Charles I,, it must have been obvious
to the popular party, that the owners of castles would, in the
long run, adhere to the opposite side, and hence, about the year
1648, began the great demolition of feudal castles throughout
the kingdom. It will be seen from Bishop Percy's additions to
the Northumberland Household Book^ that the castles of the Earl
of Northumberland of that day were not spared, although he
belonged to the Parliamentary party. Since then the residences
of the nobility in England have lost the distinctive features
which rendered them places of refuge in the turbulent times of
feudalism. In Dallaway's Discourses upon Architecture in Eng-
land will be found an interesting account of several of the old
castles in this country.
Note 35, Page 'jj.
Tour Beer and good Ale,
It is evident from the Northumberland Household Look that
beel- brewed in England with hops was in common use in 15 12.
It even appears some years earlier to have formed an article of
export, since in the Foedera (vol. xii., p. 471) we find, under
the year 1492, a license to a Flemish merchant to purchase in
England, and export fifty tuns of beer (quinquaginta dolia
serviciae vocatae here). Hence Sir Richard Baker, in his
Chronicle (ed. 1730, p. 298), gives currency to an inaccurate
tradition, when he reports that, about the year 1524, "divers
Additional Notes, T 1 7
things were newly brought into England, whereupon this rhyme
was made : —
* Turkeys, carps, piccarel, and beer.
Came into England all in one year.' "
The original expression in the text is vos ceruoyses et vos godale ;
and if this word ceruoyses means beer made with hops, then it is,
perhaps, the earliest authority known for the brewing of that
beverage in England. It is true that in our common Statute
Book the expression " beer or ale " occurs in the translation of
statutes passed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, but
this is merely a rendering of the word " cervlsia," which then
meant ale exclusively. From a poem written between the years
14 1 6 and 1438, and inserted in Hakluyt's Voyages (i. 192), it
appears that Prussia was the country from which beer was then
imported into England.
The word godale appears to have been formerly admitted into
the French language, since Froissard (ed. 1559, ch. 61, p.
76), employs it in the sentence v^/^z boire vostre godale^ allex ;
which Colonel Johnes translates, '* Go your ways, and drink
your good ak."
Fleetwood's Chron'icon Preciosum shows that, a.d. 1459,
common ale was sold at the rate of a penny the gallon (p. ill);
and further, that in a year of great scarcity, ale of three degrees
of strength — good ale, the better sort, and the best of all — was
sold respectively at 2d.^ 3^., and 4^. the gallon (p. 91).
Note 36, Page 81.
Limestone parries.
We have thus ventured to translate rlmieres (sic) de pleaustrty
not knowing whether the former word is a misprint for minieres
or car? teres. Plaster of Paris, supposing it to be represented by
pleaustrey is gypsum reduced to a powder, and formed into a
paste with water. As it is questionable, however, whether salt-
1 1 8 E7igla7id and France in the i ^th Century.
petre or nitre is ever found in combination with gypsum, while
it is certainly collected from limestone, we believe that we have
given the author's true meaning.
Note 37, Page 84.
France * * enjoys a peculiar excellence.
This pleasing description of the natural advantages of France
is also just, though it must at the same time be admitted that
the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland have not been left
without ample compensation. It may be very well for foreigners
to say that the excitement of political controversy is necessary
on this side the Channel in order to render life endurable ; but
though other climes may be warmed by a brighter sun, and
fanned with breezes from a serener sky, yet the native of these
isles, when he returns home to his own country, must be blind
if he fails to perceive in it another kind of beauty which all
nations have admitted to exist in full perfection there, and
which.
Making a sunshine in the shady place,
leaves him, after all, without dissatisfaction and without envy.
Setting aside, however, the natural advantages of France, and
coming to the question whether the people lived pleasantly,
Fortescue proves conclusively that, at the very time when the
author of the Debate was making this boast, the main body of
the people were reduced to the most abject condition of
servitude, destitution, and misery which the imagination can
conceive [Jbs. and Lim. Mon.^ ch. 3J.
Note 38, Page 86.
Ton Killed and Murdered King Richard^ i^c.
Richard II. was abroad fighting in Ireland when Henry
of Lancaster, afterwards Henry IV., landed at Ravenspur, in
Yorkshire, and headed a successful insurrection against him.
Additional Notes, ii$
" When King Richard heard tell all this, he came in haste out
of Ireland into Wales, and abode in the castle of Flint, to take
counsel what to do, but no counsel came to him ; and all his
host landed in divers parts, and would not follow him. Then
Sir Thomas Percy, steward of the King's house, brake the rod
of his office in the hall before all men, and said, ' The King
will no longer hold household ;* and anon all the King's men
forsook him, and left him alone. Then cursed the King
the untruth of England, and said, ' Alas ! what trust is in
this false wovXA^ " {English Chronicle of the Reign of Richard 11.^
written before the year 1471. Printed for the Camden Society).
With respect to the death of Richard, Sir John Hayward makes
a judicious remark : — " It was not amiss, in regard of the Com-
monwealth, that he was dead ; yet they who caused his death
had small reason to reckon it among their good deeds " {Life of
Henry IV. ^ p.. 136). It is observable that Richard II., and
his predecessor, Edward II., who were deposed, and met
with violent deaths, each married a French princess named
Isabella.
If it be admitted that Charles of Orleans wrote the Debate
between the Heralds^ then the importance of the passage from
the text here referred to cannot be over-rated in its bearing upon
the question of the murder of Richard II., a fact which has been
denied by Scotch historians, and notably by Mr. Tytler. . As
we shall have to employ the passage for another purpose, we do
not feel called upon here to discuss the subject of Richard's
death. The argument upon that point will be sufficiently ap-
parent after a perusal of our Inquiry into the authorship of the
Debate, With reference to that Inquiry^ although the state-
ment may be of no value in the way of proof, we owe it to the
reader to inform him that we came to the conclusion that Charles
of Orleans was the author, by means of a comparison between
the whole body of his poetry and the Debate itself, before a line
of the Inquiry was written, as well as before we had been
struck by the evidence which the passage from the text affords
of the authorship.
mo England and France in the i^lh Century,
Note 39, Page 86.
He has a just right to go and fetch his Subjects.
This passage shows that so late as the year 1458 there were
French prisoners still in England, some of whom may possibly
have been detained since the battle of Agincourt, more than
forty years previously. Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was
made prisoner in that battle, lingered twenty-five years in cap-
tivity, and he has left us an account of what he suffered. " I
know," he says, " from my own experience, during my impri-
sonment in England, that by reason of the annoyances, the
troubles, and the dangers I met with, I often wished that I had
died in the battle when I was taken prisoner, in order to be re-
lieved from the sufferings which I endured " (Champollion-
Figeac, Louis et Charles^ Dues cP Orleans^ p. 377).
Note 40, Page 87.
Tree of Battle.
It may be observed that the author of the Debate has referred
to several distinct works : —
1. The Triumph of the Nine Worthies .^ ?• 5*
2. The Brut^ p. 20.
3. The Book on Falconry^ by the Count de Foix, p. 10.
4. Master Brunet's Treasure of Sapience, p. 25.
5. The Dream of the Orchard^ p. 25.
6. Boetius [De Consolatione)^ p. 33,
7. The Tree of Battle,^. 86.
M. le Roux de Lincy has published a list of the books for-
merly in the library of Charles of Orleans (Paris : Didot, 1843).
We have not met with a copy of this list ; and, as books were
scarce before the invention of printing, it would be worth
knowing, with reference to the authorship of the Debate^
whether the whole or most of the works above mentioned were
in the Prince's possession.
Additional Notes, Z2,i
Note 41, Page 88.
There is a certain Nobleman in France^ iffc.
The French nobleman here alluded to was probably the
Count Dunois, the illegitimate brother of Charles, Duke of
Orleans, and the successful opponent of the English. Dunois
was a gallant and fortunate soldier ; but the combinations neces-
sary for an invasion of England lay beyond his genius, and the
threat in the text is a mere flourish. Besides, when the parties
of the White and Red Roses were beginning to slaughter each
other, with all the ferocity which the most patriotic French-
man could desire, it would not have been wise, by an ill-timed
attempt at invasion, to stop the civil war, and unite both York-
ists and Lancastrians against the common enemy.
Note 42, Page 91.
At the end of the original French tract which we have trans-
lated is published the first edition of Villon's patriotic ballad,
having at the end of every stanza the line, ^ui mat vouldroit
au royaume de France, This edition of the ballad has not been
seen by any one of that poet's editors ; and it will clear up some
difficulties which have puzzled them.
All Inquiry into the Authorship
of the French Tract entitled
" The Debate between the
Heralds, &c."
An Inquiry into the Authorship
of the French Tract entitled
^' The Debate between the
Heralds, &c/'
LTHOUGH the intrinsic merit of
the '' Debate between the Heralds of
France and England " may be suffi-
cient to warrant the publication of
that work in English, yet since its value as an
historical authority will be more precisely deter-
mined if the author of it can be discovered, the
following observations have been brought to-
gether for the purpose of solving the question.
The existence of the ^'Debate" appears to have
been lost sight of since the time when the Tudors
were upon the throne of England, and as no re-
ference to the authorship can be traced in the
126 hiqutry into the Authorship of
literature of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
it becomes necessary to resort to the only kind
of evidence the case admits of, and to seek the
author through the agency of the information
which he has himself been pleased to communi-
cate. With this view, it will be desirable to
indicate at the outset the primary qualifications
which must belong to every candidate who can
be proposed to fill the vacancy.
I. A perusal of the ^^ Debate " will lead without
difficulty to the conclusion, that the writer of it
must have been a Frenchman of rank and talent,
a scholar, and possessed of a lively imagination.
Amidst the troubles to which his country was
a prey during the civil wars of the fifteenth
century, he had probably belonged to the Or-
leanist, or national party, since he scarcely alludes
to the existence of any other, and particular pas-
sages of his work, as well as its general tone, are
consistent only with this assumption. Although
a Frenchman, and writing in France, he had
previously resided in England ; * and his accurate
and minute knowledge of the affairs of the latter
kingdom tends to show that his residence there
had not been one of brief duration. He must
■"- "I who am speaking have been in England," says the French
herald (p. 28), who manifestly represents the author himself.
''The Debate between the Heralds, &c.'' 127
have written in the period between 1453 and
1 46 1, because he mentions the defeat of the
English under Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, and ^
their subsequent loss of Bourdeaux (p. 46), both
of which events happened in the former year ;
and he describes Charles VII., who died in the
latter year, as being, at the time when he wrote,
the reigning King of France (pp. 44 and 46).
The date of the work is therefore fixed at once
within narrow limits. It is also stated that the
King of France is lord of Genoa (p. 59) ; and \
as he did not become so until the year 1458,
we are able to contract those limits still further.*
More than forty years must consequently have
elapsed between the recommencement of the war
between France and England in 141 5, and the
time when the '* Debate" was written. During
the whole of that period there had been no
cessation of the contest, and no distinguished
Frenchman of the national party could have
dwelt long in England except as a prisoner.
But the greater part of the French prisoners
of rank detained in this country were those taken
at the battle of Agincourt; hence a suspicion is
raised that the author may have been one of
them.
* If the point were worth arguing, it might, wc think, be piovcd
that the Debate in its present form was completed during the twelve-
month between July 1458 and 1459.
128 Inquiry into the Author ship of
Such are the reflections which occur upon a
simple perusal of the "'Debate;" but there are other
indications of authorship, more significant and
less obvious, which will demand notice subse-
quently. In the meantime, we may look amongst
the prisoners captured at Agincourt for some one
sufficiently qualified for our present purpose.
Monstrelet * states that these prisoners com-
prised about 1,500 lords and gentlemen; and he
gives a list of between twenty and thirty of the
most considerable of them, commencing with
the princes of the blood. The first name which
presents itself is that of Charles, Duke of Orleans,
the grandson of Charles V, and father of Louis
XII., Kings of France ; and this name will im-
mediately arrest attention, since it belonged to a
prince of ability, w^ho w^as also a scholar and a
poet. Before proceeding further, it wnll be pro-
per to consider whether he fulfils the other con-
ditions which have been pointed out as necessarily
belonging to the authorship of the '' Debate."
Born at Paris, in the year 1 391, he passed in France
the first twenty-four years of his life, until, fighting
at Agincourt, he was wounded and taken prisoner,
and conveyed to England, where he spent the
ensuing quarter of a century in exile. Upon
the recovery of his liberty, in the year T440, he
* Monstrelet, edited by Buchon {Pantheon LitterairCy 1836), p. 380,
''The Debate between the Heralds, 6?c." 129
returned to his native country, and lived during
the remainder of his days almost w^holly at Blois ;
and in his palace there he assembled around him
a society of literary men, whom he presided over,
and w^as at once their ornament and patron. He
survived his sovereign and cousin, Charles VII.,
and died at the age of seventy-four, in the year
1465. We have now, then, before us a person-
age who, according to present appearances, may
possibly have been the author of the '' Debate."
By instituting a comparison between the known
productions of his genius and the " Debate" itself,
we shall be advancing towards a solution of the
question, whether he was or was not the author
whom we are seeking.
II. The principal work which Charles of
Orleans has left to posterity is a volume of short
but delightful poems, inspired almost exclusively
by the passion of love. Notwithstanding their
literary excellence, these poems were hardly
known during the interval between his decease
and the commencement of the present century,
and the poet has since been reproached for spend-
ing his time idly in composing love verses, instead
of attending to the great business of his country.
A modern editor of his poetical works * appears
* M. Guichard ; Introduction, p. xxiii.
K
130 Inquiry into the Authorship of
to think, that provided a poet writes good poetry,
this is all which can be required from him, and
that in other respects he may do or leave undone
very much what he pleases, and that any defence
of his conduct is superfluous. Another editor*
has made an attempt to defend the Prince against
the charge of a total want of patriotism, by re-
ferring to his poem entitled, *^The Complaint of
France,"*!' which contains more of his ideas re-
specting the kingdom than all the rest of his
poems combined, and which we shall presently
have occasion to consider.
Upon a comparison of the poems in general with
the ^' Debate," it will be found that, although
such dissimilar subjects could scarcely be expected
to present points of correspondence, yet the same
ideas and characteristic forms of expression occur
in both ; there are the same measure and kind
of superstition, the same narrowness of sympathy,
and the same simplicity of unconsciousness that
* M. Champollion-Figeac ; Preface, p. xvii. Both of these editions of
the Prince's poems appeared in 1 842 ; a previous incomplete edition
having been published at Grenoble in 1808. An ancient English
version of most of the poems was printed for the Roxburgh Club in
1827. An elegant modern translation of a few of the poems will be
found in Longfellow's Poets and Poetry of Europe.
f La Complainte de France. Neither editor, however, has noticed
the fact, that this poem was suggested to Charles of Orleans by a
previously-written ballad with nearly the same title (see Poesies
d* Eustace Deschamps, p. 44). The first verse of the Prince's poem bears
too close a resemblance to the earlier ballad to have been accidental.
^'The Debate between the Heralds, £f?6\" 131
the French commonalty could ever be brought
to stand alone without leaning upon the nobility.
There are also in the '* Debate" passages near akin
to poetry, and a slight trace of the melancholy
which sometimes clouded the bright spirit of
Charles of Orleans, when he made allusion to
France in the songs of his captivity. If we seek
for further resemblances, there will be discovered,
both in the poetry and in the prose, signs of a
predilection for personifying moral qualities, and
for employing proverbial and legal expressions.*
A complete examination of the poems, with a
view to point out in detail the instances of their
agreement with the '' Debate," would carry us be-
yond reasonable limits, and will not be attempted.
Instead of this, our course must be to return to
" The Complaint of France," to take and analyse
that poem, and see what it will yield. It con-
sists of ten stanzas, and four of these f are distinct
* The happy manner in which legal terms are introduced into the
poems has been noticed by M. ChampoUion-Figeac (Preface, p. xvii.).
The technical propriety with which legal terms are used in the Debate
is equally noticeable.
f They comprise the four middle stanzas, which are the following :—
Souviengne-toy comment ^ voult ordonner
Que tu criasses : Mon joye ! par liesse !
Et qu'en escu d'azur deusses porter
Trois fleurs de lis d'or ; et pour ardiesse
Fermer en toy t'envoya sa haultesse
* Dieu is here understood.
K 2
13^ Inquiry into the Authorship of
from all the others, inasmuch as they celebrate
the earlier glories of France ; they treat of the
miracles wrought by God in her favour, of the
services rendered by her to the Holy See, and of
the honours conferred upon her in return, as well
L'auriflamme, qui t'a fait seigneurir
Tes ennemis. Ne metz en oubliance
Telz dons haultains, dont lui pleut t'enrichir,
Tres crestien, franc Royaume de France.
Et oultre plus, te voulu envoyer.
Par ung coulomb, qui est plain de simplesse.
La unccion dont dois tes rois sacrer ;
Afin qu'en eulx dignite plus en cresse,
Et plus qu'a nul t'a voulu sa richesse
De reliques et corps saints departir.
Tout le monde en a la congnoissance :
Soyes certain qu'il ne se veult faillir,
Tres crestien, franc Royaume de France.
Court de Romme, si te fait appeller
Son bras destre, car souvent de destresse
L'a mise hors. Et pour ce approuver,
Les papes font te seoir seul sans presse
A leur destre ; ce droit jamais ne cesse,
Et pour ce, dois fort plourer et gemir
Quant tu desplais a Dieu, que tant t*avance
En tous Estats, lequel deusse cherir,
Tres crestien, franc Royaume de France.
Quelz champions souloit en toy trouver
Crestiente : ja ne fault que I'expresse ;
Charlemaine, Roland et Olivier
En sont tesmoings, pour ce je m*en delaisse,
Et Saint-Loys roy, qui fist la rudesse
Des Sarrasins souvent aneantir
En son vivant, par travail et vaillance
Les croniques le monstrent, sans mentir,
Tres crestien, franc Royaume de France.
