UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 7413 11 sl'.- THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE AMERICAN ARMIES, AND FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: TO WHICH ARE ADDED, HIS DIARIES AND SPEECHES ; AND VARIOUS MISCELLANEOUS PATERS RELATING TO HIS HABITS & OPINIONS. BY JARED SPARKS. IN TWO V O L"U M E 3. ' VOL. II. LONDON: HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 1839. T. C. Savill, Printer, 107, St. Martin's Lane. 573-6 CONTENTS THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER XVI. Washington receives official Notice of being chosen President His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs His attention to his private pursuits His manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Company Afflicted with a severe Illness Death of his Mother Executive Departments formed, and the Officers appointed Judiciary System organized Washington's Opinion of the Supreme Court His Rule in Appointments to Office p. 1 1 6 CHAPTER XVII. His Journey through the Eastern States Letter from Mrs. Washington System of Funding the Public Debts Place for the Permanent Seat of Government agreed upon. The President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon Foreign Relations of the United States France, England, Spain Indian War Washington's Policy respecting the Indians Congress meets at Philadelphia A National Bank established Tax on distilled Spirits The President's Tour through the Southern States Apportionment Bill Parties and their Causes Dissensions between the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury Wash- ington's attempts to reconcile them p. 17 39 CHAPTER XVIII. Washington is elected President for a Second Term Takes the Oath of Office Relations between the United States and France Opinions of the Cabinet Proclamation of Neutrality Party Divisions and Excite- ments Genet received as Minister from France His extraordinary conduct Democratic Societies Washington's Opinion of these IV CONTENTS. Societies, and on the subject of instructing Representatives Relations with England British Orders in Violation of Neutral Rights Meet- ing of Congress The President recommends Measures of Defence ' Character of Washington, by Mr. Fox Letter from Lord Erskine Commercial Affairs Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England Military Preparations Insurrection in Pennsylvania Measures adopted by the President for suppressing it Plan for Redeeming the Public Debt p. 4063 CHAPTER XIX. The British Treaty ratified by the Senate Popular Excitement respecting it The Treaty confirmed by the Signature of the President Resigna- tion of Mr. Randolph Circumstances attending it The President "* refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in relation to the British Treaty Captivity of Lafayette, and means used by Wash- ington to procure his Liberation Difficulties with France in regard to the British Treaty Recall of Mr. Monroe Washington's Farewell Address His last Speech to Congress Inauguration of his Successor Testimony of Respect shewn to him by the Citizens of Philadelphia He retires to Mount Vernon Review of his Administration Re- marks on Mr. Jefferson's Conduct towards Washington Troubles with France Preparations for War Washington appointed Commander- in-Chief of the Provisional Army of the United States Organization and Arrangement of the Army His last Illness and Death p. 64 99 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES, &c. Washington's Early Papers -------p. 103 Washington's Journal of a Surveying Tour among the Alleganies, (1748) - 117 Washington's Journal at Barbadoes, (1754) - 121 Washington's Official Tour over the AUegany mountains, (1753-4) - 126 Washington's Diary, (1760) - - - - - - -150 Washington's Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River, (1770) - - 159 Extract from Washington's Diary, (1774) - - - - - 187 Washington's Diary at the First Congress, (1774) - .-.-,.- - 189 Prefatory Remarks to Washington's Diary of 1st May, 1781 - - 194 CONTENTS. V Extract from Washington's Diary, (1781) - p. 196 Washington's Diary, (Conference at Weathersfield, 1781) - - 197 Washington's Diary during the junction of the French and American armies at White Plains, (1781) ------ 201 Washington's Diary at the Camp at Phillipsburg, (1781) - - 203 Washington's Diary while moving the Army towards New York, (1781) 205 Extract from Washington's Diary respecting Count de Barras, (1781) 209 Extract from Washington's Agricultural Diary, (1785) - - 210 Extract from Washington's Tour up the Potomac, (1785) - - 214 Washington's Diary at General Convention at Philadelphia, (1787) - 215 French publication of Washington's Journal of a Tour down the Youghiogany, (1754) - - - - - -,-- 220 Extract from Washington's Diary on leaving Mount Vernon to be in- augurated President, (1789) - - - - - - -223 Last Entries in Washington's Diary, (1799) ----- 223 . SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. Inaugural Speech to both Houses of Congress, April 30th, 1789 - 225 Speech to both Houses of Congress, January 8th, 1790 - 231 Speech to both Houses of Congress, December 8th, 1790 - 236 Speech to both Houses of Congress, October 25th, 1791 - - - 242 Speech to both Houses of Congress, November 6th, 1792 - - - 251 Speech to both Houses df Congress, December 3rd, 1793 - - - 259 Speech to both Houses of Congress, November 19th, 1794 - - 267 Speech to both Houses of Congress, December 8th, 1795 - - - 280 Speech to both Houses of Congress, December 7th, 1796 - - - 288 PROCLAMATIONS. Proclamation for a National Thanksgiving, (1789) - 301 Proclamation for a National Thanksgiving, (1795) - 303 ADDRESSES. To the Mayor, Corporation, and Citizens of Alexandria, (1789) - - 305 To the General Committee representing the United Baptist Churches in Virginia, (1789) ---_-_.. 307 To the Governor and Council of the State of North Carolina, (1789) - 308 VI CONTENTS. To the Bishops, Clergy, and Laity of the Protestant Episcopal Church, (1789) - p. 308 To the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Penn- sylvania, (1789) 309 To the Religious Society called Quakers, (1789) - 310 To the Hebrew Congregation of the City of Savannah, (1790) - - 311 To the People of the State of South Carolina, (1790) - - - 312 To the Members of the New Church in Baltimore - '^' v> _ _ 3^4 To the Inhabitants of Alexandria, (1793) ----- 315 To the Clergy of the different denominations residing in and near the City of Philadelphia, (1797) - - :.*;.. - 315 FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, (1796) 317 Extracts from Orderly Books, (1756, 1775, 1776, 1777, 1781) - 339 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. Religious Opinions and Habits of Washington - 353 Washington's Habit in reading Despatches and other important papers 365 Authorship of the Farewell Address to the People of the United States 367 Washington's Appointment as Commander-in-chief of the American Army, (1775) --_-_.--- 374 Washington's Farewell Address to the Army of the United States - 377 Washington's Resignation of his Commission as Commander-in-chief of the American Army -------- 382 General Washington's expenses while acting as Commander-in-chief of the American Armies -_____-- 336 Appointment of George Washington as President of the United States, (1789) ----------388 The Washington Medal on the Evacuation of Boston - 394 Presentation of a Sword to General Washington, by a Dutch Manufac- turer ---396 Last Illness and Death of Washington, (1799) - 399 Proceedings of Congress in consequence of the Death of Washington, 410 Character of Washington (designed for a Monumental Inscription) - 417 Origin and Genealogy of the Washington Family - - - - 421 Washington's Will -----____ 437 Schedule of Property - - - - - -. _ 449 CONTENTS. Vll APPENDIX I. Death of Jumonville - - p. 457 Battle of the Great Meadows - - 466 Commencement of Hostilities _---,-- 473 Affair at Lexington and Concord ------- 474 Battle of Bunker's Hill - 475 APPENDIX II. Returns of the Army ---. __._ 477 Prisoners ---.-__---- 478 British Forces in America at different stages of the war - - - 481 Character of Washington, (from the Edinburgh Review, No. 137,) - 486 LIFE GEORGE WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XVI. He receives official Notice of being chosen President. His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York. His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech. Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs. His attention to his private Pursuits. His manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Company. Afflicted with a severe Illness. Death of his Mother. Executive Departments formed, and the Officers appointed. Judiciary System organized. Washington's Opinion of the Supreme Court. His Rule in Appointments to Office. IT being known that the choice of the people had fallen on General Washington for President, he made preparations to begin the duties of the office as soon as his election should be notified to him by the proper authority. The 4th of March was assigned as the day for the meeting of Congress, but a quorum did not come together till a month later. The votes of the electors were then opened and counted ; and a special messenger was dispatched to Mount Vernon with a letter from the President of the Senate to General Washington, conveying official intelligence of his election. John Adams was at the same time declared to be chosen Vice-President of the United States. Two days after receiving the notification, Washington left home for New York, which was then the seat of Congress. VOL. II. B 2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. His feelings on this occasion are indicated in the following extract from his Diary, written on the day of his departure. " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity ; and, with a mind oppressed with more anx- ious and painful sensations than I have words to ex- press, set out for New York in company with Mr. Thomson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best dis- position to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expec- tations." The whole journey was a kind of triumphal procession. He had hardly left his own house, when he was met by a company of gentlemen from Alexan- dria, who proceeded with him to that town, where an entertainment was provided for him, and where he received and answered a public address. The people gathered to see him as he passed along the road. When he approached the several towns, the most respectable citizens came out to meet and welcome him ; he was escorted from place to place by com- panies of militia ; and in the principal cities his pre- sence was announced by the firing of cannon, ringing of bells, and military display. A committee of Congress, consisting of three mem- bers of the Senate and five of the House of Represen- tatives, was appointed to meet him in New Jersey and attend him to the city of New York. To Elizabeth- town Point came many other persons of distinction, and the heads of the several departments of govern- ment. He was there received in a barge, splendidly fitted up for the occasion, and rowed by thirteen pilots in white uniforms. This was followed by ves- sels and boats, fancifully decorated, and crowded with spectators. When the President's barge came near to the city, a salute of thirteen guns was fired from ;ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 the vessels in the harbour, and from the Battery. At the landing he was again saluted by a discharge of artillery, and was joined by the governor and other officers of the State, and the corporation of the city. A procession was then formed, headed by a long military train, which was followed by the principal officers of the State and city, the clergy, foreign ministers, and a great concourse of citizens. The procession advanced to the house prepared for the re- ception of the President. The day was passed in festivity and joy, and in the evening the city was bril- liantly illuminated. The first public act of the President was that of taking the oath of office. It was decided by Congress that this should be done with some ceremony. In the morning of the day appointed (April 30th), at nine o'clock, religious services suited to the occasion were performed in all the churches of the city. At twelve, the troops paraded before the President's door, and soon afterwards came the committees of Congress and the heads of departments in carriages, to attend him to the Federal Hall, where the two houses of Congress were assembled. The procession moved for- ward with the troops in front, next the committees and heads of departments, then the President in a coach alone, followed by the foreign ministers, civil officers of the state, and citizens. Arrived at the Hall, he ascended to the senate-chamber, and passed thence to a balcony in front of the house, where the oath was administered to him in presence of the people by Chancellor Livingston. The President returned to the senate-chamber, in the midst of loud acclamations from the surrounding throng of spectators, and deli- vered to the two branches of Congress his Inaugural Speech. He then went on foot to St. Paul's church, B 2 4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. where prayers were read by the bishop, and the cere- monies were closed. Tokens of joy were everywhere exhibited, as on the day of his arrival, and at night there was a display of illuminations and fireworks. Under auspices thus favourable, Washington en- tered again upon the career of public life, surrounded and sustained by the eminent leaders who had acted with him in establishing the liberties of his country, and cheered with the conviction of having received the voluntary suffrage, and possessing the good wishes, of every American citizen. Yet he was aware, that the task he had undertaken was one of no common re- sponsibility or easy execution. The hopes and expec- tations of his countrymen he knew were in proportion to the unanimity with which they had crowned him with honours, and laid the burden of their public cares on his shoulders. A new system of government was to be put in action, upon which depended the destiny of his country, and with the good or ill success of which his future reputation would be identified. In his inaugural speech, after expressing his deep sense of the magnitude of the trust confided to him , the struggles his mind had undergone in deciding to accept it, and a consciousness of his deficiencies, he added " In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that if, in accepting this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former in- stances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this tran- scendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as well as disinclination, for the w r eighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the mo- .ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 tives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated." With these sentiments, and with fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, whose guidance and overruling Providence he ac- knowledged in all the events of his life, he com- menced the arduous duties of chief magistrate of the nation. In conformity with the rule to which he had hitherto adhered, he gave notice to Congress that he should accept no other compensation for his services than such as would be necessary to defray the ex- penses of his household, and other charges incident to his public station. As the various departments of government under the new system could not be instituted till Congress had passed laws for their organization and support, the business belonging to these departments continued to be transacted by the officers who had previously been charged with it. Mr. Jay acted as secretary of foreign affairs, and General Knox as secretary of war. The treasury was under the control of a board of com- missioners. The President requested from each of them an elaborate report, that he might become ac- quainted with the actual state of the government in all its foreign and domestic relations. These reports he read and condensed with his own hand, particu- larly that from the treasury board, till he made him- self master of their contents. In regard to foreign affairs, he pursued a still more laborious process. With pen in hand he perused from beginning to end the official correspondence, deposited in the public archives, from the date of the treaty of peace at the termination of the war till the time he entered upon the Presidency. These voluminous papers he abridged and studied, according to his usual practice, with the 6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. view of fixing in his mind every important point that had been discussed, as well as the history of what had been done. Among the private reasons which had disinclined him to leave his retirement at Mount Vernon, were his growing attachment to agriculture, and his desire to pursue the system adopted for the cultivation of his farms. Since the war, he had devoted himself with equal delight and constancy to this pursuit, and brought his plan into a train, which promised the most satisfactory results. He had procured from Europe the works of the best writers on the subject, which he read with diligence and reflection, drawing from them such scientific principles and practical hints as he could advantageously use in improving his modes of agriculture. He was resolved to mature his designs, and in the intervals of public duties to bestow a part of his leisure upon that object. With his chief manager at Mount Vernon he left full and minute directions in writing, and exacted from him a weekly report, in which were registered the trans- actions of each day on all the farms, such as the number of labourers employed, their health or sick- ness, the kind and quantity of work executed, the progress in planting, sowing, or harvesting the fields, the appearance of the crops at various stages of their growth, the effects of the weather on them, and the condition of the horses, cattle, and other live stock. By these details he was made perfectly acquainted with all that was done, and could give his orders with almost as much precision as if he had been on the spot. Once a week regularly, and sometimes twice, he wrote to the manager, remarking on his report of the preceding week, and adding new directions. These /ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 letters frequently extended to two or three sheets, and were always written with his own hand. Such was his laborious exactness, that the letter he sent away was usually transcribed from a rough draft. A press copy was taken of the transcript, which was carefully filed with the manager's report for his future inspec- tion. In this habit he persevered with unabated dili- gence through the whole eight years of his Presi- dency, except during the short visits he occasionally made to Mount Vernon, at the close of the sessions of Congress, when his presence could be dispensed with at the seat of government. He moreover main- tained a large correspondence on agriculture with gentlemen in Europe and America. His letters to Sir John Sinclair, Arthur Young, and Dr. Anderson, have been published, and are well known. Indeed, his thoughts never seemed to flow more freely, nor his pen to move more easily, than when he was writing on agriculture, extolling it as a most attractive pursuit, and describing the pleasure he derived from it, and its superior claims, not only on the practical econo- mist, but on the statesman and philanthropist. The President had not been long in New York before he found it necessary to establish rules for re- ceiving visitors and entertaining company. There being no precedent to serve as a guide, this was an affair of considerable delicacy and difficulty. In the first place, it was essential to maintain the dignity of the office by such forms as would inspire deference and respect; and, at the same time, the nature of republican insti- tutions and the habits of the people required the chief magistrate to be accessible to every citizen on proper occasions and for reasonable purposes. A just line was therefore to be drawn between too much pomp 8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789- and ceremony on the one hand, and an extreme of familiarity on the other. Regard was also to be had to the President's time and convenience. After a short experiment of leaving the matter to the discretion of the public, it was proved, that without some fixed rule he would never have an hour at his disposal. From breakfast till dinner his door was besieged with per- sons calling to pay their respects, or to consult him on affairs of little moment. His sense of duty to the claims of his office, and to himself, convinced him that this practice could not be endured. The Vice-Presi- dent, Mr. Jay, Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and other gentlemen, concurred in this opinion, and by their advice a different mode was adopted. Every Tuesday, between the hours of three and four, he was prepared to receive such persons as chose to call. Foreign ministers, strangers of distinction, and citizens, came and went without ceremony. The hour was passed in free conversation on promiscuous topics, in which the President joined. Every Friday after- noon, the rooms were open in like manner for visits to Mrs. Washington, which were on a still more sociable footing, and at which General Washington was always present. These assemblages were in the nature of public levees, and they did not preclude such visits of civility and friendship, between the President's family and others, as is customary in society. On affairs of business by appointment, whether with public officers or private citizens, the President was always ready to bestow his time and attention. He accepted no invi- tations to dinner, but invited to his own table foreign ministers, officers of the government, and strangers, in such numbers at once as his domestic establishment would accommodate. On these occasions there was jT. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 neither ostentation nor restraint, but the same simpli- city and ease with which his guests had been enter- tained at Mount Vernon. No visits were received on Sundays. In the morn- ing he uniformly attended church, and in the after- noon he retired to his private apartment. The even- ing was spent with his family, and then an intimate friend would sometimes call, but promiscuous company was not admitted.* Having laid down these general rules, which soon became known to the public, he found relief from a heavy tax upon his time, and more leisure for a faithful discharge of his duties. In the course of the summer, however, he was seized with a violent malady, which reduced him very low, and which for a few days was thought to endanger his life. He was confined six weeks to his bed, and it was more than twelve before his strength was restored. A constitution naturally strong, and the attendance of Dr. Bard, a physician equally eminent for the excellence of his character and skill in his profession, enabled him to rise from an ill- ness the most painful and trying that he had ever en- dured. From the effects of it he never entirely recovered. He had hardly gained strength to go abroad, when he heard of the death of his mother, who died in August, at the age of eighty-two. Writing to his sister on this occasion, he said, " Awful and affecting as the death of a parent is, there is consolation in knowing, that Heaven has spared ours to an age be- yond which few attain, and favoured her with the full enjoyment of her mental faculties, and as much bodily strength as usually falls to the lot of fourscore. Under these considerations, and a hope that she is translated * See " Religious Opinions and Habits of Washington," 10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. to a happier place, it is the duty of her relatives to yield due submission to the decrees of the Creator." A short time before he left Mount Vernon for New York, he made a visit to his mother at Fredericksburg, the place of her residence. She was then sinking under a disease, which he foresaw would prove fatal ; and he took an affecting and final leave of her, con- vinced he should never see her again. She had been a widow forty-six years. Through life she was re- markable for vigour of mind and body, simplicity of manners, and uprightness of character. She must have felt a mother's joy at the success and renown of her son, but they caused no change in her deportment or style of living. Whenever he visited her at her dwelling, even in the height of his greatness, he lite- rally returned to the scenes and domestic habits of his boyhood. Neither pride nor vanity mingled with the feelings excited by the attentions she received as the mother of Washington. She listened to his praises and was silent, or added only that he had been a good son, and she believed he had done his duty as a man. As soon as he was established in his office, Wash- ington introduced strict habits of economy into his household, which were preserved without essential change to the end of his public life. The whole was under the care of a steward, to whom he gave general directions. All other persons connected with the establishment were accountable to the steward, but each of them was required to keep an exact record of the purchases and expenditures made by him, speci- fying every particular. These accounts, with trades- men's bills and other vouchers, were presented once a week to Washington, who inspected them minutely, and certified with his own signature that they were approved. By this method he was enabled to ascer- ^ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11 tain at any moment the precise state of his pecuniary affairs, and to guard against extravagance and waste. He might say, with Seneca, " I keep an account of my expenses ; I cannot affirm that I lose nothing, but I can tell you what I lose, and why, and in what manner." The salary of the President, as fixed by law, was twenty-five thousand dollars a year. But with the most rigid economy his expenses were seldom within this limit, and he was of course obliged to draw on his private fortune to make up the deficiency. Congress continued in Session till near the end of September, when they adjourned for three months. They had been mostly occupied in passing laws for the organization of government, the administration of justice, and the raising of a revenue. Mercantile regulations were established, imposing duties on ton- nage and imported goods. Amendments to the con- stitution were framed, and recommended to the States for adoption. Three executive departments were formed, at the head of each of which was to be a secretary, namely, the departments of foreign affairs, of the treasury, and of war. The first was afterwards called the department of state, and included both foreign and domestic affairs. So large a portion of the administration of government is effected by the executives of the several States, that a separate depart- ment for internal affairs was not thought necessary. The navy, too, was at this time so small, as not to require a distinct department. It was mainly in the charge of the secretary of war. The requisite laws being passed, it next devolved on the President to select proper persons to fill the several offices. In regard to the executive depart- ments, this was of very great importance, inasmuch as the secretaries were not only to discharge the duties 12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. assigned to them by the constitution and laws, but were to be his cabinet, or council of state. On the wisdom of his choice, therefore, would in a great degree depend the character and success of his admi- nistration. So much time had elapsed in the session of Congress, that he had been able to take a full survey of the subject, and to decide with deliberation. Long experience in public affairs, a high political standing, and acknowledged talents, pointed out Thomas Jefferson as eminently qualified for the state department. He was about to return from France, where he had filled the office of minister plenipoten- tiary, as successor to Dr. Franklin, with much credit to himself and his country. Alexander Hamilton was appointed to the head of the treasury. His trans- cendent abilities, integrity, firmness, and patriotism, were well known to Washington, after a thorough trial and familiar acquaintance in the revolution ; and they were scarcely less known or less appreciated by his countrymen at large. In the convention. Hamilton disapproved and opposed some of the principal articles of the constitution ; and the more praise is due to him, that, after it was carried by a majority, and was proved to be the best that could be hoped for in the circumstances of the times, he gave up his predilec- tions, joined heartily with its friends, and put into their scale the whole weight of his great powers of eloquence and argument, both in debate and by the use of his pen. Henry Knox was continued secretary of war, which station he had held under the confede- ration. As an officer, a man, and a friend, he was esteemed by Washington ; and his steady principles and public services had gained for him a general con- fidence. The post of attorney-general was conferred on Edmund Randolph, a gentleman distinguished by ,ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 success in his profession at the bar, and by having been governor of Virginia, and a conspicuous member of the convention that framed the constitution. Such were the heads of the executive departments, and such the composition of the council, on which the President was mainly to rely for advice and support. For administering justice, in the execution of the laws for national purposes, the constitution had pro- vided that there should be a supreme court, and such inferior courts as Congress should establish. In or- ganizing the judiciary system, it was decided that the supreme court should consist of a chief justice and five associate justices, and that there should be dis- trict courts, with one judge in each State. An asso- ciate justice and a district judge constituted a circuit court. Washington's opinion of the importance of the supreme court is forcibly described in his own lan- guage. " Impressed with a conviction," said he, " that the due administration of justice is the firmest pillar of good government, I have considered the first arrangement of the judicial department as essential to the happiness of the country, and to the stability of its political system. Hence the selection of the fittest characters to expound the laws and dispense justice has been an invariable object of my anxious concern." And again, in giving notice to Mr. Jay of his appoint- ment as chief justice : " I have a full confidence that the love which you bear to our country, and a desire to promote the general happiness, will not suffer you to hesitate a moment to bring into action the talents, knowledge, and integrity, which are so necessary to be exercised at the head of that department which must be considered the key-stone of our political fabric." These views of the judiciary department, as forming a most essential branch of the government, 14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. and as claiming the highest consideration, he always entertained ; and in the appointment of justices, and judges of the district courts, he was extremely soli- citous to secure the services of those who were eminent for judicial knowledge, talents, personal worth, and experience. In placing John Jay at the head of the supreme court, he consulted alike the public good, the dignity of the court, and his own feelings. No man in the nation possessed a larger share of confi- dence, whether in regard to his ability or his legal attainments ; none was more valued for the services he had rendered to his country, none more esteemed for his private virtues. The choice of his associates was also fortunate, and the court assumed a respecta- bility and weight suited to the rank conferred upon it by the constitution. No part of the President's duties gave him more anxiety than that of distributing the offices in his gift. Applications innumerable flowed in upon him even before he left Mount Vernon, many of them from his personal friends, and others supported by the re- commendations of his friends ; nor did they cease as long as any vacancies remained. He early prescribed to himself a rule, however, from which he never swerved, which was, to give no pledges or encourage- ment to any applicant. He answered them all civilly, but avowed his determination to suspend a decision till the time of making the appointments should ar- rive, and then, without favour or bias, to select such individuals as in his judgment were best qualified to execute with faithfulness and ability the trust reposed in them. His sentiments and motives are well ex- plained in a letter written to a gentleman, who had solicited an office for another person. " From the moment when the necessity had become JET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 more apparent," said he, " and as it were inevitable, I anticipated, with a heart filled with distress, the ten thousand embarrassments, perplexities, and troubles, to which I must again be exposed in the evening of a life already nearly consumed in public cares. Among all these anxieties, I will not conceal from you I an- ticipated none greater than those that were likely to be produced by applications for appointments to the different offices which would be created under the new government. Nor will I conceal, that my appre- hensions have already been but too well justified. Scarcely a day passes, in which applications of one kind or another do not arrive, insomuch that, had I not early adopted some general principles, 1 should before this time have been wholly occupied in this business. As it is, I have found the number of an- swers which I have been necessitated to give in my own hand an almost insupportable burden to me. " The points in which all these answers have agreed in substance are, that, should it be my lot to go again into public office, I would go without being under any possible engagements of any nature whatsoever ; that, so far as I knew my own heart, I would not be in the remotest degree influenced, in making nomina- tions, by motives arising from the ties of family or blood ; and that, on the other hand, three things, in my opinion, ought principally to be regarded, namely, the fitness of characters to fill offices, the comparative claims from the former merits and sufferings in ser- vice of the different candidates, and the distribution of appointments in as equal a proportion as might be to persons belonging to the different States in the Union. Without precautions of this kind, I clearly foresaw the endless jealousies, and possibly the fatal consequences, to which a government, depending 16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. altogether on the good-will of the people for its esta- blishment, would certainly be exposed in its early stages. Besides, I thought, whatever the effect might be in pleasing or displeasing any individuals at the present moment, a due concern for my own reputa- tion, not less decisively than a sacred regard to the interests of the community, required that I should hold myself absolutely at liberty to act, while in office, with a sole reference to justice and the public good." In practice he verified these declarations, acting in every case with perfect independence, looking first to the national interests and next to the best means of promoting them, and admitting no other ground of preference between candidates, whose pretensions were in other respects equal, than that of former efforts or sacrifices in serving their country. JET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 CHAPTER XVII. His Journey through the Eastern States. Letter from Mrs. Washington. System of Funding the public Debts. Place for the permanent Seat of Government agreed upon. The President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon. Foreign Relations of the United States. France, England, Spain. Indian War. Washington's Policy re- specting the Indians. Congress meets at Philadelphia. A National Bank established. Tax on distilled Spirits. The President's tour through the Southern States. Apportionment Bill. Parties and their Causes. Dissensions between the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury. Washington's attempts to reconcile them. FOR some time it had been the President's intention in the recess of Congress to make a tour through the eastern States, as well for the re-establishment of his health as for observing the condition of the people, and the general disposition in regard to the new form of government. He anticipated pleasure also in re- viewing the scenes of his first military campaign as Commander-in-chief, and in meeting the associates who had contributed to lessen his toils and invigorate his spirit in times of peril and despondency. About the middle of October he left New York, accompa- nied by his two secretaries, Mr. Lear and Mr. Jack- son, and he was absent a month. He travelled in his own carriage, and proceeded by way of New Haven, Hartford, Worcester, Boston, Salem, and Newbury- port, as far as Portsmouth, in New Hampshire. He returned by a different route through the interior of the country to Hartford, and thence to New York. Such was the enthusiasm which was now felt by all classes of the community in regard to Washington an enthusiasm inspired by his virtues and his fame, that it was impossible for him to move in any direction without drawing around him thousands of spectators, VOL. II. C 18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. eager to gratify their eyes with a sight of his person, to greet him with acclamations of joy, and to exhibit testimonies of their respect and veneration. Men, women, and children, people of all ranks, ages, and occupations, assembled from far and near at the crossings of the roads and other public places where it was known he would pass. Military escorts attended him on the way, and at the principal towns he was received and entertained by the civil authorities. Addresses were as usual presented to him by corpo- rate bodies, religious societies, and literary institu- tions, to which he returned appropriate answers. This journey was in all respects satisfactory to him, not more as furnishing proofs of the strong attachment of the people, than as convincing him of the growing prosperity of the country, and of the favour which the constitution and the administration of government were gaining in the public mind. He was happy to see that the effects of the war had almost disap- peared ; that agriculture w T as pursued with activity ; that the harvests were abundant, manufactures in- creasing, the towns flourishing, and commerce becom- ing daily more extended and profitable. The con- dition of society, the progress of improvements, the success of industrious enterprise, all gave tokens of order, peace, and contentment, and a most cheering promise for the future.* * The reader cannot fail to be interested in this place with an extract from a letter written by Mrs. Washington to Mrs. Warren, soon after the Pre- sident's return from his tour. So little remains which is known to have come from the pen of this lady, that it would be an act of injustice to her memory to withhold a specimen so creditable to her understanding, her heart, and her views of life, as the following, which is transcribed from the original : " Your very friendly letter of last month has afforded much more satisfac- tion than all the formal compliments and empty ceremonies of mere etiquette could possibly have done. I am not apt to forget the feelings which have been inspired by my former society with good acquaintances, nor to be 7ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 The time for the adjournment of Congress having expired, the two houses re-assembled in the first week of January. The President met them in the senate- chamber, and delivered his speech at the opening of the session. Such was the custom during Washing- ton's administration ; but it was afterwards changed, and the President communicated with Congress only by written messages. This was likewise Washington's practice, except at the beginning of a session, when he addressed the two houses in person. These addresses were called speeches, and other communications were designated as messages. At this time, after congra- tulating Congress on the prosperous condition of the country, and the favour with which their previous doings had been received, he recommended several subjects as claiming their attention, particularly a provision for the common defence ; laws for natu- insensible to their expressions of gratitude to the President ; for you know me well enough to do me the justice to believe that I am fond only of what comes from the heart. Under a conviction that the demonstrations of respect and affection to him originate in that source, I cannot deny that I have taken some interest and pleasure in them. The difficulties which presented them- selves to view on his first entering upon the Presidency seem thus to be in some measure surmounted. It is owing to the kindness of our numerous friends in all quarters that my new and unwished-for situation is not, indeed, a burden to me. When I was much younger I should probably have enjoyed the innocent gaieties of life as much as most persons of my age; but I had long since placed all the prospects of my future worldly happiness in the still enjoyments of the fireside at Mount Vernon. " I little thought, when the war was finished, that any circumstances could possibly happen which would call the General into public life again. I had anticipated that from that moment we should be suffered to grow old together in solitude and tranquillity. That was the first and dearest wish of my heart. I will not, however, contemplate with too much regret disappoint- ments that were inevitable, though his feelings and my own were in perfect unison with respect to our predilection for private life. Yet I cannot blame him for having acted according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country. The consciousness of having attempted to do all the good in his power, and the pleasure of finding his fellow-citizens so well satisfied with the disinterestedness of his conduct, will doubtless be some compensation for c2 20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. ralizing foreigners ; a uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures ; the encouragement of agricul- ture, commerce, and manufactures ; the promotion of science and literature ; and an effective system for the support of public credit. To the difficulties involved in this last subject may indeed be traced the primary causes of the constitution, and it had already attracted the notice of the national legislature. The former session had necessarily been consumed in framing laws for putting the new govern- ment in operation ; but, a few days before its close, a resolution was passed by the House of Representatives, in which it was declared that an adequate provision for the support of public credit was essential to the national honour and prosperity ; and the Secretary of the Treasury was directed to prepare a plan for the pur- the great sacrifices which I know he has made. Indeed, on his journey from Mount Vernon to this place, in his late tour through the eastern States, by every public and every private information which has come to him, I am per- suaded he has experienced nothing to make him repent his having acted from what he conceived to be a sense of indispensable duty. On the contrary, all his sensibility has been awakened in receiving such repeated and unequivocal proofs of sincere regard from his countrymen. " With respect to myself, I sometimes think the arrangement is not quite as it ought to have been, that I, who had much rather be at home, should occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be extremely pleased. As my grandchildren and domestic connexions make up a great portion of the felicity which I looked for in this world, I shall hardly be able to find any substitute that will indemnify me for the loss of a part of such endearing society. I do not say this because I feel dissatisfied with my present station, for everybody and everything conspire to make me as contented as possible in it ; yet I have learned too much of the vanity of human affairs to expect felicity from the scenes of public life. I am still determined to be cheerful and happy in whatever situation I may be ; for I have also learned from experience that the greater part of our happiness or' misery depends on our dispositions, and not on our circumstances. We carry the seeds of the one or the other about with us in our minds wherever we go. " I have two of my grandchildren with me, who enjoy advantages in point of education, and who, I trust, by the goodness of Providence, will be a great blessing to me. My other two grandchildren are with their mother in Virginia." New York, December 26M, 1789. JET. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 pose, and report it to the house at the next session. The national debt had its origin chiefly in the Revolu- tion. It was of two kinds, foreign and domestic. The foreign debt amounted to nearly twelve millions of dollars, and was due to France, the Hollanders, and a very small part to Spain. The domestic debt, due to individuals in the United States for loans to the go- vernment and supplies furnished to the army, was about forty- two millions. These debts had been con- tracted by Congress, and were acknowledged to be a national charge. There was another description of debts, amounting by estimate to about twenty-five millions of dollars, which rested on a different footing. The States individually had constructed works of de- fence within their respective limits, advanced pay and bounties to continental troops and militia, and supplied provisions, clothing, and munitions of war. The se- cretary proposed, that all the domestic debts, including those of the particular states, should be funded ; and that the nation should become responsible for their payment to the full amount. The report was able, perspicuous, and comprehen- sive, embracing a complete view of the subject, and containing arguments of great cogency in support of the plan suggested. As to the foreign debt, there was no question in the mind of any one that it ought to be discharged according to the strict letter of the con- tracts'; but in regard to the domestic debts, a difference of opinion prevailed. The secretary endeavoured to prove that no distinction should be admitted ; that the expenditures had all been made for national objects ; and that in equity the public faith was solemnly pledged for their reimbursement. The obligation was increased by their being " the price of liberty," without which the nation itself could never have attained an inde- 22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. pendent existence. He argued that the policy of the measure was not less obvious than its justice ; that public credit was essential to the support of govern- ment under any form ; and that this could be main- tained only by good faith in all transactions, and by honourably fulfilling engagements. Who would con- fide in a government that had refused to pay its debts, or respect a nation that had shewn a disregard to the principles which constitute the cement of every well- ordered community ? When the report was considered in Congress, it gave rise to warm and protracted debates. The op- ponents of the secretary's plan were not without plausible reasons. As to the debt contracted by Congress, it was said that the usual maxims could not properly be applied. The evidences of this debt con- sisted in a paper currency and certificates, which, as there was no gold or silver, the creditors were, from the necessity of the case, obliged to take. This paper had in most cases passed through many hands, and was immensely depreciated below its nominal value. The original creditors, therefore, and the subsequent holders, had lost in proportion to the scale of depre- ciation. Hence the proposal to assume the whole debt as it stood on the face of the paper, and pay it to the present holders, was said to be inequitable, in- asmuch as these had purchased it at the depreciated value, and had no claim to be remunerated for the losses of the previous holders. Mr. Madison proposed a discrimination, by which the purchasers should be paid a certain portion, and the original holders the remainder. This was objected to as unjust and impracticable. By the form and tenour of the certificates, the debt was made payable to the original creditor or bearer. On these terms 4iT. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 they had been sold, and the sellers had relinquished all their claims to the purchasers for what was deemed an equivalent. When the transfers were made, it was understood by both parties to be on this principle, and the purchaser took the risk of eventual payment. It was clear, also, that it would be impossible to make the discrimination, except to a limited extent and in a partial manner, since the numerous transfers of the original creditors could not be ascertained and ex- amined ; and even at best no provision was offered for the losses of the intermediate holders by the gradual depreciation. After a long debate in the House of Representatives, this scheme was rejected. Next came up the State debts ; and the proposition to assume them created still greater divisions arid heats in Congress, and much excitement abroad. It brought into action all the local prejudices and high- toned doctrines of State rights and State sovereignty, which had been so heavy a stumblingblock in the way of union and concord from the beginning of the Revo- lution. The debts of the respective States were very unequal in amount. This led to an investigation of the services rendered by each, and to invidious comparisons. The project was opposed as uncon- stitutional and unjust. Congress, it was said, had no power to take this burden upon the nation. Such an assumption of power was, moreover, an encroach- ment upon the sovereignty of the States, tending to diminish their importance, and lead to a consoli- dation destructive of the republican system. Each State was responsible for the debts it had contracted, and there was no reason for taxing the States, which owed little, to pay a portion of the large debt of others. It was argued, in reply, that as the expenditures 24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. had all been for the common cause of the nation, they came strictly within the legitimate control of Con- gress ; and also, as the constitution had transferred to the national legislature the entire power of raising funds from duties on imports and the sales of public lands, the principal sources of revenue, it was just that the debts should be paid out of these funds. The States could pay them only by excise duties, or direct taxes, which would be odious to the people and diffi- cult to collect. In any event there must be long delays, and much uncertainty as to the result. The creditors had a right to claim more prompt payment and better security from the nation. At last the secretary's plan for funding all the do- mestic debts was carried by a small majority in both houses of Congress. In regard to the State debts, however, the original proposition was modified. The specific sum of twenty-one millions and a half of dol- lars was assumed, and apportioned among the States in a proximate ratio to the amount of the debts of each. An act was passed by which the whole of the domestic debt became a loan to the nation. It was made redeemable at various times, and at various rates of interest. One of the principal arguments for funding the debt, in addition to that of its equity, was, the advan- tage that would be derived from it as an active capital for immediate use. Sustained by the credit of the nation, bearing interest and redeemable at certain times, the paper securities of the government would have a permanent value in the market, and thus be a spur to enterprise, and increase the prosperity of the country in its agriculture, manufactures, and com- merce. All that was anticipated from the funding system, in these respects, was realized. Politically JET:. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 considered, however, it had an unhappy influence. It widened the breach of parties, produced irritations, and excited animosities. Nor was it to be expected that the adversaries of the plan, and these a large minority, would readily change their opinion after the strenuous opposition they had shewn, or cease from their hostility. The President expressed no senti- ments on the subject while it was under debate in Congress, but he approved the act for funding the public debt, and was undoubtedly, from conviction, a decided friend to the measure. Another important point, upon which Congress under the old Confederation had been for a long time divided, was settled in the course of this session. Local interests and other considerations made it dif- ficult to agree on the place for the permanent seat of government. It was at length determined that it should be removed for ten years to Philadelphia, and then be established at some place on the Potomac River. Ultimately the position was selected, which has since been called the District of Columbia ; and the territory was surveyed, the city planned, and the public buildings commenced, under the direction of Washington, this duty devolving on him as President. For three or four years it occupied a great deal of his attention; and, in compliance with the laws, heap- pointed commissioners for managing the business, with whom he carried on a voluminous correspond- ence, giving personal directions, and requiring exact accounts of all proceedings. Rhode Island having adopted the constitution and acceded to the Union, the President made a visit to that State immediately after the session of Congress. In his eastern tour he had avoided going to Rhode 26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. Island, because it had not then joined the Union under the new government. Another severe disease and constant application to business had much impaired his health, and he deter- mined to take advantage of the recess of Congress, throw off for a brief space the burden of public cares, and seek repose and recreation in his own quiet home at Mount Vernon. He always returned to that spot with delight ; and it was now doubly dear to him, as it promised rest from labour, refreshment to his weary spirit and debilitated body, and a few days of leisure to ride over his farms, view his gardens, orchards, and fields, and observe the progress of his agricultural operations. The foreign relations of the United States at the beginning of the new government, though not compli- cated, were nevertheless in an unsettled condition. With France there was a good understanding, the treaties of alliance and commerce having been scru- pulously fulfilled on both sides. The revolutionary disorders, however, soon broke out, and produced dis- agreements, alienation, and trouble. With Morocco, a sort of informal treaty existed, and Washington wrote two letters to the Emperor, who had received American vessels into his ports, and pro- mised his aid to conciliate the Barbary powers. This promise was unavailing. The Algerines had seized vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and held the officers and sailors in bondage for several years. The government stood in a more delicate relation to England than to any other power. The old feuds and bitter feelings of the war subsided slowly. All at- tempts to bring about a treaty of commerce between the two countries had failed. The British cabinet, .ET. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 probably distrusting the stability of the Union under the old Confederation, had shewn no disposition to enter into a treaty of this sort, and had never sent a minister to the United States. The military posts on the frontiers had not been given up, as was stipulated in the treaty of peace. The reason assigned, that some of the States had refused to pay the debts due to Bri- tish subjects, which they were likewise bound to do by the treaty, was plausible, and perhaps well founded. Congress had but a limited power to enforce a com- pliance with treaties, and it was natural in such a case that other nations should be tardy in making them. This state of things being altered by the constitution, President Washington thought it desirable to ascertain the views and intentions of the British government in regard to complying with the treaty of peace and to future intercourse. To attain this end, he commis- sioned Gouverneur Morris as a private agent to hold conversations with the British ministers, deeming it of great importance, as he said, that errors should be avoided in the system of policy respecting Great Britain. Affairs with Spain were yet more unpromising. At the outset of the Revolution, his Catholic Majesty, yielding to the solicitations of France, seemed to abet the American cause ; but he soon changed his mind, refused to join with France in acknowledging the inde- pendence of the United States, even when he declared war against England, and gave his sanction to the treaty of peace with no good will. He feared the ef- fect, and not without reason, which the example of the northern republicans might have upon his colonies in South America. A negotiation had been going on, tedious as it was unprofitable, down to the time of Washington's election to the Presidency; but no appa- 28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. rent progress had been made. The Floridas and Louisiana belonged to Spain. The navigation of the Mississippi was the great point of controversy. This was essential to the settlers in the West, and was be- coming every day more and more so on account of the rapid increase of the population. Spain persisted in withholding all rights and privileges in that naviga- tion from citizens of the United States. There were various grounds of policy for this refusal, but probably the most operative was a secret hope that the western inhabitants, weary of these obstacles to their commerce, and dissatisfied with the national government for not removing them, might sooner or later dissever them- selves from the Union, and form a separate republic, which would easily fall under the control of Spain. Other circumstances, growing out of the relations with England and Spain, were extremely injurious to the interests of the country. During the war, the In- dians on the borders of the United States had almost everywhere been allied with the enemy. When peace came, it found them in the attitude of hostility, their savage spirit roused, and their vindictive tempers eager for slaughter and revenge ; and the United States were left to appease and conciliate them as they could. In any case this would have been an arduous task, but the difficulty was soon perceived to be increased by a foreign influence, keeping alive their enmity, and sti- mulating them to acts of outrage. British agents and traders on the northern frontier furnished the Indians with arms, ammunition, and clothing. In Florida the Spaniards tampered with the Creeks and other South- ern Indians, and kept them at variance with their white neighbours. These acts were not acknowledged, pos- sibly not authorized, by the English and Spanish go- vernments, but they were certainly not restrained, and ^ET. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 they were repeated long after full representations had been made. The effect was, a protracted and expensive war. Washington's policy in regard to the Indians was always pacific and humane. He considered them as children, who should be treated with tenderness and forbearance. He aimed to conciliate them by good usage, to obtain their lands by fair purchase and punc- tual payments, to make treaties with them on terms of equity and reciprocal advantage, and strictly to re- deem every pledge. In these respects he looked upon the Indian tribes as holding the same rank and the same rights as civilized nations. But their faithless- ness, ravages, and murders, were not to be tolerated, from whatever causes they arose. After failing in every attempt at a pacification, he was convinced that war was the only alternative. It continued four or five years, with many vicissitudes of misfortune and dis- aster, the defeats of Harmar and St. Clair, unsuccess- ful campaigns, and much waste of blood and treasure, till General Wayne put an end to it, first by a battle, and then by a treaty of peace. This war lasted through a large part of Washington's administration. It was a source of regret and pain to him, on account both of its cause, the necessity of subduing by force the turbulence of an ignorant and deluded race of men, and of the heavy charge it imposed on the nation for maintaining an army. Congress commenced their third session at Phila- delphia, and the President returned from Mount Ver- non to that city, where he afterwards resided till the term of his office expired. The debates of this session were scarcely less vehement, or less deeply tinged with party antipathies, than those of the preceding. Two important measures were brought forward, discussed, 30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. and adopted a national bank, and a tax on ardent spirits distilled in the United States. The Secretary of the Treasury had previously re- commended a national bank as of great utility in ad- ministering the finances of the country, and facilitating the operations for the support of public credit. He now called the attention of Congress to the subject by a special report, in which his views were explained with the same perspicuity and vigour of argument which marked everything that came from his pen. The project met with a strong opposition. It was at- tacked chiefly on the ground of its being unconstitu- tional. Much was said of the express, incidental, and implied powers conferred on Congress by the consti- tution ; and it was averred that none of these, nor all of them together, authorized the incorporating of a bank. Its policy was questioned, and the utility of banking systems denied. To this it was answered, that such incidental powers must necessarily belong to every form of government as will enable it to carry into effect the positive and vested powers, and to em- ploy all the usual means for that purpose ; and that a construction of the constitution according to this fundamental principle fairly included the means af- forded by a bank, to which almost all commercial na- tions had resorted, and the advantages of which had been proved by long experience. The arguments were somewhat metaphysical and attenuated on both sides ; and indeed the attempt to define what is intended or implied by a written instrument, on points about which it says nothing, must naturally lead to abstractions little suited to enlighten or convince. No other rule of interpretation would seem to be applicable in prac- tice than that a proposed measure shall contribute to the public good, and not contravene any express MT. