C. L. CLARKE, PLEASE RETURN TO SPECIAL BOOKCASE THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES -s.i . / / HISTORY OF THE POLICY CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. HISTOliY OF THE POLICY CHURCH OF EOME IN IRELAND, FEOM THE INTRODUCTION OF THE ENGLISH DYNASTY TO THE GREAT REBELLION. BY WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR, BY JOHN JEBB, LATE lOED BISHOP OF LIMERICK ; AND INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, BY JAMES LORD, OF THE INNER TEMPLE, ESa., BARRISTER-AT-LAW ; AUTHOR OP "THE VATICAN AND ST. James's; or, England independent op rome," etc., etc. * » » " It is hoped that when temporary excitement shall have subsided, it may be studied with advantage * * not least by members of the Church of Rome." —Bishop J ebb. LONDON : WERTHEIM AND MACINTOSH, 24, PATERNOSTER-ROAV ; AND PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION OFFICE, 6, SERJEANTS' INN, FLEET-STREET. 1854. ALEX. MACINTOSH, PRINTER, GREAT NEW-STREET, LONDON. "^K 77^ -7>/"/i; TO HIS GRACE THE LORD JOHN GEORGE BERESFORD, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH, PRIMATE OF ALL IRELAND, ETC., ETC., ETC. My Lord Archbishop, It is with much satisfaction that I avail myself of your kind permission to dedicate to yom- Grace this third edition of Phelan's " Pohcy of the Church of Rome in Ireland." The subject is intimately connected with the vital interests of that portion of the Chiu-ch of Christ over which your Grace has so long presided. Nor is it confined to these. It concerns the well-being of the British nation, — for national religion 1328878 VI DEDICATION. ever brings national blessings with it ; and no course more efficient could be adopted to render Ireland and every portion of the British empire as happy and prosperous as they might be, than to pervade the whole with the animating principles of that primitive, Scriptural Christianity, — which was received in Ireland before Popery was known there — and will survive, when Popery shaU be no more, I have the honour to remain, My Lord Archbishop, Your Grace's Very obedient. Humble Servant, JAMES LORD. 31, Bedford-square, Bloomshnry, London, March 3d, 1854. CONTENTS. Page Introductory Remarks, by James Lord, Esq. - - - v Bishop Jebb's Biographical Memoir - - . - i Introductory Chapter to the " History of the Policy of the Church of Rome in Ireland, from the Introduction of the English Dynasty to the Great Rebellion" - - 65 CHAPTER I. From Henry the Second to Edward the Sixth - - 99 Appendix to Chapter I. - - - - - - 169 CHAPTER IL Elizabeth 181 Appendix to Chapter IL > - - - - - 257 CHAPTER IIL From the Accession of James the First to the Great Rebellion - - - 261 APPENDIX A. Quotation from Sir Richard Musgrave's " History of the Irish Rebellions " 333 a 2 Vlll CONTENTS. APPENDIX B. Page Extract from the late Mr. Wilberforce's " Practical View of Christianity" --....-- 333 APPENDIX C. Archbishop Tillotson as to National Religion, National Blessings, and National Judgments - - - - 335 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. BY JAMES LORD, ESQ. The writer of the following work was an Irishman. Dr.Phekn He cannot, therefore, be justly suspected of writing man, with any unfriendly feeling towards Ireland. To her best interests he was warmly and inteUigently devoted. By education he was a Roman Catholic. Bishop and a Jebb, in his Biographical Memoir,* records some of catholic, the interesting circumstances under which he became a Protestant. But, though he escaped from the Romish apostasy, he never indulged in rancorous feelings towards the Church he had left, or the individual members of her communion. In his highly-cultivated and charitable mind the The odium odium tlieologicum found no place. He felt as a cKwhadno patriot and a Christian. He -wTote as one mourning ^^-^^ ^^ over the social and physical miseries superinduced by Popery upon his native land, and desirous of amelio- * Pp. 7, 8, 9. INTRODUCTORV REMARKS. rating the temporal as well as the spiritual condition of his fellow-countrymen. To effect this, theu' emancipation from the thraldom of Rome seemed an essential and a preliminary step. His Christian patriotism was that of one who lived and laboured for the good of his country : — not of that modern school of patriots, who assume the name the better to disguise selfish purposes. Bid not He did not regard matters through the distorting view matters mcdium of party optics, but taking a broad and com- medium of prehcnsivc view, formed his own opinion as to what optics. would best conduce to the real benefit of his country. Instead of advocating any diminution of British influence and authority, or of supposing it incon- sistent with the welfare of his native land, he has recorded his opinion that England's toeahiess, and not her strength, has been the bane of Ireland. Extent of The territorial extent of England's rule in that ndfin^ couutry was, for a long time, vcry siuall. From the reign of King Henry the Second to that of King James the First, it is thus graphically described by Dr. Phelan at p. 71 : — "A level district round the capital, contain- ing the small shires of Louth, Meath, Kildare, and Dublin, limited the range of the English law, the jurisdiction of the Viceroy, and, except on some rare occasions, the ambition of the crown. Far from indulging schemes of more extended authority, the conscious weakness of Royalty took refuge in a ludicrous but humiliating fiction : — all beyond this pomcerium was presumed not to be in existence, and, INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XI in Court language, the land of Ireland was synony- mous with the Pale. " Of the Pale itself, an ample stripe, comprehending one-third, and sometimes half, of each county, was border land^ in which a mixed code of English, Brehon, and martial law, and of such points of honoiu' as are recognised among freebooters, suspended for a season the final appeal to the sword.'* Why, it may be asked, has England's influence in Ireland been so small, and so crippled for good purposes ? Why was that of Ireland so small ? Why the separate or combined influence of the two countries so small ? Why is it so now, compared with what it might be ? Why but because, prior to the period of England's connexion with that country, and, indeed, ever since, there have been internal and external causes in operation, of a nature alike hostile to the interests of Ireland and of England ; — causes which had from the first produced unpleasant conse- quences in each of those countries ; causes, too, which continued in operation after Pope Adrian, in 1155, and Pope Alexander, in 1171, in conjunction with Romish dignitaries in Ireland, handed over that country to the English. Ancient historians record these facts. Erom them we learn how the exoteric Exoteric influence of Rome had created divisions, and fanned kome. the flame of sedition amongst powerful and rebel- lious chieftains, as best suited the far-sighted designs of the Papacy, and its perfect recklessness of consequences as regarded others, — even before Henry Plantagenet, with his warriors, set foot upon the XU INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. shores of Ireland. Trom the testimony of modern his- torians we gather information as to the continued efforts made by Rome to consolidate her sacerdotal despotism, and to extend her jurisdiction over temporal, no less than over spu'itual, affaii's ; and how, by stratagem in some cases, by force and intimidation in others, and often by the two combined, she succeeded in extorting from monarch, nobles, and people, fresh concessions to her power and continued augmentations of her influence. Tactic3 ]\Iatters, indeed, have chano-ed crreatly dm-ina; the changed to ' n n j a siiitthe last few centuries. The days of feudal tyi'anny are times. , *' . " past. Rival chieftains assemble their followers no more, and Rome cannot, as before, send forth her mailed warriors to the battle-field. But, adapting her mode of operation to the changed position of affairs, she now seeks to effect, through the people and the priests at the hustings, what she of old accomplished by the swords of nobles and subservient kings. The domestic, no less than the foreign, policy of our own country too clearly indicates the existence of such influence and efforts, and the success with which they have been attended. Study of The study of Irish history, and especially Irish Church Church history, in connexion with Poperv, has been history, • i i *^ with refer- too uiuch ucglcctcd. Hcnce it has happened that Popcrr.has fallacies the most ludicrous, and inaccuracies the most much neg- gross, liavc bccu put forth by some as axioms which could not be disputed, and received by others, almost as the oracular edict and inspiration of infallibility. This has been felt for more than half a century. An INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XIU historian, writing in the year 1800, says, " I consider ^{^^^"^'^^^ it, then, as an important, nay, as a sacred duty, to lay quoted, before the people of England the origin and progress of the late conspiracy and rebellion : for I have good reason for saying that the majority of them are as ignorant of the real state of Ireland as they are of Kamshatka or Madagascar," — Musgrave, Irish JRebcl- lions* " The History of the Policy of the Church of Rome in Ireland" deserves, therefore, the attentive study and perusal of those who have to perform the duties of legislators. The highest, the most intelligent and influential in the land, may derive light and instruc- tion from it. It tends to demonstrate clearly that the imperium in imperio, the divided empire, created by Mischiefs the presence of Popery, ever works ill for the monarch. Hum in for the people, and for the best interests of a country, in its foreign no less than in its domestic relations. Rome, when struggling for power and supremacy, creates discord ; when supreme, tyranny and oppres- sion. Wliere her influence most flourishes, it is upon the ruin of those who have been the longest and the most servilely subject to her despotic sway. Ever may Great Britain be free from Papal supremacy and dictation ! Earnestly may she struggle to sever each tie that holds her in guilty alliance with Popery, and may her theologians and statesmen perform the high and holy duties which devolve on them, whether in the senate, on the platform, in the pulpit, or through the press, in a manner worthy of the most illustrious of * Vide Appendix A, p. 334, for the alleged causes of this. tmperio. XIV INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. their predecessors ; worthy of the Christian, the Pro- testant name they bear ; of the eventful time in which their lot is cast, of the crisis now present; and of that more terrible one which seems to be fast approaching ! The history clearly shows that subserviency to the cause of Rome in Ireland has neither tended to pro- mote the happiness of the people : — the security or independence of the crown. The object of the Church of Rome is still the same as it was at and prior to the period of the Reformation, though her policy, her mode of seeking to attain the object or end in view, may be different, varied — skilfully varied — according to the changing aspect of the times. Protestant- Protcstautism, too, is the same. It is no mere mere nega- negation. It is primitive. Scriptural Christianity. It is positive, as asserting the fundamental truths of the Christian religion. It is negative, as rejecting those errors and corruptions which, dm*ing the lapse of ages, the Church of Rome has engrafted on, or substituted for, the soul-saving doctrines of Christianity. The above may be taken as a description or definition, which, though not perhaps a perfect one, will render tolerably clear the import and meaning of the word Protestantism, as used in this introductory sketch. ^ni^^'""^'* By the Church of Rome may be signified strictly the religious system of Popery, or Popery theologically and ecclesiastically considered. The Court gy the CouH of Romc, when used in contradis- 01 Rome. _ _ tinction to the Church of Rome, is implied the INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XV political system of Popery, or Popery politically considered. In common parlance, tlie term Fopery is made use of in opposition to the term Protestantism, and embraces the descriptions or definitions above given. In the course of these introductory remarks, " The Policy of the Church of Borne in Ireland " is a term made use of to imply some account of the?' designs and doings of Rome as a compound system: a politico- Popery is a politico- religious system, of which, however, politics form the religious ..„.„. . , . STstem. chiei portion oi its constituent or elementary items. This also appears to have been the comprehensive sense in which Dr. Phelan made use of the expression, and which he intended it should convey to others. The controversy between these conflicting systems Neutral grounds di- of Popery and Protestantism gains strength day minisbcd. by day, and neutrality becomes more difficult. They started originally from the same point. They diverged into different lines as they went onward. They lead to diff'erent results, and, in their termina- tions, are wide as the jDoles asunder. The indifferent and lovers of ease may disregard distinctions as they please. They may call virtue, vice ; and vice, virtue. They may substitute the name of darkness for light, and that of Hght for dark- ness : and put sweet for bitter, and bitter for sweet. But the inherent contrast will remain the same; light will still be pleasing to the eye, and darkness its aversion ; sweet still agreeable to the taste, and bitter the reverse of it ; and truth, Divine and saving truth XVI INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. • — that merciful emanation from Deity — continue in perfect harmony with the Divine will, though scorned and rejected by an unbelieving world. Hence Popery, as a system of darkness, error, delusion, will, so long as it endures, be in opposition to Protestantism, however politicians or Jesuits may seek to deny the fact, or disguise the nature, of the difference, afid to sophisticate the minds of men upon the subject. PopeiTand The two systcms, then, are irreconcilable. They Protestant- ism ii-re- will struggle so long as they both exist. Rome coiicilablo. • /. /-^ -n • • i strives tor supremacy. Great Britam dare not grant it. There cannot long be an equality. One or other must be supreme. This difference, however, is to be borne in mind, as regards the result. Protestantism in the ascendancy is tolerant of Popery ; but Popery in the ascendancy is intolerant of Protestantism. If statesmen professing to be friendly to the Church of England, or theologians, members of her communion, are determined to persist in lowering the tone of British Protestantism to meet the insi- dious requirements of Rome, they greatly mistake their vocation, and sadly betray their trust, and throw away a golden opportunity for good which may never again occur. It has been grievous, in past years, to witness how ministers of religion have lent their aid, by promoting concessions of political power, or of pecuniary endow- ments, or by theological tendencies and teachings, to INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XVll help forward the cause of the Papacy. Yet let it not be supposed that all have desired to produce the evil consequences which have resulted from such courses, or that reference is here made to one denomination only, to the exclusion of others. The expression — ministers of religion — maybe taken in its most comprehensive sense, as including those belonging to, or seceding from, the Establishment, many of whom seem to have been not less in fault than the laity of their respective communions in these matters. The errors we deplore, have, alas ! been too general. Yet from those — whose peculiar office it is Theiaity to guide and teach others, the laity naturally expect their spiri- a high and consistent tone, and to have their own Ho^rsTo^be deviations rectified by the higher and holier standard guided. or practice of their recognised spiritual superiors, teachers, pastors, and masters. Consequently a very painful impression is produced when the contrary of this is the case — when such expectations are not realized. A modern writer of celebrity has given expres- sion to the feehngs of disgust with which slave- holders themselves regard ministers of religion, who become the apologists of their cruel and nefarious traffic, and seek to prove from Scripture the divine right of buying, and selling, and enslaving the souls or bodies of their fellow-creatures, in this the nine- teenth century of the Christian era ! They themselves well know, that, however a fancied expediency, or necessity, or love of gain, may urge XVlll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. them to enter upon or to continue a traffic which many of them abhor, and which common humanity condemns, it is a perversion of the Bible, and a misrepresentation of Christianity — a venal or sycophantic degradation of the high and holy functions of the ministerial office, to stoop so low as to distort the sacred writings, and seek to force from them proof that slavery is a Christian institution. Pohticians sometimes seem to be so surrounded by circumstances, that they find or fancy a neces- sity — the statesman's, often, as the tyrant's, plea — for yielding to the exactions of Popery. But how great is the disgust justly entertained by many, even amongst themselves, when they see Protestant divines voluntarily defending and applauding such course; when they see the constituted guardians of oiu* faith — it may be even those who not only minister in holy things, but consecrate, ordain, and set apart those who shall do so, and who partake of the emoluments of the Church of England — devoting themselves assidu- ously to advance the cause of Rome, and to impair, if not destroy, the interests and institutions which every tie of honour and duty, and obligations the most sacred, call upon them to vindicate and to promote ! Great Bri- The pcoplc of this couutry, come what will, are prepared uot prepared for Popery. The vast proportion of Romish, the ChuTch of England is against it. Scotland is against it. The awakened spirituality and activity of the clergy and laity of the Protestant Episcopal Church of Ireland are against it ; and the Dissenters INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XIX of this country, with the influence which they possess, especially amongst the middle and lower classes, — are against it. They will never consent to see Popery dominant, nor much longer endure to see it endowed, promoted, and patronized by the State. Too long and too silently have they acquiesced in what they disapprove, while Rome with her bold inva- sions, almost unchecked, has pursued her course, despoiling Protestantism both of gold and power, and encoiu'aging herself therewith for fresh encroachments. But that mischief, we may hope, is now at an end ; or, if it still progresses, it will be only as the result of the impetus already given by past attempts at con- ciliation. The avalanche loosened from the mountain's brow acquires a power and velocity in falling which renders useless all resistance to its progress, but the very impetuosity of its movement quickens the period of its transit, and, once in the valley, its short reign of terror and destruction is no more. The afirighted villagers recover from their alarm, and set to work with promptitude and vigour to repair the mischiefs they may have sustained. So Reaction now, the Protestants of this empire are beginning placed to recover from the consternation produced by the demands of Popery, whose evil influences for more than a quarter of a century seem to have paralyzed the energies of the hereditary, no less than those of the elective guardians of our rights and liberties. XX INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. We hear no more of sacrificing bishoprics, or despoiling the Irish clergy, and making fresh con- cessions to Rome — too strong, as it is — but Pro- testants arc claiming that concessions and endow- ments already made — to propagate the errors against which they protest — be modified or withdrawn. Nor are they bestirring themselves too early or too earnestly in the matter. They have lost much vantage-ground, and may lose more by delay. The There is a conspiracy centralized at Rome against Papacy a . conspiracy, thc riglits and liberties of mankind. Its design is to subjugate the human race and to render all Churches and empires obedient to its sway. It styles itself religious, but is no less secular and Its extent political. Its ramificatious extend to every quarter and acti- vity, of the globe, and almost to every country. Whether amongst the inhabitants of the polar regions, — or those under the burning influence of the torrid zone, — or those inhabiting more temperate regions, — the agents and emissaries of this system have been, and still are, active. Nothing seems too lofty for its vaulting ambition, nothing too small to escape its microscopic observation. It stoops to conquer. Having conquered, it tyrannizes over its victims, whether in itsunhai- mind, body, or estate. Not satisfied with dominion lowed in- ^ ^ ^• i> n • 1 • trusion limited by the hfe of man, it extends its empire world of beyond the grave. Crossing the border which ^^"^^ ^" separates the seen from the unseen world, — Rome professes to involve in the punishment of INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXI penal fire, or to witlicbaw from it, the spirits of the departed not dying in mortal sin. Thus making Pm-gato- the world of spu'its to re-act upon this ; nome uses the imaginary fires of purgatory to extort from the weak or dying, the patrimony which should go to the orphan children, or other surviving relatives and friends. Nor is this power exercised only when " filthy lucre " is in question ; nor are the terrors of By sphi- - , • o ^ /-•I 1 rm tual terrors this portion oi the system connned to any class. Ihe sways the monarch and the peasant have alike trembled before xuen aud them. The wise and intelligent have often, like the philosophers of Pagan Greece and Rome, been scarcely able to rise above their system. The wealthy and the poor have felt the necessity of yielding to the fears which superstition had first engendered, and then fastened on them. Often, indeed, this spiritual arm of the Church of Rome has compelled princes and statesmen to adopt a policy which they disap- proved, and to reject a com^se which they may have deemed essential or conducive to then* country's good. Even at the present day this is the case. It is not long since her spiritual appliances and The Sic- death-bed terrors were brought to bear against the Laws, and colleague of a statesman who, in one of the smaller Rosa?" ^ nations of Europe, had attempted much, and accomplished something, to ameliorate the condition of his country. Santa Rosa, when in extremis, was refused the last rites of the Romish Church. He trembled like a child at the chimera which Papal superstition had conjiu'cd up before him, and was h XXll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. offered the viaticum, on condition of betraying a cause he had held dear to him as hfe. This he would not do. The last solemn rite of the Church, therefore, was withheld. " He received absolution, but he did not receive extreme unction." — Tablet. Theology Thcologiaus who derive then- theology from the of Rome written Word of God, will in no case find a more subtle, dangerous, and perfidious foe than Popery, though coming in the appearance of a friend; and politicians will rarely find a deadlier enemy of consti- tutional government, the independence of sovereigns, the rights, the liberties, and interests of the people. Monarchy or Republicanism, whether limited or unrestricted, may prevail with less or greater advan- tages or disadvantages, taken per se. But Popery looks upon those ruling or administering national affairs, as so many instruments, to be used at the discretion of Romish priests and Jesuits, as may best tend to advance the interests, and to promote the powers of the Papacy. The Monarchies of Eiu-ope, whether absolute, limited or mixed, equally as the Republic of the United States of America, may be referred to in illustration of this. The Chiu-ch of Rome may flourish in the country which she ruins, and triumph over the fall or confusion of individuals, families, nations, and Churches which would oppose her authority. Rome not Yet witli tliis systcm our theologians and states- ciiiated. uicn havc bccu desirous of cultivating a friendly relationship! — ignorant or forgetful of the fact, that the INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXlll inherent natiu-e and principles of Popery remain the same ; — that the dogma of infallibihty precludes the abnegation or renunciation of any other dogma, once defined and received by her as an article of faith, and, therefore, that all assimilation must take place only by Protestantism renouncing its own principles, and becoming more like to Romanism; forgetfid also, or wishing to ignore or conceal the fact, that the spiritual claims of the Chmxh of Rome do of necessity include a great interference with, and oftentimes a control over, temporal matters. The power of Popery is increased by yielding to it. Rome's With a subtlety peculiar to the system, it insmuates increased itself where other influences might attempt to work in to ft!*^""^ vain, and preying alike upon the fears and the hopes of its victims, alternately alhues or frightens them to courses best adapted to suit its purposes. Striking indeed is the contrast between the position Popery in cT-» --rtTii' 1 • p r\ England. of Popery in England durmg the reign oi C^ueen Ehzabeth, and Popery in the reign of our present most gracious Sovereign, Queen Victoria. Its power was then decreasing. It has been latterly increasing. This dijQPerence, however, is not referrible to a changed feeling on the part of the Sovereign or the people of the present day, but to causes more remote, and some of which have been in operation long anterior to the present period. Some of these, indeed, manifested themselves even in the time of the Reformers.* * A passage fromWilberforce's "Practical View of Christianity " in support of this view, is given in Appendix B, post, p. 333. b 2 ^'^IV INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. Amongst them may be mentioned, divisions between Protestants ; the decay of vital piety. Then came the Mischiefs civil wars and insurrections ; decline in public and of disunion . ,. in •• i-r-iT amongst privatc morality; growth oi scepticism and mndclity; ants. * latitudinarianism of principle amongst statesmen ; and the long series of continental warfare, only terminating in the early part of the present century. During this latter period, the Papacy was comparatively quiescent, or even suffering, and eliciting sympathy and support from powers who had before opposed her. All tliis long time, however, Rome was not asleep; — she " bides her time!' Though defeated for centu- ries, she does not withdraw her claim. What was once hers, is ever hers. No rule of prescription applies to the " spiritual corporation" of Papal Rome : " Nullum tempus occurrit Ecclesiae" is her motto. Powerless when watched, and opposed by the awakened skill and combined energies of a free and united people, she rises into importance when hatred and discord have weakened them by divisions, or a false security has lulled them to repose. Thus, and from some of the above-mentioned causes, has she gained strength ; and it remains yet to be seen how far, and after what further suffering, humiliation, and disaster, we may be permitted to resume our lost position ; whether, having long possessed the power of opposing Popery, without the desire of doing so, we may not find ourselves with the inclination to oppose Popery, but without the power of doing it. This, time will manifest. Oiu' duty, meanwhile, is INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXV clear. The feeling of the country at large is intensely Protestant. There is a diversity in its manifestation, but the spirit is deep, strong, intelligent, determined. The very sku'mishing with Tractarian Popery — in which, it may be, many have been seriously, and some fatally wounded — has prepared the public mind for dealing with Italian Popery, Tractarianism has succeeded in doing much of the Tract- mischief which its originators intended; and has accomplished but little of the good which some of its mistaken promoters, and earlier followers, hoped it woidd produce. This, however, may be stated as one of the results, — that the people of this country are, if possible, more determined than ever to resist the encroachments of the Papacy. Churchmen and Dissenters have their points of difference, but they have also their points of resem- blance, and bear a decided testimony against Popery. Politicians of various shades and parties have also their differences, but they have also their resemblances. Differing, it may be, on many points, there are others on which they may be found almost unanimous. Actuated by a spirit higher than party, animated by a love of their country and their religion, they all, or most of them, if not equally, yet to a high degree, abominate Popery in the ascendancy, and will risk anything — should a final contest be precipitated — rather than see their religion corrupted, their liberties subverted, and their native land again become the patrimony of St. Peter ! XXVI INTRODUCTOUY REMARKS. The apparent absence of any sucli immediate crisis, has led successive statesmen to neglect some of our outposts, under the delusive hope that the nature of the Papacy was changed, and therefore that we need apprehend no evil. Extent of Whcu the cxtcut of Papal dominion and wealth are power. referred to, or when architecture, and sculpture, and the fine arts are invoked, to show what Romanism has done for mankind, we may point to the stately cities and the ancient empires of the world, to the grandeur of Nineveh and of Egypt ; the magnificence and beauty of pagan Greece and Rome. Yet in them there was nothing toward ofi" approaching desolation; — nothing to regenerate man's corrupt nature, or to repair the ruins of the Pall. Christianity was not sent into the world merely to patronize the fine arts ; nor wiU intellect alone ever lead to a saving knowledge of Christ Jesus. The Pagan nations of antiquity possessed intelligence and taste ; fragments fi:om their chisel serve us as models even in the present day : yet the testimony of Scripture is — " The world by wisdom knew not God." * Hence the need of a revelation. It was given. God appeared, in Christ, the only, but all-sufiicient. Saviour of sinners, "reconciling the world unto himself."! Yet Christians too frequently seek, in religious matters, not so much to elevate all to the level of Christianity, as to present Christianity in some, even, of its essentials and details, opposed as little as possible * 1 Cor. i. 21. f 2 Cor. v. 19. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXVU to existing errors and corruptions. Rome is not free from this. In some of her missionary efforts, she is open to Rome the charge of having paganized Christianity, rather than paganize of having Christianized pagans, and converted sinners aniryV from the errors of their way to worship the true God. The simphcity of Christianity, which places its saving efficacy within the reach of all grades of intellect ; all classes of men ; and of every rank in society; is a stumbling-block to those who would represent it in a form more captivating to the senses. The earlier pagans were long held in subjection to their dumb idols, and to the vain and superstitious practices in use amongst them. Accustomed to the gorgeous ceremonials with which their own worship was accompanied, and believing them to be essential ingredients of true devotion, — the simplicity of a Christian assembly was not only desti- tute of every charm for them, but seemed wanting in respect towards the unseen object of their veneration. To them a temple without an idol, and an altar without a sacrifice, had no attraction ; it seemed like a world without a visible semblance of Deity, or worshippers without an object for their adoration. Is it not too much so with regard to the worshippers of papal Rome ? Endeavours have been made to connect altars and sacrifices, images and pictm'es, with the practice and profession of true religion ; and vast multitudes have embraced this corrupted, this pagan- ized form of Christianity. XXV 111 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. is^umbcrs. The iiiimbers, however, who follow Popery should weigh as nothing in the scale ; for any argument based upon mere numbers might be turned against Kome herself; and might from the first have been turned, as now, against Christianity in general, for a much greater portion of the population of the earth are pagan idolaters than professing Christians. Antiquity. Any dcductiou from antiquity alone, will also be unsafe as a guide, for there are superstitions of a date more ancient than the Christian religion. It is not, therefore, to numbers, or antiquity, that we must look ; it is not by them that the conscience must be guided. We must look to the truth, be guided by the truth, and base our religion upon the Divine will, as revealed to us in the Holy Scriptm'es, With the light of that book for our guide, we must be compelled to admit that Popery is not Christi- anity, if by Christianity be understood the pure and undefiled religion of Christ Jesus as contained in the Holy Scriptures. Indeed, Rome does not profess her religion to be such : she claims that holy book as the basis of her edifice, and then erects upon it a super- structure of a totally inconsistent character. She gives us, if not Christianity without Christ, yet with Christ placed in a subordinate position ; or impaired in the fulness of the attributes and offices which are solely and peculiarly his; — sharing them with creature media- tors, and fancied human merits, and good works. Most of the articles of her creed are more novel than the New Testament. Many are not even to be found in it : Holy Scripture the stand- ard of Christian truth. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXIX and hence we have the strange anomaly of a system calhng itself Christian, fomiding its existence and claims to authority upon a portion of the New Testa- ment, and yet refusing the members of its communion the right of investigating the charter of their salvation, or the alleged foundation of its authority ! Rome, however, has prospered. Endowed with How much subtlety, and enriched with the fruits of long acquires -, I /• T c • • wealth. experience, — she makes use oi appliances tor gaining wealth and power, of which Protestants cannot avail themselves ; and no small portion of the property enjoyed by the Papacy has been acquired by means which certainly appear to Protestants of a very questionable character. Thus, much of what was done by the English settlers in Ireland dates its origin from superstitious fears, or an erroneous idea of making the perishable goods of this world subserve the cause of promoting or securing their owners' happiness in the world to come. Dr. Phelan, having referred to some existing evils, during the early portion of Ireland's history, proceeds — " But if the clergy occasionally suffered a few of those annoy- ances which were as the course of nature to less fortunate men, they had a peculiar and abundant recompense in that soldierly devotion which sought to appease God by largesses to his ministers. The early English adventurers were eminently distinguished for this species of piety : one hundred and sixty religious i6o re- houses, founded and endowed between the landing of iSes Henry the Second and that of Edward Bruce, with count- Li^years? less grants of land, and other minor benefactions, were XXX INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. the splendid monuments of tlicir remorse. In fine, all the privileges, and nearly all the riches which the Church then enjoyed (and it enjoyed an ample share of both) had been derived from the policy or bounty of Englishmen, and were still suspended upon the con- tinuance of their ascendancy. From a state of some hardship, and total dependance, it had been exalted as the Chm^ch of a dominant party, and pampered into all that florid prosperity which the envy or imagination of modern agitators has ascribed to the reformed establishment ; it was indulged, besides, in the exercise of many branches of the Papal craft, to the great oppression of the people, and to the detri- ment and dishonom' of the civil authorities. The spirit which could discover a motive to rebellion in treatment such as this would be inconceivable, did not history furnish so many examples of the insatiable cravings of Popery, and the madness of disappointed ambition."— P. 137. Conven- Couvcntual iustitutious have, no doubt, proved very tutions! ^" powerful auxiliaries to the cause of Rome. W^iether established and endowed from pecuniary sacrifice made by parties in their lifetime as an atonement for their offences, or by money extorted from the hard earnings of the poor, or wrung by death-bed terrors from the rich, — they show the hold which Popery has had or retains over its victims ; and are landmarks denoting a country's vassalage to Rome. They operate injuriously upon the interests of society, whether passing under the name of religious houses of men, or of convents or nunneries. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXXI Protestant ministers have not the same means of ivrortmain acquii'ing wealth, nor the same motive for doing so. On this the Bishop of London made some very vreighty and pertinent remarks, v^^hen examined before a Committee of the House of Commons, on the subject of the Mortmain Laws, 24th June, in the year 1844. He is asked by the Chairman, Lord Evidence •^ "^ . ofthe John Manners {Q. 570), " Does your experience as Bishop of a parish clergyman lead you to apprehend undue influence Avith persons, particularly in sickness, from clergymen or others, for the purpose of obtaining grants or bequests for the Church ? " " * Certainly not. There is nothing in the principles of our Church which need lead any person to entertain such an apprehension, even in theory, and I believe in practice it is equally groundless. Lord Hardwicke, indeed, said, " One of my chief reasons for laying a restraint on such donations, is, lest the clergy of our Established Church should be tempted and instructed to watch the last moments of dying persons, as insidiously as ever the monks and friars did in the darkest times of Popery and superstition. The opportunity is established by the laws as they stand at present. They may, by so doing, increase the wealth and the power of the Church ; nay, they may increase the revenue of their own particular cure :" and, he, concludes, " if ever we should have an ambitious clergyman for a Prime Minister, it would be the only way to acquire an influence at Court, or preferment in the Church." I think, from the last reason, the Committee may judge of the validity of the others. XXXll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. The Such an argument could not be used in the present Bishop of P . 1 T 1 London, daj. I think in respect to the Roman Cathohc clergy Mortmain there would bc great reason to apprehend this influ- ence, because the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church is this (the words in the Latin I will thus translate) : — " It is confessedly taught in the writings of both Testaments that there are three most convenient modes of washing out the stains of sin — alms, prayers, fastings ; and that it is altogether reasonable that one of these fountains should flow abundantly when the others fail and are dried up.' " (571.) — " ' Have you the original words in Latin ? " ' I have. Thomassinus Discipl. EccL, iii. 1 : — " In confesso est sacris utriusque Testamenti literis propositos esse hos abluendis scelerum maculis oppor- tissimos fontes, eleemosynas, orationes, jejunia ; et consentaneum omnino esse, ut unius horum fontium copia abundet, ubi ceteri deficiunt, et arescunt." And, therefore, if dying persons are persuaded that by leaving large bequests for charitable purposes, or for the purpose of having so many masses said for the repose of their souls, they can wash out the stains of sin, or escape a certain period of the pains of purga- tory, there would be great danger of unjust disherison. The danger of this is of course much less in our own Church, which teaches no such doctrine, but merely instructs the clergyman, when visiting a dying man, to exhort him to settle his worldly affairs, and to be liberal to the poor. I may add that I have been informed, on authority which I believe to be credible, that an eminent Roman Catholic of the present day in Laws. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXXlll England said that, if the Mortmain Act were The repealed, he would require no other measure in London*^ favour of the Roman Catholic Church.' Mortmain (572.)—" 'Mr. Brotherton. — Is your Lordship of that opinion ? ' " ' No ; I have too much confidence in the intrinsic truth and vigour of the Reformed Church to be much afraid of it myself.' (573.)—" 'Sir G. Grey.— Do you think that he meant that endowments in landed property would be so rapidly created ? ' " 'Yes.' (574.) — " 'Mr. Mtlnes. — Does not your Lordship think that public opinion would act very strongly at the present time against any such abuse of the liberty ? ' " ' Might I be allowed to ask how public opinion would affect that ? — I think that a religious principle, a principle of truth on the part of those who had property to dispose of might operate : a Roman Cathohc might be anxious to provide for the dissemi- nation of what he considered the truth, and other members of the Church might be equally anxious to provide for the dissemination of what they considered the truth. The one is more accessible in his dying moments to the arguments which I have described than the other, to whom such an argument could not with consistency be used.' (575) — " 'What I intended by the question was, whether you did not think there would be the fear of creating scandal, and also a feeling against the Roman XXXIV INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. Catholic Cliiirch itself; would not that, in all proba- bility, be a strong check against any member of the Church abusing the power which such liberty would give to them ? ' " ' But they would hold it to be anything but a scandal.' (587.) — " 'Chairman.* — Supposing, for instance, such safeguards could be devised as would be agree- able to the Roman Catholic laity, docs yom' Lordship then think that those reasons of public policy should prevent the relaxation from being extended to them ? ' " * I think the policy of this country, since the Reformation, with respect to restricting the Roman Catholics in matters concerning the propagation of their principles, to be defensive. The difference between their Chm'ch and our own is of so essential and vital a kind, that I am not at present prepared to consent to any measure which shall increase the facility they now possess of advancing the boundaries of their Church in this country.' (588.) — " 'Mr. Shaav. — Does any possible way to prevent it occur to your Lordship's mind ?' " ' The Committee will be so good as to understand that I am looking at the question throughout, in its Protest- bearings upon the Chm'ch. It is only within the slept upon last few ycafs that we have begun to think about such rChis. matters! " — Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Committee on Mortmain, 24ith June, 1844. * Lord John Manners. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXXV On this it has been observed * — " Here is the melancholy fact — a fact, however, which, while it discovers to us the cause of our weakness, points out also the source of our future strength. " The truth is, that till very recently the distinctive marks of Popery and Protestantism have been un- heeded, if not unknown, by the great proportion of our fellow-countrymen. They have never, or but rarely, and then superficially, formed a portion of education, either in public or private seminaries, the public schools, colleges, and universities of the land ; nor, so prominently as they ought to have done, points of examination before admission into holy orders. " But let it not be supposed we are referring, in these remarks, to the Chm-cli of England alone. No. Every body of Dissenters seems to have been equally asleep on these points. " The fault of our present position is not with one man, or any distinct body of men ; it seems to have resulted from the apathy of all, and to require the united efforts of all to obviate the evil state of things at present existing. Popery was forgotten by many. By others she was thought to be dead, and by more to be harmless. From the extreme of hatred, we * " Observations on the Mortmain Laws, Act of Supremacy, &c., with reference to Bills now (1846) before Parliament; or. Popery opposed to National Independence and Social Happi- ness." By James Lord, of the Inner Temple, Esq., Barrister- at-Law. London: Seeleys. 