^'The Debate between the Heralds, £s?^." i^^
as of the fame which has accrued to her from
the achievements of her heroic sons ; but what
renders these stanzas chiefly valuable in the pre-
sent inquiry is, that they deal for the most part
with actual persons and material things. We
are thus in a condition to descend from the spirit
to the letter, and to trace the concordance be-
tween the persons and things mentioned in this
particular poem and in the *^ Debate.'^ The four
selected stanzas, it will be seen, refer to the fol-
lowing subjects : —
1. The Fleurs-de-lis, formerly in the arms of France.
2. The Oriflamme, or sacred banner of France.
3. The Ampulla, containing the holy oil with which the
kings of France were anointed at their coronation.
4. The relics in the churches of France.
5. The bodies of six of the Apostles in the church of
Toulouse, which, by reason of their importance, are separately
mentioned.
6. The material assistance rendered by France to the See of
Rome.
7. The seat of honour on the Pope's right hand, granted to
the kings of France.
8. Charlemagne.
9. Roland.
10. Oliver.
11. St. Louis.
12. The Saracens defeated by the French.
13. The Chronicles, or historical books, in which the
exploits of the French are recorded.
14. The " free " realm of France.
Of the fourteen subjects here enumerated, and
134 Inquiry into the Authorship of
which are brought forward in the poem to illus-
trate the superiority of France, every one of them,
with but a single exception, is adduced for the
same purpose in the ^^Debate;"* and although St.
Lyouis — the exception referred to — is not men-
tioned by name in the latter work, yet he and
Charlemagne are the kings there meant as having
diligently collected relics, and put them out of
the power of the infidels (p. 70). ^' The Com-
plaint of France," it will be observed, is not a
poem taken by choice out of hundreds of others
of the same kind, but it is the only one of a
political character Charles of Orleans has left on
record, if we exclude a short ballad, which he
composed upon the expulsion of the English
from Guienne and Normandy, in 1453. This
ballad treats of moral qualities, infinitely varying
with opinion or imagination, and not of material
things, and therefore it is incapable of being
subjected to the same severe test which has been
applied to the former poem ; but the tone of it
* Compare No. i, 2 and 3 with page 23 and 24
99
4 and
5
»
69
ft
6
»
25
if
7
ft
8
>y
8
99
25
>y
9 and
10
39
27
»
II
99
70
99
12 and
U
99
27
»
H
99
31
^' The Debate hetween the Heralds, &c\'' 135
is In accordance with that of the narrative of the
same events in the "Debate."* The ballad,
hovs^ever, w^ill again be referred to in the sequel.
Now, it is inconceivable that such a long
series of verbal and actual coincidences as have
just been pointed out between four consecutive
stanzas of a single poem and the " Debate" should
occur accidentally. "The Complaint of France"
is expressed f and admitted to have been com-
posed by its author during his residence in Eng-
land, which terminated in the year 1440 ; and the
"Debate" is shown to have been written between
the years 1458 and 1461. J It is, therefore, cer-
tain that the author of the "Debate" must either
have been acquainted with the poem, or there
must have been two writers both drawing their
materials from a common source, which could
only have been in manuscript, because the art
of printing was not introduced into France before
the year 1469 or 1470. Which of these two
alternative propositions is more likely to be the
true one, if we look at the special character of
* M. Guichard has incorporated in his edition of the poems of Charles
of Orleans the compositions of several contemporary versifiers, A
comparison of these compositions with the Debate y by reason of their
dissimilarity in thought, style, and language, will place in the strongest
light the resemblances which we have noticed in the text.
f In the last stanza of the poem, % ^upra^ p. 127.
1^6 Inquiry into the Authorship of
the subjects introduced, it requires no argument
to prove.
As the person to whom the poetical works of
Charles of Orleans were best known would be
the Prince himself, and as it has been shown
that he was otherwise qualified to write the ^^ De-
bate/' we now obtain a certain degree of proba-
bility that he was really the author of it. But
a new question here arises. Might not some
member of the literary circle assembled round
the Prince have imbibed his opinions, and pos-
sessing the advantage of information derived
from him, together with access to his works,
have been the author ? It would be a sufficient
answer to this suggestion, to show that the '' De-
bate " is so thoroughly interpenetrated with the
ideas and expressions prevalent throughout the
w^hole body of the Prince's poetry, as to leave no
room for doubt that the author of the one and
of the other must have been the same person.
But to do this would be a long task ; and the
variety of details which it must involve would
prove intolerably wearisome to any ordinary
reader. It will, therefore, be desirable to attain
an equivalent result by means of a different pro-
cess, and to bring the pretensions of any com-
petitor for the authorship to the test of a single
fact. With this view, we shall endeavour to
^'The Debate between the Heralds, &?6\" ^^y
elicit from the '^Debate" itself a conclusion that
the author of it was not simply a Frenchman of
rank, but that he was furthermore a prince of the
royal family,
III. Any French writer in the fifteenth cen-
tury, who was adverse to England, might be
expected to extol the kings of France ; and hence
there is nothing remarkable, when the author of
the^* Debate" assures us that they are the greatest
of Christian kings, and take the right hand in pre-
ference to all other kings (p. 8) ; that they have
been always perfect in the law of God without
swerving from it (p. 2,^) ; and that all the infidels
say that the King of France is the great king of
the Christians (p. ^8). He might also add, with-
out flattering the kings of France, that, from
respect for the royal dignity, he was ashamed to
declare what abject submission was made to the
Pope's legate by King John of England (p. 30).
But he proceeds further than this, when he asserts
that King John of France gained marvellous
great honour by the battle of Poictiers (p. 35) ;
and when he endeavours to exalt the royal line,
by affirming that Charlemagne, Louis VIII., be-
fore he came to the throne, and Isabella of France,
w^ho married the English Edward II., each con-
quered England (pp. 37-8). So also he treads upon
138 Inquiry into the Authorship of
dangerous ground when he states, that because
God wrought miracles in favour of Cloyis, there-
fore all mortal men are perpetually bound to pay
honour to that king, and to all his posterity and
race (p. ^34) ; for he has overlooked the broken
succession, and the divine right of kings which
is here inculcated, though it may have been a
belief which had its use in a barbarous age, has
proved upon the whole less advantageous to
kingdoms than to their rulers. With regard to
the duty of princes towards their subjects, the
author, as might have been expected, is silent ;
but he has taken care to announce that '^ God
sometimes punishes the people for disobedience
to their king " (p. ^^\ These instances will
be sufficient to show that the author was a zeal-
ous royalist. But his royalism is peculiarly French; .
since there is observable throughout the ^^ Debate"
a characteristic difference between the heralds of
England and France in this respect, that the for-
mer of them generally attributes the successes of
his country to the English as a nation, while the
latter ascribes the glories of his to the kings of
France.
In spite of his natural bent, however, the
author does not appear to be animated by any
spirit of obsequiousness or servility, since the lan-
guage of the French herald, which may be taken
" The Debate between the Heralds, ^c'' T39
to represent the author's own sentiments, is uni-
formly elevated to a higher pitch of independence
than any actual herald would have ventured to
assume. At the same time, this language is con-
sistent with particular passages which indicate
towards the reigning sovereign, Charles VII., I
feelings of personal regard, and even of tender-
ness. That King, by the final success of his arms
against the English, has acquired in history the
surname of the Victorious ; but though affable |
and generous to the princes of his family, his
character is not entitled to high esteem. " Be-
cause our King was of tender age and an infant,"
says the author, speaking as the French herald
(p. 44), Henry V. of England made great con-
quests in France. He does not say, the King of
France, but '^ our King ; " and it is noticeable
that the English herald never uses a similar ex-
pression. Again, he says, that King Charles
" has met wath the greatest adversities and
changes of fortune which could ever befal a
king . . . but after he had come to his
full age, he found means by his great wisdom
to reconcile the lords of his blood, and to restore
amity between them " (p. 44).
We may here observe that, after the author
has made Charles VII. and the princes of the
blood the objects of his solicitude, he has no
140 Inquiry Into the Authorship of
commiseration left to spare for any other. He
expresses no sympathy with the nobility and
commonalty, with the realm of France in short,
which these princes, by reason of their selfish
quarrels, had brought to the verge of ruin.
Amongst the nations that have been conquered
and have perished, we may point to some, where
a few royal or shining names by which they were
signalised and adorned, and in companionship
with which the spent national life once flowed,
are all that is left remaining ; and with these
frail relics of the past we have no choice but to
deck out as well as we can the inanimate form
of the commonwealth which was their abode ;
and we retain what has thus been collected
amongst the treasures of our knowledge. But
an existing kingdom, in addition to a king and
royal family, usually contains other orders in the
State which are entitled to count for something.
France, it is true, had been struck down in the
English wars, but was still a living organism ;
and it would be affronting to the understanding
to assume that the great nation, which in early
times was typified by the lark,* and which in
these latter days has been more ambitiously re-
presented by the eagle, was ever in danger of
* The Gaulish legion was known in ancient Rome by the name of
Alauda.
*^The Delate between the HeraJJs, &?r." 141
being reduced to the condition of a lifeless speci-
men of ornithology. The author of the '' Debate"
seems to have had no distinct apprehension of
this difference ; or he would hardly have been
more affected by a kw ruffled feathers than by
the torn and drooping body of the kingdom.
But again, in closing the narrative w^hich de-
scribes the ultimate triumph of the King of
France over the English, the author expresses
his belief that ^^ vs^ithin the memory of man,
such great and noble actions, and such great
conquests, have never been achieved vs^ithin so
short a time as have been achieved by our King
Charles, vs^ho nov^^ reigns" (p. 46); the truth
being that the King, who was always pursuing
his own amusements, took scarcely any active
part in these conquests. So with reference to
the alleged conquest of England by Charlemagne,
William the Conqueror, and the King of Den-
mark, the author adds that Charles VII., *' seeing
the grace which God has given him " (p. 88),
ought to be equally successful. Once more the
French herald says, in a tone loftier than would
have been considered becoming his station, though
with appropriate reference to the indolence and
love of pleasure which characterised Charles VII.,
'' I pray to God that he will give the King of
France spirit and courage to make war against
14^ Inquiry Into the Authorship of
you [the English] upon the sea " (p. 60). The
concluding passage put into the mouth of the
French herald is still one of affectionate regard
towards Charles VII : '^ You ought, indeed," he
says, in addressing the allegorical Prudence, who
is the arbiter of the debate, '" to prefer and love
our King who at present reigns for
he has deserved well, and does not forsake the
path of his noble predecessors, but follows it
wisely and virtuously " (p. 89). These passages,
wx think, betoken in behalf of the King and royal
family of France a personal interest of a special
kind not likely to have been felt or expressed by
a mere courtier.
But there may further be detected throughout
the ^^ Debate " an unusual distinction pervading it
in favour of the princes of the blood ; and from the
common propensity in our nature for everyone
to exalt the rank which he regards himself as
belonging to, the strong appreciation of this dis-
tinction evinced by the author seems to point
him out as belonging to the highest rank of all.
Thus, in describing the three estates of France,
he does not simply call them the clergy, the no-
bility, and the commonalty, or people, but he
employs the language, ''The people of the clergy,
the people of the nobility, and the common people"
(p. 6y), He uses the expressions '' princes " and
''The Debate hetween the Heralds, &c.'' 143
'' lords of the blood " as synonymous ; and he
treats dukes as belonging to the same order, since
he names the Duke of Orleans at the head of the
list of princes who bore this title, and observes
that " a duke is in title next to a king, and ought
to have great lords and lordships subject to him"
(P- 75)' -^^ ^^^^ takes exception against the
English, for conferring the dignity of duke as an
honorary title, and refers disdainfully to the dukes
so created as being little better than heralds, w^ho
have pompous names assigned to their office, or
than bishops without dioceses, who are conse-
crated by the Pope nominally for heathen coun-
tries. The author, too, in spite of his ostentatious
respect for the office of a herald at the commence-
ment of the '' Debate," does not treat the French
herald with much consideration, in making him
allude thus disparagingly to the emptiness of his
own professional distinctions. On the other side,
the author associates princes and lords of the
blood with kings, as a class apart ; as when he
says that the parks in France are fit " for kings
and princes " (p. i^); that pheasants are delicious
birds, " fit for the palate of kings and princes "
(p. 13); that Arras tapestry is ''ornamental in
the courts of kings and princes " (p. y6) ; that
all " kings and princes ought to aid " the French
king in avenging the death of Richard II. of
144 Inquiry Into the Authorship of
England (p. 86) ; and, still more pointedly, when
he declares, in a tone of pride, founded upon the
recollections of Poictiers and Agincourt, that
^' the kings and lords of the royal blood of France
have never abandoned their people in battle "
(p. 36). Hence, it vs^ould appear that the author
considered the French nation as being composed of
tvs^o classes : the king and lords or princes of the
blood on the one hand, and the people — includ-
ing in this last term, the clergy, the rest of the
nobility, and the commonalty — on the other ; and
the sympathy which he permits hiniself to mani-
fest, is with the former class and not with the
latter. There is not throughout the '' Debate "
the slightest trace of affectation or sycophancy,
and it is difficult to conceive how such a belief,
coupled with such a sympathy, could honestly,
and without any imputation of lunacy, have taken
possession of the understanding and the heart of
any human being who was not himself a prince
of the blood. But if it be admitted that this
reasoning supports the inference intended to be
founded upon it, then no prince of the blood
besides Charles of Orleans can be mentioned
who fulfils the other conditions inseparable from
the authorship.
IV. The evidence which has hitherto been
adduced to prove that Charles of Orleans was the
^'Tbe Debate between the Heralds, 6?c\" 145
author of the "Debate," if it should fail to carry
conviction, will at least have raised a strong pre-
sumption in his behalf; and it now remains, by-
comparing particular circumstances draw^n from
that w^ork w^ith external facts, to come safely to
the conclusion towards which our previous in-
quiry has been tending.
The '* Debate " as a whole is characterised by
good sense, if we assume it to have been written
by a prince of the blood, since allowance must
be made for the point of view from which he
would be likely to regard public affairs. In the
general division of the subject, what would now
be termed the social, political, and economical
condition of the two kingdoms is treated under
the heads of Pleasure, Valour, and Riches. This
narrow basis for the argument would have been,
natural for a prince to adopt in the fifteenth
century, and when the writer of the " Debate "
describes pleasure as consisting in making love,
in hawking, and in hunting (p. 6), we recognise
at once the three diversions * which chiefly em-
ployed the time of Charles of Orleans, during
the period of his residence in England.
With respect to the first of these diversions,
as the author of the '^ Debate " had an unlimited
choice of the subjects which he might bring
* Michelet, Hist, de Francey'w. 321, 323.
L
^
146 Inquiry Into the Authorship of
upon the scene, there was no necessity for him to
introduce a comparison between female beauty in
England and in France (pp. 6 and 10). On every
other point the French herald is permitted to
gain the victory in argument ; but when he dis-
courses on the most delicate question of all, it is
left undetermined, and he seems hardly to reply
with his accustomed vivacity to the exulting
language indulged in by the herald of England.
Happily most people will appreciate the par-
ticular type of excellence in beauty prevalent in
their own country, and therefore the question
becomes one which is proverbially beyond the
range of allowable discussion. Still, ^ve may
ask, what French cavalier could have endured
for an instant, in such a controversy, to speak
languidly of the attractiveness and fascination of
the daughters of France ? and it would be diffi-
cult to name anyone so likely to have done this
as Charles of Orleans. He was now reposing at
Blois, no longer youthful, but married nearly
twenty years before to his third wife, Mary of
Cleves, and surrounded by a society of literary
men. He had previously spent in England an
exile of a quarter of a century — that middle
period, the kernel of life, in which a man con-
firms his habits and fixes his destiny. During
all this time the Prince had been continually
^'The Debate between the Heralds, &c,'' 147
falling in love ; and his admiration of English
women is well known. A modern historian
suggests that they were probably kinder to him
than English men had been ;* and we could
wish, for the credit of human nature, that this
was really the case. If then, after the heyday of
passion was over, there flitted across his fancy
some memorial of the past, when the rich
English blood mantling in the cheek of beauty
had been a response to one of the charming
effusions of his muse, his countrywomen may
perhaps be induced to overlook his seeming dis-
loyalty in consideration of his susceptibility, his
genius, and his misfortunes.
Another peculiarity in the author of the ^^ De-
bate," and which may appear slightly ludicrous
in juxtaposition with the interesting subject
just noticed, is the extraordinary aversion that
he manifests to sea-sickness (p. 58) — this tem-
porary annoyance, it is to be hoped, that people
in general are contented to disregard as soon as
it is over. When the author, however, alleges
it amongst the causes why France should not be
desirous of contending with England for the
dominion of the seas, the reason appears so
singular, that, in spite of the sad example of
Rome's greatest orator, the reader may scarcely
* Michelet, iv. 323, note.
L 2
148 Inquiry into the Authorship of
be prepared to meet with the same intense and
exaggerated feehng of dislike reproduced else-
where ; but we will supply him with a repetition
of it. About a month after the battle of Agin-
court, Henry V., having set sail from Calais,
crossed the Channel, and arrived in the evening
of the same day at Dovor. A writer of repute
gives this account of the voyage : — '^ Though
the wind was favourable, the passage was ex-
tremely boisterous, and the effect of it upon the
French noblemen, the most important of whom
were in the King's own ship, is described to
have been so severe, that they considered their
sufferings on the day of the battle not to have
exceeded what they then experienced."* In
fact, the most important of all the French
noblemen in the King's own ship was Charles,
Duke of Orleans. Whether that voyage from
Calais to Dovor had any connection with the
aversion exhibited by the author of the '' De-
bate " is not easily determined after a lapse of
between four and five centuries, but the coinci-
dence is worthy of being remarked.