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 power. The contest ended in the establishment of a bank, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, of which eight millions were to be held by individuals, and the residue by the government. On this subject the cabinet was divided, Jefferson and Randolph being opposed to the bank as unconsti- tutional, and Hamilton and Knox of a contrary opinion. The President requested from each a statement of his reasons in writing, and he is understood to have reflected deeply, and deliberated even with more than his usual caution, before he affixed his signature to the act. The object of the tax on distilled spirits was to pro- vide a fund for paying the interest on a portion of the domestic debt. .The duties on imports were said to be strained as far as they would bear, without injury to commerce, and perhaps to the revenue by holding out a temptation to smuggling ; and, as a new tax must be laid somewhere, the Secretary of the Treasury thought it could fall on no commodity less objection- able than ardent spirits distilled in the country. The tax was opposed as impolitic and unequal in its appli- cation. It was branded as an odious excise, hostile to liberty, the collecting of which would inflame the people, and lead to evasions and perhaps to resistance. It was unequal, because distilling was practised mostly in the West, and a few limited districts in other parts. This argument was more specious than sound, since the consumers would actually pay the tax ; but it was vehemently urged by some of the representatives. The bill was carried, and was more remarkable for its consequences than for its characteristics as a legislative act, in whatever light it may be viewed. The President had fixed on the next recess of Con- gress for a tour through the southern States. He set 32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. off about the middle of March, and was gone three months, performing in that time a journey of eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles with the same horses. His route was through Richmond, Wilmington, and Charleston, as far as Savannah ; whence he returned by way of Augusta, Columbia, and the interior of North Carolina and Virginia. Before leaving home, he had ascertained with great accuracy the distances between one place and another, settled the precise day upon which he should arrive at each, and the length of time he should stop. Not a single accident occurred ; and with such exactness and method had his calcu- lations been made, that his original plan was executed in every particular, except that he stayed one day more in one place than he intended, and one day less in another. He everywhere received the same proofs of respect and attachment which had been mani- fested in his travels through the middle and eastern States. The principal laws passed at the next session were those for apportioning the representatives, establish- ing a uniform militia system, and increasing the army. The constitution had prescribed that the representa- tives in the national legislature should be apportioned among the several States according to the respective numbers of their population ; but that the whole num- ber of representatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand. When the new apportionment bill was proposed, it was found that no ratio could be chosen which would not leave large fractions to some of the States. For instance, if thirty thousand were taken as the ratio, there would be an unrepresented surplus of fifteen or twenty thousand, more or less, in some of the States. To remedy this imperfection, a bill was introduced and passed, which fixed the ratio at apply a remedy. The members who voted for the resolution were not prepared for this refusal, nor did they conceal their disappointment and dissatisfaction. The message gave rise to a debate, which continued for many days, and in which the merits of the treaty, and the consti- tutional powers of the several departments of the government, were elaborately discussed. Passion, party zeal, eloquence, and argument, were all brought to bear on the subject ; arid the speeches shew that both sides of the question were maintained with un- usual ability and force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of the members who were opposed to the 74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. treaty yielded to the exigency of the case ; and, pro- bably more from expediency than conviction, united in passing the laws necessary for its fulfilment. Among the events which contributed to harass the mind and weigh upon the spirits of Washington, none affected hinVmore keenly than the captivity of Lafayette. Gratitude for the services rendered by Lafayette to the United States in times of distress and peril, a respect for his character, founded on a long and intimate ac- quaintance, and a knowledge of his pure and disin- terested principles, had created an ardent attachment, of which many proofs have been exhibited in this narrative, and many others might be added. In pro- portion to the strength of this attachment was his affliction at the sufferings of his friend. After receiving the intelligence of his capture, Washington wrote letters to the Marchioness de Lafayette, expressive of his sympathy, and affording all the consolation in his power. His regret was the greater, because, being at the head of the nation, the family of Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in Europe, expected much from his aid ; while, in reality, he could do nothing more, except by his personal in- fluence, than any other individual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first in the Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. There was no diplomatic intercourse between those countries and the United States. Hence the American government, without authority to make a demand, or power to enforce it, either directly or through the agency of other governments, could take no decisive steps for his release. Instructions were sent, and often repeated, to the American ministers at foreign courts, directing them to use all their efforts in his favour. These instructions Avere faithfully obeyed. Nothing more could be done. iET. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 75 The mediation of the British cabinet was sought, but not obtained. That he might leave no means untried, Washington at last wrote a letter to the Emperor of Germany, stating his friendship for Lafayette, suggest- ing in delicate terms that his sufferings had, perhaps, been as great as the nature of his case demanded, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to the United States under such restrictions as his Majesty the Emperor might think it expedient to prescribe. What influence this letter may have had on the mind of the Emperor, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not known. When restored to liberty, he was delivered over, by order of the Austrian government, to the American consul at Hamburg. When the wife and daughters of Lafayette left France to join him in the prison of Olmutz, his son, George Washington Lafayette, came to the United States. He was affectionately received into the family of President Washington, where he resided nearly two years, till he returned to Europe on hearing of the liberation of his father. Not long after the treaty was conditionally ratified by the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the French minister, M. Adet, the successor of M. Fauchet. He objected to some parts of it, as at variance with the treaty subsisting between France and the United States. His objections were answered by the Secre- tary of State, and such explanations were given as shewed that the treaty could in no degree injure the interests of France, and that the government of the United States was resolved faithfully to fulfil their compact with that nation, according to the strict principles of neutrality which it was bound to observe in regard to the belligerent powers of Europe. But the rulers of the French republic had viewed with 76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. jealousy Mr. Jay's negotiation, as diminishing their hope of a war between Great Britain and the United States ; and it is not surprising that they should be quick to find out points in the treaty which, by their construction, might be turned to the disadvantage of France. Foreseeing this result, and anxious to remove every ground of dissatisfaction, Washington caused very full instructions to be sent to Mr. Monroe, that he might be able to explain the articles of the treaty, as understood by the American government, and also their designs and conduct in making it. From the tenour of Mr. Monroe's letters, and from the proceedings of the French Directory, the Presi- dent was led to believe that the minister had been backward in using his instructions, and in furnishing the required explanations. It was known, likewise, that he was hostile to the treaty ; and of course, with the best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly enter into the views of the government with the zeal, and represent them with the force of conviction, which the importance of the occasion demanded. The only remedy was to send out another minister. It was resolved, therefore, to recal Mr. Monroe, and make a new appointment. This resolution was unani- mously approved by the cabinet. Mr. Monroe was accordingly recalled, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was sent to supply his place. Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had been permitted to return home, having discharged the duties of his office in England, and of a mission for negotiating a treaty at Madrid, to the entire satis- faction of the executive and of his country. Rufus King, who had been a senator from the beginning of the new government, was appointed as his successor at the court of Great Britain. ;ET. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 When the second period of four years, for which Washington had been elected to the Presidency, was approaching its termination, many of his friends, con- cerned at' the present state of the country, and fearing the consequences of the heats and divisions that would arise in choosing his successor, pressed him earnestly to make a still further sacrifice of his inclination to the public good. But his purpose was fixed, and not to be changed. He believed that he had done enough, and that he might now, without any dereliction of duty, resign the helm of government into other hands. Having determined to retire, he thought proper to make this determination known in a formal manner, and at so early a day, as to enable his fellow-citizens to turn their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare for a new election. Accordingly, his Farewell Address to the people of the United States was published on the 15th of Sep- tember, nearly six months before his term of office expired. In this paper are embodied the results of his long experience in public affairs, and a system of policy which, in his opinion, was the best suited to insure to his country the blessings of union, peace, and prosperity, and the respect of other nations. For the vigour of its language, the soundness of its maxims, the wisdom of its counsels, and its pure and elevated sentiments, this performance is unrivalled; and the lapse of forty years has rather increased than dimi- nished the admiration with which it was universally received. The sensation which it produced in every class of the community was as strong as it has been permanent. Even the 'fierce spirit of party could not resist the impulse nor weaken its force. The State legislatures, when they assembled, and other public bodies, voted addresses and thanks to the President, 78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. expressing a cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years in which he had filled the office of chief magistrate, and their deep regret that the nation was to be deprived of his services. In some of the States, the Farewell Address was printed and pub- lished with the laws by order of the legislatures, as an evidence of the value they attached to its political precepts, and of their affection for its author.* The two houses of Congress came together in De- cember, and Washington met them for the last time. As he had usually done in his former speeches, he first presented a clear and comprehensive view of the con- dition of the country, and the executive proceedings within the last year, and then recommended to their consideration certain measures which he deemed im- portant. Among these were the gradual increase of the navy, a provision for the encouragement of agri- culture and manufactures, the establishment of a na- tional university, and the institution of a military academy. The relations with France were made the subject of a separate message. At the end of his speech he said " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to con- gratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Ar- biter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ; and that * See the " Farewell Address;" also various particulars relating to it, in the Appendix. /ET. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 \ the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." Little was done during the session. Public atten- tion was engrossed with the pending election. The votes of the electors were returned to Congress, and in February they were opened and counted in the pre- sence of both houses. It appeared that John Adams was chosen President, and Thomas Jefferson Vice- President ; the former having the highest number of votes, and the latter the next highest. The strength of the parties was tried in this contest. Mr. Adams was supported by the friends of the administration, or the federal party ; and Mr. Jefferson by its opponents, or the democratic party. On the 4th of March, the President elect took the oath of office and assumed it duties. The ceremony was performed in the hall of the House of Represen- tatives, and in the same manner as had been practised on former occasions. Washington was present as a spectator, happy in resigning the burden of his office, and gratified to see it confided to one whose long and patriotic services in the cause of his country rendered him worthy of so high a trust. The citizens of Philadelphia celebrated the day by a testimony of respect for the man whom they, in common with the whole nation, loved and revered. A splendid entertainment was prepared, which was designed for him as the principal guest, and to which were invited foreign ministers, the heads of the de- partments, officers of rank, and other distinguished persons. A spacious rotunda was fitted up for the occasion, in which were elegant decorations, emblema- tical paintings, fanciful devices, and a landscape re- presenting Mount Vernon and the scenery around it 80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. all conspiring to revive associations connected with the life of Washington. The following anecdote was communicated by the late Bishop White : " On the day before President Washington retired from office, a large company dined with him. Among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During the dinner, much hilarity prevailed ; but on the re- moval of the cloth, it was put an end to by the Presi- dent, certainly without design. Having filled his glass, he addressed the company with a smile, as nearly as can be recollected, in the following words : ' Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' There was an end of all pleasantry. He who gives this relation accidentally directed his eye to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her cheeks." Being once more a private citizen, and having al- ready made preparation for his departure, he proceeded immediately with his family to Mount Vernon. In passing along the road, he was welcomed with the same hearty demonstrations of attachment as when clothed with the dignity and power of office. Before he reached Baltimore, he was met by a military escort and a large concourse of the inhabitants, who accom- panied him into the city ; and it was not till he had actually arrived at his own mansion, in the tranquil retreat of Mount Vernon, that he could say he was no longer a public man. In reviewing the administration of Washington, now that the effervescence of party is subsided, and in tracing its effects on the formation and progress of .ET. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 the government, there can hardly be a difference of opinion. No one can doubt its wisdom or its success. Whether another system, more conformable to the views of those who opposed his principal measures, might not have operated equally well, is not a question which needs to be discussed. When a great and per- manent good has been done, with the purest motives on the part of the actor, it is not necessary, in form- ing a just estimate of this good, to inquire by what other means the same end might have been attained. Notwithstanding the innumerable embarrassments which attended the first operations of the new go- vernment, the nation was never more prosperous than while Washington was at its head. Credit was re- stored, and established on a sound basis ; the public debt was secured, and its ultimate payment provided for ; commerce had increased beyond any former ex- ample ; the amount of tonnage in the ports of the United States had nearly doubled ; the imports and exports had augmented in a considerably larger ratio ; and the revenue was much more abundant than had been expected. The war with the Indians was con- ducted to a successful issue ; and a peace was con- cluded which promised quiet to the frontier inhabitants, and advantages to the uncivilized tribes. Treaties had been made with foreign powers, in which long-stand- ing disputes were amicably settled, contending claims adjusted, and important privileges gained to the United States. The relations with France alone remained in a state of incertitude and perplexity ; and this was owing to the condition of affairs in Europe, and not to anything that had grown out of the acts or policy of the American government. Much having been said and published respecting Mr. Jefferson's conduct towards Washington, after VOL. II. G 82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. the former retired from the office of Secretary of State, it may have been expected that some additional facts would appear in this narrative. Such an ex- pectation, however, 1 have no means of gratifying. Among Washington's papers I have found nothing which can afford any new elucidation. It has been supposed that, after his death, certain papers were abstracted from his manuscripts, which contained matters unfavourable to Mr. Jefferson. He was in the habit of writing his diary in small books, and some of these books, written during the period in question, are missing. It may be observed also that, for the last three or four years of his life, there is no record of a correspondence between him and Mr. Jefferson, nor any papers of importance in which the name of the latter is more than incidentally alluded to. When I mentioned the subject to Judge Washington, he replied cautiously that he had never charged any person with having abstracted papers. Indeed, the nature of the case scarcely admitted of positive proof. But, without discussing the question, or examining the conjectural evidence which has been adduced, I will only remark that I am convinced the suspicion of papers having been taken away for the purpose alleged must rest on a very slight foundation. There can be no doubt, however, that Washington's feelings were wounded by some parts of Mr. Jeffer- son's conduct, as well as by conversations which were reported to him as having been held at Monticello. He had reposed unlimited confidence in Mr. Jefferson, and shewn towards him at all times a sincere and un- wavering attachment ; and he was not prepared to receive the returns of ingratitude and disrespect which these conversations seemed to imply. The famous letter to Mazzei, however it may be explained, could AIT. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 not have been read by Washington without pain. The unqualified censure of the administration which it contained necessarily included him as the head of the administration. After he retired from the Presi- dency, an insidious letter was sent to him through the post-office, the object of which was to draw from him political remarks and opinions. It was acciden- tally discovered that this letter was subscribed with a fictitious signature, and that it came from a person who resided near Mr. Jefferson, associated intimately with him, and participated in his political sentiments. It was not ascertained, nor perhaps fully believed, that Mr. Jefferson was accessory to this proceeding ; but the circumstances were such as to make a strong impression upon the mind of Washington. It is also remarkable that, while Mr. Jefferson was Vice-Presi- dent, although he passed near Mount Vernon in his journeys between Monticello and Philadelphia, to at- tend Congress at two regular sessions, and one extra session before Washington's death, he never paid him a visit, nor saw him after they separated at the time of Mr. Adams's inauguration. A decisive judgment on this subject ought not to be formed, however, without considering the position in which Mr. Jefferson was placed, and his own testi- mony. As the head of a party opposed to the admi- nistration, he was the centre of action to that party ; and he would necessarily be led to remark on public transactions and to express his disapprobation of them. At such times, his conversation may have been misinterpreted by his watchful opponents as ap- plying to Washington, when in reality he had in view only the system of measures to which he gave his support. If it is difficult in this case to separate the measures from the man, and the censure of the one G2 84 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. from that of the other, it must be remembered that the difficulty is inherent in the case itself, and that there was no other way by which Mr. Jeiferson could escape from it, entertaining such opinions as he did, than by abstaining altogether from speaking on public affairs. This forbearance was not to be expected, nor was it to be required of him more than of any other person. Again, Mr. Jeiferson has affirmed that no corres- pondence took place between him and Washington during the interval in which none has been found among the papers of the latter ; that he always be- lieved him to be firmly attached to the republican principles of the constitution, and determined to sus- tain them at all hazards ; and that neither in the letter to Mazzei, nor on any other occasion, did he intend to include Washington among those whom he charged with moulding the government into monar- chical and aristocratical forms. The substance of this declaration is often repeated in his published letters. In one of these, describing the character of Washing- ton, he says, " His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known ; no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, in- deed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man." These considerations seem to shew at least that, whatever may have been Mr. Jefferson's feelings, or the part he acted, in times of warm poli- tical strife, a calm review of the past, at a later period, brought him to a just estimate of the character and conduct of Washington. But, after all, it is not easy to be convinced, even by his own statements, that he is not in some degree chargeable with delinquency to- wards him during the latter years of his life. ^T. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 Being established again at Mount Vernon, and freed from public toils and cares, Washington returned to the same habits of life and the same pursuits which he had always practised at that place. It re- quired neither time nor new incitements to revive a taste for occupations which had ever afforded him more real enjoyment than any others. Although he had been able to exercise a partial supervision over his private affairs, yet he found that, after an absence of eight years, much was to be done to repair his houses, restore his farms to the condition in which he had left them, and complete his favourite system of agriculture. To these employments he devoted him- self with as lively an interest as if nothing had oc- curred to interrupt them. In writing to a friend a few weeks after he arrived at Mount Vernon, he said that he began his daily course with the rising of the sun, and first made pre- parations for the business of the day. " By the time I have accomplished these matters," he adds, " break- fast is ready. This being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see strange faces, come, as they say, out of respect to me. And how different is this from having a few so- cial friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within the dawn of candlelight ; previous to which, if not pre- vented by company, I resolve that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great lu- minary, I will retire to my writing-table, and acknow- ledge the letters I have received. Having given you this history of a day, it will serve for a year." And in this manner a year passed away, and with no other variety than that of the change of visiters, who came 86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. from all parts to pay their respects or gratify their curiosity. But, in the midst of these scenes, it once more be- came his duty to yield to the claim of his country. The French Directory had rejected the overtures for a reconciliation, and committed outrages and insults against the United States, which no independent nation could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American plenipotentiary, had been treated with indignity, first by a refusal to receive him as minister, and next by an order to leave the territories of the Republic. At the same time, depredations were made upon American commerce by French cruisers, in violation of the treaty which had subsisted between the two nations. President Adams summoned Congress, sub- mitted the subject to them, and recommended prepara- tions for military defence. That no method might be left unattempted for bringing about a reconciliation and insuring peace, two envoys extraordinary, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, were sent out to join Mr. Pinckney. The three envoys proceeded to Paris, but their mission was unsuccessful. It seems that the rulers of France had been deceived into a belief, that the people of the United States would not sustain their government in a war against that country. The opposition shewn to the British treaty had contributed to foster this delusion ; and indeed the conduct of the French ministers in the United States, from the time Genet arrived at Charles- ton, had clearly indicated a design to separate the people from the government. Such was the confi- dence of the Executive Directory in this hope, and such their ignorance of the American character, that they had the effrontery to demand money of the envoys as a preliminary to any negotiation for settling X.T. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 the differences between the two nations. This demand was made under the pretence of a redress of grievances, in consequence, as it was alleged, of the unfavourable operation of the British treaty, and of the system of neutrality adopted by the American government. So degrading a proposal could not of course be regarded in any other light than as an insult. Nothing now remained to be done but to prepare for war. Congress authorized the President to enlist ten thousand men, as a provisional army, and to call them into actual service, if war should be declared against the United States, or whenever in his opinion there should be danger of an invasion. As soon as it was foreseen that a resort to arms might be necessary, all eyes were turned upon Wash- ington as the individual to be placed at the head of the army. The weight of his name was of the utmost im- portance to produce unanimity in the leaders, and secure the confidence and support of the people. " You ought to be aware," said Hamilton, in writing to him, " that, in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to com- mand the armies of your country ; and, though all who are attached to you will, from attachment as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion, which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom I converse that you will be com- pelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labours may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." The President also wrote to him " We must have your name, if you will permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." This letter was written before 88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. any appointments had been made. The following is an extract from Washington's reply : " From a view of the past and the present, and from the prospect of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retire- ment, if my services should be required by my coun- try to assist in repelling it. And, if there be good cause, which must be better known to the govern- ment than to private citizens, to expect such an event, delay in preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, however, of the event, in my mind, creates my embarrassment ; for I cannot fairly bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the sense of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes." Before receiving this reply, the President had no- minated him to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. The nomination was unanimously confirmed on the 3rd of July, the day after it was made. The Secretary of War was dispatched in person to Mount Vernon as the bearer of the commission. Washington accepted the appoint- ment with two reservations ; first, that the principal officers should be such as he approved ; secondly, that he should not be called into the field till the army was in a condition to require his presence, or till it MT. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 89 became necessary by the urgency of circumstances. He added, however, that he did not mean to with- hold any assistance he could afford in arranging and organizing the army ; and, in conformity with the rule he had always followed, he declined receiving any part of the emoluments annexed to his appoint- ment, until he should be in a situation to incur ex- pense. There was much embarrassment in appointing the principal officers. Some of those who had served in the revolution were prominent candidates for appoint- ments in the new army. It became a question, whe- ther their former rank should be taken into account. If this were decided in the affirmative, it would de- prive the army of the services of men whose talents, activity, and influence, were of the greatest moment, but who would not accept subordinate places. It was the opinion of Washington that, since the old army had long been disbanded, and a new one was now to be formed upon different principles and for a different object, no regard ought to be paid to former rank, but that the best men should be selected, and so arranged as most effectually to promote the public good. This opinion prevailed. The inspector-general was to be the second in com- mand, and there were to be likewise two major- generals. For these offices Washington proposed Alexander Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Henry Knox, who were to rank in the order in which their names here stand. They were thus ap- pointed. The President was not satisfied with the arrangement. His choice for the inspector-general rested upon Knox, but he acquiesced in the decision of Washington. Unfortunately, General Knox was displeased with the arrangement, and declined ac- 90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. cepting his commission. He believed that his former services gave him higher claims than could be ad- vanced for the two younger officers who were placed over him. From this time to the end of his life a great part of Washington's attention was taken up with the affairs of the new army. His correspondence with the Secretary of War, the major-generals, and other offi- cers, was unreimtted and very full, entering into details and communicating instructions, which de- rived value from his long experience and perfect knowledge of the subject. His letters, during this period, if not the most interesting to many readers, will ever be regarded as models of their kind, and as affording evidence that the vigour and fertility of his mind had not decreased with declining years. He passed a month at Philadelphia, where he was assiduously employed with Generals Hamilton and Pinckney in making arrangements for raising and organizing the army. After the plan was finished, he applied himself, with all the ardour of his younger days, to effect its execution. He never seriously believed that the French would go to the extremity of invading the United States. But it had always been a maxim with him, that a timely preparation for war afforded the surest means of preserving peace ; and on this occasion he acted with as much promptitude and energy as if the in- vaders had been actually on the coast. His opinion proved to be correct, and his prediction was verified. When it was discovered that a war with the United States would not be against the government alone, but that the whole people would rise to resist ag- gression and maintain their rights and dignity as a nation, the French rulers relaxed into a more /ET. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 pacific temper. Intimations were given by them of a willingness to co-operate in effecting a friendly and equitable adjustment of existing differences. Listen- ing to these overtures, the President again appointed three envoys extraordinary, and invested them with full powers to negotiate with the French government. When they arrived in Paris, they found Bonaparte at the head of affairs, who, having taken no part in the preceding disputes, and perceiving no advan- tage in continuing them, readily assented to an ac- commodation. No event was more desired by Wash- ington, but he did not live ta participate in the joy with which the intelligence was received by his countrymen. Since his retirement from the Presidency, his health had been remarkably good ; and although age had not come without its infirmities, yet he was able to endure fatigue and make exertions of body and mind with scarcely less inconvenience than he had done in the prime of his strength. On the 12th of December he spent several hours on horseback, riding to his farms, and giving directions to his managers. He returned late in the afternoon, wet and Chilled with the rain and sleet, to which he had been exposed while riding home. The water had penetrated to his neck, and snow was lodged in the locks of his hair. A heavy fall of snow the next day prevented his going abroad, except for a short time near his house. A sore throat and hoarseness convinced him that he had taken cold ; but he seemed to apprehend no danger from it. He passed the evening with the family, read the news- papers, and conversed cheerfully till his usual hour for going to rest. In the night he had an ague, and before the dawn of day the next morning, which was Saturday, the 92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799" 14th, the soreness in his throat had become so severe that he breathed and spoke with difficulty. At his request he was bled by one of his overseers, and in the meantime a messenger went for Dr. Craik, who lived nine miles off, at Alexandria. As no relief was obtained by bleeding, and the symptoms were such as to alarm the family, another messenger was dispatched for Dr. Brown, who resided nearer Mount Vernon. These physicians arrived in the morning, and Dr. Dick in the course of the day. All the remedies which their united counsel could devise were used without effect. His suffering was acute and unabated through the day, but he bore it with perfect composure and resig- nation. Towards evening, he said to Dr. Craik ' I die hard, but I am not afraid to die. I believed from my first attack that I should not survive it. My breath cannot last long." From that time he said little, except to thank the physicians for their kind- ness, and request they would give themselves no more trouble, but let him die quietly. Nothing farther was done, and he sank gradually till between ten and eleven o'clock at night, when he expired, in the sixty- eighth year of his age, and in the full possession of his mental faculties ; exhibiting in this short and painful illness, and in his death, the same example of patience, fortitude, and submission to the Divine will, which he had shewn in all the acts of his life. On Wednesday, the 18th of December, his remains were deposited in the family tomb at Mount Vernon.* Congress was at this time in session at Philadel- phia ; and when the news of the melancholy event arrived at the seat of government, both houses imme- * See " Lastjllness and Death of Washington." ^ET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 diately adjourned for the remainder of the day. The next morning, as soon as the House of Representa- tives had convened, Mr. Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, rose in his place, and addressed the Speaker in an eloquent and pathetic speech, briefly recounting the public acts of Washington. " Let us, then," said he, at the conclusion, " pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the Grand Council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels." He then offered three resolutions, previously prepared by General Henry Lee, which were accepted. By these it was proposed, that the house should in a body wait on the President to ex- press their condolence ; that the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in black, and the members and officers of the house be dressed in black, during the session ; and that a committee, in conjunction with a committee from the Senate, should be appointed " to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." The Senate testified their respect and sorrow by similar proceedings. A joint committee of the two houses was appointed, who reported resolutions re- commending that a marble monument should be erected to commemorate the great events in the mili- tary and political life of Washington ; that an oration suited to the occasion should be pronounced in the presence of both houses of Congress ; that the people of the United States should wear crape on the left arm thirty days as a badge of mourning ; and that the President, in the name of Congress, should be re- quested to write a letter of condolence to Mrs. Wash- ington. These resolutions were unanimously adopted. The funeral ceremonies were appropriate and solemn. 94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. A procession, consisting of the members of the two houses, public officers, and a large assemblage of citi- zens, moved from the hall of Congress to the German Lutheran Church, where a discourse was delivered by General Lee, then a representative in Congress.* But no formal act of the national legislature was re- quired to stir up the hearts of the people, or to remind them of the loss they had sustained in the death of a man whom they had so long been accustomed to love and revere, and the remembrance of whose deeds and virtues was so closely connected with that of their for- mer perils, and of the causes of their present pros- perity and happiness. The mourning was universal. It was manifested by every token which could indicate the public sentiment and feeling. Orators, divines, journalists, and writers of every class, responded to the general voice in all parts of the country, and em- ployed their talents to solemnize the event, and to honour the memory of him who, more than any other man of ancient or modern renown, may claim to be called THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. f * See " Proceedings in Congress," &c. f Bonaparte rendered unusual honours to the name of Washington, not long after the event of his death was made known in France. By what mo- tives he was prompted, it is needless to inquire. At any rate, both the act itself and his manner of performing it are somewhat remarkable, when regarded in connexion with his subsequent career. He was then First Consul. On the 9th of February, he issued the following order of the day to the army : " Washington is dead ! This great man fought against tyranny ; he established the liberty of his country. His memory will always be dear to the French people, as it will be to all free men of the two worlds ; and especially to French soldiers, who, like him and the American soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality." The First Consul likewise ordered that, during ten days, black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the Republic. On the same day a splendid ceremony took place in the Champ de Mars, and the trophies brought by the army from Egypt were dis- played with great pomp. Immediately after this ceremony was over, a funeral oration, in honour of Washington (Eloge Funtbre de Washington), was pro- JET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 The person of Washington was commanding, grace- ful, and fitly proportioned ; his stature six feet, his chest broad and full, his limbs long and somewhat slender, but well shaped and muscular. His features were regular and symmetrical, his eyes of a light blue colour, and his whole countenance, in its quiet state, was grave, placid, and benignant. When alone, or not engaged in conversation, he appeared sedate and thoughtful ; but when his attention was excited, his eye kindled quickly, and his face beamed with anima- tion and intelligence. He was not fluent in speech, but what he said was apposite, and listened to with the more interest as being known to come from the heart. He seldom attempted sallies of wit or humour, but no man received more pleasure from an exhibition of them by others ; and, although contented in seclu- sion, he sought his chief happiness in society, and par- ticipated with delight in all its rational and innocent amusements. Without austerity on the one hand, or an appearance of condescending familiarity on the other, he was affable, courteous, and cheerful ; but it has often been remarked that there was a dignity in his person and manner not easy to be defined, which impressed every one that saw him for the first time with an instinctive deference and awe. This may have nounced by M. de Fontanes, in the Hotel des Invalides, then called the Temple of Mars. The First Consul and all the civil and military authorities of the capital were present. It may here be mentioned that Washington was never a marshal of France, as has often been repeated. Another tribute was paid to his memory, which is worthy of being re- corded. About the time that the news of his death arrived in England, the British fleet, which had recently chased the French fleet into the harbour of Brest, was lying at Torbay, and consisted of nearly sixty ships of the line. Lord Bridport, who had the command, on hearing the intelligence, lowered his flag half-mast. His example was followed by the whole fleet. This fact was communicated to me by an American gentleman who was on board one of the ships at the time. 96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. arisen in part from a conviction of his superiority, as well as from the effect produced by his external form and deportment. The character of his mind was unfolded in the public and private acts of his life ; and the proofs of his greatness are seen almost as much in the one as the other. The same qualities which raised him to the ascendancy he possessed over the will of a nation, as the commander of armies and chief magistrate, caused him to be loved and respected as an individual. Wisdom, judgment, prudence, and firmness, were his predominant traits. No man ever saw more clearly the relative importance of things and actions, or divested himself more entirely of the bias of personal interest, partiality, and prejudice, in discriminating between the true and the false, the right and the wrong, in all questions and subjects that were pre- sented to him. He deliberated slowly, but decided surely ; and when his decision was once formed, he seldom reversed it ; and never relaxed from the execu- tion of a measure till it was completed. Courage, physical and moral, was a part of his nature ; and whether in battle or in the midst of popular excite- ment, he was fearless of danger and regardless of con- sequences to himself. His ambition was of that noble kind which aims to excel in whatever it undertakes, and to acquire a power over the hearts of men by promoting their hap- piness and winning their affections. Sensitive to the approbation of others, and solicitous to deserve it, he made no concessions to gain their applause, either by flattering their vanity or yielding to their caprices. Cautious without timidity, bold without rashness, cool in counsel, deliberate but firm in action, clear in foresight, patient under reverses, steady, persevering, JET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 and self-possessed, he met and conquered every obstacle that obstructed his path to honour, renown, and success. More confident in the uprightness of his intentions than in his resources, he sought know- ledge and advice from other men. He chose his counsellors with unerring sagacity ; and his quick perception of the soundness of an opinion, and of the strong points in an argument, enabled him to draw to his aid the best fruits of their talents, and the light of their collected wisdom. His moral qualities were in perfect harmony with those of his intellect. Duty was the ruling principle of his conduct ; and the rare endowments of his understanding were not more constantly tasked to devise the best methods of effecting an object, than they were to guard the sanctity of conscience. No instance can be adduced in which he was actuated by a sinister motive, or endeavoured to attain an end by unworthy means. Truth, integrity, and justice/ were deeply rooted in his mind ; and nothing could rouse his indignation so soon, or so utterly destroy his confidence, as the discovery of the want of these virtues in any one whom he had trusted. Weak- nessess, follies, indiscretions, he could forgive ; but subterfuge and dishonesty he never forgot, rarely pardoned. He was candid and sincere, true to his friends and faithful to all, neither practising dissimula- tion, descending to artifice, nor holding out expecta- tions which he did not intend should be realized. His passions were strong, and sometimes they broke out with vehemence, but he had the power of check- ing them in an instant. Perhaps self-control was the most remarkable trait of his character. It was in part the effect of discipline ; yet he seems by nature VOL. II. H 98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. to have possessed this power in a degree which has been denied to other men. A Christian in faith and practice, he was habitually devout. His reverence for religion is seen in his ex- ample, his public communications, and Ms private writings. He uniformly ascribed his successes to the beneficent agency of the Supreme Being. Charitable and humane, he was liberal to the poor, and kind to those in distress. As a husband, son-, and brother, he was tender and affectionate. Without vanity, os- tentation, or pride, he never spoke of himself or his actions, unless required by circumstances which con- cerned the public interests. As he was free from envy, so he had the good fortune to escape the envy of others, by standing on an elevation which none could hope to attain. If he had one passion more strong than another, it was love of his country. The purity and ardour of his patriotism were commensu- rate with the greatness of its object. Love of country in him was invested with the sacred obligation of a duty ; and from the faithful discharge of this duty he never swerved for a moment, either in thought or deed, through the whole period of his eventful career. Such are some of the traits in the character of Washington which have acquired for him the love and veneration of mankind. If they are not marked with the brilliancy, extravagance, and eccentricity, which in other men have excited the astonishment of the world, so neither are they tarnished by the follies nor disgraced by the crimes of those men. It is the happy combination of rare talents and qualities, the harmonious union of the intellectual and moral powers, rather than the dazzling splendour of any one trait, which constitute the grandeur of his character. If JET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 the title of great man ought to be reserved for him who cannot be charged with an indiscretion or a vice, who spent his life in establishing the independence, the glory, and durable prosperity of his country, who succeeded in all that he undertook, and whose suc- cesses were never won at the expense of honour, jus- tice, integrity, or by the sacrifice of a single principle, this title will not be denied to Washington. END OF LIFE. H 2 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES, SPEECHES, ETC. WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. AMONG the earliest papers found in the archives at Mount Vernon, were the fragments of manuscripts written by Washington during his boyhood and youth. These are chiefly confined to his school exercises in arithmetic and geometry, and are of little value. They are remarkable only for the neatness of the hand- writing, a beautiful method, accuracy in drawing the geometrical figures, and as indicating the strong bent of his inclination to mathematical studies. Some of his original field-books, and a brief journal of one of his expeditions as a surveyor of lands, are also pre- served. A few short extracts from these papers may not be amiss, as shewing the turn of his mind in early youth, and other traits in some degree characteristic. The first manuscript in the order of dates was written when he was thirteen years old, filling thirty folio pages, and entitled " Forms of Writing." It con- sists for the most part of forms used in the various transactions of business, such as a note of hand, bill of exchange, bond, indenture, lease, and will, copied out with much exactness and care. Then follow two or three poetical selections, among which are lines on True Happiness, abounding more in sentiment than poetry. But the most curious piece in the manuscript 104 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. is a series of maxims, under the head of " Rules of Civility and Decent Behaviour in Company and Con- versation." One hundred and ten rules are here written out and numbered. The source from which they were derived is not mentioned. They form a minute code of regulations for building up the habits of morals, manners, and good conduct, in a very young person. A few specimens will be enough to shew their general complexion ; and whoever has studied the character of Washington will be persuaded that some of its most prominent features took their shape from these rules thus early selected and adopted as his guide. "1. Every action in company ought to be with some sign of respect to those present. "2. In the presence of others sing not to yourself with a humming noise, nor drum with your fingers or feet. " 3. Sleep not when others speak, sit not when others stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, walk not when others stop. " 4. Turn not your back to others, especially in speaking ; jog not the table or desk on which another reads or writes ; lean not on any one. "5. Be no flatterer; neither play with any one that delights not to be played with. "6. Read no letters, books, or papers, in company ; but when there is a necessity for doing it, you must ask leave. Come not near the books or writings of any one so as to read them, unless desired, nor give your opinion of them unasked ; also, look not nigh when another is writing a letter. "7. Let your countenance be pleasant, but in serious matters somewhat grave. "8. Shew not yourself glad at the misfortune of another, though he were your enemy. WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. 105 " 9. When you meet with one of greater quality than yourself, stop and retire, especially if it be at a door or any strait place, to give way for him to pass. " 10. They that are in dignity, or in office, have in all places precedency ; but whilst they are young they ought to respect those that are their equals in birth, or other qualities, though they have no public charge. " 11. It is good manners to prefer them to whom we speak before ourselves, especially if they be above us, with whom in no sort we ought to begin. " 12. Let your discourse with men of business be short and comprehensive. " 13. In visiting the sick, do not presently play the physician, if you be not knowing therein. " 14. In writing, or speaking, give to every person his due title, according to his degree and the custom of the place. "15. Strive not with your superiors in argument, but always submit your judgment to others with modesty. "16. Undertake not to teach your equal in the art himself professes ; it savours of arrogancy. "17. When a man does all he can, though it suc- ceeds not well, blame not him that did it. "18. Being to advise or reprehend any one con- sider whether it ought to be in public or in private, presently or at some other time, in what terms to do it ; and in reproving, shew no signs of choler, but do it with sweetness and mildness. "19. Take all admonitions thankfully, in what time or place soever given ; but afterwards, not being culpable, take a time or place convenient to let him know it that gave them. "20. Mock not, nor jest at anything of import- ance ; break no jests that are sharp-biting, and if you 106 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. deliver anything witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing thereat yourself. "21. Wherein you reprove another be unblamable yourself; for example is more prevalent than precepts. " 22. Use no reproachful language against any one, neither curse, nor revile. " 23. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the disparagement of any. " 24. In your apparel, be modest, and endeavour to accommodate nature rather than to procure admi- ration ; keep to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil and orderly, with respect to times and places. " 25. Play not the peacock, looking everywhere about you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, if your stockings sit neatly, and clothes handsomely. " 26. Associate yourself with men of good quality, if you esteem your own reputation, for it is better to be alone than in bad company. "27. Let your conversation be without malice or envy, for it is a sign of a tractable and commendable nature ; and in all causes of passion, admit reason to govern. " " 28. Be not immodest in urging your friend to discover a secret. " 29. Utter not base and frivolous things amongst grave and learned men ; nor very difficult questions or subjects amongst the ignorant ; nor things hard to be believed. " 30. Speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, nor at the table ; speak not of melancholy things, as death and wounds, and if others mention them, change, if you can, the discourse. Tell not your dreams, but to your intimate friend. " 31. Break not a jest where none takes pleasure in mirth ; laugh not aloud, nor at all without occa- WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. 107 sion. Deride no man's misfortune, though there seem to be some cause. "32. Speak not injurious words, neither in jest nor earnest ; scoff at none, although they give occasion. " 33. Be not forward, but friendly and courteous ; the first to salute, hear, and answer ; and be not pen- sive when it is a time to converse. " 34. Detract not from others, neither be excessive in commending. "35. Go not thither, where you know not whether you shall be welcome or not. Give not advice with- out being asked, and when desired, do it briefly. "36. If two contend together, take not the part of either unconstrained, and be not obstinate in your own opinion ; in things indifferent be of the major side. "37. Reprehend not the imperfections of others, for that belongs to parents, masters, and superiors. "38. Gaze not on the marks or blemishes of others, and ask not how they came. What you may speak in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. "39. Speak not in an unknown tongue in com- pany, but in your own language, and that as those of quality do, and not as the vulgar ; sublime matters treat seriously. " 40. Think before you speak, pronounce not im- perfectly, nor bring out your words too hastily, but orderly and distinctly. "41. When another speaks, be attentive yourself, and disturb not the audience. If any hesitate in his words, help him not, nor prompt him, without being desired ; interrupt him not, nor answer him, till his speech be ended. "42. Treat with men at fit times about business, and whisper not in the company of others. 108 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. " 43. Make no comparisons, and if any of the com- pany be commended for any brave act of virtue, com- mend not another for the same. " 44. Be not apt to relate news, if you know not the truth thereof. In discoursing of things you have heard, name not your author always. A secret dis- cover not. "45. Be not curious to know the affairs of others, neither approach to those that speak in private. "46. Undertake not what you cannot perform, but be careful to keep your promise. "47. When you deliver a matter, do it without passion, and with discretion, however mean the per- son be you do it to. "48. When your superiors talk to anybody, hearken not, neither speak, nor laugh. "49. In disputes, be not so desirous to overcome as not to give liberty to each one to deliver his opi- nion, and submit to the judgment of the major part, especially if they are judges of the dispute. " 50. Be not tedious in discourse ; make not many digressions, nor repeat often the same manner of dis- course. "51. Speak not evil of the absent, for it is unjust. "52. Make no show of taking great delight in your victuals ; feed not with greediness ; cut your bread with a knife ; lean not on the table ; neither find fault with what you eat. " 53. Be not angry at table, whatever happens, and if you have reason to be so, shew it not ; put on a cheerful countenance, especially if there be strangers, for good humour makes one dish of meat a feast. " 54. Set not yourself at the upper end of the table ; but if it be your due, or that the master of the WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. 109 house will have it so, contend not, lest you should trouble the company. " 55. When you speak of God, or his attributes, let it be seriously in reverence. Honour and obey your natural parents, although they be poor. "56. Let your recreations be manful, not sinful. " 57. Labour to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire, called conscience." The list might be extended, but these specimens will answer the purpose here designed, which is to in- dicate the sources of some of the impressions that contributed to form the character of Washington. His military propensities early discovered them- selves, and at the age of fourteen he was seized with a desire to enter the navy. His brother Lawrence, who was himself a military man, approved this choice, and procured for him a midshipman's warrant. At first his mother seemed to consent, though reluctantly, to this project ; but as the time of separation ap- proached, her maternal feelings, and more mature re- flection, caused her to waver in her decision, and finally to oppose the wishes of her son and his friends. The following is an extract from a letter written to Lawrence Washington by his father-in-law, William Fairfax, and dated September 10th, 1746. " George has been with us, and says he will be steady, and thankfully follow your advice as his best friend. I gave him his mother's letter to deliver, with a caution not to shew his. I have spoken to Dr. Spencer, who I find is often at the widow's [Mrs. Washington's], and has some influence to persuade her to think better of your advice in putting George to sea with good recommendations." The following extract, on the same subject, was written by Mr. Robert Jackson to Lawrence Wash- 110 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. ington, and dated at Fredericksburg, October 18th, 1746:- " I am afraid Mrs. Washington will not keep up to her first resolution. She seems to intimate a dislike to George's going to sea, and says several persons have told her it was a bad scheme. She offers several trifling objections, such as fond, unthinking mothers habitually suggest ; and I find that one word against his going has more weight than ten for it. Colonel Fairfax seems desirous he should go, and wished me to acquaint you with Mrs. Washington's sentiments. I intend shortly to take an opportunity to talk with her, and will let you know the result." These are the only written facts \vhich I have found relating to this incident in the life of Washington. It is known that his mother's opposition continued, and that on this account the plan of his going to sea was abandoned. The feelings of the mother will not be thought unnatural or unreasonable, when it is re- membered that he was her eldest son, that his father had been dead three years and a half, and that she was left with five younger children. His predilection for mathematical studies made him soon acquainted with the art of surveying lands, and he became a practical surveyor at the age of sixteen. He went into the woods upon a surveying tour among the Allegany mountains, accompanied by Mr. George Fairfax, in March, 1748, being then but just sixteen years old. He kept a rough journal, or diary, ex- tracts from which form the next separate paper. In the little volume which contains this journal are the rough drafts of letters written during the same period. They are imperfect, and of very little im- portance. One of them is descriptive of his adven- tures. WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. Ill "DEAR RICHARD, " The receipt of your kind favour of the 2nd instant afforded me unspeakable pleasure, as it convinces me that I am still in the memory of so worthy a friend a friendship I shall ever be proud of increasing. Yours gave me the more pleasure, as I received it among barbarians and an uncouth set of people. Since you received my letter of October last, I have not slept above three or four nights in a bed, but, after walking a good deal all the day, I have lain down be- fore the fire upon a little hay, straw, fodder, or a bear skin, whichever was to be had, with man, wife, and children, like dogs and cats ; and happy is he who gets the berth nearest the fire. Nothing would make it pass off tolerably but a good reward. A doubloon is my constant gain every day that the weather will permit of my going out, and sometimes six pistoles. The coldness of the weather will not allow of my making a long stay, as the lodging is rather too cold for the time of year. I have never had my clothes off, but have lain and slept in them, except the few nights I have been in Frederictown." From the tenour of two or three of the letters, it would appear that the charms of some beauty among his acquaintances had made an early assault upon the heart of the young hero. "DEAR FRIEND ROBIN, " As it is the greatest mark of friendship and esteem, which absent friends can shew each other, to write and often communicate their thoughts, I shall endea- vour from time to time, and at all times, to acquaint you with my situation and employments in life, and I could wish you would take half the pains to send me a letter by any opportunity, as you may be well assured of its meeting with a very welcome reception. 112 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. " My place of residence at present is at his Lord- ship's [Lord Fairfax's], where I might, were my heart disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there is a very agreeable young lady in the same house, Colo- nel George Fairfax's wife's sister. But that only adds fuel to the fire, as being often and unavoidably in company with her revives my former passion for your Lowland beauty ; whereas, were I to live more retired from young women, I might in some measure alleviate my sorrow by burying that chaste and troublesome passion in oblivion ; and I am very well assured that this will be the only antidote or remedy." The desponding tone of this letter is reiterated in others. How long the tender sentiment had posses- sion of his heart, or whether he ever had the courage to explain himself to the young lady, is not ascer- tained.* For three years he was occupied nearly all the time, when the season would permit, in surveying wild lands among the Allegany mountains in Virginia, and on the various southern branches of the Potomac River. His mode of life in this occupation may be understood from the above extracts from his journal. It was exposed to peculiar hardships and privations, with none of the refinements or comforts of civiliza- tion. The country was an entire wilderness. The fatigue and endurance were such, that he was rarely out but a few weeks at a time. His home was with his brother, Lawrence Washington, at Mount Vernon, though he passed portions of his time with his mother at Fredericksburg. The following letter, dated the 5th of May, 1749, * Washington became also enamoured of a Miss Mary Phillips, at Boston, eight years subsequently to this his " first love." See Life, p. 78, vol. i., where it is also stated that he " indited plaintive verses " to the "Lowland beauty'* here spoken of. Eng. Ed. WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. 