184G. XX XVI INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. seem, as a Chiu'cli and a nation, to liave leaped to the opposite extreme, without halting in the happy medium, where we ought permanently to have taken om' position, with a Christian firmness and modera- tion, alike removed from bigotry on the one hand, and an unprincipled Latitudinarianism on the other." Meanwhile the Papacy has been sending forth her picked men, armed at all points, — trained at our expense, — denying what has been received from history against that system, and misleading alike the theologian, the statesman, and the diplomatist, as to its nature, pretensions, and designs. The Mortmain Laws, however, have been declaimed against, as harsh, unjust, and impolitic. Yet who framed those laws ? What is the date of the earliest ? Why, and upon what principles, were they enacted ? Our We answer, they were framed by the Roman Catholic Catholic monarch and nobility of this country (for ancestors ^|jg people then were of little note). They were Fopery. framed to check Romish rapacity, and to preserve or rescue England from the exoteric influence of Rome. That influence continues at work upon the broad surface of the country, and in families. The laws which our Roman Catholic ancestors deemed essential for the preservation of their property from ecclesi- astical conflscation, can hardly be thought needless for us, as a Protestant people, in the present day. Instead of being repealed, they should be extended. Principle Pcrsoiial property, which, when the Mortmain of the iioi-tmain Laws Originated, was comparatively nothing, is now INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXXVll of enormous value ; yet we still jealously guard against Laws re- tlie improper alienation of even one acre of land in t^nsforto mortmain, but leave it open for any infirm, or sick, or prop^ty. dying person, even in articulo mortis, at a period when the vanity and transitory nature of earthly things is more and more seen, and the powers of superstitious dread, it may be, are at their highest, — to alienate for ever from all dearest to him his entire personal property, whether of hundreds or thousands of pounds. Nunneries are institutions which seem to be an Nmme- almost necessary accompaniment of Roman Catholi- cism. They require special notice and investigation. A country jealous of the liberty of the subject should forbid their existence, guard against their increase, or provide for their inspection. It has done so with regard to other institutions for those classes of persons, whose mental or bodily infirmities may at any time have required them to be submitted to restraint. By parity of reasoning, it should provide for those who, even when they have voluntarily entered the convent's lonely shade, may, after experience there, wish again to return to their relatives and friends. We ought not to consign, or suff'er to be consigned, the young, the confiding, — once and for ever to " the deep solitudes and awful cells " of these institutions, knowing too well that something besides " heavenly, pensive contemplation" finds admission there. History and experience tell us of the mischief of so doing, and caution us against those whited XXXVlll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. sepulchres, where not the dead, but the living body, is entombed, and that for life ; yea, more, where not the body only, but the soul is buried — the one imprisoned in vaults of masonry and iron ; the other, beneath the gloomy shades of superstition, whose noxious influence deadens the moral sensibilities ; perverts, where it does not destroy, natural affection ; and impairs the vitality of all that comes within the sphere of its fatal power. Protest- On the testimony of divines, historians, and states- tho cause nicu, — British Protestantism has been the basis of prosperity. British prosperity and renown. The moral, the social, the religious, the intellectual, the political, the commercial, the literary reputation and interest of our country, have grown with its growth. A policy opposed to British Protestantism is, therefore, subversive of those fundamental principles to the influence of which are to be attributed many of our national, social, and individual blessings. Such policy must be unfriendly, if not dangerous, to the best, the dearest, and the highest interests of Great Britain. Yet for the last seventy-five, fifty, and twenty-five years in particular, successive politicians have adopted a course friendly to Popery, hostile to British Pro- testantism, and, therefore, to the good and welfare of the British Empire. Who, that is well conversant with facts, and capable of viewing them in their connected form ; — alive to the portentous consequences involved, and free from undue influence of party feeling, can arrive INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXXIX at any other conclusion than this — viz., that the interests of British Protestantism have been sacrificed at the shrine of party feelings, personal interests, or sectarian prejudices ? The Whig and the Tory parties, with all their Popery has respective affiliations, or ramifications, have indeed vantage of been contending with each other as to the prin- amongst ^ ciples upon which the government of the country auts^^ " should best be carried on, — but in their con- troversies they have invoked the aid of a third party —friendly to neither — actuated by a deadly hostility to both — to aid them in their mutual struggles ; and too often the price for which such aid has been given has involved a sacrifice of some of the best interests of the country — the only objects for the guardianship or advancement of which they professed to have been contending. Is it not abundantly clear, that for a long time past even the profoundest of our statesmen have been playing a ruinous game with Popery? The Vatican, which in reality had nothing to lose, was sure to gain by any diplomatic relations, whether openly or covertly carried on, between it and the Court of St. James's. It takes advantage of our dis- union. It makes our vain efforts at " conciHation " serve to promote its designs, and to prepare the way for fresh encroachments. Such ought not to be the humiliating position of Great Britain. But so long as politicians, for party purposes, submit to the degra- dation of accepting or holding office at the will of a c2 xl INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. person or party animated by an influence centralized at Rome, and hostile to the Protestant faitli and tlie supremacy of British renown, it will continue to be so. Those more conversant than myself with passing events will, no doubt, be able to call to mind frequent instances where, both at home and abroad, aggres- sions have been made by Romanism greatly injurious to the highest interests of this or of other countries, and calculated to promote the power of the Papacy. Taiiiti. Many years have not passed since we beheld an independent sovereign, in the Pacific Ocean, com- pelled to receive " Popery at the cannon's mouth," and the territories of the Queen of Tahiti invaded for the piurpose of establishing Popery therein. In various European States, within a recent period, efforts have been made to supersede the civil govern- ment, and so to overawe statesmen and officials, as to reduce the temporal into subjection to the spiritual power. Austria, It is yct frcsli in the memory of many, how Romish bigotry in Austria drove the Zillerdalers from the lovely valleys of their native land ; how abruptly they were compelled to depart ; what suffering they had endured for conscience' sake ; and how those suff'erings would have been prolonged, had not the King of Prussia promptly afforded them an asylum in his dominions, and, in conjunction with King William IV., the uncle of our own most gracious sovereign, interposed in their behalf. Prussia. Li Prussia we have seen the Archbishop of Cologne INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. xU exalt himself in prelatic power above the royal autho- rity. In Prussia, too, we have yet more lately heard of an edict emanating from Rome, or from Romish authority, on the subject of mixed marriages — an edict of such a nature, that the King of Prussia has felt necessitated in self-defence to declare, that any officer of his army who shall venture to obey it shall be instantly dismissed from his Majesty's service. Switzerland has witnessed the intrigues of the Switzer- Jesuits, and the horrors of a disastrous internecine war, fomented by their instrumentality, was only evaded by the blessing of the Almighty upon the intervention of the European Powers. Holland, like England, has been the scene of a Holland. " Papal aggression." Bishops who were not required have been obtruded upon that country. Thus much dissatisfaction has been created there, and the seed sown for yet further mischief. Belgium and Holland, once referred to as an Belgium. illustration of the way in which Papal and Protestant States could unite and blend harmoniously in one, have since been separated. The former kingdom now constitutes one of the darkest portions of those on which rests the oppressive dominion of the Papacy — a power which has there recently materially interfered with temporal matters, elections, and affairs of State, compelling the ministers and the monarch alike to yield to its usurping influence. Erance — successively monarchical, republican, con- France. sular; and again monarchical and imperial, in her xlii INTRODUCTORY RE!SIARKS. torni of government, has found the Papacy changing with each change, but still holding fast the reins of poAver over the people and their governors. The arms of the monarch, the consul, the emperor, have successively been approved or consecrated. While Louis Philippe was king, then the priests were for monarchy ; the people gained the day, and the priesthood turned republican. They sided with the people, and blessed their " trees of liberty " Avhich they had planted, and watered them with their blood. Change came again. The imperial dynasty is restored. The " trees of liberty " are plucked up. The cry of " Liberty, equality, and fraternity," is heard no more, and the priesthood re-appear upon the scene in their natural character, in alliance with despotic power. Sardinia. Sardinia, desirous of ameliorating the condition of her subjects, enacted various laws for the accomplish- ment of that purpose. Rome as an obstructive power interferes. The vengeance of the Papal Government is drawn down. The ecclesiastical authority of Rome is arrayed against the civil authority of the State — and the death-bed scene of Santa Rosa, a colleague of Siccardi, is rendered painfully instructive by the intractable spirit of Romish domination. Tuscany. The cascs of the Madiai and of Miss Cuninghame have exposed to the world the superstition and cruelty of the Tuscan Government, or the power said to animate its movements, and show that to live in the midst of the fine arts, with galleries of INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. xliii sculpture and painting, is not enough to change the heart of man, or abohsh the degrading principles and practice of cruelty and superstition. Baden, also, has been the scene of Papal daring Baden. and intrigue. There, too, recently the Archbishop of Freibiu-gh, in the plenitude of Papal presumption, has ventured to fulminate the ban of excommuni- cation, — less terrible than it once was, — but not even now without effect wdien Popery is strong. Spain, who owed her deliverance and existence to Spain. Protestant England, has, under the influence of Popery, refused decent bmial for om- dead, till the voice of Protestantism, and the decided diplomacy of Great Britain, overruled the miserable bigotry of that priest-ridden and priest-ruined country. Portugal, by various proceedings, and especially Portugal. by her new code, has sought to emulate the darkness of the dark ages, and has rendered Madeira notorious for the efforts made by her against the cause of Protestantism. Instances from Ireland, England, om* Ireland, • 1 IP -IT England. colonial dependencies, and America herseii, might be added to the above enumeration, which would then form but a small portion of what might be adduced to show the almost universality of Rome's actings, and the danger of acceding to her assumptions. Yet it is abundantly clear, that if the Protestant powers of the world chose to repel these aggressions and interferences by armed intervention, the days of Papal Rome, already numbered, would be few indeed. The people of every Romish nation woidd rejoice to Xliv INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. become possessors of true liberty, and hail the day of their country's emancipation from the thraldom of Rome as one of the brightest that ever dawned upon their land. Even the Papal Powers of Europe, if they would, and as perhaps some day, not far distant, they will, might rise up and repel these aggressions on their power and independence, and hurl back upon Rome what she has inflicted upon them. But, however, they at present, from State policy, or from other causes, may find it convenient to tolerate such inter- ference at the hands of Rome, so that, by her, they may better govern the people ; even State policy itself may ere long seem to be best served by the pursuit of a different com'se. It rarely happens that statesmen, professionally such, i.e., official, place-holding, or place-expecting statesmen, seek so much to amehorate the state of society, as to make use of what they find around them for state-craft, or state purposes, so as may best serve to advance then- own aggrandizement. Tiic reia- lu the present day, too, many seem devoted to portance dctails, rathci' than to principles ; and to be ready, pies^nd' liks children, to throw away the lasting benefits of details. abiding by a good principle and its results, for the sake of grasping impatiently some temporary advantage which flits before their vain imaginations. It was not so that our ancestors acted. Without neglecting details, they accorded to principle the first place in their political and intellectual temple. They based INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. xlv their polity on a rock, and it stood the tempest. Others have based their poUty on the sand, and are perpetually busy with details, little or great, but alike unsuccessful, to obviate some of the mischiefs of building upon a bad foundation. One of our Christian poets has vrell described this principle of action, — that of making duty paramount to expediency ; one which whenever steadily pursued, in reliance on the grace of God, elevates above the debasing tendency of many sur- rounding influences, and is ever attended with conse- quences more or less beneficial. He thus apostro- phizes the Roman poet and temporizing expediency : — " Sweet moralist ! afloat on life's rough sea. The Christian has an art unknown to thee. He holds no parley with unmanly fears — Where duty bids, he confidently steers ; Faces a thousand dangers at her call, And, trusting in his God, surmounts them all." * A cursory glance at a few of the apprehended evils, which have passed away, and yet the fancied mag- nitude and terror of which alarmed our statesmen, may not here be out of place. Reference is made to them not for the purpose of recording party tri- umphs or party defeats, but to mitigate in the minds of some those apprehensions of danger which often- times are found to exist when they need not, and are sometimes allowed to deter from the prosecution of a right and consistent course. Rebellion and disaffection in Ireland, many years * Cowper. xlvi INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. ago, created alarm. " Catliolic Emancipation" Avas spoken of as the panacea for the evils of that country. It was granted, but the good results anticipated have not followed : claims for fresh concessions have been based upon those already made ; and for all that politicians have done, the Papacy at this moment looks not with less complacency upon Ireland, as a lever for the moving of England, than it did a quarter of a century ago. To pass over the measures of Reform, and of Erce- trade — so warmly advocated by some, and reprobated by others — the common observer can hardly fail to remark, that the supposed specifics have not realized the hopes of the one party, nor the gloomy forebodings of the other. Ireland again was reported to be a difficulty ; the alleged number and disaffection of the Roman Catholics made it so. But was this a sufficient argument for bad legislation, or for encouraging Popery ? Matters in Ireland have changed since then. Fever, and famine, and pestilence — scourges in the hand of the Almighty — have removed, or diminished, that diffi- culty ; while now, from every quarter of Ireland, we hear of many glad to receive the Gospel of peace and salvation, and of the ranks of Popery being thinned by the dissemination and reception of the truth. Agrarian outrages, cupidity of land, were spoken of as inseparable from the nature and character of the Irish, who did not always stop short of committing the greatest crimes, either to possess the land, or to INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. xlvil revenge themselves upon those by whom they were kept out, or thrust out from it. Owing to a myste- rious agency, they now fly the land of their birth, and avoid what they once coveted. The tide of emigration has set in, and bears away its tens of thousands a-year of the sons and the daughters of Erin, — who in America, the land of their adoption, find what our Government and legislature too little laboured to secure for them at home — liberty of conscience and of action, and an immunity from the exacting claims and tyranny of Rome's priesthood. These points are here thus briefly brought under review, to show that, in the path of duty, it is not even the wisest policy to shrink from dangers which must be encountered, and which, if not with equal certainty, will yet, in most cases, be overcome : and to make clear that an anti-Protestant pohcy has not achieved, even for Ireland, anything approaching to a realization of the golden dreams of the fond visionaries by whom it has been so strenuously applauded. Ireland, it is evident, has not been regenerated. Peace and happiness have not yet been secured. But what statesmen could not do; what legislation iri^h hitherto has failed to accomplish, we now see coming MilslUs. to pass, by the silent influence of the Gospel of peace and salvation.* * Irish Church Missions to the Roman Catholics are etTecting a great and rapid change in the feelings and conduct of the population of Ireland. xlviii INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. Cliristian statesmen cannot safely ignore or despise this great fact. If Christianity be acknowledged merely as a traditional system, as an historical or existing fact, rather than as the divinely-appointed means for the regeneration of a fallen world, — statesmen may indeed be less inexcusable for not seeking to enter into its spirit, or to understand its nature and its claims. But whether so recognised or not ; whether appreci- ated or not, it remains the same ; not only the most powerful, but the only efficient agency for accom- plishing all that the most benevolent and patriotic have desired. But while private exertions and benevolence are thus doing much to enlighten and ameliorate the condition of the Roman Catholics in Ireland, wx are supporting from the national funds an institution calculated to counteract all these efforts, and whose anti-social and anti-national principles are instilled into the minds of those w^ho are to become the instructors, the guides, and, in too many cases, the despotic rulers over the people. We must not continue this British Propaganda for the dissemi- nation of Popery in Ireland, Great Britain, and our Colonies. In the retributive providence of the Almighty, the evils inflicted by one upon another are often made, by a re-active influence, the cause of punishment to the evil-doer. This is especially so INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. xlix with regard to nations. England planted Popery Scotland in Ireland, and Ireland is sending over Popery to nooth '^ England. We endow Maynootli College, ostensibly, ^^'^^^ ^' for Ireland ; but the priesthood not required there visit and settle down in various other portions of the British empire, despising, and seeking to overtura, the system under which they have been fostered and endowed. The March number of a religious periodical,* published in Scotland, complains, that a Romish publication, giving an account of the "ordinations and appointments in 1853," gives five cases in succession of students entered at Maynooth, and educated there, and who in 1853 were nominated, or appointed, or in some way attached to missions or congregations in Scotland. If an investigation were made, many more similar instances might no doubt be traced, both at home and abroad. As regards the grant to Maynooth, one thing, jraynooth however, seems abundantly clear. It is this : either ''''' our ancestors were not right in separating from Rome, or we are not right in seeking reunion with Rome. Either we are not right in professing ourselves to be Protestants, or we are not right in endowing Popery. But we do both ; and, therefore, must as to one be wrong, and, as to both, inconsistent. The two, being opposite, cannot both be right. They cannot consistently stand together. Nor can the * The " Bulwark." INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. conduct of those who support the two be guiltless ; and not being guiltless, it may, it must, expose to the danger of punishment. This question is one which affects the national well-being of England; for, if endowment of Popery be a national sin, it must involve in national guilt ; and, if unrepented of, in national punishment. Individuals will have to bear their punishment, or to reap their full harvest of reward, hereafter. Nations must bear it now. They must here reap their harvest according to the seed they have sown. There is no eternity for them* Each member of the community will do well to consider and to act upon this. Individual and national interests are involved in it. Statesmen, too, might act a nobler and more Christian part and policy were they to bear this in mind. Nations are not intended for their amusement, but for the glory of God. The government of the world is in the hands of the Almighty. Nothing can happen, but by His appointment or permission. Nations, and individuals, rise or fall subject to His decree. He vouchsafes His blessing, and they prosper ; He withholds it, and they fall into decay and ruin. The power of evil, — restrained by His omnipotent * National Eeligion : — " The Advantage of Religion to Society." See this subject, well treated by Archbishop Tillotson, vol. i., Sermon 3, fol. ed., p. 39, on the text, " Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is the reproach of any people." An extract from this discourse is given, j^ost, Appendix C, p. 335. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. control, — rushes onward for the destruction of what is good — the moment He withholds His protecting providence and care. Impressed with these convictions, and that the full measm-e of Divine blessing cannot be ours while, as a nation, we support, endow, and disseminate Popery, — it has been my endeavour, for several years past, in co-operation with others, to point out these evils, with a view to their removal, that so, a remedy being applied, the danger may be escaped, and the judg- ment averted. When statesmen and heroes, in common with their more humble fellow-creatures, are reduced to the insignificance from which they sprung ; when the mere worldly and temporary interests which have excited, it may be, their vain hopes or their equally vain fears shall have passed away, — the great principles of Christian truth will still survive, unimpaired by time, untouched by any process of decay ; and those, also, who have savingly embraced that truth, and have been its true friends and advocates, shall survive with it, partaking of its own eternal nature, becoming "joint heirs with Christ,"* who is " the way, and the truth, and the life"f — " the blessed, and only Potentate, the King of kings, and Lord of lords." | * Rom. viii. 17. f John siv. 6. j I Tim. vi. 15. BISHOP JEBB'S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. parentage. William Phelan, D.D., was born at Clonme], in the nis birth county of Tipperary, on the 29th of April, 1789. His ^^^ father, Mr. John Phelan, was in narrow circumstances, and of humble station ;* but with feelings and habits such as, in England, are rarely to be met with, in the less fortunate portion of society. It is, unhappily, matter of history, that, down to the close of the seventeenth century, changes of property in Ireland were great, violent, and irretrievable. In the course of those changes, the ancestors of young Phelan were heavy sufferers ; but they cherished the remembrance of the past ; f and in this, and other instances, men, not much raised above the rank of peasants, were often distinguished by a conscious dignity, wholly independent of, and superior to, mere outward condition. * He was, by trade, a wool-comber. + A long remembrance : but thus it is in Ireland. The great bulk of the Phelan property was lost, I believe, so early as the twelfth century. — J. L. The notes signed J. L. are by the late Bishop of Limerick ; those by the present Editor are signed Ed. B BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR Such was, peculiarly, the case in Clonmel. Many reduced families resided there. To these was attached a kind of traditional estimation, by persons, in externals, abundantly more prosperous ; and their children, not unfrequcntly, grew up with a sense of personal respectability, and a disposition to re-assume, if they could, what they thought their proper station in society.* The subject of this memoir, accordingly, was never vulgarized : he was, what his father had been before him, a native gentleman. There ever adhered to him a self-respect, and a dignity of character, which shrunk from everything ungenerous and unworthy. And both the example and conversation of his father were well calculated to confirm his good dispositions. Filial piety, it will appear amply in the sequel, was, with him, almost an instinct ; and it is certain, that, thus to call it forth, there must have been genuine worthiness in the parent. Nor should it be omitted, that the literary aspirings of the youthful student were first nourished beneath the paternal roof. The elder Mr. Phelan was well versed in the Latin language ; and he failed not to impart, where they might prove eventually beneficial, his own classical predilections. But, what was of far more serious consequence, those principles of virtue and goodness were instilled, which, during his short, but * The writer cannot help recording a curious fact, -wlucli he heard scTeral years ago fi-om Dr. Phelan's own lips. His words were nearly as follows : — *' When I was a very httle boy, I was invited to attend a funeral. The house in wliieh the people were assembled was withui a short distance of Clonmel, on the banks of the river Suii" ; and commanding an extensive prospect, into the covmty of Waterford. A friar, who happened to be present, drew me apart from the company (I was then a Eoman Catholic) ; he led me to a bay-window, took me by the hand, and said, ' Look there, look around you, my boy ; those mountains, these valleys, as far as you can see, were once the territory of your ancestors ; but they were unjustly despoiled of it.' I never can forget the impression. My young blood boiled in my veins. For the tune I was, in sphit, a rebel. And I verily beheve, if it had not been the good pleasure of Providence to lead me into other circimi- stances, and fiuniish me with better instinictors, I might have terminate<l piy life on a scaffold." — J. L. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. i exemplary life, never forsook the grateful son : he might, indeed, well say, " Non patre prtpclaro, sed vita et pectore puro : Ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus."* In the year 1796, William was sent to a daily grammar- Sent to school, in his own immediate neighbourhood. The master, ^^^^ " . , , grammar- Mr. Michael Ryan, was an expert Latinist : pedantic, school. amiable, and enthusiastic. Of general information, indeed, his portion was but scanty ; and he was no Grecian ; but the little that he knew, he imparted with steady, and affectionate sedulity. His pupil ever felt towards him a strong sense of obligation, and repeatedly declared, that to him he was indebted for the correctness and facility with which he both wrote and spoke the Latin language. There he remained between six and seven years ; and, certainly, his time was not misemployed. The business of the school he made, invariably, his grand object. It seemed to be a law of his nature, that the most important things had the first claim on his attention. Matters of daily business, once thoroughly mastered, then, and not till then, he felt himself at liberty to look elsewhere for recreation : this he found in those healthful, manly exercises which he keenly relished ; but, especially, in those more recondite pursuits, to which, from early youth, he was devotedly attached. f His gaiety of heart, and buoyancy of spirits, tempered, as they always were, by a certain meditative gravity of mind, were no less delightful to his companions than they were indicative of his own future eminence. While yet a school-boy, he showed strong military propensities ; not, indeed, a predilection for the pomp and * Admii'ably transfused and heighteued by the greatest of our later poets : " My boast is not, that I deduce my birth From loins enthroned, and rulers of the earth : But higher far my proud pretensions rise, The son of parents passed into the skies." f Irish history and antiquities should, more particularly, be mentioned among his favourite recreations. B 2 4 BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR circumstance, so much as for the science, of war. He was fond of military evolutions ; and he especially noticed scenery, with reference to the disposition of forces, the selection of connnanding posts, and the occupation of important vantage-grounds. J'rom topics of this nature he was apt, in more advanced life, to borrow illustrations ; but always strictly in keeping with the religious character of his mind. Sent to en- But that, under Mr. Ryan, his education never could '^^^ 'l t ^® completed, he well knew. Therefore, both he and his Clonmcl. father readily acceded to a proposal which, about this time, was made to them. It happened that two of his play-mates * were about to be sent to the endowed school of Clonmel, then under the direction of the Rev. Richard Carey. Their father good-naturedly suggested tliat it would be well if they were accompanied by their young comrade. To school, accordingly, the three friends pro- ceeded, as day ^scholars. This occurred in 1803, when William was about fourteen years of age. The date seems not unworthy to be specified : for this was the great jDrovidential turning-point which determined the direction and character of his future life, Never, perhaps, was master more beloved and revered by his pupils, than was Mr. Carey. With extensive knowledge, critical acumen, and refined taste, he united the most childlike simplicity of spirit. It was almost impossible to be admitted to his familiar society (and all his deserving pupils became his private friends) without growing " lenior ac melior," gentler in manners, and more kind in heart. One who knew him well, has sketched the likeness of this amiable man,j- with such just though vivid colouring, that it were injurious to substitute other phraseology than his own : — ' * The Eev. Samuel, and Rev. Mortimer, O'Sullivan. t I, too, had the gratification of meethig Mr. Carey, but it was only once, — Yu'gilium tantum vidi ! But that once was enough to satisfy me that all which I had heard of him was strictly true. It was in the month of OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. Q " I have his light and graceful figure," says my corre- Theschool- spondent,* " at this moment before me. His bare and "i'^*'''^>*- reverend forehead, slightly sprinkled with the snows of time, and his mild countenance radiant with benignity, and sparkling with intelligence. The gentleness, and suavity of his disposition ; the polished courtesy of his manners ; his exact and discriminative judgment ; his various and profound learning; these were scarcely adverted to by his friends, amidst the love and veneration which were inspired by the richer treasures of his moral nature ; by his generous detestation of oppression ; by his noble scorn of every thing mean or base ; by his fervent piety, his stedfast friendship, his rare disinterestedness, and his deep humility ; by the charity, which prompted him to be liberal, often beyond his means ; and by the singleness of nature, which almost unconsciously realized the Gospel rule, * not letting his left-hand know what his right-hand did,' My recollection of William's first introduction into Mr. Carey's school is vivid, as though it took place but yesterday. The good old man was, at that period, gradually withdrawing from active life, and his attention was limited to a very small number of pupils. He received, indeed, those only who were recommended by his personal friends. Of that number my father had the good fortune to be one ; and thence it was that we were admitted to a trial. From the slovenliness which, in that part of Ireland, then prevailed in the elementary parts of classical education, Mr. Carey had found it necessary to establish the general rule, that all who came to him from other schools should, however plausible their seeming proficiency, retrace their October, 1806, at Darling Hill, in the county of Tipperary, by the invitation of an old pupil of his, the present Mr. Serjeant Pennefather. It gave me singular pleasiu'e to see the good man. He recalled, almost every moment, the memory of my beloved college friend, John Sargint, who, in the course of the years 1791 — 1798, delighted in recording anecdotes of his school-boy days ; and never failed to speak of his master, Mr. Carey (who long survived him), with the most affectionate veneration. — J. L. * The Kev. S. O'Sulhvan. BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR steps through the Latin grammar. My brother and I were, from our time of life (we wei'e a few years junior to our friend), exempt from all mortification on this score : we were mere beginners, and, of course, were well satisfied to commence at the commencement. Some of the boys, however, officiously told Phelan of the humiliation which awaited him ; no slight one, it will be admitted, to a diligent student of six or seven years' standing, who had been already delighting himself with the dense eloquence of Tacitus. He reddened, but said nothing. Then came the trial. A book was put into his hands ; when such, at once, appeared his grounded knowledge of the Latin language, and so correctly classical was the diction of some exercises which he produced, that, without the least hesitation, Mr. Carey passed him into his highest class. On being asked what he would have done, if relegated to the pages of Lilly, * I should immediately have walked out of the school,' said the high-minded youth, * and never set my foot into it again ? ' " * He was now placed in circumstances well fitted to unfold his powers. He soon came to revere Mr. Carey, who stood to him in the relation, not so much of an instructor, as of a parent, and a friend. Under him, in addition to his former acquirements, young Phelan gained a thorough knowledge of Greek ; and, what was far better, his genius was kindled, and his taste refined, by constant, familiar * Tliis early anecdote is higlily characteristic. The wi-iter has seen Dr. Phelan luider momentary bursts of fcehng, which this trait of the Clonmel school-boy powerfully calls to mind. But I have heard, too, his ingenuous confessions of error ; his humble and contrite submission, in cases where the olfence had been purely venial. The truth is, he was intimately known to very few ; few, therefore, could enter fully into his character. But it is no more than justice to bear witness, that his fadings were but the infirmities of a noble mind. His native temperament, indeed, was peculiarly sensitive and delicate ; and while ho pd-ovo, lialiitually, to keep it under due control, someallowance will be made, by every generous mind, for the natiu-al iufluenco of failing health. But, after all, I never knew a human being with a more placable spu-it, or a tenderer heart. This I say advisedly ; and, as I thmk, with a thorough knowledge of the man. — J. L. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 7 intercourse with a " master-spirit." A slight, but charac- teristic incident, will best show the terms on which they lived. One evening, as they were returning towards the Anecdote school, from a country residence of Mr. Carey's, Phelan, ?[ f^"*" on passing a particular street, looked up, and said, *' That Sir, is the house in which I was born." " Well, my dear William," the benevolent man replied, " I trust that your fellow-townsmen will, one day, point out this house, with a satisfaction no less lively, but far better founded, than that with which they now show to the inquiring stranger the birth-place of unhappy Sterne ! " Surely, not to love such a man was altogether impossible. The young student's views for the future were, at first, not very definite ; certainly, they were anything but hopeful. His poor parents had made a great struggle to procure him the advantages which he already enjoyed ; and to think of the University seemed little less than preposterous. But Mr. Carey was a vigilant and ardent friend. He smoothed all difficulties, surmounted every scruple, and, from his own scanty income, advanced a sufficient yearly allowance to cover all ordinary college expenses. Nor was this assistance discontinued, but in consequence of Phelan's own earnest request, when, on his election to a scholarship, it ceased to be strictly necessary. And, to bring his school-boy days to a close, he was, after having remained three years under Mr. Carey, admitted a sizar of Trinity College, Dublin, in June, 1806, and in the eighteenth year of his age. Before his removal, however, to this wider sphere of Change in action, an important change had taken place in his theo- ^^'^S^""^ . , ^ ° ^ ^ views of logical opinions. The commencement of this change I Dr.Phelan. have the advantage of stating in the words of Dr. Phelan himself, as related by him to an early friend.* " I was walking home with ***** (member of a lay fraternity of Roman Catholics), to translate for him some portion of * The Reverend Mortimer O'Sullivan. "8 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir the Breviary, when Mr. Carey rode by on his mule, at his usual quiet pace : * What a pity,' said *****, ' that that good man cannot be saved!' I started: the doctrine of exclusive salvation never appeared so prodigious ; and I warmly denied its truth and authority. ***** w^as stubborn in his defence ; and we each cited testimonies in behalf of our respective opinions. I withdrew to bed, occupied by thoughts which this incident awakened ; went over again all the arguments, pro and con, which my memory could supply ; weighed all the evidence which, in my judgment, might throw light on the subject ; questioned whether any evidence could induce me to acquiesce in a dogma so revolting ; and fell asleep^ in no good disposition to the Private creed which could pronounce Mr. Carey's reprobation. In judgment. ^\^q morning, when I awoke, it appeared that I had insensibly reasoned myself into the belief of the right of pi-ivate judgment ; and thus, I virtually reasoned myself out of the Church of Rome." The impression thus happily made, was not suffered lone: to remain dormant, or inactive. Even in his boyish days he had a most sagacious, penetrating mind. AVith him, religion was never a matter of compromise or con- vention. He regarded it as the main concern of life, on which was suspended his everlasting happiness or misery. It became, therefore, the object of his very serious thoughts ; and his anxious researches produced a thorough conviction, that the Church of England is the soundest portion of the Church of Christ. Accordingly, on enter- ing college, he gave in his name as a Protestant ; * while any lingering doubts (those fond misgivings of the finest and the firmest minds), which might, perhaps, at first have somewhat obscured his intellectual vision, were entirely * In the University of Dublin Koman Catholics are aclmissiblo. A fact which I have learned since writing the above paragraph should by no means be omitted. Before Dr. Phelan's entrance into Ti-inity College, it had been the wish of his father (a very natural one, surely) that he shoidd become a student at Maynooth, with a view to the priesthood of the Cluirch of Rome. He was induced, accordingly, to attend an Ciamiuatiou, held at OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 1 dissipated by a judicious course of reading, in which he was accompanied and assisted by his able and affectionate tutor, at that time preparing for holy orders.* Nor should it be omitted, for in him it was quite character- istic, that the clear convictions of his judgment were unaccompanied by the least acerbity of feeling. Indeed, he never ceased to bear the tenderest affection towards his Roman Catholic brethren ; he continually and most ear- nestly looked to their spiritual improvement ; and a very short time before his death he thus writes to a confidential friend : . . . " My heart yearns to go to the South : 1 would revive my Irish, and acquire enough of it for expounding the Irish Bible." He was now (1806), fairly launched in academic life ; Phelan and his progress may be not unfitly described as an ^^^°'^^S^- unbroken career of successful application. His com- petitors were the most distinguished men who for many years had appeared in the University. But among the very foremost he honourably maintained his ground ; and it is little to say, that he obtained a scholarship, and the highest honours, both classical and scientific, which could be conferred ; for, in truth, he rated such things at their proper value : trifling in themselves, and chiefly to be prized as indicating studious habits, and a healthful, manly mind. One great object, indeed, he had of what may be termed a holy ambition : it was that, under Pro- vidence he might become the support and stay of his aged parents. It should be mentioned, that, during his undergraduate course, he obtained several prizes for compositions in Waterford, for one or more vacancies in tliat seminary. Though much younger than the other candidates, liis hterary superiority was evident, and a vacancy was, in consequence, placed at his option. He, however, declined it. The fact is, his former opinions had been ah'eady shaken ; and he soon became irrevocably attached to the Cliurch of England. — J. L. * Dr. WaU. 10 BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR Literary attain- ments. English verse and Latin prose. Such, however, was his fastidiousness, or his modesty, that in no single instance did he keep a copy : not a line of those early 2)roductions has been found amongst his papers; and there is every likelihood that they have altogether perished. But the recollection of them is still vivid among his contemporaries. And it is worthy of being recorded, that an Englishman, Dr. Hall,*" then Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and afterwards (for one short week !) Bishoj) of Dromore, one of the most accomplished scholars of his day, was often heard to express his admiration at the skill and power evinced in the composition of Latin prose by this extra- ordinary young man. One Essay, in particular, he used to say was so purely classical, that whole passages might have been taken from it, and, without risk of detection, inserted in the works of Cicero, j- In English verse, too, liis union of metaphysical and poetical expression was truly remarkable. And it has been observed, by one well acquainted with the early movements of his mind, that if he had chosen to concentrate his powers in one great poem on Mental Philosophy, he would, perhaps, have been unrivalled in the art of clothing the abstractions of metaphysical science in language alike elegant, perspi- cuous, and familiar.]: Happily, however, his mind took another direction. Li the spring of 1810, he commenced A.B. On that goldmedal. Qccasion, the Provost and Senior Fellows adjudged to him the gold medal, then given — not, as at present, to the best answerer at an examination, held expressly for the purpose, but to that graduating student who, throughout Obtains * George Hall, D.D., educated at the celebrated grammar-school of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. f From the information of a contemporary. X He was fond, though not indiscriminately so, of the Anti-Lucretius of Cardinal Polignac. See pp. 298 — 319, of this volume. — J. L. — i.e. Vol. I. of the "Rcmauis ;" "Essay on Scientific and Litcrarj- Pursuits." — Ed. OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 11 the entire previous course of four years, had evinced the greatest industry, diligence, and ability.* About the same time he obtained the mathematical premium on Bishop Law's j- foundation, the examiners being Dr. Magee, Professor of Mathematics (late Archbishop of Dublin) ; Dr. Brinkley, Professor of Astronomy (now Bishop of Cloyne) ; and Dr. Davenport, Professor of Natural Philo- sophy. The important period had now arrived when he was to Ecads for make his choice of life ; and, not without some interval of gj^f '^^^^°^' suspense and deliberation, he determined to read for a fellowship — an undertaking, under any circumstances, arduous in the extreme, but in his case attended with peculiar difficulties. Like other candidates, he had the probability before him (should life be spared) of devoting six or seven of the prime years of life to intense, and perhaps unavailing, application. The drawbacks, too, of a very delicate constitution were to be disregarded, or overcome ; while the daily drudgery of private tuition was to be endured, not merely for his own support, but, what was a far dearer object, for the maintenance and comfort of his aged parents. All this he encountered with pious and persevering equanimity ; and perhaps I may scarcely be credited when I state the fact, that, between reading and lecturing, he was commonly occupied from four o'clock in the morning till ten or eleven at night, while almost his single relaxation was sought in variety of labour. But at all times he evinced so collected a mind, such disengagedness, animation, and serenity, that it was visible only to the scrutinizing eye of friendship how irreparably he was undermining his constitution. * The writer is well aware that there are difficulties in the case. Still, however, ho begs leave to express his doubts whether some modification of the old pLin might not be advantageously resorted to. It seems desirable to have some test, not only of comparative, but of positive merit — not merely of a superiority, perhaps accidental, in one great trial, but of an habitual course of continuous and weU-du-ected exertion. — J. L. t Jolin Law, D.D., formerly Bishop of Elpbin. 12 BisHor jebb's biographical memoir As matter of duty, liis anxious friends sometimes broke in upou his abstruse speculations ; but when for a sliort space thus compelled to be comparatively idle, he would always take the interruption in good part, and, not less to the instruction than delight of his associates, would enter, Avith freshness and spirit, upon some literary topic. Nor was he mindful only, or chiefly, of his own mental wants His alac- and feelings. Often, with a shade before his weak eyes, others ^^ ^^^^ temples bathed with vinegar, and his mind engaged on some difficult problem, has he cheerfully paused from his labours, and with alacrity applied himself to remove the scientific difficulties, not of his pupils (that was a distinct duty, to be performed at stated intervals), but of some junior friend or acquaintance. This was a volunteer service ; the habit of aiding othei's, from pure benevolence of disposition, grew into his very nature ; thus it was at school, from an early period; nor in after-life was there, in this respect, any perceptible difference. Throughout the fellowship course, his kind tutor, Mr. Wall, regarded him not merely as a friend, but as a brother. Books, experience, literary counsel, were ever ready at a call ; his purse, too, was always generously open ; and he often entreated that it might be allowed to supersede the necessity, which the young candidate felt imposed upon him, of taking private pupils. This aid, offered as it was with most scrupulous delicacy, was sometimes accepted with manly freedom. One restriction, however, he almost invariably imposed upon himself : he would never consent (unless when himself wholly unpro- vided) to employ the resources, even of his dearest friends, in aiding his beloved and respected parents. It was his delight — the purest, surely, which a pious son can enjoy — to afford assistance, by his own independent exertions, to those who, with much difficulty and self-denial, had pro- cured for him the benefits and blessings of a good early education. Thus he persevered for nearly three years in a course of OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 13 well-sustained though ruinous exertion, under which many a more vigorous constitution must have inevitably sunk ; but he was supported by the indomitable j^rinciple of filial piety. Towards the close, however, of the year 1812, his medical advisers were constrained to make it a point that he should intermit some portion of his daily labours, and should sleep out of the air of Dublin. Accordingly, he took a small lodging, at a moderate distance from his college chambers, Here it occurred to Writes for him, that if he could obtain a prize of 50/., then offered ^9>j^^ by the Royal Irish Academy for the best Essay on a Aoademy's given literary subject, he might for a time relieve himself P""'^*^' from the irksome task of private tuition. But, as success was uncertain, he was still obliged to retain some pupils ; and thus, till the period of decision, his labours were not diminished, but increased. In the brief interval, then, the hasty moments which he could snatch from his daily toil, he penned his Essay, on the backs of letters and on such scraps of paper as might be at hand. He walked every evening (the only exercise he allowed himself) to his college-chambers, that he might give those papers to his brother for transcription ; and relied on his memory alone for taking up the train of thought each day where it had been laid down the day before. He did not revise, or even read, the transcript ; and, as this was his first efibrt in English prose, he felt so much difficulty in arranging his thoughts in our language, that he actually resorted to the expedient of first mentally composing in Latin, so that the entire Essay may in a great measure be accounted a translation. It is given in this volume (pp. 260 — 320),* therefore it is needless for me to pass a judgment on its merits. It will, I think, be considered an extraordinary composition to have been produced under such circumstances, by a young man of less than four-and- twenty ; and its terseness, facility, and elegance of diction, may, perhaps, best be accounted for by the * Vol. I. of " Eomains of Phclan." 