The impression on the mind of the author of
the '' Debate " must have been that England is
a level country, since the English herald twice
alleges it to be so (pp. 7 and 62), and the French
* Battle of Agincourt, by Sir Harris Nicolas, 2nd edition, p. 147.
" The Debate between the Heralds, &?c." 149
herald repeats the assertion, and reasons upon it
as an admitted fact (p. 87). We know, on the
contrary, that although the eastern half of Eng-
land may be mostly flat, yet the western half is
not ; and that, upon the whole, when compared
with France in the fifteenth century, England
can by no means be called a level country. It
becomes necessary, therefore, supposing Charles
of Orleans to have been the author, to inquire
where he resided during the twenty-five years of
his exile, since it is certain that he was not
allowed to rove at large, and if he was likely to
have formed this erroneous opinion. Five places
of his residence are mentioned : —
T. Windsor Castle.
2,. Pontefract Castle, in the North Riding of
Yorkshire.
3. Bolingbroke Castle, in Lincolnshire.
4. Ampthill Castle, in Bedfordshire.
5. Wingfield Castle, in Suffolk.
He was also several times detained in London,
and it is possible to trace him during twenty- one
years either there, or at one of these five castles,
following the order which has been indicated.
How long he remained at each is not so readily
ascertained ; but where the ruins of the regicidal
old castle still look down frowningly over the
liquorice-gardens of Pontefract is the spot most
150 Inquiry into the Authorship of
commonly associated with his captivity. Now
all these castles lie on the eastern side of Eng-
land, and there is not in the neighbourhood of
any one of them so high a hill as Charles of
Orleans would have seen from London, while in
his various journeys to and from the metropolis,
he would have had to pass through the flattest
districts of the kingdom.
In the ''Debate " (p. 16) the battle of Verneuil
is associated with the three other great victories
which have furnished to Englishmen names that
have sounded like household words to them
from childhood, but what ought chiefly to attract
attention is that the author by whom it has been
so distinguished, although under the character
of the English herald, is a Frenchman. There
appears to be wanting some reason for his attach-
ing so much consequence to a battle in which
the French numbered only 7,000 men, and the
victory gained was followed by no important
result. Yet the House of Commons uttered no
more than the opinion of their constituents
when, in a formal document, they described the
battle, nine years after it had been fought, as
'* the greatest deed done by Englishmen in our
days, save the battle of Agincourt."* The
significance of the deed performed at Verneuil
* Rolls of Parliament f iv. 423.
^'The Debate between the Heralds, &c\'' 151
is easily explained. When Henry V. invaded
France, the oppressed kingdom called in the
assistance of the Scots, who defeated the Eng-
lish at Bauge, and this defeat was memorable, ' ^^^T
because it first proved to the world that upon
the French soil the invaders were not invincible.
When, therefore, the English encountered again
the French and Scots combined in about equal I
proportions at Verneuil, the decisive victory
gained over both enemies at once was doubly
grateful. An English contemporary chronicler,
in concluding his account of the battle, thus
gives expression to the general sentiment : '^ But
the most vengeance fell upon the proud Scots,
for there went to sheep-wash of them the same
day more than 1,700 of coat-arms, by a counting
of heralds."* If a Londoner could write thus,
it may be imagined what must have been the
feeling towards the countrymen of Wallace and
Bruce in the northern counties, which the Scots
never lost an opportunity of devastating. Charles
of Orleans was residing either at Pontefract or
Bolingbroke, when the battle was fought, and
would have been in constant communication
with travellers from the north, on their journey
southward. His impression of the battle must
therefore have been influenced by the people
* Chronicle of London t edited by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 112.
1^2 Inquiry Into the Authorship of
around him, who^ in their enmity towards the
Scots, would regard the triumph at Verneuil
with hardly less complacency than the more
celebrated one at Agincourt.
We might proceed in this manner, and take
passage after passage from the ^"Debate," and show
how, while each helps to mark the author's in-
dividuality, it is at the same time consistent with
his representing Charles of Orleans. Thus the
rivalry between the houses of Orleans and Bur-
gundy will account for the author insisting that
France was a ^' free " kingdom (p. 31), which
Burgundy was not, but a mass of dependent
States, held under the King of France or the
Emperor. This distinction would be of impor-
tance to a French prince, and Charles of Orleans
was particularly sensible of it ;* while it would
only be of slight concern to other subjects of the
realm. A similar reason will account for the
author asserting that England was not, like
France, one of the Four Nations in the councils
of Christendom (p. 70), because this question
gave rise to an animated debate at the Council of
Constance, between forty and fifty years before,
at which time Charles of Orleans must have
patched the proceedings of the Council with
* See the last line of each of the stanzas of The Complaint of France
(p. 132), and the second line of the ballad (p. 164).
^'The Debate between the Heralds, £s?c." 153
extreme interest, since he and the Duke of Bur-
gundy were more concerned in them than any
other laymen in Europe.* We may also observe,
that when the author speaks of the King of
Spain as the ^'brother and ally" of the King of
France (p. ^g), such language, though usual in
the intercourse between royal personages them-
selves, is hardly such as a private individual would
be likely to apply to the ordinary political rela-
tionship between sovereigns. It would likewise
have been thought by a man of common rank,
contrary to the idea suggested in the '' Debate "
(p. ^^\ that when God sends a famine, it is
rather the people than the king who are likely to
suffer from it. Again, who but a French prince
would have applauded the abominable treason
and murder committed by Queen Isabella, the
*^ she-wolf of France,"f to which her consort,
Edward II. of England, fell a victim (p. ^g) ?
Or who was likely to have reiterated so often the
expression great magnificence as a prince who
delighted in and required the stateliness which
it indicates ? Once more : the pride of birth,
added to a feeling of personal dislike, may have
* On the question of Jean Petit*s doctrine of assassination, with
relation to the death of Louis, Duke of Orleans, the father of Charles
of Orleans.
f See Gray's Bardy and note to p. 39.
154 Inquiry into the jjuthorship of
suggested to the Duke of Orleans, that he was
entitled to speak of the famous Earl of Shrews-
bury as ^^ this Talbot" (p. 46) ; but we are per-
suaded that courtesy would have forbidden any
Frenchman, not of royal blood, thus to designate
the accomplished and resolute commander, who,
amidst the declining fortune of his countrymen,
so lived and died as to enable them to quit
France without incurring dishonour. The ex-
amples which have been given, however, will
serve to show that what might be deemed pecu-
liarities in the author of the ^^ Debate" correspond
with circumstances in the life of Charles of
Orleans.*
V. There is, however, connected with the
contest between the two kingdoms in the fif-
teenth century, an omission so flagrant in the
'^Debate," that to avoid noticing it would be in-
excusable, since it excludes some of the most im-
portant events in the history of France, and will,
moreover, serve to disclose a distinguishing fea-
* The mistake in using the word maniple instead o^ apparel, as already
pointed out (p. 29), seems to show that the author was a layman, and
not in orders. It may also here be noticed that on the trial of the
Duke of Alen9on, for high treason, Charles of Orleans delivered a speech
of considerable length, which has been published by M. Champollion-
Figeac {Louis et Charles, dues (^Orleans, p. 368), and in which will be
found the same kind of sentiments, language, and personification of
moral qualities which appear in the Debate.
'^2^he Debate between the Heralds, &?c." 155
ture in the character of the author whom we
are endeavouring to discover.
At the funeral of a noble Roman matron, the
spectators once observed, amongst the images of
illustrious ancestors and relatives of the deceased
which were borne in procession, that the effigies
of her husband and brother, the two great
leaders of the constitutional party, were absent.
A jealous prince had thought it not expedient
that the recollection of the citizens of Rome
should be refreshed by these memorials of past
glory, which reflected no credit upon himself;
but the historian who relates the occurrence has
appended to it the remark, that Cassius and
Brutus were rendered eminently conspicuous by
the very fact that their effigies were not seen.
It may be that the omission which we are now
to observe has already led, and will lead again, to
a result similarly disappointing.
The author of the ^^ Debate" has recounted suc-
cinctly, but fairly, the victories and conquests of
the English during the Hundred Years' War; and
when he comes to describe how the French suc-
ceeded at last in repelling the invaders, he enters
more into detail, and specifies a number of petty
fortresses in Guienne fp. 45). The first event
which he mentions is the capture of Paris (p. 45),
and anyone unacquainted with the real facts
156 Inquiry into the Authorship of
would Infer from his description, that this
achievement was the earhest performed by the
French, after the tide of victory had turned in
their favour. Such an inference, however, is
erroneous. Between the highest point of suc-
cess attained by the English and their loss of
Paris, an interval of several years elapsed, which
in the " Debate" is passed over in silence, and
during which the French had virtually re-con-
quered the kingdom. It was within this omitted
period that the siege of Orleans was raised — the
most splendid exploit of the French in the war,
and the turning-point of their political life for
all the future, since it decided the question,
whether a home-born or an alien race was to
have the mastery of France. Within the same
period w^as fought the battle of Patay, in which
the English army was defeated in the open field,
and their general, the celebrated Talbot, was
taken prisoner. There occurred also the famous
march of Charles VII. across the kingdom, and
besides other events, the striking and significant
fact of his coronation at Rheims, in spite of all
the efforts of his enemies. There had further-
more appeared upon the scene and vanished from
sight one of the most interesting characters in
history, to whom has been attributed the honour
of these successes which saved France from per-
''The Debate between the Heralds, 6?c." 157
dition. It would have made the story of the
French herald worth telling to have related these
things; and why has he left them out? In our
inability to account for this disingenuousness in
the narrative, we are led to inquire what interest
or reputation could be promoted by such a pal-
pable suppression of material facts ; and the only
answer which presents itself is, that the persons
whom the omission was intended to serve could
have been no other than Charles VII. and
Charles, Duke of Orleans. Putting, therefore,
the King for the present out of the question, we
are left to examine whether the matters excluded •
connect the Prince with the authorship of the
" Debate."
The siege of Orleans could hardly have been
absent from the memory of the Duke of Orleans,
since that city was the capital of his own pro-
vince ; yet, if he wrote the '' Debate," how came
he to overlook Joan of Arc, the Maid of Orleans ?
That heroine had not formerly been unmindful
of him ; but, on the contrary, when carrying vic-
tory before her, at the head of the warriors of
France, she had especially remembered the unfor-
tunate exile in his low estate.
Notwithstanding all the researches which have
been made into the earlier life of Joan of Arc,
little more is known than that she was a gentle.
158 Inquiry into the Authorship of
modest, and pious maiden, liable to be acted
upon through the impressions of a vivid imagina-
tion. It was not until after the territories of
Charles of Orleans had been invaded, and his
capital city was in danger, that she first attracted
the public gaze by quitting her village home, and
making her appearance in the camp amongst
armed men. Upon her arrival there, she an-
nounced that her business was to support the
cause of Charles of Orleans.* The nature of the
deception practised upon her when she was intro-
duced into the presence of the King, and the
misconceptions which have arisen out of that
interview, we shall not stay now to discuss.^
We have simply to narrate ascertained and
indisputable facts. Her earliest exploit, which
surprised alike both friends and foes, was in con-
ducting, amidst apparently insuperable difficulties,
a convoy of provisions into the besieged city of
Orleans ; and in her first conversation with the
* Quicherat, Procesy l£ c. de Jeanne d^Arc, iv. 10.
f Several questions relating to Joan of Arc will have to be re-argued
by any biographer who undertakes to write a trustworthy history of
her life, founded upon the original documents brought together by M.
Quicherat. After giving much attention to the subject, we have come
to the conclusion that the deception referred to in the text lies at the
bottom of the secret which Joan of Arc refused to reveal upon her trial,
and which was so disingenuously dealt with on the subsequent trial of
rehabilitation. We would also suggest for consideration whether her
momentary recantation, which has been so much boasted of by her
enemies, was made by her during a state of consciousness.
** The Debate between the Heralds, 6?c." 159
brave Dunois, who was then in command of
the garrison, she emphatically declared it to be
the will of heaven that the English should not
obtain possession of the city as well as of the
person of Charles of Orleans.* She forthwith
proceeded to direct the operations which resulted
in the accomplishment of her prediction ; the
English army decamped, and the siege of Orleans
was raised. Her next endeavours were employed
in capturing the strongholds held by the English
in the neighbourhood. " She always had her
eye and her thoughts directed towards the affairs
of the Duke of Orleans," f says the only chronicler
who was a witness of the events ; and again he
says : *' She took great delight in recovering his
fortresses. "!|; But the interest which Joan of Arc
manifested in the Prince's welfare did not confine
itself to fighting for the recovery of his patri-
mony, since she declared from the outset, that
her mission was to deliver not only the city of
Orleans, but likewise to set free from captivity /
Charles, Duke of Orleans.§ There were but few
in authority besides herself, however, who cared
much for the exiled Prince, while there were
many who were anxious to divert her efforts into
channels more profitable to their own interests ;
* Dunois* deposition, Proch, iii. 7. f Ibid. iv. 11.
t Ibid. iv. 10. § Ibid. iii. 99.
i6o Inquiry into the Authorship of
and the delivery of Charles of Orleans from his
imprisonment in England might fairly have ap-
peared to ordinary minds an impossibility. Her
declaration of w^hat she had originally intended
in his favour, v^as but too vs^ell remembered
against her at a later period. Being interrogated,
during the long agony of her trial, hovs^ she
meant to have accomplished her design, she re-
plied wath spirit, that she would have taken
English prisoners sufficient to exchange for the
Prince ; and that, if this resource had failed, she
w^ould have gone over to England w^ith an armed
force to fetch him.* We may perhaps be per-
mitted to surmise, that it vs^as compassion for
Charles of Orleans vs^hich first aroused in Joan
of Arc the dormant energy destined to produce
such important results in favour of her country,
and that her grander idea of expelling the fo-
reigner from France vs^as a subsequent emana-
tion of her genius ; since it is in the nature of
woman to attach herself to the cause of an indi-
vidual, and there is not wanting evidence preg-
nant in behalf of this supposition. At all events,
before she fell into the power of the English, and
was left, unransomed and unheeded, to perish by
a death of infamy, she had recovered for Charles
of Orleans his principality ; and we may reason-
* P races y i. 133.
'^The Debate between the Heralds, &c,'' i6i
ably suppose that he could distinguish whether
its revenues were enjoyed by himself or by the
enemy. She had also inspired her countrymen
with confidence in themselves, and had thus
given to them an impetus, carrying them on to
further successes,* which produced the effect of
abridging his captivity. And when imprisoned
and fettered, with the torture and death awaiting
her, and when her diligence and devotedness in
his behalf could do no more, she did not abandon
his cause, or moan over his dereliction of her
own, but affirmed steadfastly in the face of her
persecutors, ^^ she knew well that God loved
Charles of Orleans ;"f he had been her first care,
and he was her last, and she gave for him all that
she had left. That all was the life of a peasant
girl — an oblation which was not valued highly
in those days ; yet was it an oblation which the
judgment of posterity has deemed of great price.
Although numbering only nineteen years at its
close,!}; it was a life, weighed against which the
prolonged existence of Charles of Orleans, had it
not been for his poetic fame, would now be re-
garded as dust in the balance ; for the worth of
every remembered human life, while that life
* Proch, iii. 8. The evidence of Dunois on this point is remark-
able and decisive.
t lb. i. 258. I lb. i. 46.
M
iGz Inquiry into the Authorship of
lasts, and when It is ended, is subject to a dif-
ferent estimate, and the ordinary distinctions of
rank and wealth, which are everything with the
present, are nothing with the hereafter. The
present says to each one of us, Who art thou.?
but the future, if it care to inquire, will ask the
graver question, What hast thou done with thy
life ? For genius, courage, unselfishness, kind-
ness, purity, and truth, combined with fervent
love of her country, and heroic exertion and suc-
cess in accomplishing its deliverance, the name
of Joan of Arc stands unsurpassed amongst
women. Charles of Orleans has not had the
good fortune to distinguish himself as a states-
man or a soldier, and his disinterestedness, if he
ever had any, is unrecorded, while his patriotism
has been justly called in question.* He has left
behind him, however, a volume of most agreeable
poems, consisting of between four and five hun-
dred pages, throughout which there is not a word
that alludes to the existence of Joan of Arc,
.This neglect has been unfavourably commented
upon, although it may have been unavoidable ;
* See, in the Foedera^ vol. x., p. 556, the treaty by which he
bound himself upon the happening of certain events to become the man
of the King of England, and to fight against France. Rymer notices
with respect to this treaty, the unusual circumstance that the seal had
been torn away — possibly by the act of some loyal and indignant
Frenchman.
"The Debate between the Heralds, &c.** 163
since, while chivalry was a living faith, it would
have been thought incongruous in a royal Prince,
who was expending his enthusiasm in making
love to every handsome woman he met with, to
be chanting the praises of a maiden who had
been fighting his battles and rescuing his do-
minions. But after he was restored to liberty;
when he had grown old, and the fair enchan-
tresses of England were far away, and his days of
love must have been wellnigh over; when he
had leisure to review his past life, and the evils
which she, the saviour of her country, had helped
him to escape, how came it, if we assume him
to have been the author of the '^ Debate," that
with so excellent an opportunity for acknow-
ledging his obligations, he forgot to mention the
Maid of Orleans ? Perhaps he thought there
was no great merit in saving a country which, in
the pursuit of his own interest, he had not
scrupled to resign to its fate. Or we may have
recourse to another supposition. He was not
deficient in credulity, and both of the rival king-
doms agreed that Joan of Arc was inspired ; al-
though they differed respecting the good or evil
quality of her inspiration.* Perhaps the English
* Besides the general discrepancy of belief, which is notorious, we
have particular testimony of the opposite belief of the most dis-
tinguished soldier in each kingdom. Dunois declared on oath his con-
M 2
r64 Inquiry into the Authorship of
air had infected the faith as well as the loyalty of
Charles of Orleans, so that he doubted whether,
through her agency, it was God or the devil that
had been fighting for France. He admits, in his
political ballad, written about the year 1453,
that God by this time had declared himself
wholly on the French side.* Did God, then,
viction that Joan was miraculously inspired by God {Proces, iii. 3).