113 was written to his brother Lawrence, then in Williams- burg, probably attending as a member of the House of Burgesses, as it is known that he was a delegate for that year : "DEAR BROTHER, " I hope your cough is much mended since I saw you last. If so, I trust you have given over all thoughts of leaving Virginia. As there is not an abso- lute occasion of my coming down, I hope you will get the deeds acknowledged without me. My horse is in very poor order to undertake such a journey, and is in no likelihood of mending, for want of corn suffi- cient to support him ; though if there be any certainty of the Assembly's not rising until the latter end of May, I will, if I can, be down by that time. " As my mother's term of years is out at the place at Bridge Creek, she designs to settle a quarter* on the piece at Deep Run, but seems backward in doing it, till the right is made good, for fear of accident. It is reported here that Mr. Spotswood intends to put down the ferry at the wharf where he now lives, and that Major Francis Taliaferro intends to petition the Assembly to have it kept from his house over against my mother's quarter, and through the very heart and best of the land ; whereas he can have no other view in it than for the convenience of a small mill, which he has on the water-side, that will not grind above three months in the twelve, and on account of the great inconvenience and prejudice it will be to us, I hope it will not be granted. Besides, I do not see where he can possibly have a landing-place on his side that will ever be sufficient for a lawful landing, by reason of the steepness of the banks. I think we * Place of residence for the families of negro labourers. VOL. II. I 114 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. suffer enough from the free ferry, without being trou- bled with such an unjust and iniquitous petition as that ; but I hope, as it is only a flying report, that he will consider better of it, and drop his pretensions. " I shall be glad, if it is not too much trouble, to hear from you. In the meantime, I remain, with my love to my sister, dear Sir, your affectionate brother." George was so much indebted on many accounts to his brother Lawrence that it is proper in this place to bestow upon this brother the tribute of a passing notice. The father, whose name was Augustine Washington, was twice married, first to Jane Butler, and afterwards to Mary Ball. The fruit of the first marriage was three sons and a daughter ; and of the second, four sons and two daughters. The eldest son by the first marriage was called Butler, who died young. Lawrence was the second son, and was born about the year 1718. George was the eldest son by the second marriage. Dr. Burnaby, in the appendix to the third edition of his " Travels in America," says that Lawrence was educated in England. However this may be, it is evident from several of his manu- script letters which I have seen that he was a gentleman of a good education and of highly respectable parts. He joined the army, and received a captain's com- mission, dated June 9th, 1740. He was assigned to a company in a regiment to be raised in America, under the command of Colonel Alexander Spotswood, designed for the West India service, and to act in the Spanish war. The regiment was transported to Jamaica early in 1741, where it was united with the British forces in time to take a part in the unsuccessful siege of Carthagena, conducted by Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth, in March of that year. After the failure of the expedition, the fleet sailed back WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. 115 to Jamaica, where the land forces were stationed, ex- cept during a few months in the summer season, when, for reasons not known, they were taken to Cuba. Captain Washington returned to Virginia near the close of the year 1742, having been absent about two years. At this time he had an intention of joining his re- giment in England, with the view of seeking pro- motion in the army, where he had good hopes of success under the friendly auspices of General Went- worth. But as he soon afterwards married Anne Fairfax, daughter of William Fairfax, and a relative of Lord Fairfax, he changed his mind, and resolved to abandon the army. Meantime his father died, April 12th, 1743, leaving him, as the eldest son then living, in charge of his estate and family. He had already obtained the post of adjutant a colonial appointment of some consideration, from which he derived the rank of major, and the more substantial remuneration of one hundred and fifty pounds a year. When the officers of his regiment obtained a grant of half-pay in England, he delined receiving it, on the ground that he could not conscientiously take the oath required, while he held the adjutancy in Virginia. He purchased an estate on the banks of the Potomac, which he called Mount Vernon in honour of Admiral Vernon, and here he resided during the remainder of his life. His time was chiefly devoted to his private affairs, as the duties of his adjutancy were only occasional and at stated periods. He was a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, and likewise a principal agent in forming the Ohio Company. Naturally of a delicate constitution, his health began to decline soon after his return from the military ex- pedition to the West Indies, till at length it was as- i 2 116 WASHINGTON'S EARLY PAPERS. sailed by a consumption, which made rapid and fatal ravages. By the advice of his physicians he went to England, hoping to derive benefit from the voyage, but he returned in a few months without essential relief. For the same object he passed a summer, but with little advantage, at the Bath Springs, in Virginia, then surrounded by a wilderness. A voyage to the West Indies was the last remedy, and he sailed for Barbadoes on the 28th of September, 1751, and ar- rived there about the 3rd of November. His brother George, to whom he was much attached, accompanied him on this voyage. Having spent the winter at Barbadoes, the climate not having afforded the relief he expected, he went to Bermuda, in March, 1752, his brother George, in the meantime, having sailed for Virginia. All his hopes, however, were fallacious. Although his disorder sometimes put on a more flattering aspect, and in- spired a momentary confidence, yet it was gradually making its encroachments with a sure and deadly progress. He hastened back to Virginia, and arrived only in time to receive the last melancholy greetings of his friends. He died in his own house at Mount Vernon, July 26th, 1752, at the age of thirty-four, and his remains were deposited in the same vault in which were afterwards entombed those of his illus- trious brother. George kept a journal of his voyage to Barbadoes and back, and during his short residence on the island. At the time of his brother's death, George was at Mount Vernon, and the care and immediate affairs of the family devolved on him. That place con- tinued to be his residence, till he was called from home by public duties. Lawrence Washington left an only child, a daughter, who died at the age of SURVEYING TOUR. 117 eighteen, having been sickly from her birth. The widow married George Lee, and the estate at Mount Vernon became the property of George Washington, as an inheritance from his brother, who from the time of his father's death had shewn for him a paren- tal, as well as fraternal attachment, and rendered him many services of kindness and affection. Mrs. Lee died on the 19th of November, 1761. Judge Mar- shall says that George received an appointment as one of the adjutants-general of Virginia, in the year 1751, with the rank of major, when he was yet only nineteen years old. This post was probably obtained through the influence of his brother. After Governor Dinwiddie came to Virginia, the colony was divided into four military districts, and an adjutant assigned to each. George Washington's appointment was then renewed (November, 1753), and he was stationed over the northern district. The duties consisted in exer- cising the officers and inspecting the militia at stated times, in the manner prescribed by law. WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL OF A SURVEYING TOUR AMONG THE ALLEGANIES.* [WASHINGTON, when just a month from the day he was sixteen, was intrusted with the responsible service of surveying the immense tracts of lands, belonging to Lord Fairfax, in the rich valleys of the Allegany Mountains, which had never been before surveyed a task which he executed in a manner to give entire *Vol. i. p. 14. 118 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1748. satisfaction to his employer, and to establish his repu- tation as a surveyor. The following extracts are from his rough journal, or diary, kept at the time.] " March 13th. Rode to his Lordship's [Lord Fair- fax's] quarter. About four miles higher up the river Shenandoah, we went through most beautiful groves of sugar trees, and spent the best part of the day in ad- miring the trees and richness of the land. " 14^. We sent our baggage to Captain Kite's, near Fredericktown [afterwards Winchester], and went ourselves down the river about sixteen miles, (the land exceedingly rich all the way, producing abundance of grain, hemp, and tobacco,) in order to lay off some land on Gate's Marsh and Long Marsh. " 15th. Worked hard till night, and then returned. After supper we were lighted into a room, and I, not being so good a woodsman as the rest, stripped my- self very orderly and went into the bed, as they called it, when to my surprise I found it to be nothing but a little straw matted together, without sheet or anything else but only one threadbare blanket with double its weight of vermin. I was glad to get up and put on my clothes and lie as my companions did. Had we not been very tired, I am sure we should not have slept much that night. I made a promise to sleep so no more, choosing rather to sleep in the open air be- fore a fire. " 18th. We travelled to Thomas Berwick's on the Potomac, where we found the river exceedingly high, by reason of the great rains that had fallen among the Alleganies. They told us it would not be fordable for several days, it being now six feet higher than usual, and rising. We agreed to stay till Monday. We this JET. 16.] ALLEGANIES (SURVEYING.) 119 day called to see the famed Warm Springs.* We camped out in the field this night. " 20th. Finding the river not much abated, we in the evening swam our horses over to the Mary- land side. " list. We went over in a canoe, and travelled up the Maryland side all day in a continued rain to Colonel Cresap's, over against the mouth of the South Branch, about forty miles from our place of starting in the morning, and over the worst road I believe that ever was trod by man or beast. " 23rd. Rained till about two o'clock and then cleared up, when we were agreeably surprised at the sight of more than thirty Indians coming from war with only one scalp. We had some liquor with us, of which we gave them a part. This, elevating their spirits, put them in the humour of dancing. We then had a war-dance. After clearing a large space and making a great fire in the middle, the men seated themselves around it, and the speaker made a grand speech, telling them in what manner they were to dance. After he had finished, the best dancer jumped up as one awaked from sleep, and ran and jumped about the ring in a most comical manner. He was followed by the rest. Then began their music, which was performed with a pot half full of water and a deerskin stretched tight over it, and a gourd with some shot in it to rattle, and a piece of horse's tail tied to it to make it look fine. One person kept rattling and another drumming all the while they were dancing. " 25th. Left Cresap's and went up to the mouth of Patterson's Creek. There we swam our horses * The mineral springs at Bath, in Virginia, afterwards and at the present day the resort of many visitors in the summer season. 120 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1748. over the Potomac, and went over ourselves in a canoe, and travelled fifteen miles, where we camped. " 26th. Travelled up to Solomon Hedge's, Esquire, one of his Majesty's justices of the peace in the county of Frederic, where we camped. When we came to supper, there was neither a knife on the table nor a fork to eat with ; but, as good luck would have it, we had knives of our own. " 28th. Travelled up the South Branch (having come to that river yesterday), about thirty miles to Mr. J. R.'s (horse jockey), and about seventy miles from the mouth of the river. " 29th. This morning went out and surveyed five hundred acres of land. Shot two wild turkeys. " 30th. Began our intended business of laying off lots. " April 2nd. A blowing, rainy night. Our straw upon which we were lying took fire, but I was luckily preserved by one of our men awaking when it was in a flame. We have run off four lots this day. " 4th. This morning Mr. Fairfax left us, with the intention to go down to the mouth of the river. We surveyed two lots, and were attended with a great company of people, men, women, and children, who followed us through the woods, shewing their antic tricks. They seem to be as ignorant a set of people as the Indians. They would never speak English ; but when spoken to they all spoke Dutch. This day our tent was blown down by the violence of the wind. " 6th. The last night was so intolerably smoky that we were obliged to leave our tent to the mercy of the wind and fire. Attended this day by the afore- said company. " 7th. This morning one of our men killed a wild turkey that weighed twenty pounds. We surveyed yET. 16.] JOURNAL AT BARBADOES. 121 fifteen hundred acres of land, and returned to Van- meter's about one o'clock. I took my horse and went up to see Mr. Fairfax. We slept in Cassey's house, which was the first night I had slept in a house since we came to the Branch. " 8^. We breakfasted at Cassey's, and rode down to Vanmeter's to get our company together, which when we had accomplished, we rode down below the Trough to lay off lots there. The Trough is a couple of ledges of mountains impassable, running side by side for seven or eight miles, and the river between them. You must ride round the back of the moun- tains to get below them. We camped in the woods, and after we had pitched our tent and made a large fire, we pulled out our knapsack to recruit ourselves. Every one was his own cook. Our spits were forked sticks ; our plates were large chips. As for dishes we had none. " 10th. We took our farewell of the Branch, and travelled over hills and mountains to Coddy's on Great Cacapehon, about forty miles. " 12th. Mr. Fairfax got safe home, and I to my brother's house at Mount Vernon, which concludes my Journal." WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL AT BARBADOES.* [LAWRENCE WASHINGTON, half-brother to George, having been recommended a voyage to the West Indies for his health, they both being much attached to each other, sailed for Barbadoes on the 28th of September, 1751, and arrived there about the 3rd of November. George kept a journal of his voyage * Vol. i. p. 17 ; also " Washington's Early Papers." 122 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1751. there and back, and during his short residence on the island. Time and accidents, however, have made such breaches in the manuscript that little can now be gathered from it. The following are a few ex- tracts. The remarks at the end were made on his departure.] " November 4th, 1751. This morning received a card from Major Clarke, welcoming us to Barbadoes, with an invitation to breakfast and dine with him. We went, myself with some reluctance, as the small- pox was in his family. "We were received in the most kind and friendly manner by him. Mrs. Clarke was much indisposed, insomuch that we had not the pleasure of her company, but in her place officiated Miss Roberts, her niece, and an agreeable young lady. After drinking tea we were again invited to Mr. Car- ter's, and desired to make his house ours, till we could provide lodgings agreeable to our wishes, which offer we accepted. " 5th. Early this morning came Dr. Hilary, an eminent physician recommended by Major Clarke, to pass his opinion on my brother's disorder, which he did in a favourable light, giving great assurances that it was not so fixed but that a cure might be ef- fectually made. In the cool of the evening we rode out, accompanied by Mr. Carter, to seek lodgings in the country, as the Doctor advised, and were perfectly enraptured with the beautiful prospects which every side presented to our view the fields of cane, corn, fruit-trees, &c., in a delightful green. We returned without accomplishing our intentions. " 7th. Dined with Major Clarke, and by him was introduced to the Surveyor-general and the judges, who likewise dined there. In the evening they com- plaisantly accompanied us in another excursion into /ET. 19.] JOURNAL AT BARBADOES. 123 the country to choose lodgings. We pitched on the house of Captain Croftan, commander of James's Fort. He was desired to come to town next day to propose his terms. We returned by the way of Need- ham's Fort. " 8^. Came Captain Croftan with his proposals, which, though extravagantly dear, my brother was obliged to accept. Fifteen pounds a month were his terms, exclusive of liquor and washing, which we find. In the evening we removed some of our things up, and went ourselves. It is very pleasantly situated near the sea, and about a mile from town. The pros- pect is extensive by land and pleasant by sea, as we command a view of Carlyle Bay and the shipping. " 9th. Received a card from Major Clarke, inviting us to dine with him at Judge Maynard's to-morrow. He had a right to ask, being a member of a club called the Beef-steak and Tripe, instituted by himself. " 10^. We were genteelly received by Judge Maynard and his lady, and agreeably entertained by the company. They have a meeting every Saturday, this being Judge Maynard's day. After dinner there was the greatest collection of fruits set on the table that I have yet seen, the granadilla, sapadilla, pome- granate, sweet orange, water-lemon, forbidden fruit, apples, guavas, &c. We received invitations from every gentleman there. Mr. Warren desired Major Clarke to shew us the way to his house. Mr. Hacket insisted on our coming Saturday next to his, it being his day to treat with beef-steak and tripe. But above all, the invitation of Mr. Maynard was most kind and friendly. He desired, and even insisted, as well as his lady, on our coming -to spend some weeks with him, and promised nothing should be wanting to ren- der our stay agreeable. My brother promised he 124 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1751. would accept the invitation, as soon as he should be a little disengaged from the doctors. " 1 5th. Was treated with a ticket to see the play of George Barnwell acted. The character of Barnwell and several others were said to be well performed. There was music adapted and regularly conducted. " \7th. Was strongly attacked with the smallpox. Sent for Dr. Lanahan, whose attendance was very con- stant till my recovery and going out, which were not till Thursday the 12th of December. " December 12th. Went to town and called on Major Clarke's family, who had kindly visited me in my illness, and contributed all they could in sending me the necessaries which the disorder required. On Monday last began the grand session, and this day was brought on the trial of Colonel C., a man of opu- lent fortune and infamous character. He was brought in guiltless, and saved by a single evidence, who was generally reckoned to have been suborned. " 22nd. Took leave of my brother, Major Clarke, and others, and embarked on board the Industry for Virginia. Weighed anchor and got out of Carlyle Bay about twelve o'clock. " The Governor of Barbadoes seems to keep a proper state, lives very retired and at little expense, and is a gentleman of good sense. As he avoids the errors of his predecessor, he gives no handle for com- plaint ; but, at the same time, by declining much fa- miliarity, he is not over-zealously beloved. " There are several singular risings in this island, one above another, so that scarcely any part is de- prived of a beautiful prospect, both of sea and land, and, what is contrary to observation in other coun- tries, each elevation is better than the next below. There are many delicious fruits, but as they are par- ^ET. 19.] JOURNAL AT BARBADOES. 125 ticularly described by Mr. Hughes, in his Natural History of the Island, I shall say nothing further than that the China orange is good. The avagavo pear is generally most admired, though none pleases my taste so well as the pine. The earth in most parts is extremely rich, and as black as our richest marsh meadows. The common produce of the cane is from forty to seventy polls of sugar, each poll valued at twenty shillings, out of which a third is deducted for ex- penses. Many acres last year produced in value from one hundred and forty to one hundred and seventy pounds, as 1 was informed by credible authority, though that was in ginger, and a very extraordinary year for the sale of that article. How wonderful that such people should be in debt, and not be able to indulge themselves in all the luxuries as well as ne- cessaries of life. Yet so it happens. Estates are often alienated for debts. How persons coming to estates of two, three, and four hundred acres (which are the largest), can want, is to me most wonderful. One-third of their land, or nearly that portion, is generally in train for harvest. The rest is in young cane, Guinea corn (which greatly supports their negroes), yams, plantains, potatoes, and the like, and some small part left waste for stock. Provisions are generally very indifferent, but much better than the same quantity of pasturage would afford in Virginia. The very grass that grows among their corn is not lost, but carefully gathered for provender for their stock. " Hospitality and a genteel behaviour are shewn to every gentleman stranger by the gentlemen inhabi- tants. Taverns they have none, except in the towns ; so that travellers are obliged to go to private houses. The people are said to live to a great age where they are not intemperate. They are, however, very un- 126 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. happy in regard to their officers' fees, which are not paid by any law. They complain particularly of the provost-marshal, or sheriff-general, of the island, patented at home and rented at eight hundred pounds a year. Every other officer is exorbitant in his de- mands. There are few who may be called middling people. They are very rich or very poor ; for by a law of the island, every gentleman is obliged to keep a white person for every ten acres, capable of acting in the militia, and consequently, the persons so kept can- not but be very poor. They are well disciplined, and appointed to their several stations ; so that in any alarm every man may be at his post in less than two hours. They have large intrenchments cast up wherever it is possible to land, and as nature has greatly assisted the island, it may not improperly be said to be one entire fortification." WASHINGTON'S OFFICIAL TOUR OVER THE ALLEGANY MOUNTAINS. (1753-4.)* [INTELLIGENCE had been received from time to time that the French were making encroachments on what was deemed British territory beyond the Allegany mountains. Messengers were sent out for observation and inquiry, who had brought back various reports, and particularly that a French army was approaching from Canada, with a view to erect fortifications on the Ohio river, and take possession of the whole country, in the name of the French king. As this re- gion was supposed to be within the limits of Virginia, Governor Dinwiddie regarded it as his duty, in con- formity with his instructions, to watch the motions * Vol. i. p. 36. ALT. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 127 of the French, and make preparations for defending the British claims. He resolved to send a commis- sioner duly authorized to demand of the principal French officer his designs, to ascertain facts, and to make such observations as his opportunities would allow. Major Washington was selected for this ar- duous undertaking. His knowledge of the Indians, his practical acquaintance with the modes of living and travelling in the woods, acquired in his surveying expeditions, and the marked traits of character which he had already displayed were doubtless the qualities that recommended him for this delicate and important mission, although he was not yet twenty- two years of age. His journal, as here given, was published in Lon- don at the time, under the auspices of the government, and accounted a document of much importance, as unfolding the views of the French, and announcing the first positive proof of their hostile acts in the dis- puted territories. It is curious, not only as a narra- tive, but as indicating some of the strong traits of the writer's character.] JOURNAL OF A TOUR, ETC. " I was commissioned and appointed by the Hon. Robert Dinwiddie, Esq., Governor of Virginia, to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and set out on the in- tended journey on the same day ;* the next, I arrived at Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Vanbraam to be my French interpreter, and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester, and got baggage, horses, &c., and from thence we pursued the new * 31st of November, 1753. 128 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. road to Will's Creek, where we arrived on the 14th of November. " Here I engaged Mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as servitors, Barnaby Currin, and John M e Quire, Indian traders, Henry Steward, and William Jenkins ; and in company with those persons, left the inhabitants the next day. "The excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fallen prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian trader, at the mouth of Turtle Creek, on Monongahela River, until Thursday, the 22nd. We were informed here that expresses had been sent a few days before to the traders down the river, to acquaint them with the French general's death, and the return of the major part of the French army into winter-quarters . " The waters w r ere quite impassable without swim- ming our horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin and Henry Steward down the Monongahela, with our baggage, to meet us at the Fork of the Ohio, about ten miles ; there to cross the Allegany. " As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land in the Fork, which I think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. The land at the point is twenty, or twenty-five feet above the common surface of the water; and a considerable bottom of flat, well-timbered land all around it, very convenient for building. The rivers are each a quarter of a mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles, Allegany bearing northeast, and Monongahela southeast. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift running water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall. JET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 129 " About two miles from this, on the southeast side of the river, at the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares. We called upon him, to invite him to counsel at the Logstown. " As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation at the Fork, my curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defence or advantages ; especially the latter. For a fort at the Fork would be equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the entire com- mand of the Monongahela, which runs up our settle- ment, and is extremely well designed for water- carriage, as it is of a deep, still nature. Besides, a fort at the Fork might be built at much less expense than at the other places. " Nature has well contrived this lower place for water-defence ; but the hill whereon it must stand, being about a quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive to make a sufficient fortifi- cation there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken in, the side next the descent made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away ; otherwise the enemy may raise batteries within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from the fort. " Shingiss attended us to the Logstown, where we arrived between sun-setting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after I left Williamsbnrg. We travelled over some extremely good and bad land to get to this place. " As soon as I came into town, I went to Monaca- toocha (as the Half- King was out at his hunting cabin on Little Beaver Creek, about fifteen miles off), and informed him by John Davidson, my Indian inter- VOL. II. K 130 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. preter, that I was sent a messenger to the French general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the Half-King, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. I invited him and the other great men present to my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned. " According to the best observations I could make, Mr. Gist's new settlement (which we passed by) bears about west northwest seventy miles from Will's Creek ; Shannopins, or the Fork, north by west, or north northwest, about fifty miles from that ; and from thence to the Logstown the course is nearly west about eighteen or twenty miles ; so that the whole distance, as we went and computed it, is at least one hundred and thirty-five, or one hundred and forty miles from our back inhabitants. "25^. Came to town, four of ten Frenchmen, who had deserted from a company at the Kuskuskas, which lies at the mouth of this river. I got the fol- lowing account from them. They were sent from New Orleans with a hundred men, and eight canoe loads of provisions to this place, where they expected to have met the same number of men, from the forts on. this side of Lake Erie, to convoy them and the stores up, who were not arrived when they ran off. " I inquired into the situation of the French on the Mississippi, their numbers, and what forts they had built. They informed me that there were four small forts between New Orleans and the Black Islands, garrisoned with about thirty or forty men, and a few r small pieces in each. That at New Orleans, which is near the mouth of the Mississippi, there are thirty-five JET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 131 companies of forty men each, with a pretty strong fort mounting eight carriage guns ; and at the Black Islands there are several companies, and a fort with six guns. The Black Islands are about a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, which is about three hundred and fifty above New Orleans. They also acquainted me that there was a small palisadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish, about sixty leagues from the Mississippi. The Obaish heads near the west end of Lake Erie, and affords the communication between the French on the Mississippi and those on the lakes. These deserters came up from the lower Shannoah town with one Brown, an Indian trader, and were going to Philadel- phia. " About three o'clock this evening, the Half-King came to town. I went up and invited him, with Davidson, privately, to my tent, and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant, and of his reception there ; also, to give me an account of the ways and distance. He told me that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, by reason of many large, miry savannas ; that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near fort in less than five or six night's sleep, good travelling. When he went to the fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by the late commander, who asked him very abruptly what he had come about, and to declare his business, which he said he did in the following speech : " ' Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches, what your own mouths have declared. Fathers, you, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace 132 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES, [1753. and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another ; and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with ; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others. " ' Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. " ' Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may dispatch to that place ; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and not yours. " ' Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the English, we would not have been against your trading with us as they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. " ' Fathers, both you and the English are white, we live in a country between ; therefore, the land be- longs to neither one nor the other. But the Great Being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us ; so, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the English ; for I will keep you at arm's length. I lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. Our brothers, the English, have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you ; for I am not afraid to discharge you off this land.' 2fLT. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 133 " This, he said, was the substance of what he spoke to the general, who made this reply : " ' Now, my child, I have heard your speech ; you spoke first, but it is my time to speak now. Where is my wampum that you took away with the marks of towns on it ? This wampum I do not know, which you have discharged me off the land with ; but you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you. I am not afraid of flies or mus- quitoes, for Indians are such as those ; I tell you down that river I will go, and build upon it, accord- ing to my command. If the river was blocked up, I have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition, together with their alliances ; for my force is as the sand upon the sea shore ; therefore, here is your wampum ; I sling it at you. Child, you talk foolish ; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. I saw that land sooner than you did ; before the Shannoahs and you were at war. Lead was the man who went down and took possession of that river. It is my land, and I will have it, let who will stand up for, or say against it. I will buy and sell with the English (mockingly.) If people will be ruled by me, they may expect kindness, but not else.' " The Half-King told me he had inquired of the general after two Englishmen who were made pri- soners, and received this answer : " ' Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made prisoners of those two people at Venango. Don't you concern yourself with it ; we took and carried them to Canada, to get intelligence of what the English were doing in Virginia.' " He informed me that they had built two forts, one on Lake Erie, and another on French Creek, near 134 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. a small lake, about fifteen miles asunder, and a large wagon-road between. They are both built after the same model, but different in size ; that on the lake the largest. He gave me a plan of them of his own drawing. " The Indians inquired very particularly after their brothers in Carolina gaol. " They also asked what sort of a boy it was who was taken from the South Branch ; for they were told by some Indians that a party of French Indians had carried a white boy by Kuskuska Town, towards the lakes. " 26th. We met in council at the long-house about nine o'clock, where I spoke to them as follows : " ' Brothers, I have called you together in council, by order of your brother, the Governor of Virginia, to acquaint you that I am sent with all possible dis- patch to visit and deliver a letter to the French com- mandant, of very great importance to your brothers the English ; and I dare say to you, their friends and allies. " ' I was desired, brothers, by your brother, the Governor, to call upon you, the sachems of the na- tions, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best road to the French. You see, brothers, I have gotten thus far on my journey. " ' His Honour likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way, and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus particularly to you, brothers, because his Honour, our Governor, treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give you this string of wampum.' jET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 135 " After they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the Half-King got up and spoke : " ' Now, my brother, in regard to what my bro- ther the Governor had desired of me, I return you this answer : " ' I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers, and one people. We shall put heart in hand and speak to our fathers, the French, concerning the speech they made to me ; and you may depend that we will endeavour to be your guard. " ' Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company to go with you. The French speech-belt is not here ; I have to go for it to my hunting-cabin. Likewise, the people whom I have ordered in are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this ; until which time, brother, I must beg you to stay. " ' I intend to send the guard of Mingoes, Shan- noahs, and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them.' " As I had orders to make all possible dispatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most suitable manner I could, and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay. He was not well pleased that I should offer to go before the time he had appointed, and told me that he could not consent to our going without a guard, for fear some accident should befall us, and draw a reflection upon him. Besides, said he, this is a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered into without due consideration ; for I intend to deliver up the French speech-belt, and make the Shannoahs and Delawares do the same. And accordingly he gave orders to King Shingiss, who was present, to attend 136 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753 on Wednesday night with the wampum ; and two men of their nation to be in readiness to set out with us the next morning. As I found it was impossible to get off without affronting them in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay. " I gave them back a string of wampum which I met with at Mr. Frazier's, and which they sent with a speech to his Honour the Governor, to inform him that three nations of French Indians, namely, Chippewas, Ottowas, and Orundaks, had taken up the hatchet against the English ; and desired them to repeat it over again. But this they postponed doing until they met in full council with the Shannoah and Delaware chiefs. " 27th. Runners were dispatched very early for the Shannoah chiefs. The Half-King set out himself to fetch the French speech-belt from his hunting-cabin. " 28th. He returned this evening, and came with Monacatoocha and two other sachems to my tent, and begged (as they had complied with his Honour the Governor's request, in providing men, &c.) to know on what business we were going to the French. This was a question I had all along expected, and had provided as satisfactory answers as I could ; which allayed their curiosity a little. " Monacatoocha informed me that an Indian from Venango brought news a few days ago that the French had called all the Mingoes, Delawares, &c. together at that place ; and told them that they in- tended to have been down the river this fall, but the waters were growing cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to go into quarters ; but that they might assuredly expect them in the spring with a far greater number; and desired that they might be quite passive, and not intermeddle unless they had a 1. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 137 mind to draw all their force upon them ; for that they expected to fight the English three years (as they sup- posed there would be some attempts made to stop them) , in which time they should conquer. But that if they should prove equally strong, they and the English would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them ; that though they had lost their general and some few of their soldiers, yet there were men enough to reinforce them, and make them mas- ters of the Ohio. " This speech, he said, was delivered to them by one Captain Joncaire, their interp re ter-in- chief, living at Venango, and a man of note in the army. " 29th. The Half-King and Monacatoocha came very early, and begged me to stay one day more ; for notwithstanding they had used all the diligence in their power, the Shannoah chiefs had not brought the wampum they ordered, but would certainly be in to-night ; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as they arrived. When I found them so pressing in their request, and knew that the returning of wampum was the abolish- ing of agreements, and giving this up w r as shaking off all dependence upon the French, I consented to stay, as I believed an offence offered at this crisis might be attended with greater ill consequence than another day's dtlay. They also informed me that Shingiss could not get in his men, and was prevented from coming himself by his wife's sickness (I believe by fear of the French) , but that the wampum of that nation was lodged with Kustalogo, one of their chiefs, at Venango. " In the evening, late, they came again, and ac- quainted me that the Shannoahs w r ere not yet arrived, but that it should not retard the prosecution of our 138 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. journey. He delivered in my hearing the speech that was to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one of their old chiefs, which was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked for, and repeating nearly the same speech he himself had done before. " He also delivered a string of wampum to this chief, which was sent by King Shingiss, to be given to Kustalogo, with orders to repair to the French, and deliver up the wampum. " He likewise gave a very large string of black and white wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the Six Nations, if the French refused to quit the land at this warning, which was the third and last time, and was the right of this Jeskakake to deliver. " 30th. Last night, the great men assembled at their council house, to consult further about this jour- ney, and who were to go ; the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with one of their best hunters, should be our convoy. The reason they gave for not sending more, after what had been pro- posed at council the 26th, was, that a greater number might give the French suspicions of some bad design, and cause them to be treated rudely ; but I rather think they could not get their hunters in. " We set out about nine o'clock with the Half- King, Jeskakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter; and travelled on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without anything remarkable happening but a continued series of bad weather. "This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French Creek, on the Ohio ; and lies near north about sixty miles from the Logstown, but more than seventy the way we were obliged to go. " We found the French colours hoisted at a house from which they had driven Mr. John Frazier, an JET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 139 English subject. I immediately repaired to it, to know where the commander' resided. There were three officers, one of whom, Captain Joncaire, in- formed me that he had the command of the Ohio ; but that there was a general officer at the near fort, where he advised me to apply for an answer. He in- vited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. " The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plenti- fully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a licence to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. " They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G they would do it ; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago ; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto. From the best intelli- gence I could get, there have been fifteen hundred men on this side Ontario Lake. But upon the death of the genera], all were recalled, to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one hundred and fifty, or thereabout, in each. The first of them is on French Creek, near a small lake, about sixty miles from Venango, near north northwest ; the next lies on Lake Erie, where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fifteen miles from the other; from this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying-place, at the Falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small fort, at which they lodge their goods in bring- 140 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. ing them from Montreal, the place from whence all their stores are brought. The next fort lies about twenty miles from this, on Ontario Lake. Between this fort and Montreal, there are three others, the first of which is nearly opposite to the English fort Oswego. From the fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about six hundred miles, which, they say, requires no more (if good weather) than four weeks' voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels, so that they may cross the lake ; but if they come in canoes, it will re- quire five or six weeks, for they are obliged to keep under the shore. " December 5th. Rained excessively all day, which prevented our travelling. Captain Joncaire sent for the Half-King, as he had but just heard that he came with me. He affected to be much concerned that I did not make free to bring them in before. I excused it in the best manner of which I was capable, and told him, I did not think their company agreeable, as I had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of Indians in general ; but another motive prevented me from bring- ing them into his company ; I knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of very great influence among the Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them over to his interest ; therefore I was desirous of giving him no opportunity that could be avoided. " When they came in there was great pleasure ex- pressed at seeing them. He wondered how they could be so near without coining to visit him, made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so fast that they were soon rendered incapable of the business they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given. " 6th. The Half-King came to my tent quite sober, and insisted very much that I should stay and JET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 141 hear what he had to say to the French. I fain would have prevented him from speaking anything until he came to the commandant, but could not prevail. He told me that at this place a council-fire was kindled, where all their business with these people was to be transacted, and that the management of the Indian affairs was left solely to Monsieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this, I agreed to stay ; but sent our horses a little way up French Creek, to raft over and encamp, which I knew would make it near night. " About ten o'clock they met in council. The King spoke much the same as he had before done to the general ; and offered the French speech-belt which had before been demanded, with the marks of four towns on it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to re- ceive, but desired him to carry it to the fort to the commander. " 7th. Monsieur La Force, commissary of the French stores, and three other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We found it extremely difficult to get the Indians off to-day, as every stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me. I had last night left John Davidson (the Indian interpreter), whom I brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their company, as I could not get them over to my tent ; for they had some business with Kustalogo, chiefly to know why he did not deliver up the French speech-belt which he had in keeping ; but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over to-day to fetch them, which he did with great persuasion. " At twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort, and were prevented arriving there until the llth by ex- cessive rains, snows, and bad travelling through many 142 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. mires and swamps ; these we were obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impassable, either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid. "We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and through several extensive and very rich meadows, one of which, I believe, was nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in some places. " 12th. I prepared early to wait upon the com- mander, and was received and conducted to him by the second officer in command. I acquainted him with my business, and offered my commission and letter ; both of which he desired me to keep until the arrival of Monsieur Reparti, captain at the next fort, who was sent for and expected every hour. " This commander is a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command im- mediately upon the death of the late general, and arrived here about seven days before me. " At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when I offered the letter, &c. again, which they received, and adjourned into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who understood a little English. After he had done it, the commander de- sired 'I would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it ; which I did. " 13th. The chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which gave me an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making what observations I could. "It is situated on the south or west fork of French Creek, near the water ; and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it, which form a kind of island. Four houses compose the sides. The has- vET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 143 tions are made of piles driven into the ground, stand- ing more than twelve feet ahove it, and sharp at top, with port-holes cut for cannon, and loop-holes for the small arms to fire through. There are eight six- pounds pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pounds before the gate. In the bastions are a guard-house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the com- mander's private store ; round which are laid plat- forms for the cannon and men to stand on. There are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwellings, covered, some with bark and some with boards made chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c. " I could get no certain account of the number of men here ; but, according to the best judgment I could form, there are a hundred, exclusive of officers, of whom there are many. I also gave orders to the people who were with me to take an exact account of the canoes, which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. This they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and a hundred and seventy of pine ; besides many others, which were blocked out, in readiness for being made. " 14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the care of Barnaby Currin and two others, to make all convenient dispatch to Venango, and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing ; if not, then to continue down to Shanno- pin's Town, at the Fork of the Ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross the Allegany, intending my- self to go down by water, as I had the offer of a canoe or two. " As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' business, and prevent their returning with 144 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. me, I endeavoured all that lay in my power to frus- trate their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their intended design. They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, to the commander and one or two other officers. The Half-King told me that he offered the wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair promises of love and friend- ship ; said he wanted to live in peace, and trade amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send some goods immediately down to the Logstown for them. But I rather think the design of that is to bring away all our straggling traders they meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an officer with them. And what rather confirms this opinion, I was inquiring of the commander by what authority he had made prisoners of several of our English subjects. He told me that the country belonged to them ; that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters ; and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who attempted it on the Ohio, or the waters of it. " I inquired of Captain Reparti about the boy that was carried by this place, as it was done while the command devolved on him, between the death of the late general and the arrival of the present. He acknowledged that a boy had been carried past ; and that the Indians had two or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some of the Indians at Venango, eight,) but pretended to have forgotten the name of the place where the boy came from, and all the particular facts, though he had questioned him for some hours as they were carrying him past. I likewise inquired what they had done with John Trotter and James M'Clocklan, two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with MT. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 145 all their goods. They told me that they had been sent to Canada, but were now returned home. " This evening L received an answer to his Honour the Governor's letter from the commandant. " 15^. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor and provision to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to pre- vent their going until after our departure ; presents, re- wards, and everything which could be suggested by him or his officers. I cannot say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in this affair. I saw that every stratagem which the most fruitful brain could invent was practised to win the Half- King to their interest ; and that leaving him there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went to the Half-King and pressed him in the strongest terms to go ; he told me that the commandant would not discharge him until the morning. I then went to the commandant, and desired him to do their busi- ness, and complained of ill treatment ; for keeping them, as they were part of my company, was detain- ing me. This he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could. He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay ; though I soon found it out. He had pro- mised them a present of guns, if they would wait until the morning. As I was very much pressed by the Indians to wait this day for them, I consented, on a promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning. " 16th. The French were not slack in their in- ventions to keep the Indians this day also. But as they were obliged, according to promise, to give the VOL. II. L 146 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. present, they then endeavoured to try the power of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this ; but I urged and insisted with the King so closely upon his word that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged. "We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. Several times we had liked to have been staved against rocks ; and many times were ob- liged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place, the ice had lodged and made it impassable by water ; we were therefore obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. We did not reach Venango until the 22nd, where we met with our horses. "This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the distance between the fort and Venango cannot be less than one hundred and thirty miles, to follow the meanders. " 23rd. When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the Half-King to know whether he intended to go with us or by water. He told me that White Thun- der had hurt himself much, and was sick and unable to walk ; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I found he intended to stay here a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would em- ploy every scheme to set him against the English, as he had before done, I told him I hoped he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well for anything to engage him in their favour ; and that though he could not go down with us, he yet would endeavour to meet at the Fork with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his Honour the JET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 147 Governor. He told me he would order the Young Hunter to attend us, and get provisions, &c., if wanted. " Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would require), that we doubted much their performing it. Therefore, my- self and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking- dress, and continued with them three days, until I found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable time. The horses became less able to travel every day ; the cold increased very fast ; and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing ; therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his Honour the Governor, I determined to prosecute my journey the nearest way through the woods on foot. " Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, with money and directions to provide necessaries from place to place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient dispatch in travelling. " I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch-coat. Then, with gun in hand and pack on my back, in which were my papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday, the 26th. The day following, just after we had passed a place called Murdering Town (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the country for Shannopin's Town), we fell in with a party of French Indians, who had lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We L2 148 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1753. took this fellow into custody, and kept him till ahout nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the start so far as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our tract as soon as it was light. The next day we continued travelling until quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shannopin's. We expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. The ice, I 'suppose, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities. " There was no way for getting over but on a raft, which we set about with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun-setting. This was a whole day's work ; we next got it launched, then went on board of it and set off ; but before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice in such a manner that we ex- pected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole that it jerked me out into ten feet water ; but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft-logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it. " The cold was so extremely severe that Mr. Gist had all his fingers and some of his toes frozen ; and the water was shut up so hard that we found no diffi- culty in getting off the island on the ice in the morn- ing, and w r ent to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war ; but coming to a place on the head of the Great Kenhawa, where they found seven people killed and ^ET. 21.] ALLEGANY (OFFICIAL.) 149 scalped (all but one woman with very light hair) , they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the mur- der. They report that the bodies were lying about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. By the marks which were left, they say, they were French Indians of the Ottoway nation who did it. " As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of Youghiogany, to visit Queen Ali- quippa, who had expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the better present of the two. " Tuesday, the 1st of January, we left Mr. Frazier's house, arid arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, the 2nd, where I bought a horse and saddle. The 6th, we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the Fork of the Ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. This day we ar- rived at Will's Creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the 1st day of December to the 15th, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly ; and throughout the whole jour- ney we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfort- able lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it. " On the 1 1th, I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take necessary rest, and then set out and ar- rived in Williamsburg the 1 6th, when I waited upon his Honour the Governor, with the letter I had brought from the French commandant, and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to 150 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1760. do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey. '" I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your Honour satisfied with my conduct, for that was my aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution of it." WASHINGTON'S DIARY. (1760.)* [HAVING married in January, 1759, Washington retired to Mount Vernon, and for a period of fifteen years till the beginning of the revolution, devoted his time to the pursuit of agriculture, and to his duties as a member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, of which he was a constant attendant, sustaining in its elevated dignity and worth the character of a country gentleman. The following extracts are from his Diary during the earlier portion of this period.] " January 1st. Visited my plantations, and received an instance of Mr. F.'s great love of money, in dis- appointing me of some pork because the price had risen to twenty-two shillings and sixpence, after he had engaged to let me have it at twenty. Found Mrs. Washington upon my arrival broke out with the measles. " 2nd. Mrs. Barnes, who came to visit Mrs. Wash- ington yesterday, returned home in my chariot, the weather being too bad to travel in an open carriage, which, together with Mrs. Washington's indisposition, confined me to the house, and gave me an opportunity of posting my books and putting them in good order. * Vol. i. p. 109, 111. JST. 28.] DIARY (1760.) 151 " 3rd. Hauled the seine and got some fish, but was near being disappointed of my boat by means of an oysterman, who had lain at my landing, and plagued me a good deal by his disorderly behaviour. " Ath. The weather continued drizzling and warm, and I kept the house all day. Mrs. Washington seeming to be very ill, I wrote to Mr. Green this after- noon, desiring his company to visit her in the morning. " 5th. Mrs. Washington appeared to be something better. Mr. Green, however, came to see her about 1 1 o'clock, and in an hour Mrs. Fairfax arrived. Mr. Green prescribed, and just as we were going to dinner, Captain Walter Stuart appeared with Dr. Laurie. The evening being very cold, and the wind high, Mrs. Fairfax went home in the chariot. " 6th. The chariot not returning time enough from Colonel Fairfax's, we were prevented from going to church. Mrs. Washington was a good deal better to- day ; but the oysterman still continuing his disorderly behaviour at my landing, I was obliged in the most peremptory manner to order him and his company away, which he did not incline to obey till the next morning. " 7th. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett to Alexandria, and engaged a keg of butter of Mr. Kirkpatrick, being quite out of that article. Wrote from thence to Dr. Craik to endeavour if possible to engage me a gardener from the regiment, and returned in the dusk of the evening. " 8th. Directed an indictment to be formed by Mr. Johnston against J. B. for a fraud in some iron he sold me. " 12th. Set out with Mrs. Bassett on her journey to Port Royal. The morning was clear and fine, but soon clouded and threatened much rain or other fall- 152 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1760. ing weather, which is generally the case after a re- markable white frost, as it was to-day. We passed Occoquan without any great difficulty, notwithstand- ing the wind was something high, and lodged at Mr. M'Crae's in Dumfries, sending the horses to the tavern. Here I was informed that Colonel C. was disgusted at my house, and left it because he saw an old negro there resembling his own image. " 16th. I parted with Mr. Gisbourne, leaving Colo- nel Champe's before the family was stirring, and about ten o'clock reached my mother's, where I breakfasted, and then went to Frederick sburg with my brother Samuel, whom I found there. About noon it began snowing, the wind at north-west, but not cold. Was disappointed of seeing my sister Lewis, and getting a few things which I wanted out of the stores. Returned in the evening to my mother's ; all alone with her. " 1 7th. The snow had turned to rain, and occasioned a sleet, the wind at north-east, and the ground covered about an inch and a half with snow ; the rain con- tinued with but little intermission till noon, and then came on a mist which lasted till night. About noon I set out from my mother's, and just at dusk arrived at Dumfries. " 18^.