14 BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR fact, that it was originally conceived in Cicero's own Obtains it. language by a finished classical scholar. To this Essay was adjudged the Academy's first prize, in the beginning of 1813. It may here be mentioned, that in the earlier part of 1814 he prepared another successful paper for the Academy, " On the Force of Habit, considered in conjunc- tion with the Love of Novelty." This has not been published in the Transactions, having, by some unfor- tunate mischance, been lost at the Academy-House. I am told, however, that both by Dr. Phelan himself and by others it was considered superior to the Essay of the preceding year. It showed an uncommon command of language, and fine metaphysical powers. But we must return to his great and overwhelming pursuit. In the year 1813, then, he offered himself a candidate for one of the fellowships at that time vacant : his preparation was intense, and his answering, both in quality and style, was such, that it excited a very general interest in his behalf. In the interval between the exami- nation and the announcement of successful candidates, scarcely a doubt was entertained that he would have been the second fellow\ His friends had by anticipation hailed the consummation of his labours ; and even his own modest and retiring nature was unable wholly to with- stand the popular impression. But the event was other- wise.* Candidate for a Fel- lowship. * There were then three Tacaneies ; the filling up of the first was beyond all question : Mr. Purdon had eight voices, those of the whole examining body. Eespecting the other two Tacaneies there was more difSculty. The examiners were divided ; and Mr. Phelan was thrown out by the casting vote of the Provost. The statute requires, that vacant fcllowsliips shall be filled up, not seriatim, but simul et semel, and no provision is made for ascertaining the value of each particidar vote. The special hardship, which in this instance inevitably grew out of this untoward arrangement, was, that had there been but two, instead of three, vacancies, Mr. Phelan must liave succeeded. These facts I have from imquestionable information. It is but proper to add, that there was not the slightest shade of unfairness in the whole transaction. All arose from the luihappy wording of the statute, which loudly calls for alteration. — J. L. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 15 In the almost certain prospect of success, he had set Isunsuc- apart nearly the whole of that little which he possessed ^^^^ ^ ' for the comfort and accommodation of his parents ; nor in the moment of defeat did lie alter his pious purpose. His words to his brother, when he recovered from the first shock, are never to be forgotten: "Well, James, send the money, nevertheless, to its proper destination ; and, my dear fellow, have a good heart, and a hope fixed on high ; we shall overcome even this blow." A few days after this disappointment, he met Dr. Graves,* one of his examiners, who, in his kind, sympa- thizing manner, said, " Phelan, I am sony for you : but I did my best — you had my vote." He bowed, smiled, and instantly answered, " Victrix causa Diis placuit, sed victa Catoni ; " The good and benevolent man was visibly aSected. At this trying juncture — as, indeed, throughout the Befriended whole course of his varied life — Divine Providence raised z^. ,, Chancellor up to him many and discriminating friends : among these Plunket, was the Right Honourable William Conyngham Plunket, the present f Lord Chancellor of Ireland. The wi'iter well remembers the ardour with which Mr. Phelan was accustomed to dilate on the high intellectual attainments of that eminent individual. In the family of that gentle- man he had been repeatedly domesticated, having been private tutor to several of his sons ; and from his familiar conversation he reaped advantages which no person was better able to enjoy and appreciate than Mr. Phelan himself. At this season of disappointment, Lord Plunket * The late Very E,ev. Eiobard GraTcs, D.D., Dean of Ardagh, hououi'- ably known by bis various tbeological publications. May the wi-iter be pei'mitted to add his h\unble but sincere tribute to the learning, piety, and goodness of this exemplary man ? Towards his latter days, we had, on a particular question, some trifling difference of judgment. But I never can forget the impression made on my youthful mind by the mild, but powerful influence of liis unaffected zeal. — J. L. t A.D. 1832. He was afterwards raised to the peerage, and died 51 h of January, 1854, in the ninetieth year of his age. 16 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir came forward as an attached friend. He recommended to him the study of the law ; and, till in-acticc should come ill, nobly pressed on him an allowance of 300/. a-year. For this princely offer he was deeply grateful ; indeed, he never forgot it to his dying day ; but, after mature deliberation, he most thankfully declined it. In fact, he thought the kindness too great to be accepted ; but what with him was far more decisive — though, like most young Irishmen of talents, he had originally a pre- dilection for the bar, — his more serious studies had given him another relish, and he thought he might be happier, as well as more useful, in the service of the Church, and by Amidst his arduous labours he derived never-failing ^f^' supplies of animation from the fresh and salient mind of bishop ^^ Magee. Dr. IMagee, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin. This distinguished scholar was in the constant habit of visiting his chambers, inquiring after his progress, and entering into all the misgivings of his sensitive mind. With the office of speaking, as I feel, of almost my earliest friend — of him who guided my first youthful efforts, and encouraged the pursuits of my maturer years, I should fear to trust myself. Therefore it is with peculiar satisfaction that I resort to the anonymous, but faithful testimony, of a friend, which I know had special, though not exclusive, reference to his affectionate kindness for Mr. Phelan : — " The most engaging instances of his (Archbishop Magee's) philanthropy, were undoubtedly those in which he made it his business and found it his pleasure to direct and animate by his advice the young men in whom he perceived any remarkable degree of ability ; while he literally watched over them with the affection of a father, he entered into their views and concerned himself in their interests with the warmth and familiarity of a friend. Were they desponding ? they were cheered ; were they negligent ? they were counselled ; were they straitened by pecuniai'y difficulties ? relief was liberally afforded ; did they experience an embarrassment in mastering the OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 17 severer sciences ? amidst all the cares and occupations of his laborious station assistance never was withheld. Many are the hours of despondency which hang upon the spirits of that young man who, unsupported by wealth or patronage, is labouring, by the path of academic distinction, to attain a reputable independence. Frequent are the misgivings which damp his ardour in a pursuit where health is not seldom irrecoverably lost before the object is accomplished ; and no one feels with more poignant bitterness that 'sickness of the heart' which arises from ' hope deferred.' How often has Dr. Magee passed from the privacy of his own domestic circle to the lonely rooms of the pale and wasted votary of science, and banished, by his benignant presence and his cheerful, animating conversation, the morbid melancholy which was preying on him, and which otherwise might have brought him to an untimely grave ! How often have the studies which were abandoned in disgust or despair been resumed at his instance with alacrity and diligence, and ultimately rewarded with a success which must have been unattain- able but for his generous and inspiriting encouragement !" But a deeply-seated, and, as the event finally proved, an immedicable wound, had been inflicted on Mr. Phelan's constitution. The shock given to his bodily frame ren- dered him for several months incapable of any continuous exertion, and, at this season of depression, the sole fruit of his labours was the second of his prize Essays, for the Royal Irish Academy. Towards the commencement of the year 1814, we find Again him again devoted to severe fellowship reading. In the fellowship; month of June, he sat, and was defeated by Thomas again de- Romney Robinson, the most distinguished of his contem- poraries, now D.D. and Astronomical Professor, on the foundation of his namesake, but not his relative. Primate Robinson,* at the Observatory of Armagh. * Lord Kokeby, Archbishop of Armagh, eminent for princely muni- ficence. C 18 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir And here it may not be improper to say a few words on the character of Dr. Phelan's mind. Character His powers of acquiring knowledge were of a peculiar riu'hvu's ^^^^ very superior quality. He had the happy faculty of 1^1 J' instantly mastering a writer's meaning ; he could instinc- tively seize on everything, in every possible direction, which was of the least real moment. He glanced with the rapidity of lightning through the most abstruse and difficult volumes, and his mind seemed invested with a sort of magical influence which compelled them to render up their contents, and turned, so to speak, the minds of authors inside out. He discerned matter, even in the more abstract sciences, which could happily illustrate whatever might be the immediate object of research. Facts and narratives were to him that which the elemen- tary forms of letters are to ordinary readers — conveying, not so much the impression of themselves, as that of the thought or principle towards imparting which they were instrumental. History, travels, philosophy, and poetry, no less than matters of strict science, he read with a sagacious, comprehensive spirit, separating always eternal principles from the accidents in which they were rendered visible. And that which, even to advanced students, is commonly the result of distinct, and often of severe reflection, was in his mind the thing primarily noticed. The matter professedly studied was to him merely intro- ductive and subordinate. He used to complain that his mind sufiered from mathematical pursuits, that when engaged in such inves- tigations his finer and more delicate powers were depressed, and that he became disqualified for the pursuit of higher and nobler inquiries. But this, it is humbly conceived, was a mistake ; at least, he appeared to his friends always ready to form a judgment, not only sound and good, but exquisitely refined, on almost every subject within the compass of letters ; and, indeed, his very fondness for the higher branches of mathematics is in itself a sufficient OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 19 refutation of this morbid apprehension. He was eager for principles, impatient of details ; but, at the same time, he subjected every principle to the severest possible test, and would never admit any position, within the scope of ratiocination, till it was most incontrovertibly proved. All inquiries about light and heat had for him a peculiar interest ; these qualities seemed, on account of their extreme tenuity, ever ready to evanesce, till they became almost immaterial. This predisposition of his mind may be illustrated by a little circumstance within my own recollection. During one of the visits with which he indulged me, when Rector of Abington, he manifested the most intense gratification (even now I have a lively image of it present with me) at Sir Walter Scott's beauti- ful fiction of the " White Lady." " Of all apparitions," he said, " this comes nearest to my conception of a pure spirit." But the pursuits in which he took unmingled pleasure, were those of mental and moral philosophy. To these, when fatigued and exhausted by severer study, he turned with ever-new delight. On such occasions he used, with our Platonic bard, to exclaim — " How charming is Divine philosophy ! Not harsh and crabbed, as dull fools suppose, But musical, as is Apollo's lute, And a perpetual feast of nectar'd sweets, Where no crude surfeit reigns." In the weak state of his eyes, it was his habit to read with the eyes of a friend. In this manner he prepared the entire logical and ethical course prescribed for fellow- ships in Dublin. His friend particularly mentions the enthusiasm with which he used to expatiate on some parts of Cicero's Second Book, " De Legibus ; " of Bishops Berkeley and Butler, too, he used to speak highly ; and with complacency of Dr. Reid. He was not so well satisfied with Mr. Locke. To him the design c 2 20 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir of this eminent man seemed to embrace too little or too much : too little, if the understanding alone, as distin- guished from the moral mind, imagination, passions, and affections, was the object of his inquiry; too much, if the positions for which he contended be thought in themselves sufficient to account for all the moral and intellectual phenomena of our nature. While reading for fellowships his progress was unques- tionably retarded by a habit in which he freely indulged, which, however, contributed much to increase, not merely the extent, but the accuracy of his knowledge, and to repress at once and discipline that fondness for mental anticipation which is so apt to beset youthful and ardent minds. The habit was, " never to rest satisfied with the bare demonstration of a truth." He wished, so far as practicable, to know whence it came and whither it was going. He would, therefore, to the utmost of his power, investigate any important fact in all its bearings ; and frequently has he employed half a day (a serious expense of time, as all fellowship-men are perfectly aware) in tracing the various deductions which might legitimately be drawn from it. His competitors, on the other hand, were often more prudently, if not so intellectually, em- ployed. They were collecting materials less recondite, indeed, but more immediately producible ; and their object was, not so much to lay the foundation for future researches, as to show themselves competently versed in that which was already known. Mr. Phelan could never endure the thought of becoming the mere carrier of intellectual burthens. His wish was, so far as might law- fully be, to lift the veil from nature, and get an insight into the wondrous principles, both natural and moral, on which all-perfect Wisdom regulates the world. Thus, the very superiority of his mental powers and attainments often stood in his way. He read more like a master than a scholar — more as one whose own mind was to be satisfied than as a person whose business it was to satisfy OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 21 the minds of others. He looked around him with the ken of a philosopher; and he less assiduously cultivated presence of mind and fertility of resources than those subtler processes of mind which have ever formed the chosen exercise of genius. Had the question been, who of his contemporaries it was that possessed the seeds of powers most akin to those of the great discoverers of science or restorers of letters, he might, perhaps, have ranked not greatly beneath the first men of our best days. As it was, with a nearly exhausted constitution, broken spirits, and a debilitated frame, it is little to be wondered at that he was unequal to the arduous conflict, which, however, he still gallantly sustained. But, that we may pass to a more grateful topic, it can be readily understood that with a mind thus stored and thus disciplined he must have been a delightful companion. That which I have heard from his early associates, was, in the course of no slight, superficial intercourse, abundantly realized to myself. I have rarely met with an individual who in conversation so fairly produced his mind, — or, let me add, whose mind was more worthy of production. At the instant he could command all the powers of thought and aids of learning to bear on any subject which they might properly illustrate ; and, what was more remarkable, they never failed to come at his bidding. Those with whom he was in the habit of familiar intercourse will not readily forget the force and animation of his manner when he wished to express himself pointedly upon any topic which had seriously occupied his mind. His sentences followed each other uninterruptedly and without effort — brief, terse, and emphatic ; and if, on the spur of occasion, taken down and made use of, they would have been found to possess all the elements of exact and finished composition. While there would occasionally burst from him the liveliest sallies of wit, and not unfrequently a vein of playful humour, which rendered his conversation, in its happier 22 BISHOP JEBBS BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR Degree of A.iM.,July, 1814. Enters into holy orders. hours (and they were always its quiet ones), one of the richest intellectual enjoyments. Such intercourse could not fail to delight, for it was ever natural, ever instruc- tive ; and it is still among my chosen recreations to recal the days and nights which I have passed in the society of William Phclan. His trial for fellowships was now over ; to all appearance it was intenninahly closed. But he was not destitute of consolation. He was conscious that he had done his best ; he could not charge himself with any wilful failure of duty, or any want of persevering application ; and he viewed disappointment itself as a mode of providential discipline, which *' He who careth for us" ever graciously adapts to our peculiar exigences. In July, 1814, he proceeded A.M. ; and, shortly after, on the kind and seasonable invitation of his friend and former associate on the fellowship bench, the Rev. J. H. Stubbs, Master of the endowed school of Dundalk, he became for a short time the guest of that gentleman. An influential visit, as will afterwards appear ; which, eventu- ally, occasioned a great change in the prospects and circumstances of his after-life. In the month of October, on the recommendation of Dr. Magee, then Dean of Cork, he was appointed Second Master of the endowed school of Derry.* Here he entered into holy orders, being ordained deacon Dec. 4, 1814, and priest Jan. 4, 1815, by the Lord Bishop of Derry ; and, soon after his first ordination, * I cannot help mentioning, that at this school I yras educated, under the Reverend Thomas Marshall, A.M. This kind and generous man was the delight of his pupils : and I never shall forget the tragic impression made on us all, when, about the autumn of 1790, it pleased God to remove him. How much I am indebted to his fostering care, I shall never, in this world, be fuUy able to appreciate. One of my earliest efforts was a boyish, but sincere, tribute to his memory ; it was an imitation of the " Quia desiderio," &c., of Horace. But to Derry School, and to Horace, I have other, and far higher obligations. They were the means of introducing me to the notice of Alexander Knox, Esquire, who was fond of hearing me repeat my lessons OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 23 began to officiate, in the chapel of ease of that city.* There he continued for upwards of two years, applying himself diligently to the duties of his humble calling, and devoting every leisure hour to those sacred studies, which, even then, constituted his resource and delight. He thus dis- turbed the repose of a few valuable old volumes in the diocesan library ; though of the time occupied in this manner there is probably no written record. But his was a mind which was never idle ; and, to such information as he already possessed, there is a moral certainty that, at this period, he added extensively. In the montli of August, 1816, it should be mentioned, he was, with some apparent hopes of success, a candidate for the endowed school, or college, of Kilkenny. About this period the writer had the happiness to form an acquaintance with Mr. Phelan, which, at no distant day, ripened into friendship. A valued contemporary of his-j- had, some time previously, told me several interesting anecdotes of his early life ; and put into my hands, at the Rectory of Abington, his prize Essay, " On Scientific and Literary Pursuits." I was, therefore, duly prepared to appreciate a singularly modest, unpretending letter, which he addressed to me from Derry, bearing date the l^th of December, 1816. It now lies open before me; and it could not fail to rekindle, were they dormant — which, happily, they never have been — the liveliest feelings of interest in himself, his mind, and his pursuits. Like every other production of his pen which it has been my fortune to see (for, in his instance, to see and to read were identical), it is clothed in language alike natural, manly, from that most felicitous of authors ; he afterwards became my guide, philosopher, and friend. From him, in the course of a long intimacy, I derived principles which, I trust, will never die. Obiit, eheu ! June 18, 1831.— J. L. * His appointment, at the salary of £50 a-year, is dated Dec. 27, 1814 ; of which salary he was never paid a single shilling ; though he served the chaplaincy, without intermission, till March, 1817. + The Eev. Richard Ryan. 24 Bisiioi' jedb's biographical memoir and independent. The object of it was to ascertain how far his judgment and mine might coincide, respecting the eligibility of his publishing a short treatise, which he was then preparing, on the subject of the Bible Society. As to the general bearings of that question, my feelings are, elsewhere, briefly stated.* In conformity with opinions which I had early formed, and from which I have never swerved, I ventured to suggest that his mental powers would be employed far more advantageously on some great original work, than upon what must, after all, rank as a mere temporary pamphlet. My reasons, however, failed to have quite so much weight with Mr. Phelan, at the time, as they may, perhaj^js, have subsequently had. He accordingly published, not immediately (for a very serious occupation intervened), but in the autumn of the next year, his able tract ; powerful in its reasoning, though I have never been able to see the practical wisdom of its publication ; nravra fioi e^eariv, aW' ov iravra crvfi(j)ep€c. It was entitled " The Bible, not the Bible Society." This work, greatly praised, and not good-naturedly vituperated, was, for a long while, the alternate mark of reprobation and panegyric ; and, in its immediate, and, yet more, in its remote consequences, it gave a colouring nearly to the The life w hole of Mr. Phelan's apparent future life ; but, happily, Clirist in ^^^ ^^^ another, and a better life, which was " hid with God." Christ in God." To the world he was chiefly known as a polemical writer ; indeed, it is probable that many of his contempo- raries have heard of him in that capacity alone. And it must be confessed that, hitherto, from unhappy cir- cumstances, there has been, in Ireland, but little oppor- tunity, and, if possible, less encouragement, for theological learning. While, under a proper system, and with wise selection, eminent examples of it might have been multi- plied, to the unspeakable advantage both of Church and country. But, in fact, though some ephemeral stimulus * Practical Theology, vol. ii., p. 70. OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 25 to exertion may have occasionally been applied, it is a melancholy truth that the flippant pamphlet, and slight brochure (of merit very different, indeed, from the slightest efforts of Mr. Phelan) have been generally thought a far more marketable commodity than any solid work of genius, piety, or learning. But his was, in truth, a far loftier spirit : he predomi- nately lov;ed the high and lonely walk. His most current, popular productions, occupied but a small portion of his time, and less of his thoughts. And they, who have enjoyed his confidence the longest, and most unreservedly, are best aware on themes how different from the vulgar cant of the day it was his delight to expatiate. For my Edifying own part, I can safely say, that in all our years of friendly ^p°'*'^^^^' intercourse, he never uttered a syllable, whether grave or Phelan. gay, which did not, as was said of Archbishop Leighton, more or less directly tend to edification. Indeed, if I had not intimately known that he was something far other, and better, than an expert controversialist, I will candidly own that the present memoir should not have been written. This fore-dated disclosure will, I trust, exempt me from all but the bare mention of his chief polemical tracts, in the order of publication. They were written merely e/c irapepyov, called forth by the seeming exigences of the times : but he was living centrally, for eternity, "And all his serious thoughts had rest m Heaven." We may, now, revert to Mr. Phelan's more private con- cerns. He had long been in a very delicate state of health, and his physicians thought it might be expedient that he should try the air of Mallow, in the county of Cork. Symptoms, however, seemingly improved : and as, on several accounts, such an excursion must have been incon- venient, it was not, under this favourable change, at that time undertaken. Meanwhile, he was, unexpectedly, summoned to a In 1817 wider sphere. Towards the close of March, 1817, his ^S^^^''^^ 26 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir for a fel- vigilant friend, Dr. Wall, strongly urged that he should, ' forthwith, come to Dublin, and again sit for a fellowship, of which there were, at that time, two to be filled up. All his friends, none more earnestly than Dr. Magee, were, also, instant in their intreaties. Therefore, after nearly three years' alienation from academical pursuits, and about six weeks before the day of trial, he came to the scene of action. His first visit was to the college, chambers of a friend : *' Well," said he, " here I am ; and what do you want with me ?" " We want you," was the reply, " to get a fellowship." He looked perplexed and anxious. He was almost certain that, within the space of six short weeks, it was hopeless that he should regain so much lost ground. Besides, a great additional weight of science had been thrown into the course, especially the whole system of French Analysis, to which he was nearly a total stranger. To work, however, he went, and with that vigour and intensity which seemed inseparable from his being. And what was the consequence ? Difficulties, like a " frost-work," suddenly " melted away" * before him ; and gains and he was unanimously elected a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. During the short, but arduous course of immediate preparation, he withdrew to the adjacent village of Dun- drum ; and there he was affectionately watched, and cheered, by his early and unchanging friend, the Rev. Richard Ryan. His own account of the transaction is remarkable for its simplicity and candour ; it is derived from two of his letters, written at the very time. Short extracts from them will, probably, interest the reader. "April 12, 1817. I am going in again for fellowships ; not from any hope, nor, indeed, from any wish, to succeed, but merely because I want money [clearly to relieve his parents ; for his personal expenses were small, and his prudence was great] ; and I think it just possible that I may get the first * Rogers : " Pleasures of Memory." it OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 27 premium. Three weeks ago I formed this resolution ; and I have now six weeks to read." Three days after the termination of the conflict, he again writes : — '* June 5. By a caprice of fortune, entirely unexpected, I am now a fellow. The answering, you may suppose, was but in- different, when, after three years' cessation, I was considered the best answerer." Such was his own modest estimate, ever apt to undervalue his mental attainments ; but it was happily corrected by the public voice : his very friends, too, the jealous guardians of his good repute, were abundantly satisfied ; not by his success merely, but especially at the manner of it. He was, by the blessing of God, on his own exertions, now placed in a station of permanent independence ; certain of an income, moderate, indeed, but competent ; and having the fair prospect of attaining, at no remote period, what to him would be affluence. But his mind was raised above all selfish considerations ; now, as formerly, his parents were foremost in his thoughts ; and the path which he marked out for himself was one of unassuming privacy. During the long vacation he sought that repose which his wearied mind required : he had done much in a little time ; and it was not till October, 1817, that he gave to the press that pamphlet which he had prepared at Derry. Thenceforward, his time was chiefly divided between private study and his college duties. In November, 1818, he was elected Donnellan Lecturer, In 1818 and preached the first sermon of his course on Trinity jjo'j^nellan Sunday, 1819. The manner, and general purpose of Lecturer, these lectures will be sufficiently explained by the following extract from the Registry of Trin. Coll., Dublin: — " Fehruarij 22, 1794. " Whereas, a legacy of l,2i3l. lias been bequeathed to the College of Dublin by Mrs. Anne Donnellan, for the encouragement of religion, learning, and good manners, the particular mode of application being entrusted to the Provost and Senior Fellows : 28 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir " Resolved, " 1. That a Divinity Lecture, to which shall be annexed a salary, arising from the interest of 1,200/., shall be established for ever, to be called Donnellan's Lecture. " 2. That the Lecturer shall be forthwith elected, from among the Fellows of said College ; and hereafter, annually, on the 20th November. " 3. That the subject, or subjects, of the Lecture, shall be determined at the time of election by the Board; to be treated in six sermons, which shall be delivered in the College Chapel, immediately after morning service, on certain Sundays, to be appointed on the 20th of November next after the election of the Lecturer, and within a year from the said appointment. " 4. That one moiety of the interest of the said 1,200/. shall be paid to the Lecturer, as soon as he shall have delivered the whole number of lectures ; and the other moiety as soon as he shall have published four of the said lectures, one copy to be deposited in the Library of the College ; one in the Library of Armagh ; one in the Library of St. Sepulchre ; one to be given to the Chan- cellor of the University ; and one to the Provost of the College." This foundation, unquestionably well intended, has failed^ nevertheless, to render all the service which origi- nally was designed. Since its establishment upwards of eight-and-thirty years have elapsed : * how many volumes have, in consequence, been published ? how many sermons have been preached ? The fact is, an original error seems to have taken place, in limiting the field of the Donnellan Lectures to the narrow circle of existing Fellows, seven seniors, and fifteen (afterwards increased to eighteen) juniors ; three, at least, of whom are statutably laymen. These able men are all fully and laboriously occupied, in the government, or education, of fifteen hundred under- * Written 1832. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. graduates ; and the inevitable consequence has been, that few candidates have proffered themselves for the office of Donnellan Lecturer.* The remedy, in this case, seems natural and easy. Why not throw the field of selection open (as in the Bampton Lecture Sermons, at Oxford, and the Hulsean Lectures, and office of Christian Advocate, at Cambridge) to all persons who have taken the degree of Master of Arts ? The present excellent Christian Advocate of the latter University never was a Fellow. This sugges- tion is thrown out in ardent, but, it is hoped, not ill- regulated zeal, at once for the credit of the College, and for the advancement of good letters in Ireland. The University, and the country at large, ought, in various respects, to be drawn more closely together ; and, from a proper intercourse, and community of feeling, great benefits might, at no distant day, eventually arise to both of them. But we must pursue our more immediate subject. Dr. Phelan, if his health, which was always delicate, be excepted, was well circumstanced for close application to this additional duty. So young among the Fellows, he had few pupils, for whom, indeed, neither directly, nor indirectly, neither by himself, nor by his friends, did he ever think it right to seek. He had full leisure, therefore, for his favourite pursuits. His mind always had a predi- lection for inquiries, addressed, at once, to the intellectual * On a former occasion, the writer used language nearly similar ; which he here takes the liberty of citing : — " In Ii-eland, we have, unfortunately, not abounded in magnificent patrons of learning. The University of Dublin was founded at a period when the zeal for thus [by foundations, benefactions, &c.] promoting good letters had gone by. Accordingly we have but one College, one Provost, and twenty-five Fellows, for the education of about fifteen hvmdred undergraduates. These twenty-six very learned men, who attained their present honourable rank, after years of intense study, and tlu-ough the most arduous hterary competition in the world, have upon their shoulders the instruction and government of fifteen himdi-ed young men : and, thus occupied, they certainly have httle redundant time for the pleasures and the pains of authorship." — Bishop of LimericVs Speech in the Souse of Lords, June 10, 1824. 29 30 nisiiop jebb's BioouArmcAL memoir and moral man ; and he loved to regard the deeper, and more mysterious truths of Christianity, as not merely on proof given of their divine authority to be implicitly received, and venerated, but, much more, as indispensable parts of a divine system, provided by the comprehensive and all- gracious wisdom of God, for the renewal, enlargement, and purification of our spiritual being. He sought, there- fore, to exhibit the Christian scheme in such a manner as might best show its correspondence, in all its parts, to the wants and anticipations of human nature. His lectures, accordingly, may, in some sort, be regarded as an effort to describe the physiology of revealed religion. Others have carefully examined facts, and doctrines, and discussed their evidence, according to the dictates of forensic plead- ing : he, on the contrary, was more solicitous to discover, what may be termed the functions of those facts and Doctrine doctrines. It is one thing, for example, to establish the Triu'itv doctrine of the Trinity, by alleging the various passages of Holy Writ in which it is more or less distinctly revealed. It is another, and perhaps a yet more important office, to show that this mysterious, yet infinitely practical doctrine is precisely such a revelation of the Divine Nature, as could, alone, enable man to accomplish the great purposes for which he was called into existence. By the one line of argument, the timid believer may be per- suaded that his Christianity is true ; by the other, the candid sceptic may be convinced that it is reasonable and just. The judgment is thus satisfied, through the previous conviction of the moral sense ; and, from the congruity between ends and means, between the weakness of man and the sufficiency of God, the facts and doctrines which may once have appeared, not merely above reason, but contrary to it, will, at once, be found harmonious in their operation, and, so to speak, in their nature necessary. Such was the lofty argument which habitually occupied Dr. Phclan's mind, and which he sought to embody in the Donnellan Lectures. How far he may have succeeded in OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 31, the application of these principles, and in all the resulting details, it remains for the judgment of competent and meditative readers to determine. But all such are, at the same time, entreated habitually to keep in mind, that the present publication is a posthumous one ; that, had life and health been spared to the Author, he would have explained and supported his theory by extensive researches, both ancient and modern ; that a copious body of materials even now exists, among his papers, not only unused, but, from imperfect references, quite unusable ; and that, had his own acute and comprehensive mind presided over a full exhibition of that scheme, which, for many years, he had meditated and planned, the result must have been far different from anything which is now brought forward.* But, especially in his later years, infirmities were gathering Infirmities fast upon him : in one letter to a friend, he writes, " For gat|^ermg ^ _ ' _ ' onPhelan, some months back I have been hearing with one ear, and seeing with one eye." In another, what now seems like the language of solemn anticipation, " The abortive Donnellans lie in my college-desk, not to be disturbed again, at least, not by my hands." This sacred, and, he will add, this delightful duty, has unexpectedly fallen into other, and, the writer fears, very incompetent hands : but this he can say, with perfect truth, that, if he were not convinced of the value and importance of these papers, he would never have proposed to undertake, what, to him, has proved a source of unmingled satisfaction, the office of their Editor. About this time, Mr. Phelan became one of the six One of the university preachers. He was not what is called an ^|^,""ea"h. orator, in the popular sense of the word : but he was a ers. much better thing ; a calm, deliberate, and singularly impressive preacher. His voice was far from strong, or powerful ; its volume was thin, and its compass very * The publication of Dr. Phelan's Donnellan Lectures had been delayed, in the hope that the Author might be enabled to bring them out, with the advantage of extensive notes and references. 32 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir limited, but its tones were clear, animated, and flexible ; his enunciation was distinct and solemn ; his face, when he was preaching, as when he was familiarly conversing, bore the stamp of zeal, earnestness, and pure affection, lie thought that the natural variations of the eye, voice, and countenance, were the sole legitimate kind of action, the only one suitable to the dignity of the pulpit. And the combined effect of his manner, his delivery, and that truth of character, which the most eloquent words, in themselves, altogether fail to convey, was that, as Arch- ■^ch- deacon Churton has beautifully said of Dr. Townson, — • Cburton. " You would pledge your soul on his sincerity ; you were sure there was nothing he longed for so fervently as your salvation." Ten of the discourses tlms preached are given as speci- mens of Dr. Phelan's peculiar manner. They were not • prepared by him for the press, and were composed in the ordinary discharge of his duty as university preacher. Tiieir matter, though perfectly practical and familiar, is distinguished, amidst all its simplicity, by the same pro- fundity of thought which characterizes his Donnellan Lectures. While, in manner, they afford the happiest specimen of united ease and vigour, of acute reasoning and affectionate familiarity. But their great charm is a certain air of reality, which everywhere pervades them : they insensibly twine around our hearts ; and, without the least effort at exhibition, of which, indeed, he had not the remotest thought, they set us at home in the very scenes and circumstances which they cause to rise graphically before us. Of our Lord's general character, especially as it may be " pondered"* out of the first few glimpses of his early life, the young preacher had a deep and strong impression ; and what he felt acutely for him- self, he never failed to impress vividly on others. Of the discourses, those entitled " Christ in the Temple," " Few Notices of Christ's Early Life," " Jesus at Cana," and * St. Luke ii. 19. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 33 those which immediately follow, to the Seventh Discourse inclusive, appear to the Editor, as, he doubts not, they will do to the reader, full of just, discriminative, and original observation, and, even in their present unfinished form, seem entitled fairly to take their place (no common praise) beside Dr. Townson's exquisite Sermon, " On our Lord's Manner of Teaching." It would be alike unjust and injudicious to forestall the reader's interest by any detailed notice of this portion of the " Remains." But, from amidst various passages of great interest and beauty, it seems right to select one or two brief specimens, which may, in some degree, illustrate the style and power of Dr. Phelan's mind, and, as the writer thinks, the abiding influence of early circumstances upon it. Very early in his first discourse, he has, with peculiar Extracts felicity, applied his knowledge and experience of humble (jiscoui-ses. life to the elucidation of our Lord's visit, in childhood, to Jerusalem and its holy Temple. In treating of that remarkable occurrence, to which Saint Luke (ii. 46) refers, Dr. Phelan observes that " The first circumstance which should be noted is, the kindly and sociable spirit of the child Jesus. It is acknowledged that, in the course of his public ministry, our Lord manifests a cordiality towards mankind, second only to that unreserved devotement with which He had surrendered Himself to the business of his heavenly Father. And we may perceive, from the cir- cumstances now before us, that this gracious disposition was the impulse of his tenderest, as well as the habit of his most mature, years. ' As they returned,' says the Evangelist, * the child Jesus tarried behind in Jerusalem ; and Joseph and his mother knew not of it. But, sup- posing him to have been in the company, they went a day's journey ; and they sought him among their kinsfolk and acquaintance.' No sooner do they miss their precious charge, than they conclude that he had mingled with the companions of their journey. This persuasion is no less D •34 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir firm than it was instantaneous ; they travel a whole day, without faltering in their assurance. At length they go in quest of Him ; and where do they search ? Not in solitude, or in secrecy ; not, as they might have done for the austere Baptist, in a wilderness. They seek him among their kinsfolk and acquaintance, among persons whose intimacy is generally more unreserved in proportion to the humility of their rank in life ; and who were then, as we may suppose, beguiling the fatigues of a toilsome journey by the free and playful interchange of confidential conversation. Now we cannot imagine that Joseph and his mother were careless of the treasure committed to their keeping, or that, in their search for Him, they were guided by no surer principle than indiscriminating sur- mise. Their conviction, that He had mingled with their friends, was natural and reasonable ; but it could not have been so, had it not been suggested by his ordinary conduct." (Pp. 127, 128.