John, Duke of Bedford, in a grave official document, described her as a
" limb of the fiend, called the Pucelle, who used false enchantments
and sorcery " {Rolls of Parliament , v. p. 435). Turning from these
distinguished warriors to two other men of distinction in another
capacity, we may observe that Shakespeare, relying upon the chroniclers,
has embodied the old English feeling respecting Joan of Arc, and re-
presented her character in the most odious light. It was the error of
the country and age in which he lived ; but the ribaldry of Voltaire is
less easily excused. On the other hand, Hume, who was not apt to be
carried away by enthusiasm, has given the reins to his admiration for
Joan of Arc, and speaks of her as " This admirable heroine, to whom
the more generous superstition of the ancients would have erected altars."
Amongst the various biographers of Joan of Arc who have accounted
for her exploits from the miraculous point of view, we do not recollect
that any one of them has dwelt much upon the curious fact, which is
deposed to upon the oath of more than one contemporary witness, that
the heroine was remarkably skilful in the employment of artillery.
* See p. 1 34 supra. Sharon Turner has given this ballad in a note to
his History of England (vol. vi., p. 28). The first stanza of it, which
we here insert, is superior to the remainder : —
Comment voy-je ces Anglois esbahis,
Resjoys toys, franc royaume de France,
On apper9oit que de Dieu sont hai's.
Puis qu'ilz n'ont plus couraige ni puissance.
Bien pensoient par leur oultrecuidance.
Toy surmonter et tenir en servaige,
Et ont tenu a tort ton heritaige.
^^The Debate between the Heralds y &€.'* 165
notwithstanding his hatred of the English, only-
half declare himself against them before the Maid
had suffered ? The poor people at Blois may
have thought so, for superstition is multiform,
and such a belief was not unnatural in the stub-
born folly of its old vicious instinct, and would
have been in harmony with the semi-paganism
into which the middle ages had fallen. It is
of necessity that the sacrificial offering should
be worthy and without stain, and the Maid of
Orleans was immolated as an expiatory victim
for the offences of the princes of the blood.
Such, there is reason to think, was the belief
of tens of thousands of Frenchmen, though it
Mais a present, Dieu pour toy se combat,
Et se monstre du tout de ta par tie ;
Leur grant orgueil entierement abat,
Et t'a rendu Guienne et Normandie.
ChamplUon-Figeac* s ed., p. 194.
The following translation may perhaps be useful to some of our
readers : —
In what amazement do I behold these English ! •
Rejoice, free kingdom of France !
It seems that they are hated of God,
For they no longer possess courage or strength ;
They really thought, with their presumption.
To overcome thee, and keep thee in bondage ;
And wrongfully they held thine inheritance.
But now God fights for thee.
And declares himself wholly on thy side ;
Their great pride he completely abases.
And hath restored to thee Guienne and Normandy.
1 66 Inquiry hito the Authorship of
is not likely that Charles of Orleans would be
amongst the number. No, he did not forget
Joan of Arc ; but there remains the fact of the
omission to be accounted for consistently with
the theory which we are supporting, and a reason
for it is only too obvious. That blind, obdurate
pride of blood which, like the robe of Nessus,
clung to the ancient French nobility, marring
the fine qualities of an otherwise eminently
brave, polished, intelligent, and generous race,
would forbid him to recognise the truth, that in
a matter pertaining to honour he could be in-
debted to anyone of servile birth. For him, a
prince of no great magnanimity, to confess that
he owed all this debt to a peasant maiden, and
to record judgment of it against himself, would
be conditions not to be endured. No wonder
that, under such a pressure, his generosity, with
its slender resources, should have become bank-
rupt.
As a proof of authorship, however, the omis-
sion which has been noticed is important, since
long before the "" Debate " was written, the facts
which have been excluded were fully admitted.*
* The interest excited throughout Christendom, at an early date, by
the career of Joan of Arc, is proved by a slight incident which La
Broequiere has mentioned as having happened to himself while he was
at Constantinopk in 1432. He says : — " 1 was lodged with a Catalonian
merchant, who, having told one of the officers of the palace that I was
^^The Debate between the HeraldSy &c,'' 167
It had also been thought becoming to ennoble the
family of a heroine who was the means of saving
France ; and a nobleman not allied to the royal
family might have felt without Indignity that the
Maid herself was inscribed in his order. A venal
writer, who had suppressed the facts in order to
procure the favour of the King, or of Charles of
Orleans, must necessarily have shown some
similar meanness of spirit in another part of his
work, and it may be confidently asserted that
no instance of this kind can be discovered in the
*' Debate.'* * Upon the assumption that Charles
of Orleans was the author can we alone account
for the omission which we have been consider-
ing, since he alone could have believed himself
attached to my Lord of Burgundy, the Emperor caused me to be asked if
it were true that the Duke had taken the Pucelle d'Orleans, which the
Greeks would scarcely believe. I told them truly how the matter had
passed, at which they were greatly astonished." See his Travelsy
translated by Colonel Johnes, p. 231.
* Antonio Astezan, secretary to Charles of Orleans, translated the
Prince's poems into Latin verse, and was a man of ability, possessing the
confidence and acquainted with the affairs of his master. Of the
numerous objections against his being the author of the Debate^ how-
ever, one will suffice. He duly appreciated Joan of Arc, and composed
many indifferent verses in her honour, amongst which, an epitaph upon
Charles VII. will afford a specimen {ProceSy v. 23). It is morally im-
possible that the author of that epitaph could have written the Debate.
This last remark applies equally to the Duke of Alen^on, who married
the eldest daughter of Charles of Orleans, and who had been himself a
prisoner in England. But he was also the chief friend of Joan of Arc
during her life, and the chief witness to testify to her merits after her
death.
1 68 Inquiry into the Authorship of
interested in the suppression, and was at the same
time competent to have produced it.
VI. We now propose, by way of conclusion,
to select one more passage from the " Debate,"
and to fix the authorship of it upon Charles of
Orleans positively, to the exclusion of every
other competitor. The case which has been
already made out in his behalf is, we think,
sufficiently strong to stand alone, without the
aid of any such support ; but we have pur-
posely reserved this confirmatory evidence to the
last, in the hope that our readers may be able to
part upon terms of amity with the Prince. The
inexorable necessity of our argument has com-
pelled us to exhibit prominently the weakness of
his character, and we owe him this reparation.
After all, no one seeks in the flowering shrub of
the garden for the durability and toughness of
fibre which belong to the tree of the forest.
There was no malignity in the nature of Charles
of Orleans, and a Prince who excited so uch
interest in England,* who was so greatly beloved
* The story is apocryphal, that the English ladies, in honour of
Charles of Orleans and his mother Valentine of Milan, instituted St.
Valentine's day, as the festival of love ; since the day was so commemo-
rated in the time of Chaucer, and Lydgate speaks of it as if the custom
of choosing lovers on that day had been one of long standing.
^^The Debate between the Heralds, &?6'." 169
by his own subjects,* and whom so elevated and
so pure a being as Joan of Arc vouched for that
God loved him alsOj-f must have possessed qualities
of rare fascination. We shall meet with him
now upon the broad ground of humanity, where
'' one touch of nature makes the whole world
kin."
In order to justify a threatened invasion of
England, the author of the '' Debate," in the cha-
racter of the French herald, brings this accusation
against the English : — ^^ You killed and murdered
• It is known with what earnest entreaties the citizens of Orleans,
before the siege began, had besought the Duke of Burgundy to take their
city under his protection until it could be restored to their natural lord,
Charles of Orleans, who was then detained in England. The gallantry
and devotion to their Prince which these same citizens manifested in
their resistance throughout the siege forms a striking fact in history.
But another instance of the affection borne towards him has recently
come to light. At the battle of Bauge, the Duke of Clarence, brother
of Henry V., of England, was unhorsed by a blow from a lance, said
to have been given by the Scotch knight. Sir Alan Swinton. Being thus
dismounted, and lying upon the ground in the churchyard of Bauge,
where the battle was raging most furiously, Charles Piscerne, a subject of
Charles of Orleans, flung himself upon the body of the English prince,
with the design of saving his hfe, in order to exchange him for his own
lord, then a prisoner to the English. A fierce Scot, however, in his
eagerness to shed the blood of an Englishman, killed with one thrust of his
weapon both the Duke of Clarence and his intended preserver {Narrative
of the Expulsion of the English from Guienne and Normandy, p. 178).
f This declaration was made, indeed, before Charles of Orleans had
entered into the treaty with England referred to in the note, supra,
p. 162. Could Joan of Arc herself, if she had lived to be old, have
preserved the ideal of excellence which she has left behind? Surely
there was wisdom in the ancient Greek saying, " He whom the gods
love dies young."
170 hiquiry into the Authorship of
King Richard, who was married to the daughter
of France, and that bad business has never yet
been avenged."*
The death of Richard II. took place in the
year 1400, or more than half a century before
the work containing this sentence could have
been written ; and a natural reflection upon the
passage would be, that if the English chose to
kill and murder their king, surely it was their own
affair, and no foreigner, after such a long interval
of time, could have any just cause for feeling
aggrieved by what they had done. Richard's
marriage with Isabella of France was never con-
summated, and the youthful Queen had been
honourably restored to her country after the death
of her royal consort. The gravity of the events
which had since ensued between the two king-
doms would, it might be presumed, have been
sufficient to extinguish in the mind of a French-
man all concern for a transaction possessing
chiefly a local interest ; added to which, when
[a Henry V. married Katherine of France, the
younger sister of Isabella, the condonation of the
House of Lancaster by the countrymen of his
Queen must be held to have been complete.
To parade then in the foreground, with so much
passion, a sentimental grievance like this as a
* Supra, p. 86.
'^The Debate between the Heralds, 6?c." 171
reason for the hostile invasion of England appears
upon a first glance to be incomprehensible. We
have only to take the nearest analogous instance
from modern times, and judge w^hat would be said
of an Austrian, w^ho, since the establishment of
the Second Empire, had brought forward a charge
in similar terms against the French, on account
of the death of Louis XVI. But the passage
just quoted is not the only one of its kind in the
'' Debate," since Richard II. is mentioned again,
and there is superadded the significant remark,
vs^hich had no relevancy to the matter then under
discussion, '^ and afterwards he w^as wickedly
murdered" (p. 88). That the author should
first have declared, in a manner seemingly so
unaccountable, his abhorrence of the murder
of King Richard, and should afterwards have
travelled out of his path to stigmatise the crime
again, are, therefore, circumstances which de-
mand further investigation.
If we now turn to the political ballad which
was composed by Charles of Orleans, upon the
expulsion of the English from Guienne and Nor-
mandy, and which has been before referred to,
but has not yet been put into the crucible, there
will be found in it two lines conveying in
more measured terms the same feeling of indig-
nation : —
\yz Inquiry into the Authorship of
" Have not Englishmen often committed treason against their
kings ?
Yes, truly ; all the world knows it."*
This ballad could not, any more than the '' De-
bate," have been written prior to the year 1453.
King Richard's death is the sole treason which the
poet really intended, because the only other notori-
ous to all the world consisted in the deposition and
murder of Edward II., more than 120 years pre-
viously, in which transaction his Queen, another
Isabella of France, was the most prominent
agent ; and Charles of Orleans, as a member of
the same royal family which was so deeply im-
plicated in that tragedy, was hardly likely to
have regarded it as a treason at all.f Besides,
in celebrating the recent conquests gained by
France, the treason against King Richard formed
the only one appropriately connected with the
subject. There is also a more convincing reason
behind why the meaning should be thus re-
stricted, and which will appear as we proceed.
We have thus three distinct passages, in every
one of which the death of King Richard is
treated of in language evincing greater or less
emotion ; and not one of them was written by
an Englishman, or within half a century after
* N'ont pas Anglois souvent leurs roys trahis ?
Certes ouyl, tous en ont congnoissance.
t See p. 39.
''The 'Debate between the Heralds, &c.'' 173
the event, in spite of the antecedent improba-
bility that any foreigner should have treasured
up such a feeling. Indeed, if we put Charles of
Orleans out of the question, we maintain it to be
impossible to show that there was any French-
man of rank to whom the fate of Richard II.
was a subject of personal and deeply interesting
concern so long after his decease. Upon this
assumption, then, since Charles of Orleans un-
doubtedly composed one of the passages quoted,
about the time when the others were written, an
inference arises that he wrote these others also, and
that we may expect to find evidence of the fact.
But if such an expectation is to be realised, then
this evidence will prove that there must have been
in force some paramount reason why the violent
death of Richard should have left upon his
memory the painful and lasting impression which
the two passages taken from the '' Debate" dis-
close. Let us now try the first and strongest of
them by this test, and confine our further attention
to that alone, since by its importance it entirely
absorbs the second, and we wish not to encumber
the question unnecessarily. In order that the
reader may have the matter clearly before him,
we here repeat the passage which we undertake
to bring home to the Prince : — '' You killed and
murdered King Richard, who was married to the
174 Inquiry into the Authorship of
daughter of France, and that bad business has
never yet been avenged."
In the middle ages the widow and relations of a
man who had been murdered possessed the right,
which was converted by society into an impera-
tive duty, to avenge his death. This right was
common throughout Europe, though variously
regulated by municipal law ;* and in England it
was of such potency as to override the royal
prerogative of mercy, since the king could not
pardon the criminal who was condemned under
it. Life for life was the penalty due to the
kindred, just like a sum of money recoverable by
executors upon a bond given to their testator.
The mode of procedure in this country was by
an Appeal of Murder, and when the accused was
found guilty, the ancient usage, which still
existed in Henry IV. 's time, was for the relatives
of the murdered man to drag the culprit to the
place of execution. f But Henry IV. himself was
generally suspected of having caused the death
of King Richard ; and as the force of the king-
dom was on his side, no one in England was
strong enough to bring him to an account. The
* The right was modified in England by Magna Charta (c. 34), and
various ancient statutes, and was not actually abolished until the present
century. See also Monstrelet, p. 197.
f Blackstone, Com. iv. 316. ^
''The Debate hetvoeen the Heralds, ^c''' 175
right of vengeance, therefore, in conformity with
the opinion of the age, devolved upon Richard's
w^idow^, and other relatives beyond the realm.
Inasmuch, how^ever, as France w^as at that time
distracted by internal troubles, Charles VI., the /)
father of Isabella, after making a few vain efforts,
found himself incapable of interfering effectually
on her behalf. In this emergency her uncle,
Louis, Duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood
of full age, proclaimed himself her champion,
and challenged Henry IV."* It happens that w^e
possess an account of this last incident in
language which may be regarded as the testimony
of our Charles of Orleans himself, and which is,
in fact, part of an address on behalf of the
Orleans family, delivered before the assembled
court of France, in the most solemn moment of
his life. It was spoken on the memorable
occasion when he accompanied his mother,
Valentine of Milan, and her younger children, |
into the presence of the King, sitting in the seat
of judgment, in order to denounce John the
Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, and to demand
vengeance against him for the assassination of
* The Count of St. Pol, who had married a half-sister of Richard
II., also sent a challenge to Henry IV., which the latter declined to
accept ; whereupon the Count had recourse to an ingenious contrivance
for insulting his adversary, which is related at length by Monstrelet,
1. i. c. ic
//
I "jG 'Inquiry into the Aiithors'htp of
this same Louis, Duke of Orleans, the husband
of that lady, and Charles's own father. The
passage is as follows : —
" The Duke [Louis] of Orleans both felt and showed much
grief on account of the death of King Richard, and thereupon
became the enemy of King Henry of Lancaster, and sent him
a challenge, charging him with the crime of high treason against
his lord King Richard, and offering to avenge the death of that
King by fighting King Henry, either in single combat, or with
any stipulated number of men on each side."*
Valentine of Milan, failing to obtain the
vengeance which she sought, pined away and
died ; but as John the Fearless was afterwards, in
his turn, assassinated, the sanguinary account
between the Houses of Orleans and Burgundy
was at this point balanced. Far different had
it hitherto been with the rivalry between the
Houses of York and Lancaster, which sprang
out of the catastrophe that befel King Richard.
There no retribution followed ; ''all the soil of
the achievement " had gone with the first spoiler
into the earth ; the crown of England had been
w^orn by him throughout his life, had descended
to his son, and now pressed heavily upon the
brow of his grandson — one and all of whom were
the declared enemies of the House of Orleans.
On the other hand, Charles of Orleans was the
representative of that house ; he had inherited
* Monstrelet, p. 120.
^'The Debate between the Heralds, &c,'* 177
its enmities, and he was the son of that Louis of
Orleans who had denounced the treason and pro-
claimed himself the mortal enemy of Henry of
Lancaster, the usurper of King Richard's throne.
Nor was this all. Charles of Orleans had begun
his own public career by marrying Isabella of
France, the relict of Richard, and had thereby
committed himself more deeply in the eyes of
the world to the maintenance of his hereditary
quarrel with the House of Lancaster, and to
avenge the insult inflicted upon his Princess by
the death of the murdered King.* It was a
marriage, indeed, which had been enforced not
without many tears shed by the daughter of
France, who had recently worn a crown ; for
Charles was then but a stripling,f while the
consort whom Isabella had lost, besides being
a king, was handsome, and in the flower of his
age, and possessed, moreover, those exterior graces
and accomplishments which are not without
influence in attracting woman's love. The Prin-
cess did. not long survive her second nuptials,
but closed her life in giving birth to an only
* He married Isabella of France in June, 1406, and on the 2nd
of October following there appears to have been issued a proclamation, in
the name of Charles VI., but in reality by the Duke of Orleans, calling
upon the English to rise in rebellion against Henry IV., and avenge the
death of King Richard {Tra'ison et mort de Richard Il.y p. 299).
t Juvenal des Ursins, Hist, 'de Charles VL, p. 179.