^-Continued my journey home, the mist continuing till noon, when the wind got southerly, and being very warm, occasioned a great thaw. I however found Potomac River quite covered with ice. Dr. Craik at my house. " 28th. Visited my plantation; severely reprimand- ed young Stephens for his indolence, and his father for suffering it. Found the new negro, Cupid, ill of a pleurisy at Dogue, Run quarter, and had him brought home in a cart for better care of him. " 29th. White frost, and wind at south till three ,ET. 28.] DIARY (1760.) 153 o'clock, then north-west, but not very cold ; clear all day. Cupid was extremely ill all this day ; and at night, when I went to bed, I thought him within a few hours of breathing his last. " February 1st. Visited my plantations ; found Foster had been absent from his charge since the 28th ultimo ; left orders for him to come immediately to me upon his return ; reprehended him severely. " 5th. Visited my plantations and found to my great surprise Stephens constant at work. Grig and Lucy nothing better. Passing by my carpenters that were hewing, I found that four of them, viz. George, Tom, Mike, and young Billy, had only hewed one hundred and twenty feet yesterday from ten o'clock. Sat down therefore and observed Tom and Mike, in a less space than thirty minutes, clear the bushes from about a poplar stock, line it ten feet long, and hew each his side twelve inches deep. Then letting them proceed their own way, they spent twenty-five minutes more in getting the cross-cut saw, standing to consider what to do, sawing the stock off in two places, putting it on the blocks for hewing it square and lining it. From this time till they had finished the stock entirely required twenty minutes more, so that in the space of one hour and a quarter, they each of them, from the stump, finished twenty feet of hewing ; from hence it appears very clear that, allowing they work only from sun to sun, and require two hours at breakfast, they ought to yield each his one hundred and twenty-five feet, while the days are at their present length, and more in proportion as they increase. " While this was doing, George and Billy sawed thirty feet of plank, so that it appears that, making the same allowance as before (but not for the time required in piling the stock) , they ought to saw one hundred and 154 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1760. eighty feet of plank. It is to be observed that this hewing and sawing likewise were of poplar ; what may be the difference, therefore, between the working of this wood and other, some future observations must make known. " IQth. Ordered all the men from the different quar- ters to assemble at Williamson's quarter in the morn- ing to move Petit's house. " llth. Went out early myself and continued with my people till one o'clock, in which time we got the house about two hundred and fifty yards ; was informed then that Mr. Digges was at my house, upon which I returned, finding him and Dr. Laurie there. The ground being soft and deep, we found it no easy mat- ter, with twenty hands, eight horses, and six oxen, to get this house along. Exceeding clear and fine ; wind northwardly. " 12th. A small frost happening last night to crust the ground, caused the house to move much lighter, and by nine o'clock it was got to the spot on which it was intended to stand. " \4th. Mr. Clifton came here, and we conditioned for his land, namely, if he is not bound by some prior engagement, I am to have all his land in the Neck (five hundred acres about his house excepted) and the land commonly called Brent's for one thou- sand six hundred pounds currency, he getting Messrs. Digges to join in making me a good and sufficient title. But note, I am not bound to ratify this bargain unless Colonel Carlyle will let me have his land adjoining Brent's at half a pistole an acre. " 1 5th. Went to a ball at Alexandria, where music and dancing were the chief entertainment ; however, in a convenient room detached for the purpose, abounded great plenty of bread and butter, some bis- JET. 28.] DIARY (1760.) 155 cults, with tea and coffee, which the drinkers of could not distinguish from hot water sweetened. Be it re- membered that pocket-handkerchiefs served the pur- poses of table-cloths and napkins, and that no apo- logies were made for either. I shall therefore distin- guish this ball by the style and title of the bread and butter ball. The proprietors of this ball were, Messrs. Carlyle, Laurie, and Robert Wilson ; but the Doctor, not getting it conducted agreeably to his own taste, would claim no share of the merit of it. " 2lst. Visited at Mr. Clifton's, and rode over his lands, but in an especial manner viewed that tract called Brent's, which pleased me exceedingly at the the price he offered it at, viz. half a pistole an acre, provided Colonel Carlyle's three hundred acres just below it could be annexed at the same price ; and this but a few months ago he offered it at, but now seem- ing to set a higher value upon it, and at the same time putting on an air of indifference, induced me to make Clifton another offer for his land, viz. one thousand seven hundred pounds currency for all his lands in the Neck, including his own plantation, which offer he readily accepted, upon condition of getting his wife to acknowledge her right of dower to it ; and of his suc- cess in this he was to inform me in a few days. " 22nd. Waited on Lord Fairfax at Belvoir, and en- gaged him to dine at Mount Vernon on Monday next. " 26th. Made an absolute agreement with Mr. Clif- ton for his land (so far as depended upon him) on the following terms, to wit, I am to give him one thou- sand one hundred and fifty pounds sterling for his Neck lands, containing one thousand eight hundred and six acres, and to allow him the use of this planta- tion he lives on till fall twelve months. He on his part is to procure the gentlemen of Maryland, to whom 156 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1760. his lands are under mortgage, to join in a conveyance, and is to put me in possession of the land so soon as this can be done ; he is not to cut down any timber, nor clear any ground, nor to use more wood than shall be absolutely necessary for fences and firing ; neither is he to assent to any alterations of tenants, or transferring of leases ; but on the contrary, is to dis- courage every practice that has a tendency to lessen the value of the land. N.B. He is also to bring Mr. Mercer's opinion concerning the validity of a private sale made by himself. Bottled thirty-five dozen of cider ; the weather very warm and cloudy, with some rain last night. " 29th. A very great circle round the moon. " March 2nd. Mr. Clifton came here to-day, and under pretence of his wife's not consenting to acknow- ledge her right of dower, wanted to disengage himself from the bargain he had made with me for his land, on the 26th past. " 6th. Fitted a two-eyed plough, instead of a duck- bill plough, and with much difficulty made my chariot wheel horses plough. " 7th. Put the pole-end horses into the plough in the morning, and put in the postilion and hind horse in the afternoon, but the ground being well swarded over, and very heavy ploughing, I repented putting them in at all, for fear it should give them a habit of stopping in the chariot. " llth. Visited at Colonel Fairfax's; and was in- formed that Clifton had sold his land to Mr. Mason for one thousand two hundred pounds sterling, which fully unravelled his conduct on the 2nd instant. " 13th. Mulatto Jack returned home with the mares he was sent for ; but so poor were they, and so much abused had they been by my rascally overseer, that ^T. 28.] DIARY (1760.) 157 they were scarce able to go, much less to assist in the business of the plantations. " 14th. Mr. Carlyle and his wife still remained here. We talked a good deal of a scheme of setting up iron works on Colonel Fairfax's land on Shenandoah. Mr. Chapman, who was proposed as a partner, being a perfect judge of these matters, was to go up and view the conveniences and determine the scheme. " \7tJi. Went to my mill and took a view of the ruins which the fresh had caused ; determined, how- ever, to repair it with all expedition, and accord- ingly set my carpenters to making wheel and hand barrows. " 1 8th. Went to the court, partly on my own private business, and partly on Clifton's affair ; but, the com- missioners not meeting, nothing was done in regard to the latter. Much discourse happened between him and me concerning his ungenerous treatment of me ; the whole turning to little account, it is not worth re- citing here ; the result of which was, that for fifty pounds more than Mr. Mason offered him, he under- took, if possible, to disengage himself from that gen- tleman, and to let me have his land. I did not think myself restrained by any rules of honour and conscience from making him this offer, as his lands were first en- gaged to me by the most solemn assurance that any man could give. " 19th. Peter (my smith) and I, after several efforts to make a plough after a new model, partly of my own contriving, were fain to give it over, at least for the present. " 26th. Spent the greatest part of the day in making a new plough of my own invention. " April 4th. Apprehending the herrings were come, 158 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1760. hauled the seine, but caught only a few of them, though a good many of other sorts of fish. " 8th. Seven o'clock, a messenger came to inform me that my mill was in great danger of being de- stroyed. I immediately hurried off all hands with shovels, &c. to its assistance, and got there myself just time enough to give it a reprieve for this time, by wheeling gravel into the place which the water had washed. While I was there, a very heavy thunder- shower came on, which lasted upwards of an hour. I tried what time the mill required to grind a bushel of corn, and to my surprise found it was within five minutes of an hour. Old Anthony attributed this to the low head of water, but whether it was so or not I cannot say. The works are all decayed and out of order, which I rather take to be the cause. This bushel of corn, when ground, measured near a peck more of meal. " May 4th. Warm and fine ; set out for Frederic to see my negroes that lay ill of the smallpox. Took Church in my way to Coleman's, where I arrived about sun-setting. " 5th. Reached Mr. Stephenson's, in Frederic, about four o'clock, just time enough to see Richard Mounts interred. Here I was informed that Harry and Kit, the two first of my negroes that took the small- pox, were dead ; and Roger and Philips, the only two down with it, were recovering. Lodged at Mr. Ste- phenson's. " 7th. After taking the doctor's directions in regard to my people, I set out for my quarters, and got there about twelve o'clock, time enough to go over them and find everything in the utmost confusion, disorder, and backwardness, my overseer lying upon his back JET. 28.] DIARY (1760.) 159 with a broken leg, and not half a crop, especially of corn-ground, prepared. Engaged Valentine Crawford to go in pursuit of a nurse, to be ready in case more of my people should be seized with the same disorder. " 8th. Got blankets and every other requisite from Winchester, and settled things upon the best footing I could to prevent the smallpox from spreading, and, in case of its spreading, for the care of the negroes, Mr. Crawford agreeing, in case any more of the people at the lower quarter should take it, to remove them home to his house, and if any of those at the upper quarter should get it, to have them removed into my room, and the nurse sent for. " 17 th. Began weeding my trefoil below the hill. Got an account that the Assembly was to meet on Monday ; resolved to set out to-morrow. " 18th. Set out in company with Mr. George John- ston ; at Colchester was informed by Colonels Thorn- ton and Chissel that the Assembly would be broken up before I could get down ; turned back, therefore, and found at my house Colonel Fairfax and his family. The lightning, which had been attended with a good deal of rain, had struck my quarter, and about ten negroes in it ; some very badly injured, but with letting blood they recovered." WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE OHIO RIVER. (1770.)* [THE claims of officers and soldiers to lands granted by Governor Dinwiddie as a reward for their services at the beginning of the French war, met with con- * Vol. i. p. 121. 160 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. siderable obstacles for a long time, first from the ministry in England, and next from the authorities in Virginia. By Colonel Washington's unwearied ex- ertions, however, and by these alone, and mostly at his own expense, the matter was at last adjusted. Nor did he remit his efforts till every officer and private soldier had received his due proportion. Having resolved personally to visit the lands in question, and select for the surveys such tracts as would have an intrinsic value, both in regard to their location and quality, accompanied by his friend Dr. Craik, who had been his companion in arms at the battles of the Great Meadows and of the Mononga- hela, he performed a tour of nine weeks for this purpose.] "October 5th. Began a journey to the Ohio in com- pany with Dr. Craik, his servant, and two of mine, with a led horse and baggage. Dined at Towlston, and lodged at Leesburg, distant from Mount Vernon about forty-five miles. Here my portmanteau horse failed. " 6^. Fed our horses on the top of the Ridge, and arrived at my brother Samuel's, on Worthington's Marsh, a little after they had dined, the distance being about thirty miles ; from hence I dispatched a messenger to Colonel Stephen, apprising him of my arrival and intended journey. " 7th. My portmanteau horse being unable to pro- ceed, I left him at my brother's and got one of his, and proceeded to Samuel Pritchard's on Cacapehon. Pritchard's is a pretty good house, there being fine pasturage, good fences, and beds tolerably clean. " Sth. My servant being unable to travel, I left him at Pritchard's with Dr. Craik, and proceeded myself with Valentine Crawford to Colonel Cresap's, in order ^ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 161 to learn from him (being just arrived from England) the particulars of the grant said to be lately sold to Walpole and others, for a certain tract of country on the Ohio. The distance from Pritchard's to Cresap's, according to computation, is twenty-six miles. " 9th. Went up to Rumney in order to buy work- horses, and met Dr. Craik and my baggage ; arrived there about twelve o'clock. " IQth. Having purchased two horses, and re- covered another which had been gone from me near three years, I dispatched my boy Silas, with my two riding-horses, home, and proceeded on my journey, arriving at one Wise's (now Turner's) mill, about twenty-two miles, it being reckoned seven to the place where Cox's Fort formerly stood ; ten to one Parker's ; and five afterwards. " 1 Ith. The morning being wet and heavy we did not set off till eleven o'clock, and arrived that night at one Killam's, on a branch of George's Creek, distant ten and a half measured miles from the north branch of the Potomac, where we crossed at the lower end of my deceased brother Augustine's land, known by the name of Pendergrass's. This crossing is two miles from the aforesaid mill, and the road bad, as it like- wise is to Killam's, the country being very hilly and stony. From Killam's to Fort Cumberland is the same distance that it is to the crossing above men- tioned, and the road from thence to Jolliff's by the Old Town much better. " 12th. We left Killam's early in the morning ; breakfasted at the Little Meadows, ten miles oif, and lodged at the Great Crossing twenty miles further ; which we found a tolerably good day's work. The country we travelled over to-day was very mountainous VOL. II. M 162 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. and stony, with but very little good land, and that lying in spots. " 13th. Set out about sunrise; breakfasted at the Great Meadows thirteen miles, and reached Captain Crawford's about five o'clock. The land from Gist's to Crawford's is very broken, though not mountainous; in spots exceedingly rich, and in general free from stones. Crawford's is very fine land ; lying on the Youghiogany at a place commonly called Stewart's Crossing. " 14th. At Captain Crawford's all day. Went to see a coal-mine not far from his house on the banks of the river. The coal seemed to be of the very best kind, burning freely, and abundance of it. " \5th. Went to view some land which Captain Crawford had taken up for me near the Youghiogany, distant about twelve miles. This tract, which con- tains about one thousand six hundred acres, includes some as fine land as ever I saw, and a great deal of rich meadow. It is well watered, and has a valuable mill-seat, except that the stream is rather too slight, and it is said, not constant more than seven or eight months in the year ; but on account of the fall, and other conveniences, no place can exceed it. In going to this land I passed through two other tracts, which Captain Crawford had taken up for my brothers Samuel and John. I intended to have visited the land which Crawford had procured for Lund Wash- ington, this day also, but time falling short I was obliged to postpone it. Night came on before I got back to Crawford's, where I found Colonel Ste- phen. The lands which I passed over to-day were generally hilly, and the growth chiefly white oak, but very good notwithstanding ; and what is extraordinary, ^ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 163 and contrary to the property of all other lands I ever saw before, the hills are the richest land, the soil upon the sides and summits of them being as black as a coal, and the growth walnut and cherry. The flats are not so rich, and a good deal more mixed with stone. " 1 6th. At Captain Crawford's till the evening, when I went to Mr. John Stephenson's, on my way to Pitts- burg, and lodged. This day I was visited by one Mr. Ennis, who had travelled down the Little Ken- hawa, almost from the head to the mouth, on which, he says, the lands are broken, the bottoms neither very wide nor rich, but covered with beach. At the mouth the lands are good, and continue so up the river. About Wheeling and Fisher's Creek there is, according to his account, a body of fine land. I also saw a son of Captain John Harden's, who said he had been from the mouth of Little Kenhawa to the Big ; but his description of the lands seemed to be so vague and indeterminate that it was much doubted whether he ever was there or not. " 17 th. Dr. Craik and myself, with Captain Craw- ford and others, arrived at Fort Pitt, distant from the Crossing forty-three and a half measured miles. In riding this distance we passed over a great deal of ex- ceedingly fine land, chiefly white-oak, especially from Sewickly Creek to Turtle Creek, but the whole broken, resembling, as I think all the lands in this country do, the Loudoun lands. We lodged in what is called the town, distant about three hundred yards from the fort, at one Mr. Semple's, who keeps a very good house of public entertainment. The houses, which are built of logs and ranged in streets, are on the Mononga- hela, and I suppose may be about twenty in number, and inhabited by Indian traders. The fort is built on the point between the rivers Allegany and Mononga- M 2 164 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1799. hela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It is five-sided and regular, two of which near the land are of brick ; the others stockade. A moat encompasses it. The garrison consists of two com- panies of Royal Irish, commanded by Captain Ed- mondson. "18^. Dined in the fort with Colonel Croghan and the officers of the garrison ; supped there also, meeting with great civility from the gentlemen, and engaged to dine with Colonel Croghan the next day at his seat, about four miles up the Allegany. " 19A. Received a message from Colonel Croghan that the White Mingo and other chiefs of the Six Nations had something to say to me, and desiring that I would be at his house about eleven, where they were to meet. I went up and received a speech with a string of wampum from the White Mingo, to the following effect : " ' That as I was a person whom some of them re- member to have seen when I was sent on an embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of, they were come to bid me welcome to this country, and to desire that the people of Virginia would consider them as friends and brothers, linked together in one chain ; that I would inform the governor that it was their wish to live in peace and harmony with the white people, and that though there had been some unhappy differences between them and the people upon our frontiers, they were all made up and, they hoped, forgotten, and concluded with saying, that their brothers of Virginia did not come among them and trade as the inhabitants of the other provinces did, from whence they were afraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an eye as they could wish.' JET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 165 " To this I answered, after thanking them for their friendly welcome, ' that all the injuries and affronts that had passed on either side were now totally for- gotten, and that I was sure nothing was more wished and desired by the people of Virginia than to live in the strictest friendship with them ; that the Virginians were a people not so much engaged in trade as the Pennsylvanians, which was the reason of their not being so frequently among them ; but that it was pos- sible they might for the time to come have stricter connexions with them, and that I would acquaint the government with their desires.' " After dining at Colonel Croghan's we returned to Pittsburg, Colonel Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part of the way down the river, having engaged an Indian called the Pheasant, and one Joseph Nicholson, an interpreter, to attend us the whole voyage ; also a young Indian warrior. " 20th. We embarked in a large canoe, with suffi- cient store of provision and necessaries, and the fol- lowing persons, besides Dr. Craik and myself, to wit, Captain Crawford, Joseph Nicholson, Robert Bell, William Harrison, Charles Morgan, and Daniel Ren- don, a boy of Captain Crawford's, and the Indians, who were in a canoe by themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our horses and boys back to Captain Craw- ford's, with orders to meet us there again on the 14th day of November. Colonel Croghan, Lieutenant Hamilton, and Mr. Magee, set out with us. At two we dined at Mr. Magee's, and encamped ten miles below, and four above Logstown. We passed several large islands, which appeared to be very good, as the bottoms also did on each side of the river alternately, the hills on one side being opposite to the bottoms 166 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. on the other, which seem generally to be about three or four hundred yards wide, and so vice versa. 11 2lst. Left our encampment about six o'clock, and breakfasted at Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Croghan and company about nine o'clock. At eleven we came to the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, opposite to which is a good situation for a house, and above it, on the same side, that is, the west, there ap- pears to be a body of fine land. About five miles lower down, on the east side, comes in Raccoon Creek, at the mouth of which, and up, it appears to be a body of good land also. All the land between this creek and the Monongahela, and for fifteen miles back, is claimed by Colonel Croghan under a pur- chase from the Indians, which sale he says is con- firmed by his Majesty. On this creek, w r here the branches thereof interlock with the waters of Shurtees Creek, there is, according to Colonel Croghan's ac- count, a body of fine, rich, level land. This tract he wants to sell, and offers it at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, with an exemption of quitrents for twenty years ; after which, to be subject to the pay- ment of four shillings and two-pence sterling per hun- dred acres, provided he can sell it in ten-thousand- acre lots. At present, the unsettled state of this country renders any purchase dangerous. From Raccoon Creek to Little Beaver Creek appears to me to be little short of ten miles, and about three miles below this we encamped, after hiding a barrel of bis- cuit in an island to lighten our canoe. " 22nd. As it began to snow about midnight, and continued pretty steadily, it was about half after seven before we left our encampment. At the dis- tance of about eight miles we came to the mouth of JET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 167 Yellow Creek, opposite to, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good land, and the ascent to the hills apparently gradual. There is another pretty large bottom of very good land about two or three miles above this. About eleven or twelve miles from this, and just above what is called the Long Island (which, though so distinguished, is not very remarkable for length, breadth, or goodness), comes in, on the east side of the river, a small creek, or run, the name of which I could not learn ; and a mile or two below the island, on the west side, comes in Big Stony Creek (not larger in appearance than the other), on neither of which does there seem to be any large bottoms or bodies of good land. About seven miles from the last-mentioned creek, twenty-eight from our last encampment, and about seventy-five from Pittsburg, we came to the Mingo Town, situate on the west side of the river, a little above the Cross Creeks. This place contains about twenty cabins, and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. Had we set off early, and kept constantly at it, we might have reached lower than this place to-day, as the water in many places ran pretty swift, in general more so than yesterday. The river from Fort Pitt to Logstown has some ugly rifts and shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to pass, whether from our inexperience of the channel or not I cannot undertake to say. From Logstown to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek is much the same kind of w r ater, that is, rapid in some places, gliding gently along in others, and quite still in many. The water from Little Beaver Creek to the Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceding day, and without any shallows, there being some one part or another always deep, which is a natural consequence, as the river in all the distance 168 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. from Fort Pitt to this town has not widened at all, nor do the bottoms appear to be any larger. The hills, which come close to the river opposite to each bottom, are steep, and on the side in view, in many places rocky and cragged, but said to abound in good land on the tops. These are not a range of hills, but broken and cut in two, as if there were fre- quent watercourses running through, which, however, we did not perceive to be the case. The river abounds in wild geese, and several kinds of ducks, but in no great quantity. We killed five wild turkeys to-day. Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town we received the disagreeable news of two traders being killed at a town called the Grape-Vine Town, thirty-eight miles below this, which caused us to hesitate whether we should proceed or wait for further intelligence. " 23rd. Several imperfect accounts coming in, agreeing that only one person was killed, and the Indians not supposing it to be done by their people, we resolved to pursue our passage till we could get a more distinct account of this transaction. Accordingly, about two o'clock we set out with the two Indians who were to accompany us in our canoe, and after about four miles, came to the mouth of a creek on the east side. The Cross Creeks, as they are called, are not large, that on the west side is biggest. At the Mingo Town we found and left more than sixty warriors of the Six Nations going to the Cherokee country to proceed to war against the Catawbas. About ten miles below the town we came to two other cross creeks ; that on the west side is the larger, and called by Nicholson, French Creek. About three miles, or a little more below this, at the lower point of some islands which stand contiguous to each other, we were told by the Indians that three men from Vir- MT. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 169 ginia had marked the land from hence all the way to Red-stone, that there was a body of exceedingly fine land lying about this place, and up opposite to the Mingo Town, as also down to the mouth of Fishing Creek. At this place we encamped. " 24th. We left our encampment before sunrise, and about six miles below it we came to the mouth of a small creek, coming in from the eastward, called by the Indians, Split-Island Creek, from its running in against an island. On this creek there is the appear- ance of good land. Six miles below this again we came to another creek on the west side, called by Nicholson, Wheeling ; and about a mile lower down appears to be another small water coming in on the east side, which I remark, because of the scarcity of them, and to shew how badly furnished this country is with mill-seats. Two or three miles below this is another run on the west side, up which is a near way by land to the Mingo Town ; and about four miles lower comes in another on the east, at which place is a path leading to the settlement at Red-stone. About a mile and a half below this comes in the Pipe Creek, so called by the Indians, from a stone which is found here, out of which they make pipes. Opposite to this, that is, on the east side, is a. bottom of ex- ceedingly rich land ; but as it seems to lie low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowed. This bottom ends where the effects of a hurricane appear, by the destruction and havoc among the trees. Two or three miles below the Pipe Creek is a pretty large creek on the west side, called by Nicholson, Fox- Grape-Vine, by others, Captema Creek, on which, eight miles up, is the town called the Grape-Vine Town, and at the mouth of it is the place where it was said the trader was killed. To this place we came about 170 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. three o'clock in the afternoon, and finding nobody there, we agreed to encamp, that Nicholson and one of the Indians might go up to the town, and inquire into the truth of the report concerning the murder. " 25^. About seven o'clock, Nicholson and the Indian returned ; they found nobody at the town but two old Indian women (the men being a hunting) ; from these they learned that the trader was not mur- dered, but drowned in attempting to cross the Ohio ; and that only one boy belonging to the traders was in these parts, the trader, his father, being gone for horses to take home their skins. About half an hour after seven we set out from our encampment, around which, and up the creek, is a body of fine land. In our passage down to this place we saw innumerable quantities of turkeys, and many deer watering and browsing on the shore-side, some of which we killed. Neither yesterday nor the day before did we pass any rifts, or very rapid water, the river gliding gently along ; nor did we perceive any alteration in the general face of the country, except that the bottoms seemed to be getting a little longer and wider as the bends of the river grew larger. " About five miles from the Vine Creek comes in a very large creek to the eastward, called by the Indians, Cut Creek, from a town or tribe of Indians, which they say was cut off entirely in a very bloody battle between them and the Six Nations. This creek empties just at the lower end of an island, and is seventy or eighty yards wide; and I fancy it is the creek commonly called Wheeling by the people of Red-stone. It extends, according to the Indians' account, a great way, and interlocks with the branches of Split-Island Creek, abounding in very fine bottoms, and exceeding good land. Just below this, on the JET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 171 west side, comes in a small run ; and about five miles below it, on the west side also, another creek empties, called by the Indians, Broken-Timber Creek ; so named from the timber that is destroyed on it by a hurricane ; on the head of this was a town of the Delawares, which is now deserted. Two miles lower down, on the same side, is another creek, smaller than the last, and bearing, according to the Indians, the same name. Opposite to these two creeks, on the east side, appears to be a large bottom of good land. About two miles below the last-mentioned creek, on the east side, and at the end of the bottom aforemen- tioned, comes in a small creek. Seven miles from this is Muddy Creek, on the east side of the river, a pretty large creek, which heads with some of the waters of Monongahela, according to the Indians' account, and is bordered by some bottoms of very good land ; but in general the hills are steep, and the country broken. At the mouth of this creek is the largest flat I have seen upon the river, the bottom extending two or three miles up the river above it, and a mile below, though it does not seem to be of the richest kind. About half way in the Long Reach we encamped, opposite to the beginning of a large bottom on the east side of the river. At this place we threw out some lines at night, and found a catfish, of the size of our largest river catfish, hooked to one of them in the morning, though it was of the smallest kind here. We found no rifts in this day's passage, but pretty swift water in some places, and still in others. We found the bottoms increased in size, both as to length and breadth, and the river more choked up with fallen trees, and the bottom of the river next the shores rather more muddy, but in general stony, as it has been all the way down. 172 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. " 26th. Left our encampment at half an hour after six o'clock, and passed a small run on the west side, about four miles lower. At the lower end of the Long Reach, and for some distance up it on the east side, is a large bottom, but low, and covered with beech near the river shore, which is no indication of good land. The Long Reach is a straight course of the river for about eighteen or twenty miles, which ap- pears the more extraordinary, as the Ohio in general is remarkably crooked. There are several islands in this reach, some containing an hundred or more acres of land, but all, I apprehend, liable to be overflowed. " At the end of this reach we found Martin and Lindsay, two traders, and from them learned that the person drowned was one Philips . attempting, in com- pany with Rogers, another Indian trader, to swim the river with their horses at an improper place, Rogers himself narrowly escaping. Five miles lower down comes in a large creek from the east, right against an island of good land, at least a mile or two in length. At the mouth of this creek (the name of which I could not learn, except that it was called by some Ball's Creek, from one Ball, that hunted on it) is a bottom of good land, though rather too much mixed with beech. Opposite to this island the Indians shewed us a buffalo's path, the tracks of which we saw. Five or six miles below the last-mentioned creek we came to the Three Islands. Below these islands is a large body of flat land, with a watercourse running through it on the east side, and the hills back neither so high nor steep in appearance as they are up the river. On the other hand, the bottoms do not appear so rich, though much longer and wider. The bottom last mentioned is upon a straight reach of the river, I suppose six or eight miles in length. About twelve JET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 173 miles below the Three Islands we encamped, just above the mouth of the creek, which appears pretty large at the mouth, and just above an island. All the lands from a little below the creek, which I have dis- tinguished by the name of Ball's Creek, appear to be level, with some small hillocks intermixed, as far as we could see into the country. We met with no rifts to-day, but some pretty strong water, upon the whole tolerably gentle. The sides of the river were a good deal incommoded with old trees, which impeded our passage a little. This day proved clear and pleasant ; the only day since the 18th that it has not rained or snowed, or threatened the one or other. "27th. Left our encampment a quarter before seven; and after passing the creek near which we lay, and another of much the same size and on the same side, also an island about two miles in length, but not wide, we came to the mouth of Muskingum, distant from our encampment about four miles. This river is about one hundred and fifty yards wide at the mouth ; it runs out in a gentle current and clear stream, and is navigable a great way into the country for canoes. From Muskingum to the Little Kenhawa is about thirteen miles. This is about as wide at the mouth as the Muskingum, but the water much deeper. It runs up towards the inhabitants of Monongahela, and, according to the Indians' account, forks about forty or fifty miles from the mouth, and the ridge between the two prongs leads directly to the settlement. To this fork, and above, the water is navigable for canoes. On the upper side of this river there appears to be a bottom of exceedingly rich land, and the country from hence quite up to the Three Islands level, and in ap- pearance fine. The Ohio running round it in the form of a horse-shoe forms a neck of flat land, which, 174 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. added to that running up the second Long Reach aforementioned, cannot contain less than fifty thou- sand acres in view. " About six or seven miles below the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, we came to a small creek on the west side, which the Indians called Little Hockhocking ; but before we did this, we passed another small creek on the same side, near the mouth of that river, and a cluster of islands afterwards. The lands for two or three miles below the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, on both sides of the Ohio, appear broken and indifferent; but opposite to the Little Hockhocking there is a bottom of good land, through which there runs a small watercourse. I suppose there may be, of this bottom and flat land together, two or three thousand acres. The lower end of this bottom is opposite to a small island, of which I dare say little is to be seen when the river is high. About eight miles below Little Hockhocking we encamped, opposite to the mouth of the Great Hockhocking, which, though so called, is not a large water ; though the Indians say canoes can go up it forty or fifty miles. Since we left the Little Kenhawa the lands appear neither so level nor so good. The bends of the river and bottoms are longer, but not so rich as in the upper part of the river. " 28th. Left our encampment about seven o'clock. Two miles below a small run comes in on the east side, through a piece of land that has a very good appear- ance, the bottom beginning above our encampment, and continuing in appearance wide for four miles down, where we found Kiashuta and his hunting party encamped. Here we were under a necessity of pay- ing our compliments, as this person was one of the Six Nation chiefs, and the head of those upon this MT. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 175 river. In the person of Kiashuta I found an old ac- quaintance, he being one of the Indians that went with me to the French in 1753. He expressed a satis- faction at seeing me, and treated us with great kind- ness, giving us a quarter of a very fine buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that night with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible, moved his camp down the river, just below the mouth of a creek, the name of which I could not learn. At this place we all encamped. After much counselling over night, they all came to my fire the next morning with great formality, when Kiashuta, rehearsing what had passed between me and the sachems at Colonel Croghan's, thanked me for saying that peace and friendship with them were the wish of the people of Virginia, and for recommending it to the traders to deal with them upon a fair and equitable footing ; and then again ex- pressed their desire of having a trade opened with Virginia, and that the governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but with their friendly disposition towards the white people. This I promised to do. " 29th. The tedious ceremony which the Indians observe in their counsellings and speeches detained us till nine o'clock. Opposite to the creek, just below which we encamped, is a pretty long bottom, and I believe tolerably wide ; but about eight or nine miles below the aforementioned creek, and just below a pavement of rocks on the west side, comes in a creek with fallen timber at the mouth, on which the Indians say there are wide bottoms and good land. The river bottoms above for some distance are very good, and continue so for near half a mile below the creek. The pavement of rocks is only to be seen at low water. About a mile below the mouth of the creek there is 176 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. another pavement of rocks on the east side, in a kind of sedgy ground. On this creek are many buffaloes, according to the Indians' account. Six miles below this comes in a small creek on the west side, at the end of a small naked island, and just above another pavement of rocks. This creek comes through a bottom of fine land, and opposite to it, on the east side of the river, appears to be a large bottom of very fine land also. At this place begins what they call the Great Bend. Two miles below, on the east side, comes in another creek, just below an island, on the upper point of which are some dead standing trees, and a parcel of white-bodied sycamores ; in the mouth of this creek lies a sycamore blown down by the wind. From hence an east line may be run three or four miles ; thence a north line, till it strikes the river, which I apprehend would include about three or four thousand acres of valuable land. At the mouth of this creek is the warriors' path to the Cherokee country. For two miles and a half below this the Ohio runs a north-east course, and finishes what they call the Great Bend. Two miles and a half below this we encamped. " 30th. -We set out about fifty minutes past seven, the weather being windy and cloudy, after a night of rain. After about two miles we came to the head of a bottom in the shape of a horse-shoe, which I judge to be about six miles round ; the beginning of the bottom appeared to be very good land, but the lower part did not seem so friendly. The upper part of the bottom we encamped on was exceeding good, but the lower part, rather thin land covered with beech. In it is some clear meadow land, and a pond or lake. This bottom begins just below the rapid, at the point of the Great Bend. The river from this place nar- ,ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. ] 77 rows very considerably, and for five or six miles is scarcely more than one hundred and fifty or two hun- dred yards over. The water yesterday, except the rapid at the Great Bend, and some swift places about the islands, was quite dead, and as easily passed one way as the other ; the land in general appeared level and good. " About ten miles below our encampment, and a little lower down than the bottom, described to lie in the shape of a horse-shoe, comes in a small creek on the west side, and opposite to this, on the east, begins a body of flat land, which the Indians tell us runs quite across the fork to the falls in the Kenhawa, and must at least be three days' walk across ; if so, the flat land contained therein must be very consider- able. A mile or two below this we landed, and after getting a little distance from the river, we came, without any rising, to a pretty lively kind of land, grown up with hickory and oaks of different kinds, intermixed with "walnut. We also found many shallow ponds, the%sides of which, abounding with grass, invited innumerable quantities of wild fowl, among which I saw a couple of birds, in size between a swan and a goose, and in colour somewhat between the two, being darker than the young swan, and of a more sooty colour. The cry of these birds was as unusual as the birds themselves ; I never heard any noise resembling it before. About five miles below this, we encamped in a bottom of good land, which holds tolerably flat and rich for some distance out. " 3\st. I sent the canoe down about five miles to the junction of the two rivers, that is, the Kenhawa with the Ohio, and set out upon a hunting party to view the land. We steered nearly east for about eight or nine miles, then bore southwardly and westwardly, VOL. II. N 178 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. till we came to our camp at the confluence of the rivers. The land from the rivers appeared but indif- ferent, and very broken ; whether these ridges may not be those that divide the waters of the Ohio from the Kenhawa is not certain, but I believe they are ; if so, the lands may yet be good ; if not, that which lies beyond the river bottoms is worth little. " November 1st. Before eight o'clock, we set off with our canoe up the river, to discover what kind of lands lay upon the Kenhawa. The land on both sides this river just at the mouth is very fine ; but on the east side, when you get towards the hills, which I judge to be about six or seven hundred yards from the river, it appears to be wet, and better adapted for meado\v than tillage. This bottom continues up the east side for about two miles ; and by going up the Ohio a good tract might be got of bottom land, including the old Shawnee Town, which is about three miles up the Ohio, just above the mouth of a creek. We judged we went up the Kenhawa about ten miles to-day. On the east side appear to be some good bottoms, but small, neither long nor wide, and the hills back of them rather steep and poor. 2nd. We proceeded up the river with the canoe about four miles farther, and then encamped, and went a hunting; killed five buffaloes and wounded some others, three deer, &c. This country abounds in buffaloes and wild game of all kinds ; as also in all kinds of wild fowl, there being in the bottoms a great many small, grassy ponds, or lakes, which are full of swans, geese, and ducks of different kinds. Some of our people went up the river four or five miles higher, and found the same kind of bottom on the west side ; and we were told by the Indians that it continued to the falls, which they judged to be fifty or sixty miles &T. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 179 higher up. This bottom next the water in most places is very rich ; as you approach to the hills you come to a thin white-oak land, and poor. The hills, as far as we could judge, were from half a mile to a mile from the river, poor and steep in the parts we saw, with pine growing on them. Whether they are generally so or not we cannot tell, but I fear they are. " 3rd. We set off down the river, on our return homewards, and encamped at the mouth. At the beginning of the bottom above the junction of the rivers, and at the mouth of a branch on the east side, I marked two maples, an elm, and hoop-wood tree, as a corner of the soldiers' land (if we can get it) , intend- ing to take all the bottom from hence to the rapids in the Great Bend into one survey. I also marked at the mouth of another run lower down on the west side, at the lower end of the long bottom, an ash and hoop-wood for the beginning of another of the sol- diers' surveys, to extend up so as to include all the bottom in a body on the west side. In coming from our last encampment up the Kenhawa, I endeavoured to take the courses and distances of the river by a pocket compass, and by guessing. " 4th. After passing these hills, which may run on the river near a mile, there appears to be another pretty good bottom on the east side. At this place we met a canoe going to the Illinois with sheep ; and at this place also, that is, at the end of the bottom from the Kenhawa, just as we came to the hills, we met with a sycamore about sixty yards from the river, of a most extraordinary size, it measuring three feet from the ground, forty-five feet round, lacking two inches ; and not fifty yards from it was another, thirty-one feet round. After passing this bottom, and about a mile of hills, we entered another bottom and N 2 180 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. encamped. This bottom reaches within about half a mile of the rapid at the point of the Great Bend. " 5^A. I sent off the canoe with our baggage, and walked across the neck on foot, with Captain Craw- ford, the distance, according to our walking, about eight miles, as we kept a straight course under the foot of the hills, which run about south-east, and were two hours and a half in walking it. This is a good neck of land, the soil being generally good, and in places very rich. There is a large proportion of meadow ground, and the land as high, dry, and level, as one could wish ; the growth in most places beech intermixed with walnut, but more especially with poplar, of which there are numbers very large. The land towards the upper end is black-oak, and very good. Upon the whole, a valuable tract might be had here, and I judge the quantity to be about four thou- sand acres. After passing this bottom and the rapid, as also some hills, which jut pretty close to the river, we came to that bottom before remarked the 29th ultimo. A little above this bottom we encamped, the afternoon being rainy, and night wet. " 6^. We left our encampment a little after day- light, and after about five miles we came to Kiashuta's hunting camp, which was now removed to the mouth of that creek noted October 29th for having fallen timber at the mouth of it, in a bottom of good land. By the kindness and idle ceremony of the Indians, I was detained at Kiashuta's camp all the remaining part of this day ; and having a good deal of conver- sation with him on the subject of land, he informed me that it was further from the mouth of the Great Kenhawa to the fall of that river than it was between the two Kenhawas ; that the bottom on the west side, which begins near the mouth of the Kenhawa, con- ;ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 181 tinues all the way to the falls without the interposition of hills, and widens as it goes, especially from a pretty large creek that comes in about ten or fifteen miles higher up than where we were ; that in the fork there is a body of good land, and at a considerable distance above this the river forks again at an island, and there begins the reed, or cane, to grow ; that the bottoms on the east side of the river are also very good but broken with hills, and that the river is easily passed with canoes to the falls, which cannot be less than one hundred miles, but further it is not possible to go with them ; that there is but one ridge from thence to the settlements upon the river above, on which it is possible for a man to travel, the country between being so much broken with steep hills and precipices.* " 17 th. By this morning the river had fallen in the whole twenty- two or twenty-three feet and was still lowering. About eight o'clock we set out, and passing the lower Cross Creeks we came to a pretty long and tolerably wide and good bottom on the east side of the river ; then came in the hills, just above which is Buffalo Creek. About three o'clock we came to the Mingo Town without seeing our horses, the Indian who was sent express for them having passed through only the morning before, being detained by the creeks, which were too high to ford. " Here we resolved to wait their arrival, which was expected to-morrow ; and here then will end our water voyage along a river, the general course of which from Beaver Creek to the Kenhawa is about south-west, as near as I could determine ; but in its windings through a narrow vale extremely serpentine, forming on both * For the succeeding ten days the manuscript journal has been so much in- jured by accident, that it is impossible to transcribe it. The route, however, continued up the Ohio River, which was very much swollen by the rains. 182 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. sides of the river alternately necks of very good bottoms, some exceedingly fine, lying for the most part in the shape of a half-moon, and of various sizes. There is very little difference in the general width of the river from Fort Pitt to the Kenhawa ; but in the depth I believe the odds are considerably in favour of the lower parts, as we found no shallows below the Mingo Town, except in one or two places where the river was broad, and there I do not know but there might have been a deep channel in some parts of it. Every here and there are islands, some larger and some smaller, which, operating in the nature of locks, or steps, occasion pretty still water above, but for the most part strong and rapid water alongside of them. However, none of these is so swift but that a vessel may be rowed or set up with poles. When the river is in its natural state, large canoes, that will carry five or six thousand weight or more, may be worked against the stream, by four hands, twenty or twenty- five miles a day ; and down, a good deal more. The Indians, who are very dexterous (even their women) in the management of canoes, have their hunting-camps and cabins all along the river for the convenience of transporting their skins by water to market. In the fall, so soon as the hunting season comes on, they set out with their families for this purpose ; and in hunt- ing will move their camps from place to place, till by the spring they get two or three hundred or more miles from their towns ; then catch beaver in their way up, which frequently brings them into the month of May, when the women are employed in planting. The men are at market, and in idleness, till the autumn again, when they pursue the same course. During the summer months they live a poor and perishing life. .ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 183 " The Indians who reside upon the Ohio, the upper parts of it, at least, are composed of Shawanees, Dela- wares, and some of the Mingoes, who, getting but little part of the consideration that was given for the lands eastward of the Ohio, view the settlements of the people upon this riyer with an uneasy and jealous eye, and do not scruple to say, that they must be compensated for their right if the people settle thereon, notwithstanding the cession of the Six Nations. On the other hand, the people of Virginia and elsewhere are exploring and marking all the lands that are valu- able, not only on the Red-stone and other waters of the Monongahela, but along the Ohio as low as the Little Kenhawa ; and by next summer I suppose they will get to the Great Kenhawa at least. How difficult it may be to contend with these people afterwards is easy to be judged, from every day's experience of lands actually settled, supposing these settlements to be made, than which nothing is more probable, if the Indians permit them, from the disposition of the people at present. A few settlements in the midst of some of the large bottoms would render it impractic- able to get any large quantity of land together ; as the hills all the way down the river, as low as I went, come pretty close, are steep and broken, and incapable of settlements (though some of them are rich), and only fit to support the bottoms with timber and wood. The land back of the bottoms, as far as I have been able to judge, either from my own observations or from information, is nearly the same, that is, exceedingly uneven and hilly ; and I presume there are no bodies of flat, rich land to be found, till one gets far enough from the river to head the little runs and drains that come through the hills, and to the sources of the creeks and their branches. This, it seems, is the case with 184 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. the lands upon the Monongahela and Youghiogany, and I fancy holds good upon this river till you get into the flat lands below the falls. The bottom land differs a good deal in quality. That highest up the river in general is richest, though the bottoms are neither so wide nor so long as those below. Walnut, cherry, and some other kinds of wood, neither tall nor large, but covered with grape-vines, with the fruit of which this country at this instant abounds, are the growth of the richest bottoms ; but on the other hand these bottoms appear to me to be the lowest and most subject to floods. The sugar-tree and ash, mixed with walnut, compose the growth of the next richest low grounds ; beech, poplar, and oaks, the last. The soil of this is also good, but inferior to either of the other kinds ; and beech bottoms are objectionable on account of the difficulty of clearing them, as their roots spread over a large surface of ground and are hard to kill. " 18th. Agreed with two Delaware Indians to take up our canoe to Fort Pitt, for the doing of which I was to pay six dollars and give them a quart tin can. " \9th. The Delawares set off with the canoe, and our horses not arriving, the day appeared exceedingly long and tedious. Upon conversing with Nicholson, I found he had been two or three times to Fort Chartres, on the Illinois, and I got from him an account of the lands between this place and that, and upon the Shaw- nee River, on which he had been a hunting. "20th. About one o'clock our horses arrived, having been prevented from getting to Fort Pitt by the freshes. At two we set out and got about ten miles, the Indians travelling along with us. " 21 st. Reached Fort Pitt in the afternoon, distant from our last encampment about twenty-five miles, and, as near as I can guess, thirty-five from the Mingo ^ET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 185 Town. The land between the Mingo Town and Pitts- burg is of different kinds. For four or five miles after leaving the first-mentioned place we passed over steep, hilly ground, covered with white-oak, and a thin shal- low soil. This was succeeded by a lively white-oak land, less broken ; and this again by rich land, the growth of which was chiefly white and red oak mixed, which lasted, with some intervals of indifferent ridges, all the way to Pittsburg. It was very observable, that, as we left the river, the land grew better, which is a confirmation of the accounts I had before received, that the good bodies of land lie upon the heads of the runs and creeks ; but in all my travels through this country, I have seen no large body of level land. On the branches of Raccoon Creek there appears to be good meadow ground, and on Shurtees Creek, over both of which we passed, the land looks well. The country between the Mingo Town and Fort Pitt ap- pears to be well supplied with springs. " 22nd. Stayed at Pittsburg all day. Invited the officers and some other gentlemen to dinner with me at Semple's, among whom was one Dr. Connolly, nephew to Colonel Croghan, a very sensible, intelli- gent man, who had travelled over a good deal of this western country both by land and water, and who confirms Nicholson's account of the good land on the Shawnee River, up which he had been near four hun- dred miles. This country (I mean on the Shawnee River), according to Dr. Connolly's description, must be exceedingly desirable on many accounts. The cli- mate is fine; the soil remarkably good ; the lands well watered with good streams, and level enough for any kind of cultivation. Besides these advantages from nature, it has others not less important to a new set- tlement, particularly game, which is so plentiful as to 186 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1770. render the transportation of provisions thither, bread only excepted, altogether unnecessary. Dr. Connolly is so much delighted with the lands and climate on that river, that he wishes for nothing more than to induce one hundred families to go there and live, that he might be among them. A new and most desirable government might be established there, to be bounded, according to his account, by the Ohio northward and westward, by the ridge that divides the waters of the Tennessee or Cherokee River southward and west- ward, and a line to be run from the falls of the Ohio, or above, so as to cross the Shawnee River above the fork of it. Dr. Connolly gives much the same account of the land between Fort Chartres in the Illinois coun- try and Post St. Vincent that Nicholson does, except in the article of w r ater, which the Doctor says is bad, and in the summer scarce, there being little else than stagnant water to be met with. " 23rd. After settling with the Indians and people that attended me down the river, and defraying the sundry expenses accruing at Pittsburg, I set off on my return home ; and, after dining at the widow Miers's, on Turtle Creek, reached Mr. John Stephenson's in the night. " 24th. When we came to Stewart's Crossing at Crawford's, the river was too high to ford, and his canoe gone adrift. However, after waiting there two or three hours, a canoe was got, in which we passed, and swam our horses. The remainder of this day I spent at Captain Crawford's, it either raining or snow- ing hard all day. " 25th. I set out early in order to see Lund Wash- ington's land ; but the ground and trees being covered with snow, I was able to form but an indis- tinct opinion of it, though, upon the whole, it ap- JET. 38.] TOUR TO THE OHIO. 187 peared to be a good tract of land. From this I went to Mr. Thomas Gist's and dined, and then proceeded on to the Great Crossing at Hogland's, where I arrived about eight o'clock. " 26th. Reached Killam's, on George's Creek, where we met several families going over the mountains to live ; some without having any places provided. The snow upon the Allegany mountains was near knee deep. 11 27th. We got to Colonel Cresap's at theOldTown, after calling at Fort Cumberland and breakfasting with one Mr. Innis at the new store opposite. " 28th. The Old Town Creek was so high as to wet us in crossing it, and when we came to Cox's, the river was impassable ; we were obliged, therefore, to cross in a canoe, and swim our horses. At Henry Enoch's, at the forks of Cacapehon, we dined, and lodged at Rinker's. " 29th. Set out early, and reached my brother's by one o'clock. Dr. Craik, having business at Winches- ter, went that way, and was to meet me at Snickers's the next morning by ten o'clock. " 30th. According to appointment the Doctor and I met, and after breakfasting at Snickers's we pro- ceeded to West's, where we arrived at or about sunset. " December 1st. Reached home, having been absent nine weeks and one day." EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S DIARY, (1774.)* [COLONEL WASHINGTON was at this time in Wil- liamsburg, where he had been attending the regular sitting of the House of Burgesses. A few days after the * Vol. i. p. 124. 188 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1774. members had assembled, news came of the act of Par- liament for shutting up the port of Boston, which was to take effect on the 1st of June. Much excitement was produced by this intelligence ; and when the Bur- gesses met on the 24th of May, they passed an order, that the 1st day of June " should be set apart by that House as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, devoutly to implore the Divine interposition for avert- ing the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." Governor Dunmore was displeased at this order, and dissolved the House the next morning. The members, however, were not driven from their purpose. They assembled, to the number of eighty- nine, at the Raleigh Tavern, on the 25th of May, or- ganized themselves, and drew up an association, which they all signed, enumerating some of the grievances under which the colonies laboured, assuming the cause of Boston as common to all, and recommending to the committee of correspondence in Virginia to cor- respond with the committees of other colonies, on the expediency of appointing deputies to meet annually in a general Congress, at such place as should be thought most convenient.