*) Our Sa- He thus beautifully touches on the poverty of the blessed Jesus : — " We are, generally and incidentally, given to under- stand that our Lord was poor, yet no images are presented to us which can excite mean and vulgar associations. There are, perhaps, only two instances in which his poverty is pictured distinctly to tlie mind. These are, the scene of his nativity, and that mournful expression of his, that He had ' not where to lay his head.' Now, in the first of these cases, the associated ideas are all even of unearthly magnificence ; the stable of Bethlehem is trans- formed into a holy tabernacle, where the wise and great come to ofier their incense, and angels themselves attend in humble ministration. And, as for the pathetic exjjres- sion of the Son of Man, there is a majesty in its pathos, which exalts our conception of the moral sublime. We hear nothing but what is fit to fall from the lips of perse- cuted royalty ; we see nothing, save what a wise heathen * Vol. i. of the " Eemains," &c. VIOULT 8 poTcrty ; OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 35 lias pronounced the noblest sight, even for God to see — a great and good man rising superior to adversity." (Disc, iii., pp. 160, 161.) The susceptibility of our Lord, unmingled with a single Hissuscep- shade of weakness, is pictured with happy discrimination: — ^ ^' *' In the most highly gifted among men, that tempera- ment, by which the soul is softened to imbibe the influence of genius or of sensibility, generally weakens the severer moral powers. ■ In Christ alone, both are united in their full perfection. He feels all our infirmities, yet He yields to none. He, no less than John the Baptist, is inclined to lonely meditation. He does not disdain to contemplate even the lilies of the field, yet He can move unwearied and undisturbed amidst the tumults and anxieties of public life. Unlike John, He is courteous ; but his is always •the courtesy of a superior being, the serene grandeur of sovereign dominion. He calls, and public officers rise and follow Him ; He appears, and rich young men kneel down to Him, and call Him Master ; He comes into the syna- gogue of his own town, and the eyes of all the congrega- tion are fastened upon Him ; He is silent, and no man durst question Him ; He speaks, and the people wonder at the gracious words which proceed out of his mouth." (Disc, iv., p. 175.) How these passages (and in the discourses of Mr. The grace Phelan there are many such) may affect the reader, it is ^phant^^" impossible to predict. To the editor, it must be owned, they appear the mingled growth of native temperament, of indigenous habit, and, he will add, of the triumphant grace of God. At an early period of this memoir, it was intimated that the subject of it was *' never vulgarized," that he was, in principle and manners, " a native gentle- man." I will now add, from long experience and observa- tion, that he became more and more a devoted but a happy Christian ; and my wish, serious as though it were my last one, is. Sit me anima cum Phelano ! It now seems proper to revert to Dr. Phelan's state of Feelings on D 2 SG BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir obtaining feeling, ou the occasion of fellowship-examinations in 1817. From the extracts already given of his correspond- ence (p. 26), it is evident that he was neither sanguine in his hopes, nor elated by his success. To some, indeed, it may almost appear that he had attained, or affected, the tranquillity of stoical indifference. Far different, how- ever, was the real case ; and, in order to place it fairly before the reader, we must recur to other passages of the same letters. In that of April 12, he tells his friend, " I am not happy, nor can a fellowship make me so." And, on June 5, three days after having apparently realized his most ardent hopes, he emphatically writes, " At present, I feel myself very far from happy." The fact is (and this will at once explain all seeming contradictions), that, during his visit to Dundalk (p. 22), his affections had been irrevocably engaged to a sister of his friendly host. And- although, during his continuance in Londonderry, pru- dence, and principle, and voluntary devotedness to his parents, allowed him not to think of an immediate mar- riage, yet he was not without hopes that some settlement might offer, compatible with the attainment of his dearest wishes. It is not wonderful, then, that a fellowship, which, so long as it should be retained, must probably doom him to hopeless celibacy, was anything rather than an object of complacency or self-gratulation. He literally, therefore, had not wished to succeed. And when, most unexpectedly, his efforts were crowned with success, his great object was, if practicable, to emancipate himself by a Royal dispensation. To accomplish this purpose, power- ful efforts were, at different times, fruitlessly employed. But the sudden death of the young lady's natural pro- tector determined him, at all hazards, to resign his fellow- ship, and fulfil his honourable engagement. Accordingly, In 1823, he on the 18th of May, 1823, he was married, on the licence mames, ^f ^^^ j^^j.^^ gigi^op of Fenis, to Miss Margaret Stubbs, and resigns ^ ' . • it. by her brother, the Reverend J. H. Stubbs, Vicar of Kilmacahill, in the church of that parish. Within the OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 67 time specified by law, he subsequently resigned his fellow- ship, on the 12th of August in the same year; having received from the Provost and Senior Fellows a generous engagement to extend to him the future privilege of option to a college living. Nor should it be omitted, for it is highly to their honour, that the Junior Fellows voluntarily relinquished their claims to any emolument accruing from his late pupils, not only for the remainder of the current year, but so long as they might continue their names upon the college-books.* The connexion thus disinterestedly formed greatly augmented his happiness, and probably also contributed to the extension of his short but valuable life. His delicate health demanded the most tender care, and this Mrs. Phelan delighted to administer, with all that noise- less assiduity which attends every step and movement of an affectionate female. Her principles, tastes, and habits, were in complete accordance with his own ; and, for years before their marriage, she had been the faithful depository of his inmost thoughts and feelings. But the privacy of such a correspondence is too sacred a thing to be need- lessly violated ; fragments of but one letter have been committed to the writer, and, as these are at once beauti- fully simple, and throw a vivid light upon some particulars of his life and character, I shall give them without scruple. They seem to have been written from his native town, or its immediate vicinity; and I envy not the heart of that man who can, read them without emotions that he would wish to cherish for ever : — . . . . " Have you not remarked that the religious The reli- world is, after all, the world, and has the Scripture marks toomuc'hof of the world about it ? It is constantly substituting things the world, external and adventitious for things internal and essential. A dogma, or a ceremony, or a public Meeting, or any- * For this fact I am indebted to the information of the Rev. Dr. Wall, at that time Junior Bursar. The simi thus libei-ally ceded was above 900/. — J. L. BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR thing else that the times may countenance, is sure to take tlie lead of ' Rigliteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost.' " In the more immediate circle, at present, of the Church Establishment, a dogma is the rage. Did it ever occur to you, to note the opposite conduct of our Lord, in regulating his family ? No less than four times, in the first three chapters of St. Luke, it is said that his mother and Joseph did not know the import of expressions, relat- ing to Him and his kingdom. We are not told that He even gave them any particular information. In general, it is to be observed that the truths, facts, and persons of the Gospel are revealed to us as objects of the affections: they are addressed to the intellect, only so far as every object of the soul must pass through the perceptive powers to the heart ; when there, they are at home, no matter how they effect the passage. All dogmatists pass their time in examining, and, as they think, repairing the road to the intellect, and getting presentiments for short cuts, &;c., &c. Iilischicfs Thus, like our Irish highways, they are always a repairing, never in repair. Meanwhile, the heart is cut off from all valuable communication with that gracious but mysterious Being, who is ' a God that hideth Himself,' indeed, from ill-directed inquiries, but who deliglits to abide with the humble and contrite spirit, ' full of grace and truth.' *' Such I firmly believe was his indwelling with your father ; it was not manifested by any direct exhibition of religion, but it was known by its effects — known as a refreshing and purifying essence, which makes an atmosphere of sweetness around the place where it is concealed, " Cherish, then, those feelings about your father, which become you equally as a child and as a Christian. In the present trying moments they will console you, and through life they will serve as those auxiliary lights which the gracious order of Providence kindles from time of clo<rm tism OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 39 to time for the guidance of the pure in spirit, so that they count it all joy when they fall into tribulation. '* There is one quality both of my mind and of my heart to which I do not believe you have much adverted — that is, their yotithf illness ; they promise to grow, to shoot out blossoms and fruits for years to come. And, even in that stage when nature shall indicate that we are shortly to remove to another state of being, I trust that I shall still retain a buoyancy of spirit. " The most grateful moments I can enjoy are those His filial in which I feel myself of value to the few whom I really ^^^^'S- love. The feelings I have towards that dear old man, my father, are experienced, I believe, by very few sons ; at least by none that I ever knew, to the same degree. And I cannot describe to you the delight I felt when I saw his face tinged again with the freshness which I used to observe on it in my childhood. " I have been travelling these one-and-twenty years, and never saw so rich a harvest ; it is called a war-harvest, the common people having a persuasion that pre-eminently good seasons introduce war, or some other calamity. Such is their theory of the balancing of good and evil in this wady-buccady* world. " The character of the people in this country appears to most advantage in times of calamity. When above immediate want their vivacity is apt to become insolent, and their proud spirit breaks into turbulence. But in distress the common Irishman is meek as Moses. The loss of health, wealth, friends — all, in a word, that our nature deems most valuable, is met by him with the * See-saw, up-and-down — a game in whicla two persons, seated on the extreme ends of a long piece of timber, supported in the centre by a fulcrum, at once balance each other, and are altci'nately elevated and depressed, by that motion which they communicate. 40 BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR ejaculation, ' Welcome be the grace of God." They see the correcting hand of Providence in every visitation, and receive it as an act of mercy." He settles in diocese ofArinagli On finally leaving college, in August, 1823, Mr. Phelan's first settlement was at the curacy of Keady, in the diocese of Armagh. This situation had for several months been kept open for him by the kindness of the Lord Primate, and gave promise of that literary leisure which he keenly relished, but never allowed to run to waste. " Here," said he to an early intimate,* " I can complete my attain- ments as a scholar and divine ; all that I want is a library." Just at this time, however, the Professorship of Astro- nomy at Armagh became vacant ; for this situation Dr. Phclan thought it right to apply, but he learned that two days before it had been conferred on Dr. Robinson. At this appointment he was far from repining; on the con- trary, he was satisfied that it did the Primate much honour. In that particular department Dr. Robinson's reputation stood unquestionably at the very highest ; and the choice has been amply accredited by the opinion of scientific Europe. f Mr. Phelan's habits had hitherto been those of a severe student ; and he was better calculated for the literary and perceptive than for the more active departments of his calling. Plis health w'as exceedingly infirm, and he was often unequal to those laborious out-of-door exertions the vast importance of which he strongly felt. But his best energies wei'e faithfully devoted to the spiritual improve- ment of his flock. He had hitherto appeared in the pulpit almost exclusively before a learned audience, and his discourses had been adapted always to satisfy the requirements of cultivated minds, and often to rivet the * The Rev. Eichard Ryan. t The Observations of Dr. Robinson have been more numerous, and have excited greater attention, than those made at any other Observatory within the same period. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 41 attention of profound thinkers. It now became his duty His style to adopt a different style of preaching. And it is an . P''®^'"'^" encouraging fact to all persons similarly circumstanced, that in adjusting his discourses to the capacity of his humble congregation he was quite successful. He had not formerly been more remarkable for the eloquence of thought than he now became for primitive simplicity. He seemed to preach under the habitual conviction, that *' A pastor is the deputy of Christ for the reducing of George man to the obedience of God." * Herbert. On ordinary occasions it was not his habit to commit to writing the entire of his sermons ; he used merely to note down his principal topics ; for he felt that a northern congregation especially would be more interested and impressed by conceptions reduced at the moment to words, than it could have been by any more elaborate process of composition. But his discourses were quite free from the usual defects of extemporaneous addresses. ■]- The thoughts were always lucidly arranged ; for the subject-matter had been thoroughly digested. He never ascended the pulpit without an awful sense of ministerial responsibility, nor willingly left it without having enforced at least some one religious truth in a novel and interesting manner. His learning was so attempered by suavity, that the people delighted in him as a teacher, while his parental concern for their welfare endeared him to them as the tenderest of friends. With true humility of mind he united a strong, and The Pri- mate atten- * George Herbert. Country Parson, t "In this whole discourse" [the Sermon on the Mount], said Mr. Mr. Wcs- Wesley, " we cannot but observe the most exact method that can possibly ^^• be conceived. Every paragraph, every sentence, is closely connected, both with that which precedes and that which follows it. And is not tliis the pattern for eveiy Christian preacher ? If any, then, are able to foUow it, without any premeditation, well. If not, let them not dare to preach without it. No rhapsody, no incoherency [whether the things spoken be true or false], comes of the spirit of Christ." 42 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir tivc to the even lofty spirit of independence. He loved rather to Curate. confer than to receive a benefit, and covild with difficulty be induced to incur a personal obligation. This the Primate well knew ; while at the same time he was appre- hensive that on moving to the curacy of Keady, Mr. Phelan must necessarily require some pecuniary aid. He accordingly took an early opportunity of calling at the curate's humble residence, and, after some general conver- sation, delicately hinted at the expenses which must almost inevitably beset a new-married man, expressing a hope that he might be permitted to become his banker. Mr. P., with very fervent acknowledgments, assured his Grace that he did not at that time stand in need of such assistance, but promised that should any emergency arise he would, without hesitation, avail himself of it. The Primate still persevered : " You cannot," said he, " be aware how many demands on your purse must now be answered. Mrs. Phelan, too, must want several articles of comfort, which your present means may not be able to supply." Mr. P. respectfully declared, " That he was unconscious of any want for which he was not already provided." " Come, Phelan," says the Primate, ** you must want a horse." The reply was, " My Lord, I have two," " Well, then," his Grace added, " you will excuse my importunity — but, the remittance to your father, have you thought of that ? " " My Lord," said Phelan, the tears of gratitude in his eyes, " I have not forgotten him ; before leaving Dublin I took care that he should not want."* These last were far from words of course. In a con- fidential letter to a friend, dated August 18, 1823, he thus unbosoms himself: "If I have means enough to * Dr. riiclan related this conversation to a friend ; and the editor could not suppress a circumstance so riclily biographical. He must, therefore, at once throw himself upon the indulgence of the eminent individual who, above most other men, " does good by stealth." OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 43 continue my usual allowance to my father, I am perfectly satisfied." " Filial piety," it has been said at the commencement Filial piety of this memoir, " was with him almost an instinct." And q^^j the fact is illustrated by an afifecting entry found in one of his note-books, to which Mrs. Phelan says he was fond of alluding. It is simply this — for it would seem never to have been wrought up into regular composition, — " The emotions of filial piety, perhaps the nearest approach that nature gives to the love of God." Now, his own conduct shows the high sense which he ever entertained of both sacred ties ; and the analogy is the more beautifully striking, as coming from the lips and heart of such a son and such a Christian. The sentiment of natural affection in him was sublimated into a feeling which had ** less of earth in it than heaven." This was the animating soul of all his efforts, from the first moment that such efforts could availably be made, for the securing of his parent's worldly comforts ; it was the most remote thing possible from the callous and rigid payment of a debt involun- tarily contracted ; and an indescribable emotion of mingled reverence and love, from early childhood to his latest hour, would seem to have been above most others the master- affection of his soul. " I can never forget," says Mrs. Phelan, " the manner in which, on receiving a letter or other tidings from his first home, he was wont to say, ' How I love and venerate that dear old man, my father ! ' " By the kindness of his family, the writer possesses copies of letters addressed to that " dear father " by Dr. Phelan, almost from the year of his entrance into College to the year of his death : from these I now proj)ose to insert extracts of a small number, not selected with any very curious nicety, but evincing, as indeed all the letters do, the affectionate and wholly unselfish character of his nature. 44 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir Letters to DiihUn, December 23, 1808. Honoured Sir, — How dillerent is our situation this Christmas from that with which we were usually blest ! It is indeed a gloomy change ; but still, it is our duty to receive the change as a visitation from the Almighty : for " whom the Lord loveth, he chasteneth." Let us learn to bear our present humiliation with patience, and the Lord will, no doubt, reward our perseverance in a manner beyond our expectations. Your ever-obedient Son, William Phelan. Jpril 28, 1809. Honoured Sir, — I have just happened to receive the enclosed, and I hasten to remit it to you. My endeavours to do without it will be facilitated by the sweet hope of its being useful to the best of parents. Your ever-dutiful Son, W. P. Dublin, April 13, 1810. Honoured Sir, — Enclosed I send you share of another prize, which I obtained at the time I took my degree. It was for English verse ; the first time I made any attempt that way ; and, luckily, I have been very successful. I also, on the same day, got the gold medal ; * so that, for a while, I am pretty well supplied with college honours. I know you, and my dear mother, will be glad to hear of this : so I have told you everything that has happened to me. I hope, my dear father, that, whenever you find yourself weakened by work, you will stop and indulge yourself. I am young. Sir ; my work is not so hard as yours ; and I should be ashamed to hear that he to whom I owe my life and my education, should labour too hard, while I have the means of furnishing assistance. * See p. 10, ante. OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 45 Tell my mother that I am not, nor ever shall be, Letters to forgetful of her tender care of me : and believe me, dear Sir, Your ever-grateful Son, W. P. Trin. Coll., Oct. 15, 1820. My dear Father, — Once more I must deny myself the pleasure of taking a trip to Clonmel. My entrance to-day was only two pupils ; and this is too small to allow of any more travelling for the year. I wish very much that you would lay out the enclosed upon yourself. This day three weeks I shall send as much more, which can be used for the family purposes. I shall send the spectacles by the first opportunity. Believe me, my dear Sir, Ever your affectionate Son, W. P. Trin. Coll., Oct. 7, 1821. My dear Father, — I wish very much that you would, immediately, have the flannel waistcoats made. Give up one pound to the purpose ; and I shall be sure to make it up to you. Take care, and make yourself comfortable this winter. It can make the difference of only a very few pounds to me ; and I hope it is needless to say that, for such a purpose, I do not value a few pounds. Your ever-affectionate Son, W. P. Trin. Coll., Nov. 20, 1822. My dear Father, — I beg you will employ the enclosed in some articles of comfortable dress for yourself and my mother. Do not think of my being a little embarrassed for money ; my difficulty on that account will be but for a short time : and my uneasiness would be, beyond com- 46 BISHOP jebd's biographical memoir Letters to parison, both heavier and longer, if you wanted anything liis father. i • i t i i which 1 could procure. W. P. Trin. Coll., Oct. 25, 1823. My dear Father, — It has just occurred to me that I have neglected you sadly as to money matters. To remove all such inconveniences in future, I shall make it a rule, please God, to pay you quarterly. You shall have, as long as we all live and do well, twenty-five pounds, on each of the following days, &c. W. P. Tuesday (1829). My dear Father, — I do not know how to address you at this afflicting time. Our darling B is gone to a better world ; but you must feel the loss of her society deeply. However, it would be selfish, as well aspresumjD- tuous, to murmur at the will of Him who is the Father of us all. I send the enclosed for the purpose of buying mourning. It is right that we should pay every respect to the memory of that sweet creature who is gone from us. Ever, my dear Father, Your most afiectionate Son, W. P. 3, Lower Merrion Street, Dublin, March 11, 1830. My dear Father, — It will grieve me excessively if I should discover that you have been denying yourselves anything comfortable, from reluctance to call upon me. Indeed, I am never satisfied when I see, or hear, that you do not take all the care you ought of yourselves, or do not attend to those little supports of life which your state, and that of my mother, requires. You cannot but feel OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 47 that I would count nothing within my power too much Letters to o o lii8 father. lor your use, &c. Ever your aiFectionate Son, W. P. Dublin, March 25, 1830. My dear Father, — It mortifies me more than I can express, that I find it quite impossible to accompany Catherine to Clonmel. Various things conspire to make it necessary for us to leave Dublin very early next week, and many preparations are to be made before we can set out. All these causes compel me to let Catherine travel alone. But I live in hopes that I shall see you before the summer is over, and that I shall find you and my dear mother improved by the fine weather. You will perceive, by what Catherine brings, that I am still in your debt. I trust that I shall be able to pay you. With my best love to my dear mother, Ever your affectionate Son, William Phelan. This was his last letter to his father, and gives delightful evidence that something far tenderer, and more sacred, than mere family affection, was triumphant, even to the close. But a touching incident yet remains. The heavy ex- penses of his last illness had drained his purse ; and, for some time, he had been unable to remit his father's allow- ance. Unexpectedly there came in, for the renewal of a lease, five-and-thirty pounds. " Let that immediately be sent to my father,"* said Dr. Phelan, " I have been in his debt too long." It was enclosed accordingly : and his sister, observing his extreme weakness, was about to direct the cover ; but he said, quickly, " Give me the pen ; if he saw any other handwriting than mine, the dear old * Here was, precisely, the same spirit which dictated the memorable saying to his brother, sixteen years before. See page 15, ante. — J, L. 48 BISHOP JEBB S BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR man * might think me worse tlian I am." "Within three days he breathed his last ! Next spring (1831), Miss Phelan writes, " My father is pretty well, considering his infirmities : he bows with submission to the will of our heavenly Father. But the tears roll down his aged face whenever William is men- tioned ; and sometimes, when alone, he speaks to himself, in Irish, about his darling." Phelan's In April, 1832, Mr. Phelan, senior, was in his eighty- fether.aged ^j^^j^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Phelan in her sixty -ninth year. It is, perhaps, very generally felt, that the most natural and affecting letters of Pope, Warburton, and Hurd are those dictated by filial piety. But, in genuine pathos and simplicity, they are far excelled by several of Dr. Phelan's. We are continually reminded of those exquisite lines, which few sons have equally realized : — " O friend, may each domestic bliss be tlaine : Be no impleasing melancholy mine : Me let the tender oiSce long engage, To rock the cradle of reposing age ; Explore the thought, explain the askmg eye, And keep awliile both paeents from the sky ! " From 1823 to 1829, Dr. Phelan's favourite and more congenial studies, were often interrupted by various political discussions of the day. To dilate on such subjects is foreign from the purpose of this memoir ; and (may the memorialist be allowed to add) from the habits of his own life. Therefore, as has been already intimated, I shall here confine myself to the simple mention of his chief treatises, in the order of publication : — 1. Essay on the subject proposed by the Royal Irish Academy, " Whether, and how far, the pursuits of scientific and polite literature assist or obstruct each other ?" 1813. Re-published in the present volume. 2. "The Bible, not the Bible Society." 1817. * Dr. Phelan's usual phrase, when speaking of his father, amidst his o^ti family. Dr. Phe- lan's publi- cations. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 49 3. A Letter to Marquis Wellesley, on '* The Case of the Church in Ireland: by Declan." 1823. Declan was the name of the first Bishop of Ardniore, in Ireland: traditionally a member of the family, whence Dr. Phelan was descended. Not published till after the author had withdrawn from college. 4. The same. Second Edition, much enlarged. 1824. 5. A second Letter to the Marquis Wellesley, under the same title and signature. 1824. 6. " A Letter to William Wilberforce, Esq.," suggesting some alterations in Mr. Goulburn's Tithe Composition Act. 1825. 7. " A Digest of the Evidence taken before the Com- mittees of both Houses of Parliament, &c., in 1825." Vol. II. The first volume of this work was drawn up by the Rev. Mortimer O'SuUivan. Both he and Dr. Phelan had been previously examined before the Com- mittees, The Digest was brought out in March, 1826. 8. " History of the Policy of the Church of Rome in Ireland," &c. 1827. This work forms the second volume of the present publication.* It is given, not as a controversial, but purely as an historical discus- sion ; and it is hoped that, when temporary excite- ment shall have subsided, it may be studied with advantage by persons of every description, and, not least, by members of the Church of Rome. 9. Two Letters, from a Clergyman in Ireland, to his Friend in England. 1828. 10. " Remains," &c. 2 vols. 8vo. 1832. On the 26th of May, 1824, he was appointed by the Presented Primate to the Rectory of Killyman, in the Diocese of ^^^^ q£ Armagh. His announcement of this event (to him cer- Killyman. tainly an important one) bespoke a singularly well- balanced mind. He had been writing on other subjects, and at some length, to his friend, Mr. Ryan, when he thus proceeds : — *' This morning, his Grace presented me * i.e., " Tlie Eemaius." E 50 BISHOP jehr's biographical memoir vvitli a very well-circuni.stanced living, and unincumbered Avitli any claim for building. I have now, thank God, an immediate prospect of competency, after a total demolition of my affairs within the course of the year. I am deeply grateful to Providence, but not elated ; on the contrary, my mind is quite still and motionless." Killyman was eligible as a residence, in several respects ; in none more so than its vicinity to Armagh. Thence Dr. Phelan was enabled to pass many agreeable and many useful hours in communication with the Primate, whom it would be impossible to say how deeply he revered. And there, along with Archdeacon Stopford, and the present Dean of Armagh [1832], the Primate being generally present, he acted as examiner for holy orders : an important office, by him most faithfully discharged, for none felt more acutely its weighty responsibility. Suc'ceedsto He succeeded, in virtue of the arrangement made with Ardtrea ° ^^^ Provost and Senior Fellows, to the Rectory of Ardtrca, in the gift of the University of Dublin, about the 23d October, 1825.* His pecuniary circumstances now gave promise of becoming easy ; and, had his life been spared for a very few years, he might have provided competently for his family. It is, however, but fair to say, that his mere acquaintances were apt to think him ambitious ; and it need not be concealed, that he some- times seemed to view with complacency the possibility of, at a future day, obtaining a more prominent place in his profession. But the present writer, speaking from some knowledge of facts, and after much deliberate thought on the subject, does not hesitate to say that Dr. Phelan's * The income of the two parishes has been acciu'afcely reported to mo ; it appears that Killyman produced about 850/., and Ardtrca 950/. per annum. From this amount is to bo deducted 100/., allowed by Dr. Phelan to his curates, and at least 150/. for the expenses of collection, &c. From the charges of faculty, outfit, furniture, &c., he was just beginning to emerge, when it pleased God to remove him. The delicate state of his health put a life-insurance out of the question. It was not even so much as attempted, nor, indeed, in his circumstances, would the attempt have been honest. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 51 ambition (no modification of which can be perfectly or abstractedly right) was, at least, quite free from selfish- ness ; that he regarded station in the Church not as an end, but as a means of usefulness ; and that the prevailing disposition of his mind was to perform faithfully his own immediate duties, and leave events confidingly and unre- servedly in the hands of God. The testimony of my friend, the Rev. Charles Forstcr, so perfectly accords with my own experience, that I cannot allow myself to suppress it; and it is the more valuable, I conceive, because it is given in his own unpre- meditated words, taken down exactly as they were spoken: — "In October, 1825, I saw Dr. Phelan in Dublin, imme- diately after he had succeeded to the living of Ardtrea. It was the last opportunity I enjoyed of his confidential conversation. The sentiment uppermost in his mind was a lively sense of the goodness of Providence towards him. He introduced, of his own accord — the mouth manifestly speaking out of the abundance of the heart — the great cause he had for thankfulness ; expressed, with a look of thoughtful calmness, his gratitude at finding himself in a situation beyond his deserts, and fully equal to his desires; and concluded by observing that he had nothing more to wish for in this v/orld, but had every reason to be contented and happy." In July, 1826, he proceeded D.D. ; and immediately Degree of after was appointed, by the Lord Primate of Ireland, his Examiner for Faculties ; this office, however, soon virtually ceased, the Primate having, greatly to his honour, declined to grant any more faculties. From the spring of 1827 [with the exception of his two letters to a Clergyman, &c., and a few essays in the periodicalJournals], he did not publish : he seems to have resumed, for some time, his earlier pursuits with unabated delight. He read Plato, and the philosophers of his school ; Kant, and the chief metaphysicians ; nor was he wholly inobservant of the new system in progress among E 2 D.D. 52 BISHOP J ebb's hioguapiiical memoik The Holy men of letters in France. But the Scriptures were his S(ni)tiiros j.p,j .^j^j iji-olound study. He estimated the best human his fhicl i *' study. productions only as, by correspondence or by contrast, they served to display the surpassing excellence of God's Word ; and he thought ovu* present intellectual systems, therefore, incomplete and uncertain, because they are formed not in accordance with, and subservience to, that all-perfect rule. He soberly was of opinion that, when philosophy should condescend to become the humble dis- ciple of revealed religion, she would make the most rapid advances, and commence a new era of metaphysical science. Philosophy " If ever," he was used to say, "there arises a Newton in Bible ^^^^ philosophy of intellect, he wall be a man profoundly acquainted with the Bible." Here, he was satisfied, are the principles of all knowledge that has man for its object ; and, in the society of his chosen intimates, whatever might be the subject of conversation, it never failed to terminate in considerations drawn from the sacred writings ; or, rather, he very soon proved that by the light of Scripture it could best be elucidated and expanded. To his theolo- gical studies, therefore, he drew all that was really interest- ing in every literary pursuit ; and, as his acquaintance with the Bible grew more profound, it became more and more evident that from thence he was continually deriving new and striking thoughts. Meanwhile, it was manifest to his anxious friends that his bodily health was rapidly on the decline. The symp- toms were, perhaps, first and most distinctly observed by himself. Thus, so early as the month of October, 18;?5, he writes to a confidential friend : — " I am beoinninef to have fears of another kind, which I do not like to detail on paper, but which occupy a great portion of my secret musings." Again, on the 19th of November, 1826: — ** As for myself, I am certainly not well. My power of enduring study is greatly reduced, and my susceptibility of cold increases to a most uncomfortable extent." In the summer of 1827, his feelings were yet more distressing: OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 53 July 16, he says, " I am very low, with respect to my own HisfaiLng state. For the last six years I have had occasionally an intermitting pulse, which at first was said to be nervous. But I was given to understand that, unless it were mastered by exercise and tranquillity of mind, it might ultimately turn out to be organic. It was diminishing up to last winter ; so much so, that I had begun to hope I had mastered it ; but my long confinement then brought it on to a very serious degree. Common sense agrees with the physicians, that a disease which attacks so directly the seat of life must be treated with very respectful attention. I have been ordered, and I intend obeying the precept, to give up my books and scribbling, and devote my care to my health. The great difiiculty I feel is, how to avert my thoughts from my own state, when I am not occupied in studious thinking. I find that minute care about myself increases the agitation of my pulse ; and, from the long- formed habits of my life, I do not know any way of diverting my thoughts effectually, but by engaging in some settled scheme of mental occupation. This last, however, every one agrees in condemning. I had de- signed, by this time, to have commenced a series of .... ; but it will not be allowed. The worst of the matter is, that I really believe the irksomeness of want of settled employment is as bad for me as work." His spirits, towards the close of this year, appear to have been nearly overwhelmed. He writes, December 1, 18)^7, "A History of the ancient Church of Ireland has been one of the many things upon which my thoughts have dwelt ; but this, as well as all the rest, must now be postponed — perhaps for ever. The state of my pulse and nerves renders application to study perfectly impossible ; and as, in these cases, mind and body react upon each other, I see no reason- able prospect of improvement. An occasional sermon will now, probably, be the measure of my labours for the rest of my life. I attend to myself very carefully ; rise at six o'clock, am systematically temperate, read very little, and 54 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir go out whenever the weather permits. My great deside- ratum is, the want of society ; the society, I mean, of men with whom I might converse upon those topics which are now part of myself." The very evening of the day in which this melanclioly letter was penned he had a serious attack of pleurisy, and, after five weeks' close confinement, he was not able so much as to reach the hall-door. The utmost exertion that he could make was a gentle walk about his study ; and liis friends were desirous that, when his strength should be tolerably returned, he would consent to vary the scene. The general feeling on the subject may be collected from a letter written at the time : — " Ardtrea, January 25, 1828. Most people here speak of the Cove of Cork as the most desirable retreat for me ; the doctors say, an excursion and idleness, without any particular destination ; and, though last, not least among my advisers, the Primate recommends a trip to Dublin." To that city, therefore, he removed in the winter of 1828-9, medical men having concurred in ordering a removal from the cold, damp climate of the north, to a more genial atmosphere. While he continued in Dublin he apparently grew much better, but no sooner had he returned home than the affection on his lungs became more distressing, and he was medically forbidden to preach, or perform any part of Divine service. Shortly after, he was afflicted with a violent palpitation of the heart, which forced him to give up his usual exercise, a short ride or walk causing him much embarrassment. His scclu- Just before his return, he addressed to his brother-in- law a letter, which throws some interesting light upon his character :— " Dublin, Feb. 23, 1829.— My life here is one of perfect seclusion, except so far as going occasionally to a news-room, or to the college chapel on Sunday, may be called going into society. I see **** but seldom, and scarcely ever dine out. You will be surprised at all this, but it is because you have mistaken my character and sion. OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 55 disposition ; for though I have, or rather had, somewhat of a lively manner with my very few close intimates, there is no one of a really more retiring turn. I dwell too much among my own thoughts to have either the power or the will to make myself acceptable to many of those around me. There is much of this that I would not change if I could ; for I am satisfied that the world is a very heartless affair. In some instances, however, I am quite aware that my shiness, or sullenness, or whatever else it may be called, is downright infirmity." Towards the close of 1 8:^29 he again went to reside in Dublin ; not, however, with any very beneficial effect. A physician of great eminence interdicted, not merely preach- ing and performance of all parochial duty, but any con- tinuous writing and study of whatever kind. The tone of his mind was unusually depressed ; but, to me, the most affecting thing of all is the rich vein of imagination which was continually breaking forth, evincing, even in his most morbid state, the supremacy of mind over matter. Thus on the 17th of October he writes to his friend Mr. Ryan : *' I am indeed very low ; and the worst of it is, that the mind has sunk into a kind of lethargy, from which I have no power of rousing it. My faculties are not gone, — for sometimes, when I dream, I can energize as well as ever, and am busy in discussions of various kinds, but, while awake, they go to hide from me, and all my efforts cannot bring them out of their holes. The cause, I suspect, is to be found in a morbid excess of bile, which I have been secreting. I remember to have seen somewhere that a man's understanding is very much in his stomach ; and, from my recent experience, I believe it to be true." Yet even at this period his mind was frequently as much alive as ever to his intellectual improvement and pursuits ; thus, in a letter to his early associate, Mr. S. O' Sullivan, dated Dec. 17, 1829, he says, with his usual modest estimate of his own powers : "I opened an old 5G BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir sermon of my college days yesterday, and was disappointed greatly at the execution, though the thoughts are good. You ought to give me a lecture in composition ; I hope to be soon able to profit by it." The extracts lately given from Dr. Phelan's corre- spondence are evidently fitted to leave a far less lively impression than the just one, of the habitual frame of his mind and spirits. But they were for the most part written at times of illness and depression, and they have been selected for the express purpose of showing, that even then his feelings were such as one alike qualified to live and prepared to die would willingly cherish at the approach of " the inevitable hour." They were chiefly written to that bosom-intimate* by whose kindness I am enabled to characterize them in Dr. Phelan's own words : " I have laid open my reveries to you in the same rambling, unreflecting manner as if I had been thinking aloud, and by your fireside. To you I write of myself, because I am sure that what concerns me is not uninterest- ing to you. There is no one to whom I dare behave so." His last letter to his chosen friend, written on the 29th of May, just seventeen days before his death, has these words — a characteristic close of such a correspondence — " I have been greatly cheered by your last two letters, and I look forward with impatient anxiety to your promised visit. The circle of our friends narrows so fearfully as we proceed in life, that the aflections gather, with intensity of regard, round the few that remain within the little inclo- sure.— W. P." In April, 1830, his brother,t who for nineteen years had with anxious fondness been watching each expressive variation of his countenance, saw in it, on his return to the country, the signs of fast-approaching dissolution. * Tlie Rev. Richard Ryan. t The Rev. James Phelan, then Cm*ate of Killyman, now Prebendary of St. Audoen's, Dubhn. OF WILLIAM PHELAN, D.D. 57 On May the 24th, he went to the Chapel-in-the-woods, one of the churches of Ardtrea, nine miles distant from the rectory, to hold a vestry. The day was wet and tempestuous ; he sat for several hours in damp clothes ; and, as might have been anticipated, took a severe cold. On the 28th, the injurious effects became sadly apparent: a distressing cough, extreme difficulty of breathing, total sleeplessness, impossibility so much as to lie down. Mrs. Phelan, finding that the means prescribed wrought no abatement of suffering, now proposed that he should go to his brother's at Killyman ; for she had often been led to remark that the society of that dear relative, in his affection for whom were blended the feelings of a brother, a father, and a friend, had commonly a salutary effect upon his health and spirits. He went accordingly. On entering the house, he first saw Mrs. James Phelan, towards whom he had ever felt and showed the truest brotherly affection. To her he said, with that playful seriousness which in him was quite characteristic, " Harriette, I am come to die with you." This was on the 6th of June. For the next three days, in the course of which he took two airings in an open carriage, some hopes were entertained of his recovery; his cough was more infrequent, his breathing less embarrassed, and he had a little sleep. But, on the 10th, all the old symptoms returned, with aggravation ; and a new symptom appeared, which seldom fails to prove an immediate fore- runner of dissolution. Still, however, on the 11th, he ventured, supported by his brother, to take a short walk in the garden ; and next day he was up a little while. But at nine o'clock a.m., on Sunday, June the 13th, he Ilis death. expired, without the slightest struggle. To the last he retained full possession of his mental powers, and exercised with unabated vigour the kindliest of human affections. Nor is it presumptuous to hope, that through the merits and mediation of a Divine Redeemer he is gone to that state where the aspirings of a purified spirit 58 BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir shall not be weighed down by the pressure of a mortal body.