JN
1 78 Inquiry into the Authorship of
daughter, who had been subsequently united in
marriage to the Duke of Alen^on.*
From this retrospect it is apparent that, even
at the distance of more than fifty years, Charles
of Orleans did have reason for feeling an interest
* There is not much information to be gathered respecting this
daughter of Charles of Orleans and the former ** little Queen " of
England, as she was popularly called ; but M. Quicherat's volumes afford
us one pleasing glimpse of her in connexion with Joan of Arc. When
Joan made her first appearance before Orleans, the Duke and Duchess
of Alen^on, who were residing in the neighbourhood, invited her to
pay them a visit, and she appears to have spent several days in
their society, and to have been treated by them with kindness and
respect. She afterwards attached herself chiefly to the person of that
Prince, and fought by his side. The Duke had formerly been taken
prisoner by the English at the battle of Verneuil, and only recovered
his liberty by payment of an enormous ransom. This disaster had
probably crippled the family resources; and, with a true woman's feeling,
the daughter of Charles of Orleans feared the danger which her husband
might again incur through the heroine's daring courage. What follows
is so graphically described in the Duke of Alen^on's own deposition
upon oath, that we give the passage entire : *' It was determined that
the town [of Jargueau] should be assaulted ; the criers shouted, * To the
assault !' and Joan herself said to this deponent, * Forward, gentle Duke,
to the assault!' And when it seemed to this deponent that they were
proceeding too hastily in commencing the attack so soon, the said Joan
exclaimed to this deponent, ' Do not hesitate, for now is the time when
it pleases God ;' and that we must work when such is the will of
God : * Work and God will work ! ' and she said further to this deponent,
'What, gentle Duke, are you afraid? do you not know that I have
promised your wife to bring you back safe and sound ? ' And, in fact,
when this deponent parted from his wife in order to accompany the said
Joan to the army, the deponent's wife informed the said Joan that she
had great apprehensions on account of this deponent, and that, because
he had recently been a prisoner, and paid so large a sum for his ransom,
she had earnestly entreated this deponent to remain at home. Then the
said Joan replied, * Do not be afraid, my lady, I will bring him back
safe to you, and as well, or better, than he is now ' " (Proces, iii. 96).
*^The Debate hetwee7i the Heralds, &c\'' ly^
in the violence done to King Richard ; and we
are not concerned with other portions of his life
which might disqualify him from now calling
for redress. He was a poet, and it may well be
that, overcome by the inspiration of the moment,
he gave expression to an unappeased desire of
vengeance, without considering how much he
might compromise himself by the avowal. It is
sufficient that we have singled out the one man
living at the time when the '^ Debate " was writ-
ten, from whose lips the fervent words which have
been quoted were intelligible and natural ; for
the death of Richard touched him in the most
sensitive point of his nature, his pride as a prince
of the blood ; it had been with him ever since
his youth an affair of home and of the family ; it
affected his pergonal honour, and was intertwined
with the most deeply-rooted of his affections ;
and, as though all this were not enough, it had
been kept rankling in his bosom by the ad-
ditional severity of fortune, which had confined
him throughout long years of captivity in the
same castle and prison of Pontefract where the
unhappy Richard had miserably perished. We
will even venture to advance a step further in
our appeal to the common nature which binds
together all the children of men. In the Prince's
early days, after the death of King Richard, and
N 2
1 80 Inquiry into the Authorship of
before the storm of adversity which was im-
pending had begun to fall upon the House of
Orleans, is it incredible that the father, the
young son, and his bride, when conversing
together at the domestic hearth, may have
sometimes alluded to the tragical event which
had affrighted the two kingdoms, in the homely
phrase, '' that bad business ?"* We know not ;
yet reason itself will declare that that passionate
outburst of resentment denouncing the murder
of King Richard is not the language of one who
speaks as the echo of another ; the sense of
private injury breaks through the conventional
restraint which the author imposes upon himself
while he has to describe only the general woes
of the kingdom, but the feelings of the man
overpower him when he comes to divulge the
bitterness of the heart with which a stranger
does not intermeddle. That utterance betrays
the voice of Charles, Duke of Orleans.
VII. It has now been shown that Charles of
Orleans was qualified in all respects to be the
author whom we have been in search of; that
one at least of his poems corresponds so closely
with the " Debate," as to raise the strongest pre-
* In the original, ce mauvais cas. See the Additional Note, ^upra,
p. 119.
^^The Debate hetvoeen the Heralds, &?^." i8i
sumption that the writer of the latter work must
have been acquainted with, and have copied
from, the former ; and that this writer was not
likely to have been one of the Prince's literary
companions, but that he was in all probability
a member of the royal family of France, and
consequently the Prince himself. A variety of
peculiarities characteristic of the writer of the
'* Debate " are then shown to be consistent with
circumstances in the life of Charles of Orleans ;
and, lastly, the authorship of a particular passage
in the '^ Debate " is, we believe, brought home
positively to the Prince. Without placing any
reliance, therefore, upon the resemblance in style,
sentiments, and language, between the '' Debate "
and the other poems, which we have not thought
it necessary to pursue in detail, it is submitted
that the conclusion which we have been sup-
porting is established ; or, in other w^ords, that
Charles, Duke of Orleans, wrote the '" Debate
between the Heralds of France and England."
CONCLUSION,
Conclusion.
;N the " Debate between the Heralds
of France and England/' the author
has compared together the two king-
doms with reference to pleasure, va-
lour and riches. On the first and last of these
subjects, it will perhaps be thought that in the
preceding explanatory notes his views have been
already sufficiently considered. In his treatment
of the subject of valour, however, the author has
given an historical summary reaching doAvn to
the middle of the fifteenth century, and ending,
in 1453, with the expulsion of the English from
France, which event he himself survived only
a few years. Now that four centuries have
elapsed, we are able to cast a glance abroad,
and to recognise with more clearness the influ-
ences which were then in operation. It is an
interesting point of time in the annals of Europe,
1 86 Conclusion.
and especially of England, ^yi^g nildway between
the Norman conquest and our own days. Stand-
ing at that point, there is a wide prospect on
the right hand and on the left. How much has
been done and suffered by us old nations of the
Old World within that period of eight hundred
years ; and how much of evil has been over-
come ! The rivalry between England and France
is one of the grandest facts in history ; and now
each nation has come more illustrious out of
the conflict. The night will be dark whenever
either of those stars, each in its appointed sphere,
shall cease to be resplendent in the firmament of
civilisation.
The two principles which upheld society
during the middle ages — faith in God and faith
in man — were still represented at the commence-
ment of the fifteenth century by the Church
and Feudalism. Both of these institutions in
times past had done good service, and between
them they had saved Europe from the sensual-
ism and despotism of Asia. But in the middle
of that century an unforeseen crisis alarmed the
Christian world. While the descendants of the
Crusaders were weakening themselves by intes-
tine and national wars, the Crescent gained its
most signal triumph over the Cross, and the
empire founded by Constantine, and embodying
Conclusion, 187
the traditions of a civilisation which had lasted
two thousand years, was overthrown. Christen-
dom and Europe in the East had ceased to be
conterminous ; Constantinople had fallen, and
the Turk was now settled in the palace of the
Byzantine Emperors. This calamity it was the
business of the Church and feudalism to have
prevented ; but they had broken down, and
failed in their work.
The fifteenth century opens with first two,
and then three, rival Popes anathematising one
another, and each claiming, as vicar of Christ,
the allegiance of all Christian people. Thus
there was in the Church an open schism, afflict-
ing to the consciences of the faithful ; and
although, some years afterwards, that wound
was closed by the Council of Constance, the
cicatrice remained visible, and it was not an
honourable scar. The Council of Basle, which
followed, proved a failure ; the schism broke out
afresh ; and though again closed, yet it was now
becoming evident that the inveterate evils in the
ecclesiastical system were beyond the power of
general Councils to remedy ; and so the me-
dlasval Church was carried forward until the
Reformation.
The case with feudalism was even worse.
The three great feudal chiefs of the middle
t88 Conclusion,
ages were the Emperor of Germany and the
Kings of France and England. In the year
1400 the empire had lost its dignity, and
J- the Emperor Wenceslaus was deposed, while
Richard II., King of England, was murdered.
^ In 1407, the brother of the King of France was
assassinated at night in the streets of Paris, and
{ the Duke of Burgundy, a vassal of that King,
avowed the deed. Eleven years later the Dau-
phin, exercising the government of France, and
the Duke of Burgundy pretended to effect a
reconciliation, and, at their meeting together,
the latter was in his turn assassinated. In the
meantime, the Emperor Sigismund had com-
mitted the offence against feudalism of violating
his safe-conduct ; and he and the Church to-
gether shared the ignominy of putting to death
the reformer John Huss, by means of a judicial
murder.* Then was seen the coalition between
Charles VI. of France and his infamous Queen
with the foreigner, against their own son, in
order to deprive the latter of his succession to
the monarchy. The general infection spread
-4- even as far as Scotland, where James I., having
undertaken the task of curbing the licentious-
* The Emperor Charles V. justly appreciated the odium incurred by
his predecessor Sigismund, and refused to repeat the same conduct in the
case of Luther.
Conclusion. 189
ness of his nobility, was murdered in conse-
quence, under circumstances of peculiar infamy
and atrocity. The good Duke Humphrey of
Gloucester, brother of Henry V. of England, is
the next royal victim who was murdered ; and
then came the Civil War of the Roses, succeed-
ing to the civil wars of France, and the demoral-
ization increased. Edward, Prince of Wales, the
only son of Henry .VI. and Margaret of Anjou,
is now murdered ; and, not long afterwards,
Henry himself is dethroned, and suddenly found
dead, under the suspicion of having been mur-
dered. He is succeeded by Edward IV., whose
brother, the Duke of Clarence, conspires against
him, and that brother is by the King's orders
put to death. Edward IV. dies, leaving behind T^
him two sons, the elder of whom is King of +
England, and both of them are murdered by
their uncle, who usurps the throne ; and the
latter sovereign, after a reign of two years, is
slain by his subjects in the battle of Bosworth
Field. We might have wished that a less
terrible expiation had sufficed for the heroic
line of the Plantagenets, who, with all their
errors, had loved England so well, and had
laboured so strenuously for her welfare.* Such,
* Lord Bacon, while condemning Richard III., admits that he was
" a Prince in military virtue approved, jealous of the honour of the
igo Conclusion,
x^
however, was the morality exemplifying the
faith of feudalism. The institution which had
been the safeguard of Europe, and which had
produced Frederic Barbarossa, St. Louis, and
our Edward I., came to be represented, within
the same year, by the two rivals in iniquity
bearing the titles of Louis XI. of France and
Richard III. of England; while Spain, which
had just emerged into existence as a consoli-
dated kingdom, displayed its secular policy in
the perjuries of Ferdinand of Aragon, and its
religion in the fires of the recently-established
Inquisition. But the most formidable symptom
of those times came to light not long afterwards
in Italy ; and that land, so fertile in genius and
n guilt, with the headship of the Church in the
midst of her, was precisely the one which might
have been expected to reveal it. There courage
and truth were jeered at as imbecility by princes
and governments whose armies encountered each
other without danger, and fought battles in
which not a single soldier on • either side was
slain ; * there, beneath the forms of elegance
and repose, unutterable pollution was rife ; there
English nation, and likewise a good lawgiver, for the ease and solace of
the common people."
* This fact is attested by Machiavclli, in his History of Florence, as
well as by Phil-p de Comines.
Conclusion. 1 9 1
cruelty, despising the assaults of rude violence,
indulged in artistic deeds of the Ugolino kind,
for which no adequate name has been invented ;
there illicit love degenerated into incest, w^hile
the favourite form of murder w^as by poison.
And there Machiavelli, mistaking the depravity
w^hich had been prevalent for the stable and
normal condition of human affairs, fell into an
utter distrust of manhood, and looking w^ithin
himself, where he found nothing to contradict
him, he produced, in his " Prince,*' a work of the
highest intellectual power, dethroning conscience,
and teaching how crime may be committed
advantageously, and rendered commendable. It
was long since the grateful genius of Dante had
imagined that the wisdom, love, and goodness
which nourished the admirable Prince who be-
friended him, were to bring about a time when
Italy should enjoy herself in a political paradise.*
Machiavelli' s principles found her in purgatory,
and they plunged her into the abyss where all
hope has to be abandoned — a fine thing for a
statesman who worshipped success to do for his
country. f Such a condition of society, however,
* Inferno y c. i.
f This is not the place to argue in defence of our theory of
Machiavelli's Prince ; but we may present a contrast. Contemporary with
Machiavein was Edmund Dudley, the iniquitous Minister of our Henry
VII., and the founder of the Dudley family, which aspired to become a
192 Conclusion,
as had existed, was not suited to endure beyond
Italy. The middle ages had come to an end ;
the wine of feudalism was drunk out ; and two
strong men, becoming intoxicated with the dregs,
and rushing headlong to their own destruction,
inflicted upon the institution whose champions
they were in France and England, a blow which
was the precursor of death. These were Charles
the Bold and Warwick the Kingmaker.* ^
Now all the acts of violence and iniquity
which we have described happened within a
space hardly longer than the lifetime of Charles
of Orleans, and it was amidst the debasement
royal dynasty, when his grandson. Lord Guilford Dudley, married Lady
Jane Grey. Upon the accession of Henry VIII. Edmund Dudley was
imprisoned, and afterwards executed. During his imprisonment he, like
Machiavelli, wrote a treatise upon government, which he addressed to
his sovereign, with a view to propitiate him, and to avert his own
condemnation. His work is called The Tree of the Commonwealth ;
and we remember, prior to its publication, to have read it in the
manuscript formerly belonging to Queen Elizabeth's favourite, Robert
Dudley, Earl of Leicester. The treatise is full of the purest sentiments;
and, though it was not successful in saving the author from the doom
which he had incurred, yet who shall venture to affirm that it produced
no result ? That treatise was an heirloom in the Dudley family ; and the
blood of the rapacious Minister produced the highest example of varied
exce]lence which the English nation has given to the world, in his
great-grandson. Sir Philip Sidney.
~^*'The Earl of Warwick was killed at the battle of Barnet, in 1471 ;
and within a year or two afterwards (12 Edward IV.) Taltarum's case
was decided in the Court of Common Pleas. The eiFect of the judg-
ment then given was to destroy the old law of strict entail, which
rendered land inalienable, and had been the chief support of the feudal
system in England. The nobility had caused this law to be introduced
by the statute De Donis, two centuries previously.
Conclusion, 193
which they evince that the '' Debate between
the Heralds " was written.
Happily these events, though prominent in
the foreground, do not occupy the whole of the
picture. The fifteenth century presents to us,
indeed, in the disorganisation of the Church and
feudalism, much that is unprepossessing ; yet,
notwithstanding the excess of evil, that era will
ever be regarded with favour on account of the
benefits which it has conferred upon posterity.
The main stream of public life may have been
turbid, but numerous rivulets flowing into it
maintained their clearness. Nor was the free-
dom from reproach confined to the members of
any single class. Henry VI. of England, on
account of his private virtues, was thought
worthy of canonisation ; and the character of
Joan of Arc, the more it has been scrutinised,
the more it has been found to excite admiration.
The travellers of that age whose narratives have
reached us afford evidence that the writers were
for the most part worthy men, as well as Chris-
tian gentlemen. No doubt they were the types
of many others who have noiselessly passed
away, and that the hamlet, the walled-town, the
manor-house, and the castle, could show, in the
purity of the family life of their inmates, how
hard it is thoroughly to corrupt a Christian
o
194 Conclusion,
people. At the same moment when the Turks
were battering the walls of Constantinople, the
silent labours of Gutenberg, in propagating the
art of printing, were making amends for the
downfall of crumbling fortifications and institu-
tions. Nor was the capture of the bulwark of
Christendom an unqualified disaster, since the
learned men who fled from the city carried with
them into Italy and elsewhere the surviving
culture which had shone out in the flourishing
period of Attica and Ionia ; and thus they com-
municated to Western civilisation a new impulse,
in the absence of which our own age might have
lacked the enlightenment which has been trans-
mitted from the marvellous effulgence of Greece.
The application of gunpowder to the purposes of
war, also an invention of that period, tended to
break down the system of caste, which the
continent of Europe was in danger of falling
into, and which degrades human nature, as in
India, by petrifying society.* Last of all came
the crowning achievement which distinguishes
the fifteenth century, in the discovery of
America.
* The French nobility had succeeded in discrediting amongst their
countrymen the use of the bcw, which they stigmatised as a cowardly
weapon, by means of which a man killed his enemy from a distance,
without daring to look him in the face.
Conclusion, 195
II.
The battle of Chatillon, to which the author
of the ^'Debate" alludes, as having been gained
by the King of France over Talbot, Earl of
Shrew^sbury, closes the last scene of the drama
in w^hich England and France had been acting
throughout the preceding four centuries.* The
territorial struggle v^as over, the dominion of the
English race in France had come to an end, and
that kingdom was left free to follow the course of
its natural development. It is well that the catas-
trophe should have been as it proved. There is
little gratitude due to the destroyers of illustrious
nationalities which have deserved to live, and
which contained the promise of future vigorous
life. What would it have been but to commit
over again one of the worst crimes against
humanity, if Agincourt had proved to be a
second Chseronea, and France had been ruined ?
Fortunately Henry V. was not succeeded by a
son of full age, possessed of military genius ;
and there was no Rome in the background.