* Nor did the delegates disperse till they had per- formed other acts of duty to their country, and even of complaisance to the governor and his lady. They had made arrangements for honouring Lady Dunmore with a ball on the 27th of May, which were carried into execution with the same marks of attention and respect as if nothing had occurred. The Burgesses also took care to observe with strictness their order * Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, 3rd edit. p. 95. MT. 42.] THE FIRST CONGRESS. 189 for a fast. The following brief notes are from Washing- ton's Diary.] " May 16th. Came to Williamsburg. Dined at the Governor's, and spent the evening at Mrs. Campbell's. " 25th. Dined and spent the evening at the Go- vernor's. " 26th. Rode out with the Governor to his v farm, and breakfasted with him there. " 27th. Dined at the Treasurer's, and went to the ball given by the House of Burgesses to Lady Dun- more. " June 1st, Wednesday. Went to church, and fasted all day. " 10th. Dined at the Raleigh, and went to the fire- works. " 16th. Dined, at the Governor's, and spent the evening at Anderson's. " 20th. Set off on my return home." WASHINGTON'S DIARY AT THE FIRST CONGRESS (1774.)* [ALTHOUGH Washington could hardly be considered a man of reading, or one who gathered knowledge from a deep study of books, yet few were better in- formed on all the practical topics of life, or had a more perfect understanding of the political principles on which the English government was founded, and of the true merits of the controversy between Great Bri- tain and the colonies. No gentleman associated more constantly and intimately with men of the first talents and attainments, or was more eager or better qualified * Vol. i. p. 130. 190 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1774. to profit by such an intercourse. At Mount Vernon he lived in the exercise of an open and generous hos- pitality, which drew to his house the best part of the society of Virginia and Maryland, as well as strangers from other colonies. He also spent a portion of every year at Williamsburg, as a member of the House of Burgesses, where he frequented the circles of wealth and fashion, at the same time that he was brought into contact with men of powerful minds in the trans- action of public affairs. His manner of life was a school, in which every day increased his insight into human character, and sharpened his faculties of ob- servation and judgment, always acute and always active. The following meagre hints from his Diary, during the whole time of his attendance at the first Congress in Philadelphia, are of no other value than as shewing how he passed his time while not occupied with his public duties. It will be seen that he was constantly abroad, in company with the most enlightened society, and thus in a condition to collect the sentiments of all parties on the great subjects which then agitated the country. This trait in his habits is worth recording, and worth remembering, as it is a key to many inci- dents in his career not easily explained without it. In the present instance, also, these entries in his Diary afford an evidence of the high consideration in which he was already held, if we may judge from the eager- ness with which his company was sought. Mr. Pendleton and Patrick Henry spent a day and night with him at Mount Vernon, on their way to Philadelphia, and they all set off together for that place on the 31st of August.] " September 4th. Breakfasted at Christiana ferry ; ^ET. 42.] THE FIRST CONGRESS. 191 dined at Chester; and lodged at Dr. Shippen's, in Philadelphia, after supping at the New Tavern. " 5th. Breakfasted and dined at Dr. Shippen's. Spent the evening at the tavern. " 6th. Dined at the New Tavern, after being in Congress all day. " 7th. Dined at Mr. Pleasant's, and spent the even- ing with a club at the New Tavern. " 8^. Dined at Mr. Andrew Allen's, and spent the evening at my own lodgings. " 9th. Dined at Mr. Tilghman's, and spent the evening at home. " 10th. Dined at Mr. Richard Penn's. llth. At Mr. Griffin's. 12th. At Mr. James Allen's. 13^. At Mr. Thomas Mifflin's. " ]4th. Rode over the Province Island, and dined at Mr. William Hamilton's. " 15th. Dined at my lodgings. " 16th. Dined at the Stone House, at an entertain- ment given by the city to the members of Congress. " 17th. Dined at Mr. Dickenson's, about two miles from town. " 18th. Dined at Mr. Hill's, about six miles from town. " 19th. Rode out in the morning, and dined at Mr. Ross's. " 20th. Dined with Mr. Fisher, the mayor. 21st. With Mr. James Mease. 22nd. With Mr. Chew, chief justice. 23rd. With Mr. Joseph Pemberton. 24th. With Mr. Thomas Willing, and spent the even- ing at the City Tavern. " 25th. Went to the Quaker meeting in the fore- noon, and to St. Peter's in the afternoon ; dined at my lodgings. 192 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1774. " 26th. Dined at old Dr. Shippen's, and went to the hospital. " 27th. Dined at the tavern with the Virginia gen- tlemen. " 28^. Dined at Mr. Edward Shippen's ; spent the afternoon with the Boston gentlemen. " 29th. Dined with Mr. Allen, and went to the ball in the afternoon. " 30th. Dined at Dr. Cadwalader's. " October 1st. At the Congress till three o'clock; dined with Mr. Hamilton, at Bush Hill. " 2nd. Went to Christ's Church, and dined at the New Tavern. " 3rd. At Congress till three o'clock ; dined at Mr. Reed's. " 4th. At Congress till three o'clock ; dined at young Dr. Shippen's. " 5th. At Congress as above ; dined at Dr. Bond's. 6th. At Congress ; dined at Mr. Samuel Meredith's. 7th. At Congress ; dined at Mr. Thomas Smith's. 8th. At Mr. John Cadwalader's. " 9th. Went to the Presbyterian meeting in the forenoon, and the Romish church in the afternoon ; dined at Bevans's. " 10th. At Congress ; dined at Mr. Morgan's. " llth. Dined at my lodgings, and spent the even- ing at Bevans's. " 12th. At Congress all the forenoon ; dined at Mr. Thomas Wharton's, and went to the Governor's club. "13th. At Congress till four o'clock; dined at my lodgings. 14th. Dined at Mr. Thomas Barclay's, and spent the evening at Smith's. 1 5th. Dined at Bevans's ; spent the evening at home. . Went to Christ's Church in the morning; ,ET. 42.] THE FIRST CONGRESS. 193 after which, rode to and dined at the Province Island ; supped at Byrns's. " 17th. After Congress, dined on board with Captain Hamilton ; evening at Mr. Mifflin's. " 18th. Dined at Dr. Rush's, and spent the evening at the New Tavern. 19th. Dined at Mr. Willing' s ; evening at my own lodgings. " 20th. Dined at the New Tavern with the Penn- sylvania Assembly ; went to the ball afterwards. " 21 st. Dined and spent the evening at my lodgings. "22nd. Dined at Mr. Griffin's, and drank tea with Mr. Roberdeau. 23rd. Dined at my lodg- ings, and spent the evening there. 24th. Dined with Mr. Mease ; evening at the New Tavern. 25th. Dined at my lodgings. 26th. Dined at Bevans's, and spent the evening at the New Tavern. " 27th. Set out on my return home ; dined at Chester, and lodged at Newcastle." [The Congress met at Carpenter's Hall, in Philadel- phia, on the 5th of September, and was dissolved on the 26th of October. Washington took a deep interest in the transactions of this body, and gave his unremitted attendance during its sittings. It was his custom thoroughly to understand every important measure in which he engaged, to examine its grounds, and study and weigh its details. There is now among his papers a copy of the petition to the King, sent out by this Congress, carefully and hand- somely written with his own hand. This was his habit through life. When he wished to possess himself perfectly of the contents of any paper, he would copy it in a fair hand, and apparently with deliberation, that no point might escape his notice, or fail of making its due impression. Another habit akin to this was, to condense documents and papers, by VOL. II. O 194 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. writing down their substance in few words, and always in a distinct and clear method. Many papers of both these kinds have been preserved, particularly on political subjects after the revolution, to which we shall have occasion to recur hereafter. The opinion entertained of him by his associates in the first Congress may, perhaps, be gathered from the following anecdote related by Mr. Wirt : " Congress arose in October, and Mr. Henry re- turned to his native county. Here, as was natural, he was surrounded by his neighbours, who were eager to hear, not only what had been done, but what kind of men had composed that illustrious body. He answered their inquiries with all his wonted kindness and candour ; and having been asked by one of them, ' whom he thought the greatest man in Congress,' he replied, ' If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rut- ledge, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is, unquestionably, the greatest man on that floor.' Such was the pene- tration which, at that early period of Washington's life, could pierce through his retiring modesty and habitual reserve, and estimate so correctly the un- rivalled worth of his character." Life of Patrick Henry, p. 113.] PREFATORY REMARKS TO WASHINGTON'S DIARY OF 1st MAY, 1781. [GENERAL WASHINGTON commenced a diary under this date, to which he prefixed the following remarks.] " To have a clearer understanding of the entries which may follow, it would be proper to recite in JET. 49.] REMARKS ON 1ST MAY. 195 detail our wants and our prospects ; but this alone would be a work of much time and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sum of them, which I shall do in a few words. Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scat- tered here and there in the different States ; instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they are poorly provided, and the workmen all leaving them ; instead of having the various articles of field-equipage in readiness to be delivered, the quar- termaster-general, as the dernier resort, according to his account, is but now applying to the several States to provide these things for their troops respectively ; instead of having a regular system of transportation established upon credit, or funds in the quartermas- ter's hands to defray the contingent expenses of it, we have neither the one nor the other, and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by military impress, we are daily and hourly oppressing the peo- ple, souring their tempers, and alienating their affec- tions ; instead of having the regiments completed to the new establishment, which ought to have been done agreeably to the requisitions of Congress, scarce any State in the Union has at this hour an eighth part of its quota in the field, and little prospect that I can see of ever getting more than half; in a word, instead of having everything in readiness to take the field, we have nothing ; and instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloomy defensive one, unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops, and money, from our generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." o 2 196 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781 EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S DIARY. (1781.) [THE advanced troops of the American army were surprised near Croton River by about sixty horse and two hundred foot of the British, under the command of Colonel Delancey. Colonel Greene, who commanded the American party, was mortally wounded in his quarters. The enemy attempted to carry him off, but he died upon the road. Major Flagg was also killed. The loss of these two officers was much regretted by Washington, especially the former, who had upon several occasions distinguished himself, particularly in the defence of the post of Red Bank, in 1777, when he defeated Count Donop.] " May 14th. About noon intelligence was received from General Paterson at West Point that the enemy were on the north side of Croton River in force ; that Colonel Greene, Major Flagg, and some other officers, with forty or fifty men, were surprised and cut off at the Bridge ; and that Colonel Scammell, with the New Hampshire troops, had marched to their assistance. I ordered the Connecticut troops to move and support those of New Hampshire. In the evening information was brought that the enemy, consisting of about sixty horse and one hundred and forty infantry, had re- treated precipitately." " 16th. Went to the posts at West Point ; received a particular account of the surprise of Colonel Greene, and the loss we sustained, which consisted of himself and Major Flagg killed ; three officers and a surgeon taken prisoners, the latter and two of the former wounded ; a sergeant and five rank and file killed ; five wounded, and thirty-three made prisoners, or missing ; in all forty-four, besides officers." ^ET. 49.] WEATHERSFIELD CONFERENCE. 197 [In Rivington's Gazette of May 16th, it is said that the party who made the attack marched from Morrisania under the command of Colonel Delancey, and consisted of about one hundred cavalry and two hundred infantry.] WASHINGTON'S DIARY (CONFERENCE AT WEATHERS- FIELD, 1781.) [THE Count de Rochambeau, having received des- patches from the Court of France, by his son, Vis- count de Rochambeau, who had arrived at Boston in the Concorde frigate on the 9th of May, requested an interview with General Washington, to settle a defini- tive plan of the campaign, which was appointed to take place at Weathersfield. Washington was accom- panied by Generals Knox and Duportail.] " May 18th. Set out this day for the interview at Weathersfield with the Count de Rochambeau and Admiral Barras. Reached Morgan's Tavern, forty- three miles from Fishkill Landing, after dining at Colonel Vandeberg's. " 19^/i. Breakfasted at Litchfield ; dined at Far- mington ; and lodged at Weathersfield, at the house of Mr. Joseph Webb. " 20th. Had a good deal of private conversation with Governor Trumbull, who gave it to me as his opinion that, if any important offensive operation should be undertaken, he had little doubt of our ob- taining men and provision adequate to our wants. In this opinion Colonel Wadsworth and others concurred. " 21 st. Count de Rochambeau, with the Chevalier de Chastellux, arrived about noon. The appearance of the British fleet, under Admiral Arbuthnot, off Block Island, prevented the attendance of the Count de Barras. 198 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. " 22nd. Fixed with Count de Rochambeau the plan of the campaign. " 23rd. Count de Rochambeau set out on his re- turn to Newport, while I prepared and forwarded des- patches to the governors of the four New England States, calling on them, in earnest and pointed terms, to complete their Continental battalions for the cam- paign at least, if it could not be done for the war or three years ; to hold a body of militia, according to the proportion given to them, ready to march in one week after being called for; and to adopt some effectual mode to supply the troops when assembled with provisions and the means of transportation. I also solicited the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut earnestly for a loan of powder. " 24th. Set out on my return to New Windsor; dined at Farmington, and lodged at Litchfield. " 25th. Breakfasted at Coggswell's ; dined at Colonel Vandeberg's ; and arrived at head-quarters about sunset." [The following is the result of the conference. Facts and propositions were stated by Count de Rocham- beau in the form of queries, which were answered by General Washington with such remarks as the topics suggested. The substance only of the queries and pro- positions is here stated. The replies of Washington are in full, as transcribed from the records.] ROCHAMBEAU. Concerning a project of employing the squadron at Newport to transport the French army to the Chesapeake Bay, he consulted Count de Barras, who deemed it impracticable, chiefly on ac- count of the inferiority of his naval force to that of the enemy. The objections were mentioned in detail. WASHINGTON. " However desirable such an event JET. 49.] WEATHERSFIELD CONFERENCE. 199 might have been, the reasons assigned by Count de Barras are sufficient to prove its impracticability." ROCHAMBEAU. Should the French army march to the North River, will the squadron be safe at Newport under a guard of militia ? By his secret instructions he is not permitted to separate his army, except for detachments of a short duration. Count de Barras thinks the squadron would not be secure if the enemy should take possession of Rhode Island ; and, more- over, he has been instructed, that in case the army should march into the country, his fleet should pro- ceed to Boston. WASHINGTON. " It is General Washington's opinion, that the plan of the campaign will render it necessary for the French army to march from New- port towards the North River as soon as possible, and that consequently it will be advisable for the Count de Barras (agreeably to his instructions in that case pro- vided) to seek the first favourable moment of removing the squadron under his command to Boston." ROCHAMBEAU. In that case, what does General Washington propose about Rhode Island ? Does he intend it should be kept by a general officer and a body of American militia ? It is to be observed that, if in the hurricane months the French fleet should come to the coast, the harbour of Rhode Island might be of use to the operations of the squadrons, either for a union to act against New York or as a place of re- treat in case of misfortune. WASHINGTON. " As the harbour of Rhode Island may be useful to the fleets of his most Christian Ma- jesty, it is General Washington's opinion that a force should be left for the security of Newport ; but, as the enemy will not be in a condition, from the present circumstances of their affairs, to detach any consider- 200 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781 able body of men to repossess the Island, it is agreed between Count de Rochambeau and General Wash- ington that five hundred militia under a good officer will be sufficient as a guard for the works ; but in case of an enterprise against them, a greater force should be called in for their defence." ROCHAMBEAU. If General Washington resolves that Rhode Island shall be left, and the works de- stroyed, does he consider the siege artillery, powder magazines, and heavy stores, which cannot follow the French army in a land march, as safe at Providence, under two hundred French troops and the militia? For such an object the English may attempt an en- terprise to seize these stores. Would they not be more secure if taken with the fleet to Boston ? WASHINGTON. " In the former communications between Count de Rochambeau and General Wash- ington, it was understood that the French fleet was to remain in the harbour of Newport after the removal of the army ; and therefore Providence was fixed upon as a safe and proper deposit for the heavy artillery and spare stores. It now being determined that the fleet shall embrace the first opportunity of going round to the harbour of Boston, it is to be wished that the heavy artillery and spare stores should be sent round also. But, General Washington being informed by Count de Rochambeau that they have been already deposited at Providence, and that it will be impossible, under the present circumstances of the fleet and want of transportation, to remove them to Boston, he is of opinion that they may safely remain there under the guard of two hundred French troops, who will be aided by the militia of the country in case of need. The possession of Newport will add to their security." ROCHAMBEAU. Should the squadron from the West /ET. 49.] WEATHERSFIELD CONFERENCE. 201 Indies arrive in these seas, an event that will probably be announced by a frigate beforehand, what operations will General Washington have in view, after a union of the French army with his own ? WASHINGTON. " The enemy, by several detach- ments from New York, having reduced their force at that post to less than one-half of the number which they had at the time of the former conference at Hart- ford in September last, it is thought advisable to form a junction of the French and American armies upon the North River as soon as possible, and move down to the vicinity of New York, to be ready to take ad- vantage of any opportunity which the weakness of the enemy may afford. Should the West India fleet arrive upon the coast, the force thus combined may either proceed in the operation against New York or may be directed against the enemy in some other quarter, as circumstances shall dictate. The great waste of men, which we have found from experience in the long marches to the southern States, the advanced season in which such a march must be commenced, and the difficulties and expense of land transportation thither, with other considerations too well known to Count de Rochambeau to need detailing, point out the preference which an operation against New York seems to have in the present circumstances over an attempt to send a force to the southward." WASHINGTON'S DIARY DURING THE JUNCTION OF THE FRENCH AND AMERICAN ARMIES AT WHITE PLAINS. (1781.) " July 2nd. General Lincoln's detachment em- barked last night after dark, at or near Teller's Point ; and as his operations were to be the movements of 202 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. two nights, he was desired to repair to Fort Lee this day, and reconnoitre the enemy's works, position, and strength, as well as he possibly could, and take his ultimate determination from appearances, that is, to attempt the surprise, if the prospect was favourable, or to relinquish it, if it was not ; and in the latter case to land above the mouth of Spiten Devil, and cover the Duke de Lauzun in his operation on Delancey's corps. At three o'clock this morning I commenced my march with the Continental army, in order to cover the detached troops and improve any advantages which might be gained by them. I made a small halt at the New Bridge over Croton about nine miles from Peeks- kill, another at the church by Tarrytown till dusk (nine miles more) , and completed the remaining part of the march in the night, arriving at Valentine's Hill (at Mile Square) about sunrise. Our baggage and tents were left standing at the camp at Peekskill. " 3rd. The length of the Duke de Lauzun's march, and the fatigue of his corps, prevented his coming to the point of action at the hour appointed. In the meantime General Lincoln's party, who were ordered to prevent the retreat of Delancey's corps by the way of Kingsbridge, and prevent succours by that route, were attacked by the Yagers and others ; but on the march of the army from Valentine's Hill, they retired to the Island. Being disappointed in both objects from the causes mentioned, I did not care to fatigue the troops any more, but suffered them to remain on their arms, while I spent a good part of the day in reconnoitring the enemy's works. In the afternoon we retired to Valentine's Hill, and lay upon our arms. The Duke de Lauzun and General Waterbury lay on the east side of the Brunx River on the East Chester road. Ml. 49.] THE CAMP AT PHILLIPSBURG. 203 " 4th. Marched and took a position a little to the left of Dobbs's Ferry, and marked a camp for the French army upon our left. The Duke de Lauzun marched to White Plains, and Waterbury to Horse- neck. " 5th. Visited the French army, which had arrived at North Castle. " 6th. The French army formed the junction with the American on the grounds marked out. The legion of Lauzun took a position in advance of the Plains on Chatterton's Hill, west of the River Brunx. This day also the minister of France arrived in camp from Philadelphia." [The American army was encamped in two lines, with the right resting on Hudson's River, near Dobbs's Ferry. The French army was stationed on the hills at the left, in a single line reaching to the Brunx River. There was a valley of considerable extent between the two armies.] WASHINGTON'S DIARY AT THE CAMP AT PHILLIPS- BURG. (1781.) [THE thoughts of General Washington had for seve- ral days been turned towards a southern expedition, instead of an attack on New York ; and the arrival of a reinforcement of Hessians in that city on the llth of August had added still stronger motives for this change of plan. After receiving intelligence from Count de Grasse, therefore, that he should sail di- rectly to the Chesapeake, no time was lost in deter- mining what course to pursue. The news came from Count de Barras.] 204 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. " July 14th. Received despatches from the Count de Barras, announcing the intended departure of Count de Grasse from Cape Francois with between twenty-five and twenty-nine sail of the line, and three thousand two hundred land troops, on the 3rd instant, for the Chesapeake Bay ; and the anxiety of the latter to have everything in the most perfect readiness to commence our operations at the moment of his arrival, as he should be under the necessity, from particular engagements with the Spaniards, to be in the West Indies by the middle of October. The Count de Barras at the same time intimated his intentions of an enterprise against Newfoundland ; in opposition to which both Count de Rochambeau and myself remon- strated, as being impolitic and dangerous under the probability of Rodney's coming on this coast. " Matters having now come to a crisis, and a de- cided plan to be determined on, I was obliged, from the shortness of Count de Grasse's promised stay on this coast, the apparent disinclination of their naval officers to force the harbour of New York, and the feeble compliance of the States with my requisitions for men hitherto, and the little prospect of greater ex- ertion in future, to give up all ideas of attacking New York, and instead thereof to remove the French troops and a detachment from the American army to the Head of Elk, to be transported to Virginia for the purpose of co-operating with the force from the West Indies against the troops in that State."* * In the letter which accompanied the despatches above mentioned, Count de Barras said that Count de Grasse did not require him to form a junction with the West India squadron, but left him at liberty to undertake any other enterprise which he might think proper. In conformity with this permission, and with the spirit of the original but contingent instructions from the ministers, he proposed an expedition to Newfoundland, and said he should wish to take with him the land forces that had been left at Newport MT. 49.] MOVING THE ARMY. 205 WASHINGTON'S DIARY WHILE MOVING THE ARMY TOWARDS NEW YORK. (1781.) [WiTH a view of ascertaining the exact position of the enemy on the north end of New York Island, General Washington resolved to reconnoitre their posts from the western shore of the Hudson. For this purpose, on the 18th of July, he crossed the river at Dobbs's Ferry, accompanied by Count de Rocham- beau, General de Beville, and General Duportail. They were attended by an escort of one hundred and fifty men from the Jersey troops, then stationed on the west side of the river. The day was spent in reconnoitring from the high grounds between Dobbs's under M. de Choisy. This step was strongly disapproved by both General Washington and Count de Rochambeau ; and as soon as he received their re- monstrance against it, Count de Barras resolved to proceed to the Chesapeake. It is probable, likewise, that some degree of personal feeling had its in- fluence on the wishes of Count de Barras. In the council of war, which was held some time before respecting the removal of the fleet to Boston, after a debate indicating a little warmth among the officers, Count de Rochambeau represents M. de Barras as using the following language : " No person is more interested than I am in the arrival of M. de Grasse in these seas. He was my junior ; he has just been appointed lieutenant-general. At the mo- ment his approach is made known, I shall set sail to put myself under his orders. I will finish this campaign ; I will never make another." Mcmoires de Rochambeau, torn. i. p. 276. Hence it appears that the two naval commanders stood in a delicate relation to each other ; and it may be presumed that this was the reason why Count de Grasse left Count de Barras at liberty to join him or not, as he should be inclined ; and also why the latter preferred a separate enterprise. The same anecdote is mentioned by M. Soules, (Hisfoire des Troubles de VAmirique Anglaise, torn. iii. p. 372,) whose work on the American revo- lution is the best written and most authentic in the French language. The author had access to public documents in the department of war; but all the particulars relating to the operations of Rochambeau's army are taken almost word for word from a narrative which had been drawn up by Count de Rochambeau, and which was afterwards published as a part of his Memoires. A large portion of M. Soules' book was read in manuscript by Count de Rochambeau, and also by the minister of war ; and although this process might contribute to its accuracy, yet it would hardly leave unshackled the author's independence and judgment. 206 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. Ferry and Fort Lee. The subsequent manoeuvres near Kingsbridge are briefly sketched in the following extract from his Diary.] "July 2lst. I ordered about five thousand men to be ready to march at eight o'clock, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy's posts at Kingsbridge, and of cutting off, if possible, such of Delancey's corps as should be found without their lines. At the hour appointed, the march commenced, in four columns, on different roads. Major-General Parsons with the Connecticut troops and twenty-five of Shel- don's horse formed the right column, with two field- pieces, on the North River road. The other two divisions, under Major- Generals Lincoln and Howe, together with the corps of sappers and miners and four field-pieces, formed the next column on the Saw- mill River road. The right column of the French, on our left, consisted of the brigade of Bourbonnois, with the battalion of grenadiers and chasseurs, two field- pieces, and two twelve-pounders. Their left column was composed of the legion of Lauzun, one battalion of grenadiers and chasseurs, the regiment of Soisson- nois, two field-pieces, and two howitzers. General Waterbury, with the militia and state troops of Con- necticut, was to march on the East Chester road, and to be joined at that place by the cavalry of Sheldon, for the purpose of scouring Frog's Neck. Sheldon's infantry was to join the legion of Lauzun, and scour Morrisania, and to be covered by Scammell's light infantry, who were to advance through the fields, waylay the roads, stop all communication, and prevent intelligence from getting to the enemy. At Valen- tine's Hill, the left column of the American troops and right of the French formed their junction, as did 2ET. 49.] MOVING THE ARMY. 207 the left of the French also, by mistake, as it was in- tended it should cross the Brunx by Garrineau's, and recross it at Williams's Bridge. The whole army (Parsons 's division first) arrived at Kingsbridge about daylight, and formed on the heights back of Fort Independence, extending towards Delancey's Mills ; while the legion of Lauzun and Waterbury's corps proceeded to scour Morrisania and Frog's Neck to little effect, as most of the refugees had fled, and hid themselves in such obscure places as not to be dis- covered, and by stealth got over to the islands adja- cent, and to the enemy's shipping, which lay in the East River. A few, however, were caught, and some cattle and horses brought off. " July 22nd. The enemy did not appear to have had the least intelligence of our movement, or to know we were upon the heights opposite to them, till the whole army was ready to display itself. After having fixed upon the ground and formed our line, I began, with General Rochambeau and the engineers, to recon- noitre the enemy's position and works ; and first from Tippet's Hill opposite to their left. From thence it was evident that the small redoubt (Fort Charles) near Kingsbridge would be absolutely at the command of a battery, which might be erected thereon. It also appeared equally evident that the fort on Cox's Hill was in bad repair, and little dependence placed in it. There is neither ditch nor friezing, and the north-east corner appears quite easy of access, occasioned, as it would seem, by a rock. The approach from the inner point is secured by a ledge of rocks, which would con- ceal a party from observation, till it got within about one hundred yards of the fort, around which, for that and a greater distance, the ground has little covering of bushes upon it. There is a house on this side under 208 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1781. Tippet's Hill, but out of view, I conceive, of the cross- ing-place most favourable to a partisan stroke. From tbis view, and every other I could get of Forts Tryon Knyphausen, and Laurel Hill, the works are formid- able. There are no barracks or huts on the east side of the hill, on which Forts Tryon and Knyphausen stand, nor are there any on the hill opposite, except those by Fort George. Near the Blue Bell there is a number of houses, but they have more the appearance of stables than barracks. In the hollow, near the barrier gate, are about fourteen or fifteen tents, which are the only encampment I could see without the line of palisades. A continued hill from the creek, east of Haerlem River and a little below Morris's White House, has from every part of it the command of the opposite shore, and all the plain adjoining is within range of shot from batteries, which may be erected thereon. The general width of the river, along this range of hills, appears to be from one hundred to two hundred yards. The opposite shore, though more or less marshy, does not seem miry, and the banks are very easy of access. How far the battery, under cover of the blockhouse on the hill north-west of Haerlem town, is capable of scouring the plain, is difficult to determine from this side ; but it would seem as if the distance were too great to be within the range of its shot on that part of the plain nearest the creek before mentioned, and which is also nearest the heights back of our old lines thrown up in the year 1776. It un- fortunately happens that in the rear of the continued hill before mentioned there is a deep swamp, and the grounds west of that swamp are not so high as the heights near Haerlem River. In the rear of this again is the Brunx, which is not to be crossed without boats below Delancey's Mills. JET. 49.] COUNT DE BARRAS. 209 " July 23rd. Went upon Frog's Neck to see what communication could be had with Long Island, and the engineers attended with instruments to measure the distance across. Having finished the reconnoitre without damage, a few harmless shot only being fired at us, we marched back about six o'clock by the same routes we went down, but in a reversed order of march, and arrived at camp about midnight." [Supposing it probable that Count de Grasse would shortly appear off Sandy Hook with his fleet, General Washington wrote to him, on the 21st of July, in Count de Rochambeau's cipher, acquainting him with the junction of the allied armies, their posi- tion and strength, and the force of the enemy ; and also explained the plans then in view as to future operations. This letter was sent under cover to Gene- ral Forman, at Monmouth, with a request that he would keep look-outs on the heights, and as soon as the fleet should approach, go on board the fleet in person and deliver the letter to Count de Grasse.] EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S DIARY RESPECTING COUNT DE BARRAS. (1781.) [WASHINGTON had written to M. de Barras on the 21st of July, as follows : " I have no doubt but the reasons which induce you to decline the removal of the squadron under your command to the Chesapeake at this time are founded in propriety ; but I am cer- tain, could the measure have taken place, it would have been attended with most valuable consequences, more especially as, from reports and appearances, the enemy are about to bring part of their troops from Virginia to New York." VOL. II. P 210 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1785. The reason assigned by M. de Barras for remain- ing at Newport was, that he thought it imprudent to risk any new enterprise which might contravene the general plan of operations, and retard his junction with Count de Grasse. A few days afterwards (July 30), General Washington wrote in his Diary, that Count de Barras had expressed himself in still stronger terms against a removal from Newport.] " July 30th. This induced me to desist from further representing the advantages which would result from preventing a junction of the enemy's force at New York, and blocking up those now in Virginia, 'lest in the attempt any disaster should happen, and the loss of, or damage to, his fleet should be ascribed to my obstinacy in urging a measure to which his own judg- ment was opposed, and the execution of which might impede his junction with the West India fleet, and thwart the views of the Count de Grasse upon this coast." EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S AGRICULTURAL DIARY. (1785.) [THE agricultural papers among Washington's ma- nuscripts are numerous, containing instructions to his managers, remarks on the various modes of cultivating lands and on the different kinds of products, abstracts from the best treatises on agriculture, tables of rota- tions of crops, diaries, estimates, and records of his experiments and their results. The diaries were con- tinued many years. In these he noted down, almost every day, the kind and quantity of work done on his farms, the times of planting, cultivating, and gather- ing, the crops of each lot, the amount of labour be- JET. 53.] AGRICULTURAL DIARY. 211 stowed, and in general every circumstance which could tend to make him thoroughly acquainted with the de- tails of the business from day to day, and enlarge his knowledge by experience. These papers are monu- ments of his prodigious industry and attention to affairs ; but from the nature of the subject to which they relate, and from their comparatively small intrinsic value, they are not suited to the present work. A specimen only is here presented.] "April 7th. Cut two or three rows of the wheat (Cape wheat) within six inches of the ground, it being near eighteen inches high, that which was first sown, and the blades of the whole singed with the frost. " 8th. Sowed oats to-day in drills, at Muddy Hole, with my barrel plough. Ground much too wet ; some of it had been manured, but had been twice ploughed, then listed, then twice harrowed before sowing ; which, had it not been for the frequent rains, would have put the ground in fine tilth. Ploughed up the turnip patch at home for orchard grass. " 10th. Began bricklaying to-day. Completed sowing, with twenty-four quarts of oats, thirty-eight rows at Muddy Hole, ten feet apart, in the ground in- tended for corn. " llth. Sowed twenty-six rows of barley in the same field at Muddy Hole, in the same manner, with the drill plough, and with precisely the same work- ings the oats had adjoinnig thereto. This was done with twelve quarts of seed. After three ploughings and three harrowings, sowed millet in eleven rows three feet apart, opposite to the overseer's house, in the Neck. Perceived the last-sowed oats at Dogue Run and those sown in the Neck were coming up. " 12th. Sowed sixteen acres of Siberian wheat, p2 212 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1785. with eighteen quarts, in rows between corn, eight feet apart. This ground had been prepared in the follow- ing manner: 1. A single furrow ; 2. another in the same, to deepen it ; 3. four furrows to throw the earth back into the two first, which made ridges of five fur- rows. These, being done some time ago, and the sow- ing retarded by frequent rains, had got hard ; there- fore, 4. before the seed was sown, these ridges were split again by running twice in the middle of them, both times in the same furrow ; 5. after which the ridges were harrowed; and, 6. where the ground was lumpy, run a spiked roller with a harrow at the tail of it, which was found very efficacious in breaking the clods and pulverizing the earth, and would have done it perfectly, if there had not been too much moisture remaining from the late rains. After this, harrowing and rolling where necessary, the wheat was sown with the drill plough on the reduced ridges, eight feet apart, as above mentioned, and harrowed in with the small harrow belonging to the plough. But it should have been observed that, after the ridges were split by the middle double furrows, and before they were closed again by the harrow, a little manure was sprinkled in them. " At Dogue Run, listing the ground intended for Siberian wheat, barley, &c., a second time. " At Muddy Hole, sowed with the drill plough two rows of the Albany pease between the corn rows, to see whether they would come to anything for want of the support which they give one another when sown broad-cast. The same management given the ground as for oats and barley at this place. " 13th. Sowed oats in drills ten feet apart, between corn rows in the Neck, twenty-four rows, in the fol- lowing manner: 1. A single furrow; 2. another and ^ET. 53.] AGRICULTURAL DIARY. 213 deep furrow in this ; 3. four bouts to these ; 4. ploughed again in the same manner ; 5. a single furrow in the middle of these ; 6. manure sprinkled in this furrow ; 7. the great harrow over all these ; and, 8. the seed sowed after the harrow with the drill or barrel plough, and harrowed in with the harrow at the tail of it. " Note. It should have been observed that the field intended for experiments at this plantation is divided into three parts, by bouting rows running crosswise ; and that manure and the last single furrow are (at least for the present) bestowed on the most westerly of those nearest the Barn. " 14th. Harrowed the ground at Muddy Hole, which had been twice ploughed, for Albany pease in broad-cast. At Dogue Run began to sow the remain- der of the Siberian wheat, about fourteen quarts, which had been left at the Ferry ; run deep furrows in the middle, and made five-feet ridges. Did the same for carrots in the same field on the west side next the meadow. Ordered a piece of ground, two acres, to be ploughed at the Ferry around the old corn-house, to be drilled with corn and potatoes between, each ten feet apart, row from row of the same kind. Sowed in the Neck, or rather planted, next to the eleven rows of millet, thirty-five rows of the rib-grass seeds, three feet apart, and one foot asunder in the rows. " 1 5th. Sowed six bushels of the Albany pease broad-cast, at Muddy Hole, on about an acre and a half of ground, which was harrowed yesterday, as men- tioned above. " Sowed in the Neck, alongside of the rib-grass, fifty rows of burnet seed, exactly as the last was put in ; that is, in three-feet rows, and one foot in the row." 214 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1785. EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S TOUR UP THE POTOMAC. (1785.) [AGREEABLY to acts of the Virginia and Maryland Assemblies, for opening and extending the navigation of the Potomac from Georgetown to Harper's Ferry, the directors, among whom was Washington, made a tour of inspection to ascertain in what places and to what extent it was necessary to construct canals and remove obstructions on the river. The following extract serves merely to shew that General Washington, as usual wherever he moved, attracted the attention of the people, and demonstra- tions of respect to his person.] " August 5th. After breakfast, and after directing Mr. Rumsey, when he had marked the way and set the labourers at work, to meet us at Harper's Ferry, myself and the directors set out for the same place by way of Fredericktown, in Maryland. Dined at a Dutchman's two miles above the mouth of the Mono- cocy, and reached Fredericktown about five o'clock. Drank tea, supped, and lodged, at Governor Johnson's. In the evening the bells rang, and guns were fired ; and a committee waited upon me by order of the gentlemen of the town, to request that I would stay the next day and partake of a public dinner, which the town were desirous of giving me. But as arrange- ments had been made, and the time for examining the Shenandoah Falls, previously to the day fixed for receiving labourers into pay, was short, I found it most expedient to decline the honour." 1787.] CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 215 WASHINGTON'S DIARY AT GENERAL CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. (1787.)* [!T was at this Convention that the Constitution of the United States was first proposed to be substituted for the articles of confederation. It was subsequently adopted by Congress, and in consequence of its creation of that office, led to the unanimous election of Washington to the high dignity of First President of the United States.] " May $th. Crossed from Mount Vernon to Mr. Digges's a little after sunrise, and pursuing the route by the way of Baltimore, dined at Mr. Richard Hen- derson's in Bladensburg, and lodged at Major Snow- den's, where, feeling very severely a violent headache and sick stomach, I went to bed early. " 10^. A very great appearance of rain in the morning and a little falling, induced me, though well recovered, to wait till about eight o'clock before I set off. At one o'clock I arrived at Baltimore ; dined at the Fountain Inn, and supped and lodged at Dr. M'Henry's ; rain in the evening. " llth. Set off before breakfast ; rode twelve miles to Skirrett's ; baited there, and proceeded without halting (weather threatening) to the ferry at Havre de Grace, where I dined, but could not cross, the wind being turbulent and squally. Lodged there. " 12th. With difficulty, on account of the wind, crossed the Susquehanna. Breakfasted at the ferry- house on the east side. Dined at the Head of Elk (Hollingsworth's tavern), and lodged at Wilmington. At the head of Elk I was overtaken by Mr. Francis Corbin, who took a seat in my carriage. * Vol. i. p. 435. 216 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1787. " 13th. About eight o'clock Mr. Corbin and my- self set out, and dined at Chester (Mr. Wilky's) , where I was met by Generals Mifflin (now speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly) , Knox, and Varnum, Colonels Humphreys and ^Menges, and Majors Jackson and Nicholas, with whom I proceeded to Philadelphia. At Gray's Ferry the city light-horse, commanded by Colonel Miles, met me and escorted me in ; and the artillery officers, who stood arranged, saluted me as I passed. Alighted through a crowd at Mr. House's ; but being again warmly and kindly pressed by Mr. and Mrs. Robert Morris to lodge with them, I did so, and had my baggage removed thither. Waited on the pre- sident, Dr. Franklin,* as soon as I got to town. On my arrival the bells were chimed. " 14th. This being the day appointed for the con- vention to meet, such members as were in town as- sembled at the State-house ; but only two States being represented, namely, Virginia and Pennsylvania, agreed to attend at the same place at eleven o'clock to-morrow. Dined in a family way at Mr. Morris's. " 1 5th. Repaired at the hour appointed to the State-house ; but no more States being represented than yesterday, though several more members had come in, we agreed to meet again to-morrow. Gover- nor Randolph from Virginia came in to-day. Dined with the members of the general meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati. " 16th. No more than two States being yet repre- sented, agreed, till a quorum of them should be formed, to alter the hour of meeting at the State-house to one o'clock. Dined at the president Dr. Franklin's, and drank tea and spent the evening at Mr. John Penn's. * President of Pennsylvania. jET. 55.] CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 217 " 17 'th. Mr. Rutledge from Charlestown, and Mr. Charles Pinckney from Congress, having arrived, gave a representation to South Carolina , and Colonel Mason, getting in this evening, placed all the delegates from Virginia on the floor of the convention. Dined at Mr. Powel's, and drank tea there. " 18th. The representation from New York ap- peared on the floor to-day. Dined at Gray's Ferry, and drank tea at Mr. Morris's ; after which accom- panied Mrs. Morris and some other ladies to hear a Mrs. O'Connell read. The lady, being reduced in circumstances, had recourse to this expedient to ob- tain a little money. Her performance was tolerable ; at the College Hall. " 19th. No more States represented. Dined at M. Ingersoll's ; spent the evening at my lodgings, and retired to my room soon. " 20th. Dined with Mr. and Mrs. Morris and other company at their farm called the Hills ; returned in the afternoon and drank tea at Mr. Powel's. " 21 st. Delaware State was represented. Dined and drank tea at Mr. Bingham's in great splendour. " 22nd. The representation from North Carolina was completed, which made a representation for five States. Dined and drank tea at Mr. Morris's. " 23rd. No more States being represented, I rode to General Miiflin's to breakfast ; after which, in com- pany with him, Mr. Madison, Mr. Rutledge, and others, I crossed the Schuylkill above the Falls ; visited Mr. Peters's, Mr. Penn's seat, and Mr. William Hamilton's. Dined at Mr. Chew's with the wedding guests, (Colonel Howard of Baltimore having married his daughter Peggy.) Drank tea there in a very large circle of ladies. " 24th. No more States represented. Dined and 218 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1787. drank tea at Mr. John Ross's. One of my postilion boys (Paris) being sick, requested Dr. Jones to attend him. " 25th. Another delegate coming in from the State of New Jersey, gave it a representation, and increased the number to seven, which forming a quorum of the thirteen, the members present resolved to organize the body ; when, by a unanimous vote, I was called up to the chair as president. Major William Jackson w r as appointed secretary ; and a committee was chosen, consisting of three members, to prepare rules and regulations for conducting the business ; and after appointing door-keepers, the convention adjourned till Monday, to give time to the committee to report the matter referred to them. Returned many visits to- day. Dined at Mr. Thomas Willing's, and spent the evening at my lodgings. " 26th. Returned all my visits this forenoon. Dined with a club at the City Tavern, and spent the evening at my quarters, writing letters. " 27th. Went to the Romish church to high mass. Dined, drank tea, and spent the evening at my lodgings. 11 28th. Met in convention at ten o'clock. Two States more, namely, Massachusetts and Connecticut, were on the floor to-day. Established rules, agree- ably to the plan brought in by the committee for the government of the convention, and adjourned. Dined at home, and drank tea in a large circle at Mr. Francis's. " 29th. Attended convention and dined at home ; after which accompanied Mrs. Morris to the benefit concert of a Mr. Juhan. " 30th. Attended convention ; dined with Mr. Vaughan ; drank tea, and spent the evening at a Wednesday evening's party at Mr. and Mrs. Law- rence's. ,ET. 55.] CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 219 " 31 st. The State of Georgia came on the floor of the convention to-day, which made a representation of ten States. Dined at Mr. Francis's, and drank tea with Mrs. Meredith. " June 1st. Attending in convention; and nothing being suffered to transpire, no minutes of the pro- ceedings have been, or will be, inserted in this diary. Dined with Mr. John Penn, and spent the evening at a superb entertainment at Bush-Hill given by Mr. Hamilton, at which were more than a hundred guests. " 2nd. Major Jenifer coming in, with sufficient powers for the purpose, gave a representation to Mary- land ; which brought all the States in the Union into convention, except Rhode Island, which had refused to send delegates. Dined at the City Tavern with the club, and spent the evening at my own quarters. " September 17 'th. Met in convention, when the constitution received the unanimous assent of eleven States, and of Colonel Hamilton from New York, the only delegate from thence in convention, and was sub- scribed to by every member present, except Governor Randolph, and Colonel Mason from Virginia, and Mr. Gerry from Massachusetts. The business being thus closed, the members adjourned to the City Tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other ; after which I returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers from, the secretary of tbe convention, and retired to medi- tate on the momentous work which had been exe- cuted after not less than five, for a large part of the time six, and sometimes seven hours' sitting every day (except Sundays and the ten days' adjournment to give a committee an opportunity and time to arrange the business), for more than four months. 220 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1754. FRENCH PUBLICATION OF WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL OF A TOUR DOWN THE YOUGHIOGANY. (1754.) [WASHINGTON having returned on the 16th of Ja- nuary, 1754, from his mission over the Allegany Mountains, was appointed to the command of two companies, with orders to proceed to the Fork of the Ohio, and to finish a fort begun under the auspices of the Ohio company. His instructions were, to act on the defensive, but in case any attempts were made to ob- struct the works or interrupt their settlements, by any person whatever, he was to restrain all such offenders ; or, in case of resistance, to make prisoners of, or kill and destroy them. On the 2nd of April he arrived at Will's Creek, having been joined on the route by a detachment under Captain Stephen. A party of men (forty-one in number), under Captain Trent, had pre- ceded him to the Fork on the Ohio (the Monongahela) , and while engaged in building the fort, they were sur- prised by a body of French troops, who descended the river from Verango, consisting of one thousand men, with eighteen pieces of artillery, sixty batteaux, and three hundred canoes, under command of Captain Contrecaeur, to whom, the captain and lieutenant being absent, the ensign surrendered ; being allowed, how- ever, to draw off his men, arms, and working tools. This was the first open act of hostility in the memor- able war of seven years that followed. The French en- larged and completed the fort, which they called Fort Duquesne, in compliment to the Governor of Canada. The little army under Washington, consisting of only three small companies, occupying an outpost beyond which there was no barrier to oppose the for- midable French force on the Ohio, was, in conse- quence, marched boldly into the wilderness, through which they had to prepare the road as they advanced, yET. 22.] TOUR DOWN THE YOUGHIOGANY. 221 with a view, if possible, to penetrate to the Monon- gahela, at the mouth of Red-stone Creek, and erect their fortification. This, however, was a work of im- mense difficulty ; and, to add to their distresses, there was a failure of provisions. At the Youghiogany, where they had to build a bridge, Colonel Washington was informed that, except at one place, a passage might be had down that river, to ascertain which fact, he embarked in a canoe with five men on a voyage of discovery, which, after thirty miles' progression, was abandoned as impracticable. In his journal, which was afterwards captured and pub- lished by the French government, Colonel Washington gives the following account of this tour of discovery.] " On the 20th of May, I embarked in a canoe, with Lieutenant West, three soldiers, and an Indian. Having followed the river for about half a mile, we were obliged to go ashore, where we found a trader, who seemed to discourage my attempting to seek a passage by water, which caused me to change my in- tention of having canoes made. I ordered the troops to wade the river, as the waters had now sufficiently subsided. I continued to descend the river, but find- ing our canoe too small for six persons, we stopped to construct a bark, with which and the canoe we reached Turkey Foot, just as the night began. Eight or ten miles further onward we encountered several diffi- culties, which were of little consequence. At this point we stopped some time to examine the position, and found it well suited for a fort, being at the mouth of three branches or small rivers, and having a gra- velly foundation. " We went down about two miles to examine the course of the river, which is straight, with many cur- rents, and full of rocks and rapids. We crossed it, though the water was high, which induced me to be- 222 WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. [1754. lieve the canoes would easily pass, but this was not effected without difficulty. Besides these rapids, we met with others, but the water being more shallow and the current smoother, we passed them easily. We then found the water very deep, and mountains rising on both sides. After proceeding about ten miles, we came to a fall in the river, which arrested our pro- gress, and compelled us to go ashore and desist from any further attempt." Memoir e contenant le Precis des Faits, 8fc., p. 121.* * The full title of the book which is here quoted, is as follows: " ME- MOIRE contenant le Precis des Faits, avec leurs Pieces Justificatives, pour servir de Reponse aux OBSERVATIONS envoy ees, par les Ministres (C Angleterre, dans les Cours de U Europe. A Paris; de Vlmprimerie Royale. 1756." Four or five years had been consumed in unavailing attempts at a negotiation between England and France, with the ostensible design on both sides to effect a reconciliation of difficulties, but neither party in reality was solicitous to avoid a war. At length hostilities were commenced in time of peace, and each nation charged the other with being the aggressor. Two French vessels on their way to Canada were taken by the British Admiral Boscawen, and to justify this procedure, the " Observations" above mentioned were published, in which the position was maintained that the French had actually begun the war by their encroachments with a military force on the Ohio frontiers. To repel this charge, the French government circulated among the courts of Europe the Mcmoire, whose title is here given, the object of which was to prove that the British had been the first to transgress. This Mcmoire is curious, as containing many official and other documents relating to the question at issue, which are nowhere else to be found, and particularly selections from the manuscripts of General Braddock and of Washington, which the French had captured at the disastrous battle of the Monongahela. Among other things are Braddock's instructions, several of his letters to the ministry, and extracts purporting to be from a journal kept by Washington during his preceding campaign. With what fidelity these were published cannot now be known, but as it was the object of the Mcmoire to prove a contested point, it may be presumed that such parts of the papers only were brought forward as would make for that end. Coming out as they did, however, under the name and sanction of the government, there can be no room for doubt that the official papers at least were given with accuracy. These papers were originally published by the French government in a duodecimo volume. A copy was soon afterwards found in a French prize that was brought to New York. It was there translated into English, and printed the year after its appearance in Paris. The translation was hastily executed, and is worthy of little credit, being equally uncouth in its style, and faulty in its attempts to convey the sense of the original. 1789.] WASHINGTON'S DIARIES. 223 EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S DIARY ON LEAVING MOUNT VERNON TO BE INAUGURATED PRESIDENT. [WASHINGTON having been chosen President of the United States, Mr. Charles Thomson was appointed by Congress to be the bearer of the intelligence to Mount Vernon. Washington having accepted that dignity, set out two days afterwards on his journey to New York, to assume the duties of his high office. The following is the entry in his diary under that date.] " April 16 th, 1789. About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic fe- licity ; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York in company with Mr. Thomson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." LAST ENTRIES IN WASHINGTON'S DIARY. (1799.) [THIS extract has no other interest than that de- rived from its being the part of Washington's diary written during the last week of his life. The words in which the entry is made on the 13th of December are probably the last he ever wrote, as he was attacked that night with the disorder of which he died.] " December 7th. Rainy morning, with the wind at north ; mercury at 37. Afternoon clear and pleasant ; wind westerly. Mercury 41 at night. Dined at Lord Fairfax's. 11 8th. Morning perfectly clear, calm, and pleasant; but about nine o'clock the wind came from the north- 224 LAST ENTRIES. [1799. west and blew frost. Mercury 38 in the morning, and 40 at night. " 9th. Morning clear and pleasant, with a light wind from north-west. Mercury at 33. Pleasant all day ; afternoon calm. Mercury 39 at night. Mr. Howell Lewis and wife set off on their return home after breakfast ; and Mr. Lawrence, Lewis, and Wash- ington Custis, on a journey to Kent. " 10th. Morning clear and calm ; mercury at 31. Afternoon lowering ; mercury at 42, and wind brisk from the southward. A very large hoar-frost this morning. " 1 Ith. But little wind, and raining. Mercury 44 in the morning, and 38 at night. About nine o'clock the wind shifted to the north-west, and it ceased rain- ing, but continued cloudy. Lord Fairfax, his son Thomas, and daughter, Mrs. Warner Washington and son Whiting, and Mr. John Herbert, dined here, and returned after dinner. " 12th. Morning cloudy; wind at north-east; mercury 33. A large circle round the moon last night. About one o'clock it began to snow ; soon after to hail, and then turned to a settled cold rain. Mercury 28 at night. " 13th. Morning snowing, and about three inches deep. Wind at north-east, and mercury at 30. Con- tinued snowing till one o'clock, and about four it be- came perfectly clear. Wind in the same place but not hard. Mercury 28 at night." END OF DIARIES. SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. INAUGURAL SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, APRIL 30TH, 1789. FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Senate and House of Re- presentatives, Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was sum- moned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years ; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust, to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most expe- rienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despond- ence one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil adminis- tration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare VOL. II. Q 226 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1789. aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a govern- ment instituted by themselves for these essential pur- poses, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the func- tions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which con- ducts the affairs of men more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have ad- vanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of ,OT. 57.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 227 providential agency. And, in the important revolu- tion just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been esta- blished, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced them- selves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceed- ings of a new and free government can more auspi- ciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President " to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the cha- racters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attach- ments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of commu- Q2 228 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1789. nities and interests ; so, on another, that the founda- tions of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the pre- eminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire ; since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and hap- piness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity ; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained ; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment intrusted into the hands of the American people. Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good ; for I assure myself that, JET. 57.