* It inay perhaps be expected that the writer of this Memoir should add somewhat in the way of character. But he trusts, that from almost every page may be collected his estimate of this excellent and extraordinary young man. And, happily, Mrs. Phelan has put into his hands a paper, drawn up by herself, the faithful result of fifteen years' intimacy with his whole mind and heart. This I will give almost as 1 received it, and I think its beautiful simplicity far more eloquent than the most laboured panegyric. Here, then, I close my biographic labours. And I cannot but express my fervent wish that many may be induced, not merely to admire, but to emulate the virtues and the spirit of Dr. Phelan. For my own part, I feel that my responsibility is in no slight degree increased by the long and close inspection of such mature goodness. JOHN LIMEIIICK. East-Hill, Wandsworth, Ma)/ 21, 1832. * At four o'clock in the afternoon, of June 15, 1830, his remains were deposited in a vacant space, where the old church had formerly stood, in the grave-yard of Killyman. A numerous body of clergy, and a vast concoui'se of people, assembled at the fimeral. His brother, the Rev. James Phelan, and his brother-in-law, the Rev. J. H. Stubbs, were mourners. The funeral-service was read by the Rev. Richard Homer, Rector of the neighbouring parish of Driunglass, who pronounced a very instructive and affecting address at the grave. OF WILLIAM I'HELAN, D.D. 59 MRS. PHELAN'S PAPER. On looking through his earliest manuscripts, it is evident Mrs. Phe- how entirely from the beginning his mind was directed i-gferrecUo' towards the one great end of our being. Even in these P- 58. unfinished papers it is an office of delightful interest to trace the progressive history of his fine mind — to see it, from tenderest youth to maturest manhood, con- tinue to expand and give forth fresh promise, till at length it burst forth from its earthly incumbrance, as we may humbly trust, to enjoy heavenly converse in a state of unalloyed purity. His many note-books, and even the smallest shred of written paper left behind him, testify the fulness of that mind, and its ever-budding freshness, each beautiful thought seeming to contain matter for a volume. While inspecting such documents, my heart is lifted up in adoration of the great Creator, who alone can give such faculties to man, with the power and the will to use them. The sweetness of his domestic qualities shone in beam- ing tenderness through his manly nature, rendering him in all seasons, whether of labour or repose, a most delightful companion. Delicacy of constitution, and unintermitting devotedness to literary pursuits, enhanced his natural love of home-quiet, but never for a moment relaxed his ever-working powers of thought. Except when labouring under very distressing illness, he was not merely cheerful, but animated, and full of the 60 , BISHOP jebb's biographical memoir joy even of childhood. Often have I seen liim, after dancing and singing with his little children, suddenly throw himself into his chair, take up his note-book, and write, exclaiming, " I have worked up a good thing for my book." And thus frequently some of his happiest and most exquisite thoughts suggested themselves to him amidst the full enjoyment of his delighted little family circle. Abstractedness, therefore, so usual an accompaniment of literary habits, was never to be detected in him. He was present to everything, always ready to take a part in conversation, and felt a lively interest in whatever was going forward. Even when engaged in the closest and deepest application, his intercourse with his family was not suspended ; the amusements of his children did not interfere with him ; their presence and enjoyment gave him pleasure ; reading aloud interrupted not the train of his thoughts ; music seemed almost to assist him ; and, in the midst of intense study, he would pause to answer the simplest question, in a manner equally full of en- couragement and affection. But whenever information of an instructive kind was asked for, he delighted especially in giving it, and never failed to do so in that happy style of brevity and clearness for which he was remarkable, replying with readiness and interest, as if the particular subject in question had exclusively engaged his thoughts ; and on such occasions his countenance and manner told what pleasure he felt in communicating knowledge. Indeed, whenever he spoke his air was animated and joyous ; and so thoroughly was information, at once general and deep, diffused throughout his mind, that he viewed the most ordinary subject in an uncommon light, and unconsciously excited new trains of thought in the minds of those around him. In his hours of necessary relaxation he ever combined wit with instruc- tion, and philosophy with mirth, and playfully imparted those treasures which he had laboriously accumulated by OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 61 severe study. Above most other men he possessed the happy faculty of teaching, without appearing to dictate ; and he continually enlightened the circle which revolved, around him, unconscious that he was himself the luminary in whose beams they were rejoicing. His general manner was simple and unpretending ; he never assumed the air of conscious superiority ; but, " possessing that prime knowledge which consists in knowing how little can be known," he was at all times too deeply occupied with the beauty and tendency of the idea to dwell for a moment on its mere origination. The same unaffected demeanour marked him whether in the pulpit, in private discussion with his friends, or in the more general conversation of mixed society. I never heard him speak on any subject, whatever its apparent difficulty, without feeling that I could, in some degree, at least, find my way through it. Such was his lucid clear- ness, and concise, though beautiful method of reasoning. And perhaps the best evidence of a great mind is that power of simplifying food for the feeble-minded. Devotion to his beloved studies, but too often, and in many ways, affected his bodily health. At one period he became subject to a distressing complaint in one of his eyes. To this, however, he never yielded, till acute pain made it indispensable that the organ should have rest. At these times he was in the occasional habit of dictating: from the stores of his mind tliat which another reduced to writing. In the latter years of his life he had repeated attacks of this nature, succeeding each other with so short a respite between, that, but for that active energy of mind which never forsook him, he must have sunk under mere physical depression. When suffering in this way, he has often dictated various portions of his works, arranging long passages in his mind, as he walked through the room, and repeating them with great accuracy and clearness, while one of his family wrote them, down for his future correction. And at times, whesn.abJetQiUs^e his eyes, but 02 BISHOP jerr's biographical memoir much Imrried in composition for the press, he has worked double tides ; at once dictating to an amanuensis, and rapidly penning some other part of the same treatise. It has been well observed of him, that "he lived two lives in one." The quickness of his apprehension enabled him to acquire knowledge in a far shorter space of time than most persons ; while this faculty served but to stimu- late his exertion, and excite an appetite for fresh informa- tion, never to be satiated in the present stage of existence. In his favourite study of theology he laboured, with a persevering ardour perhaps seldom excelled or even equalled. And the result gives a fresh instance of tlie fact, that a sincere and humble search after truth, directed by a clear intellect, and aided by solid learning, is always productive of a self-conviction which, generally, draws others to the same belief. In fact. Dr. Phelan had read more tlian enough to unsettle the minds of many acute, but unballasted, unstable, half-thinkers ; while, to him, inquiry never failed to produce a deeper and moi'e prin- cipled conviction of the great truths of the Gospel. No person, indeed, could be more deeply impressed with a sense of man's utter helplessness, in his unassisted state. Therefore the humility of his faith was of the most profound character. But he felt what noble things restored and re-created man is capable of, and intended for. There- fore he continually aspired, through Divine grace, after the renovation and improvement of his fallen nature. His conception of our Lord's character was so perfectly lovely, that, where we might have dreaded to approach, we are attractively drawn forward, and gratefully behold Divinity itself embodied in the Redeemer of our souls. By ever keeping before him this model of perfection, he was gradually becoming conformed to His image ; and he truly, and habitually, " walked humbly with his God." For two or three months previous to his final separation from us in the flesh, the idea of his own approaching disso- lution seems to have been familiar to him. I had an oppor- OF WILLIAM PIIELAN, D.D. 63 tunity of observing this, especially at one particular period, when, from a recent confinement, and the interdiction of all study, he became acutely nervous and sensitive. About that time, too, he was seized with an alarming numbness in one of his arms, attended by a shock similar to that of paralysis. During the continuance of this attack, which lasted about an hour, he appeared to undergo a great mental struggle, the agonizing conflict bringing tears to his eyes. At length, the power having returned of shaking off this weakness by a violent eiFort, he was quite overcome by the gracious relief, and immediately withdrew to his own room, where he remained alone for upwards of an hour. Then he rejoined his family, with more than his usual cheerfulness, and with a heavenly serenity, which seemed newly given to him. The last week of his mortal being cannot, while I remain after him, be severed from my thoughts ; the recol- lection of it fills me with heartfelt gratitude to the Most High. From the great difficulty of breathing under which he laboured, it was a period of ahnost unintermitting suffering ; fits, nearly of suffocation, came on continually during the night, frequently, too, during the course of the day. But his equanimity, patience, and reliance on the Divine Mercy never for a moment forsook him. His resignation to the Divine will was meek and unvaried ; his whole manner showed this ; and the few consolatory words which at any time he uttered, were evidently designed but to relieve the agonized feelings of those who witnessed his sufferings. The night before his departure, he called me to his bedside ; and, in the beginning of his little address, his countenance and manner bore an almost playful anima- tion. I am now fully persuaded that glimmerings of the glory so soon to be revealed were, at that moment, dawning on his mental sight, and even giving him bodily ease, while he spoke to me these comforting words : — " I am greatly relieved by the bleeding, thanks be to God ! And, though I have, indeed, had a very violent &i BISHOP JEBB's biographical MEMOIR, ETC. attack, yet I feel as though I had still a sufficiency of strengtli, with God's help, to bring me through. And now go over, and lie down in your bed with a full confidence in the power of the Almighty. I will call you to me, when necessary. Pray for me, giving Him thanks for all His mercies to me. There never was any one who had more abundant cause for humble gratitude." Then, nearly exhausted, his words gradually became indistinct ; and, from mental prayer, he sunk into a calm and childlike sleep. These were the last words of conse- quence I ever heard him utter. But if, at any time, upon its separation from the body, a spirit has been blessed with a foretaste of immortal peace — and if it be not presumptuous to indulge in the delightful confidence — may I be enabled to rest in sure and certain hope that his soul is numbered with the blessed ! M. P. 65 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Sine ii'a aut studio, quorum causas procul habeo. It is very frequently said, that the evils with which Ireland Irish is unquestionably afflicted have arisen from the vicious policy of her more powerful neighbour. This opinion, first advanced by men who endeavoured to divert the atten- tion of the public from the true causes of our distress, has gradually made its way into better company. If, indeed, its merits were sufficiently examined, by comparing the state of the two countries, and by computing the years of their political connexion, its truth would cover the ignominy of its origin, and Irishmen of all parties would have reason to complain. Many circumstances, however, are to be taken into the account, which people of a warm and generous temperament, who have read of much calamity, witnessed much suffering, and perhaps, in their own persons, experienced some harsh disability, are liable to overlook. The following pages will not have been written in vain, should they induce any such to consider these few but important questions : — What portion of our misfortunes is imputable to the crown or parliament of England ; whether the local English government introduced new grievances, or merely omitted to remove old abuses ; whether this omission arose from culpable neglect, or, on the other hand, from necessity, from principled forbear- ance, and from respect, however erroneous, for the supposed rights of others. 66 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Not the result of English power. Ireland in the 6th, 7th, and 8th centu- Ancient Without proceeding minutely into these inquiries, it \vill be enough, in this place, to state one general propo- sition — that the great source of Irish misei'y has been, not the ponder of England, but its tcant of power. From the first connexion between the islands, to their legislative union, two local oligarchies, fiercely opposed to each other, but waging emulous hostility against the public welfare, fill a large space in our melancholy annals. Liberty and good order were equally the objects of their dislike : they intercepted from the sovereign the allegiance of his subjects, and from the people the protecting care of their prince, and the blessing of impartial laws. Thus the country was exposed to a long succession of misfortunes, which its nominal monarch, the remote and unheeded colleague of domestic tyrants, might deplore, but was unable to prevent or to remedy. Absenteeism, the freehold system, and the abolition of our colonial legislature, have greatly reduced the power of the more ancient of these factions,* the landed aristocracy : a brief account of it will be no unsuit- able introduction to the history of its triumphant rival. There is good reason to believe that in the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, the Irish were possessed of a respect- able share of those benefits which result from industry, laws, and literature ; with perhaps as much tranquillity, public and private, as was enjoyed by Greece at its most brilliant period. But, amidst the rapine and massacre of the three following ages, their spirit and their imperfect civilization sunk together, beneath the ferocity of the northern Corsairs. The degenerate race which now appeared inherited the mingled vices of their fathers and their enemies ; the grossness and turbulence, without the generosity, of barbarians ; the corruptions, without the arts, of more cultivated life. At the date of the arrival of the first English adventu- * That is, so far as it teas a faction : it has, indeed, been reduced con- siderably below its constitutional level.' 1 Written a.d. 1827.— Ed. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 67 rers, every chieftain, from the dynast of a province, to petty sub- the tiny potentate of a reahn which might be enclosed t ^jf^j ^ within a modern barony, was a king. The annual claim of his superior lord was settled, according to circumstances, by a tribute or a battle ; but, within his own territory, he exercised all the powers of barbarous royalty. By a custom which seems to have at once extended from the Himalaya mountains to the Atlantic, he was sole proprietor of all the land in his sept : the clansmen held their portions during the pleasure of their chief ; and there were some national usages which added to the uncertainty of this precarious tenure. All dignities were elective : vacancies were made, and elections carried, most frequently by the sword ; so that every change of masters, in every tribe, threatened, if it did not cause, a new partition of lands. No special claims to inheritance were derived from primo- geniture, legitimacy, or kindred. Upon the death or emigration of a vassal, his holding reverted to the common stock : on the other hand, as youtlis grew to maturity, or as strangers became naturalized, the older occupants con- tracted their bounds, to make room for the new settlers. These eternal fluctuations had their full effect upon the Effects of face of the country and the character of the people ; there "^'^^ship, was no motive to industry, no spirit, except for turbulent adventure ; cultivation was limited to the demands of nature and the landlord, and the fertility of the soil was abused by a wretched system of husbandry.* A distinction was acknowledged between a slave and a freeman ; but it seems to have denoted no other difference than this, that * It was one of the articles of impeachment brouglit in 1613 against tlie Ploughing lord-deputy Chichester, that his officers levied a fine on the \ris\ for with horses ploughing with horses hy the tail. (See Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, vol. i.) •^ In 1648, it was one of the articles of peace with the Duke of Ormond, " that two Acts lately passed in tliis kingdom, the one prohibiting the ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other prohibiting the buiTiing of oats in the straw, be repealed." Such was Irish patriotism in the seventeenth century, making a grievance of every measure that was calculated to promote comfort and civilization, or to raise the character of the people : such it is in the nineteenth. F 2 GS INTRODUCTORY CIIArTRR. tlic freeman had the riglit of clioosingliis tribe : in choosing tJial, he chose his master. Excliulcd from landed property, by a selfish despotism, and from commercial wealth by the circumstances of a country, which had no money, no trade, and few manufactures, all who could not boast of princely blood were condemned to a state of hopeless dependance. The lords had neither the intelligence, nor the generosity, to give liberal institutions ; and the Brehun Code, minute in its decisions between vassal and vassal, had not ventured to restrain their licentious misrule. Ireland had no towns, except a few sea-ports, which were still in the hands of the Danish enemy ; there were, therefore, no corporations to diversify the bleak uniformity of feudal barbarism, to plead a chartered exemption from servitude, or to reflect the dangerous image of plebeian rights.* Ilennll, Such was the system of the Irish chieftains whom Henry the Second found here ; and thenceforward, until the reign of James the First, by whom their power was finally broken, it continued rather to degenerate than improve. Cliaractcr- * These are the more palpable and prominent facts, as they are presented istics of by history ; yet we miist not forget that, in a very great degree, things are Irish &o- jjg tijgy arc felt. A. family man woiild say, that such a state of society could ^ ' afford no fireside comforts ; a statesman, that it was eqvially adverse to national greatness : both would say truly, but not the whole truth. It had its own attractions for a people, as the Irish were, as they are at this day, of few and simple wants ; strangers to the spirit of trade ; castle-builders without forethought ; convivial with their equals ; aspiring to famiharity with their superiors ; reckless of danger ; Stoics in endurance ; Cynics in their wliimsical contempt of appearances ; Epicureans in their reUsh of the passing liom* ; and full of avcj and buoyant spirits, which shoot up, as some trees are said to do, the more vigorously, for the pressure of some uieumbent weight. By the law of Tanistry, every man of noble blood was eligible to the eliiefrie of his tribe. The law of Gavel-kind was equally liberal of fair promises to every vassal ; it gave him the chance of the great object of an Irishman's ambition, a lit of land} To be sm-e, it could be only for liis ^ The change wrought in tliis respect would have been regarded as impos- sible if predicted fifty years ago, and to some even now seems ahnost miracidous. Irishmen fly from the land for possession of a portion of wliich they wilhugly braved almost every possible danger, and did not always hesitate at the commission of the greatest crimes. — Ed. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Through the whole of that interval, they submitted to an English monarch as they had done before to one of the Milesian line, with the same readiness, the same incon- stancy, and the same reservations. They acknowledged him as the centre of their federal union; a theoretic union, which their petty hostilities were constantly violating ; as a superior, whose pre-eminence they attested by a slight tribute or occasional military service ; and whose reciprocal good offices they looked for in their difficulties and disputes. This was the amount of his sovereignty : it could not, or would not, be understood by those sturdy lords, that he was to invade their precious right of mutual slaughter, or to mitigate the internal anarchy of their dominions. own life, but his sons could not hope to be better men than then* father, or look for better prospects than he enjoyed. In fine, in oiir Irish world, life was all a lottery, an adventui'c, a spirit-stirring uncertainty, in which a sanguine and elastic temper found enjoyment by snatches, and excitement always. The cup of expectation went rormd to every lip, and the visions which it conjured up were to be realized by the exercise of a smooth tongue and a sturdy arm, gifts in which the Irish were seldom deficient, and which were, in themselves, as much sources of self-complacency, as the good tilings to which they ministered were objects of desu'e. Besides, it must be remem- bered, that the vassals were the constituents of their chief and landlord ; a connexion not the less intuuate fi-om this circiunstance, that the hustings of those days were, for the most part, Hterally fields of battle. Thus, if harshly treated by the actual great man, they were sure to receive fi'om the asph-ant all the blandishments of a canvass ; and, whenever they covdd muster a majority of battle-axes, they might proceed, without further cere- mony, to a new election. This mutual cUentslup and interdependence between sovereign and subject, lord and serf, though a powerful element of commotion in the social chaos, must have greatly assviaged the sense, if not the reahty, of oppression. In particular, it gave rise to two domestic relations, which vmited, without confomiding, the upper and lower classes ; the noble gave out his children to be nursed by his retainers, and, in return, became baptismal sponsor for theirs. These two very innocent and very interesting customs oi fosterage and gossipred have been described by Su' John Davis in terms of rather absurd reprobation : at aU events, however alannmg to a pohtician, they wo\dd afibrd excellent materials for a novelist. We ought to have a writer of national tales. The Munster Farmer, Si qua fata aspera riunpat, Hie Marcellus erit. But he is belter employed. 69 70 INTRODUCTORY CIIAPTEU. Eiifiiish The great English lords were no less resolute than the I veil u- ii-[^\i ii^ their opposition to the sovereign, and their oppres- sion of" the people. Adventurers, of reckless and ferocious habits, distinguished from the worst of the native chiefs by nothing but their superior skill in the arts of predatory warfare ; they had conquered without the aid of the king, and were determined to govern without his interference. The honorary title of lord of Ireland excited neither their ambition nor their jealousy : perhaps they were pleased with the existence of a claimant, whose rank, while it placed him above competition, extinguished all pretensions to supremacy among tliemselves, and whose residence in another country left their movements uncontrolled. These dutiful subjects claimed only to be the irresponsible deputies of their master, to enjoy the fulness of sovereign power, each within the circle which his sword had traced : and, from a multitude of causes, they were able to dictate the terms of their contumacious loyalty. Some of them, as the two great branches of the De Burgq family, the Geraldines of Kerry, and the Berminghams lords of Atlienry, renounced the language, laws, and usages of the mother country. They had been smitten with the barbaric circumstance, and unlimited sway, of the native chieftains : they became chieftains themselves ; assumed Ii'ish appellations ; and moulded their motley followers into the form of Irish tribes. Others, retaining the English name, and something of English manners, acquired, at a less price, nearly equal dominion. In the space of thirty years after the first descent, eight palatinates, comprehending two-thirds of the English settlements, were erected in Ireland ; there was afterwards added a ninth, the county of Tipperary, the splendid domain of the Earls of Ormond. Within these districts, the lords possessed all royal rights ; created knights, and even barons ; appointed their own judges, sheriffs, seneschals, and escheators ; collected their own revenues ; and held their own courts for the determination of all causes : without, they exercised the detestable prerogative of INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 71 waging civil war, in all quarters of the island. Armed with these enormous powers, they proceeded to reduce or exterminate their own countrymen of the middle class, who had presumed to set an example of comfort and independence. Many of these fled ; their lands were seized by the lords, and parcelled out among the conquered Irish, to be held on Irish tenures : many others surrendered a part of their property, in the hope of being allowed the quiet possession of the remainder ; but this grace was refused, and they were, gradually, broken in spirit and circumstances to the villenage of the native popu- lation. This was the state of things, in the aboriginal clans, in the revolted septs of Anglo-Irish, and, except within a few garrison towns, in the counties palatinate, from Henry the Second until James the First. Whether English lords or Irish chieftains obtained a temporary triumph, the mass of the people suffered equally ; their tyrants might change, but the tyranny was the same ; the domestic and almost indigenous tyranny of their own primitive customs. A Extent of level district round the capital, containing the small shires jul-^^c^c- ^ of Louth, Meath, Kildare, and Dublin, limited the range tioii = of the English law, the jurisdiction of the viceroy, and, except on some rare occasions, the ambition of the crown. Far from indulging schemes of more extended authority, the conscious weakness of royalty took refuge in a ludic- rous, but humiliating fiction ; all beyond this pomoerium was presumed not to be in existence, and in court language the land of Ireland was synonymous with the Pale. Of The Pale, the Pale itself, an ample stripe, comprehending a third, and sometimes half, of each county, was border land, in which a mixed code of English, Brehon, and martial law, and of such points of honour as are recognised among freebooters, suspended, for a season, the final appeal to the sword. Even between these penumbral regions and the castle of Dublin there lived some little despots, who, according to the turn of affairs, were counsellors, col- 72 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. leagues, or opponents, of the English monarch : and, so late as the reign of Henry tlie Seventh, the rebel Earl of Kildare was taken from the Tower of London " to govern all Ireland, because all Ireland could not govern the Earl." Henry Many circumstances had conspired to obtain for Henry the Eighth a general submission from the Irish aristocracy ; and his vigorous common-sense knew how to appreciate and improve the rare advantage. Cautiously abstaining from precipitate change, he allowed them the temporaiy use of whatever was most tolerable in their domestic customs ; and, in the meantime, endeavoured to prepare the multitude for the reception and enjoyment of more liberal institutions. He founded a system of national education ; the schools were to be under the direction of the clergy, and, through them, of the state ; the children were to be trained "to the good and virtuous obedience they owe their prince and superiors, and to receive instruc- tion in the laws of God, with a conformity, concordance, and familiarity, in language and manners, with those that be civil people, and that do profess and know Christ's religion, and civil and politic laws, orders, and directions." Queen But the haughty spirit of Elizabeth, and the scholastic iiazabc . jjj^giig(^t of James, were equally unfavourable to this temperate procedure. The former was impatient to crush the power of the nobles : she succeeded, and thus removed one formidable obstacle to the enfranchisement of Ireland, but the rising fabric of national schools was overthrown in James I. the concussions of thirty years of rebellion. The latter overlooked, or perhaps could not estimate, another and greater difficulty, which was thus left in its original force ; the difficulty arising out of the character of a race, in which barbarism had been ingrained by immemorial oppression. James unhappily mistook manumission for freedom ; he left the habits, while he abolished the usages, of the Brehon Code, and transplanted, all at once, the delicate and exotic blossoms of the English Constitution to a sterner climate and an uncultivated soil. This teme- INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 73 rity may be traced through the rest of the century, in a disastrous train of results and reactions ; in the great rebellions, the bloody retribution of the regicide army, the Act of Settlement, and the unnatural contest of James and William. When these horrors had cleared away, and the political horizon of Ireland once more disclosed a field for extended contemplation, its first appearance was sufficiently novel. Clans and palatinates had vanished ; the manners and, with few exceptions, the families of the old oligarchy of both races had become extinct ; the surface of society had been everywhere broken up, and arranged anew upon the English model ; and nearly the whole proprietary of the island was now a body of British Protestants, of recent transplantation. At a change so striking, one is prompted to imagine that the power and consequent responsibility of England may be dated, at least, from this era ; but the impression is weakened by a nearer survey. We can dis- Principles cover, beneath these superficial changes, the original calamity. principles of Irish calamity : a titular sovereign, a despotic aristocracy; a population debased, and unfit for freedom, if the laws had made them free. The new race of landlords, English and Scotch adven- turers of a revolutionary age, were surchaged with the spirit of the times and countries which had given them birth. Liberty, if not the ruling passion, was at least the prevailing cry, in the greater island, during nearly the whole of the seventeenth century : an undefined liberty, which the peaceful were willing to limit to freedom from oppression, but which the bold would interpret into free- dom from responsibility. It was only natural that these new men, soldiers of fortune, flushed with victory and pampered with its rewards, should cherish the most licen- tious signification. The liberty which animated their language and their conduct was a restless, petulant, and aggressive spirit ; liberty taJceji with others, as well as vindicated for themselves ; an impatience of restraint, and 74 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. an appetite for power. They professed, indeed, to respect England as their model, not tlieir mistress. Though the country of their birth, it was now a foreign state, whose interference would be an insult to their emulous love of freedom, and in the country of their choice they were Norceidcnt exempt from control or competition. On the one side, T iccrov there was no resident Viceroy to offend them by his harmless pageant of monarchy; on the other, the lon- gevity of the Colonial Parliament, and the necessary restrictions upon all civil franchises,* relieved them from annoyances of a more popular nature. Ireland had, as yet, no public opinion to shame them into circumspection ; and the constitutional forms which the crown had prema- turely given were a barrier against English influence, behind which they could pursue their domestic schemes. Thus, the circumstances from which tliey had risen, and those in which they were placed, combined to give them a mixed character, between the baronial insolence of their predecessors in Ireland, and the levelling intolerance of their more honest contemporaries, who sowed the seeds of democracy on the farther shore of the Atlantic. Ireland, under their government, was, in its relations with England, a separate, jealous, and almost hostile power; in its in- ternal economy, an abortive and anomalous lusus of political nature, partly a close borough and partly a plantation. The last flight of these adventurers had scarcely alighted upon the soil, when a novel species of patriotism, " a graft," as it is aptly called, " of English faction upon an Irish stock,"f shot out into a precocious luxuriancy of Parliament * A Parliament lasted for the life of the sorereign.^ It was proved by or 1 e o ^j^g evidence of Dr. Doyle and Mr. O'Conncll, before the Parliamentai'v tlie feove- , . ": reign. Conumttecs, that restrictions icere necessary. t " Memoirs of Captain Kock." 1 This continued to be the case till the passing of the Octennial Bill, post, p. 81. — Ed. INTKODUCTORY CHAPTER. 75 sedition. In the month of October, 1692, within one October, year from the surrender of Limerick, the Commons of Ireland rejected a money Bill, because it had not origi- nated in their House. Many of the Members were the well-paid followers of William ; the rest had been the destined victims of the sweeping proscription of his rival ; the supply was wanted, probably, to pay off the foreign army whose valour had contributed to raise or to uphold them ; yet the omission of a doubtful etiquette was fatal to the application of their patron and deliverer. The celebrated " Case of Ireland," which appeared six years after, led to another and more dangerous controversy between the colony and the mother country. Whatever may have been the merits of these now fortunately obso- lete questions, the daring and obstinate vehemence with which they were maintained by the colonists is abundant proof of the weakness of England. The mass of the popu- lation, dissembling their fierce and recently-exasperated animosities, were induced, for their own reasons, to favour the intrigues of their new masters : the murmur of independ- ence gradually swelled into a storm, until, in 1724, the era of Wood's halfpence,* and Swift's greatest popularity, it reached the uproar, if not the dignity, of a hurricane. But it was far from the intention of those who had excited the commotion, to brave the perils of independence : they had raised a popular clamour, that they might be em- ployed to put it down, and that the minister, alarmed for his own or the public safety, might acquiesce in that local despotism which they were labouring to establish. The device succeeded. " It required," as we are told by sir Robert respectable authority, " the superior good sense of Sir ^alpole. Robert Walpole, his conciliating wisdom, and the result of that wisdom, his pacific system, to effect what he did ; * After all due credit is given to the factious talents of Swift, it wiU still remain one of the mysteries of party, that not only Whigs and Jacobites, but Protestants and Eoman Catholics, should have joined in the outci-y, of ■which Wood's patent was the ostensible cause. 76 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. and it is a plain proof that he well knew, and duly esti- mated, the understanding and temper of those on whose regards Ireland, at that time, rested." These were the Whig aristocracy, whose character is described by the same writer as compounded of " a love of liberty, a thirst of dominion, the spirit of Cromwell's agitators, and a jealous anxiety to secure their new possessions." Walpole's pacific system was, in fact, a capitulation with the heads of the party, by which he surrendered to them the internal administration of Irish affairs, with those emoluments of place and patronage which limit the TheUnder- ambition of sordid minds. They were styled the under- ^ ^^' takers of the king's business — an ominous title, but most justly applied, " as, from education and from habit," said the late Lord Charlemont, " they were well fitted to pre- side at the funeral of the common-weal." The floors of Parliament were strewed with golden favours, which the chiefs distributed, in due gradation among the other lords and principal proprietors. Bounties were voted for the encouragement of agriculture and other local improve- ments, which, by a process well known to Irish nobles and their agents, returned in the shape of rent into the pockets of the bountiful : magistrates were raised above the laws: grand juries were invested with an indefinite and irresponsible power of taxation : places were multi- plied, in all the public offices, until the establishments of Ireland grew to a gorgeous magnificence, which mocked the poverty of the state, and the wretchedness of the people. In the mean time, the Roman Catholics, left to writhe under the atrocious code of the aristocracy, had leisure for reflection on their own folly, and the duplicity of those whom they had helped to aggrandize. Nearly thirty years passed away, during which the dominion of this oligarchy was unmolested. At length. Change of in 1753, the English Ministry repented their inglorious l°53"' abdication of the government of Ireland. They resolved to introduce a more liberal system ; but, aware of their INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 77 own weakness, or perhaps averse to precipitate changes, they at first spoke of no more than a rotation of offices among the Irish gentry. The undertakers, on tlie other hand, had by this time consolidated a very formidable power, and were determined to defend the bulwarks of their profitable monopoly. They presented to the minister a firm parliamentary array, which called itself the Fixed National Interest of Ireland, comprising in fact a majority of the great proprietors, which had been taught, by long possession and by the cravings of prodigality, to consider the gains of office as a species of private right, and every member of which, being himself the centre of a minor sphere of corruption, was supported, in his turn, by a host of retainers. A contest ensued, which, with the exception of a few intervals of exhaustion on both sides, was main- tained for nearly half a century. In its later stages, discipline improved both the taste and the tactics of the advocates of colonial tyranny ; flashes of genius gave occasional brilliancy to the dispute ; popular topics were adroitly pressed into the service of corruption ; and some unexpected incidents arose from time to time, which, even now that their importance is gone for ever, quicken the throbbings in the breast of every Irishman : but the first struggle of the aristocracy was one revolting exhibition of insolent venality.* It ended without any decisive result. Many of the minor placemen were dismissed from office ; but the phalanx was too extensive, as well as too firm, to * The pamphlets of the time and the party are preserved in two volumes, The under the title of " The Patriot Miscellany," which liad reached a fourth Patriot edition so early as 1756. Ireland had nothing, in those days, which could ^^^ ^^^' be called a repubUc, and the local despots had succeeded in shutting out all communion with the mind of England. Accordingly, there is a frankness of avowal in these pieces, which more recent patriotism has found it prudent to disguise. A complete scheme of pubhc profligacy may be constructed out of a few sentences. Thus : — 1. Rights of the Commons. " The recommendation to appointment is, apparently, the unalterable due of the majority of the representative body of the nation." — Second Letter from a Gentleman in the Country. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTFR. be broken at one effort, nor could persons be readily found in Ii'eland to complete the projected rotation. " The English Cabinet," says Mr. Hardy, " acted a wise and moderate part in checking themselves in mid career : they saw the difficulties with which they were surrounded ; and, though perfectly convinced of the obliquity of many who opposed them, they dreaded the too great success of those w^ho combated on their side." Upon the whole, the advantage, as well as the eclat, of victory inclined to the domestic Government : an earldom, with a pension of 3,000/. a-year for tliirty-one years, appeased the seditious zeal of the leader, and his principal associates were con- tinued in their places. " Thus," continues the writer Those who have ever seen Lord Clare's magniGcent sarcasm upon " the gentlemen who call themselves the Irish nation," wiU easily understand this language. To others, it may be expedient to observe that the counties, cities, and respectable towns of Ireland are very fairly represented at present by 100 Members ; that the Irish Commons consisted of 300 ; that, of the 200 borough Members discarded at the Union, more than half were the creatures of a few grandees. 2. Conduct out of place. " WiU the liigh-bom and not less high-spirited Protestant gentry of Ireland, always ready to draw their swords for, and devote their hves and fortunes to, the service of his Majesty {i.e., in modem phrase, his Majesty'' s Opposition) tamely look on while all employments, places, and preferments, are distributed among a set of minions and — ? " — Dedication on Dedica- tion. 3. Conduct in place. " Until the new plan (the rotation of offices) was discovered, the gentlemen of the House of Commons were even over-complaisant, and too cautious to give the least rub to the measures of the Court." — Anstoer to Candid Inquiry. " Such incidents in business as liad the least tendency to interrupt the quiet of the Session, were connived at, and passed sub silentio." — Dedication on Dedication. 4. A receipt for forming a Government. " You know that, in your country (Ireland), pubhc matters take their complexion entirely from the nding interest in the House of Commons ; that this interest must always have a few leaders at its head ; and that to support it, so as to carry on smoothly and peaceably the public business, the leaders must be invested with a power of gratifying and rewarding." — Letter from a Right Honourable in England, INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 79 above quoted, " the blaze which had been excited in 1753 was seen no more for a time. The chiefs who had fanned that flame were completely gratified by the Court, and had not the least inclination to indulge the public with such spectacles longer than suited their own sinister ambition."* The English Cabinet prepared for its next campaign A resident upon a more extensive scale of operations. It was ."* ^'^'^' resolved that Ireland should have a resident Viceroy, and octennial Parliaments. Changes highly acceptable to the body of the people, who had begun to look on with con- siderable interest at this conflict between their masters and a distant Power, which now for the flrst time was beginning to make itself felt in their local concerns. Both measures were justly dreaded by the oligarchy. The former they had already endeavoured to pervert into a grievance : — " How dangerous," cried one of their champions in 1753, " to intrust too much authority to any stranger, who, by constant residence amongst us, may possibly in time subvert the little remains of liberty we enjoy !"f But the latter was now so universall}'^ acceptable among those upon whose credulity they traded, that direct opposition was not to be attempted ; a system of coquetry was therefore devised, which furnishes no unamusing illustration of the liberality of more recent times. The whole story is thus told by Mr. Hardy : — " On the 22d of October, 1761 (the first day of the TheOcten- meeting of the new Parliament), leave was given to bring i^''"!^!'^- in the heads of a Bill to limit the duration of Parliament; but when, on the 9th of December following, it was moved that the Lord-Lieutenant would be pleased to recommend the same in the most effectual manner to His Majesty, the Motion was negatived by a large majority. This proceeding very justly awakened the suspicions of the people as to the sincerity of their * Mr. Hardy, as before, t "Answer to Candid Inquiry." — Patriot Miscellany, i. 138. 80 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. representatives, and the House, perfectly conscious that such suspicions were by no means vague or idle, thought proper to adopt the following very undignified, disingen- uous Resolution : — ' Resolved, that the suggestions con- fidently propagated, that the heads of a Bill for limiting the duration of Parliament, if returned from England, would have been rejected by this House, are without foundation.' — 26th of April, 1762. The progress of the Bill through the House in the subsequent session of 1763, was still more languid, and more calculated to awaken and keep alive every doubt and suspicion of the people. Leave was given to bring it in on the 13th of October, and it was not presented till the 14th of December following, nor reported till the middle of February. Nothing can more evidently mark the real disposition of the House towards this very constitutional Bill ; the people became more importunate than before, and the House of Commons once more passed the Bill, having, according to the usage of those days, sent it to the Privy Council, where the aris- tocratical leaders were certain it would be thrown into a corner ; nor were they mistaken. If they could have so long combated this measure in an assembly that had at least the name and semblance of a popular one, with what facility could they overthrow it in a select body issuing directly from the Crown, and where some members, not of one, but both Houses of Parliament, would, like confluent streams, direct their united force against it, with a more silent, indeed, and therefore more fatal current. The Bill being thus soon overwhelmed, nothing could be done till another session. Once more the people petitioned, and once more the House of Commons sent the Bill to their good friends the Privy Council, enjoying in public the applause of the nation for having passed it, and in secret the notable triumph that it would be so soon destroyed. But here matters assumed a different aspect : the Privy Council began to feel that this scene of deception had been long enough played by the Com- INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 81 mens ; and being, with some reason, very much out of humour that the plaudits of the nation should be be- stowed on its representatives, whilst His Majesty's Privy Council, by the artifice of some leaders, was rendered odious to the country, resolved to drop the curtain at once, and certified the Bill to the English Privy Council, satisfied that it would encounter a much more chilling reception there than it had met with even from themselves. The aspect of aflfairs was again changed. The Irish Privy Council had disappointed the Commons, and the English Cabinet now resolved to disappoint and punish both. Enraged with the House of Commons for its dissimu- lation, with the aristocracy for not crushing the Bill at once, and, amid all this confusion and resentment, not a little elated to have it at length in their power completely to humiliate that aristocracy, which, in the true spirit of useful obsequious servitude, not only galled the people, but sometimes mortified and controlled the English Cabinet itself — afraid of popular commotions in Ireland — feeling as English gentlemen, that the Irish public was in the right — as statesmen, that it would be wise to relinquish at once what, in fact, could be but little longer tenable, — they sacrificed political leaders, Privy Councillors, and Parliament, to their fears, their hatred, their adoption of a new pohcy, and, though last, not the least motive, it is to be hoped, their just sense of the English constitution. They returned the Bill, and gave orders for the calling of a new Parliament, which was dissolved the day after the Lord-Lieutenant put an end to the session of 1768. " It is impossible not to mention in this place an Anecdote anecdote which I heard from Lord Charlemont, as well as Qij^°jgf others. He happened at this time to dine with one of mont. the great Parliamentary leaders — a large company, and, as Bubb Dodington says of some of his dinners with the Pelhams, much drink, and much good humour. In the midst of this festivity the papers and letters of the last S2 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. English packet, which had just coine in, were brought into the room, and given to the master of the house. Scarcely had he read one or two of them when it appeared that he was extremely agitated. The company was alarmed. 'What's the matter? Nothing, we hope, lias happened that ' — * Happened ! ' exclaimed their kind host, and swearing most piteously, ' happened ! The Octennial Bill is returned.' A burst of joy from Lord Charlemont, and the very few real friends of the Bill who happened to be present. The majority of the company, confused, and indeed almost astounded, began, after the first involuntary dejection of their features, to recollect that they had, session after session, openly voted for this Bill — with many an internal curse, heaven knows ! But still they had been its loudest advocates, and there- fore it would be somewhat decorous not to appear too much cast down at their own unexpected triumph. In consequence of these politic reflections, they endeavoured to adjust their looks to the joyous occasion as well as they could. But they were soon spared the awkwardness of assumed felicity. * The Bill is not only returned,' con- tinued their chieftain, * but — the Parliament is dissolved ! ' * Dissolved ! dissolved ! Why dissolved ? ' ' My good friends, I can't tell you why, or wherefore ; but dissolved it is, or will be directly.' " Hypocrisy, far more disciplined than theirs, could lend its aid no further. If the first intelligence whicli they heard was tolerably doleful, this was complete dis- comfiture. They sunk into taciturnity, and the leaders began to look, in fact, what they had so often been politically called, a company of undertakers. They had assisted at the Parliamentary funeral of some opponents, and now, like Charles the Fifth, though without his satiety of worldly vanities, they were to assist at their own. In the return of this fatal Bill was their political existence completely inurned. Lord Charlemont took advantage of their silent mood, and quietly withdrew INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 83 from this group of statesmen, than whom a more ridicu- lous, rueful set of personages in his life, he said, he never beheld." If the passing of the Octennial Bill was calculated to Effects of reduce, ultimately, the power of the aristocracy, the -^2*?