It is well that the English invaders should
have been expelled from the French soil or
annihilated, rather than that posterity should
* P. 46, supra.
o 2
196 Conclusion.
have missed the example of an independent
nation Hke France, ennobled by its long array of
magnificent traditions, and by its many virtues ;
its sw^ift sympathy w^ith all that is great and
excellent ; its matchless social instinct, courtesy,
and bright intelligence ; its kindness to the
political exile, and to the stranger from all lands ;
its generosity and courage in encountering hard-
ships and dangers for the welfare of Europe ;
its elasticity under reverses which would have
crushed out the life of a less gallant spirit ; and
withal, a disposition, though liable greatly to err,
and to be seduced by delusive visions of glory,
yet compensating its errors by a passionate love
for mankind, which has in it something that is
inexpressibly charming and endearing. The
foreigner always prefers France next to his
own country; which proves that, amongst the
nations, she is the best beloved of them all. It
is no derogation from the honour of the French,
-while it ought to be a lesson to the English,
that in the crisis involving the future of both
nations at the siege of Orleans, our countrymen
were vanquished by the heroism of a woman.*
France, it has been remarked, can plunge more
deeply into guilt than any other nation, without
being deeply depraved. The reason is that, like
* P. 158, supra.
Conclusion, 1 97
Athens of old, when her hour of fierce passion is
over, she is sorry for the excesses into which she
has been betrayed, and has the grace to repent.
She has loved humanity too well ever to have
become hardened in iniquity. The pride and
hardheartedness of Rome deprived the ancient
mistress of the world of the power of repentance;
and hence, notwithstanding her inestimable ser-
vices to civilisation, it was her destiny to perish
" hopeless and abhorred." Yet, though it might
now be difficult to justify the aggressions of
England against France in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, they required no excuse in
the age when they were committed. As civili-
sation proceeds, the standard of rectitude becomes
higher, and war as a pastime is deemed immoraL
Under the feudal system fighting formed the
most reputable diversion of life. The Hundred
Years' War with France, therefore, was only the
return match for the Hundred and Fifty Years'
War which the races inhabiting that country
had waged in England from the Norman invasion
down to Magna Charta ; while Cressy, Poictiers,
and Agincourt were part of the score won by
three skilful players, which might be set off
against the successful innings of the Conqueror
at Hastings. There is, however, a less favourable
aspect of the subject than depends upon the
198 Conclusion.
fleeting character of arbitrary opinion. Over
and above the sufferings which it inflicts upon
its victims, injustice becomes hurtful to the
agents which it employs in a long course of
action, since it has the faculty of ruining what
is temporary, while it deteriorates what has
relationship with the eternal. It was not con-
sistent with the moral government which, in
spite of much that is inexplicable, prevails over
the fortune of nations, that England should have
been permitted to desolate France throughout
more than a hundred and twenty years with
impunity. The Romish clergy, in order to
avoid an imminent reformation, had stimulated
Henry V. to undertake the latter and most
unwarrantable part of the enterprise, and was
rooted out in a century ; while the feudal
nobility, which had promoted his designs, was
destroyed earlier, in the War of the Roses. The
King himself, at the height of his success, had
extorted the Treaty of Troy^, which was alike
deplorable to France and fatal to his own race.
French princesses, indeed, have seldom brought
with them good fortune across the Channel ;
but the Queen whom Henry rnarried under that
treaty, by introducing the blood of the house of
Valois into the English royal family, entailed
upon her son the mental infirmity which was
Conclusion » 199
the prime cause of the extirpation of the Planta-
genets. Thus, the royal line, the Church, and
the nobility were doomed to perish. The main
body of a people, however, is not disposed of so
quickly ; for though it may languish and suffer,
or be struck with grievous disease, it is a cor-
poration which does not easily die. Yet the
English people, which had applauded and aided
with all their might the ambition of their kings,
had also to share in the retribution that followed.
Foiled in their endeavours to retain the foreign
possessions which they had purchased so dearly,
and deprived of all extraneous means of en-
richment ; impoverished by seasons of scarcity,
straitened in their commerce, and no longer
triumphant on the sea; flung back upon the
resources of their native land, which had become
a prey to the hordes of placemen and adventurers
accustomed to revel in the spoils of France, and
who now fled home, rapacious, exasperated, and
ready to tear one another to pieces ; lastly,
plunged into anarchy, decimated by civil war,
and fearful of foreign invasion, the result of
all their victories is thus summed up by a
contemporary historian of the life of Henry
VI.:—
" Our enemies laugh at us and say, ' Take the ship ofF from
your gold coin, and stamp a sheep upon it, in token of your
200 Conclusion.
foolishness ;' since we, who were wont to be the conquerors,
are now become the conquered of all nations. It was said of
old that the sea is the wall of England ; and now that our
enemies are upon the wall, what, think you, they will do to the
dwellers by, who are unprepared against them ? Owing to the
neglect of many years, it has come to pass that our ships are
few in number, while our sailors are not many, and even these
are unskilful for want of experience. May the Lord take away
our reproach, and stir up the spirit of courage in our country !
May He lay bare the false and pretended friendship of other
nations, lest, whilst we are not apprehensive of them, they
suddenly fall upon us."*
But good also is educed out of evil, or man-
kind would long ago have been destroyed by
their own vices. One class of Englishmen
escaped the injurious effects of the national con-
tagion, and profiting by the weakness of every
other, gathered strength during the French wars.
The humblest class of all, the poor and enthralled
serfs, who were in no way responsible for the go-
vernment of the kingdom, had become free men.
How the emancipation was effected is not readily
explained, though it is clear that when Edward
* Capgrave, Zr/^^r de illustrtbus Henricis,^, I'j,^. Mr. Hingeston,
who translated Capgrave's work, has also pointed out the play upon the
words ship and sheepy in the first sentence of this quotation. When
Edward III. introduced a gold currency into England, he caused a ship
to be represented upon it ; and this emblem had been adopted by him
and continued by his successors, in order to show that the sovereigns of
England claimed to be kings of the sea. Hence the ship upon the
ancient gold coinage was formerly a familiar image, like the figure of
Britannia holding the Trident, which now appears upon our copper
coinage, in company with the less prominent ship and lighthouse.
Conclusmi, 2,01
III. set up his claim to the crown of France,
a very considerable number of his subjects were
villeins and bondsmen ; and that when the last
Plantagenet king went down to his unhonoured
tomb, villeinage in England was virtually ex-
tinguished. If, moreover, we pass by the ques-
tion of right involved in the latest invasion of
France, we may claim for our King a beneficent
purpose behind his ambition. William the Nor-
man found the English a free people, and it was
from no want of will that he did not reduce
them to slavery. Henry V. knew that the com-
mons of France were suffering and oppressed ;
and he set out by proclaiming his design of re-
storing to them the liberties which they had for-
merly enjoyed under St. Louis.* Of these liber-
ties the French people had been deprived by the
usurpation of their kings, and the selfishness of
their princes and nobles ; and the previous wars
with England had furnished the opportunity for
effecting that iniquity.f France had struck the
* Juv. des Ursins, Hist, de Charles VI. ^ p. 292.
f Fortescue explains the whole matter, and adds, that neither St.
Louis " nor any of his progenitors set never tallies or other impositions
upon the people of that land without the assent of the Three Estates,
which, when they be assembled, are like to the Court of Parliament in
England" (^Abs. and Lim. Monarchy, ch. 3). See also the sagacious
and impressive remarks of Philip de Comines upon the same subject
{Mem.\. vi., c. 7). In the notes to the Grand Custumier of Normandy,
an anecdote is related of our Richard I., which serves to show that in
2,0 Z Conclusion.
first blow ; which, instead of destroying English
liberty, destroyed her own ; for the consequences
of the Norman invasion are traceable throughout
the history of both nations from the Battle of
Hastings down to the present hour. Nor should
it be forgotten that the intrepidity, energy, and
endurance which our forefathers had displayed
throughout the contest with France were of avail
to their descendants in after times. It was the
fortune of England in the seventeenth century
to be governed by a dynasty of kings whose policy
tended to enfeeble and debase their people, and
who would have ruined the character of any people
which had offered to them a less determined
resistance. Living mostly for frivolities, and
deficient in capacity, courage, and affection, the
Stuarts were destitute of the chief qualities which
ought to belong to the rulers of men. Governing,
as they did, three kingdoms, differing in features
of national character, yet each possessing its own
distinctive titles to esteem, it might have been
the twelfth century the old English proverb, " Every nhin^s house is
his castky^ existed in Normandy, under the form of " Every man is
a king in his own house ;" and that the proverb applied even to the
house of a peasant. It further appears from Juvenal des Ursins (p. 104)
that France, towards the end of the fourteenth century, might have
secured herself against future attacks from England, if her princes and
nobles had not preferred, out of jealousy to the commonalty, to ex-
tinguish the liberties, and put in jeopardy the independence of their
common country.
Conclusion, 203
thought that they would find in one of them at
least something to approve and admire ; but they
could not. They did not love England ; they
hated Scotland, and they despised Ireland. When
England w^as languishing under the government
of the Stuarts, while the French, who had be-
come united and strong, were pursuing their
career of victory, in the earlier days of their Grand
Monarch, Louis XIV. ; when not only France,
but Germany and Spain, and for a moment even
Holland, took the lead of England ; in those evil
days when Charles II. had degraded his high
office to become the satrap of the Great King,
and the most profligate traitor in the realm was
to be found upon the throne of England — it was
of some consequence to his subjects that they
could look back upon a past in which their poli-
tical relations with France had been less humiliat-
ing, and that they could remember that the fitful
splendours of the Commonwealth, recently flash-
ing across the gloom, were only gleams of the
glory which, before the coming in of the Stuarts,
had been their ancient inheritance. And so,
under his successor, it was no slight advantage
that public opinion was able to cover over the
technical precedents of prerogative, which might
be pleaded before corrupt judges, with the his-
504 Conclusion,
torical trophies of Magna Charta* and the Re-
formation ; and that there was forthcoming the
old spirit to carry to the last court of appeal
questions which implicated the honour and
affected the heart of the nation.
III.
Thus were the English, in the middle of the
fifteenth century, expelled out of France, beset
with enemies on every side, and left with but
one faithful friend to sympathise with them
* Our German kinsmen, whether Protestant or Catholic, seem to be
capable of appreciating the importance of Magna Charta, if we may
judge from their modern literature ; since we find Neander, in his Life
of Christy describing the Sermon on the Mount as The Magna Charta
of the kingdom of God', and Dollinger, from an opposite point of view,
designating the Power of the Keys, The Magna Charta of the Church,
The instinct of the Germans has led them to comprehend the signifi-
cance of that fundamental law, which has to bear a superstructure for
them also. At the battle of Bovines, in which the Germans were aided
by our King John, the Celts obtained their most renowned triumph over
the Saxons ; and that victory inaugurated the splendid military career of
the French nation. Magna Charta, which followed immediately after-
wards, was the compensation granted to the Teutonic race.
It is curious to observe that, while Joinville speaks quite naturally of
our King Henry II. as Henry the Great', while Henry V. was
also entitled abroad Henry the Great ; and while Henry VIII., in
his lifetime and after his death, was called, even by foreign Catholics,
Henry the Great, the English have repudiated these titles, as well as the
title of Great for any other of their sovereigns, and have reserved it for
"the Great Charter of their liberties. With their national reverence
for law, they have constantly ascribed to the most venerable and
venerated of their statutes the character of greatness which they have
refused to attribute to a man.
Conclusion, 2,0^
in their distress.* Was England then so de-
tested of God, and so bereft of courage and
strength, as Charles of Orleans has represented ? f
and was there no mission left for her to execute
in the future progress of civilisation ? The answer
to this inquiry might have been divined from the
pages of Fortescue, to which we have formerly
made allusion. J In them will be found displayed
the earnestness of political life, the enthusiastic
attachment to liberty, and the power of endurance
unto the end in its defence, which have consti-
tuted, for more than a thousand years, the pre-
rogative of the English people. That people
recovered itself within a single generation ; and
before the close of the fifteenth century, Philip
de Comines pronounced, in a well-known passage
of his History, that of all the kingdoms he was
acquainted with, England was . the happiest and
the best governed.
The cause of this happiness was the freedom
enjoyed by the English ; their title to which
they had brought with them out of the forests
of Germany. They had held this freedom amidst
strife and confusion, from the time of their first
crossing the Channel down to the death of the
Confessor ; they had never ceased to insist upon
it as their inalienable heritage, even while out of
* Supra, p. 108. t lb. p. 164. X lb. p. xiii.
2o6 Conclusion.
possession under the Norman tyranny ; and they
had re-entered upon it, in full right under Magna
Charta, because, while the disseisin lasted, they
had not failed to make continual claim.*
Then the nation had proceeded to provide
further securities for the future. By the end
* These statements will be found to clash with the theories of
Augustin Thierry ; but his work on the Conquest of England by the
Normans, though remarkable alike for genius, learning, and eloquence,
is open to grave objection as a history. It resembles rather the pleading
of an advocate, who ignores inconvenient facts which can neither be ex-
plained nor controverted. Much of the affirmative evidence on which
he relies must be received with caution, since it proceeds from monkish
writers, who had quitted the world, instead of remaining in it to do
battle against the evil. Thierry has fully appreciated, in another work,
the privileges anciently enjoyed by the communes of France ; but he has
failed to perceive that the whole of England was one commune, more
free, and having a better title to its freedom, than any French commune.
Even between the Norman Conquest and Magna Charta, the gloomiest
period in our constitutional history, it is certain that the spirit of liberty
never died out ; as is proved by the charters of Henry I., Stephen,
and Henry II. There was no such generosity of character in these
sovereigns that they were, likely to grant more than necessity compelled
them ; and it would be unreasonable to suppose that their charters,
which, by the common law of Europe during the middle ages, were
regarded in the light of legislative acts, could ever have been wholly
forgotten "or invalidated, whatever may be urged to the contrary. They
may have been frequently violated in the turbulent twelfth century, as
Magna Charta itself was afterwards violated ; but though, according to
the authority of Lord Coke, that statute required to be confirmed more
than thirty times, there can be no question as to its constant binding
force. Indeed, every Englishman who has been born, and who has
lived out half the allotted period of human Hfe, has had good reason, at
one time or another of his existence, not to despair of the liberties of
his country. Only thirty-five years elapsed between the Norma a
Conquest and Henry I.'s charter, which said to our countrymen,
*' Lagam Edwardi regis vobis redco." In the days before Acts of
Parliament were known, that charter stood in the place of them.
Conclusion, 2oy
of the thirteenth century the courts of justice,
in which every man might apply for the redress
of injuries, had been firmly established;* the
ancient great Council of the realm had given
place to the modern Parliament ; and so rapidly
did the power of the national assembly increase,
that the first burgess w^ho sat in it might have
survived to take part in the deposition of his
sovereign lord, Edward II. In the succeeding
reign had commenced a century of victory and
conquest, during which '^ little " England, as our
forefathers were w^ont endearingly to call their
country, performed the deeds which gained her
an honourable place amongst the States of Europe.
In the previous pages will be seen what the Eng-
lish achieved in that period. It will be seen that
upon the ocean they were supreme ; that they
claimed to be kings of the sea, and that their
claim was allowxd.'j' Upon the land they pre-
ceded Spain in the sixteenth, and France in the
seventeenth century, as the conquering nation of
Europe. And if they were thus distinguished in
the material world, they were no less so in the
spiritual. They had produced, in Chaucer, the
greatest poet on this side the Alps, as well
* See the Tear Books of Edward I., edited and translated by Mr.
Horwood. A lawyer will recognise at once, that the main principles
of the common law were at that time in full activity.
t Supra, pp. 17 and 47.
2,o8 Conclusion.
as WicklifFe, the precursor of the Reformation.
Few as they were in number, they took rank at
the Council of Constance as one of the Four
Nations, into which the Christian world was
divided ; and when the Council was threatened
by an imminent peril, Christendom showed its
confidence in them by committing the recalci-
trant Pope to the custody of the King of Eng-
land, It is the first Prince of the blood of
France, who, in relating the events which had
taken place during his life, thus addresses the
English : " There was a time when your con-
quests had reached as far as the river Loire, and
even beyond ; yet all this did not happen without
your having to fight great battles and meeting
with strong resistance."* We may rightly sym-
pathise with the Prince in the burst of feeling
which, in the '' Debate between the Heralds," pre-
cedes the passage here quoted, and we may con-
demn the aggression of Henry V.; but it would
be unnatural if descendants of the English race
should fail to be sensible of the greatness of their
countrymen, which is implied in this experience
of the Duke of Orleans. The battle of Auray
had decided the fate of a province ; the battle of
Naxera, that of a kingdom. f In each of them
the Constable of France, Bertrand Duguesclin,
* Supra, p. 44. f lb. p. 34.
Conclusion, 209
had been taken prisoner ; and yet these great
battles won by the English dwindle into insigni-
ficance by the side of others which were greater.
At last the English dominion in France had come
to an end. It was only natural that Charles of
Orleans should rejoice in the triumph of his
country ; and we English at the present day
cannot wish that the event should have been
reversed. The energies of England had been
overstrained in an enterprise which, though
warrantable according to the maxims of the age,
was essentially unjust; and a period of lassitude
and suffering intervened, before the nation
began to collect again the strength which was
needful in its further career. God had not utterly
forsaken our country, for there was important
work still left for her to perform.
And now the business of England hencefor-
ward was to improve her own institutions ; to
become the champion of the approaching Refor-
mation ; to uphold the cause of civil and reli-
gious liberty; to fight for the independence of
Europe ; to afford an example of free, secure,
and progressive government ; and no longer to
squander her race over the old barren fields of
feudal ambition, but to plant it in the virgin soil
of more promising lands, where it might increase
and multiply, and where — instinctively avoiding
p
^lo Conclusion,
all commixture with surrounding inferior races —
it might bring forth worthy descendants to fill
up the void places of the earth. That, in spite
of occasional backslidings, she has in the long
run been faithful to her mission, is patent in the
present constitution of the most flourishing States
of the world. It is difficult to conceive where,
but for England, would have been now the inde-
pendence of the various nations, whose free in-
tercommunication has promoted and still carries
forward the highest interests of humanity, or
where would have been the political liberties of
their inhabitants. At home her laws, and abroad
her fleets and armies, have had for their object,
not to conquer and enslave, but to liberate. That
is the aim of her empire. It was no selfish con-
test which she engaged in when she resisted
Philip II., L/Ouis XIV., or Napoleon ; nor was it
any enterprise of ambition which she undertook
when she proceeded to lay the foundations of an
empire in America.