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 229 whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the charac- teristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more im- pregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advan- tageously promoted. To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When 1 was first honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed ; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispen- sably included in a permanent provision for the ex- ecutive department ; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication that, since he has been pleased to favour the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquil- lity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled 230 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1789. unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures, on which the success of this go- vernment must depend. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE. Gentlemen, I thank you for your address, in which the most affectionate sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. The coincidence of cir- cumstances which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence reposed in me by my fellow- citizens, and the assistance I may expect from counsels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy, seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my administra- tion than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. I now feel myself inexpressibly happy in a belief that Heaven, which has done so much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence before our political felicity shall have been completed, and in a conviction that the Senate will at all times co-operate in every measure which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated re- public. Thus supported by a firm trust in the great Arbiter of the universe, aided by the collected wisdom of the Union, and imploring the divine benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, I readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting to make a nation happy. GEORGE WASHINGTON. JET. 57.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 231 REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gentlemen, Your very affectionate address pro- duces emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that my past endeavours in the service of my country are far overpaid by its goodness ; and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to co-operate, and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country. GEORGE WASHINGTON. SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, JANUARY STH, 1790. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, I embrace with great satisfaction the op- portunity which now presents itself of congratulating you on the present favourable prospects of our public affairs. The recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the constitution of the United States (of which official information has been received) , the rising credit and respectability of our country, and the general and increasing good will towards the go- vernment of the Union, and the concord, peace, and plenty, with which we are blessed, are circumstances auspicious, in an eminent degree, to our national prosperity. In resuming your consultations for the general good, you cannot but derive encouragement from the reflec- 232 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1790. tion, that the measures of the last session Tiave been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still fur- ther to realize their expectations, and to secure the blessings which a gracious Providence has placed with- in our reach, will, in the course of the present import- ant session, call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom. Among the many interesting objects which will en- gage your attention, that of providing for the common defence will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserv- ing peace. A free people ought not only to be armed, but dis- ciplined ; to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite ; and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent on others for essential, particularly for military supplies. The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may be made respecting it, it will be of importance to con- ciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy. There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations. But you will perceive, from the information contained in the papers which I shall direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the common- wealth of Virginia), that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish aggressors. JET. 58.] SPEECHES TO CO*NGRESS. 233 The interest of the United States requires that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfil my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good ; and, to this end, that the compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a competent fund designated for defraying the ex- penses incident to the conduct of our foreign affairs. Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization. Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures, of the United States is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to. The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need recommendation. But I cannot forbear inti- mating to you the expediency of giving effectual en- couragement, as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home ; and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads. Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion, that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community 'as in ours, it is proportionably essential. To the security 234 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1790. of a free constitution it contributes in various ways ; by convincing those who are intrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people ; and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights ; to discern and provide against invasions of them ; to distinguish be- tween oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority, between burthens proceeding from a disre- gard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society ; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. Whether this desirable object will be the best pro- moted by affording aids to seminaries of learning al- ready established, by the institution of a national uni- versity, or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I saw with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high im- portance to the national honour and prosperity. In this sentiment I entirely concur. And to a perfect confidence in your best endeavours to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end, I add an equal reliance on the cheerful co-operation of the other branch of the legislature. It w^ould be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are so obviously and so deeply con- jET. 58.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 235 cerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, I have directed the proper officers to lay before you respectively such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state of the Union which it is my duty to afford. The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed ; and I shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of in- suring to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE. Gentlemen, I thank you for your address, and for the assurances which it contains of attention to the several matters suggested by me to your consideration. Relying on the continuance of your exertions for the public good, I anticipate for our country the salu- tary effects of upright and prudent counsels. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gentlemen, I receive with pleasure the assurances you give me, that you will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to you con- ducive to the interests of your constituents ; and that 236 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1790. an early and serious consideration will be given to the various and weighty matters recommended by me to your attention. I have full confidence that your deliberations will continue to be directed by an enlightened and vir- tuous zeal for the happiness of our country. GEORGE WASHINGTON. SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER OTH, 1790. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, In meeting you again, I feel much satis- faction in being able to repeat my congratulations on the favourable prospects which continue to distin- guish our public affairs. The abundant fruits of an- other year have blessed our country with plenty, and with the means of a nourishing commerce. The pro- gress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of American stock abroad, as well as at home ; and the revenues allotted for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the calcu- lations by which they were regulated. This latter cir- cumstance is the more pleasing as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our resources, but as it as- sures us of a further increase of the national respect- ability and credit, and, let me add, as it bears an honourable testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part of our citizens. The punctuality of the former in discharging their engagements has been exemplary. In conformity to the powers vested in me by acts of the last session, a loan of three millions of florins, towards which some provisional measures had pre- ,ET. 58.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 237 viously taken place, has been completed in Holland. As well the celerity with which it has been filled, as the nature of the terms (considering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing, created by the situ- ation of Europe,) gives a reasonable hope that the further execution of those powers may proceed with advantage and success. The Secretary of the Treasury has my directions to communicate such further par- ticulars as may be requisite for more precise infor- mation. Since your last sessions, I have received communi- cations by which it appears that the district of Ken- tucky, at present a part of Virginia, has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that state, in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of the Union, in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added. For this sanction, application is now made. I shall cause the papers on this very important transaction to be laid before you. The liberality and harmony with which it has been conducted will be found to do great honour to both the parties ; and the sentiments of warm attachment to the Union and its present government expressed by our fellow-citizens of Kentucky, cannot fail to add an affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the great national impressions under which you will decide on the case submitted to you. It has been heretofore known to Congress that fre- quent incursions have been made on our frontier set- tlements by certain banditti of Indians from the north- west side of the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes dwelling on and near the Wabash, have of late been particularly active in their depredations ; and being emboldened by the impunity of their crimes, and aided by such parts of the neighbouring tribes 238 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1790. as could be seduced to join in their hostilities, or afford them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane invita- tions and overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed their violences with fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a number of valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed^ and some of them under circumstances peculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable captivity. These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the western settlements that the ag- gressors should be made sensible that the government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their crimes, than it is disposed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. As this object could not be effected by defensive measures, it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers the President to call out the militia for the protection of the fron- tiers ; and I have accordingly authorized an expedi- tion, in which the regular troops in that quarter are combined with such drafts of militia as were deemed sufficient. The event of the measure is yet unknown to me. The Secretary of War is directed to lay before you a statement of the information on which it is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended. The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should not overlook the ten- dency of a war, and even of preparations for a war, among the nations most concerned in active commerce jET. 58,] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 239 with this country, to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price, of transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I recommend it to your serious reflection, how far and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. Our fisheries and the transportation of our own produce offer us abundant means for guarding ourselves against this evil. Your attention seems to be not less due to that par- ticular branch of our trade which belongs to the Me- diterranean. So many circumstances unite in render- ing the present state of it distressful to us, that you will not think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and protection. The laws you have already passed for the establish- ment of a judiciary system have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons. You will con- sider, in your wisdom, whether improvements in that system may yet be made, and particularly whether a uniform process of execution on sentences issuing from the federal courts be not desirable through all the States. The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient to regulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those func- tions which are permitted them, either by express con- vention or by a friendly indulgence in the places of their residence. The consular convention, too, with his Most Christian Majesty, has stipulated in certain cases the aid of the national authority to his consuls 240 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1790. established here. Some legislative provision is re- quisite to carry these stipulations into full effect. The establishment of the militia, of a mint, of stand- ards of weights and measures, of the post-office and post-roads, are subjects which, I presume, you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own importance. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, The sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects to which they are appropriated, leaves no doubt that the residuary provisions will be commen- surate to the other objects for which the public faith stands now pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it will be a favourite policy with you, not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but, as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself. The appropriation you have made of the western lands explains your dispositions on this subject ; and I am persuaded the sooner that valuable fund can be made to contribute, along with other means, to the actual reduction of the public debt, the more salutary will the measure be to every public interest, as well as the more satisfactory to our constituents. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representa- tives, In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session, I indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be equally marked with wisdom and animated by the love of your country. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all the co-operation which an undiminished zeal for its wel- fare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established ^ET. 58.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 241 government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE. Gentlemen, These assurances of favourable atten- tion to the subjects I have recommended, and of entire confidence in my views, make the impression on me which I ought to feel. I thank you for them both, and shall continue to rely much for the success of all our measures for the public good on the aid they will receive from the wisdom and integrity of your coun- sels. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gentlemen, The sentiments expressed in your ad- dress are entitled to my particular acknowledgment. Having no object but the good of our country, this testimony of approbation and confidence from its im- mediate representatives must be among my best re- wards, as the support of your enlightened patriotism has been among my greatest encouragements. Being persuaded that you will continue to be actuated by the same auspicious principle, I look forward to the hap- piest consequences from your deliberations during the present session. GEORGE WASHINGTON. VOL. II. R 242 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1791. SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, OCTOBER 25TH, 1791. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, I meet you upon the present occasion with the feelings which are naturally inspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situation of our common country, and by a persuasion equally strong that the labours of the session which has just com- menced will, under the guidance of a spirit no less prudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to the stability and increase of national prosperity. Numerous as are the providential blessings which demand our grateful acknowledgments, the abundance with which another year has again rewarded the in- dustry of the husbandman is too important to escape recollection. Your own observations, in your respective situa- tions, will have satisfied you of the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and naviga- tion. In tracing their causes, you will have remarked with particular pleasure the happy effects of that re- vival of confidence, public as well as private, to which the constitution and laws of the United States have so eminently contributed ; and you will have observed with no less interest new and decisive proofs of the increasing reputation and credit of the nation. But you, nevertheless, cannot fail to derive satisfaction from the confirmation of these circumstances, which will be disclosed in the several official communications that will be made to you in the course of your delibe- rations. The rapid subscriptions to the bank of the United States, which completed the sum allowed to be sub- scribed in a single day, is among the striking and MT. 59.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 243 pleasing evidences which present themselves, not only of confidence in the government, but of resource in the community. In the interval of your recess, due attention has been paid to the execution of the different objects which were specially provided for by the laws and resolutions of the last session. Among the most important of these, is the defence and security of the western frontiers. To accomplish it on the most humane principles was a primary wish. Accordingly, at the same time that treaties have been provisionally concluded, and other proper means used to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship the well-disposed tribes of Indians, effec- tual measures have been adopted to make those of a hostile description sensible that a pacification was desired upon terms of moderation and justice. These measures having proved unsuccessful, it became necessary to convince the refractory of the power of the United States to punish their depreda- tions. Offensive operations have therefore been directed ; to be conducted, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates of humanity. Some of these have been crowned with full success, and others are yet depending. The expeditions which have been completed were carried on, under the authority and at the expense of the United States, by the militia of Kentucky, whose enterprise, intrepidity, and good conduct, are entitled to peculiar commenda- tion. Overtures of peace are still continued to the de- luded tribes, and considerable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately renounced all further opposition, removed from their former situations, and R 2 244 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1791. placed themselves under the immediate protection of the United States. It is sincerely to be desired that all need of coer- cion in future may cease ; and that an intimate inter- course may succeed, calculated to advance the happi- ness of the Indians, and to attach them firmly to the United States. In order to this, it seems necessary that they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispensation of justice ; that the mode of alienating their lands, the main source of discontent and war, should be so de- fined and regulated as to obviate imposition, and, as far as may be practicable, controversy concerning the reality and extent of the alienations which are made ; that commerce with them should be promoted under regulations tending to secure an equitable deportment towards them, and that such rational experiments should be made for imparting to them the blessings of civilization, as may from time to time suit their condi- tion ; that the executive of the United States should be enabled to employ the means, to which the Indians have been long accustomed, for uniting their imme- diate interests with the preservation of peace ; and that efficacious provision should be made for inflicting ade- quate penalties upon all those who, by violating their rights, shall infringe the treaties and endanger the peace of the Union. A system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy towards an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honour- able to the national character as conformable to the dictates of sound policy. The powers specially vested in me by the act laying ^ET. 59.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 245 certain duties on distilled spirits, which respect the subdivisions of the districts into surveys, the appoint- ment of officers, and the assignment of compensations, have likewise been carried into effect. In a matter, in which both materials and experience were wanting to guide the calculation, it will be readily conceived that there must have been difficulty in such an adjust- ment of the rates of compensation as would con- ciliate a reasonable competency with a proper regard to the limits prescribed by the law. It is hoped that the circumspection which has been used will be found in the result to have secured the last of the two ob- jects ; but it is probable that, with a view to the first, in some instances a revision of the provision will be found advisable. The impressions with which this law has been re- ceived by the community have been, upon the whole, such as were to be expected among enlightened and well-disposed citizens, from the propriety and neces- sity of the measure. The novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of the United States, and a misconception of some of its provisions, have given occasion in particular places to some degree of dis- content. But it is satisfactory to know that this dis- position yields to proper explanations and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law ; and I entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give way to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty and a virtuous regard to the public welfare. If there are any circumstances in the law which, consistently with its main design, may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned objections that may happen to exist, it will consist with a wise mode- ration to make the proper variations. It is desirable, on all occasions, to unite with a steady and firm ad- 246 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1791. herence to constitutional and necessary acts of govern- ment the fullest evidence of a disposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult tbe wishes of every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the public administration in the affections of the people. Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on that subject, a district of ten miles square, for the permanent seat of the government of the United States, has been fixed and announced by proclamation ; which district will comprehend lands on both sides of the river Potomac, and the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown. A city has also been laid out agreeably to a plan which will be placed before Congress ; and as there is a prospect, favoured by the rate of sales which have already taken place, of ample funds for carrying on the necessary public buildings, there is every expectation of their due progress. The completion of the census of the inhabitants, for which provision was made by law, has been duly notified, (excepting in one instance, in which the re- turn has been informal, and another, in which it has been omitted or miscarried ;) and the returns of the officers who were charged with this duty, which will be laid before you, will give you the pleasing assur- ance that the present population of the United States borders on four millions of persons. It is proper also to inform you that a further loan of two millions and a half of florins has been com- pleted in Holland, the terms of which are similar to those of the one last announced, except as to a small reduction of charges. Another, on like terms, for six millions of florins, had been set on foot, under circum- stances that assured immediate completion. 1T. 59.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 247 Gentlemen of the Senate, Two treaties which have been provisionally concluded with the Cherokees, and Six Nations of Indians, will be laid before you for your consideration and ratification. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, In entering upon the discharge of your legislative trust, you must anticipate with pleasure that many of the difficulties necessarily incident to the first arrange- ments of a new government for an extensive country have been happily surmounted by the zealous and judicious exertions of your predecessors in co-opera- tion with the other branch of the legislature. The important objects which remain to be accomplished will, I am persuaded, be conducted upon principles equally comprehensive, and equally well calculated for the advancement of the general weal. The time limited for receiving subscriptions to the loans proposed by the act making provision for the debt of the United States having expired, statements from the proper department will as soon as possible apprize you of the exact result. Enough, however, is known already to afford an assurance that the views of that act have been substantially fulfilled. The sub- scription in the domestic debt of the United States has embraced by far the greatest proportion of that debt ; affording at the same time proof of the general satisfaction of the public creditors with the system which has been proposed to their acceptance, and of the spirit of accommodation to the convenience of the government with which they are actuated. The sub- scriptions in the debts of the respective States, as far as the provisions of the law have permitted, may be said to be yet more general. The part of the debt 248 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1791. of the United States which remains unsubscribed, will naturally engage your further deliberations. It is particularly pleasing to me to be able to an- nounce to you that the revenues which have been established promise to be adequate to their objects, and may be permitted, if no unforeseen exigency occurs, to supersede for the present the necessity of any new burthens upon our constituents. An object which will claim your early attention is, a provision for the current service of the ensuing year, together with such ascertained demands upon the trea- sury as require to be immediately discharged and such casualties as may have arisen in the execution of the public business, for which no specific appropria- tion may have yet been made ; of all which a proper estimate will be laid before you. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Represen- tatives, I shall content myself with a general re- ference to former communications for several objects, upon which the urgency of other affairs has hitherto postponed any definitive resolution. Their import- ance will recall them to your attention ; and I trust that the progress already made in the most arduous arrangements of the government will afford you leisure to resume them with advantage. There are, however, some of them of which I cannot forbear a more particular mention. These are, the militia ; the post-office and post-roads ; the mint ; weights and measures ; a provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the United States. The first is certainly an object of primary import- ance, whether viewed in reference to the national se- curity, to the satisfaction of the community, or to the jET. 59.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 249 preservation of order. In connexion with this, the establishment of competent magazines and arsenals, and the fortification of such places as are peculiarly important and vulnerable, naturally present themselves to consideration. The safety of the United States, under divine protection, ought to rest on the basis of systematic and solid arrangements, exposed as little as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances. The importance of the post-office and post-roads on a plan sufficiently liberal and comprehensive, as they respect the expedition, safety, and facility, of commu- nication, is increased by the instrumentality in diffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the go- vernment ; which, while it contributes to the security of the people, serves also to guard them against the effects of misrepresentation and misconception. The establishment of additional cross posts, especially to some of the important points in the western and north- ern parts of the Union, cannot fail to be of material utility. The disorders in the existing currency, and especially the scarcity of small change, a scarcity so peculiarly distressing to the poorer classes, strongly recommend the carrying into immediate effect the resolution al- ready entered into concerning the establishment of a mint. Measures have been taken, pursuant to that resolution, for procuring some of the most necessary articles, together with the requisite apparatus. A uniformity in the weights and measures of the country is among the important objects submitted to you by the constitution ; and, if \t can be derived from a standard at once invariable and universal, must be no less honourable to the public councils than condu- cive to the public convenience. A provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the 250 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1791. United States is particularly urged, among other rea- sons, by the important considerations, that they are pledged as a fund for reimbursing the public debt ; that, if timely and judiciously applied, they may save the necessity of burthening our citizens with new taxes for the extinguishment of the principal ; and that, being free to discharge the principal but in a limited proportion, no opportunity ought to be lost for availing the public of its rights. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE. Gentlemen, This manifestation of your zeal for the honour and the happiness of our country derives its full value from the share which your deliberations have already had in promoting both. I thank you for the favourable sentiments with which you view the part I have borne in the arduous trust committed to the government of the United States ; and desire you to be assured that all my zeal will continue to second those further efforts for the public good which are insured by the spirit in which you are entering on the present session. GEORGE WASHINGTON. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gentlemen, The pleasure I derive from an assur- ance of your attention to the objects I have recom- mended to you, is doubled by your concurrence in the testimony I have borne to the prosperous condition of our public affairs. Relying on the sanctions of your enlightened judgment, and on your patriotic aid, I JET. 59.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 251 shall be the more encouraged in all my endeavours for the public weal, and particularly in those which may be required on my part for executing the salutary measures I anticipate from your present deliberations. GEORGE WASHINGTON. SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, NOVEMBER GTH, 1792. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Re- presentatives, It is some abatement of the satis- faction with which I meet you on the present occa- sion, that in felicitating you on a continuance of the national prosperity generally, I am not able to add to it information that the Indian hostilities, which have for some time past distressed our north-western fron- tier, have terminated. You will, I am persuaded, learn with no less con- cern than I communicate it, that reiterated endea- vours towards effecting a pacification have hitherto issued only in new and outrageous proofs of per- severing hostility on the part of the tribes with whom we are in contest. An earnest desire to procure tran- quillity to the frontiers, to stop the further effusion of blood, to arrest the progress of expense, to forward the prevalent wish of the nation for peace, has led to strenuous efforts through various channels to accom- plish these desirable purposes ; in making which efforts I consulted less my own anticipations of the event, or the scruples which some considerations were calculated to inspire, than the wish to find the object attainable, or if not attainable, to ascertain unequivo- cally that such is the case. A detail of the measures which have been pursued, 252 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1792. and of their consequences, which will be laid before you, while it will confirm to you the want of success thus far, will, I trust, evince that means, as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, have been employed. The issue of some of them, indeed, is still depending ; but a favourable one, though not to be despaired of, is not promised by anything that has yet happened. In the course of the attempts which have been made, some valuable citizens have fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. A sanction commonly re- spected, even among savages, has been found, in this instance, insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace ; it will, I presume, be duly con- sidered, whether the occasion does not call for an exercise of liberality towards the families of the de- ceased. It must add to your concern to be informed, that besides the continuation of hostile appearances among the tribes north of the Ohio, some threatening symp- toms have of late been revived among some of those south of it. A part of the Cherokees, known by the name of Chickamagas, inhabiting five villages on the Tennessee River, have long been in the practice of committing depredations on the neighbouring settlements. It was hoped that the treaty of Holston, made with the Cherokee nation in July, 1791, would have pre- vented a repetition of such depredations ; but the event has not answered this hope. The Chickamagas, aided by some banditti of another tribe in their vici- nity, have recently perpetrated wanton and unpro- voked hostilities upon the citizens of the United States in that quarter. The information which has been received on this subject will be laid before you. ^ET. CO.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 253 Hitherto, defensive precautions only have been strictly enjoined and observed. It is not understood that any breach of treaty, or aggression whatsoever, on the part of the United States, or their citizens, is even alleged as a pretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter. I have reason to believe that every practicable ex- ertion has been made (pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for the alternative of a prosecution of the war, in the event of a failure of pacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised have been recruited, though the number is still incomplete ; and pains have been taken to discipline and put them in condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. A delay of operations (besides being dictated by the measures which were pursuing towards a. pacific termination of the war) has been in itself deemed preferable to im- mature efforts. A statement from the proper depart- ment, with regard to the number of troops raised, and some other points which have been suggested, will afford more precise information as a guide to the legis- lative consultations, and, among other things, will enable Congress to judge whether some additional sti- mulus to the recruiting service may not be advisable. In looking forward to the future expense of the operations which may be found inevitable, I derive consolation from the information I receive, that the product of the revenues for the present year is likely to supersede the necessity of additional burthens on the community for the service of the ensuing year. This, however, will be better ascertained in the course of the session ; and it is proper to add that the in- formation alluded to proceeds upon the supposition of no material extension of the spirit of hostility. 254 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1792. I cannot dismiss the subject of Indian affairs with- out again recommending to your consideration the expediency of more adequate provision for giving energy to the laws throughout our interior frontier, and for restraining the commission of outrages upon the Indians ; without which all pacific plans must prove nugatory. To enable, by competent rewards, the employment of qualified and trusty persons to reside among them as agents, would also contribute to the preservation of peace and good neighbourhood. If, in addition to these expedients, an eligible plan could be devised for promoting civilization among the friendly tribes, and for carrying on trade with them upon a scale equal to their wants, and under regula- tions calculated to protect them from imposition and extortion, its influence in cementing their interests with ours could not but be considerable. The prosperous state of our revenue has been inti- mated. This would be still more the case, were it not for the impediments which in some places continue to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the United States. These impediments have lessened, and are lessening, in local extent ; and as applied to the community at large, the contentment with the law appears to be progressive. But symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves in certain quarters, I judged a special interposition on my part proper and advisable ; and under this impression have issued a proclamation, warning against all unlawful combinations and pro- ceedings having for their object, or tending, to obstruct the operation of the law in question, and announcing that all lawful ways and means would be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors thereof, and securing obedience thereto. jET. 60.] SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. 255 Measures have also been taken for the prosecution of offenders. And Congress may be assured that no- thing within constitutional and legal limits which may depend on me shall be wanting to assert and main- tain the just authority of the laws. In fulfilling this trust, I shall count entirely upon the full co-operation of the other departments of government, and upon the zealous support of all good citizens. I cannot forbear to bring again into the view of the legislature the subject of a revision of the judiciary system. A representation from the judges of the Su- preme Court, which will be laid before you, points out some of the inconveniences that are experienced. In the course of the execution of the laws, considera- tions rise out of the structure of that system, which in some measure 'tend to relax their efficacy. As connected with this subject, provisions to facilitate the taking of bail upon processes out of the courts of the United States, and supplementary definition of offences against the constitution and laws of the Union, and of the punishment for such offences, will, it is pre- sumed, be found worthy of particular attention. Observations on the value of peace with other na- tions are unnecessary. It would be wise, however, by timely provisions, to guard against those acts of our own citizens which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations which we may sometimes have oc- casion to require from them. I particularly recom- mend to your consideration the means of preventing those aggressions by our citizens on the territory of other nations, and other infractions of the law of na- tions, which, furnishing just subject of complaint, might endanger our peace with them. And, in general, the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with foreign 256 SPEECHES TO CONGRESS. [1792. powers will be presented to your attention by the ex- piration of the law for that purpose, which takes place, if not renewed, at the close of the present session. In execution of the authority given by the legisla- ture, measures have been taken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the establishment of our mint ; others have been employed at home. Provision has been made of the requisite buildings, and these are now putting into proper condition for the purposes of the establishment. There has also been a small beginning in the coinage of half-dimes, the want of small coins in circulation calling the first attention to them. The regulation of foreign coins, in correspondency with the principles of our national coinage, as being essential to their due operation, and to order in our money concerns, will, I doubt not, be resumed and completed. It is represented that some provisions in the law which establishes the post-office, operate, in experi- ment, against the transmission of newspapers to dis- tant parts of the country. Should this upon due inquiry be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the circulation of poli- tical intelligence and information will, I doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy. The adoption of a constitution for the State of Ken- tucky has been notified to me. The legislature will share with me in the satisfaction which arises from an event interesting to the happiness of the part of the nation to which it relates, and conducive to the general order. It is proper likewise to inform you that, since my last communication on the subject, and in further ex- ecution of the acts severally making provision for --, S" 4 ^owcg-gP "S g j?^ g C - 4 J 1 11 *d rf l = =; ? 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J2(S^" M-aofl.'O M >; ^gg ^!3o* ^^"rt^ea ^S g - : -i,J -lefl -^-B^ WASHINGTON FAMILY. 435 gl "P =v: S^ - 05 SB * I f 1 ffrliirj a - Jti "= = F F 2 g n O - *3 s a a " "2.2 J-tf if*" S^S O g M Z< > "? *^ 2S . * SBf ^ ! 1|8 8 -" t 1 ^O^M Fi4 ""^ W" W ** i-t vi 'O " H .-3 a O ft) o <*_. c c 2 cj M tio >- Ow (SO C o b 2 ^ | H 5*3^ 2 bo H ^ 5 ^ -a a . O ,fl ^ Pi "^ ^J 2 1 e s Js 00^ ~% H) ' "^^ i S3 S-S^R 11,1 S 2 p 3 30 iJllill g S W a . = a H g z lllL ^tw J* o^-^o^j;^^ C o o a " ^ -^'o f -c .'g.-5) ^ ^ s cc to \dwick-le- id 44, and 111! 11 <4H 3 i 1.1 f W?02 Pw H : v'&'a 11 5? 51 "s if :z !i *-^B g 3 i a* K . sTg II o to W S; o o3 s 3 S fe "*" "^ 1 ts Q^ O *i H " s -2 Z~l il PH o ss ^ & c> r GJ 2 o BJ "S CX C 00 * M -_ "^ . 2 09 CO ^ t-i ^ ^*5 ^ P^ w <* * *3 ^! ^ cn S* [fj Q O ^ ** **^ . H HH Q W OH 1 JAMES WASI RICHARD W, Adwick, esq. treasurer of diers, 22 Jac. DARCY WAS INOTON, Of Adwick, esq. HI ~|||j|ii RICHARD W. of Adwick, 1 living 1703. GODFREY W son, coroner died about i; WASHINGTON'S WILL. IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. I, GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, do make, ordain, and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand, and every page thereof subscribed with my name,* to be my last WILL and TESTAMENT, revoking all others. Imprimis. All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the legacies hereinafter bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed. Item. To my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, I give and bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved lot in the town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameron Streets, I give to her and her heirs for ever ; as I also do my household and kitchen furniture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may think proper. Item. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves whom I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences to the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor ; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, * In the original manuscript, George Washington's name was written at the bottom of every page. 438 WASHINGTON'S WILL. [1799. there may be some, who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others, who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfort- ably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty- five years ; and, in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound are (by their masters or mis- tresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the Com- monwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence what- soever. And I do, moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it ; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my mulatto man, William, calling himself William Lee, I give immediate freedom, or, if he should prefer it, (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active em- ployment,) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so ; in either case, however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accus- tomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative ; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first ; and this I give him, as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war. Item. To the trustees (governors, or by whatsoever other name they may be designated) of the Academy in the town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a free school, established at, and annexed to, the said Academy, for the JET. 67.] WASHINGTON'S WILL. 439 purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons as are unable to accom- plish it with their own means, and who, in the judgment of the trustees of the said seminary, are best entitled to the bene- fit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity ; the dividends only of which are to be drawn for, and applied by the said trustees, for the time being, for the uses above mentioned ; the stock to remain entire and untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof should render a removal of this fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above. And to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence whereof an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid towards the support of this institu- tion. Item. Whereas by a law of the Commonwealth of Vir- ginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof was pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services I had rendered the public during the Revolution, and partly, I believe, in consideration of my having suggested the vast ad- vantages which the community would derive from the extension of its inland navigation under legislative patronage, to present me with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated Company established for the purpose of ex- tending the navigation of James River, from the tide water to the mountains ; and also with fifty shares, of 100 sterling each, in the corporation of another Company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the River Potomac, from the tide water to Fort Cumberland ; the accept- ance of which, although the offer was highly honourable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from, viz. not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain for its rights, and because I had evaded similar pro- positions from other States in the Union ; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation, that if it should be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares to public uses) I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility ; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will ap- pear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most 440 WASHINGTON'S WILL. [1799. ample and honourable manner ; I proceed after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare, that as it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting too frequently, not only habits of dis- sipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to repub- lican government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit from our national councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation), my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of a University in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof may be sent for the completion of their education in all the branches of polite literature, in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good government, and, as a matter of infinite im- portance, in my judgment, by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free them- selves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habi- tual jealousies which have just been mentioned, and which when carried to excess, are never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country. Under these impressions, so fully dilated, Item. I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company (under the aforesaid acts of the Legislature of Virginia), towards the endowment of a University, to be established within the limits of the district of Columbia, under the auspices of the general government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand to- wards it ; and, until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in pur- chasing stock in the Bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being, under the direction of Con- gress, provided that honourable body should patronize the measure ; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of JET. 67.] WASHINGTON'S WILL. 441 such stock is to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of which I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by the legisla- tive authority, or from any other source. Item. The hundred shares which I hold in the James River Company I have given, and now confirm in per- petuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the County of Rockbridge, in the Common- wealth of Virginia. Item. I release, exonerate, and discharge the estate of my deceased brother, Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money which is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton (lying in the county of Berkeley), who assigned the same to him, the said Samuel, who by agreement was to pay me therefor. And whereas, by some contract (the purport of which was never communicated to me) between the said Samuel and his son Thornton Washington, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance having passed from me } either to the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or the said Tliornton, and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has been alienated, it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the premises ; and these are, to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Thornton Wash- ington (who is also dead) devised the same, or to his heirs for ever if he died intestate ; exonerating the estate of the said Ihornton, equally with that of the said Samuel, from payment of the purchase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton, would amount to more than a thousand pounds. And whereas two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, namely, George Steptoe Washington and Lawrence Augustine Washington^ were, by the decease of those to whose care they were committed, brought under my protection, and, in consequence, have occasioned advances on my part, for their education at college and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other incidental ex- penses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars over and above the sums furnished by their estate, which sum it may be inconvenient for them or their father's estate to refund ; I do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate from the pay- ment thereof, my intention being, that all accounts between them and me, and their father's estate and me, shall stand balanced. Item. The balance due to me from the estate of Bartho- lomew Dandridge, deceased (my wife's brother), and which 442 WASHINGTON'S WILL. [1799. amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred and twenty-five pounds, (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son, John Dandridge, who was the acting executor of his father's will,) I release and acquit from the payment thereof. And the negroes, then thirty-three in num- ber, formerly belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on my account, in the year (blank], and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomeic Dandridge with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making com- pensation for the same, for the time past or to come, during her natural life, at the expiration of which I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom ; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer ; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age, and then be free. And, to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this rela- tion, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concerning the same. And I further direct that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negroes, accord- ing to the tenour of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece, Betty Leicis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and desire that my executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. Item. To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, and his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth pro- secuting), a lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Rich- mond), No. 265, drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half-acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partner- ship with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased William Byrd, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon, trustees of the said John Hood, numbered 1 39, in the town of Edin- burgh, in the county of Prince George, State of Virginia. Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession which relate to my civil and military administration of the affairs of this country. ^ET. 67.] WASHINGTON'S W.ILL. 443 I leave to him also such of my private papers as are worth preserving ; and at the decease of my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the State of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late governor of New York, in the State of New York, my share of land and interest in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the county of Gloucester, withholding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration money should be paid, and having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenour of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the county of Loudoun, it is my will and direction that whensoever the contracts are fully and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made agreeably to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock, the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, is to inure to my said wife during her life ; but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general dis- tribution hereafter directed. Item. To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the " Box made of the oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace, after the battle of Falkirk," presented to me by his Lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy or not to select the man who might comport with his Lordship's opinion in this respect is not for me to say ; but conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eli- gible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agree- ably to the original design of the Goldsmith's Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and at his request, con- sented that it should be transferred to me, I do give and be- queath the same to his Lordship ; and in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honour of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favourable sentiments with which he accompanied it. Item. To my brother Charles Washington, I give and be- queath the gold-headed cane left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and friends of 444 WASHINGTON'S WILL. [1799- my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and Robert Washing- ton, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them ; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one of the spy-glasses, which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend, Dr. Craik, I give my bureau (or, as the cabinet-makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stuart I give my large shaving and dressing- table, and my telescope. To the Reverend, now Bryan, Lord Fairfax, I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, presented to me by the Right Reverend Thomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man. To General de Lafayette I give a pair of finely-wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. To my sisters-in-law Hannah Wash- ington and Mildred Washington, to my friends Eleanor Stuart Hannah Washington of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington of Hayfield, I give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the intrin- sic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear I give the use of the farm, which he now holds in virtue of a lease from me, to him and his deceased wife (for and during their natural lives), free from rent during his life ; at the expiration of which it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter directed. To Sally B. Haynie (a distant relation of mine,) I give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attach- ment of their fathers to me, each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my nephews, William Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Sfeptoe Washing- ton, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Washington, I give one of the swords, or couteaux, of which I may die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self- defence, or in defence of their country and its rights ; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquish men t thereof. And now, having gone through these specific devises, with explanations for the more correct understanding of the mean- ing and design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my estate, in manner following : FIRST. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased JET. 97-] WASHINGTON'S WILL. 445 father, while we were bachelors, and he had kindly under- taken to superintend my estate during my military services in the former war between Great Britain and France, that, if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon, then less extensive in domain than at present, should become his property,) I give and bequeath all that part thereof which is comprehended within the following limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near my Mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunting Creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knoll opposite to an old road, which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy- Hole Farm ; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed; thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of the tract between Thompson Mason and myself; thence with that line easterly (now double ditching, with a post-and-rail fence thereon) to the run of Little Hunting Creek; thence with that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late Humphrey Pealie and me, to the tide water of the said creek ; thence by that water to Potomac River ; thence with the river to the month of Dogue Creek ; and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford; containing upwards of four thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the mansion-house, and all other buildings and improvements thereon. SECOND. In consideration of the consanguinity between them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself, as on account of the affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had at- tached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revolution, afterwards devoting his time to the superintendence of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public employments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful for these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Washington^ and Lawrence Augustine Washing- ton, and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting Creek, lying on the River Potomac, including the farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear, as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and twenty-seven acres, be it more or less ; which said estate it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between them, according to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when the youngest shall have arrived at 446 WASHINGTON'S WILL. ' [1799. the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious and disin- terested men ; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. In the meantime, if the termination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. THIRD. And whereas, it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren of my wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them ; more especially by the two whom we have raised from their earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Parke Custis, and George Washington Parke Custis ; and whereas the former of these hath lately intermar- ried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to provide for them both has been increased ; wherefore I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis, and Eleanor Parke Lewis his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon estate, not already devised to my nephew, Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, viz., all the land north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the other part of the tract, to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the knoll ; thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between Mr. Mason and me) ; thence with that line westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my mill ; thence with the said run to the ford afore mentioned. To which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby, together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improvements on the premises, making together about two thousand acres, be it more or less. FOURTH. Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of my wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold .on Four-Mile Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, con- taining one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington. FIFTH. All the rest and residue of my estate real and per- sonal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever con- sisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found, (a schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed,) I desire may be sold by my executors, at such times, and in such manner, and on such credits, (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the specific property cannot be made without,) as in their judg- ment shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties .EX. 67.] WASHINGTON'S WILL. 447 concerned ; and the moneys arising therefrom to be divided into twenty-three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. To William Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs of Ann Ashton, sons and daughters of my deceased brother Augustine Washington, I give and be- queath four parts, that is, one part to each of them. To Fielding Lewis, George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis, and Betty Carter, sons and daughters of my deceased sister Betty Lewis, I give and bequeath five other parts ; one to each of them. To George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence Au- gustine Washington, Harriot Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, sons and daughters of my deceased brother Samuel Washington, I give and bequeath other four parts ; one to each of them. To Corbin Washington, and the heirs of Jane Washing- ton, son and daughter of my deceased brother John Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath two parts ; one to each of them. To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball, and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my brother Charles Washing- ton, I give and bequeath three parts ; one part to each of them. And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Augustine Wash- ington, and Maria Washington, sons and daughter of my deceased nephew, George Augustine Washington, I give one other part; that is, to each a third of that part. To Elizabeth Parke Laic, Martha Parke Peter, and Eleanor Parke Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts ; that is, a part to each of them. And to my nephews Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson of my wife, I give and bequeath one other part ; that is, a third thereof to each of them. And if it should so happen that any of the persons whose names are here enumerated (unknown to me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases the heirs of such deceased person shall, notwith- standing, derive all the benefits of the bequest, in the same manner as if he or she was actually living at the time. And, by way of advice, I recommend it to my executors not to be precipitate in disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold), if from temporary causes the sale thereof should be dull, experience having fully evinced, that the price of land, especially above the falls of the river and on the western waters, has been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the legatees (under this clause of my will), as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my stock in the Potomac Company, in preference to the amount of what it might sell for ; being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the money can be applied will be so productive as the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation, (and thus, 448 WASHINGTON'S WILL. [1799. from the nature of things, it must be, ere long,) and more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Enclosure, on the ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations (now in the old vault), and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be de- posited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration. LASTLY, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, my nephews William Augustine Washing- ton^ Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington, and Lawrence Lewis, and my ward George Wash- ington Parke Custis (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years), executrix and executors of this my will and testament ; in the construction of which it will be readily per- ceived that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draft; and that, although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incorrect ; but having endeavoured to be plain and ex- plicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, per- haps of tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes will arise concerning them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from the want of legal expressions, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and in- telligent men, known for their probity and good understanding; two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two ; which three men, thus chosen, shall, unfettered by law or legal constructions, declare their sense of the testator's intention ; and such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Court of the United States. In witness of all and of each of the things herein contained, I have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,* and of the Independence of the United States the twenty-fourth. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * It appears that the testator omitted the word " nine." . 67.] WASHINGTON'S PROPERTY. 449 SCHEDULE OF PROPERTY Comprehended in the foregoing Will, which is directed to be sold ; and some of it conditionally is sold ; with descriptive and explanatory Notes relative thereto. IN VIRGINIA. Price Acres. Dollars. Dollars. Loudoun County, Difficult Run - 300 6,666 a Loudoun and Fauquier, Ashby's Bent 2481 10 24,810 Chatlin'sRun 885 8 7,080 Berkeley, South Fork of Bullskin - 1600 Head of Evans's M. - - 453 In Wormeley's Line - - 183 2236 20 44,720 c Frederick, bought from Mercer - 571 20 11,420 d Hampshire, on Potomac River,above B. 240 15 3,600 e Gloucester, on North River - - 400 about 3,600 / (a) This tract, for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation than the quality of its soil ; though that is good for farming, with a considerable pro- portion of ground that might very easily be improved into meadow. It lies on the great road from the city of Washington, Alexandria, and Georgetown, to Leesburgh and Winchester, at Difficult Bridge, nineteen miles from Alexandria, less from the city of Georgetown, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of Potomac. There is a valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is conditionally sold for the sum annexed in the schedule. (b) What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts are, I know not ; but, compared with those above the Ridge, and others below them, the value annexed will appear moderate; a less one would not obtain them from me. (c) The surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation, or properties of any sort, sells currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. The lowest price is affixed to these. (c?) The observations made in the last note apply equally to this tract, being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, although it lies in another county. (e) This tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It lies on Potomac River, about twelve miles above the town of Bath, or Warm Springs, and is in the shape of a horse-shoe, the river running almost around it. Two hun- dred acres of it are rich low grounds, with a great abundance of the largest and finest walnut trees ; which, with the produce of the soil, might (by means of the improved navigation of the Potomac) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty miles only by land. (/) This tract is of second-rate Gloucester low ground. It has no im- provements thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in fish and oysters. It was received in payment of a debt (carrying interest), and VOL. II. G G 450 WASHINGTON'S PROPERTY. [1799. Acres. Price. Dollars. Nansemond, near Suffolk, one third of 11 19 acres - 373 8 2,984 g Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend thereof - about 20,000 h Ohio River, Round Bottom - - 587 Little Kenhawa - - 2314 Sixteen miles lower down 2448 Opposite Big Bent - 4395 9744 10 97,440 * Great Kenhawa Near the mouth, west - 10990 East side, above - 7276 Mouth of Cole River - -2000 Opposite thereto - - 2950 Burning Spring - - 125 3075 200,000 k valued in the year 1789, by an impartial gentleman, at 800/. N.B. It has lately been sold, and there is due thereon a balance, equal to what is annexed in the schedule. (g) These 373 acres are the third part of an undivided purchase made by the deceased Fielding Lewis, Thomas Walker, and myself, on full conviction that they would become valuable. The land lies on the road from Suffolk and Norfolk, touches (if I am not mistaken) some part of the navigable water of Nansemond River. The rich Dismal Swamp is capable of great improvement, and from its situation must become extremely valuable. (h) This is an undivided interest, which I held in the Great Dismal Swamp Company, containing about 4000 acres, with my part of the plantation and stock thereon, belonging to the Company in the said swamp. (') These several tracts of land are of the first quality, on the Ohio River, in the parts where they are situated ; being almost, if not altogether, river bottoms. The smallest of these tracts is actually sold at ten dollars an acre, but the consideration therefor not received. The rest are equally valuable, and sold as high, especially that which lies just below the Little Keuhawa, and is opposite to a thick settlement on the west side of the river. The four tracts have an aggregate breadth upon the river of sixteen miles, and are bounded thereby for that distance. (fc) These tracts are situated on the Great Kenhawa River, and the first four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. It is acknowledged by all who have seen them, (and of the tract containing 10,990 acres, which I have been on myself, I can assert,) that there is no richer or more valuable land in all that region. They are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the schedule, that is, 200,000 dollars ; and if the terms of that sale are not complied with, they will command considerably more. The tract, of which the 125 acres is a moiety, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself, for and on account of a bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguish. . 67.] WASHINGTON'S PROPERTY. 451 MARYLAND. Acres. Price. Dollars. Charles County - 600 6 3,600 / Montgomery County - 519 12 6,228 m PENNSYLVANIA. Great Meadows - - 234 6 1,404 n NEW YORK. Mohawk River about 1000 6 6,000 o NORTHWEST TERRITORY. On Little Miami - 839 Ditto - - 977 Ditto ..... 1235 3051 5 15,255 p KENTUCKY. Hough Creek - 3000 Ditto, adjoining - 2000 5000 2 10,000 q (t) I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once been on it. It was received (many years since) in discharge of a debt to me from Daniel Jenifer Adams, at the value annexed thereto, and must be worth more. It is very level ; lies near the river Potomac. (in) This tract lies about thirty miles above the city of Washington, not far from Kittoctan. It is good farming land ; and by those who are well acquainted with it, I am informed that it would sell at twelve or fifteen dollars per acre. (n) This land is valuable on account of its local situation and other proper- ties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's Road from Fort Cumberland to Pittsburg, and, besides a fertile soil, possesses a large quantity of natural meadow fit for the scythe. It is distinguished by the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action with the French in 1754 was fought. (o) This is the moiety of about 2000 acres, which remains unsold of 6071 acres on the Mohawk River (Montgomery county), in a patent granted to Daniel Coxe, in the township of Coxborough and Carolina, as will appear by deed from Marinus Willett and wife to George Clinton, late governor of New York, and myself. The latter sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what remains unsold will fetch that or more. (j>) The quality of these lands, and their situations, may be known by the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the mouth of the Little Miami ; another seven, and the third, ten miles up the same. I have been informed that they will command more than they are estimated at. (y) For the description of these tracts in detail, see General Spotswood's G G 2 452 WASHINGTON'S PROPERTY. [1799. LOTS. CITY OF WASHINGTON. Dollars. Two near the Capitol, square 634, cost 963 dol- lars, and with buildings - 15,000 r Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, the last three water lots on the Eastern Branch, in square 667, containing together 34,438 square feet, at 12 cents - 4,132 s ALEXANDRIA. Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half an acre, laid out into buildings, three or four of which are let on ground rent, at three dollars per foot 4,000 t WINCHESTER. A lot in the town, of half an acre, and another on the commons, of about six acres, supposed - 400 u BATH, OR WARM SPRINGS. Two well-situated and handsome buildings, to the amount of 150 800 v letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Besides the general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous (and settlers are moving that way very fast), will be found very valuable, as the Rough Creek, a branch of Green River, affords ample water for furnaces and forges. (r) The two lots near the Capitol, in square 634, cost me 963 dollars only. But in this price I was favoured, on condition that I should build two brick houses, three stories high each. Without this reduction, the selling prices of those lots would have cost me about 1350 dollars. These lots, with the buildings thereon, when completed, will stand me in 15,000 dollars at least. (s) Lots Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eastern Branch, are advan- tageously situated on the water ; and although many lots, much less con- venient, have sold a great deal higher, I will rate these at 12 cents the square foot only. (/) For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused 3500 dollars. It has since been laid out into proper sized lots for building on ; three or four of which are let on ground rent, for ever, at three dollars a foot on the street, and this price is asked for both fronts on Pitt and Prince streets. (u) As neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price ; but, as both are well situated, it is presumed that the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable valuation. () The lots in Bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recollec- tion, between fifty and sixty pounds, twenty years ago ; and the buildings thereon, one hundred and fifty pounds more. Whether property there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the houses are, I am ignorant ; but suppose they are not valued too high. . 67.] WASHINGTON'S PROPERTY. 453 STOCK. United States 6 per cent. Ditto, deferred Ditto, 3 per cent. Acres. - 1873 - 2946 Price. 3,746 Dollars. 2,500 Potomac Comp., 24 shares, cost each 100 ster. James River Comp., 5 shares, each cost 100 dollars Bank of Columbia, 170 shares, 40 dollars each - Bank of Alexandria Besides 20 shares in the free school 5. STOCK, LIVING. One covering horse, 5 carriage horses, 4 riding horses, 6 brood mares, 20 working horses and mares, 2 covering jacks and 3 young ones, 10 she-asses, 42 working mules, 15 younger ones, 329 head of horned cattle, 640 head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the precise number unknown. Hgf" My manager has estimated this live stock at 7000 ; but I shall set it down, in order to make a round sum, at - 6,246 10,666 500 6,800 \ 1,OOOJ 15,653 Aggregate amount - 1 530,000 (;) These are the sums which are actually funded ; and though no more in the aggregate than 7566 dollars, stand me in at least ten thousand pounds, Virginia money, being the amount of bonded and other debts due to me, and discharged during the war, when money had depreciated in that rate, lliTand was so settled by public authority. Or) The value annexed to these shares is what they have actually cost me, and is the price affixed by law ; and although the present selling price is under par, my advice to the legatees (for whose benefit they are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money,) is, that each should take and hold one ; there being a moral certainty of a great and increasing profit arising from them in the course of a few years. (y) It is supposed that the shares in the James River Company must be productive. But of this I can give no decided opinion for want of more accurate information. () These are the nominal prices of the shares in the Banks of Alexandria and Columbia ; the selling prices vary according to circumstances ; but, as the stocks usually divide from eight to ten per cent, per annum, they must be worth the former, at least, so long as the banks are conceived to be secure, although from circumstances they may sometimes be below it. The value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than quantity of the different species of it, and this again upon the demand and judgment or fancy of purchasers. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. DEATH OF JUMONVILLE.* THE circumstances attending the death of Jumonville have been so remarkably misunderstood and perverted by the French historians, and the character of Washington, in regard to this event, has suffered so much in their hands, that the subject demands a further consideration. The following ex- tracts, from three of the most recent and accredited French writers, will shew in what light this point of history is still viewed by that nation. The first extract is from Flassan, whose history holds a high rank in French literature, and was written with the approbation of Napoleon, if not in conse- quence of his suggestion. " M. de Jumonville," says Flassan, " setting off with an escort of thirty men, found himself surrounded in the morning by a body of English and savages. The former fired twice in rapid succession, and killed several Frenchmen. Jumonville made a sign that he was the bearer of a letter from his com- mandant. The fire ceased, and they gathered around him to hear the letter. He caused the summons to be read, but the reading was not finished when the English reiterated their fire and killed him. The remaining Frenchmen of his escort were immediately made prisoners of war."f The next extract is from Lacretelle, whose history likewise enjoys a distinguished reputation in his native country : " An officer, by the name of Jumonville, was sent with an escort of thirty men. The English, ranged in a circle around him, listened to the representations which he came to make. Had they premeditated so atrocious a crime ? Were they moved by a sudden impulse of hatred and ferocity? This cannot now be known ; but they disgraced the New World by an outrage never before heard of among civilized people, and which excited the savages to a transport of indignation. * See vol. i. p. 47. f Histoire de la Diplomatie Fran^aise, ou de la Politique de la France, &c. Par M. de Flassan. Paris, 1811. Tom. vi. p. 28. 458 APPENDIX- [1754. They assassinated Jumonville, and immolated eight soldiers, who fell bleeding by the side of their chief. They made pri- soners of the rest of the escort." To this passage M. Lacretelle adds the following note : " It is painful to state, that the detachment of the English who committed this atrocity was commanded by Washington. This officer, who afterwards displayed the purest virtues of the warrior, the citizen, and the sage, was then no more than twenty-two years old. He could not restrain the wild and undisciplined troops who marched under his orders."* Montgaillard, another French historian, who has sketched with great ability and eloquence, in the form of annals, the events of the French Revolution, thus speaks of Washington, after quoting the elegant tribute to his memory by Mallet- Dupan : " This great man, the only person with whom no other in modern history can be compared, would have enjoyed a renown without reproach, his public career would have been without fault, his glory would have shone with an unsullied lustre, had it not been for the fatal event of the death of Jumonville a young officer sent to him with a summons by the commandant of the French establishments on the Ohio. Washington, then a major in the forces of the King of England, commanded the post which assassinated Jumonville. He was then twenty-three [twenty-two] years of age. Far from offering any reparation, himself attacked by the brother of Jumonville, and made prisoner with his troops, he received his life and liberty on the condition of sending back the Frenchmen who escaped from the massacre ; yet he violated his promise. The French could never efface the remembrance of this deplorable circum- stance, whatever veneration the political life of this illustrious citizen might have merited."f Many other French historians might be cited, who make the same statements, in almost the same words ; and even very recently the writer of a life of Washington in the Biographic Universelle, who aims apparently to be accurate and impartial, and who has done justice for the most part to Washington's character, repeats this story of the assassination of Jumonville, adding, like Lacretelle, as the only extenuating circumstances, the youth of Washington, and the ungovernable ferocity of his soldiers. * Histoire de France, pendant le Dix-Huitieme Siecle. Par M. Lacretelle le Jeune. Paris, 1809. Tom. ii. p. 234. t Histoire de France, depuis la Fin du Rfcgne de Louis XVI., &c. Par 1'Abbe de Montgaillard. Paris, 1828. Tom. v. p. 297. ,T. 22.] DEATH OF JUMONVILLE. 459 It will be seen, by comparing the above extracts, that they are in substance precisely the same, and must unquestionably have been derived from a common source. Everything will depend on the degree of credit that is due to this single authority, upon which alone all the accounts of subsequent writers are founded. A supposed fact is not strengthened by the repetition of one historian from another, whatever merit each writer may have on the score of talents and honest intentions. All history is built on evidence, and if this is fallacious, or par- tial, or dubious, the deductions from it must be equally uncertain and deceptive. Of this obvious position the present instance affords a remarkable illustration. The authority, from which all the French historians have drawn their intelligence, is a letter written by M. de Con- trecoeur to the Marquis Duquesne, at that time Governor of Canada. This letter is dated June 2nd, 1754. The follow- ing is a literal translation of the part which relates to the sub- ject in question : " Since the letter which I had the honour of writing to you on the 30th ultimo, in which I informed you that I expected the return of M. de Jumonville in four days, it has been re- ported by the savages that his party has been taken, and eight men killed, among whom is M. de Jumonville. A Canadian belonging to the party, named Mouceau, made his escape, who relates that they had built cabins in a low bottom, where they lay during a heavy rain. At seven o'clock in the morning, they saw themselves encircled on one side by the English, and by savages on the other. Two discharges of musketry were fired upon them by the English, but none by the savages. M. de Jumonville called to them by an interpreter to desist, as he had something to say to them. The firing ceased. M. de Jumonville caused the summons to be read which I had sent, admonishing them to retire, a copy of which I have the honour to enclose. Whilst this was reading, the said Mouceau saw the French gathered close around M. de Jumon- ville, in the midst of the English and the savages. At that time Mouceau escaped through the woods, making his way hither partly by land, and partly in a small canoe on the river Monongahela. " This, Sir, is all that I have been able to learn from Mouceau. The misfortune is that our people were taken by surprise. The English had surrounded and come upon them before they were seen. " I have this moment received a letter from M. de Chau- vignerie, which I have the honour to send you herewith, from which you will see that we have certainly lost eight men, of 460 APPENDIX. [1754- whom M. de Jumonville is one. The savages who were present say, that M. de Jumonville was killed by a musket- shot in the head, while he was listening to the reading of the summons, and that the English would immediately have destroyed the whole party if the savages had not rushed in before them and prevented their attempt. M. Drouillon and M. de la Force were made prisoners. We are not informed whether M. de Boucherville and M. du Sable, two cadets, are among the slain. Such is the account which we have received from the savages."* Here we have all the particulars, as they appear in the citations from the French historians, and almost in the same language. And this is the original and sole authority, from which have been derived all the succeeding French accounts of the conflict between the forces of Washington and Jumon- ville, which terminated so fatally to the latter. By what tes- timony is this statement of M. de Contrecceur sustained ? First, by the report of a Canadian, who fled, affrighted, at the beginning of the action; and next, by the vague rumours of the savages who were said to have been on the spot. These savages, if any there were, who returned to M. de Contre- cceur, must have come out with the French party. No such savages are mentioned as being seen by the English ; and consequently, if there were any originally with the party, they escaped, like the Canadian, at the beginning of the action, and could have had no knowledge of the manner in which it was conducted. In any other case, would such testimony be taken as evidence of facts ? It can certainly have no claim to be made the basis of an historical narrative, much less can it warrant severe censures upon the character of an officer who was in reality discharging his duty in the execution of his orders. In the year 1759, five years after these events, M. Thomas published his epic, in four cantos, entitled " JUMONVILLE," founded on the incidents, real and imaginary, of the skirmish in which his hero fell, and of the attack of M. de Villiers upon Fort Necessity, which soon followed. He states the subject of his poem to be " L'Assassinat de M. de Jumonville en Amerique, et la Vengeance de ce Meurtre." It is written with extreme warmth of patriotic passion throughout, and Zim- merman, in his treatise on "NATIONAL PRIDE," cites the " Jumonville" of Thomas, as a remarkable instance of the effect of national antipathy. The preface contains an ex- * See the whole letter in the " Memohe contenant le Precis des Faiis, &c." p. 106. JET. 22,] DEATH OF JUMONVILLE. 461 aggerated paraphrase of M. de Contrecceur's letter, as the groundwork of the author's poetical fabric. With the ma- terials thus furnished, and with the machinery of the deep and wild forests, the savages, the demon of battles, and the ghost of Jumonville, his epic speedily assumes a tragic garb, and the scenes of horror and cries of vengeance cease not till the poem closes. The general merits of this piece, as a poetical compo- sition, and the high character of M. Thomas as a man of letters, gave it a currency in the literary world, which had the effect of perpetuating the impressions then received, and, so far, of biasing prevalent opinions, as to prevent that cautious examination into facts which is the first duty of a faithful historian.* The official letters of Washington, now for the first time published, and also the manuscript letters of Governor Din- widdie, throw much additional light upon this subject, and afford the means for drawing up the following accurate state- ment of all the essential particulars. When the news of the capitulation of Ensign Ward to the French on the Ohio, in consequence of a military summons, reached Will's Creek, where the Virginia troops were en- camped, Colonel Washington considered the frontiers to be actually invaded, and that, in compliance with the tenour of his orders, it was his duty to march forward and be prepared to meet the invading forces wherever they should present them- selves. A council of war was immediately held, by which this opinion was confirmed, and it was resolved to proceed to the junction of Red-stone Creek with the Monongahela, thirty- seven miles from the fort captured by the French, construct such a fortification there as circumstances would permit, and wait for reinforcements. On the 1st of May, the little army, amounting to one hundred and fifty men, set off from Will's Creek, and advanced by slow and tedious marches into the wilderness. The Indians brought in frequent reports of their having seen French scouts in the woods, and on the 24th of May the Half-King sent a message to Washington, apprizing him that a French force, in what numbers he could not tell, was on its' march to attack the English wherever they should be found, and warning him to be on his guard. He was now a few miles beyond the Great Meadows, and on receiving this intelligence he hastened back to that place, and threw up an entrenchment, determined to wait there the approach of the enemy, whom he supposed to be coming out with a hostile intention. * Life and Writings of George Washington, by Jared Sparks, 12 vols. 462 APPENDIX. [1754- Early in the morning of the 27th, Mr. Gist arrived in camp from his residence, which was about thirteen miles distant, and informed Colonel Washington that M. La Force with fifty men had been at his plantation the day before, and that on his way he had seen the tracks of the same party five miles from the encampment at the Great Meadows. Seventy-five men were immediately dispatched in pursuit of this party, but they returned without having discovered it. Between eight and nine o'clock the same night an express arrived from the Half- King, who was then six miles off, with intelligence that he had seen the tracks of two Frenchmen, which had been traced to an obscure retreat, and that he imagined the whole party to be concealed within a short distance. Fearing this might be a stratagem of the French for attacking his camp, Colonel Wash- ington put his ammunition in a place of safety, and, leaving a strong guard to protect it, he set out with forty men, and reached the Indian's camp a little before sunrise, having marched through a rainy and exceedingly dark night. On counselling with the Half-King and the other Indians of his party, it was agreed that they should march together and make the attack in concert on the French. They then proceeded in single file through the woods, after the manner of the Indians, till they came upon the tracks of the two Frenchmen, when the Half-King sent two Indians forward to retrace these tracks, and discover the position of the main body. This was found to be in a very retired place, surrounded by rocks, and half a mile from the road. A disposition for attack was then formed, in which the English occupied the right wing and the Indians the left. In this manner they advanced till they came so near as to be discovered by the French, who in- stantly ran to their arms. Washington then ordered his men to fire, and a skirmish ensued. The firing continued on both sides about fifteen minutes, till the French were defeated, with the loss of their whole party, ten men being killed, including their commander, M. de Jumonville, one wounded, and twenty- one taken prisoners. Colonel Washington's loss was, one man killed, and two or three wounded. The Indians escaped with- out injury, as the firing of the French was directed chiefly against the right wing, where Washington and his men were stationed. This is a brief and simple narrative of facts, drawn from Washington's official letters written at the time, and from the account transmitted by Governor Dinwiddie to the British ministry, which are both confirmed by the extracts from Wash- ington's private journal published by the French government. It is worthy of remark, that this journal, kept for his own JET. 22-] DEATH OF JUMONVILLE. 463 private use, and captured the year following by the French at Braddock's defeat, accords in every essential point with his public communications to Governor Dinwiddie. Is not this accordance an irrefragable proof of the fidelity of his statement, even if his character permitted us to demand any other proof, than his single declaration ? Were it possible for him to give a deceptive colouring to his public despatches, yet there could be no conceivable inducement for recording such deceptions among the broken minutes of his daily transactions, which were intended for no eye but his own. Let it now be asked, what ground there can be for calling the death of Jumonville in this skirmish an assassination, or affixing to it the stigma of a crime with which it has been marked by the French historians ? Is this charge authorized either by the act itself, or by the nature of the causes which led to it ? As to the act itself, it differs in no respect from that of any other commander who leads his men into an engagement, in which some of the enemy are slain. It was a conflict into which both parties entered with such means of annoyance as they could command. One of Washington's men was killed by the French, and others were wounded. There would be just as much justice in calling the death of this man an assas- sination as that of M. de Jumonville. It is true, as M. de Contrecceur wrote to the Marquis Duquesne, that Washing- ton came upon the French by surprise ; but this circumstance, so far from being a matter of censure, is not only considered allowable among the stratagems of honourable warfare, but an object of praise in the commander who effects it with success. The report of the Canadian, that the reading of the summons was begun by M. de Jumonville's order, and of the savages, that he was killed while the interpreter was reading it, are manifestly fictions, as these incidents are nowhere else men- tioned. Some of the prisoners said, after they were taken, that when the firing commenced the French called out to the English, with the design to make known the object of their mission, and the purport of the summons brought by M. de Jumonville. This was not told to Washington by the pri- soners, nor was he informed of it till after their departure. He wrote to the Governor, however, stating that he had heard such a report, and affirming it to be false. The same parti- culars and the same affirmation were entered in his journal. As he was at the head of his men, and the first person seen by the French, he believed it impossible that any such call should have been made without his hearing it, which was not 464 APPENDIX. [1754. the case, but, on the contrary, he saw them run to their arms and they immediately commenced firing. In regard to the causes which led to the attack, it has been presumed by the French writers, that hostilities had not been committed, and that war did not in reality exist. Without discussing the abstract merits of the question, it is certain that the Governor and people of Virginia looked upon the fron- tiers as at that time in a state of war, and supposed it lawful to repel by force the French and Indians in league with them, wherever found. M. de Contrecoeur had appeared with an army before the fort on the Ohio, which was held by a party of Virginia troops, had drawn up his cannon in a menacing attitude, demanded a surrender, and threatened to take for- cible possession in case his demand was disregarded. Com- pelled by this threat, the chief officer of the fort had capitu- lated. This act, on the part of the French commander, was considered as the beginning of an open war. Governor Din- widdie, alluding to this subject in writing to the Governor of South Carolina, says, " I think there can be no greater act of hostility than taking a fort begun to be built by his Majesty's immediate commands, and this must be esteemed the first breach from the French ; and what followed in taking some of their people prisoners, and killing others, was in consequence thereof." In his message to the House of Burgesses, of Vir- ginia, August 23rd, 1754, the Governor also says, " In open contempt and violation of the treaties now subsisting between the crowns of Great Britain and France, they have unjustly invaded his Majesty's lands on the river Ohio, and with an armed force taken a fort that by his Majesty's orders I had directed to be built on that river." It is moreover certain, that Colonel Washington acted in strict conformity with the orders he had received ; for the Governor approved his con- duct both in writing to the ministry in England and to M. Drouillon, one of the prisoners who complained of his de- tention. It must be inferred, therefore, that whatever may be the political aspect of this question, as concerning the relations between France and England, Washington was in no degree censurable for the course he pursued, but, on the contrary, was engaged in the discharge of his duty, by acting in strict obedience to the will and directions of the government of Vir- ginia, under whose authority he held his commission. The representations of the French prisoners, that Jumon- ville's detachment did not come out in a military capacity, but merely to bring a civil message, or summons, is well an- swered in Washington's letters to the Governor of Virginia. &T. 22.] DEATH OF JUMONVILLE. 465 The same reasoning is used by the Governor himself in his reply to M. Drouillon, who made to him similar representa- tions after he reached Winchester. " The protection due to messengers of peace," says Gover- nor Dinwiddie, " is so universally acknowledged, and the sacredness of their character so inviolably preserved, that even among the most barbarous nations their persons are safe and unhurt. You cannot be ignorant how much all the various tribes of Indians revere the calumet, and you must know, that a flag of truce would sooner have induced our protection and regard, than a body of men armed with the instruments of destruction. Thus, I think, the inconsistency of your appear- ance with your pretensions obliges me to consider you in no other light than that in which you presented yourselves. You remained several days about our camp without telling your message, nor would you do it till you were prepared for our destruction. You had neither a right to demand, nor Colonel Washington to discuss, the King my master's title to the land on the Ohio river. Such a disquisition lay only with your superiors. But it was his duty to preserve his Majesty's do- minions in peace, and protect his subjects ; and they who attempt the violation of either must acknowledge the justice of their fate if they meet with destruction. Colonel Wash- ington assures me of the contrary to what you represent, regarding the circumstances of the action ; and after it, the papers of summons and instructions to the Sieur Jumonville are incontestable proofs and justifications of his conduct, and laid him under the necessity of continuing to act as he after- terwards did." Again, alluding to this subject, Governor Dinwiddie writes to Lord Albemarle: " The prisoners said they were come on an embassy from their fort ; but your Lordship knows that ambassadors do not come with such an armed force, without a trumpet, or any other sign of friendship ; nor can it be thought they were on an embassy, by staying so long recon- noitring our small camp, but more probably, that they ex- pected a reinforcement from their fort to cut them all off." It may not be possible to ascertain at this time the precise object for which the party under Jumonville was sent out. The tenour of his instructions, and the manner in which he approached Colonel Washington's camp, make it evident enough that he deviated widely from the mode usually adopted in conveying a summons; and his conduct was unquestionably such as to create just suspicions, if not to afford a demonstra- tion, of his hostile designs. His appearance on the route at the head of an armed force, his subsequent concealment at a VOL. II. H H 466 APPENDIX. [1754. distance from the road, his remaining there for nearly two days, his sending off messengers to M. de Contrecceur, were all circumstances unfavourable to a pacific purpose. If he came really as a peaceful messenger, and if any fault was com- mitted by the attack upon him, it must be ascribed to his own imprudence and injudicious mode of conducting his enter- prise, and not to any deviation from strict military rules on the part of Colonel Washington, who did no more than execute the duty of a vigilant officer, for which he received the unqualified approbation of his superiors and of the public. BATTLE OF THE GREAT MEADOWS.* A GOOD deal of dissatisfaction was expressed with some of the articles of capitulation, when they came to be made public.f The truth is, Colonel Washington had been grossly deceived by the interpreter", either through ignorance or design. An officer of his regiment, who was present at the reading and signing of the articles, wrote as follows on this point five weeks afterwards, in a letter to a friend : " When Mr. Vanbraam returned with the French pro- posals, we were obliged to take the sense of them from his mouth ; it rained so hard that he could not give us a written translation of them; we could scarcely keep the candle lighted to read them by ; and every officer there is ready to declare that there was no such word as assassination mentioned. The terras expressed were the death of Jumonville. If it had * See vol. i. p. 56. f The following are the articles of capitulation, as published at the time from the duplicate copy retained by Colonel Washington : " ART. I. Nous accordons au commandant Anglais de se retirer avec toute sa garnison, pour s'en retourner paisiblement dans son pays, et lui pro- mettons d'empecher qu'il lui soit fait aucune insulte par nos Francais, et de maiutenir, autant qu'il sera en notre pouvoir, tous les sauvages qui sont avec nous. " ART. II. II lui sera permis de sortir, et d'emporter tout ce qui leur ap- partiendra, d Fexception de I'artillerie, qui nous nous reservons. " ART. III. Que nous leur accordons les honneurs de la guerre ; qu'ils sortiront tambour battant avec une petite piece de canon, voulant bien par-la leur prouver que nous les traitons en amis. " ART. IV. Que si-tot les articles signes de part et d'autre, ils ameneront le pavilion Anglais. " ART. V. Que demain a la pointe du jour, un detachement Francais ira faire defiler la garuison et prendre possession du dit fort. " ART. VI. Que comme les Anglais n'ont presque plus de chevaux ni JET. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GREAT MEADOWS. 467 been mentioned, we would by all means have had it altered, as the French, during the course of the interview, seemed very condescending, and desirous to bring things to a conclusion; and, upon our insisting, altered the articles relating to stores and ammunition, which they wanted to detain ; and that of the cannon, which they agreed to have destroyed, instead of reserved for their use. " Another article which appears to our disadvantage, is that whereby we oblige ourselves not to attempt an establishment beyond the mountains. This was translated to us, not to at- tempt buildings or improvements on the lands of his Most Chris- tian Majesty. This we never intended, as we denied he had any there, and therefore thought it needless to dispute the point. tl The last article, which relates to the hostages, is quite dif- ferent from the translation of it given to us. It is mentionedyor the security of the performance of this treaty, as well as for the return of the prisoners. There was never such an intention on our side, or mention of it made on theirs by our inter- preter. Thus, by the evil intention or negligence of Van- braam, our conduct is scrutinized by a busy world, fond of criticizing the proceedings of others, without considering cir- cumstances, or giving just attention to reasons which might be offered to obviate their censures." Vanbraam was a Dutchman, and had but an imperfect knowledge of either the French or English language. How far his ignorance should be taken as an apology for his blun- ders, is uncertain. Although he had approved himself a good officer, yet there were other circumstances which brought his fidelity in question. Governor Dinwiddie, in giving an ac- count of this affair to Lord Albemarle, says " In the capi- bceufs, ils seront Hbres de mettre leurs effets en cache pour venir chercher lorsqu'ils auront rejointdes chevaux; ils pourront & cette fin laisser des gar- diens, en tel uombre qu'ils voudront, aux conditions qu'ils donneront parole d'honneur de ne plus travailler a aucun etablissement dans ce lieu-ci, ni deca de la hauteur des terres, pendant une annee ti compter de cejour. " ART. VII. Que comme les Anglais ont en leur pouvoir un officier, denx cadets, et ge"neralement les prisotmiers qu'ils nous ont fails dans Uassassinat du Sieur de Jumonville, et qu'ils promettent de les envoyer avec sauvegarde jusqu'au Fort Duquesne, situe sur la Belle-Riviere ; et que pour surete de cet article, ainsi que de ce traite, Messrs. Jacob Vanbraam et Robert Stobo, tous deux capitaines, nous seront remis en otage jusqu'a I'arrive'e de nos Francais et Canadiens ci-dessus mentionnes." The parts here marked in italics were misrepresented by the interpreter, or at least the meaning of them was so imperfectly and obscurely expressed by him, as to be misunderstood by Colonel Washington and his officers. The words pendant une annee a compter de ce jour, which occur at the end of the sixth article in the copy retained by Colonel Washington, are not found in the copy of the articles printed by the French government. H II 2 468 APPENDIX. [1754. tulation they made use of the word assassination, but Wash- ington, not knowing French, was deceived by the interpreter, who was a poltroon, and though an officer with us, they say he has joined the French." How long Vanbraam was de- tained as a hostage is not known, but he never returned to Virginia, and it was the general belief that he practised an intentional deception in his attempts to interpret the articles of capitulation. But whether this be true or not, the conse- quence was unfortunate, as the articles in their written form implied an acknowledgment of the charge of assassinating Jumonville. The French writers, regarding this as an au- thentic public document, were confirmed by it in their false impressions, derived from M. de Contrecceur's letter, concern- ing the fate of Jumonville ; and thus a grave historical error, inflicting a deep injustice on the character of Washington, has been sanctioned by eminent names, and perpetuated in the belief of the reading portion of the French people. M. de Villiers, the commander of the French forces, was the brother of Jumonville. His account of the march from Fort Duquesne and the transactions at the Great Meadows was published by the French government, in connexion with what purported to be extracts from Colonel Washington's journal taken at Braddock's defeat. Many years afterwards, some person sent to Washington a translation of these papers, upon which he made a brief comment, which it is proper to introduce in this place, after inserting an extract from that part of M. de Villier's narrative which relates to the affair of the Great Meadows. " As we had no knowledge of the place," says M. de Vil- liers, " we presented our flank to the fort, when they began to fire on us with their cannon. Almost at the same in- stant that I saw the English on the right coming towards us, the Indians as well as ourselves set up a loud cry, and we ad- vanced upon them ; but they did not give us time to fire before they retreated behind an intrenchment adjoining the fort. We then prepared ourselves to invest the fort. It was advan- tageously situated in a meadow, and within musket-shot of the wood. We approached as near to them as possible, and not uselessly expose his Majesty's subjects. The fire was spirited on both sides, and I placed myself in the position where it seemed to me most likely a sortie would be attempted. If the expression may be allowed, we almost extinguished the fire of their cannon by our musketry. " About six o'clock in the evening, the fire of the enemy in- creased with renewed vigour, and continued till eight. We returned it briskly. We had taken effectual measures to se- jET. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GREAT MEADOWS. 469 cure our posts and keep the enemy in the fort all night ; and after having put ourselves in the best position possible, we called out to the English that if they desired a parley with us we would cease firing. They accepted the proposal. A cap- tain came out, and I sent M. de Mercier to receive him, and went to the Meadow myself, where we told him that, not being at war, we were willing to save them from the cruelties to which they would expose themselves on the part of the savages by an obstinate resistance; that we could take from them all the hope of escape during the night; that we consented, never- theless, to shew them favour, as we had come only to avenge the assassination which they had inflicted upon my brother, in violation of the most sacred laws, and to oblige them to depart from the territories of the King. We then agreed to accord to them the capitulation, a copy of which is hereunto annexed. " We considered that nothing could be more advantageous to the nation than this capitulation, as it was unnatural in the time of peace to make prisoners. We made the English con- sent to sign that they had assassinated my brother in his camp. We took hostages for the French who were in their power ; we caused them to abandon the lands belonging to the King ; we obliged them to leave their cannon, which consisted of nine pieces ; we had destroyed all their horses and cattle, and made them sign that the favour we granted them was only to prove how much we desired to treat them as friends. That very night the articles were signed, and I received in camp the hostages whom I had demanded. " On the 4th, at the dawn of day, I sent a detachment to take possession of the fort. The garrison defiled, and the number of their dead and wounded excited my pity, in spite of the resentment which I felt for the manner in which they had taken away the life of my brother. " The savages, who in everything had adhered to my wishes, claimed the right of plunder, but I prevented them. The English, struck with a panic, took to flight, and left their flag and one of their colours. I demolished the fort, and M. de Mercier caused the cannon to be broken, as also the one granted by the capitulation, the English not being able to take it away. I hastened my departure, after having burst open the casks of liquor, to prevent the disorders which would other- wise infallibly have followed. One of my Indians took ten Englishmen, whom he brought to me, and whom I sent back by another." Memoire contenant le Precis des Faits, r., p. 147. Such is the statement of M. de Villiers. The incident mentioned at the close, of an Indian taking ten Englishmen, is so ludicrous, that it must necessarily cast a shade of doubt 470 APPENDIX. [1754. over the whole, and cause us to suspect the writer's accuracy of facts and soundness of judgment, whatever we may think of the fertility of his imagination, and his exuberant self-com- placency. Washington's remarks on this extract were com- municated in the following letter to a gentleman, who had previously written to him on the subject : " Sir, I am really sorry that I have it not in my power to answer your request in a more satisfactory manner. If you had favoured me with the journal a few days sooner, I would have examined it carefully, and endeavoured to point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my advantage, and the public satisfaction ; but now it is out of my power. " I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece, which is called my journal. The enclosed are observations on the French notes. They are of no use to me separated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you ; yet I send them, unconnected and incoherent, as they were taken, for I have no opportunity to correct them. " In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition ; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as cer- tainly and strangely metamorphosed ; some parts left out which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egre- giously miscalled ; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incorrect and nonsensical ; yet I will not pretend to say that the little body who brought it to me has not made a literal translation, and a good one. " Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Villiers' account of the battle of, and transactions at, the Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than incon- sistent. He says the French received the first fire. It is well known that we received it at six hundred paces' distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account ? He acknowledges that we sustained the attack warmly from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might, also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vainglory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would ;ET. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GREAT MEADOWS. 471 consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we ob- tained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment ; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English ; but whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. " That we left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain ; that there was not even a possibility to bring them away is equally certain, as we had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the action ; so that it was impracticable to bring anything off that our shoulders were not able to bear ; and to wait there was impossible, for we had scarce three days' provisions, and were seventy miles from a supply ; yet, to say we came off precipitately is abso- lutely false; notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians to pillage our baggage, and commit all kinds of irregularity, we were with them until ten o'clock the next day ; we destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling into their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had got about a mile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up : this is the party he speaks of. We brought them all safe off, and encamped within three miles of the Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make it evidently clear that we were not very apprehensive of danger. The colours he speaks of as left were, a large flag, of immense size and weight; our regimental colours were brought off, and are now in my possession. Their gasconades and boasted clemency must appear in the most ludicrous light to every considerate person who reads Villiers' journal. Such preparations for an attack; such vigour and intrepidity as he pretends to have conducted his march with ; such revenge as by his own account appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to sum up the whole, Mr. Villiers pays himself no great compliment in saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were ad- justed. We surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself. " I do not doubt but your good nature will excuse the bad- 472 APPENDIX. [1754. ness of my paper and the incoherence of my writing ; think you see me in a public house, in a crowd, surrounded with noise, and you hit my case. You do me particular honour in offering your friendship ; I wish I may be so happy as always to merit it, and deserve your correspondence, which I should be glad to cultivate." In September, somewhat more than two months after the capitulation, Captain Mackay wrote to Washington from Will's Creek, stating that he had recently returned from Phi- ladelphia, and adding " I had several disputes about our capitulation, but I satisfied every person that mentioned the subject as to the articles in question, that they were owing to a bad interpreter, and contrary to the translation made to us when we signed them." No more needs be said to shew the true light in which the articles of capitulation were understood by Washington and his officers. It is not to be inferred, however, that M. de Vil- liers was knowingly guilty of an imposition in regard to the clause relating to the death-of his brother. On the contrary, it seems more than probable that he really believed the report of the assassination, for he had received no other intelligence or explanation than the rumour brought to M. de Contrecceur by the Canadian and the savages. This fact, however, does not lessen the injury done to Washington in seriously using the articles of capitulation as an historical document to sanction a charge equally untrue in all its essential particulars and un- just in its application. It was a subject of mortification to Colonel Washington that Governor Dinwiddie refused to ratify the capitulation in regard to the French prisoners. The Governor thus explained his conduct in a letter to the Board of Trade : " The French, after the capitulation entered into with Colonel Washington, took eight of our people, and exposed them to sale, and miss- ing thereof, sent them prisoners to Canada. On hearing of this, I detained the seventeen prisoners, the officer, and two cadets, as I am of opinicin, after they were in my custody, Washington could not engage for their being returned. I have ordered a flag of truce to be sent to the French, offer- ing the return of their officer and the two cadets for the two hostages they have of ours." This course of proceeding was not suitable to the principles of honour and sense of equity entertained by Colonel Washington, but he had no further control of the affair. 473 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.* THE stamp act, after a violent opposition in parliament, was passed, and its reception in America was such as might have been expected. The news, and the act itself, first arrived at Boston, when the bells were muffled, and rung a funeral peal. The act was first hawked about the streets, with a death's head affixed to it, and styled " The folly of England, and the ruin of America ;" and afterwards publicly burnt by the enraged populace. The stamps were seized and destroyed, unless brought by men of war, or kept in fortified places ; those who were to receive the stamp duties were compelled to resign their offices ; and such of the Americans as sided with government on this occasion, had their houses plundered and burnt. The stamp act having been repealed, a declaratory bill was passed, setting forth the authority of the mother country over her colonies, and her power to bind them by laws and statutes, in all cases whatever, which occasioned as much dis- satisfaction as the stamp act, and being followed by Mr. Charles Townshend's plan of imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters' colours, and glass, imported into America, a ferment much greater than that occasioned by the stamp act took place throughout the continent. The populace renewed their outrages, and those of superior station entered into regular combinations against it. Disputes took place between the governors and general assemblies, and a violent tumult occurred at Boston. A vessel belonging to a capital trader had been seized in this town, in consequence of his having neglected some of the new regulations ; and being taken under the protection of a man-of-war, at that time lying in the harbour, the populace attacked the houses of the commissioners of excise, broke their windows, destroyed the collectors' boats, and obliged the custom-house officers to take refuge in Castle William, situated at the entrance of the harbour. In the midst of this disposition, news arrived that the agent for the colony had not been allowed to deliver their petition to the king; it having been objected, that the assembly without the governor was not sufficient authority. This did not con- tribute to allay the ferment; and it was further augmented by the news, that a number of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep the inhabitants in awe. * See Vol. I., p. 136. 474 APPENDIX. On the 5th March, 1770, a scuffle happened between some soldiers and a part of the town's-people, in which several of the latter were killed and wounded. The whole province now arose in arms, and the soldiers were compelled to retire to Castle William. All the newly-laid duties were now repealed, excepting that on tea, which was opposed with the same violence as against all the rest. In 1773, three ships laden with tea arrived at Boston, when a number of people, dressed like Mohawk Indians, boarded them, and threw into the sea their whole cargoes, consisting of 342 chests of tea; after which they retired, without making any further disturbance, or doing any more damage. This destruction of the tea was the immediate prelude to the disasters attending civil discord. The destruction of Boston was then resolved on, and all the colonies united in espousing the cause of the Bostonians. The affair at Lexington and Concord followed, and the battle of Bunker's Hill commenced the war which ensued, and eventually resulted in the indepen- dence of the colonies. AFFAIR AT LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.* GENERAL Gage having been informed that a large quantity of ammunition and military stores had been collected at Con- cord, about twenty miles from Boston, and where the provin- cial congress was sitting, sent a detachment, under the com- mand of Colonel Smith and Captain Pitcairn, to destroy the stores, and, as it was reported, to seize Messrs. Hancock and Adams, the leading men of the Congress. They set out before day-break, on the 19th of April, marching with the utmost silence, and securing every one they met on the road, that they might not be discovered. But, notwithstanding all their care, the continual ringing of bells and firing of guns as they went along, soon gave them notice that the country was alarmed. About five in the morning, they had reached Lexing- ton, at fifteen miles from Boston, where the militia of the place were exercising. An officer called out to them to disperse ; but some shots, it is said, being at that moment fired from a house in the neighbourhood, the military made a discharge, which killed and wounded several of the militia. The detach- * See vol. i. p. 136. BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 475 ment then proceeded to Concord, where, having destroyed the stores, they were encountered by the Americans; and a scuffle ensued, in which several fell on both sides. The purpose of their expedition being thus accomplished, it was necessary for the King's troops to retreat, which they did through a continual fire kept upon them from Concord and Lexington. Here their am munition was totally expended, and they would have been unavoidably cut off, had not a con- siderable reinforcement, commanded by Lord Percy, luckily met them. The Americans, however, continued their attack with great fury, and the British would have still been in the utmost danger, had it not been for two field-pieces, which Lord Percy had brought with him. By these, the impetuosity of the Americans was checked, and the British made good their retreat to Boston, with the loss of 250 killed and wounded ; that of the Americans was about 60. BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. IN the neighbourhood of Charlestown, a place on the nor- thern shore of the Peninsula, on which Boston stands, is a high ground called Bunker's Hill, which overlooks and commands the whole town of Boston. In the night of the 16th of June, the provincials took possession of this place, and worked with such indefatigable diligence, that, to the astonishment of their enemies, they had, before daylight, almost completed a redoubt, with a strong intrenchment reaching half a mile eastward, as far as the river Mystic. After this, they were obliged to sus- tain a heavy and incessant fire from the ships and floating batteries with which Charlestown neck was surrounded, as well as the cannon that could reach the place from Boston ; in spite of which, however, they continued their work, and finished it before mid-day. A considerable body of foot was then landed at the foot of Bunker's Hill, under the command of Generals Howe and Pigot ; the former being appointed to attack the lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Americans, however, having the advantage of the ground, as well as of their intrench- rnents, poured down such incessant volleys, as threatened the whole body with destruction ; and General Howe was for a little time left almost alone, all his officers being killed or wounded. The provincials in the meantime had taken pos- session of Charlestown, so that General Pigot was obliged to * See vol. i. p. 143. 476 APPENDIX. contend with them in that place, as well as in the redoubt. The consequence was, that he was over-matched, his troops were thrown into disorder, and he would, in all probability, have been defeated, had not General Clinton advanced to his relief; upon which, the attack was renewed with such fury that the provincials were driven beyond the neck that leads to Charlestown. In the heat of the engagement, the British troops set fire to the town of Charlestown, which quickly obliged the provincials to yield, after they were deprived of that shelter. The loss on the British side amounted to about 1000, among whom were 19 officers killed, and 70 wounded ; that of the Americans did not exceed 500. The British troops claimed the victory in this engagement with justice, though it must be allowed that it was dearly bought ; and the Americans boasted that the real advantages were on their side, as they had so much weakened the enemy, that they durst not afterwards venture out of their intrench- ments. APPENDIX II. RETURNS' OF THE ARMY. Table exhibiting a Summary of the Returns of the Army under the command of General Washington during the years 1775 and 1776. Commissioned Officers and Staff. Non-commissioned Officers. Rank and File. Artillery. Militia of Massachusetts. Present, fit for duty. gl *'!' gl "1 A i On command. I 1775. July 19 . . 