^ ' dissolution of Parliament enabled them, for the present, to maintain a furious contest. While those rueful mal- contents, who had been for ever ejected, were employed out of doors in swelling the clamour against English tyranny, the more wealthy, who had purchased re-admis- sion, went in, resolved to avenge or to recompense their losses. Of more than two hundred borough members, a considerable majority were the vassals of titled chief- tains, who could now, without waiting for the tardy demise of the Crown, or exposing their venal retainers to too long a temptation, recruit the ranks and revenues of opposition. In the new Parliament the disputes which had agitated the reigns of William and Anne were revived, and attended with similar results. A money Bill was introduced, according to the constitution, from the Privy Council into the Commons ; it was rejected, in conformity to the rules of that assembly ; and the Viceroy, like his predecessor of 1692, entered his disregarded protest upon the journals of the Upper House. Mr. Grattan trod in the steps of Molyneux, with higher fame and fortune than his more moderate precursor, and Ireland was shaken by another storm of independence. But though the chiefs affected to guide themselves by precedent, the independence at which they aimed was of a more refined and perilous character than any which had yet stimulated the desires of the Anglo-Irish. Of separa- tion, indeed, they did not think, and for the same good reasons which during six centuries had deterred their predecessors from refusing a nominal homage to the Crown of the mother country. Like them these modern lords sought the uncontrolled management of Irish affairs, and the protection, without the restraint of England ; but G 2 84 INTRODUCTORY CIIArTF.R. their views had expanded i'roiii nmiiicij^al regulations to questions of external and international poliey. They maintained that the Crown of Ireland was imperial, reserving to themselves the powers of administration, un- clogged by ministerial responsibility ; they demanded a free trade, of which they were to have the sole direction ; they insisted on a free Parliament, in both Houses of which, by themselves or their nominees, they already constituted an efficient majority. Men who could suppose that an English Cabinet would acquiesce in all these pre- tensions, or that, if England w'ere passive, their project would not be overborne by its own innate violence, must have been ignorant of human nature, as well as of the commonest maxims of statesmen. But however extra- vagant their scheme, the ferment which they had excited, and the earlier annals of their order, suggested an expe- dient which obtained for it a momentary and noisy triumph. In the bold, but apposite language of an orator of the time, discord sowed her dragon's teeth in the country, and the furrows bristled with armed men. The ancient clansmen seemed to have returned to life, in the more orderly array of a hundred thousand volunteers. This formidable reserve protected and invigorated the Parliamentary operations ; the colony was declared a nation, at the point of the bayonet — a bayonet which would not have been bloodless had the chiefs dared to try the liberty in vvhicli they affected to glory, or England to resent the insolence of her unnatural children. The aristocracy had now attained their objects, and would gladly have arrested the progress of revolution. But with the contempt observable in demagogues of all classes for the common sense and feelings of mankind, / they had inculcated principles which they feared to follow, and roused tempestuous passions which they had not the power either to gratify or to subdue. The reins of faction dropt from their hands, to be caught by a new race of patriots, whose humbler rank and bolder character made INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 85 consistency more easy, and whose headlong career filled some with consternation, while it sustained the excited enthusiasm of the multitude. The volunteers, from being The volun- the instruments of oligarchical ambition, came to be con- sidered, or to consider themselves, as " the armed majesty of the people;" and the people began to infer that poverty, subordination, and the payment of rents or taxes, were so many species of suicidal high treason. Conventionists, United Irishmen, and those to whom, Conycn- bv a rather capricious distinction, custom has appropriated 1 . . ^ , 1 n n . 1 t-i i- United the title or rebels, succeeded to the volunteers, in unpre- irishmen, meditated, but not unnatural order. Everything seemed to proclaim to the dismayed nobles the disastrous nature of the victory they had achieved. They had left but one bond of connexion between the islands — the diadem of the sovereign : its weakness had been already proved by the question of the regency, and were it to snap asunder, their ruin was inevitable. Thus fear at length banished these glittering illusions which had so long fascinated the Anglo-Irish aristocracy. But powerless and almost hope- less as they now were, they retained to the last moment the arrogance and the corruption which had ever been the ruling passions of the order ; they practised on the gene- rosity of tlie English Minister, while they panted for his protection ; and their Parliament was carried off by a surfeit of those good things on which it had battened for a century. Davis informs us of the old Anglo-Irish nobles, " that they could hardly endure that the Crown of England should have any jurisdiction over them, but drew all the respect and dependance of the natives unto them- selves :" * in precisely the same manner, from the Revo- lution to the Union, these Whig lords had obstructed all salutary communication between the people of Ireland and the centre of the British system. If, during that * " Discoveiy," p. 100. 86 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. time, the country was misgoverned — if it had darkness instead of light, and perturbation instead of order, reason would of itself suggest the conclusion, that the evil was not to be ascribed to the central power, but to the irregular influences of the interposing body. But we are not without more direct evidence. From the multi- tude of instances which might be adduced, two only, which will show how fully this last dynasty of our nobles had imbibed the spirit of its predecessors, can be inserted here ; stronger could not be looked for, and weaker would be superfluous. English After the Revolution, the old distinction of English and Irish: ^^^^ Irish, merged in that of Protestant and Roman Protestant ' o i /. i- • and Roman CathoHc. Names were altered, but the feelings, circum- Cathohc. stances, and character of the two classes experienced little change. One striking specimen, for each class, will illus- trate tlie conduct of the aristocracy : — 1. Towards the Irish, or Roman Catholic, population. Earlier policy. " For three hundred and fifty years at least, after the conquest first attempted, the English laws were not communicated to the Irish, nor the benefit and protection thereof allowed to them, though they earnestly desired and sought the same. They might not converse • or commerce with any civil men, nor enter into any town or city without peril of their lives ; they might not purchase estates of freehold or inheritance, which might descend to their children, according to the course of our common law. The natives, being in the condition of slaves and villeins, were more profitable to the lords than if they had been the king's free subjects. Those great English lords did, to the uttermost of their power, cross and ivithstand the enfranchisement of the Irish for the causes before expressed ; — wherein I must still acquit the • Crown and State of England of negligence or ill policy, and lay the fault upon the pride, covetousness, and ill counsel of the English planted here, which in all ages have INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 87 been the chief impediments of the final conquest of Ireland."* Later policy. We are told by Bishop Burnet, that, Bishop when the project of the atrocious penal code was sent over to London, in the shape of a Bill, for the royal approba- tion, " the English ministry introduced a clause which the Roman Catholics hoped would hinder its being accepted in Ireland. The matter was carried on so secretly, that it was known to none but those who were at the Council, till the news of it came from Ireland, upon its being sent thither. The clause was to this purpose, that none in Ireland should be capable of any employment, or of being in the magistracy of any city, who did not qualify them- selves by receiving the sacrament, according to the test act passed in England, which before this time had never been offered to the Irish nation. It was hoped, by those who got this clause added to the Bill, that those in Ireland, icho promoted it most, would now he the less fond of it, when it had such a weight hung to it.'' \ These promoters TheWlug of persecution were the Whig aristocracy, many of whom, Q^g^cj. persons of great wealth and influence, were Dissenters themselves, as well as extensively connected with the Ulster Presbyterians. Being enabled, some, by the wearing away of their prejudices, to comply with the sacramental test, and the rest, by their power, to elude or to defy the threatened consequences of refusal, they baffled the humane device of the Cabinet, and the Bill passed into a law. By the provisions of this nefarious Act, the Irish were once more cut off " from commerce with civil men," " from freeholds, inheritance, purchasing estates," or from acquiring landed property in any manner whatsoever ; in a word, they were brought back to that " condition of slaves and villeins,"]: which the hard hearts and narrow policy of * Davis, 84, 103, &c. t History of His oion Times, ii. 214. This, it will be remembered, is the testhnony of a Wliig. X To complete the parallel, their muids were left in that um-eclaimed state Bock. 88 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTKK. tlicii* old tyrants, of both races, liacl regarded as so profit- able. Ill our own times, the increase of population, and the struggling competition (too frequently, indeed, the mortal strife) for land and employment, have secured to the lords all that was profitable in the penal code, while, by consenting to its repeal, they have acquired, at a cheap rate, the doubtful praise of liberality ; praise which, if ever the crisis shall arrive (and they seem disposed to hasten it), they may discover to have had more than the bitterness of " satire in disguise." Captain The biographer of Captain Rock gives some valuable collateral evidence on this subject : — " The tithe of agistment, the least objectionable of any, as falling upon that class of occupiers which could best afford to pay it, was, nevertheless, considered, by the land proprietors (who were of FalstafTs opinion, that * base is the slave that pays,') a burden not fit for gentlemen to bear. They accordingly abolished it ; at the same time assuring the clergy, whom they thus despoiled of their most profitable tithe, that it was all for the ' Protestant * interest' they did so ; and handing them over, for their support, to the ' tillers of the land,' and to those wretched cottiers, the very poorest of poverty's children, upon wliich seemed best to coiTcspond with tlieir curumstances. King William, indeed, made an effort to revive tlie plan of national schools ; but, by that fatality which seems to thwart every measure intended for the real welfare of Ireland, his statute was never put into execution. A glorious opportunity has been given to the present Commissioners of Education ; ^ of the value of w'liich, to the country and their own good name, it does not appear that they are yet sensible. But it is not too late : they have only to fling aside sectarian prejudices, and to foUow the example of Mr. Brougham, who, with the magnanimity of genius, has done a great constitutional justice to the Chiu'ch of England. * Argmnents, if such they may be termed, of a somewhat similar kind were more recently put forth to justify the suppression of Protestant Bishoprics in Ireland, and taking away twenty-five per cent, of the incomes of the Irish clergy, — Ed. 1 A.D. 1827.— Ed. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 89 whom the burthen of the Protestant establishment has, ever since, principally lain. ** The consequences of this vote to me and my family, and the increased sphere of activity which it has opened to us, may be judged from the events of the last sixty years." — Memoirs, 132* * As evidence so unsuspicious must lielp to give credibility even to the Primate ■words of an Arclibishop, the following passage is subjoined from Primate ■t'Omter s Boulter : — " Without this tithe, there are whole parishes where there is no provision for the minister ; yet we do not desire to be judges, but that our rights may stand on the same bottom as those of other subjects, and the judges not be intimidated, by votes of either Hovise of Parhament, from domg us justice, if we seek for it. A great part of the gentry entered into associations, not to pay for agistment to the clergy ; and to make a common purse, in each county, to support any one there that should be sued for agistment ; and were imderstood by the common people, everywhere, to be ready to distress the clergy, all manner of ways, in their other rights, if they offered to sue for agistment, I have, in vain, represented to several of them that, in the south and west of Ireland, by destroying the tithe of agistment, they naturally destroy tiEage ; and, thereby, lessen the number of people, and raise the price of provisions, and render those provinces incapable of cari-ying on the hnen manufactm'e, for which they so much envy the north of this kingdom. It is certain that, by nmning into cattle, the numbers of people are decreasing m those parts, and most of then* youth out of busuiess, and disposed to hst in foreign service for bread, as there is no employment for them at home, where two or three hands can look after some hundreds of acres stocked with cattle ; by this means, too, a great part of our churches are neglected, in many places five, six, or seven parishes (denominations we commonly call them) bestowed on one incumbent, who perhaps, with aU his tithes, scarce gets an hundred a-year. And how far, and to what other piu^oses, such associations may in time extend, I do not pretend to judge ; but I find, in some coimties, they already begin to form associations against what they own due to the clergy, but they are encouraged by the success of this first attempt to go on to further steps. The humour of clans and confederacies is neither so well understood nor felt in England as it is here : some gentlemen have let theii' lands so high, that without robbing the clergy of then- just dues, they are satisfied their rents can hardly be paid ; and others faU in with them, that they may be able to raise their lands as high ; and the controversy here is, not whether the farmer shall be eased of an unreasonable burthen, but whether the parson shall have his due, or the landlord a greater rent. Some hope they might come in for plunder if the bishops were stripped." The emigrants, it must be observed, were neai4y aU of the Church of Protestant 00 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. And the late Lord Chavlcmont, a noLlenian, whose political creed docs not dinunish the vtilue of his acknow- ledgment, writes : — " At this time, 1761, when we were involved in a war with Spain, the Portuguese, then esteemed the natural allies of Great Britain, had warmly solicited some effectual and permanent aid from the English court, and a plan was formed to comply with their request, by suffering them to raise, among the Catholics of Ireland, six regiments, to be officered with Irish gentlemen of the same persuasion, and taken into the pay of Portugal. To this cfiect a motion was made in the House of Commons, by Secretary Hamilton, and supported by a torrent of eloquence which bore down all before it. The measure, however, was warmly opposed ; the danger was alleged of suffering so great a number of Catholics to be arrayed, armed, and disciplined, who, though in a distant and friendly service, might, at some unforeseen but possible crisis, return to their native land, to the manifest danger of the Protestant interest in Church and State. It was also said, that Ireland could not spare so many of her inhabitants ; that the south and west, where these recruits would principally be raised, were thinly peopled ; and that the cultivation of those counties would be checked, if not entirely annihi- lated. The bigoted zeal, which evidently appeared to be the basis of the opposition, undoubtedly added strength to my wishes. The loss of inhcibitants was not much ; the defalcation of three thousand men could scarcely be emigrants. England. The Roman Catholics clung to the soil,' with a tenacity alarming to the few who reflected on its cause, but higlily acceptable to that bhnd and rapaciovis prodigality which wished for a tenantry of " slaves and villeins." Thus the vote of the Irish Commons against the tithe of agistment was a double persecution of Protestantism ; on the one hand, banishing the laity ; on the other, shutting up the churches, and reducing the niimber of the clergy : by the combined action of these two causes, the Church and the State were despoiled of a most valuable population, in the south and west of Ireland. ' See note, ante, p. 68. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Dl supposed capable of anniliilatiiig the cultivation of two great provinces ; neither did they seem well entitled to the benefit of this argument, by whose oppression double the number was annuall}' compelled to emigration ; and it was but too evident, that a principle of the most detestable nature lay hidden under this specious mode of reasoning. The Protestant Bashaws of the south and west were loth to resign so many of those wretches, whom they looked upon, and treated, as their slaves." * 2. Towards the English or Protestant population. Earlier policy. — Sir John Davis quotes an Irish statute lothof of the 10th Henry the Seventh :— HenryVIL " Whereas of long time there hath been used and exacted by the lords and gentlemen of this land many and divers damnable customs and usages, which been called Coigne and Livery, and pay for their horsemen and foot- men ; and besides, many ifSurders, robberies, rapes, &c.; and other manifold extortions and oppressions ; by the said horsemen and footmen dayly and nightly committed and done ; which been the principal causes of the desolation and destruction of said land, and have brought the same into ruin and decay, so as the most part of the English free- holders and tenants of this land been departed out thereof, some into the realm of England, and other some to strange lands ; whereupon the foresaid lords and gentlemen have intruded into the said freeholders and tenants' inherit- ances, and setten under them in the same the King's Irish * lAfe of Charlemont, 67. Lord Charlemont passed an unnecessaiy censure upon these commoners, when he accused them of bigotry : his last sentence assigns an easy and adequate solution of their conduct. As every- thing is of some value which tends to set men right with each other, it may be useful to observe, that the earhest, the most disinterested, the only perfectly unsuspicious movements in favour of the Roman Cathohcs were made by men who conscientiously shrunk from imposing on them the responsibihties of civil power, as persons under the distm-bing influence of an external, and, possibly, hostile force. The great impulse was given by our late good monarch (George III.), who regarded all his subjects with the feeling of a Christian father ; the first measm-cs of relief were proposed, in Ireland, by Lord Charlemont ; m England, by Sir George Savillc and Mr. Dunning. 92 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. enemies, to the diminishing- of holie churchc's rites, the disinherison of the King and his obedient subjects, and the utter ruin and desolation of the land.'^ Coigneand In another passage, Davis writes thus: — " This most wicked and mischievous extortion was originally Irish ; for the chiefs used to lay bonaght upon their people, and never gave their soldiers any other pay. But when the English lords had learned it, they used it with more insolency, and made it more intolerable ; for this oppres- sion was not temporary, or limited either to place or time, but because there was everywhere a continual war, either offensive or defensive ; and every lord of a county, and every marcher, made war and peace at pleasure ; it became universal and perpetual, and indeed was the most heavy oppression that ever was used in any Christian or heathen kingdom, and therefore, vox oppressorum, this crying sin did draw down as great or grejtter plagues upon Ireland, than the oppression of the Israelites did draw upon the land of Egypt. For the plagues of Egypt, though they were grievous, were but of a short continuance. But the plagues of Ireland lasted 400 years together. This extortion of Coigne and Livery did produce two notorious effects. First, it made the land waste ; next, it made the people idle. For when the husbandman had laboured all the year, the soldier, in one night, did consume the fruits of his labour : had he reason, then, to manure the land for the next year ? Hereupon, of necessity, came depopu- lation, banishment, and extirpation of the better sort of subjects; and such as remained became idle, and lookers on, expecting the event of those miseries and evil times. Lastly, this oppression did, of force and necessity, make the Irish a crafty people ; for such as are oppressed and live in slavery are ever put to their shifts ; and, therefore, in the old comedies of Plautus and Terence, the bond- slave doth always act the cunning and crafty part." We have a similar testimony from Baron Finglass, in the reign of Henry the Eighth : — " Item-. In the aforesaid manner for the lack of punish- douera. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 93 ment of the great lords of Munster by ministration of ■justice, they, by the extortion of Coyne and Livery, and other abusions, have expelled all the English freeholders and inhabitants out of Munster, so tliat, in fifty years past, was none there obedient to the King's laws, except the cities and walled towns ; and so this hath been the decay of Munster.^' Later Policy. — " The Londoners found the natives Tlie Lon- willing to overgive, rather than to remove ; and that they could not reap half the profit by the British which they do by the Irish, whom they use at their jjleasure, never looking into the reasons which induced the natives to give more than indeed they could ivell raise, their assured hope that time might, by rebellion, relieve them of their heavy landlords, whom, in the meantime, they were contented to suiFer under, though to their utter impoverishing and undoing. Thus they slighted, for their private profit sake, the planting of religion and civility (the seeds of peace and plenty), which his Majesty especially sought to sow for God's service, and the safety of the country. So as what his Majesty intended should have been a terror to his enemies for looking into that kingdom, is now become a bait to invite them thither, where the chief tenants and inhabitants, being Irish, are prepared to entertain them." — Sir Thos. Philips s Letter to Charles the First. Harris'' s Hibernica, vol. i. Similarly in Pinner's " Survey of Ulster." " No. 13^.— The Earl of Castlehaven hath three thou- sand acres. Upon this proportion there is no building at all, neither freeholders. I find some few English families, but they have no estates, for since the old Earl died, the tenants, as they tell me, cannot have their leases made good unto them unless they will give treble the rent which they paid, and yet they must have but half the land which they enjoyed in the late Earl's time. All the rest of the land is inhabited with Irish." And again.:— " Nos. 133, 134, 135. — The Earl of 94 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Rejection ot I'rotcst- ant ten- ants. Potatoes. Castlehavcn hath six thousand acres. The agent of the Earl showed me the rent-roll of all the tenants that are' on these three proportions, but their estates are so weak and uncertain that they are all leaving the land. There were in number sixty-four, and each of them holds sixty acres. The rest of the land (two thousand one hundred and sixty acres), is let to twenty Irish gentlemen, con- trary to the articles of plantation, and these Irish gentle- men have under them about three thousand souls of all sorts." It will be remembered that the " Irish gentlemen," and those English who followed their example, continued to force a barbarous system of husbandry upon the poverty of their wretched retainers. Thus we find in Pinner :—" No. 160.— Tirlagh O'Neil hath four thousand acres. He hath made no estates to his tenants, and they all do plough after the Irish manner" A century after the Great Rebellion, we find the aristo- cracy pursuing the same heartless and perilous career. A pamphlet, published in the year 1746, gives the following account of the landlords of the day — the same men, it will be observed, who plundered the clergy for the good of the Church : — " Popish tenants are daily preferred, and Protestants rejected, either for the sake of swelling a rental or adding some mean duties which Protestants will not submit to ; but the greatest mischief in this way is done by a class of men whom I will call land-jobbers. Land-jobbers have introduced for farmers the lowest sort of Papists, who were employed formerly as labourers, while the ]j»nds were occupied by substantial Protestants ; but since potatoes have grown so much in credit, and burning the ground has become so fashionable (a manure so easily and readily acquired), these cottagers, who set no value on their labour, scorn to be servants longer, but fancy them- selves in the degree of masters, as soon as they can accomplish the planting an acre of potatoes. One of this INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 95 description not being able singly to occupy any consider- able quantity of ground, twelve or twenty of them, and sometimes more, cast their eyes on a plowland occupied by many industrious Protestants, who, from a common ancestor, planted there, perhaps, one hundred years before, have swarmed into many stocks, built houses, made various improvements, and nursed the land, in expectation of being favoured by their landlord in a new lease. These cottagers — seeing the flourishing condition of this colony, the warm plight of the houses, but especially the strong sod on the earth, made so by various composts collected with much toil and care, and which secures to them a long continuance of their beloved destructive manure made by burning the green sward, — engage some neighbour to take this plowland, and all jointly bind themselves to become under-tenants to the land-jobber, and to pay him an immoderate rent. This encourages him to outbid the unhappy Protestants, and the great advance in the rent tempts the avaricious and ill-judging landlord to accept his proposal. The Pro- testants, being thus driven out of their settlements, transport themselves, their families, and effects, to America, there to meet a more hospitable reception amongst strangers to their persons, but friends to their religion and civil principles." " Notwithstanding this dismal relation of the evil con- Middle- sequences of so mean a traffic (for the truth of which I appeal to all who know the condition of the country), the present profit is so sweet, that many proprietors grudge the land-jobber his fag-rent, and are grown so cunning, that they set the land originally to the mean cottagers, and so take the whole price for a season, — not once reflecting, that their sons will not have by this ruinous practice an estate near so valuable as that they received from their fathers." " Some endeavour to excuse themselves by saying that Protestant tenants cannot be had. They may thank meu. 96 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. themselves if that bo true, for they have helped to banish them by not receiving them when they might. But it is to be hoped we are not yet so distressed. Those who have the reputation of good landlords, and eneouragers of Protestants, never want them. But there is a Protestcmt price and a Popish price for la7id, and he who will have valuable Protestants on his estate must depart from his Popish price. Here I fear the matter will stick. It will be as hard to persuade a gentleman to fall from one thousand pounds a-year to eight hundred, as it was to prevail on the lawyer in the Gospel to sell all, and save his soul." Establish- It is now easy to appreciate the policy of our great eel Church proprietors in the eijTliteenth century. The Established discoun- Z-^ . 1 ^ tcnanced. Cliurch was discountenanced for two reasons: its posses- sions attracted their cupidity ; its j^^hiciples laid the foundations of tlie public weal, in moderation on the part of the rulers, and on the part of the people in a regulated love of freedom, and a judgment exercised in the discri- mination of right and wrong. Protestants had a self- respect, a taste for comfort and independence, which rendered them unacceptable ; many of them fled from persecution, many of those who remained, deprived of the consolations of their own Church, broken in spirit and fortune, and attracted by those gregarious sympathies which act so powerfull}' upon persons thus reduced, sunk into the religion as well as the habits of their new asso- Impolicyof ciates. The Roman Catholics, on the other hand, were landl rds cherished as a tenantry; their lords perceived, or imagined, many advantages in the encouragement of a race whose desires had never been suffered to rise above the cravings of animal nature. It is a curious circumstance — one, indeed, which deserves to be recorded in the natural history of the mind, — that, while the aristocracy were thus multiplying their enemies, and banishing their pro- tectors, they trembled with the fear of an insurrection, which, as appears from the journals of the Irish Commons, INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 97 the priestliood was then organizing in favour of the Pre- tender. The Great Rebellion had warned them, that though the Irish might say with Zanga — " Boru for yoiu' use, I live but to obey you ; " they could, like him, treasure up the remembrance of all real or fancied indignities against a day of devastating retribution. Yet, in the conflict of base passions, the thirst of sudden gain and barbarous authority prevailed over terror, and the daily hazard of a servile war was preferred to that repose which encircles the mansion of an English landlord. Instances might have been readily found which would Famineand have given these remarks a more pointed application, pestilence. Unhappily, the annual cry of famine and pestilential disease which rises from three-fourths of our fertile island, and the annual emigration from every port of our Protestants to America, are facts which render it unnecessary to continue the sketch to the present time, — the subject shall therefore be dismissed with one further observation. Deprived by various circumstances of much of their local power, the great Irish proprietors have been diligent in building up authority elsewhere, and are now in possession of a commanding influence in the Cabinet and the Legislature of the United Kingdom. Passing events seem to render it probable that on tliem shall Ire- it will mainly depend whether Ireland is at length to land ruin have the benefit of English connexion, or whether orEno-laud Spenser's mournful prediction shall be accomplished, ^^''T'^^''. „ . . ^ Ireland ? and England shall experience the disastrous consequences of a connexion with Ireland. Which of these results is the more likely ? Already * has a Parliamentary Committee recorded its grave conviction, that the flood of Irish misery is overflowing upon England — a flood which has been caused by the system hitherto adopted, and which will continue to pour forth its desolating * Written in 1827.— Ed. H 98 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. waters, unless that system be for ever abolished. The course, therefore, which may be pursued henceforward is a matter of deep and awful moment. When one reflects on the mighty interests, spiritual and temporal, which appear to be involved in it, the words of the Jewish lawgiver, " Behold I have set before thee a blessing and a curse," are scarcely more thau applicable to the mo- mentous alternative. " A blessing," if by excluding foreign influence, by coercing demagogues, by allowing the growth of domestic enjoyments, by instituting a sound system of national instruction, and by supporting the exertions of the established clergy, they educate the people up to the appreciation of British privileges ; — " a curse," if they sacrifice the Church to a selfish liberal- ism ; if they debase the pure and elevated principles of the old English nobility by an infusion of the spirit of a colonial House of Assembly ; if they break up the hereditary comforts of the English yeomanry by the poverty, the squalid habits, and the ferocious combina- tions, which have so long been the disgrace and the calamity of Ireland. HISTORY OF THE POLICY CHUECH OF ROME IN IRELAND, CHAPTER I. FROM HENRY THE SECOND TO EDWARD THE SIXTH. The connexion of Ireland with the Crown of England a.d. 1155. originated in a compact l)etween Henry Plantagenet, The triple Pope Adrian the Fourth, and the Irish prelates of the ''°™P''^* day. This treaty would he memorahle if it had no other claim to the consideration of posterity than the hypocrisy, the injustice, and the mutual treachery of the parties ; but their views and pretensions, descending regularly to their successors, and exerting a constant influence upon Irish affairs, make it an object of nearer interest. Without attention to these, it is impossible either to unravel the history of Ireland or to judge correctly of its state at the present crisis. To the Pope, the transaction was fraught with un- mingled triumph. On the one side, an artful and refrac- tory sovereign, who had hitherto scandalized the faith of Christendom by his contumelious disobedience, crouched H 2 100 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. in abject submission before the cliair of Peter ; on the A.D. 1171. other, an island, beyond the limits of the Roman world, bowed to him as the supreme arbiter of her destiny, and quietly received a foreign governor at his hands. The claims of Rome to spiritual and to temporal authority in Ireland had arisen together about eighty years before. First advanced by the daring ambition of Gregory the Seventh, pressed by the wily pertinacity of his successors, admitted by the simplicity of some of the hierarchy and the corrupt poverty of others — they made slow and un- noticed progress, amidst the dissensions of a rude chief- tainry and the torpid ignorance of an enslaved population. Adrian now enjoyed the mature fruit of all these advan- tages, and challenged, without contradiction, the supreme dominion of Ireland. The chance of inquiry into his title or his proceedings gave the father, probably, but little concern. It was the age of the Albigenses ; all inquiry was heresy, and heresy was chastised by the sword of the crusader, — at least, his dear son Henry, who was to govern the island under him, would have enough both of power and motive to maintain the royalties of the Holy See.* He sent a ring of investiture to the English monarch, -j- together with the following letter : — * See " A Digest of Evidence taken before the Parliamentary Committees," Tol. ii., cliap. 2. Speech of t " Sir John Davis's ' Discovery of the true Cause why Ireland was the late never subdued,' page 15. In a recent speech at the Roman Catholic Asso- 11 ciation in Dublin, the following account was given of the landing of Henry to take possession of his new territories : — " It was on the evening of the 23d of August, 1172, that tlie first hostUe EngUsli footstep pressed the sod of Ireland. It is said to have been a sweet and mUd evening when the invading party entered the noble estuaiy formed by the conflux of the Suir, the Nore, and the Barrow, at the city of Waterford. Accursed be that day in the memory of all future generations of Irishmen when the invaders first touched our shores ! They came to a nation famous for its love of learning, its piety, and its heroism ; they came when internal dissensions separated her sons and wasted their energies. Internal traitors led on the invaders ; her sons fell in no fight ; her hberties were crushed in no battle ; but domestic treason and foreign invaders doomed Ireland to seven centuries of IN IRELAND. 101 " Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his chap. i. dearest son in Christ, the illustrious King of England, a.d. 1171. health and apostolical benediction. ^''P? , Adrians ruli laudably and profitably hath your magnificence letter to conceived the desire of propagating your glorious renown ^'^"'T ^^• on earth, and completing your reward of eternal happiness in heaven, while as a Catholic prince you are intent on enlarging the borders of the Church, instructing the rude and ignorant in the truth of the Christian faith, extermi- nating vice from the vineyard of the Lord, and, for the more convenient execution of this purpose, requiring the counsel and favour of the Apostolic See. In which, the more mature your deliberation and more discreet your conduct, so much the happier, with the assistance of the Lord, will be your progress, as all things which take their beginning from the ardour of faith and love of religion are wont to come to a prosperous issue. " There is, indeed, no doubt, as your Highness also doth acknowledge, that Ireland, and all the islands upon which Christ the sun of righteousness hath shone, do belong to the patrimony of St. Peter and the holy Roman Church. Therefore are we the more solicitous to propa- gate in that land the godly scion of faith, as we have the secret monition of conscience that such is more especially our bounden duty. " You, then, most dear son in Christ, have signified unto us your desire to enter into that land of Ireland, in order to reduce the people to obedience unto laws, and extirpate the seeds of vice ; you have also declared, that Peter's jJence. oppression." — Dubliti Evening Ifail, Friday, November 17. With the shght mistakes of 1172 for 1171, and of August for October, Mr. O'Connell's description is as accurate as, perhaps, it coidd have been rendered without injury to his eloquence. The independence of Ireland was not crushed in battle, but quietly sold in the synods of the prelates, those internal traitors to whom the orator alluded, but whom he was mxich too prudent to name. " The professed design of Henry's expedition," says Leland, " was not to conquer, but to take possession of an island granted lum by the Pope." — History of Ireland, i. 69. 102 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. you are willing to pay from each house a yearly pension A.D. 1171. of one penny to St. Peter, and that you will preserve the rights of the churches of said land whole and inviolate. We, therefore, with that grace and acceptance suited to your pious and praiseworthy design, and favourably assent- ing to your petition, do hold it right and good, that, for the extension of the borders of the Church, the restraining of vice, the correction of manners, the planting of virtue, and increase of religion, you enter the said island, and execute therein whatever shall pertain to the honour of God and the welfare of the land, and that the people of said land receive you honourably, and reverence you as their lord, — saving always the rights of the churches, and reserving to St. Peter the annual pension of one penny uj)on every house. *' If, then, you be resolved to carry this design into effectual execution, study to form the nation to virtuous manners; and labour, by yourself, and by others whom you may judge meet for the work, in faith, word, and action, that the Church may be there exalted, the Chris- tian faith planted, and all things so ordered for the honour of God and the salvation of souls, that you may be entitled to a fulness of reward in heaven, and, on earth, to a glo- rious renown throughout all ages." This conveyance was made to Henry in 1155, and by him communicated to the Irish hierarchy. The negotia- tion betvv'een them was conducted secretly for some years, until circumstances had effected a lodgment for the Eng- lish arms in Ireland ; the brief was then [1171] publicly read at the Synod of Cashel, with this confirmatory letter tory letter, from Pope Alexander the Third : — " Alexander, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dearly beloved son the noble King of England, health, grace, and apostolical benediction : Forasmuch as things given and granted upon good reason by our predecessors are to be well allowed of, ratified, and confirmed, we, well pondering and considering the grant and privilege for Pope Alex ander's conflrma IN IRELAND. 103 and concerning the dominion of the land of Ireland, to us chap. i. appertaining, and lately given by our predecessor Adrian, a.d. 1171. do in like manner confirm, ratify, and allow the same ; provided that there be reserved and paid to St. Peter, and England to to the Church of Rome, the yearly pension of one penny pence, out of every house, both in England and in Ireland : pro- vided also that the barbarous people of Ireland be by your means reformed, and recovered from their filthy life and abominable manners, that, as in name, so in conduct and conversation, they may become Christians ; provided, fur- ther, that that rude and disordered Church being by you reformed, the whole nation may, together with the pro- fession of the faith, be in act and deed followers of the same." Four years after [1175], these two edicts were again a.d. 1175. solemnly promulged by a Synod held at Waterford ; Henry was formally proclaimed lord of Ireland, and the severest censures of the Church were denounced against all who should impeach the donation of the holy see, or oppose the government of its illustrious representative.* From that period to the Reformation, the English monarchs, and the little Parliament of the pale, unable to maintain their pretensions by the sword, appealed to the sacredness of these Papal grants, and thus gave the * O'Connor's " Historical Address," i., 65, 86. Lanigan " Ecclesiastical History of Ireland," iv., 222. The Irish annalists of those days are fond of styling Henry the son of the Empress, as if the gi'andeur of the name con- soled them for the loss of independence. A French writer accounts for the coaUtion between Adi-ian, Henry, and the Irish prelates, in a manner not generally known. His solution partates somewhat of the levity of liis country, yet, at least m the present day, is not altogether \inworthy of grave consideration : — " Les Irlaindois, we voulant endurer leurs prestres sans avoir leurs femines avec eux, furent cette anne, declares rebelles et here- tiques par le Pape Adi-ian ; qui aussi donnoit charge au Roi d'Angleterre de les guerrouer a toiite outrance ; en vertu de qiioy, il mena ime armee contre eux, qui les subjuga, et contraignit de se sousmettre h, sa volonte." Vignier, quoted by Campbell ; " Strictures on the History of Ireland," 231. 101 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. weight of four centuries to an autliority which was A.D. 1175. viltiniately to he turned against themselves.* King The conduct of Henry, on this occasion, is a memorable Henrj' and ji^gfji^ce of the meanness and inconsistency of ambition, can. Cordially retvu'ning the hatred of the Vatican, and resolved to disencumber his crown of its patronage, he yet sought to entangle himself in new engagements to that artful court : he declared himself the vassal of the holy see, applied for permission to enter Ireland, and gave a faith- less assent to those humiliating terms upon which the pontiffs condescended to his desire. When he discovered that St. Peter had as yet but little influence in the internal affairs of Ireland, he defrauded the apostle without ceremony ; delaying, diminishing, or withholding altogether, the stipulated tribute, as suited his caprice or parsimonious convenience. -|- The good offices of the hierarchy promised to be of more permanent advantage, and their demands were treated with proportionably greater attention. Henry expected to find, in that order, a counterpoise to the power of the nobles, whether of Norman or of Irish race. The latter, possessing all the powers of sovereignty within their respective districts, had not paid to their native monarchs, and did not intend to pay to those of a foreign dynasty, any other mark of subjection than a slight and precarious tribute : and should any of the various motives which are covered by the name of state necessity, dictate the removal of these turbulent lords, the adventurers by whom that service might be effected would expect to conquer for them- selves, and not for their master. These were unpromising ministers for the settlement of his new province ; but it * Leland, ii. ; Appendix, note c. t The saint, however, or liis successor, contrived to obtain ample com- pcnsatiou from the clergy, who, in their turn, drew largely on the people. The Popes had a regular treasury chamber {Camera Apostolica) in Ireland, into which contributions, under one name or another, were daily flowing. IN IRELAND. 105 was reasonable to suppose that a spiritual aristocracy, of crap. i. which he hoped to have the exclusive appointment, would a.d. 1175. furnish some less unmanageable auxiliaries. Accordingly, Tlie spin- Henry made it his first care to provide a liberal establish- pracy ment for the Churcli.