And here, at the expense of being considered
discursive, we will presume to advert to the for-
tune of the powerful nation to which England
has given birth.
When the European kingdoms in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, dispatched their ad-
venturous sons to seek for ampler dominions in
Conclusion, z 1 1
the New World, the course which England pur-
sued was unmoved by the lust of conquest.
Dazzled by the splendid exploits and rewards of
the Spanish conquerors, who were first in the
field, or indignant at their intolerance and atro-
cious cruelties, mankind took little heed of the
scattered bands of Englishmen who went forth in
humble steadfastness to plant the Wilderness.
These latter carried with them the indestructible
elements of their national character ; and they
were the children of fathers who had brought
down the high looks of the countrymen of
Cortes and Pizarro. Many of them would have
preferred remaining behind, to fight once more
the battle of freedom, and rescue Germany from
the horrors of the Thirty Years' War ; only their
timid sovereign wanted heart to carry out the
national policy. They had lost their glorious
Queen ; they could no longer hope to increase the
stock of honour which her reign had accumu-
lated ; their religion was persecuted ; and yet they
entered upon their adopted country with their
loyalty, their piety, and their patriotism un-
impaired.* They have immortalised the memory
of these virtues, alike in deeds, and in the names
of their early settlements, Virginia, Providence,
New Plymouth, New England. Above all, fol-
* See the note, p. 215, infra.
p 2
212 Conclusion.
lowing the light that was In them, they sought
to establish a kingdom for God ; and though at
times the light may have been dubious, leading
them into strange paths, yet their endeavour has
been rewarded by the establishment of a do-
minion, destined to be greater than kingdoms,
for their posterity. And now their settlements
have grown into the United States of America.
Amidst all the vicissitudes which these settle-
ments have undergone, they have never become
denationalised. In their profound disagreement
with the mother country, they avoided the last
act of estrangement, by declining to adopt a new
family name ; and Europe has done justice to Old
England by continuing to call their citizens the
Anglo-Americans. The Spaniards intermarried
with the native populations, and have become
Mexicans, Peruvians, Chilians, Venezuelans, and
other Indian half-castes; the Portuguese have be-
come Brazilians ; the French, Canadians : the
English are the English still. Beneath the burn-
ing sun of the New^ World the Celtic hosts have
melted away like the ice which has drifted south-
ward, while the Teutonic have been fused into a
rock.* In each instance the instinct originally im-
* The German, Dutch, and Scandinavian immigration into North
America has been more extensive than is commonly allowed for in
England ; and it is exactly out of these elements that the English race is
composed.
Conclusion, 213
planted by nature has prevailed. When the various
tribes v^hich pass under the appellation of Anglo-
Saxons had conquered England, and had driven
out, or exterminated, almost all the former in-
habitants, a law was imposed upon their race,
that it should become adapted for the assimilation
of the other superior races which might come into
contact with it, but should itself remain in-
capable of being absorbed. In obedience to
this law, the race blended with itself into one
common family the Danes and the Normans,
who, in early times, successfully invaded the
kingdom, and subsequently the unfailing stream
of aliens who have been pouring into it, either
to improve their fortune, or to escape from per-
secution ;* but, although the English have been
slain by thousands in France, Germany, Spain,
and every quarter of the globe, there is no
authentic tradition that any portion of the
Anglo-Saxon race has ever been incorporated
into a foreign nation. f England has always
* Defoe's satire of Tbe True-born Englishman amusingly describes
the mixed character of the English people.
f There are many traditions, indeed, but the difficulty is to establish
any one of them upon an historical basis. The earliest appears to be
that of the Saxons and Danes who fled from England after the Norman
Conquest, about the year 1080, and joined the Varangian Guard at Con-
stantinople, where they continued in the service of the Byzantine Court,
and preserved the use of their native language until the overthrow of
the Eastern Empire. If, however, we admit the truth of this tradition.
514 Conclusion,
received with open arms the foreigner from the
Continent, who came peaceably, and prepared to
and, as its necessary consequence, that the English soldiers retained their
nationality during a period little short of four hundred years, the fact
would only serve to show the sturdiness of the race, unless it could be
proved that our countrymen afterwards discredited themselves by
becoming renegades and Turks.
The mixed bands who, in the twelfth century, followed Richard
Strongbcw into Ireland, and whose descendants are said to have become
more Irish than the Irish themselves, consisted of Normans, Welshm.en,
and adventurers from all quarters, and cannot be called Anglo-Saxons.
Scotland, though a hostile, could never be regarded in the light of a
foreign nation, though her political divergency and historical associations,
supported by her courage, maintained her in a lofty independence prior
to the Union ; for the Lowlanders constituted the most numerous and
enterprising part of her population, and they are English in blood and
language.
There is a vague tradition, also of the twelfth century, that a body
of English crusaders, on their voyage homeward from the Holy Land,
disembarked in Portugal, joined the Christian inhabitants in their war-
fare against the Moors, and afterwards settled in the conquered country.
This last circumstance would have been interesting, if it could be
verified, in consequence of the intimate connexion which, from the
earliest times, has existed between the kingdoms of Portugal and
England.
During the English dominion in France, which ran parallel to the
alleged service with the Varangians at Constantinople, and continued
nearly four centuries, the family life of England could no more be
transferred to the Continent than it could since to India ; if we except
Calais, which became an English town, and restored its population to
England upon the recapture in 1558. A French writer, before the
existence of the Second Empire, remarking upon the circumstance that
the English princess, Mary Tudor, presented no heir to her consort
Louis XII., says, " It was the will of Heaven that not a single drop of
English blood should flow in the veins of the kings of France ! "
The nearest approach to an English emigration, resembling that of
the Protestants of the Low Countries driven out by the Duke of Alva,
or of the French Protestants after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes,
occurred in the middle of the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; but many of
Conclusion. 2,1^
cast in with her his lot ;* nor has the race
suffered detriment from its receptive faculty.
But with any inferior race the English has always
refused to coalesce. Such is the destiny which
has been inherited by the people of the United
States ; and this fact, coupled with their inherent
force of character, explains the secret of their
progress. It is said that the waters of the Mis-
sissippi run bright and clear before they are joined
by the Missouri, after which they become turbid,
like their affluent ; and the same result has fol-
lowed the confluence of the Celtic with the
Indian race. By shunning this intermixture, the
the English fugitives returned home afterwards, and those left behind
became seminary priests, monks, or soldiers, and never married.
There are few more touching incidents in the common history of
England and the United States than that of the congregation of English
exiles who had been settled during ten years at Leyden, and who, being
strongly tempted to abandon their nationality, so firmly refused. It was
this congregation, afterwards venerated as the Puritan Fathers, who
quitted Holland in 1620, sailed to America in the Mayflower, and
founded the States of New England. Amongst the reasons which they
assigned for emigration, this stands conspicuous : " That their posterity
would in a few generations become Dutch, and so lose their interest in
the English nation ; they being desirous rather to enlarge his Majesty's
dominions, and to live under their natural prince.'*
* The law of England, since the reign of Edward III., has favoured
the foreigner by a jury de medietate, while the old French law proscribed
him by means of the barbarous right d^aubaine, which was not abolished
until the year 1790.
The foreign aspect of the names which meet the eye of a passenger
through the principal streets of business in our metropolis show that the
immigration into England is still going on ; while, amongst the foreign
families who have entered our country since the revolution, more than
one has enjoyed the distinction of giving a prime minister to England.
2,1 6 Conclusmi.
English race has preserved beyond the Atlantic
the lustre of the European family. Like the
broad river separating that part of the Northern
continent which remains attached to the mother
country from the other which has established
itself independently, the race flows on unaffected
in its depths by the streams which run into it.
All the crime which England in former days
transported to her penal colonies upon that con-
tinent has not left a trace in the character of the
United States ; and a people which possessed
virtue sufficient to imbibe without a stain such
loads of guilt, may well be trusted for the
future. In any case, the Anglo-Americans are
of our blood, bone, and flesh. They are proud
of their Anglo-Saxon descent, and not without
reason. We have seen what the English were,
and what they did in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, before America was discovered. The
author of the '' Debate " declares that they were
Saxons, and, therefore, of necessity, Anglo-
Saxons.* The energy of the most energetic
people of Europe in that age was transmitted
to their descendants, who founded the United
States of America, and who have handed it down
to the present. The same energy has followed
* Supra, p. 19.
Conchision, 2iy
also the other children of England who have
settled beyond her ancient borders, and who are
not comprehended within the United States,
but who will have to be reckoned with here-
after.
These reflections, however, it may be thought,
have already led us too far, and we must return
to our proper subject.
Henry V. of England, before he died, at the
age of thirty-three,* did not doubt that he should
conquer France ; and he seems to have conceived
the design of cementing both nations together,
by leading their combined forces against the in-
fidels, who were then advancing upon Europe. -f^
What the emulation of the two Western Powers,
guided by a commander of Henry's genius, might
have accomplished in that direction, it would be
idle now to speculate upon, since all hope of such
a consummation perished when he expired. The
dominion of the English upon the Continent
did not long survive their heroic King. If we
revert to the year 1453, which has afforded us a
point of view for obtaining a glimpse of the
fifteenth century, we shall find that it is pre-
* Alexander the Great died at the age of thirty-two.
f Tytler's Life of Henry F.yVoX. ii., p. 315, and the authorities
referred to in that work.
2 1 8 Conclusion,
eminently distinguished in our European annals
by its closing the central period known as the
Middle Ages, and that it witnessed two capital
events — the expulsion of the English from France,
and the capture of Constantinople by the Turks.
Liberty receding in the West, as despotism ad-
vanced in the East, was not a favourable omen
inaugurating our modern era ; yet there, at the
same instant, the armies of the two representative
nations were fighting with a different fortune.
There were the English and the Turks, widely
separated from each other, with Europe in the
midst ; the former vanquished, the latter vic-
torious. And there, behind the events of the
moment, each nation embodied its special prin-
ciple of action, pointing to a future which was
not then discerned ; the one leading on to
justice, security, and prosperity — the other to
insolent violence and rapine, to be followed by
exhaustion, decrepitude, and dissolution. The
double crisis in human progress had come at last.
The watch-dog w^ithdrew sullenly, on one side
of the continental fold, to the great joy of the
shepherds, as the wolf entered at the other.
Four hundred years and more have since elapsed,
during which time the wolf has not spared the
flock ; and how to be rid of him still remains the
Conclusion,
519
insoluble problem of Christendom. In the mean-
while, too, the English have gone elsewhere.
Perhaps, on the whole, they and their children
beyond the oceans may have profited by the
exchange.
INDEX.
^DRIAN, Pope, 25
Agincourt, Battle of, 1 5,
144, 148, 195, 197
Agnes, Pope, 30
Albion, 18
Ale, 116
Alen9on, Duke of, 74, 178
Alexander the Great, 85
America, 210
Amiens, 69
Ampthill Castle, 149
Ampulla, 23, 13^
Angers, 68
Anglo-Americans, 2 1 2
Anglo-Saxons, 2 1 3
Anjou, Duke of, 74
„ Margaret of, g^, 189
Antipope, 28
Appeal of Murder, 1 74
Aquitania, 72
Arc, Joan of, 157, 169,
193
Archers, ^j
Arras Tapestry, y6, 143
Arthur, King, 4, 14, 18, 99
Artificers, 51
Astolfo, King, 25
Auray, Battle of, 34, 208
128,
gARBAROSSA, Emperor, 190
Basle, Council of, 187
Bauge, Battle of, 151
Bayonne, 45, 51
Beauty, 146
Beauvais, 73
Beer, 116
Biscay, 52
Bishops, 67, 1 1 3
Blaye, 45
Blois, 129, 146
Boetius, 33, 102
Bolingbroke Castle, 149, 151
Bourbon, Duke of, 74
Bourdeaux, 45, 51, 53, 127
Bourg, 45
Bourges, 69, 80
Brazilians, 212
Brest, 51
Britons, 19
Brittany, 52, 55
„ Duke of, 74
Brouage, 53, 83
Bruce, Robert, 35
Brunet, Master, 25
" Brut," The, 20, 34, 88
Brutus of Troy, 18, 72
Burgundy, Duke of, 43, 73, 175,
2,2Z
Index,
C^SAR, Julius, 4, 34
Cahors, 68
Calais, 48, 6'^
Cambridge, 68
Canadians, 212
Carcassone, 24
Castles, 75, 115
Cathedrals, 68, 69
Cattle, 62
Chalons, 73
Champagne, Count of, 73
Charente, 83
Charlemagne, 4, 25, 37, 88, 133
Charles Martel, 24
„ the Bold, 192
„ II. of England, 203
„ V. of France, 128
„ VI. „ 175
„ VII. „ 44, 129,
139
Charroux, 69
Chartres, 69
Chases, 6, 10
Chatillon, Battle of, 46, note 195^
Chaucer, 207
Chilians, 212
Chronicles, 133
Church, The, 186
Citeaux, 68
Clairvaux, 68
Clarence, Duke of, 1 89
Clergy, 6j, 68
Cloths, 80
Clovis, 23, 24, 100, 138
Cluny, 68
Coal, 52, 63, 81, 107
Coke, John, xiii. 99
Collegiate Churches, 68
Comines, Philip de, 205
Common People, Sy
" Complaint of France," 130
Constance, Council of, xii. 70,
187, 208
Constantine, Emperor, 14, 18
Constantinople, 187, 194, 218
Cornwall, 63
Cortes, 2 1 1
Craftsmen, 61
Cress)'j Battle of, 15, 197
Creton, 76, 80
Cross, Cheapside, 79
Crossbows, 57, III
J)ANES, 213
Dante, 191
Darius, 85
David, King, 4
Denmark, 16, 42, 88
Derby, Earl of, 88
Desiderius, King, 25
Dieppe, 50
Dovor, 148
** Dream of the Orchard," 25,
100
Duguesclin, 34, 208
Dukes, 75
Dunois, Count, 121, 159
EDWARD I., 190
Edward TI., 38, 137, 207
Edward IV., 189
„ Prince of Wales, 1 89
pAMINES, 153
Ferdinand of Aragon, 190
Feudalism, 186
Fish, 54, 64, 81
Flanders, Coimt of, 73
Fleurs-de-lis, 23, 133
Fontevrault, 68
Fortescue, Sir John, xv. 205
Fowling, 7
Foxes, 12
France, 43, 84, 195
Froissard, xix.
Fronsac, 45
Fruits, 62, 79
G^UL, 32
Genoa, 59, 112, 127
Geoffrey the Pict, 72
Giants, 18, 73
Index,
^23
Gironde, 83
Godfrey of Bouillon, 4, 27
Gold, 64, 80
Gormond, 19
Goshawks, 1 3, 98
Granada, King of, 48, 105
Guicnnc, 36, 52, 55, 73
Gunpowder, 194
Gutenberg, 194
fJAINAULTERS, 39
Hannibal, 33
Harbours, 50
Harfleur, 50
Hastings, Battle of, 197, 202
Hawking, 7, 145
Hector of Troy, 4
Henry IV. of England, 1 74
„ V. „ 44» 2 1 7
„ VT. „ 193
Hesdin, Park at, 1 1
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester,
CATHERINE, Queen
Henry V., 170 ,
Kings of the Sea, 1 7, 47
of
Hunting, 145
Huss, John, 188
JNGLUS, 19
Inquisition, Spanish, 190
Ireland and the Irish, 41, 42
Iron, 51
Isabella, Queen of Edward II.,
137, 153, 172
Isabella, Queen of Richard IT.,
170, 177
Italy, 190
TAMES I. of Scotland, 188
J Jewellers, ']6
Joan of Arc, See Arc
John, King of England, 30, 31,
37, 102, 137
John, King of France, 35, 103,
137
Judas Maccabeu?, 4
LA BASSEE, 53
Ladies, 6, 10
Lancaster, Duke of, 74
Langres, 73
Languedoc, 74
Laon, 73
La Rochelle, 51, S3
Lay, 83
Libourne, 45
Loire, 72, 82
Louis XI , 190
„ XIL, 128
„ XIV., 210
„ Son of PhiHp Augustus, 37
„ Duke of Orleans, 175, 177
Lusignan, Park at, 1 1
Lyons, 81
J^ACHIAVELLI, 191
Magna Charta, 197, 204
Magnificence, Wars of, 21, 23,
27, 89, loi, 153
Maniple, 28
Maximian, 14, 18
Maximilian, Emperor, xii.
Mechanics, ']6
Merchandise, 50, c^^^ 6^
Meux, 45
Mexicans, 212
Mines, 63, 80
Monstrelet, xix. 128
Montivilliers, 80
Montpellier, 68
Mother-Abbeys, 68
^APOLEONL, 210
Nations, The Four, 70
Naxera, Battle of, 34, 208
New England, 21 1
New Plymouth, 2 1 1
Nine Worthies, 5, 27, 34, 92
24
Index.
Nobles and Nobility, 6i, 67, 72,
73
Normandy, 36, 45
„ Duke of, 22, 73
Normans, 213
Noyon, 73
OLIVER, 4, 27, 133
Oriflamme, 24, 133
Orleans, Duke of, 43, 74, 128,
H3
Orleans, City of, 158
„ University of, 68
Orleans and Burgundy, 153
Oxford, 68
pANDULPH, 30
Paper, 76
Paris, 45, 68, 69, 80
Parks, 6, 10, 96
Partridges, 7, 13, 97
Pastime, 91
Patay, Battle of, 156
People, 61
„ of tlie Clergy, &c., 142
Pepin, King, 25
Peruvians, 212
Peter-pence, 31
Pheasants, 13, 98
Philip the Fortunate, 36, 45
Philip II. of Spain, 210
Phoebus, Count, 10
Pizarro, 211
Pleasures, 6
Poictiers, Battle of, 15, 24, 144.