1119 1768 13,743 1108 490 376 1053 16,770 585 July 29 . . 1117 1823 13,899 1330 690 287 692 16,898 Aug. 5 . . 1178 1910 13,735 1943 750 255 1011 17,694 586 Aug. 12. . 1234 2023 14,544 2131 977 187 1124 18,963 Aug. 18.. 1231 2007 14,442 2218 1006 220 1174 19,060 Aug. 26 . . 1242 2018 14,701 2179 1071 225 1127 19,303 596 Sept. 2 . . . 1226 2028 14,868 2221 985 262 1043 19,379 Sept. 9 . . . 1303 2107 14,766 2026 988 342 1410 19,532 Sept. 23 . . 1225 2034 14,330 1886 931 468 1750 19,365 590 Oct. 17 . . 1191 1988 13,923 1476 952 746 2400 19,497 Nov. 18. . 1128 1925 12,741 1472 790 1012 3063 19,078 579 Nov. 25.. 1068 1866 12,065 1464 805 1626 2990 18,950 Dec. 30 . . 1088 1736 11,752 1206 542 1013 2273 16,786 590 3231 1776. Jan. 8 . . . 979 1150 10,209 705 233 1044 1318 13,509 Jan. 21 . . 861 1167 9,424 1174 194 714 1171 12,677 Jan. 28 . . 850 1194 9,799 1422 245 420 1248 13,134 Feb. 4 . . . 896 992 8,863 1153 270 99 1233 11,618 Feb. 18 . . 1245 1452 13,396 1687 364 49 1569 17,065 622 Feb. 25 . . 1228 1515 14,123 2056 389 63 1845 18,276 6287 March 2 . 1217 1521 14,140 2398 367 49 1574 18,528 635 6869 March 9 . 1254 1535 14,232 2445 330 29 1374 18,410 640 6838 April 28 . 672 879 8,101 602 632 52 848 10,235 May 2 . . . 597 758 6,900 618 279 51 995 8,843 May 12 . . 589 722 6,641 547 352 66 1122 8,728 513 May 19 . . 592 757 6,717 577 303 61 1109 8,767 527 - June 12. . 595 772 6,749 659 250 63 1147 8,868 599 June 28 . . 677 870 7,389 744 231 73 1931 10,368 585 July 6 . . . 865 1096 8,802 1077 239 61 1742 11,921* 588 July 13 . . 1096 1379 10,319 1447 257 56 2590 14,669* July 20 . . 1100 1406 10,106 1798 269 70 2623 14,866* July 27 . . 1108 1474 9,516 2296 254 86 3063 15,215* 588 Aug. 3 ... 1225 1502 10,514 3039 629 97 2946 17,225* 585 Sept. 21.. 2027 2501 15,666 4418 3379 93 3736 27,292* 543 Sept. 28 . . 1791 2182 14,759 4175 3344 122 3479 25,879* 531 Oct. 5 ... 1808 2317 14,783 4792 3327 131 4115 27,148* 580 De c. 22 . . 677 729 4,707 680 2590 87 2952 11,016 478 APPENDIX. The above table is condensed from the original returns of the adjutant-general to the Commander-in-chief. These re- turns, though commonly made at stated times, were necessarily imperfect, on account of the fluctuating condition of the army. They embrace such troops only, as were under the immediate command of General Washington, and not those that were in the northern or southern departments, nor the militia acting under the authority of particular States, and within the limits of those States. On the 30th of March, 1776, after the main body of the army had marched to New York, five regiments of Continental troops remained in Boston, amounting to two thousand one hundred and sixty-eight men ; and there were at the same time six thousand six hundred and ninety-eight militia, who were soon disbanded. The first returns of militia at New York were made out on the 6th of July, and were included in the returns of the Con- tinental army. This plan was followed till October 5th, so that it is not easy to tell within that period the respective numbers of each. The Continental troops, however, averaged from ten to twelve thousand. The aggregates to which asterisks are affixed include both the Continental troops and militia. There seems to be a deficiency in the returns for September 28th, as the aggregate is considerably smaller than in the week preceding and the week following. Colonel Knox's regiment of artillery was diminished in March, by a company left at Boston. It was enlarged again in June, by the addition of Captain Hamilton's company of New York artillery. The first return of cavalry was on the '28th of September, when one hundred and sixty light-horse were returned. PRISONERS. IN the number of prisoners taken during the campaign of 1776, the British had considerably the advantage of (he Americans. The following is a summary of the returns made out by the British Commissary-general of Prisoners, and for- warded by General Howe to General Washington. PRISONERS. 479 Commissioned Officers. Staff. S2 i -*-* When and where o 'o i | to | a ss taken. i 3 o E a a I ft 3 a H s 'i E a 1 1 i o g ex. I i 3 9 1 M iO C! ID B o a S V O a a w 6 1 a? a C W 1 > I Long Island, August 27th . . 3 3 4 3 18 43 11 - 1 - 3 - - - 2 1006 Island of N.York, Sept. 15th, 16th, 1 2 3 4 7 ~ ~ ~ " * ~ 354 White Plains, October 28th . . - - - - 1 2 - - - 1 - - - - - 35 Fort Washington, November 16th, - 4 4 5 46 107 31 i 2 2 5 2 1 1 - 2607 Fort Lee, Q QQ Total 3 8 10 11 69 160 43 i 3 4 11 2 1 1 2 4101 From these returns it appears that the number of American officers taken during the campaign was 304 ; staff, 25 ; pri- vates, 4101 ; total, 4430. The number of persons missing from the British ranks, whom General Howe reported, on the 21st of September, as supposed to be prisoners with the Americans, specifying each regiment to which they belonged, was, 43 officers and 848 privates ; making a total of 891. This return he acknowledged to be imperfect, since in some instances he could not ascertain the number contained in a regiment before the captures from it were made, as in the case of the troops taken in the transports entering Boston harbour. It is probable, however, that the return did not vary much from the truth. But it does not embrace 73 prisoners taken by Commodore Hopkins at Providence Island, and a few others taken at different posts. There were afterwards taken, also, 36 at Mamaronec, and 918 at Trenton, and others in various skirmishes, whose numbers are not specified. The aggregate of the above numbers of British prisoners is 1918, leaving a balance of 2512 against the Americans. This amount should probably be reduced by two or three hundred, on account of prisoners taken in small parties, of which no returns have been preserved. General Howe's returns specify the whole number actually in his hands. The Canada prisoners formed a separate item, and belonged 480 APPENDIX. in part to the preceding year. Sir Guy Carleton sent to New York fifty-one commissioned officers, and three hundred and seventy-three non-commissioned officers and privates, making in all 424, who were discharged on their parole, and landed by order of General Howe at Elizabethtown. These were the troops captured at Quebec and the Three Rivers. For these prisoners the Americans had more than an equi- valent. Ethan Allen and Arnold had taken at Ticonderoga fifty, at Crown Point thirteen, and at St. John's twenty ; total, 83. At Chamblee the number of British and Canadians taken was one major, two captains, three lieutenants, three staff, eighty-three privates ; total, 92. At St. John's, by capitulation to General Montgomery, one major, ten captains, eighteen lieutenants, five ensigns, five staff', British, and thirty-seven Canadian officers of various ranks, about four hundred and fifty privates of the regulars, and one hundred Canadian volunteers ; total, 626. At the capture of General Prescottand the fleet near Sorel, one general, one major, five captains, one lieutenant, two ensigns, two staff, one hundred and twenty-nine privates; total, 141. SUMMARY. Taken at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and St. John's 83 " " Chamblee 92 " " St. John's 626 " " in the fleet near Sorel . . . 141 Total . . 942 Hence the whole number of British prisoners taken at the posts on Lake Champlain and in Canada was 942, making an excess of 518 in favour of the Americans. The general results, at the end of the year 1776, were as follows : American prisoners in the possession of the British, taken by the army under General Howe . . 4430 Taken in Canada, and sent home on parole by General Carleton .... 424 Total . . 4854 British prisoners in the possession of the Americans, captured from General Howe's army . . . 1918 Taken at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and in Canada 942 Total 2860 PRISONERS. 481 The difference between the two aggregates is 1994 in favour of the British. The above statements have been drawn from the best returns that I have been able to find ; and although they are not sup- posed to be precisely accurate, yet they approximate very near to the truth. The prisoners taken at the Cedars are not here included. According to a return of the British commissary of prisoners, they consisted of two majors, nine captains, twenty subalterns, and four hundred privates, being in all 431. They had been released upon an agreement, that the same number of British prisoners should be exchanged for them. Congress refused to ratify this agreement, and the subject was still in dispute. BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA AT DIFFERENT STAGES OF THE WAR. As many of General Washington's movements and plans depended on what he supposed to be the strength of the enemy, a view of the general state of the British army at different stages of the war will contribute much to a just un- derstanding of various parts of his correspondence. The fol- lowing summaries have been copied from the original returns in the STATE PAPER OFFICE. The numbers represent effective troops : State of the Army, June 3rd, 1777. Jersey. New York. British Artillery - - 385 British Infantry - - - 1513 " Cavalry - - 710 " Artillery - - 20 " Infantry - - 8361 Hessian Infantry - - 1778 Hessian " - - 3300 Anspach " - - 1043 3311 13799 Staten Island. Rhode Island. British Infantry - - 515 British Infantry- - - 1064 " Artillery - - 11 Hessian " - - - 1496 Waldeck Infantry - - 330 British Artillery- - - 71 856 2631 Paulus Hook. British Infantry - 360 Total of the Army, 20957 VOL. II. I I 482 APPENDIX. Foreign troops in America, June 24th, 1777. Hessian - - - Anspach - - - Waldeck - - - Total, 14749 State of the Army, March 26th, 1778. Philadelphia. British - 13078 German - 5202 Provincial 1250 19530 New York. British - 3486 German - 3689 Provincial 3281 Rhode Island. British - 1610 German - 2116 Provincial 44 10456 3770 Total of the Army, 33756. New York - Staten Island Paulus Hook New York - Long Island Staten Island August 15th, 1778. 15886 3244 456 19586 Long Island - - - 8117 Rhode Island - - - 5789 With Lord Howe's Fleet 572 14478 Total, 34064. November 1st, 1778. - 9568 - 5630 972 16170 Paulus Hook - - Providence Island - Rhode Island - - - 419 - 225 - 5740 6384 Total, 22554. The diminution since the preceding return was occasioned by detachments sent to the West Indies, Florida, and Halifax. On the 21st of January, 1779, the following regulations were adopted for the Provincials in the King's service : 1. An allowance to every regiment of forty pounds a-year con- tingent money. 2. Three guineas for every recruit approved of and mustered by the inspector. 3. One guinea for each deserter apprehended. BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA. 483 February 15th, 1779. New York - Long Island - Staten Island Paulus Hook Rhode Island New York - Long Island Staten Island Paulus Hook Hoboken Rhode Island New York and its Dependencies 9100 5714 1619 387 5642 22462 Nova Scotia - - - - 3011 Georgia ----- 4330 Bermuda- - - - - 240 Providence Island - - 240 7821 Total, 30283. May 1st, 1779. fio^fi - 1344 - 383 - 264 West Florida - - - 1703 Bermuda and Providence Island - - - - 470 10644 22814 December 1st, itish - 13848 irman - 10836 ovincial 4072 Total, 33458. 1779. Halifax and Penobscot - - 3460 Georgia - - - 3930 West Florida - 1787 28756 Bermuda and Providence Island 636 Total, 38569. 9813 New York. British - - - 7711 German - - 7451 Provincials - 2162 17324 May 1st, 1780. South Carolina. - - - 7041 - - - 3018 -' - - 2788 12847 Nova Scotia. - - - 2298 - - - 572 - - - 638 3508 East Florida. British - - - 536 German - - Provincials - 536 Bermuda. Provincials - 326 West Florida. - - - 590 - - - 547 - - - 316 1453 Providence Island. - . - 130 i i 2 Georgia. 862 1016 1878 Total, 38002. 484 APPENDIX. August 1st, 1780. New York - - - South Carolina Georgia - - - - East Florida - - New York - - - On an Expedition South Carolina Georgia - - - East Florida - - 19115 West Florida - - - 1261 6589 Nova Scotia - - - - 352* 1756 Bermuda - - - - 204 453 Providence Island - - 118 27913 December 1st, 1780. 5107 Total, 33020. - 17729 - 2274 - 7384 968 453 28808 West Florida - - - 1261 Nova Scotia- - - - 3167 Bermuda ... - 387 Providence Island - 143 4958 Total, 33766. The whole number of Provincial Forces at this time in the British army was 8954. May 1st, 1781. New York 12257 On an expedition - - - 1782 " under General Leslie 2278 " " Arnold 1553 " " Phillips 2116 South Carolina - ... 7254 27240 Georgia - - East Florida West Florida Nova Scotia Bermuda - 887 438 - 1185 - 3130 - 366 Providence Island 128 6134 Total, 33374. August 15th, 1781. Troops under Cornwallis in Virginia. British 5541 Germans ----- 2148 7689 Provincials - - Ou Detachments 1137 607 1744 Total, 9433. State of the army September 1st, 1781. New York. Virginia. South Carolina. British - - - 5932 - - - 5544 - - - 5024 - - - 2204 - - - 1596 - - - 1137 ... 3155 Germans - - 8629 Provincials - 2140 16701 8885 9775 BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA. 485 Georgia. British - - - German - - 486 Provincials - 598 1084 Nova Scotia. British - - - 1745 Germau - - 562 Provincials - 1145 3452 East Florida. - - - 546 546 Providence Island. - - - 135 June 1st, 1782. West Florida. - - - 374 - - - 558 - - - 211 1143 Bermuda. - - - 354 Total, 42075. New York - - - South Carolina East Florida - - Georgia - - - - Nova Scotia - - 17229 Bermuda - - - - 344 6973 Providence Island - - 244 612 West Florida - - - 852 1799 Late Garrison at York- 3610 town - - - - 8806 30223 10246 Total, 40469. 486 CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON. [The following is extracted from an article, by LORD BROUGHAM, in the Edinburgh Review, No. 137.] How grateful the relief which the friend of mankind, the lover of virtue, experiences when, turning from the contem- plation of such a character [Napoleon], his eye rests upon the greatest man of our own or of any age, the only one upon whom an epithet so thoughtlessly lavished by men to foster the crimes of their worst enemies may be innocently and justly bestowed ! In WASHINGTON we truly behold a mar- vellous contrast to almost every one of the endowments and the vices which we have been contemplating, and which are so well fitted to excite a mingled admiration, and sorrow, and abhorrence. With none of that brilliant genius which dazzles ordinary minds ; with not even any remarkable quickness of apprehension ; with knowledge less than almost all persons in the middle ranks, and many well-educated of the humbler classes possess ; this eminent person is presented to our ob- servation clothed in attributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calculated to strike or to astonish, as if he had passed unknown through some secluded region of private life. But he had a judgment sure and sound ; a steadiness of mind which never suffered any passion, or even any feeling, to ruffle its calm ; a strength of understanding which worked rather than forced its way through all obstacles, removing or avoiding rather than overleaping them. His courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect as might be expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A perfectly just man, with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be misled by others, any more than by others overawed ; never to be seduced or betrayed, or hurried away by his own weaknesses or self-delu- sions, any more than by other men's arts ; nor ever to be disheartened by the most complicated difficulties, any more than to be spoilt on the giddy heights of fortune such was this great man, whether we regard him sustaining alone the whole weight of campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriously CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON. 487 terminating a just warfare by his resources and his courage presiding over the jarring elements of his political council, alike deaf to the storms of all extremes,- or directing the formation of a new government for a great people the first time that so vast an experiment had ever been tried by man, or finally retiring from the supreme power to which his virtue had raised him over the nation he had created, and whose destinies he had guided as long as his aid was required re- tiring with the veneration of all parties, of all nations, of all mankind, in order that the rights of men might be conserved, and that his example never might be appealed to by vulgar tyrants. This is the consummate glory of the great Ameri- can ; a triumphant warrior where the most sanguine had a right to despair ; a successful ruler in all the difficulties of a course wholly untried : but a warrior whose sword only left its sheath when the first law of our nature commanded it to be drawn ; and a ruler who, having tasted of supreme power, gently and unostentatiously desired that the cup might pass from him, nor would suffer more to wet his lips than the most solemn arid sacred duty to his country and his God required ! To his latest breath did this great patriot maintain the noble character of a Captain the patron of Peace, and a Statesman the friend of Justice. Dying, he bequeathed to his heirs the sword which he had worn in the War for Liberty, charging them "never to take it from the scabbard but in self-defence, or in defence of their country and her freedom ; and commanding them, that when it should thus be drawn, they should never sheathe it nor ever give it up, but prefer falling with it in their hands to the relinquishment thereof" words, the majesty and simple eloquence of which are not surpassed in the oratory of Athens and Rome. It will be the duty of the Historian and the Sage in all ages to omit no occasion of commemorating this illustrious man ; and until time shall be no more will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and in virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of WASHINGTON ! INDEX. ADAMS, John, of Massachusetts, Pre- sident of the United States, i. 140 ; ii. 1, 79, 86, 87; his answer to a letter from the senate on the death of Wash- ington, 413 Allegany mountains, the rich valleys of, surveyed by Washington, i. 14; Lord Fairfax's estate in, 12 ; forts con- structed to defend this barrier, 85; Washington's "Journal of a Surveying Tour" among the, ii. 117; " Journal of an Official Tour over the Allegany mountains," 126 , river, i. 26, 34 America, North, the English colonies in : territory on the banks of the Ohio, disputed by the French, i. 20, 22 ; the Indians assert their right to those lands, 23, 27; republican spirit of the Virginians complained of by Lieut. -governor Dinwiddie, 39, 42 ; jealousy of the exercise of the royal prerogative, 39, 42, &c. ; proprietary rights of the Pennsylvanians, acquired by Penn, 41, 42 ; the war betwixt the French and the Virginians, 46, 54, 64, 101 ; the king's officers having rank above the colonial officers, an impediment to Major Washington's command, 50, 53, 72, 75; this in- jury to the service at length adjusted, 91 ; acts of the British legislature which cause the first discontent, 116, 122 ; crisis in American affairs, 122 ; first congress, 129; second congress, 136 ; hostilities between the colonists and the king's governors, 136 ; mea- sures of the congress, 127, et seq. ; the continental army, 140, 147,345; its generals and colonels, 142; Boston invested, 144, et seq.; loyalists or tories, 145, 179; congress yet feeble, 148; its committee revises the articles of war, &c., 158; militia, 165, 169, 187, 222; loyalist refugees, 175; dissen- sions in congress, 177, 179 ; military preparations of congress, 179; loyal- ists apprehended, 180, 181 ; the de- claration of independence, ib. ; Gen. Washington's letters to congress upon the first reverses, 194,204, 211, 222, 262, 273, 280 ; the board of war, 217, 270 ; short enlistments of ruinous con- sequence, 221, 222, 345, 347 ; Wash- ington entrusted with the powers of a dictator, 224 ; for the affairs of the " United States " of America, see "Washington, President" Andr6, Major, his interview with Ge- neral Arnold, i. 340; his capture, 341 ; his execution, 343, 344 ; see Appendix. Army, return of, ii. 477 Arnold, Colonel, reputation of, i. 155; his expedition into Canada, ib. ; he is repulsed, 169 ; he is wounded in Con- necticut, 244; General Arnold sen- tenced to be reprimanded, 339 ; his treason from motives of revenge, 340 ; he serves in the Chesapeake against the Americans, 352, 353 Asgill, Captain, affair of, i. 379 Bank, National, ii. 30; see Washing- ton's Speeches Boston, town of, i. 78 ; act for shutting up the port of, 123 ; conduct of the inhabitants, 130; an American army assembles around, 136, 138; line of siege around Charlestown and, 144, 168; the town cannonaded, 172; Ge- neral Howe evacuates it, 173; Count d'Estaing's fleet refits in Boston har- bour, 302, 304 Braddock, General, marches against Fort Duquesne, i. 61; joined by Washington at Winchester, 62 ; he refuses aid of the Indians, 69 ; is routed in the battle of Monongahela, 66 70 ; dies of his wounds, 68 ; the route pursued by, 94, 96 Brandy wine, battle of the, i. 252 Bunker's Hill, battle of, i. 143 ; ii. 475 Buonaparte, first Consul, accommodates the differences with the United States, ii. 91 ; his " Order of the Day" in testimony of respect to the memory of Washington, 94 ; allusion to, 457 Burgoyne, General, expedition under, INDEX. 489 ii. 245, 247 ; he capitulates at Sara- toga, 269 Burlington, Pennington, and Trenton, the American cantonments at, i. 217 ; the British posts at these places as- saulted and carried, 227 Cadwalader, General, his gallant con- duct at Trenton, i. 227, 229, 293 Canada, hostilities hetween the French of, and the colonists of Virginia, occur on the Ohio question, i. 20,26 ; Mar- quis Duquesne, governor, 29 ; French victorious at Monongahela, 66 ; but are at length driven from Fort Du- quesne, 10J ; the English in posses- sion of Montreal and Quebec are in- vaded by some of Washington's forces, 154 ; Montgomery defeated and slain, 169; dangerous position of his army subsequently to his death, 177; con- gress desirous of conquering Canada, 311 ; the project disapproved of by Washington, who disliked the inter- ference of a French army in that quarter, 312 Carleton, Sir Guy, succeeds Sir Henry Clinton as the British commander, and adopts pacific measures, i. 383; he receives orders to evacuate New York, 399 Carolina, North, i, 41 ; Sir H. Clinton's expedition to, 168, 176 , South, i. 51 ; Sir H. Clinton sails for, 329, 330 ; Earl Cornwallis overruns the Carolinas, and defeats General Gates, 344 ; General Greene distinguishes himself in, 344 Carton, Landon, advice of, i. 81 Character of Washington, ii. 417, 486 Cliarlestown, military events at, i. 144 Chastellux, Marquis de, i. 358 Chatterton's Hill, action at, i. 210 Chesapeake, Sir William Howe sails up the river, i. 250 ; and quits it intend- ing to attack Philadelphia, 256 ; naval operations in the, 352 ; action betwixt Admirals Arbuthnot and Destouches, 353 Clinton, General, sails from Boston against North Carolina, i. 168; Ge- neral Lee dispatched to oppose him, 179 ; repulsed at Sullivan's Island, 187; he joins General Howe, ib. t 190, 203 ; Sir Henry Clinton succeeds Sir William Howe in the command of the English forces, 291 ; he evacuates Philadelphia, 293 ; is attacked at Monmouth by Washington, 297; he ravages New Jersey, a measure inju- rious to the English cause, 305; he burns the towns on the coasts and lays waste the maritime districts, 321, 323 ; his plans, 328 ; he sails for South Carolina, 330 ; his plans for the relief of New York, 337, 338, 355 Clinton, the American General George, i. 182 , General James, serves against the Indians, i. 320 Concord, action at, i. 136 Congress, the first American,!. 129; se- cond congress, 136 ; measures of, 127 ; still feeble, 148; committee of, 158, 176 ; dissensions in, 177 ; declaration of independence by, 181 ; invests great powers in the hands of Washing- ton, 224, 254 ; it receives letters from that general, 194, 204, 211, 222, 273, 280 ; men of talent and influence ab- sent from, 308 ; several states unre- presented in, 309 ; it purposes an in- vasion of Canada, 31 1 ; Washington's conferences with, 314, 316 ; financial embarrassments induce a system of defence, 317 ; rewards to officers, 325 ; measures of, 331 ; paper money, 332 ; committee attends the army, 334 ; enacts new regulations for the enlist- ments, 344 ; little control possessed by, 349 ; seat of, at New York, ii. 1 ; see Washington's Speeches, &c. &c. Connecticut, its troops about to quit Washington's camp, i. 163; Governor TrumbulPs reply to Washington on that subject, 164, 176 ; towns burnt by Governor Try-on in, 323 Contrecceur, le Capitaine, successes of, i. 43 ; his letter to the Marquis Du- quesne as to the death of M. Jumon- ville, ii.459 Conway, General, cabal of, i. 266 ; cha- racter of, 268, 271 ; Washington's reply to his accusations, 273 ; Con- way being dangerously wounded in a duel, expresses his admiration of Wash- ington, 274 ; he retires to France, 275 Cornwallis, Earl, repulsed at Sullivan's Island, i. 187 ; engaged in the action in Long Island, 190; lands on the Jersey shore of the Hudson, 216 ; his defeat at Princeton, 229 234 ; suc- cessful in the action of the Brandy wine, 252 ; and in South Carolina, 344, 355 ; he overruns Virginia, 363 ; he capitu- lates in Yorktown, 367 Craik, Dr., i. 120; ii. 92, 160, 163 Cumberland, Fort, i. 58, 63, 75, 85 Currency, depreciation of the, i. 332; paper money, 333 Custis, John Parke, Esq. , i. 105 ; his children, ib., 110; ii. 372 490 INDEX. Dagworthy, Captain, i. 75, 76 Davies, Rev. Samuel, his eulogium of Washington, i. 71 Debt, the state, measures of congress as to, ii. 21 24, 62; see Washington's Speeches Declaration of American Independence, i. 181 ; see Appendix i. 453 Delaware, river, military operations on the, i. 217, 220, 247, 256, &c. Destouches, M., French admiral, i. 352 Dinwiddie,Hon. Robert, Lieut-governor of Virginia, i. 19; his measures, ib., 24; his letter to the French com- mander, 29 ; his energy, 35, 37 ; he complains of a republican spirit, 39, 59; his grant of lands to the Virginia troops, 40, 119; ii. 159; the expedi- tion under Washington is frustrated, i. 57 ; he prepares for a new campaign, 58, 73 ; case of Dagworthy referred to, 76 ; Caledonian patronage, 83 ; his conduct, 84 ; returns to England, 90 ; mentioned by Washington in a " Jour- nal," ii. 127 ; his public communica- tions as to the death of M. de Jumon- ville, 463, 464, 465 Fort, i. 73 Dunbar, Colonel, i. 64, 68 Duquesne, Fort, now Fort Pitt, i. 37, 44, 64, 90102 ; ii. 163 England, George II. sends munitions for the defence of Virginia &c. against the French, i. 21 ; ministers approve of Dinwiddie's and Washington's mea- sures against the invaders, 48 ; Mr. Pitt [Earl of Chatham] resolves on a vigorous prosecution of the war against the French in America, 91 ; acts of the British legislature imposing du- ties in America, excite discontent, 1 1 7; act for closing the port of Boston, 123 ; the king's forces in Boston, 145, 168; commissioner sent to America in hopes to adjust the dispute, 177, 181 ; terms that were offered by Lord Howe to congress, 183 ; reinforcements from England join General Howe, 187 ; strength of the armament, ib. ; victory of the English in Long Island, 189; reverses of Howe and Cornwallis, 227, 231 ; their successes at the Brandy- wine and Germantown, 252, 257 ; Lord North's conciliatory bills, 285; the Earl of Carlisle, Governor John- stone, and Mr. Eden arrive as British commissioners at Philadelphia, 287 ; they are unsuccessful in their endea- vours to effect a reconciliation , 288 ; war with France, 291 ; the English cause suffers much by the measure of laying waste New Jersey and the sea coasts, and the cruelty of burning the towns and villages, 305 ; Sir Guy Carleton succeeds Sir Henry Clinton, 383 ; preliminaries of peace signed at Paris, 392; peace concluded with the United States Declaration of war against the French republic, ii. 43 ; the orders in council considered by the United States as a violation of neutral rights, 54 ;' re- scinded, 68; treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay is ratified by Washington, ib. Education, means of, in the colonies, i. 5 Estaing, Count d', with a powerful fleet, arrives at Sandy Hook, i. 301; he puts into the harbour of Boston to refit, 302; he takes St. Vincent and Gre- nada, 329 ; he returns to the American coast, 330 Fairfax, Mr. Bryan, i. 126 , general of the parliamentarian army, ii. 425 -, George, accompanies Washing- ton in the survey of lands, i. 14;ii. 117 -, Lord, established in Virginia, i. 12 ; his character, ib. ; author of papers in the " Spectator," ib. ; active in the dispute with the French, 37 ; visits at Mount Vernon, 112 -, William, president of the coun- cil of Virginia, i. 12 ; his daughter married to Lawrence Washington, ib.; his friendship valuable to Washington, ib. ; account of, 13, 16, 82 , county of, i. 108; tt resolves of," 125, 129 Fauchet, M., French minister to the United States, ii. 69, 70 Florida, i. 291, 304 ; ii. 28 Forbes, General, his expedition, in con- junction with Washington, against Fort Duquesne, i. 90 101 ; changes the name to Fort Pitt, 102; dies at Philadelphia, 101 Foreign relations of the United States : with France, ii. 26, 44, 49, 70, 75, 86, 288; with Morocco, &c., 26, 72; with Spain, 27, 72 ; with England, 28, 53, 66, 72 Fox, Charles James, his character of Washington, ii. 55 Franklin, Dr. Benjamin, zeal of, in as- sistance to General Braddock, i. 62 ; he repairs to Washington's head quar- ters at Cambridge, 158 ; his prophetic speech as to General Howe, 289 ; am- bassador to the court of Versailles, i. 288,311 ; ii. 12 French, invasion of lands on the Ohio by the, i. 20; who endeavour to establish INDEX. 491 forts along the course of that river from the lakes of Canada to the Mis- sissippi and Louisiana, 21 ; and claim the plains adjacent to those great rivers by virtue of prior discovery, ib. ; but are reminded by an Indian chief of the just rights of the natives thereto, 27 ; mission of Washington to claim that territory for the English by virtue of treaties with Indians of the Six Na- tions, 29; he defeats M. de Jumon- ville, 46 ; the French look on the death of that officer in action as an assassina- tion, 47; apology for Washington on the score of French aggression, 48; they take Fort Necessity after a doubt- ful battle in the Great Meadows, 57 ; they defeat Braddock by an ambus- cade, 66 ; they retreat from Fort Du- quesne, 101 ; Louis XVI. recognises the independence of the United States, 288 ; which is considered by the Eng- lish ministry as a declaration of war, 291 ; armament under Count d'Estaing arrives at Sandy Hook, 301 ; disagree- ment between the French and Ame- rican officers, Count de Rochambeau's armament aids the Americans, 336. 363, &c. ; the French forces quit Ame- rica, 384; peace with England, 392 ; the French Revolution, ii. 43; war with England, ib. ; the Americans sympathize with the French repub- licans, 44; danger of a rupture between France and the United States, 86 ; Buonaparte assents to an accommoda- tion, 91 Gage, General, i. 65, 130 ; battles of Levington and Concord, 136; battle of Bunker's Hill, 152; correspondence with Washington on the treatment of prisoners, 152, 153 ; his dispatches ad- dressed to the Earl of Dartmouth, 157, 161 ; he is recalled, ib. Gates, General Horatio, i. 142, 220, 266; his variance with Washington, 257 ; capitulation of Burgoyne, at Saratoga, to, 269 ; commands at Boston, 305 ; his defeat at Camden, 344 George III.'s views at different stages of the American war, i. 458 Germantown, battle of, i. 257, 259 Gist, Mr., i. 23, 32, 45 ; ii. 130, 147, 162 Gist's settlement, i. 25, 53 Grasse, Count de, i. 363; enters the Chesapeake after an action with Ad- miral Graves, 366 ; ii. 370, 371 Greene, General Nathanael, i. 142, 173, 190, 202, 215, 257, &c. ; commands in South Carolina, 344 Hale, Captain Nathan, i. 483 Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, i. 41,42 , Alexander, his talent, ii. 8, 12; appointed secretary of the trea- sury, ib. ; his difference with Mr. Jef- ferson, 35, 37; letters to Washington, 48, 87 ; he resigns, 63 ; appointed in- spector-general, 89, 90 ; confidence of Washington in, 368, 369 , Colonel, i. 301 ; his gallantry in the assault of redoubts at Yorktown, 368 ; letter to, 393 Harcourt, Colonel, seizes upon General Lee, i. 219 Heard, Sir Isaac, Garter King-of-Arms, ii. 421 ; General Washington's letter to, 428 Henry, Mr. Patrick, i. 129, 132; he de- clares for war with England, 134 Hessian troops, the, i. 211, 214; their colonel, Rahl, slain at Trenton, they surrender, 228 ; they are victorious under General Knyphausen, 251 Howe, General, the command of, i. 162 ; fits out an expedition from Boston, 167 ; he evacuates that town, 173 ; he sails with his troops to Halifax, 175 ; he returns to Staten Island, 181 ; he addresses letters to Washington, 184; sends Colonel Paterson to him, ib. ; Howe takes New York after gaining the battle of Long Island, 189200 ; his representations addressed to minis- ters in England, 202; Sir William Howe enters Hudson's river, and lands at Frog's Point, 208; his movements, 209; is successful at Chatterton's Hill, 211 ; defeat of his Hessian troops at Trenton, 227 ; battle of Princetown, and its consequences, 231, &c. ; the further operations, 244, 250 ; he as- cends the Chesapeake, and lands below the Head of Elk, 250 ; is victorious at the Brandywine river, 252 ; and at Germantown, 258; his situation in Philadelphia hazardous, and of little advantage to the British interests, 289 ; amount of his forces, 290 ; he retires from the command, 291 , Lord, proposes an accommoda- tion between the mother country and the colonies, i. 181 ; he produces his commission for that object, 183 ; his interview with Colonel Palfrey for an exchange of prisoners, 185; his inter- view with a committee of the congress, 198; liis proclamation offering pardon to all who should take the oath of al- legiance, 221 ; counter-proclamation by W T ashington, terming those who 492 INDEX. should not renew their allegiance to the United States, enemies, 236 Huddy, Captain, put to death, i. 378 Hudson r s river, fortifications of, i. 167, 168; British men-of-war sail into the river, 183 ; Fort Washington erected near the eastern bank of, 186 ; other defences, ib. ; operations on the banks of, 208, 216, 322, 371 Illinois river, i. 22 Indian tribes on the banks of the Ohio, i. 21; the Six Nations, 22; the In- dians indignant at the rival claims of French and English for their native land, 23; the sachem Tanacharison, 26 ; his speech to the invading French, 27 ; string of wampum, a token of alliance, presented to Washington, 28 ; speech-belt of wampum, 30 ; Queen Aliquippa, 35 ; the Catawhas and Cherokees, Twigtees and Delawares, solicited by the English, 38 j the Chip- pewas and Ottawas aid the French, t'6. ; certain tribes join Washington's camp, 46, 52 ; other tribes contribute to the French successes, 55 ; the In- dians and French in ambuscade de- stroy the army of General Braddock, 66 ; they ravage and murder in the back settlements, 74 ; they extend their devastations to Winchester, 79, 84 ; Washington supplies his soldiers with Indian clothing, for want of sup- plies of regimentals, 93 ; Indian chiefs greet and welcome General Washing- ton, 68, 121 ; massacres at Cherry Valley and Wyoming by , 320 ; reta- liation by General Sullivan on the Six Nations, 321 ; ferocity of, evinced after the peace of America with England, ii. 28 ; the Creeks, ib. ; the policy of Washington humane towards, 29 ; war with, ib. ; they are defeated by Gene- ral Wayne, ib. ; Shingiss, king of the Delawares, 129; Tanacharison, and Monacatoocha, 129, 130, et seq., 144, 461, et seq. Innes, Colonel, i. 51, 58, 83 Jay, Mr., secretary for foreign affairs, ii. 5, 8; chief justice of the supreme court, 13; ambassador to England, 58; treaty with England signed, 64 Jefferson, Mr. Thomas, secretary for the state department, ii. 12; his political sentiments, 35 ; President Washington endeavours to reconcile him with Alexander Hamilton, secretary of the treasury, 36; letter to Washington, from, 41 ; opinions of, 46 ; retires from office, 56 ; elected vice-president, 79 ; his conduct towards Washington, 81 ; remarks on, 82 Jerseys, the, i. 221 ; influence of Sir Wil- liam and Lord Howe's proclamation in, 235 ; New Jersey, 217 ; General Washington recovers it from the Bri- tish, 234, 246 ; ravages in, by the English, 305; cruelties exercised on the defeat of Baylor's dragoons and Pulaski's legion by Sir H. Clinton, ib.; Military events in, 335 ; mutiny in,348 Joncaire, Captain, commanding in Ve- nango, i. 29 ; ii. 139, 141 Journals of Washington, ii. 117, 121, 126, 159 Jumonville, M. de, killed in an action with Washington, i. 46 ; poem by M. Thomas on his death, 47 ; excitement produced in France by this event, ib. ; some account of the controversy there- upon, 48 ; Appendix, relative to this controversy, 457 Knox, General Henry, secretary of war, ii. 5, 12 ; he is succeeded by Mr. Timothy Pickering, 63, 90, 400 Knowlton, Colonel, slain in action near New York, i. 200 Lacretelle, M., on the death of M. de Jumonville, ii. 458 Lafayette, Marquis de, appointed a major-general in the American army, i. 248; friendship of Washington for, 249 ; wounded at the Brandy wine, 253 ; anecdote of, 271 ; letter of, to Baron Steuben, 272 ; he marches to Barren Hill, and effects his retreat across the Schuylkill, 292 ; commands the van of the army, 295, 297, 345 ; Washington's letter to, 303 ; his mis- sion to the court of Versailles, 31 1 ; he returns with news of a French armament destined for America, 334, 353 ; he defends Virginia against Cornwallis, 363; generosity of, 364 ; is the bearer of a letter from Congress to Louis XVI., 377 ; he is imprisoned at Olmiitz, ii. 74 ; Washington inter- feres by a letter to the Emperor of Germany for his liberation, 75 ; he is delivered to the American consul at Hamburg, ib. Laurens, Colonel John, i. 348, 368, 369 Lee, General Charles, i. 142, 168 , General Henry, gallantry of, i.324, 326 ; governor of Virginia, ii. 61, 93 , General, his design of distinguish- ing himself by some enterprize, i. 218; INDEX. 493 prevented by Colonel Harcourt carry- ing him off to the British camp, 219 ; motives of his previous conduct, ib. ; Sir W. Howe considers his having been once in the English army a rea- son for severity, 239, 243; he is ex- changed, and rejoins Washington, 293 ; is next in rank to Washington, 294 ; is jealous of Lafayette, 296 ; is ordered to attack the English, 297; he retreats, ib. ; but, admonished by Washington, returns to the charge, 298; he is brought to a court-martial, 300 Leitch, Major, killed in the action near Haerlem Heights, i. 200 Lexington, battle of, i. 136 Long Island, i. 179, 181 ; battle of, dis- astrous to the Americans, 191 Louisiana, ii. 28, 366 M'Dougall, General, success of, i. 210, 307 Mackay, Captain, joins Washington, i. 51 ; his pretensions vexatious to the colonial commander, 53 ; he and Washington capitulate after an action, and retire from the great Meadows, 54,57 Mackenzie, Captain, letter from, and the reply of Washington, i. 130 Madison, Mr., [afterwards president,] on the debt contracted by Congress, ii. 22 ; his celebrated commercial re- solutions, 57 ; his draft of the farewell address of Washington, 367 Magaw, Colonel, surrenders Fort Wash- ington, i. 213,214, 215 Mason, George, Esq., i. Ill ; Washing- ton's letter to, 117; resolutions drawn up by, 125 Massachusetts, &c., hostile to acts im- posing duties on tea, &c., i. 117, 130; the provincial congress of, 144 ; Cruisers in Massachusetts Bay, 160 Marquette, Le Pere, and La Salle, navi- gate the Mississippi, i. 22 ; French claims resulting therefrom, 23 ; ii. 139 Meadows, the Great, i. 45 ; Fort Neces- sity, 52 ; battle of the, 54 ; tour to the, ii. 162; Appendix, relative to the battle, 466 Mercer, General, early service of, i. 77 ; he is mortally wounded at Princeton, 232 Mississippi, the French ascend the river from New Orleans, to establish forts on the Ohio, i. 21; Le Pere Marquette the first who descended the, 22, 23 ; navigation of the, ii. 28 Monongahela river, i. 26, 35, 44; pas- sage of the, described, 65; the French defeat Braddock in the action of Mo- nongahela, 64 70, 152; Monon- gahela, &c-, see Washington's Journal of a Tour, ii. 128, 461, &c. Monroe, Lieutenant, [afterwards presi- dent,] wounded in the battle of Tren- - ton, i. 228 ; ambassador to Paris, ii. 59,76 Montgomery, General, with an Ameri- can force, takes Montreal from the English, i. 156; joins Arnold near Quebec, ib. ; his death in action, 169 Montreal, city of, i. 27 ; taken by Gene- ral Montgomery Morris, Captain, wounded at Mononga- hela, i, 67 ; his marriage, 78 , Mr., i 361 ; ambassador to the French republic, ii. 44, 59 Nash, General, of North Carolina, mor- tally wounded at Germantown, i. 258 Naval operations in Hudson's river, i. 160, 322; in the Chesapeake, 250, 352 ; in the Delaware, 256, 260 ; Lord Howe's fleet at Sandy Hook, 300, 304 ; Count d'Estaing's fleet in Bos- ton harbour, 301, 302 ; operations in Long Island Sound, 323 ; Chevalier de Ternay's fleet arrives at Rhode Island, 336 ; Admiral Graves joins the English fleet, 337; blockade of Newport, 352 ; De Grasse enters the Chesapeake, 366 Necessity, Fort, capitulation of Wash- ington, after a severe action at, i. 52 to 57. New England, the inhabitants fly to arms, i. 136 ; its delegates desirous that Washington should be com- mander-in-chief, 140 New York, city of, i. 77 ; exposed to the designs of the British and the tories, or loyalists, 167 ; General Lee proceeds to that city to defend it, 168 ; Washington's army at, 179; he is constrained to evacuate this city, 197, 209, 221 ; General Howe and Sir H. Clinton occupy it, 189 200, 322, 334 ; plan of attacking, 345, 360, 362 ; Sir Guy Carleton evacuates New York, 399, 400 ; the seat of congress, ii. 1 North, Lord, his views at different stages of the American war, i. 458 Ohio river, the French from Canada erect forts on the Ohio, i. 20 ; prior discoveries on the, asserted by the French, 22; the Ohio Company, 23, 95 ; consequences that have resulted from the question of right, 24 ; Logs- 494 INDEX. town on the, 24, 26; fork of the Ohio, formed by the Monougahela and Allegany branches, 26 ; the Eng- lish lay claim to lands on the, 29 ; fort built by Captain Trent at the fork of the Ohio, 37, 43 ; it is taken by the French, 43; lands granted to the Virginia provincialists on the, 40; Fort Duquesne, 44, 101, named Fort Pitt, 102; campaigns on the Ohio dis- trict, 45, 61, 85, 93; the English se- cure the line of this river, 102 ; junc- tion of the Great Kenhawa with the Ohio, 68, 120 ; animals and game at the, 121 ; journal of a tour to the, ii. 127; a tour, in 1770, to the, 159 Pennsylvania, the proprietary rights of, i. 41, 42; descendants of William Penn, 42; the Quakers of, 42; this state aroused from its apathy, 79 ; rifle companies of, 138, 217; mutiny in, 346 ; insurrection in Pennsylvania, ii. 61 Percy, Earl, i. 173, 190, 209, 214 Petitions of the American colonists to the King of Great Britain, see Ap- pendix i. 443 Philadelphia, resolutions of the mer- chants of, i. 117; first congress at, 129; the militia and entrenchments at, 220 ; congress to be held for a term of years at, ii. 25 ; testimony of respect to Washington by the citizens of, 79 ; Sir W. Howe in possession of, 257, 261, 276, 289 ; the British evacuate, 293 ; the general convention at, ii. 215 Pickering, Mr. Timothy, secretary of war, ii. 63 ; secretary of state, on the resignation of Mr. Randolph, 71 Pinckney, Mr. Thomas, ambassador to the court of St. James', ii. 53, 76 , Mr. Charles Cotes worth, am- bassador to France, ii. 76; Major- General, 89 Potomac river, i. 2, 11 ; survey of lands on the south branch of the, 14; forts erected, 85, 356 ; Washington's tour up the river, 214, 409 Princeton, battle of, i- 231 Prisoners, enlistment of, resisted bv Washington, i. 217 ; treatment of, by each party in the civil war, 239 ; ex- change of, 184, 239, 241, 293, 307 ; number of, ii. 478 Putnam, General Israel, i. 142, 147, 173, 174, 176, 193; commands the militia at Philadelphia, 220 Quebec, expedition against, i. 154, 169 Randolph, Edmund, attorney-general, ii. 12; his letter to President Wash- ington, 42 ; succeeds Jefferson as se- cretary of state, 57; he resigns the secretaryship, 69 ; the cause of it ex- plained, 70 Rochambeau, General, lands at New- port, i. 336 ; his operations, 337, 353, 363,370; ii. 198 Rutledge, Mr. , of South Carolina, i. 132 Schuyler, General, i.143, 154, 169, &c.; his sound judgment, 334 Schuylkill river, military operations on its banks, i. 255, 256, 292 Six Nations, the, i. 22 ; ii. 130 ; the massacres at Cherry Valley and Wy- oming, by, i. 320; expedition under General Sullivan to lay waste their lands and villages, 321 St. Pierre, M. Legardeur de, i. 29, 30 ; ii. 142 Stamp Act, the, i. 116 Steuben, Baron, his " System of Tac- tics," i. 319 ; his service, 354 Stirling, Lord, made prisoner by Gen. Howe, at Long Island, i. 191 ; serves in new campaigns, 247, 298, 331 Stony Point, stormed by Gen. Wayne, i. 324 ; W T ashington afterwards de- molishes the fort, and retires from it, 326 Sullivan, General John, i. 142, 173; he is taken prisoner, 191, 209 ; the com- mand of Lee's division devolves on, 220, 247 ; his retreat after the action on the Brandywine, 252 ; in the ac- tion at Germantown, 259; his expe- dition against the Six Nations, 320 Taxes, by Great Britain, on tea, paper, glass, &c., i. 117; association and agreement for the non-importation thereof, 117,119 ; taxes, by the United States, on distilled spirits, ii. 31 ; high duties on imports, ib. ; consequences resulting from the tax on spirits, 58, 59, 62 Thomas, M., celebrated French poet, i. 47 ; ii. 460. Tilly, M. de, French Naval officer, i. 352,353 Trenton, Washington crosses the Dela- ware at, i. 217 ; he gains the battle of, 227 Tryon, Governor, in Long Island, i. 143, 167, 179; his designs, 181, 244; endeavours a conciliation, 283; devas- tations by, 323 Vanbraam, Captain Jacob, i. 25, 31, 56, 120; ii. 127, etseq. INDEX. 495 Vernon, Mount, situation of, i. 3; en- tail of this estate made by Lawrence Washington, with remainder to his half-brother George, 18; great acces- sion to Washington's estates and for- tune, 105; the hospitalities at, 111 ; management of the estate at, 165, 166 ; a British armed vessel visits, 356; his residence at, 418; his habits at, 421 ; Washington, elected president, bids adieu to, ii. 2; his me- thod of managing his agricultural af- fairs at, 6 ; his visits to, 26 ; landscape representing, 79 ; Washington retires as a private citizen to, 80 ; his habits at, 85 ; he dies at, 92 ; Mount Vernon named from Admiral Vernon, 115 Villiers, M. de, attacks and takes Fort Necessity, i. 56 Virginia, colony of: possessions of the Washington family in, i. 2, 4; settlers, 13; surveys, 15; military dis- tricts, 16, 19; administration of Lieu- tenant- Governor Dinwiddie in, 19,24, 37, 58, 73, 90, 119; town of WiU liamsburg, 25 ; House of Burgesses in, 36,38; Virginia soldiery, 40, 66 ; this province opposes the French incursions on the Ohio, 42, 57, 59, 79, 91 ; Major Washington commands the Virginia troops, 60, 72, et seq. ; his speech to the assembly of burgesses in, 98 ; thanks of that assembly to Washington, 107; influential men of this province, 115, 129; "First Constitution" of Virginia, 118; bold resolves of the assembly, 119, 122; Lord Botetourt dissolves the House of Burgesses, ib.; he is succeeded by the Earl of Dun- more as lieut.-governor, ib.; the as- sembly again dismissed, 123 ; war with the Indians, 133; wealth, talent, and high spirit of the Virginia delegates, 139 ; they recommend a declaration of independence, 178; General Mathews' expedition against, 321 ; Earl Corn- wallis overruns it, 363 Ward, General Artemas,i. 139, 142, 176 Washington, arms of the family of, ii. 426, 427 , Augustine, father of George Washington, i. 3 ; his possessions and will, ib.; his family, ii. 430 -, Augustine, brother of Geo. Washington, i. 3; ii. 161,430 , Bushrod, nephew of George Washington, ii. 432; counselled as to studies and conduct, i. 109 College, i. 415, 416 ; ii. 438 family, genealogy of the, i. 1 ; ii. 421 ; particulars respec ting the, i. 2, 3 ; ii. 429 ; tables of the pedigree of, 434, 436 Washington, Fort, on Hudson river, i. 183, 186, 200; to be retained as long as possible, 209; threatened, 212; sur- rendered to the British, 214, &c. WASHINGTON, General GEORGE, Presi- dent of the United States: his birth, i. 3 ; ii. 431 ; his education, and fond- ness for mathematical studies and for athletic exercises, i. 6 ; his early cha- racter and military predilections, 6, 7, 11 ; his brother's project for his enter- ing the British navy as a midshipman, 11; he becomes a practical surveyor, 14, 15; ii. 117; appointed adjutant of one of the military districts in Virginia, i. 16, 19; his voyage to Barbadoes with his brother, 17; ii. 121 ; sent by the governor of Virginia on a mission to the French beyond the Allegany moun- tains, i.24; interviews with the French commander, 29; his perilous adven- tures, 31, 32, 34; his journal of this mission, 36; ii. 126; appointed to the command of troops to repel the inva- sion of the frontiers, i. 36 ; he marches across the Allegany mountains, 43, 44 ; defeats a detachment of French under Jumonville who is slain, 46 ; battle of the Great Meadows, 54, 56 ; resigns his commission, 60 ; engages in the expedition under General Brad- dock, 61, 64; his advice to that gene- ral, 63, 69 ; battle of the Monongahela, 64 70 ; his gallantry and providen- tial safety in that calamitous action, 67; his reputation increases, 69; ap- pointed cqmmander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, 72 ; endeavours to re- form the discipline of the army, 75 ; visits General Shirley at Boston on the affairs of his command, 77 ; re- turns to his head-quarters at Williams- burg, 79; he commiserates the people exposed to the ravages of the Indians, 80 ; testimonies of confidence in his character and ability, 81, 82; occur- rences of the campaign, 85; presents a memorial to the Earl of Loudoun on the state of military affairs in Virginia, 87; commands the Virginian troops in the expedition against Fort Du- quesne under General Forbes, 93; marches to Fort Cumberland, and acts in concert with Colonel Bouquet, 93 97; joins the main army at Raystown, 99; commands the advanced division in the march, 100; Fort Duquesne taken, 101 ; he returns to Virginia, 496 INDEX. resigns his commission, and retires to private life, 103; his marriage, 105: chosen a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, 106; his pursuits and habits as a planter, 109; his do- mestic economy, 110; fond of field sports, 112; anecdote, 113; a vestry- man in the church, and active in parish affairs, 1 14 ; his disapprobation of the Stamp Act, 116; joins heartily in the measures of opposition to the British government, 115, 117; performs a tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa rivers, 120; part taken by him in the Vir- ginia legislature in defending the' rights of the colonies, 124 ; his opi- nions on this subject, 125, 126 ; a de- legate to the Virginia conventions, 125, 129, 134; a member of the first continental congress, 129; and of the second congress, 1 35 ; appointed com- mander-in-chief of the continental army, 140 ; repairs to Cambridge and takes the command, 143 ; state of the army, 144, 146 ; his intercourse with congress, 149 ; corresponds with Ge- neral Gage, 152; sends an expedition to Quebec, 154 ; holds a council of war respecting an assault on Boston, 157 ; organization of a new continental army, 158; he causes armed vessels to be equipped and sent to cruise against the enemy, 159, 160; condi- tion of the army, 156, 162; his ar- rangement of his private affairs, 165; his opinion respecting an accommoda- tion with England, 171; evacuation of Boston, 173 ; marches the army to New York, and repairs in person to congress, 176; his views in regard to the state of the country, 178; declara- tion of independence, 181, 182; re- fuses to receive letters from the British general and admiral, unless directed to him in his official character, 184, 185; battle of Long Island, 189, 191 ; his admirable retreat, 192; impression made by it on the army and the public, 194 j New York evacuated, 197 ; army stationed on Haerlem Heights, 200; its new organization, 203, 205; marches to White Plains, 210 ; battle of Chat- terton's Hill, 21 1 ; army crosses the Hudson, 213 : capture of Fort Wash- ington, 214; retreats through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton, 216; his determined spirit in the prosecution of the war, 221 ; invested with dictatorial powers by congress, 224 ; his victory of Trenton, 227 ; battle of Princeton, 229 to 232; Winter-quarters established at Mor- ristown, 235; preparations for the next campaign, 337; his views re- specting the exchange of prisoners, 239, 241 ; military operations in New Jersey, 244, 246, 256; crosses the Delaware and encamps near German- town, 247 ; his first interview with Lafayette, 248 ; battle of the Brandy- wine, 252 ; new powers conferred on him by congress, 254 ; battle of Ger- mantown, 257 ; encampment at Val- ley Forge, 264, 274 ; spurious letters ascribed to him, 115, 265; Conway's cabal , 266 ; comparative strength of the British and American armies ; 290, 294 ; evacuation of Philadelphia, 293; battle of Monmouth, 297 ; arri- val of a French fleet under Count d'Estaing, and plans for combined ope- rations, 301,302; cantonments of the army, 304, 306; exchange of prison, ers, 307, 308; his anxiety in regard to the divisions in congress, 308, 310 ; project of an expedition to Canada dis- approved by him, 311 ; his interviews with a committee of congress, 314, 316 ; and plans for the campaign of 1779,316,317; the storming of Stony Point, 323; his letter to Dr. Cochran, 327 ; his interview with the French minister, and plans for co-operating with Count d'Estaing, 329; effects of the depreciation of the currency, 332, 333 ; a French fleet arrives at New- port with troops under Count de Ro- chambeau, 336 ; interview between Washington and the French com- mander at Hartford, 338 ; the treason of Arnold, 339 343; plans of attack, ing New York, 345; mutiny of the Pennsylvania line and New Jersey troops, 346,348; Washington's agency in procuring supplies from France, 349 ; he detaches Lafayette to Vir- ginia, 353 ; visits Count de Rocham- beau at Newport, 354 ; interview be- tween the American and French com- manders at Weathersfield, 358 ; plan of operations, 359 ; junction of the two armies, 362; intelligence from Count de Grasse, 363 ; the combined armies cross the Hudson and march to Virginia, 365 ; siege of Yorktown, 367 ; the American army returns to Hudson's river, 371 ; preparations for another campaign, 374 ; affair of Cap- tain Asgill, 379 ; state of the army, 381 ; proposal to Washington to as- sume supreme power, and his reply, 382 ; negotiations for peace, 384 ; INDEX. French troops leave the United States, ib. ; dissatisfaction of the army, 385 ; Newburg addresses, 387, 390 ; peace proclaimed in camp, 392 ; his senti- ments concerning the civil govern- of the Union, 393; his circular letter to the States, 394; makes a tour to the northward, 395 ; repairs to con- gress, 397 ; an equestrian statue of him in bronze, voted by congress, 397 ; remarks on the statues of him executed by Houdon, Canova, and Chantrey, 396, 397 ; his farewell address to the army, 398 ; ii. 377 ; the British evacu- ate New York, i. 399; he resigns his commission and retires to private life, 401, 402; declines receiving any com- pensation for his public services, 405 ; his feelings on being relieved from the burden of office, 402, 406 ; devotes himself to agriculture, 405,408; makes a tour to the western country, 408 ; his extensive plans for internal navi- gation, 409 ; receives a visit from the Marquis de Lafayette, 412; refuses to accept a donation from the State of Virginia, 414 ; his liberal acts for the encouragement of education, 415; fa- vours the Countess of Huntingdon's plan for civilizing and christianizing the Indians, 417; his operations in farming and horticulture, 418; his habits at Mount Vernon, 421 ; Hou- don's statue of him erected by the State of Virginia, 422; his sentiments respecting the condition of the country and the defects of the confederacy, 423 ; takes part in the first steps to- wards effecting a reform, 424 ; ap- pointed a delegate from Virginia to a general convention, 430; his reasons for wishing to decline, ib. ; society of the Cincinnati, 432; he accepts the appointment as delegate, 433 ; attends the convention, 434 ; is chosen its pre- sident, and affixes his name to the new constitution, 435, 437 ; his opinion of the constitution, 437 ; it is adopted by the people, 438; Washington chosen the first President of the United States, ii. 1 ; his journey to the seat of go- vernment, 2 ; takes the oath of office, 3 ; his inaugural speech, 4 ; manner of conducting his agricultural affairs while president, 6; rules for receiving visiters and entertaining company, 7, 9; illness, 9 ; death of his mother, ib. ; departments of government organized, 11; his opinion of the supreme court, 13 ; his practice in the appointments to office, 14 ; journey to the Eastern VOL. II. States, 17; letter from Mrs. Wash- ington, 18 ; visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon, 25, 26 ; his policy re- specting Indians, 29 ; approves a na- tional bank, 30; his tour to the Southern States, 31 ; rejects the ap- portionment bill, 33; regrets the col- lision of parties, 34 ; endeavours to reconcile the dissensions between Ha- milton and Jefferson, 35, 36 ; elected president for a second term, 43 ; takes the oath of office, ib. ; relations be- tween the United States and France, 44 ; proclamation of neutrality, 45, 46 ; Genet's conduct as minister from France, 49, 51 ; Washington's opinion of democratic societies, and on the subject of instructing representatives, 52 ; recommends measures of defence to congress, 54, 62 ; his character by Mr. Fox, 55 ; Lord Erskine's letter to him, 56; he appoints Mr. Jay as an envoy extraordinary to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain, 58 ; mea- sures adopted for suppressing the in- surrection in Pennsylvania, 60, 61 j British treaty confirmed by the Senate and ratified by the signature of the president, 64, 68; resignation of Mr. Randolph, 69, 70; Washington re- fuses to furnish papers to house of representatives in relation to the British treaty, 72, 73; captivity of Lafayette, and means used by Wash- ington to procure his liberation, 74; difficulties with France in relation to the British treaty, 75; Washington's farewell address, 77 ; his last speech to congress, 78 ; inauguration of his successor Mr. Adams, 79 ; testimony of respect shewn to him by the citizens of Philadelphia, ib. ; he retires to Mount Vernon, 80 ; anecdote of, re- lated by Bishop White, ib. ; remarks on Mr. Jefferson's conduct towards him, 81 ; preparations for war, 86 ; he is appointed commander-in-chief of the provisional army of the United States, 88 ; organization and arrange- ment of the army, 90; his last illness and death, 91, 92; Mr. Lear's narra- tive of his death, 399; his funeral, 409 ; tribute of respect by congress, 93 ; proceedings of congress in con- sequence of his death, 410; its reso- lutions for erecting a marble monu- ment, 93, 415 ; mourning worn by the people of America for, 93, 415; par- ticulars concerning his early life, i. 6 ; ii. 109; his agricultural pursuits, i. 109; ii. 153,210; instances recorded K K 498 INDEX. of his valour, i. 69, 113, 232, 234, &c. ; his religious opinions and habits, ii. 97, 98, 353 Washington's early papers, ii. 103 ; rules of behaviour, 104; his early letters, 111; his Journal of a Survey- ing Tour among the Alleganies, 117 ; his Journal at Barbadoes, 121 j his Journal of an Official Tour over the Allegany mountains, 126 ; his Diary, in 1760, 150 ; Journal of his Tour to the Ohio River, in 1770, 159; his Diary in 1774, 187, at the first con- gress, 189 ; his Diary of 1st May, 1781, 194; of the conference at Wea- thersfield, 197 ; his Diary during the junction of the French and American armies, 201 ; of other military events, 203, 205, 209; his Diary respecting Count de Barras, 209 ; his Agricul- tural Diary in 1785, 210; Diary of General Convention at Philadelphia, 215 ; Journal of a Tour down the Youghiogany, 220 ; Diary on his ap- pointment as President, 223 Washington's, President, SPEECHES to both Houses of Congress, ii. 3, 19, 78; his INAUGURAL SPEECH, 225; reply to the Senate, 230 ; and to the House of Representatives, 231 ; his Speech of January 8th, 1790, 231 ; of December 8th, 1790, 236; in 1791, 242; in 1792, 251 ; in December, 1793, 259 ; in 1794, 267 ; in 1795, 280; in 1796, 288; his PROCLAMA- TIONS for a National Thanksgiving, 301, 403; his ADDRESSES on various occasions, 205 316; his FAREWELL ADDRESS to the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES, 317, 367 ; Extracts from his Orderly Book, 339 349; Miscellane- ous Papers respecting Washington, 353 ; his Appointment and Instruc- tions as Commander-in-chief, 374; his FAREWELL ADDRESS to the ARMY, 377 ; Resignation of his Command, 382 ; his Address on that occasion to, and the Reply of Congress, 384, 385 ; his expenses as Commander-in-chief, 386; his APPOINTMENT as PRESIDENT, 388 ; the Washington Medal on the evacuation of Boston, 394 ; presen- tation of a sword to him, 396 ; monu- mental inscription designed for, 417; GENEALOGY of, 421 ; family and re- latives of, 427, et seq. ; his WILL, 437 ; his Property and Possessions, 449 Washington, Sir Henry, sustains the siege of Worcester against Cromwell's army, i. 2; ii. 425 Washington, John, with his brother Lawrence, emigrates to Virginia, i. 2; settles at Bridge's Creek, ib.; the parish named after him, 3 ; marries Anne Pope, ib. ; his descendants, ib. ; ii. 426, 429 Washington, John Augustine, brother of George Washington, i. 3; ii. 430; his marriage, 431 ; his descendants, 432 Washington, Joseph, an eminent lawyer of Gray's Inn, works of, ii. 424 Washington, Lawrence, mayor of North- ampton, and proprietor of Sulgrave, i. 2 ; ii. 427 Washington, Lawrence, grandfather of the president, i. 3 ; ii. 429, 431 Washington, Sir Lawrence, of Garsdon, ii. 427 Washington, Lawrence, Esq. , of Mount Vernon, i. 3, 4, 11, 16 ; biographical notice of, 10, 12; ii. 114; his voyage to Barbadoes for his health, i. 17; ii. 121 ; he writes home from Bermuda, i. 18; returns, and dies at Mount Vernon, ib. ; was a member of the Ohio Company, ii. 115; his letter to his half-brother, George Washington, 113; marries Anne, daughter of the Hon. W. Fairfax, 430 ; his death, 431 Washington, Lund, superintends the private affairs of General Washington during the revolution, i. 165 ; corres- pondence with him, 166 ; furnishes the enemy with refreshments, 356 Washington, Martha, wife of the Gene- ral, i. 105, 109; ii. 431; her letters to Mrs. Mercy Warren, 18, 277 ; joins the General in camp, i. 165, 277 ; her son's death, 372 ; President Washing- ton's levees, and Mrs. Washington's soirees, at New York, ii. 8; her care of her husband in his last illness, 400 ; condolence of congress addressed to her by President Adams on his death, 93, 416; his real and personal estate [the life interest] bequeathed to her, 437 Washington, Mary, mother of the Gene- ral, i. 3 ; the estates of all her children entrusted to her charge, 4 ; her ad- mirable management thereof, ib. ; she is visited by her son George, 15 ; ii. 10; her death, 9, 10; her children, 430 Washington, Robert, Esq. , of Sulgrave, ii. 427 Washington, Sir William, i. 2; ii. 427 Washington, Colonel William, wounded at Trenton, i. 228 Wayne, General, i. 293, 295, 298; he storms the English post at Stony INDEX. 499 Point, 324 ; his prudence in suppress- ing a mutiny, 346 West Indies, the French islands threat- ened by the English on the declaration of war, i. 291, 304; Count d'Estaing's naval operations in, 329; trade of the United States with the British West India Islands , ii. 65 White Plains, camp at, i. 209, 210, 213; ii. 201 Will's Creek, i. 25, 26, 43, 58; the route by, 95 Wirt, Mr., describes the modesty and confusion of Washington on thanks of the Virginia assembly being personally addressed to him, i. 107; anecdote related by, 132 Youghiogany River, i. 35, 64 ; ii. 220 THE END. "T. C. Savill, Printer^ 107, St. Martin's-laoV. Just ready, in Two Volumes, Svo, THE GEORGE WASHINGTON. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped "foetew AUG 5193T NOVi 193f * FEB 9 6 Form L-9-20j-8,'37 OCT3 wee AUG 7 1957 6 WEEKS FROM DATE OF RErr/PT 0?38f . -RENEWAL NOV131953 OF CALIFORNIA UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY in ii ill I I I I I ill || | | AA 000794715 3