* courted. But the bishops did not limit their views by the conve- nience of their associates in this partition alliance. They had now, though at the high price of the independence of their country, purchased no inconsiderable emoluments for themselves. Their demesnes, which were ample, but hitherto exposed to the ravages of an unscrupulous laity, had at length found a protector : the claim of tithes, which, for some time, they had been endeavouring -|- to maintain by spiritual censures and the dogma of divine right, was henceforward to be enforced by the secular arm ; privileges, also, and immunities, such as, in those jubilant days of the Church, were enjoyed by the ecclesi- astics of the most orthodox regions, and a large share in the administration of public affairs, were the immediate results of their recent intrigues. A more dazzling pros- pect opened to them in the distance. They considered themselves rather the colleagues than the subjects of Henry, both parties being, within their respective spheres, the deputies of the same superior : if he wielded the temporal authority, they were to bear the other and more formidable of the two swords, which, at that period, belonged to the sovereign Pontiff. What was still more opportune, this lay governor and the supreme head would be necessarily absentees : the mass of the people, sunk in the stupor of feudal villenage, ;J; were incapable of taking a part, or feeling an interest, in political measures : the native chiefs, as it was easy to foresee, would continue to waste their strength in unmeaning quarrels among them- V selves, and new elements of division were now about to be * See " The Case of the Church in Ireland," letter i. t Lanigan, " Ecclesiastical History," iv., 146. J See Leland's " Introduction." 106 POLICY OF THE CllUIlCII OF ROME CHAT. I. introduced, by tlie inroads of adventurers from the other A.D. 1175. island : the ecclesiastics, on the contrary, had been recently organized into one effective body, upon the Roman model, and trained to the pursuit of a common interest.* Thus, everything conspired to flatter the prelates that, by unani- mity in their own counsels, and by a cautious balancing of the Pope, the King of England, and the nobles, against each other, the virtual sovereignty of the country might devolve upon themselves. It was but natural that men, whose order was their family, and who possessed so many tempting facilities for the prosecution of ambitious designs, should cherish these splendid hopes of its exaltation ; and, had they been as temperate in the use of power, as they were dexterous in its acquisition, there is little reason to doubt that their hopes would have been realized. But, though always bold players of their lofty game, they have Eome's seldom been judicious. They have borne up against dis- prudence appointments with a spirit which cannot be admired too lorgottcii \^ , "^ in pros- highly ; but prosperity has ever been a trial too severe for P^" ^' them, the first appearance of success generally betraying their purposes, and their arrogance never failing to defeat their intrigues. It would be unjust to deny that feelings of a more generous nature than those of personal or corporate aggrandizement might occasionally mingle with these sj^eculations. Their regards were no longer circumscribed within the precincts of their own island. They now stood by the throne of the Vicar of Christ, and were admitted peers of that mystical commonwealth, -|- which seemed entitled, by the extent of its jurisdiction and the awful magnitude of the interests it involved, to control all local and merely human authorities. In the more fortunate countries of Europe, the sentiments ;|l inspired by the persuasion of so high a calling were a source of much * Lanigan, iv., 18, 188. Leland, i., 10. t See the " Digest of Evidence," vol. ii., chaps. 1, 2, 3, 4. J See Note A. at the end of the chapter. IN IRELAND. 107 benefit during the middle ages, overawing the violent, chap. i. protecting the forlorn, mitigating the prevailing ferocity a.d. 1175. of manners, and supplying in various ways the defects of civil institutions. But, in Ireland, the circumstances which gave birth to Papal dominion were unfavourable to the production of these salutary results. The ascend- ancy of the Pope did not rest, as in other countries, upon the obligation under which he was supposed to lie, as the common father of Christendom, of enforcing the claims of religion upon mankind, and of incorporating all the faithful into one visible brotherhood. His pretensions were those of a feudal monarch ; pretensions which had an obvious tendency to secularize the minds of his eccle- siastical retainers ; which were felt, by the more intelli- gent among them, to be equally destitute of truth and of moral influence ; and which yet were maintained, from the same motives which have inspired the modern advocates of the miracles of Prince Hohenlohe. In the interval between the second and the eighth Monastic Henry, though at what particular seasons it is impossible ^*'g^'^'^* to tell, the Irish monasteries brought forth a strange pro- geny of legends, monstrous productions in the eye of reason, yet sufficiently attractive to a simple race, unlet- tered, unsuspicious, and possessing, or possessed by, that love of the marvellous, which still distinguishes their imaginative posterity. To reclaim the people from their schismatical indifference, and to impress them with devout gratitude to the partial Pontiff" who, while he swayed the sceptre of both worlds, took an especial interest in their welfare, was the common end of all these fables ; but the inventors differed widely in the explanations which they gave of the origin of this peculiar connexion between Ireland and the holy see. Some were content to refer to a donation of the Emperor Constantine, who was said to have bestowed all islands upon the successor of St. Peter; but this notion, although supported by the authority of several pontiffs, was displeasing to the national vanity. 108 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. and never became very popular. Others, following Pope A.D. 1175. Adrian the Fourth, discovered in the prophecies a divi/ie riglit to islands ; but this hypothesis, like the former, laboured under the disadvantage, that it did not account for the parficular tenderness which the Pontiff was sup- posed to feel for his Irish people. A third hypothesis was therefore framed, that a King of Munster, and some other chiefs had visited Rome as pilgrims, and, retiring from earthly cares to the holy tranquillity of the cloister, had surrendered their dominions to the apostolic see : even this had an obvious defect, for the Irish principalities, though hereditary in the family, were elective as to the individual. The fourth and favourite solution was, that, in the time of St. Patrick, the whole Irish nation, filled with gratitude to the Pontiff whose pious care had thrown open to them the kingdom of heaven, ceded their island, in full and jjerpetual sovereignty, to his see. It was maintained, by the more ardent advocates of this position, ITolv that the title of Holy Island, or Island of Saints, had been Island. prophetically applied to Ireland in Pagan times — a sure presage of the high destiny which awaited it, as the chosen patrimony of the holy father.* * The second of these four opinions is espoused by the titular Primate Lombard, who was private secretary to Pope Clement the Eighth : the third by his contemporary, the celebrated Geoffry Keating : the fourth seems to have been most popular in the times of Henry the Eighth and Elizabeth ; it was adopted in the former reign by Polydore Virgil, the collector of the Peter-pence, and in the latter by the Jesuit Sanders, the missionary of rebellion among the Irish lords. The hint of the prophetical name of " Isle of Saints" appears to have been caught from Festus Avienus, who professes to copy the Phoenician annals of the voyage of Himilco. His verses are — Ast hinc duobus, in sacrum sic hisulam Dixere prisci, sohbus ciu'sus rati est. Hfcc inter undas cespitem midtum jacit, Eamque late gens Hibemorum coht. J. K. L. seems to allvide to this in his third letter on Ireland, " when it pleased God to have an isle of saints upon the earth, he prepared Ireland Jrom afar for this high destiny." I do not remember any Irish, at least IN IRELAND. 109 Some generations must have passed away before the chap. i. easiest faith of the priesthood couki have believed in a a.d. 1175. title v^'hieh rested only upon fictions so contemptible, and there is very decisive evidence that its progress among the nobles was slow and unsteady. Had the pretension been accompanied by no other change than a transfer of their nominal homage from a rival chief to a formidable monai'ch, whose power placed him above all competition, it is probable that these rude lords, who had no idea of national interests, and whose sept was their country,* would have continued to regard it with the same indiffer- ence which marked their first reception of both the English and the Papal claims. But fables and dogmas were of small avail in reconciling men to invasion and to the novel tyranny of ecclesiastics. Little known in the reign of Edward the Second, disregarded in that of Henry the Eighth, the sovereignty of the holy see became thence- Papal su- forward more popular, until, in the times of the first Ireland. James and the first Charles, it was at length incorporated into the religious belief of the country. Some of the credit of this achievement may be claimed for the industry of the Jesuit missionaries : but the true solution is, that the antipathy to English rule, which had hitherto opposed the Papal claims, was now their advocate ; and the bull of Adrian proved more powerful, as an incentive to rebellion, than it had ever been as an argument for loyalty. The clergy, however, had abundant motives to animate the zeal of proselytism ; and, wherever the English arms any Milesian, writer, who acquiesces in the donation of Constantiae. Our national feelings have a natural, though not a very reasonable, soui'ce of gratification in the escape of our forefathers fi'om the Koman arms ; had the yoke of Imjjerial Eome fallen upon Ii'eland, the loss of hberty would have been compensated by arts, letters, general civihzation, and internal tranquillity. * Down to the last moment of the feudal system in Ireland, a man's triie was his nation : in the indentures of submission, executed in the reign of Elizabeth, even subordinate chieftains are styled heads of their respective nations. 110 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. were sufRcicntly strong to protect the preacher, the tem- A.D. 1175. poral and spiritual supremacy of Rome were inculcated together. The pious fraud was sanctified by its utility. Whatever emotions of awe and superstitious reverence might be gradually associated with the mysterious name of the Pope, would minister to the views, and swell the power, of tlie hierarchy : the Pope was to be the new idol of the popular worship ; the hierarchy were to enjoy the offerings of his votaries. It was easy to raise many profit- able doubts, as to the nature and extent of those functions, which the secular magistrate was now to administer in The dc- Ireland. The Governor appointed by the King of England puty o a yf^g^ at tiig inost, the deputy of a deputy, reflecting the distant splendour of royalty with a feeble and uncertain lustre : the prelates were nearer the fountain of honour and authority, and might, therefore, not unreasonably, claim superior consideration. But the Bulls of Adrian and Alexander had been framed with a provident ambiguity, which left it a very debateable question (whenever circum- stances might render it a prudent one) whether even so much should be conceded to the lay executive. The English monarch was acting under a commission, which, by prescribing a sphere of duty, at once conferred and limited power. He was the General of the Holy See, appointed to reduce its province of Ireland to a suitable state of obedience ; its Procurator, bound to secure the return of a certain revenue ; and the chief officer of its police, whose duty it was to aid the spiritual authorities, in enforcing their temporal privileges, and punishing schismatical or disorderly members. In fine, it might be said, with much less of special pleading than is generally used by the advocates of the Papacy, that his was an adventitious and instrumental power, introduced for specific purposes, and to be regarded solely with reference to their Ths hier- advancement. Not so the claims of the hierarchy (or, if a Ireland^ word may be invented, for which there is much occasion), of the hierocracy of Ireland. Their title was similar to IN IRELAND. Ill that of the PontifFhimself ; their office indissolubly united chap. i. to his ; their exaltation an indispensable part of the end a-d. 1175. of his government. They were his brethren, successors of the co-apostles of St. Peter; their divine rights were of the same indelible sanctity, not separated from his by any essential difference of nature, or even of order ; but faintly shaded off by evanescent tints, which perplexed the nicest scrutiny of infallibility. Upon the whole, it could scarcely be denied that, in the absence of the chief bishop, they were his natural representatives, upon whom those cares of government, which he had not expressly imposed on others, devolved with an obvious and peremptory propriety."* Cauon Accordingly, they proceeded with greater boldness than the prelates of other countries to extend their claims, from immunity to jurisdiction ; to establish their code of canons as the law of the land ; and to coerce even the heads of the civil executive with the severest penalties of interdict and excommunication. f Our records have preserved many anecdotes of those early ecclesiastics. A few are inserted here, both to illustrate the general view which has been given of their policy, and to prepare the reader for those more ample details which will become necessary as we descend from the era of the Reformation. Scarcely had Henry returned to his hereditary dominions, when the Bishops, presuming on the service which they had performed, began to embarrass and insult his Irish Government. It had been stipulated in Adrian's Bull, that the borders of the Church should be enlarged: an expression which does not signify that religion should be * The ease with which all supposed distinctions between the pontifical and the ordinary episcopal authoi'ity may be explained away, whenever circumstances require, is obvious from the memorable evidence of the Roman CathoHc prelates. J. K. L. acknowledges even the felicity of an expression of Cyi^rian, " that the episcopal character admits of no degrees, and that every member of the order has the same inherent fulness of spiritual right." — Defence of the Vindication, p. 81. t Leland, ii. 56. 112 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. propao'atcd, but that more broad lands should be given to A.D. 1175. ecclesiastics. And these prelates, " having sold the inde- pendence of their native country, and the birthright of their people,"* like most agents of that description, were impatient for their reward. Justly thinking that their own treachery stood higher on the scale of iniquity than the open aggression of strangers, they had looked for a pro- portionate share of the spoil ; and now, when they found or imagined their merits undervalued, they assumed airs of patriotism. A.D. 1179. Lawrence O'Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, was the Lawrence most conspicuous in this new character. After some years O'Toole. „ ^. , 1 T^ • • 1 11- ot ostentatious attachment to the xJritish monarch, this jjrelate appeared as his accuser, at the Council of Lateran, supported by a deputation of five other bishops. They had all sworn allegiance at Cashel ; and the King, suspect- ing their intentions, arrested their progress through England, and exacted a second oath f that they would do nothing at the Council prejudicial to his interests ; but the ardour with which they were now inspired overcame every obstacle. Some Irish writers J assert, that Lawrence obtained a revocation of the papal grant to Henry ; however that may be, it is certain that his complaints were loud and well received : " he exerted himself," says a contem- poraiy,§ " with all the zeal of his nation, for the privileges King of the Church, and against the King's authority ;" and the llenryand Popg jj^ acknowledgment of his eminent services, raised the Legate . . . ° . . — a hint to him to the dignity of apostolic legate. Thus armed with statesmen "^^^ pow'ers of mischief, Lawrence set out for Ireland ; but Henry wisely prevented his return, and the disappointed agitator passed the remainder of his days in Normandy. The monkish writer of his life, with that affected compas- * The mal-a-propos, but by no means unjust, language of J. K. L. — Vindication, 31. + Lanigan, vol. iv., 238. X O'SuUivan Beare's Catholic History, p. 62. § Giraldus Cambrensis, ut infra. IN IRELAND. 113 sion for the misery of Irishmen, which the sad experience chap. i. of so many centuries has not yet taught them to despise, ^•^- ^l'^^- gives these as his last words : — "Ah ! foolish and senseless people, what will now become of you ? Who will heal your sufferings ? Who will relieve you ?" This manifold traitor to his Church, his country, his native prince, and the sovereign of his own election, was, in due season, canonized ; and his saintly protection is still invoked by our titular hierarchy, with a publicity which displays the unshaken constancy of the order.* When Henry appointed his son John to the lieutenancy, Giraldus the Pope seized the opportunity of re-asserting his title to Cambreu- the supreme dominion of Ireland ; and, with somewhat of sarcasm upon the foppish imbecility of the youthful Governor, sent him a diadem of peacock's feathers, as the symbol of his investiture. In his train came the celebrated Gerald Barry, usually known as Giraldus Camhrensis. This writer, the creature of the monarch, and the confi- dential adviser of his successor, has left us his thoughts upon the condition and claims of the Irish Church : a few passages deserve to be inserted. After some remonstrances upon the mismanagement of civil affairs, he proceeds thus : — " But the greatest evil is, that, in this our new domain, we confer nothing neio upon the Church of Christ ; that we not only withhold from it due honour, and that bounty which it beseems a sovereign to exercise, but even invade its rights, and reduce its ancient dignity. One night, while I lay anxiously musing and troubled, by reason of these insults to our Redeemer, I had a vision, which I next morning imparted to the Arch- bishop of Dublin, deeply affecting that venerable man by the recital. Methought I saw Prince John in a green plain, as if preparing to lay the foundation of a church, and drawing on the turf a plan of the edifice ; ample space was allowed the laity, but the part assigned to the priest- * See the Digest of Ecidence, vol. ii., p. 163. I 114 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. hood was miserably narrow, and ill-proportioned. I A.D. 1179. reasoned with the Prince earnestly, but in vain, that he would give this latter portion a form and dimension more suited to its sacred dignity ; and, as I proceeded, I was at last awakened by the vehemence of my expos- tulation." Again, addressing John: — "If, therefore, your Highness be minded effectually to take compas- sion upon this wasted and afflicted land, and to bring it into a condition useful and honourable to you and yours, attend to this my counsel. Your father, when he was meditating so sanguinary an attack upon a Christian people, with a discreet regard to himself and his affairs, applied to the supreme power on earth, and bound himself to two conditions for leave to enter Ireland. One was, that he would exalt the Church of God in that country ; the other, that he would pay to St. Peter, a penny annually for every house. " Such are the stipulations, according to the license issued by the Pontiff, and deposited faithfully in the archives of Westminster. Wherefore, to release your father's soul, seeing that, as Solomon says, nothing so ill becomes a Prince as lying lips, and that it is especially dangerous to lie unto God ; and also to release your own soul and those of your successors, for you and they have no other defence against the avenger of the blood which has been already shed, and which may be shed hereafter; endeavour, with all diligence, to fulfil that contract. So, by these hostilities, may honour accrue to God ; to you and yours prosperity be increased on earth ; and, in the future life, be secured that happiness which surpasseth all things. Let those evils, therefore, be corrected by a good Prince, to whose honour it would belong (although the honour of God were no way concerned) that his clergy, who are to assist in his councils, and in all arduous affairs of state, should be treated with due reverence. And, in order that God may, in some degree, partake of the spoil, and be appeased for IN IRELAND. 1 15 this bloody conquest, let the promised tribute, which will cnAP. r. redeem all, while it oppresses none, be paid henceforward a. d. 1179. to St. Peter."* These are the words of a man who had no other connexion with the Irish hierarchy than his sympathies as an ecclesi- astic. He was, besides, not only a practised courtier, but a zealous maintainer of his master's honour : he had been employed to extenuate the guilty ambition of Henry, by making out, against the people of Ireland, a case of such inveterate barbarism as should appear to reject all other reform but the radical one of the sword ; and he executed his task with an obsequious contempt of truth and of his own reputation. His language may be received, therefore, as a very softened picture of those gorgeous visions which had, at first, seduced the prelates into treason, and now tantalized their hopes, and exasperated their disappoint- ment. And yet it is no faiilt colouring : " You have made," says the humane Archdeacon, *' a most sanguinary attack upon a Christian people ; you have shed much blood, and are about to shed much more ; but do not spare, there is an easy atonement for all ; only be careful to exalt the Church, to extend its sacred borders, to give wealth, dignity, and offices of state, to the bishops ; so will you have honour amongst men, and from God, instead of vengeance, an immortality of glory." When Giraldus complains of the invasion of clerical rights, he is far from meaning to charge the Government of his master with positive harshness to the priesthood generally : on the contrary, he says, in another place, *' that it was most meet and suitable that Ireland should receive a better rule of life from England ; that she was indebted, for what- ever advantages she enjoyed in Church or State, to the magnanimous King Henry ; and that the manifold abuses which formerly prevailed had, since his coming, gone into disuse." The species of outrage which had excited his Cause of indignation was rare and accidental. Amidst the atrocious tiouf°^" * Prooemlum in secundam editionem, HihernicB Uxpugnatw, IIG roLUY OF Till: cm ucu of uomr CHAP. I. tumults of the first descent, his own uncle Fitz Stephen, i..D. 1179. John De Courcy, Henry De Monte Morisco, and one or two otliers of the buccaneering partisans of Henry, unable, perhaps, to distinguish, or, at all events, to protect, the sacred borders of the Church, had committed, or allowed, some ravages upon ecclesiastical lands. They endeavoured to expiate the involuntary trespass by the most superb offerings : within eight years after the appearance of the first English man-at-arms, splendid abbeys in Cork, Limerick, Tipperary, Wexford, Meath, and Down, some of the finest which Ireland ever possessed, attested their desire of reconciliation to the offended majesty of the prelates. But the propitiation, which would have satisfied for the slaughter of myriads of the beti'aycd laity, could not obtain the forgiveness of these bloodless ti'ansgres- sions ; because, as we learn from the temperate pen of Giraldus, they were regarded by the modest hierarchy as insults to the Redeemer. Having no personal interest in the quarrel, to betray him into harsh expressions, the impartial Welshman contents himself with remarking that neither his uncle, nor any other perpetrator of these sacri- legious outrages, was judged worthy to leave behind him a legitimate offspring. Arch- ^\\e Archbishop mentioned by Cambrensis was John bishop Comyn, an Englishman, successor of St. Lawrence. ^ ' Amidst the public cares which had engaged Lawrence during his visit to Rome, he retained sufficient presence of mind to obtain from the Pope a grant — the parties called it a confirmation — of most extensive possessions in lands, villages, and parishes, in the neighbourhood of Dublin.* Though the firmness of the English monarch prevented the prelate himself from returning to enjoy this splendid endowment, it was all claimed, of course, by his successor. But in the meantime Hamo de Valois, Prince * " It is surprising" says Dr. Lanigan, with much slyness or simplicity, " how richly endowed the See of Dublin was at this time." — Ecclesiastical History, iv. 240. IN IRELAND. ] 17 John's deputy in the government, had set up a counter- cuap. i. claim for some of the lands; whether in the name of his a.d. 1179. master, in his own, or in that of some ancient proprietor, does not now appear. Comyn, being thus excluded from possession, excommunicated De Valois, and all the other members of the administration ; and, not content with this vengeance upon the transgressors, laid his unoffending city and diocese under an interdict. To indicate that the passion of Christ had been renewed, in - the indignity offered to his minister, he caused the crucifixes of the cathedral to be laid prostrate on the ground, with crowns of thorns on the heads of the images ; and one of the figures was pointed out as the miraculous representative of the suffering Redeemer, the face inflamed, the eyes drop- ping tears, the body bathed in sweat, and the side pouring forth blood and water. In the end the lord deputy was obliged to yield ; and, as an atonement for his former injuries, he made a donation of twenty plough lands to the See of Dublin.* The next archbishop of the same see, an Englishman a.d. 1220. also,-|- was equally resolute. The clergy of Dublin having Eomish claimed some exorbitant fees, under the specious title of ambition Oblations of the Faithful, were opposed by the magistrates and i-apa- and citizens, who had just before successfully resisted a demand of the Crown. An interdict upon the whole city, and special anathemas against the offending persons, were the immediate consequences of this insubordination. The people appealed to the lord deputy, and the cause received a formal hearing before the Privy Council ; but here the clergy were triumphant, and their adversaries reduced to a very ludicrous composition. It was agreed, that, in cases of open scandal, such as that of opposition to the priesthood, a commutation in money should be made for the first offence ; that, for the second, the * Leland, i. 164 ; Lanigan, ir. 332. An interdict is a suspension of all religious rites. t A Londoner, if we may conjecture from his name, Heni-y de Londi'es. 118 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROiME CHAP. I. A.D. 1220. Anecdote of the Bishop of Ferns. culprit should be cudgelled round the parish church ; for the third, the same discipline should be repeated publicly at the head of a procession ; and if the obstinacy proceeded farther, that he should be either disfranchised, or cudgelled through the city. Such were the citizens whom the King of England had thought it necessary to pacify, by an apology for his conduct and a promise of redress of grievances.* The following anecdote of the contemporary Bishop of Ferns is a graver instance of the zeal which animated the hierarchy of those days. This prelate had excommunicated the great Earl of Pembroke, on the pretence that he had seized two manors belonging to his Church ; and upon the death of that nobleman he appeared before the King to claim restitution. Being ordered to pronounce an abso- lution at the Earl's tomb, he attended the King thither, and with judicial solemnity pronounced these words : " Oh, William, thou that liest fast bound in the chains of excommunication, if what thou hast injuriously taken away be restored, by the King, or thy heir, or any of thy friends, with competent satisfaction, I absolve thee. Otherwise, I ratify the sentence, that, being bound in thy sins, thou may est remain damned in hell for ever." The heir would not surrender the disputed manors, and the bishop confirmed his malediction. Some time after, the male line of the family having become extinct, it was carefully pointed out to the common people how the curse of God had followed the imprecation of his minister.f Hitherto we have seen the bishops contending with their armed associates for the spoils, and almost over the bodies, of their common victims. But time had now begun to mark out prescriptive limits to their estates, and, accordingly, henceforward other desires are gradually * Leland, i. 237. t Lei. ibid. Qttccre — Could the bishop have believed in the efficacy of his anathema ? IN IRELAND. 119 unfolded, and other objects engage the growing ambition chap. i. of the Church. The Archbishop of Dublin having been appointed lord a.d. 1222. justice, and, about the same time, legate of the Holy See, employed all the power which these offices gave him in extending the jurisdiction of the spiritual courts. The citizens, oppressed by these new tribunals, appealed to the King, who wrote a sharp, but ineffectual letter to his deputy.* The civil sword was then transferred to the hands of a layman, but the clergy persevered in their career of usurpation, and, after eleven years of silent endurance, the monarch was compelled to issue a writ, which affords a striking proof of the ascendancy which they had attained : — " The King, to his earls, barons, knights, freemen, and King all others of his land of Ireland, greeting : Whereas, it is ^^^^ "^• clearly known to be contrary to our crown and dignity, and to the laws and customs of our kingdom of England, which our father. King John of worthy memory, estab- lished in said land, that pleas should be held in court Christian touching the advowsons of churches and chapels, or lay fee or chattels, unless such as may accrue from wills or marriages ; we, therefore, straitly charge you, that you by no means presume to sue such pleas aforesaid in court Christian, to the manifest prejudice of our crown and dignity ; and we give you to know for certain, that we have enjoined our chief-justice of Ireland to enforce the statutes of our courts of England against all transgressions of this our mandate, and to execute whatsoever pertaineth to us in this matter, "f The King, it would seem, was afraid to provoke the prelates, by opposing himself directly to their aggressions. He consulted for his dignity, as well as he dared, by attacking them through his nobles, knights, and freemen, * Prin's " Aiiimadversions on the Fourth lustitute," quoted by Cox, "Hiberuia Anglicana," p. 58. t Cox, p. 62. 120 POLICY OF THE CllUKCM OF ROME A.D. 1266. Prince Edward CHAP. I. who were tlius not only worried by an arrogant priest- A.D.1222. liood, but upbraided by a feeble prince, for " presuming" to submit to a power wliicli held the throne itself in vassalage. Towards the close of this long reign, the heir apparent, who had been created Lord of Ireland by his father, had the courage to confront the true authors of the evil. History has not acquainted us with the effect of his spirited reprimand, but the document itself is well de- serving of attention : — " Edward, first-born of the illustrious King of England, to all archbishops, bishops, and other ecclesiastical judges, within the land of Ireland, whether ordinary or delegate from the Apostolic See, greeting : It pcrtaineth, and hath of old pertained to the Royal dignity of the kingdom of England, that secular persons cannot be impleaded before an ecclesiastical judge, unless the suit against them be matrimonial or testamentary, for the Royal power hath reserved all other causes to itself. And whereas, by the grant of our lord and father the King, we enjoy, touching the premises, tlie same privileges in our land of Ireland which our said lord enjoyeth in the kingdom of England ^foresaid, we therefore strictly inliibit you, that you hold no plea of debts or chattels in court Christian against our citizens of Dublin, unless such debts or chattels arise out of matrimonial or testamentary cases ; because pleas which are not matrimonial or testamentary belong to our dignity, and we accordingly prohibit any actions whatsoever con- cerning lay fee to be held in court Christian. And that this our prohibition may have force in future times, for the benefit of our said citizens, we have caused these our letters to be made patent, to continue during our pleasure. " Given at our castle of Kenilvvorth, the 27th day of June, in the fiftieth year of the reign of our lord and father the King." * * Harris, " Hibernica," part ii., p. 60. IN IRELAND. 121 Even this letter, liowever amply it attests the indignant cuAr. i. spirit of the prince, gives a very decisive proof of the a.d. 1266. insignificance of his authority. " It pertains," he says, *' to the Royal dignity, that all pleas of a certain descrip- tion should be reserved to our civil courts ; we therefore prohibit you from holding such pleas against our citizens of Dublin.'' In the capital, where the image of royalty might inspire a little respect, and where the citizens had obtained a charter of special privileges, he makes an effort to maintain the rights of a sovereign ; the rest of the island is surrendered, without a struggle, to the misrule of the hierocracy. The annals of the following reign have preserved a a.d. 1276. curious petition of a widow : — " Margaret le Blunde, of EiJiscopal Cashel, petitions our lord the King's grace, that she may and have her inheritance, which she recovered at Clonmel, cruelty. before the king's judges, against David MacCarwell, Bishop of Cashel. Item, for the imprisonment of her grandfather and grandmother, whom he shut up and detained in prison, until they perished by famine, because they sought redress for the death of their son, father of your petitioner, who had been killed by said bishop. Item, for the death of her six brothers and sisters, who were starved by said bishop, because he had their inherit- ance in his hands at the time he killed their father. — It is to be noted, that the said bishop has built an abbey in the city of Cashel, which he fills with robbers, who murder the English and lay waste the country ; and that when our lord the King's council examine into such offences, he passes sentence of excommunication upon them. Item, it is to be noted, that the said Margaret has five times crossed the Irish sea. Wherefore, she petitions, for God's sake, that the King's grace will have compassion, and that she may be permitted to take possession of her inheritance. It is further to be noted, that the aforesaid bishop has been guilty of the death of many other Englishmen besides her father, and that the said Margaret 122 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. has obtained many writs of our lord the King, but to no A.D. 1276. effect, by reason of the iulluence and bribery of said bishop." * If these enormities, or any approaching to sucli a description, could be committed by the prelates upon Englishmen, we must not be surprised at any extent of sulfering which may have fallen to the lot of the native population. King John, with more of wisdom and humanity than is discernible in his other actions, had granted to his Irish subjects a charter of the laws and usages of England, to the observance of which he bound Henry III. the nobles by an oath. His son and successor, Henry the Third, confirmed this charter by a patent of the first year of his reign ; eleven years after, he enforced it, in a mandate directed " to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, 2)riors, earls, barons, knights, freeholders, j- and the bailiffs of his several counties." After a second interval of eighteen years, the monarch again addressed the same personages, but in the humble tone of supplication, that, "for the sake of peace and quietness, they would permit the English laws and customs to be observed in his land of Ireland." But neither commands nor entreaties were found availing. The lay lords of both races, from the same heartless and short-sighted views which now influ- ence the absentee proprietors, prefeiTed serfs to a yeomanry, and resolved to continue the horrors of the aboriginal system. The prelates adopted a more prudent, but not a more liberal course : they allowed their own vassals tlie use of the English laws in all matters which they luid not reserved to their spiritual jurisdiction ; and by this measure they at once pleased the Government, secured to themselves a reasonable revenue, attached their retainers, and displayed to all the great advaiitage of being * Leland, i. 234. + That is, not fortt/ sMllingers, but gentlemen who hold directly under the Cromi — lihere tenentes. The several particulars mentioned in this paragraph, arc given by Leland, vol, i., pp. 18U, 223, 292. IN IRELAND. 123 under the Church. But it was by no means their intention cuap. i. that a benefit, whicli was thus a sort of ecclesiastical a.d. 1276. privilege, should be vulgarized by indiscriminate enjoy- ment ; and hence we find them as hostile as the lay nobles to the general extension of the English usages. In the reign of Edward the First, a few broken clans and many smaller groups of the miserable natives, the refuse of the sword and its attendant horrors, were still lingering within the precincts of the English colonies : they were pent in those corners of their old possessions which had not yet attracted the desires of the settlers, contemptuously tolerated in their ancient usages,* but excluded from all the benefits of English law or govern- ment. Few situations could be more forlorn. On the one hand, their original polity (which was so exceedingly simple, that the members of the same tribe had, perhaps, no civil relation to each other, except their common attrac- tion to one chief) had crumbled away, as this central power was removed or weakened, and left them nearly, if not entirely, in a state of nature : on the other hand, they were not acknowledged as the king's subjects ; the king's courts were not open to them ; and, if the blood of a father or brother were shed, his assassin had only to plead that the deceased was an Irishman, and he was secure from all vengeance but that of the Almighty. In the truce, which had naturally arisen out of their weakness and the sated thirst of conquest in their invaders, they every day received some new and mortifying proof of their own destitution, and of the manifold advantages enjoyed by Englishmen. All hope of expelling the strangers had now vanished from their minds ; those feelings and circumstances, which had hitherto blinded them to the defects of their Brehon code, were no longer in existence ; and they resolved on the experiment of an * These were considered to be good enough for them, as some customs of the modern Irish are said to have been pronounced by a great states- man. 124 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. unqualified submission. They made up a purse of 8,000 A.B.127G. marks, wliieh, through his Irish Governor, tliey tendered The Irish to the king, with a request that he woukl receive them as see pro- j j faithful liegemen, and take them under the protection tection oi o ' A EngUsh of the laws of England. Nothing can so well illustrate ^^' their broken-hearted wretchedness as this mode of pre- ferring the petition. A measure, so just in itself, so fair in its prospects, so full of glory to the prince who might condescend to adopt it, was not even to be thought of by the supplicants, unless, like too many of their unhappy posterity, they approached the seat of justice with a bribe. King Edward's answer deserves to be given in full : — A.D. 1278. " Edward, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain, to our trusty and well-beloved Robert de UfFord, Lord Justice of Ireland, greeting : *' The improvement of the state and peace of our land of Ireland, signified to us by your letter, gives us exceed- ing joy. We entirely commend your diligence, hoping that, by the Divine assistance, the things there begun so happily by you, shall, as far as in you lieth, be still further prosecuted with the greater vigour and success. English *' And whereas the Irish commonalty have made a tended to tender to us of 8,000 marks, on condition that we grant Ireland. them the laws of England to be used in the aforesaid land, we wish you to know that, inasmuch as the Irish laws are hateful to God, and repugnant to justice, it seems expedient to us and our council to grant them the laws of England, provided always that the general consent of our people, or, at least, of our prelates and nobles of said land, do concur in this behalf. " We therefore command you that, having entered into treaty with this commonalty, and incjuired diligently into the will of our people, prelates, and nobles, in this matter; and having agreed upon the largest fine of money that you can obtain to be paid to us on this account, you make, with the consent of all aforesaid, or, at least, of the greater IN IRELAND. 125 and sounder part thereof, such a composition touching the chap. i. premises, as you shall judge, in your discretion, to be a.b. 1278. most expedient for our honour and interest. Provided, also, that said commonalty shall hold in readiness a body of good and stout footmen, amounting to such a number as you shall agree upon, for one campaign only, to repair to us as we may see fit to demand them." In reply to this letter, Ufford stated that the time was unsuitable ; that far the greater number of the barons were absent from the seat of government, upon the business of the State, or the defence of their lands, and that many of the others were minors ; and that it would, therefore, be impossible to collect an assembly sufficiently numerous or respectable for so grave a deliberation. But the Irish renewed their affecting appeal, and the Second king issued a fresh mandate : — ^^^'^^\<?n " The king to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, counts, barons, knights, and other English of his land of Ireland, greeting : Whereas we have been humbly suppli- cated by the Irish of said land, that we would vouchsafe to grant them, of our grace, that they might use and enjoy the same common laws and customs within the land,* which the English there do use and enjoy. Now we, not thinking it expedient to make such grant without your knowledge and consent, do command you that, upon certain days about the festival of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, and in some convenient place, you hold diligent inquiry amongst yourselves, whether or not we can make such grant, without your loss, and the prejudice of your liberties and customs, and of all other circumstances touching such grant aforesaid ; and that, before the next Meeting of our Parliament, to be held at Westminster, you distinctly and fully, xmder the seal of our Lord Justice of Ireland, do advise our council what you shall * The original has in terra. Leland has proved very clearly that the pale, or English district in this country, was called the land, or the land of Ireland. — See vol. i., p. 243, &c. 126 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. r. determine in this matter : and you shall not be moved to A.D. 1280. omit this, by reason of the absence of those peers who may be detained away, or of those who are under age, or in a state of wardship ; so that, after full deliberation, we may take such course in this behalf as to us and our council shall seem expedient. " Given at Westminster, September 10, 1280." Here was offered to the Church one of those invaluable opportunities of repentance, by which the benignant wisdom of Providence will sometimes extract blessing from the greatest transgressions. The king had declared, in his first letter, that he would be guided by the opinion of his prelates and nobles ; and, in his second, that, not- withstanding the inevitable absence of most of the latter, the assembling of the council should by no means be deferred. Thus the ecclesiastical members, bishops, abbots, and priors, would have easily commanded a very decisive majority.* Ireland was, therefore, once more at the mercy of its prelates : they might now, by a vote, have almost atoned for the original baseness of their predecessors, and arrested the bloody progress of centuries Canon law. of desolation. But the canon law was the only code which they desired to establish generally ; and the law of England was, even then, too favourable to liberty, not to be viewed with alarm by men who aimed at despotic power. On the one hand, they wished for a continuance of the inequality between the races, because, in fact, it was only a gradation of servitude, and kept the ascendancy of the Church upon a higher pedestal. On the other hand, they could not tolerate a measure which, by diffusing through all classes a spirit of spontaneous attachment to Popery the State, might diminish their own political importance : thatTtniay ^^^^^ ^'^* ^^ ^^^ ^^ loyalty of which they were not the govern. mediators ; and, while overt acts of rebellion were occa- * It would seem that in those days the spiritual lords outnumbered the whole hody of their lay peers. See the quotation from Spenser at Edward the First. IN IRELAND. 127 sionally restrained, a spirit was to be kept alive, which chap. i. would render their constant interference indispensable, ad. 1280. It cannot be ascertained, from any authentic record, whether this council ever met : one thing only is certain, that the bishops defeated the good intentions of the king, and closed their ears to the groans of their countrymen.* As yet, the prelates had pursued their devices with little disturbance of the civil peace, and the occasional atrocities in which they indulged are evidences rather of the character of the men, than of the system of the Church. A century and a-half had passed away without the realization of those ambitious hopes which had allured the sanguine perfidy of St. Lawrence and his contemporaries. These hopes had been transmitted, in regular descent, and with increasing bitterness of disap- pointment, to every new succession of the Irish clergy ; and a slight, which they might have anticipated, but for which it does not appear that they were at all prepared, was gradually kindling a spirit of seditious discontent. The Courts of Rome and England — ^justly suspicious of men who, however useful as instruments for the acquisi- tion of dominion, had shown that they could not be intrusted with its preservation — had, from the beginning, concurred in a plan for weakening the Irish ecclesiastical interest : a few of the most important sees, of the richest abbacies, and probably of the inferior dignities in the Church, being always filled by Englishmen. Fifteen years after the landing of an English Governor, the jealousies occasioned by this questionable policy burst out, in the Synod of Dublin, into mutual invective; and, as their cause was never removed, time strengthened the animosity of the Irish. In the year 1250, the native Irish pre- prelates agreed to a regulation, that no clerk of the p^*"^*^ *^^ English nation should be received into a canonicate in the Crown. any of their churches ; the Royal authority was exerted in vain to change this bold resolve ; and some time had * Leland, i., 234. II., 131; 128 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. elapsed before the united influence of the crown and the A.D. 1280. tiara could extort a sullen retractation. But, although the vexation of the Irish ecclesiastics flamed out thus from time to time, the many solid advantages which they had obtained, and the continued want of English protec- tion to shelter them from the vengeance of their betrayed countrymen, combined to teach them the necessity of dissimulation. Trusting to time and to their skill in intrigue for the final accomplishment of their designs, they continued to assist against the common enemy, with their counsels, their anathemas, and, when induced by sufficient remittances from the Exchequer, with their military talents. Edward At length, in the reign of Edward the Second, the invasion and partial success of Edward Bruce revived the ancient spirit of the order, and their smothered rage ex- ploded in the design of a new revolution. Those evils which the prelates of the last reign would not allow their monarcli to remedy were now converted into arguments against the government of his successor ; and Church policy showed the versatility of its genius by reassuming the mask of patriotism. With the usual bad faith of pampered mercenaries, a multitude of ecclesiastics, both prelates and inferior clergy, revolted to the insurgent chieftains. They denounced the English as enemies to the Church, and oppressors of the nation ; they exhorted the populace to fl^ock to the banner of Bruce — a prince, they said, of the ancient line of Milesian monarchs, and the chosen instrument of the connnon deliverance ; and, with that vain-glorious impatience of prosperity, which has always frustrated their most promising attempts, they formally crowned the adventurer King of Ireland.