197
Poictiers, University, 68
Pontefract Castle, 149, 151, 179
Pontoise, 45
Portugal, 56, 108
Precedency, 94
"Prince," The, 19 1
Providence, 2 1 1
REFORMATION, 204
Relics, 69, 133
Rheims, 69, 73, 156
Rhone, 80, 82
Richard I., 22
„ II., 86, 87, 118, 170
„ III., 190
Riches, 61, 6yy 85
Roanne, 82
Roland, 4, 27, 133
Roses, War of the, 198
Rouen, 69, 80
SAFE-CONDUCTS, 52, 55
St. Emilion, 45
St. Louis, 133, 190
St. Macaire, 45
St. Malo, 51
St. Remi, 24
Saintonge, 53
Salt, 55, 78
Saltpetre, 81
Saone, 82
Saracens, 27, 133
Saxony and Saxons, 19, 216
Scipio Africanus, 33
Scotland, 16, 40
Sea-sickness, 58, 147
Seine, 82
Serfs, 200
Sevre, 83
Sheep, 62, 79
Ships and Shipping, 17, 49
Shrewsbury, Earl of. See Talbot
Sigismund, Emperor, 188
Sluys, 50
Somme, 83
Spain, 42, 52
Sport, 6, 13
Stuarts, The, 203
Swin, The Great, 56
'PALBOT, Earl of Shrews-
bury, 46, 127, 154, 195
Tercelets, 13, 98
Toulouse, 68, 69
„ Count of, 73
Tours, 69, 72
Index.
zzs
Towns, 1 1 2
"Tree of Battle," 86, 120
" Treasure of Sapience," 25
Troy, 18
Troyes, y6
„ Treaty of, 198
Turks, 2 1 8
Turonus, 72
UNIVERSITIES, 68, 113
United States, 210
yALENTINE of Milan, 175
Valois, 198
Valour, 14, 1 8
Venezuelans, 212
Verdegris, 76
Verneuil, Battle of, 16, 150
Vie, 83
Vienne, 80
Villeins, 201
Vincennes, Bois de, 1 1
Virginia, 2 1 1
\YARWICK the Kingmaker,
192
Wenceslaus, Emperor, 188
Wickliffe, 208
Wildfowl, 7, 93
William the Conqueror, 37, 88,
201
Windsor Castle, ii:j9
„ Park, 12
Wine, 55, 78
Wingfield, Sir Robert, xii.
„ Castle, 149
Wolves, 12, 97
Wood, 51
Wool, 62, 79
Worthies, See Nine Worthies
YOI^K and Lancaster, Houses
of, 176
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INDEX.
Acton's Modern Cookery 20
Afterglow (The) 19
Alcock's Residence in Japan IG
Allies on Formation of Christianity 15
Alpine Guide (The) 16
Apjohn's Manual of the Metalloids 9
Aenold'8 Manual of English Literature .. 5
Aenott's Elements of Physics 8
Arundines Cami 18
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson .... 6
Ayee's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 14
Bacon's Essays by Whatelt 5
Life and Letters, by Spedding . . 8
Works 4
Bain's Mental and Moral Science 7
-^ on the Emotions and Will 7
on the Senses and Intellect 7
on the Study of Character 7
Ball's Guide to tho Central Alps 16
Guide to the Western Alps 16
Guide to the Eastern Alps 16
Baenaed's Drawing from Nature 12
Batldon's Rents and Tillages 13
Beaten Tracks 16
Beckee's Charicles and Galkts 17
Benfey's Sanskrit-English Dictionary .... 6
Black's Treatise on Brewing 20
Blackley's Word-Gossip 7
Blackley and Peiedlandee's German
and English Dictionary 6
Blaine's Rural iSports 19
Veterinary Art 19
Booth's Epigrams 6
BouENE on Screw Propeller 12
'8 Catechism of the Steam Engine . . 12
Examples of Modern Engines . . 13
Handbook of Steam Engine .... 13
Treatise on the Steam Engine.... 12
BowDLEE's Pamily Shakspeaee 18
Beande's Dictionary of Science, Literature,
and Art 9
Beay's (C.) Education of the Feelings 7
Philos' iphy of Necessity 7
On Force 7
Beinton on Food and Digestion 20
Beodie's (Sir C. B.) Works 10
Beowne's Exposition of the 39 Articles .... 13
Buckle's History of Civilisation 2
' Bull's Hints to Mothers 20
Maternal Management of Children . . 20
Bunsen's Ancient Egypt > 3
. God in History 3
■ — Memoirs 3
Bunsen (E. De) on Apocrypha 15
'8 Keys of St. Peter 15
Buebuey's Mary's Every Day Book 20
Bueke'8 Vicissitudes of Families 4
BuETON's Christian Church 3
Cabinet Lawyer 20
Calveet's Wife's Manual 15
Cannon's Grant's Campaign 2
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Cats and Faelie's Moral Emblems 11
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths .... 6
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of Joshua 14
Commonplace Philosopher in Town and
Country C
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Translation of Virgil's ^neid 18
Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries . . 6
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of St.Paul 18
Cook's Acts of the Apostles 13
Voyages 4
Copland's Dictionary of Practical Medicine 10
Coulthaet's Decimal Interest Tables .... 20
Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit . . 6
Cox's (G. W.) Manual of Mythology 17
Tale of the Great Persian W^ar 2
Tales of Ancient Greece 17
(H.) Ancient Parliamentary Elections 1
History of the Reform Bills 1
Whig and Tory Administrations 1
Ceesy's EncyclopJEdia of Civil Enginet^ring 12
Critical Essays of a Country Parson 6
Ceoss's Old Story 19
Ceowe's History of France 2
Ceump on Banking, &c 19
Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy 12
Cusack's History of Ireland 2
Daet's Iliad of Homer 18
D'AuBiQN:fi's History of the Reformation in
the time of Calvin 2
Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 14
Dayman's Dante's Divina Commedia 18
Dead Shot (The) , by Mabksman 19
De la Rive's Treatise on Electricity 8
22
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Edginton's Odyssey 18
Edwards's Shipmaster's Guide 20
Elements of Botany 9
Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians .... 14
Destiny of the Creature 14
Lectures on Life of Christ .... 14
Commentary ou Galatians .... 14
Pastoral Epist. 14
Philippians,&c. 14
Thessalouians 14
Essays and Reviews 15
EwALD'sHistory of Israel 14
Fairbairk's Application of Cast and
AVrought Iron to Building 12
Information for Engineers .... 12
Treatise on Mills and Millwork 12
Faiebairn on Iron Shipbuilding 12
Farrar's Chai)ters on Language 5
Felkin on Hosiery & Lace Manufactures. . 13
Ffoulkes's Christendom's Divisions 15
Fitzgibbon's Ireland 2
Fliedner's (Pastor) Life 3
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Francis's Fishing Book 19
Froude's History of England 1
Short Studies G
Ganot's Elementary Physics 8
Gilbert's Cadore 16
and Churchill's Dolomite Moun-
tains 16
GiLLY's Shipwrecks of the Navy 17
Girtin's House I Live In 10
Goldsmith's Poems, Illustrated 18 I
Goodeve's Elements of Mechanism 12 I
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Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 5 I
Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 6 i
Gray's Anatomy 10 I
Greene's Corals and Sea Jellies 9 j
Sponges and Animalculae 9 |
Geeenhow on Bronchitis 10 |
Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces . . 8 I
Gwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture .... 12 j
Hare on Election of Representatives 5
H ARTWiG's Harmonies of Nature 9
Polar World 9
Sea and its Living Wonders .... 9
Tropical World 9
Haughton's Manual of Geology 8
Hawker's Instructions to Young Sports-
men 19
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Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy 7
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Study of Natural Philosophy 8
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Holmes's Surgical Treatment of Children . . 10
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Hooker and Walker-Arnott's British
Flora Q
HoENE's Introduction to the Scriptures . . 14
Compendium of the Scriptures . . 14
How we Spent the Summer 16
Howard's Gymnastic Exercises lo
Howitt's Australian Discovery le
■ Northern Heights of London ...'.' 17
Rural Life of England 17
Visits to Remarkable Places 17
Hughes's Manual of Geography 7
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Hutton's Studies in Parliament 6
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Ingelow's Poems ig
Story of Doom is
Instructions in Household Matters 20
Jameson's Legends of Saints and Martyrs . . 11
Legends of the Madonna 11
Legends of the Monastic Orders 11
Legends of the Saviour 11
Jenner's Holy Child 18
Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 7
Jordan on Vis Inertise in Ocean 8
Jukes on Second Death 16
on Typi s of Genesis 15
Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 5
Hebrew Grammar 5
Keith on Destiny of the World 14
l'"ulfilment of Prophecy 14
Kerl's Metallurgy, by Crookes and
RoHRiG 13
Kesteven's Domestic Medicine 10
Kirby and Spence's Entomology 9
Landon's (L. E. L.) Poetical Works 18
Latham's English Dictionary 5
River Plate 7
Lecky's History of European Morals 3
Rationalism 3
Leighton's Sermons and Charges 13
Leisure Hours in Town 6
Lessons of Middle Age 6
Lewes's Biographical History of Philosophy 3
LiBDELLand Scott's Greek-English Lexicon 5
Abridged ditto 6
Life of Man Symbolised 11
LiNDLEY and Moore's Treasury of Botany 9
Longman's Edward the Third 2
Lectures on History of England 2
Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture .... 13
''■ — Gardening 13
Plants 9
Lowndes's Engineer's Handbook 12
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Lyra Domestica 15
Eucharistica 15
Gennanica 11, 15
Messianica 15
Mystica 13
Macaulat's (Lord) Essays 3
History of England . . 1
Lays of Ancient Rome 18
Miscellaneous "Writings 6
Speeches 5
Works 1
Macfaheen's Lectures on Harmony 11
MACLEOD'S Elements of Political Economy 4
Dictionary of Political Economy 4
Elements of Banking 20
Theory and Practice of Banking 19
McCuiiLOCn's Dictionary of Commerce .... 19
Geographical Dictionary .... 7
Maguiee's Irish in America 17
Maguiee's Life of Father Mathew 3
Malleson's Prench in India 2
Manning's England and Christendom .... 15
Marshall's Physiology 10
Makshman's History of India 2
Life of Havelock 4
Maetineaxj's Endeavours after the Chris-
tian Life 16
Maetineau's Letters from Australia 16
Massey's History of England 1
Massingb bed's History of the Reformation 3
Maundee's Biographical Treasury 4
Geographical Treasury 7
Historical Treasury 3
Scientific and Literary Treasury 9
Treasury of Knowledge 20
Treasury of Natural History . . 9
Maury's Physical Geography 7
May's Constitutional History of England. . 1
Meissnee's Biographical and Critical Essays 4
Melia on Virgin Mary 14
Melville's Digby Grand 17
General Bounce 17
• Gladiators 17
Good for Nothing 17
HolmbyHouse 17
Interpreter 17
Kate Coventry 17
Queen's Maries 17
Mendelssohn's Letters 4
Meeivale's (H.) Historical Studios 1
(C.) Pall of the Roman Republic 2
■ Romans under the Empire 2
Boyle Lectures 2
Meeeifield and Evees's Navigation .... 7
Miles on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing . 19
on Horses' Teeth and Stables 19
Mill (J.) on the Mind 4
Mill (J. S.) on Liberty 4
on Representative Government 4
on Utilitarianism 4
's Dissertations and Discussions 4
Political Economy 4
System of Logic 4
Hamilton's Philosophy 4
Inaugural Address at St. Andrew's . 4
Millee's Elements of Chemistry 9
Hymn Writers 15
Mitchell's Manual of Assaying 13
Modern Ireland 2
Monsell's Beatitudes 16
His Presence not his Memory. . 16
' Spiritual Songs ' 16
Mooee's Irish Melodies 18
Lalla Rookh 18
Journal and Correspondiance .... 3
Poetical Works 18
(Dr. G.) First Man 8
Power of the Soul over
the Body 16
Moeell's Elements of Psychology 7
Mental Philosophy 7
MouNTFiELD on National Church 14
MiJLLEE's (Max) Chips from a German
Workshop 7
Lectures on the Science of Lan-
guage 5
(K. O.) Literature of Ancient
Greece 2
MtTECHisoN on Continued Fevers 10
on Liver Complaints 10
Muee's Language and Literature of Greece 2
New Testament Illustrated with Wood En-
gravings from the Old Masters 11
Newman's History of his Religious Opinions 3
Nicholas's Pedigree of the English People 6
Nichols's Handbook to British Museum. . 20
Nightingale's Notes on Hospitals 20
Nilsson's Scandinavia 8
NoETHCOTE's Sauctuary of the Madonna . . 14
NoETHCOTT on Lathes aiid Turning 12
Noeton's City of London 17
Odling's Animal Chemistry lO
Course of Practical Chemistry . . 10
Manual of Chemistry 9
Original Designs for Wood Carving 12
Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Physio-
logy of Vertebrate Animals 8
Owen's Lectures ou the Invertebrata 8
Packe's Guide to the Pyrenees 16
Paget's Lectures on Surgical Pathology . . 10
Palm Leaves le
Peeeiea's Manual of Materia Medica 11
Peekins's Italian and Tuscan Sculptors . . 12
Phillips's Guide to Geology 8
Phillipps's Horse and Man 19
Pictures in Tyrol ig
Piesse's Art of Perfumery 13
Chemical, Natural, and Physical Magic 13
Pike's English and their Origin 6
Playtime with the Poets 18
PLOvn)EN's Abyssinia 17
PoLKo's Reminiscences of Mendelssohn. ... 4
Peatt's Law of Building Societies ........ 20
Peescott's Scripture DiflBculties 14
Peoctoe's Handbook of the Stars 7
Saturn 7
Pyceoft's Cricket Field 19
Quarterly Journal of Science 9
Quick's Educational Refonrers 4
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Raymond on Fishing without Cruelty — 18
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Reilly's Map of Mont Blanc 16
Reimann on Aniline Dyes 13
Religious Republics 15
RiCHAEDSON's Life, by M'llwraith 4
Riley's Memorials of London 17
RiVEES's Rose Amateur's Guide 9
RoBBiNs's Cavalry Catechism 19
RoGEES's Correspondence of Greyson 7
Eclipse of Faith 7
Defence of Faith 7
Essays from the Edinburgh Re-
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Reason and Faith 6
Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and
Phrases 5
Roma Sotterranea 16
RoNALDs's Fly-Fisher's Entomology 19
Rowton's Debater 5
Rudd's Aristophanes 18
Russell on Government and Constitution 1
Sandaks's Justinian's Institutes 5
Scheffler on Ocular Defects 10
Schubert's Life, translated by Coleridge 3
Scott's Lectures on the Fine Arts 11
Seebohm's Oxford Reformers of 1498 2
Senior's Journals &c. relating to Ireland. . 2
Sewell's After Life 17
Glimpse of the World 17
History of the Early Church .... 3
Journal of a Home Life 17
. - Passing Thoughts on Religion . . 15
Preparation for Communion 15
. Principles of Education 15
Readings for Confirmation 15
Readings for Lent 15
Examination for Confirmation . . 15
Stories and Tales 17
Shakspeare's Midsummer Night's Dream,
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Shaw's Work on Wine 20
Shepherd's Iceland 16
Shipley's Church and the World 14
Invocation of ?aints 16
Short Whist 20
Short's Church History 3
Smart's Walker's English Pronouncing
Dictionaries 5
Smith's ( Southwood) Philosophy of Health 20
(J.) Paul's Voyage and Shipwreck 13
(Sydney) Miscellaneous Works . . 6
Wit and Wisdom 6
Southey's (Doctor) 5
Poetical Works 18
Stafford's Life of the Blessed Virgin — 14
St A nley's History of British Birds 9
Stebbing's Analysis of Mill's Logic 4
Stephen's Essays in Ecclesiastical Bio-
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Stirling's Secret of Hegel 7
Stokes's Life of Petrie 4
Stonehenge on the Dog 19
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Strickland's Tudor Princesses 4
Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of G
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Taylor's (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden 15
(E.) Selections from some Con-
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Tennent's Ceylon 9
Thielwall's History of Greece 2
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Thomson's (Archbishop) Laws of Thought 5
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Three Fountains (The) ' 19
Todd (A.) on Parliamentary Government . . 1
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Trench's Realities of Irish Life 2
Teollope's Barchester Towers 17
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Twiss's Law of Nations 20
Tyndall's Lectures on Heat 8
Lectures on Sound 8
Memoir of Faraday 4
Uncle Peter's Fairy Tale 17
Uee's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and
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Van Der Hoeven's Handbook of Zoology . . 8
Ventouillac's French Poetry 18
Warburton's Hunting Songs 19
Watson's Principles and Practice of Physic 10
Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry 9
Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes. ... 7
Webster & Wilkinson's Greek Testament 14
Wellington's Life, by Gleig 8
Wells on Dew 8
West on Children's Diseases 10
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Whately's English Synonymes 5
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Whist, what to Lead, by Cam 20
White and Riddle's Latin-English Dic-
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WiLCOCKs's Sea Fisherman 19
Willich's Popular Tables 20
WiNSLOW on Light 8
Wood's (J. G.) Bible Animals 8
Homes without Hands .... 8
(T.) Chemical Notes 10
Woodward's Historical and Chronological
Encyclopaedia 3
Wright's Homer's Iliad 18
Teo's Manual of Zoology 8
Yonge's English-Greek Lexicons 5
Two Editions of Horace 18
You ATT on the Dog 19
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Zeller's Socrates 3
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