* When the rebel priesthood had taken this irrevocable step, they began to awake to the temerity of their enter- * Leland, i., 271. The ceremony of his coronation was performed at Dundalk, witliin the English pale. Spenser says he reigned for a wliole year. IN IRELAND. 1 2<j prise, and made a desperate effort to divert the approach- ciiap. i, ing storm of Papal and Royal vengeance from their own a.d. 1315. heads upon those of the chieftains with whom they had united, whom, perhaps, they had seduced. The experi- Laymen ence of our own times prepares us to find these early *°9^\°f^h,^ . . . „ *^ pnesthood. ecclesiastics putting forward laymen as the ostensible agitators ; and, while they touch with their owni hands the latent springs of sedition, slipping aside from responsi- bility, and relinquishing to their confederates all dangerous posts of honour. The stratagem now practised was some- what of this nature, but more clumsy and ineffectual, it must be confessed, than if its movements had been guided by the disciplined duplicity of modern tacticians. A memorial was despatched to Rome, the work of ecclesi- astics, but entitled " The Complaint of the Nobles of Ireland to Pope John the Twenty-second." It described, in interesting though unpolished language, the tyranny of the English over the Church and the people ; it showed how these oppressions had driven the laity to arms, and the clergy to — the feeble virtue of passive obedience. Like the remonstrance of Cambrensis, this extraordinary document begins with political grievances, and then pro- ceeds, in the following terms, to expatiate on the wrongs of the Church : — " Let this brief account suffice, of the origin of our Wrongs of ancestors, and the miserable state in which Pope Adrian n^^ , has placed us. It remains that we remind you, most holy father, that Henry, King of England (to whom, in the manner above mentioned, an indult was granted for entering Ireland), and also the four Kings his successors, have broken the conditions which the pontiff's bull imposed on them. For the aforesaid Henry promised that he would extend the borders of the Church in Ireland, and maintain its rights inviolate ; that he would eradicate vice, and plant virtue ; and that he would pay to St. Peter a yearly Peter's tax of a penny for every house. All these promises have ^'^°°^- been wilfully, and of set purpose, broken, by the kings, K 130 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. their ministers, and the governors of Irehmd. For, in the A.D. 1315. flyst place, SO far are they from extending the demesnes of the Church, that they have invaded and usurped its former possessions, and despoiled some cathedrals of half their lands. Equal disregard has been shown for ecclesi- astical liberty ; our bishops, and other dignitaries, being cited, arrested, and even imprisoned, by the officers of the King of England. But, so broken is their spirit by the bitterness of the oppression which they endure, that they fear even to lay their grievances before your holiness ; and, since they are so basely silent, they do not deserve that we should say anything in their favour." * It appears, from the concluding sentence of this passage, that the prelates now wished to disclaim all participation in the rebellion, or in the remonstrance : but, in the first particular, the voice of history proclaims the falsehood of the denial ; and, in the second, the entire structure of the complaint exposes its inconsistency. The technical chro- * The whole of this appeal, ■which is styled QucBrimonia Magnatum HibernicB ad Pontificem Johannem XXII. is given by Mac Geoghegan, Sistoire cPIrlande, torn. ii. At the bottom of the page in which Dr. O' Conor refers to this curious piece, 'he says, with his usual self-complacency : — "The greatest latitude of assertion, with the least shadow of proof, is observable in almost all modem writers who have meddled with Irish history ; I have, therefore, been careful to give copious extracts from my originals." After this floui-ishing introduction, it is amusing to find that, in what ho gives as an extract from his original, the whole of the passage above quoted dwindles into the following pointless antithesis : — "Nor have the persons of our clergy been more respected than the property of our Church." It was the pleasvire of this gentleman to misrepresent history, by assuming that the Irish prelates had no share in the rebeUion ; this false assumption brought with it the necessity of another, that of mamtaining that the prelates had no share in the memorial ; hence it became necessary, in the third place, to Dr. O'Co- misrepresent the memorial itself. There is sometliing almost whimsical in nor and the degree of assurance with which the learned antiquary carries on his r. ow- "jjpjjve" deception. In the same note, he charges Mr. Plowden with having twice misquoted the Quserimonia, and expresses a doubt whether that gentle- man had ever seen it. Mr. Plowden, in reply, acknowledges that he had not seen the piece, and says that he had transcribed his quotations yro»« Dr. O' Conor himself — O' Conor's Historical Address, i. 123 — 137 j Plowden's Historical Letter, 236. IN IRELAND. 131 CHAP. I. nology of the Irish monasteries, and the technical language of papal bulls and canons, attest the professional attain- ^■°- ■'■^^^• ments of the authors of this piece ; while the pathetic detail of ecclesiastical grievances, treaties violated, lands usurped, and privileges invaded, is a decisive evidence of their professional spirit. Had the insurgent nobles been indeed the framers of a memorial to the Pontiff, it is probable that they would have expressed far other senti- ments than those of compassion for the bishops of their reci'eant Church. Originally betrayed, and, during the long lapse of a hundred and fifty years, incessantly worried, by their hireling shepherds, it were unfair to impute to these fiery chieftains either so much weakness as to feel, or so much hypocrisy as to express, any very deep sympathy in episcopal discontents ; and this weakness or hypocrisy would be utterly unaccountable, could we suppose, as the Complaint does, that the bishops had not conspired with them in their present enterprise. Had such been the case, when they pleaded " the miserable state in which Pope Adrian had placed them," they would not have been in a mood to forget, or to forgive, the share which the hier- archy had in the guilt of the partition treaty, and which it hoped to have in its iniquitous profits. The reason of the unfortunate lords would have united with their passions, in charging upon the prelates all those sufferings and indignities, by the maddening sense of which they had been goaded into their hopeless insurrection. Sufferings and indignities they unquestionably had experienced ; and, in stating these, the Complaint, though sketched by a rude and treacherous hand, catches a melan- choly dignity from the subject, and becomes natural, elevated, and affecting. When it urges on their behalf, *' that, besides the sufferers by famine and disease, fifty thousand of their countrymen had already perished by the Saxon sword ;" and " that there is no longer a spot in their native country which the arrogance of the strangers will allow them to call their own ;" it makes an appeal, K 2 132 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CIIAP. I. A.D. 1315. Rome's profanity. Ecclesi- astical liberty. the truth of which is supported by our wretched anuals, and the force acknowledged by human nature. The descent from this grave impeachment, to the frivolous charges which the ecclesiastics adduce in aggravation, is almost too great for the equanimity of contempt: placed in juxta-position, the lay and the clerical grievances assort so oddly as to present a contrast at once bitter and ridiculous. " Fifty thousand of our brethren have been cut off by the sword — and a bishop has been cited, nay, committed to prison." " We are not left a spot which we can call our own — and a cathedral has been despoiled of half its lands." Were it true that the prelates had suffered all which they assert, nothing short of that profane and heartless vanity with which the Church of Rome has identified the glory of God, and the worldly power of his minister, could have deduced from such sufferings an argument for rebel- lion. But a comparison of their circumstances, before and after the introduction of the English dynasty, will show that their allegations were as much unfounded in fact and reason, as they were exaggerated in importance. Ecclesiastical liberty, the violation of which by the English Government forms a prominent topic of the com- plaint, is a prime article in the creed, or code, of the Vatican. It is founded upon the following assumptions : — That the Papacy is a monarchy transcending the king- doms of this world in dignity, no less than in the ends of its institution; that the members of the episcopal, and priestly orders, are, in their several gradations, the minis- ters and functionaries of this great monarchy ; that these officers could not fulfil their duties, or the commands of their spiritual sovereign — duties and commands above all competition or interference- — if they were left in subjection to the civil authorities ; that, therefore, it became necessary to exempt ecclesiastics from the cognizance of secular tribunals,* and to reserve them for the jurisdiction of the * It is this plea of ecclesiastical liberty which forms the real objection to the oath of supremacy. IN IRELAND. 133 holy see. This plausible and splendid fiction was un- chap. i. known in Ireland, under its ancient polity, and continued a.d. 1315. to be vmknown in the remoter districts, until the joint influence of Rome and England, and the contagion of priestly intrigue, gradually effected a spiritual revolution. A few facts, decisive of this question, and acknowledged Ancient by the most learned Roman Catholic writers, are discernible, churgji, amidst the darkness which overhangs our early history. It appears — 1 . That the Irish ecclesiastics took no oaths to the Pope.* 2. That they never applied to the See of Rome for bulls of nomination, institution, or exemption. f 3. That they never appealed to Rome for the decision of ecclesiastical causes, f 4. That the bishop, and other prelates of a tribe, were appointed by the chieftain, either directly, or with the previous form of an election by the priesthood. J 5. That papal legates had no jurisdiction in Ireland until the twelfth century ; and that, after that period, their jurisdiction was limited to the English settlements. § 6. That, in general, the discipline of the Irish Church Not had so little correspondence with the Roman, that it °^^^^- received several hard names from the papal writers of the twelfth century. Pope Alexander and Cambrensis call it filthy ; Anselm and Gilbert, schismatic al ; Bernard, barbarous, and almost paga}i.\\ These instances are so many incontestible proofs that the government of the Irish Church was strictly domestic ; * Dr. O' Conor, Columhanus, 3 — 160. t Charles O' Conor, sen. Dissertations on Irish History, 203. J. K. L. Defence of Vindication of Irish Roman Catholics, 83. X Dr. O' Conor, Columhanus, 5 — 45. It would seem that, about the time of the arrival of the Enghsh, the custom of lay presentation was very prevalent. The Synod of Dublin, held in 1186, made a canon, " that any clerk who accepted a benefice from a layman should be excommimicated, \mless he resigned it after the thu-d monition." — Lanigan, iv. 271. § Dr. O' Conor, Historical Address, 1 — 10. ;| Lanigan, 4. 12—218. 134 POLICY OF THE CJIURCH OF ROME CHAP. I A.D. 131 ncury II. and that the hierarchy stood apart from that great organiz- ation, which, in the other nations of Christendom, sustained itself in stately independence. Thus, there being no external })ower to interpose between the priest and the local secular authorities, it is an obvious and certain infer- ence, tliat he was either subject to their ordinary jurisdic- tion, or indebted, for his privileges, to their free indulgence. But we are not without more direct information ; there is the clearest evidence for the following additional facts : — 7. That ecclesiastics were not excused from military service, until the year 799, after Ireland had been Christian for more than three centuries ; * and that the immunity was then granted, without reference to papal authority. 8. That, in other respects, they owed their chieftains the customary duties of clansmen. f 9. That they were amenable to the ordinary Brehon jurisprudence. f Thus it appears that, under the ancient system, an Irish Prince was as absolute master of the priesthood of his sept, as of any other class among his followers. But a new order of things was introduced by Henry the Second, and thenceforward, kept regular pace with the advance of the British and papal power. All the privileges of the English Church, and all those vexatious pretensions, which had just attained a temporary triumph in the canonization of Thomas-a-Becket, were communicated to the Irish clergy ; and were maintained by them with increasing pertinacity, in proportion to the weakness of ITeiiryllT. the civil power. It was guaranteed, by the first article of tlie charter of Henry the Third, | " that the Church of Ireland should be free, and have its rights and liberties inviolate ;" and many subsequent acts of the state contain similar provisions. To crown all, the bishops were now placed above their former lords ; and, from being the serfs * O' Conor, sen., Dissertation, 216. t Acts of Synod of Cashel, quoted by Lanigan, iv. 209. X Leland, i. Appendix. Thomas-^- Becket. IN IRELAND. 135 of a turbulent cliieftainry, became the first order of peers under a powerful monarch. The writ of Henry the Second, appointing Fitz-Adelm to the Lieutenancy,* is addressed to his " archbishops, bishops, kings, earls, barons, and all his liegemen of Ireland." Henry the Third commences one of his writs in these terms : — " Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, &c., to the venerable father, Luke, by the same grace, Archbishop of Dublin, and to his trusty and well-beloved Maurice Fitzgerald, his lord deputy of Ireland, greeting ;" thus ranking the prelate above his lieutenant, and conferring on him a style of independent dignity, corresponding to his own. Public instruments of a later date j- assign the same stately precedence to ecclesiastics ; and, within the sphere which was subject to the dominion of Rome and England, not bishops only, but abbots and priors, took rank above the royal lineage of O'Neil, O'Brien, or O'Conor. + Church property was on a scale of even greater magnifi- cence. Among the seven decrees of the Cashel Synod (the articles of union, as they may be called, between the Anglo-Irish Church and State), there were four which regulated the revenues of the clergy. It was enacted by one of these, " that Church lands should be free from the customary exactions of the chieftains, from all demands, whether of money or of entertainment :" by another, " that they should be likewise exempt from certain fines imposed * Leknd, i. 113. t Hid, i. 241. % This circumstance alone is sufficient to prove that the Complaint was the fabrication of the rebel prelates. The O'Neil of the time was the lay leader of this insurrection : by the old Irish law, which he was struggling to mamtain, all the prelates of Ulster were his vassals ; by the law which the EngUsh were labouring to introduce, they were his superiors. Some of those prelates might have formed a temporai-y junction with liim for their own purposes ; but, whether he rose or fell, they were labouring to cstabUsh their own ascendancy. A similar observation will present itself to the intelligent reader, when he peruses the next paragraph in the text ; in revenue, as well as in rank, the clergy were encroaching upon the prescriptive claims of the chieftains. CHAP. I. A.D. 1315. Chm'ch property. 136 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. by the Brelioii law:" by a third, "that all the faithful A.D. 1315. should pay tithes of their cattle, fruits, and all other increase ;" and this was explained, a few years after, by a •sweeping commentary of the Dublin synod, as including the tithe of " provisions, hay, flax, wool, the young of animals, and the produce of gardens and orchards :" by the fourth, " that all the faithful should pay a third of their moveable goods, for a solemn burial, and for vigils and masses for the repose of their souls ; and that, if they were dying unmarried, or without legitimate children, the bequest should be increased to one half." Such was the splendid bribe of the traitorous Church of Ireland : its own extensive lands protected from injury, a full tenth of the produce of all other lands, and more than a third of all moveable property ; besides, while it was guaranteed against loss, it might accumulate for ever. Wherever the law or the arms of England prevailed, all these privileges were respected ; while in the other parts of the island, the Magnates followed their old usages,* refusing tithesj levying contributions, and overw^helming their clergy with the honour of their unceremonious visits, — regardless alike of King and Pontiff. It is possible, indeed, that the English Government was some- times roused from its forbearance by those prelates, who, like the archbishop in the widow's petition,-]- exchanged their sacred character for that of a leader of banditti ; but this is only conjecture. So far as appears from history, that personage was unmolested in the enjoyment of a degree of freedom, which, after all reasonable allowance for the eloquence of the fair plaintiff, and the licentious barbarism of the times, must have brought an unprivileged marauder to the gallows. It may be allowed also, that even within the English districts the estates of the Church did not always escape those ravages by which all other * Lanigan, iv. 219. — Cambrensis reckons it among the spvrcilia of the Irish lords of his day, that they would not pay tithes, t Ante, p. 121. IN IRELAND. 137 lands were periodically laid waste ; in the circumstances of ciiAr. i. the time and country, total exemption would have been a.u. 1315. almost miraculous. But if the clergy occasionally suffered a few of those annoyances which were as the course of nature to less fortunate men, they had a peculiar and. abundant recompence in that soldierly devotion which sought to appease God by largesses to his ministers. The early English adventurers were eminently distin- 160 rcli- guished for this species of piety : one hundred and sixty houses religious houses, founded and endowed between the founded m landing of Henry the Second and that of Edward Bruce, with countless grants of land and other minor bene- factions, were the splendid monuments of their remorse.* In fine, all the privileges and nearly all the riches which the Church then enjoyed (and it enjoyed an ample share of both), had been derived from the policy or bounty of Englishmen, and were still suspended upon the con- tinuance of their ascendancy. From a state of some hardship and total dependance, it had been exalted as the church of a dominant party, and pampered into all that florid prosperity which the envy or imagination of modern agitators has ascribed to the reformed establishment ; it was indulged, besides, in the exercise of many branches of the Papal craft, to the great oppression of the people, and to the detriment and dishonour of the civil authorities. The spirit which could discover a motive to rebellion in treatment such as this would be inconceivable, did not history furnish so many examples of the insatiable cravings of Popery, and the madness of disappointed ambition. But whatever might have been the merits of this com- plaint, Rome was too nearly interested to give it an * As may be seen in a very cursory glance over Archdale's " Monasticon Hibernicuni." There is, besides, a great munber of houses of which Archdale does not assign either the date or the founder ; a considerable proportion of these ought, in strict reason, to be added to the hundred and sixty iu the text ; but the case is abundantly strong without them. 138 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CUAP. I. A.i>. 1318. impartial hearing. It would appear, indeed, as if the Pope were at first undecided, whether he would not give a new dynasty to liis island of saints. He had commanded a truce for two years between the English Government and its opponents ;* a proof that he did not then regard the Irish insurgents as rebels ; but Bruce, distressed, it is said, for want of provisions, violated the injunction, and ended the doubts of the Sovereign Pontiff. In addition to this, the revolted priesthood had shown, much too clearly to be easily forgiven, how cheap they were disposed to hold his supremacy, except so far as it contributed to their own views. They had expressly declared that Adrian's grant was unjust; they had pre- sumed to remedy this newly-discovered injustice, by electing and crowning a king for themselves ; thus they had shifted the question from the nial-administration of England to the sovereignty of the Vatican, and left but one answer to its indignant majesty. The whole weight of Papal influence was employed in favour of the Govern- ment ; f and the custom of filling the principal sees with Englishmen, proved of some use in quelling a disturbance which it had previously contributed to raise. The leading prelates of Armagh, Dublin, and Cashel, were English by birth and extraction ; however, therefore, they might be disposed to bring the civil government into subjection to the Church, they could not concur in a scheme which, by separating the countries, must have ended in their own * Cox, p. 98, quoting Camden. Pope John. t Pope John, however, did not omit the opportunity of reminding the English prince of his duty to the Holy See. He transmitted to Edward the Irish appeal, and a copy of Adrian's bull, desiring his serious attention to their contents. Lcland calls liis letter " An earnest exhortation to redress Irish grievances ; " O'Conor, much better acquamted with Roman poHtics, pronounces it a piece of affected commiseration. " Wliile on one hand," he says, " Jolm was writing in the language of gentle complamt, with the other he was employed in issuing ex('oinniunications against the aggrieved, for daring, without his leave, to confer the crown of Ireland on Bruce, and attempting to vuidicate thoir liberties." — Historical Address, i. 134. IN IRELAND. IS9 ruin. While the first of these three followed the move- chap. i. ments of the army, distributing blessings and proclaiming ai>- 1318. indulgences to those who might fall in the righteous cause of Pope and King, the other two were successively intrusted with the conduct of the civil sword. Papal excommunications were fulminated against King Bruce, against his brother Robert, the celebrated Scottish monarch, and against the Irish prelates and clergy who had supported the insurrection, and these formidable sentences were read at every mass within the English quarters. Checked by this severe admonition, the Irish members of the hierarchy made no attempt henceforward, until the reign of Elizabeth, to separate their cause from that of their English brethren. The common interests of the order presented a multitude of objects upon which the two parties might exercise an emulous zeal ; and, before the lapse of three years, they had an opportunity of displaying the vigour, if not the cordiality, of their co-operation. Bruce's career having terminated at the decisive battle Bruce, of Dundalk, it was now the turn of the English prince to a.d. 1322. ravage the dominions of his northern neighbour. Scot- land, hitherto protected by her poverty, and attracting but languidly the desires of the Holy See, had not yet acknowledged its temporal supremacy ; and besides, the reigning monarch was now under an anathema : thus the expedition had so much the character of a religious war as recommended it to the zealous support of the Papacy. The Pontiff issued an edict (whether as supreme lord of Ireland, or in his spiritual capacity as head of the Church, it is not easy to determine), granting to Edward a subsidy of a tenth of the revenues of his Anglo-Irish subjects for two years. The laity submissively obeyed the mandate, paying the required contributions, and leading their troops into Scotland ; but the clergy, with the thunder of St. Peter still ringing in their ears, proved refractory. They craft A D, 132 1. 140 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cnAP. I. demanded a sif^lit of the orij^nnal bull, and as, for some A.D. 1322. reason which history has not recorded, this could not or would not be allowed them, they persisted in their refusal, and eluded the tax.* Such were the subdued and spirit- broken priests, who dared not lift a voice against the oppressors of their order. Witch- About the same time there occurred an incident of a different character from any of the preceding, but equally illustrative of that daring spirit with which the prelates tried their power upon the highest orders in the State. The Bishop of Ossory summoned Dame Alice Ketler, a woman of some rank, with her family and dependents, before his spiritual court, to answer to a charge of witch- craft. She was accused of going through Kilkenny every evening between complin and curfew, sweeping the refuse of the streets towards her son's door, and muttering this incantation as she went — " To the house of William my son, Hie all the wealth of Kilkemiy town." It was also said that she made assignations, near a certain cross-road, with an evil spirit, whose name the bishop discovered to be Robin Artysson, and that on these occa- sions she feasted her paramour upon nine red cocks', and some unknown number of peacocks', eyes. The last allegation against her was, that various implements of sorcery had been found in her house, particularly a sacra- mental wafer having the name of the devil imprinted on it, and a staff, upon which, when duly oiled for an expedition, she and her accomplices were accustomed to ride all the world over. Such things would be ridi- culous, were they not made the pretext for atrocities at which nature shudders. One of her domestics was con- demned and executed ; her son thrown into prison ; the lady herself, happening to escape on the charge of witch- craft, was put to trial a second time, upon an accusation * Leland, i. 282. IN IRELAND. 141 of heresy, found guilty, and sentenced to the flames ; and cnAr. i. Adam Duff, a gentleman of considerable family in Leinstcr, a.d. 1324. was seized at the same time, and burned as a hei'etic. The Lord Arnold De la Poer, seneschal of the palatinate to which Kilkenny then belonged, having interested him- self in favour of these unhappy persons, was involved by the bishop in the same accusation ; and upon his appealing to the lord deputy, the undaunted prelate extended his charge to that personage himself. The head of the civil government was now formally arraigned of heresy before the bishops ; and the business of the State (not of the executive department only, but of the Parliament, which was then sitting, and of the law courts, for the lieutenancy was at this time filled by the chancellor,) was interrupted, until the majesty of the Church should announce its awful decision. The inves- tigation was long and solemn ; the lord justice made it appear that his accuser was actuated by personal resent- ment against De la Poer ; and that, as to himself, he had given no other ground of offence or suspicion than his interference on behalf of an injured man. He was acquitted, and pronounced a true son of the Church ; and, sacrificing the vanity of station to a natural impulse of joy, he celebrated his narrow escape with an entertain- ment open to all who chose to be his guests. But, in the Power of meantime, the unfortunate nobleman who had besought ^°'"'' °^'^^' . . . . laymen. his protection experienced the bitterness of Episcopal vengeance. It was the law in those days, that when a bishop gave a certificate, under his sign manual, of the excommunication of a layman, the civil authorities were obliged to act upon it ; the writ de excommunicato capiendo was issued in the King's name, and the offender seized and thrown into prison. This had been done in the case of De la Poer : the King's lieutenant was satisfied of the man's innocence, yet he could not withhold the writ for his apprehension ; and instead of affording effectual assistance, was himself in the same danger. U2 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. A.D. 1324. Edward III. A.D. 1316. While the powerless patron was engaged in his own defence, the client had perished in a dungeon ; and, as he died unabsolved, the persecution was extended to his remains : the bishop, inaccessible to the weakness of humanity, condemned the body to exposure, until the progress of decay had rendered interment indispensable. Much was still to be done and suffered before the zeal of the prelate could be appeased. Disappointed in bis hope of burning the lord deputy, he resolved to degrade him into an instrument of his vengeance upon others. He represented the case at the Court of Rome, in such terms as best accorded with his malice or fanaticism, and a Papal brief was dispatched to the King, desiring that he would issue an order to his chief governor and other officers of state in Ireland, to assist the Bishop of Ossory and his brother prelates in the extirpation of heresy.* " King Edward the Third," says Spencer, *' being greatly crossed and bearded by the lords of the clergy in Ireland ; they being there, by reason of the lords abbots and others, too many for him, so that for their frowardness he could not order and reform things as he desired, was advised to direct out his writs to certain gentlemen of the best abilities and trust, entitling them therein barons, to sit and serve as barons in the next Parliament ; by which means he had so many barons in Parliament, that he was able to weigh down the clergy and their friends." f Thus reinforced, the King obtained a vote for a subsidy, which was to be levied on cliurch lands as well as those of the laity ; but the prelates, though defeated within the House, resolved to renew the contest outside. The Archbishop of Cashel, supported by his suffragans of Limerick, Emly, and Lismore, published an edict, that all beneficed priests w^ho presumed to pay their allotted portion of the subsidy should be deprived of their livings, and declared incapable * Cox, p. 108. Camden, p. 182. Leland, i. 284. t View of the State of Ireland, p. 216. IN IRELAND. 1 iS of future preferment ; and that, for the like offence, the chap. i. vassals of the Church should be excommunicated, and a.d. 1316. their descendants to the third generation excluded from holy orders. Not satisfied with this severity, the Arch- bishop proceeded to the county town, in the habit of his order, and with the attendance suited to the most solemn exercise of his functions, and there publicly pronounced an excommunication upon the King's Commissioner of Revenue, and upon all otliers who should procure, pay, or in any manner contribute to, the levying of the said subsidy from lands or persons belonging to the Church. Informations were exhibited against the prelates for those outrages. They pleaded Magjia Charta,* by which, they Magna said, it was provided that the Church should be free ; or, ^' as they endeavoured to explain the phrase, that it should be exempt from the laws and imposts of the civil power ; and that all who violated this immunity, should be punished with excommunication. Their plea being rejected, and the cause given against them, these froward lords appear in arrest of judgment, and the timidity of government suffered the controversy to die away. Thus the Church triumphed in its very defeats ; and one of the greatest of the English monarchs, a conqueror, who had routed the warlike clans of Scotland, and dispersed the chivalry and the fleets of France, was " crossed and bearded" without * The champions of the present Roman Catholic hierarchy are fond of referring to Magna Charta, as a proof that the order is not inimical to hborty. It would be well if, in the intervals of what may almost be called their professional laboui's, they were to examine that celebrated compact ; they would then learn, that it gives to the clergy enormous power ; to the barons and knights, a monopoly of those privileges which the modesty of the Church decUned ; and to the mass of the people, nothing. The only article of the great charter which notices the serfs, or villeins of the sod, at that time the most numerous body of men in England, has an obvious reference to the interest of their masters. A serf could not forfeit his plough, cart, or other implements of husbandry ; because, if deprived of these, he could no longer minister to the barbarous plenty of the lord to whose estate he belonged. — See Hume, ii. 88. 144' POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cuAP, I. resistance or redress, by the termagant ecclesiastics of Ireland.* A.D. 1367. There were two methods, each having its own recom- mendations, by which all the inhabitants of Ireland might have been made to coalesce into one people. The ancient race might havebeen compensated for much actual suffering, and for the wound inllicted upon their honest national pride, by admittance to the superior comforts and privi- leges of Englishmen : or, on the other hand, the colonists might have been allowed to blend with the great mass of their new neighbours, and to adopt the land in which fortune had placed them as their own country. The first method would have been the more acceptable to the multitude ; the second, the more conciliatory to the nobles ; a policy judiciously attempered of both might have moulded the social state of Ireland into something bettei', perhaps, than anything which now exists in either island. But, unhappily, the course pursued only added new stimulants to that mutual antipathy with which their relative circum- stances had inspired the races, and left little to be effected by religious rancour. It has been already seen, that the first of these modes of union had been prevented by the bishops of one generation ; the second was now opposed by those of another, and with the same fatal success. In the Lieutenancy of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, a Parlia- ment was held at Kilkenny, which passed an Act memorable above all others in the sad annals of Irish legislation, and Statute of very generally known as The Statute of Kilkenny. It Kilkenny. ^,^^ decreed by this statute that marriage, nurture of infants, or gossipred with the Irish, or submission to the Irish law, should be considered and punished as high treason. Again, if any man of English race should use the Irish dress or language, or take an Irish name, or observe any rule or custom of the Irish, he was to forfeit lands and tenements, until he had given security in the * Leland, i. 311. IN IRELAND. 145 Court of Chancery, that he would conform in every par- chap. i. ticular to the English manners. Further, it was made a.d. 1367. highly penal to present a mere Irishman * to an ecclesi- astical benefice, or receive him into a monastery or other religious house ; to entertain an Irish bard, minstrel, or story-teller ; or — to admit an Irish horse to graze on the pasture of an Englishman ! It appears to have been from the same circumstances Parliament that this Parliament was convened so far south as Kilkenny, ^ ^^ ' * That is, not simply an Irishman by birth and descent, for a vast majority of the estabhshed clergy were of that description, but one who had not purchased a charter of denization, and conformed to the English usages, civH and ) eliffious. It had been enacted at Cashel that the Irish Church should be assimilated in its rites and discipline to that of England : but we are informed by the decisive testimony of Dr. Lanigan, that, wherever the natives mamtained their independence, " clergy and people followed their own ecclesiastical rules, as if the Synod of Cashel had never been hold." Many wUl be scandalized at this information : it is, however, unquestionable, that in those distant times, as well as the present, there were two Churches in Ireland ; the one, the Church of the Parhament and the ascendant party; its preachers correspondmg exactly to that description which J. K. L. has given of the first Protestant ministers, following the camp of the invaders " in the name of Christ, to watch the baggage, and collect the spoUs ;" the other, the Church of "the Irish clergy and people." The former, though a plant of foreign growth, had certaLa facilities for striking root, and over- whelming a rival in the night shade of its branches, which the genius of Protestantism does not allow to its successor ; yet, under every disadvantage, the native Chm-ch lingered for tlu-ee centuries, and discovered some languishing symptoms of hfe so late as the reign of Henry the Seventh. There is stUL extant a bull of Pope Innocent the Eighth, dated the 8th of February, 1484, for the erection of a coUegiate church at Galway. It recites, " that the people of the parish of St. Nicholas were civihzed men, living in a walled town, and observing the decency, rite, and custom of the Church of England; and that their customs differed from those of the wild Higlilandmen of that nation, who harassed them so, that they could not hear the offices, or receive the sacraments of the Church, according to the form which theg and their ancestors of ' old time were accustomed to follotoy Then follows the enactment, that " the college shall consist of one warden and eight presby- ters, all civilized men, and duly holding the rites and order of the Church of England in the celebration of Divine service." It is obvious from this document (which is given at large by Dr. Burke, in his Hibernia Domini- cana) that those loild Irish Highlanders, as the Pontiff rather uncourteously styles them, stUl adhered to their own religious ceremonies, or, at least, had L 11(5 POLICY OF TIIK CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. and that no bishops but those of the southern dioceses A.D. 1367. assisted in its deliberations. During the invasion of Edward Bruce, the English inhabitants had been nearly extirpated from Ulster and the adjacent partsof Connaught; and thenceforward, until the great plantation under James the First, the country north of Dundalk, with the excep- tion of a few insignificant garrisons, remained in the hands of the original possessors. The English interest lay in the southern towns, and in various colonies of settlers, distributed over a triangular space, of which Cork, Dun- dalk, and Galway were the extreme points, and Kilkenny might almost be considered as the centre. At Kilkenny, accordingly, the Parliament assembled, as if shrinking on every side from the vengeance which it was about to provoke ; and the diocesans of the surrounding territory, three archbishops and five bishops, leaving their brethren of the other districts to conciliate, as they might, the exasperated natives, gave their sanction to its proscribing decrees. Had they been content with the civil penalties of the Act, it might be supposed that they had drifted, in passive servility, with the general tide of colonial politics ; but, when they are found throwing the weight of their spiritual power into the scale of national hatred, we are no longer at liberty to award them this comparative praise. Whether the appetite for persecution had become importunate ; whether they felt that they had an especial interest in the perpetuation of discord ; or whether we ought rather to not yet conformed to the Roman ritual. Even in the next reign, we discover a circumstance which proves that their conversion was still very incomplete. Soon after Wolsey had been created the Pope's Legate a Latere, he manu- factured a supply of bulls and dispensations for the Irish market ; but his supercargo, Allen, wrote him a complaining account that the commodities went off but slowly. " The Irish," he said, " had so little sense of religion, that they married within the prohibited degrees, without dispensations ; they also questioned his Grace's authority in Ireland-, especially outside the pale." — Cox, p. 210, quoting from Lib. ccc, Lambeth. IN IRELAND. 1 1 ■< say, of communities as of individuals, that men seldom chap, i. forgive those whom they have greatly injured, — it is cer- ^-d. 13G7. tain that they published a formal anathema against all transgressors of the statute of Kilkenny. Thus, as if oppression were not sufficient, the most taunting insult was offered to the noblest sentiments of a people who were at once devoted to the usages of their fathers, and deeply susceptible of religious impressions ; everything Irish was denounced as an object of abhorrence both to God and man ; and the bitterness of civil strife was impregnated with the deadly poison of fanaticism. There was a cold and exquisite malevolence in this measure, attainable only by a class of beings which had abjured, or had never known, tlie kindly sympathies of humanity, and the event proved that it was no less imprudent than unnatural. Placed under the double ban of the Church and of the lay authorities, all the English whom policy, good feeling, the natural influence of neighbourhood, or the social qualities of the natives, had taught to lay aside the arrogance of conquest, were now drawn into closer alliance with their new and only remaining connexions. Rebellions increased in strength and frequency ; from Cork and Galway, the ju.risdiction of Government was gradually narrowed to Carlovv ; and in the next century it became a proverb, that " they who lived west of the Barrow, lived west of the English law." It deserves to be noticed that, of the eight prelates who attended this Parliament, three were apostate Irish,* and no less than * These were O'CairoIl, of Cashel ; O' Grady, of Tuain ; and O'Cormocan, of Killaloe. — See Ware's " Bishops." " The statute of Kilkenny," says Lord Clare, " has been miich extolled by Sir Jolin Davies, as eminently quahfied to reform the degenerate Enghsh, as he calls them ; it seems diiScidt, however, to reconcile it to any principle of sound pohcy. It was a declaration of perpetual war, not only against the native Irish, but against every person of Enghsh blood, who had settled beyond the limits of the pale, and, from motives of personal interest or convenience, had formed connexions with, the natives, or adopted their laws and customs : and it had the fidl effect which might have been expected ; it drew closer the confederacy it was meant to L 2 148 POLICY OF Tin; CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. A.D. 1367. Pseudo- patriotism. A.D. 1376. The King and Par- liament. seven of Papal appointment ; their spiteful anathema is, therefore, to be asci'ibed, not to English insolence or English policy, but to the spirit of the order. Nothing is more remarkable in the history of this body, than its early proficiency in an art which is cultivated in our own times with rival assiduity, but by no means pro- portionate success — the art of uniting the most hard- hearted oppression of the people to a factious contempt of the authority of the State, and a swaggering affecta- tion of public spirit. Nine years after the passing of the statute of Kilkenny, we find the character of lawless violence (the proverbial reproach of the country and the time) branded alike upon the prelates and the lay lords, by the impartiality of a harassed Government. In the patent issued to the Earl of Ormond, upon his appoint- ment to the lieutenancy, he had been granted a general power of pardon ; but, in a subsequent writ, this power was explained as not extending to the pardon of " any prelate or carl, for an offence punishable by loss of life, member, lands, or goods." * Justice, conscious weakness, and the obvious policy of dividing the oppressive weight of the temporal and spiritual grandees, would have pre- vented the executive from including the latter in this opprobrious reservation, had not the habitual outrages of the two orders displayed equal insolence, and attained equal notoriety. In the same year a transaction took place, so far beyond the licentiousness of modern opposition, that it seems to require a particular detail. The revenue being greatly reduced, and the English Commons growing uneasy under the burden of supporting the Irish Government, the King resolved to assemble another Parliament for the purpose dissolve, and implicated the colony of the pale in ceaseless warfare and contention with each other, and with the inhabitants of the adjacent district." — Speech on the Union, p. 5. The accoimt of the state of Ulster, after Bruce's invasion, is taken from the incomparable Spencer. * Cox, 132. IN IRELAND. 149 of obtaining a subsidy. Parliament met accordingly, but chap. i. pleaded poverty, and refused a supply. The King, pro- a.d. 1376. voked at this denial, despatched writs to all the counties, cities, and dioceses in his Irish dominions, requiring that two representatives from each should be sent to attend him in England, to confer with his council concerning a subsidy and other matters of State. The returns of the bishops are good evidences of the spirit which then animated the Irish Church. The Archbishop of Armagh wrote thus : — " In pursuance of this writ, having called before us the The Pri- clergy of our diocese, we make answer of our common ^^^^ opinion and assent, that, according to the liberties, privileges, rights, laws, and customs of the Church and land of Ireland, we are not bound to elect any of our clergy to be sent into England, for the purpose of holding councils or parliaments therein ; yet, because of our reverence for our illustrious lord the King of England, and the imminent and most urgent necessity of this land, we do for the present, saving to ourselves, and to the lords and commons of said land, all liberties, privileges, rights, •laws, and customs aforesaid, grant unto Masters John Cusack and William Fitz-Adelm, clerks, full power to go into England and appear before our lord the King, in order to treat, consult, and agree, touching the safety, defence, and good government of the said land. Except- ing, however, that we do not grant to our said delegates any power of voting subsidies or other burdens upon us and our clergy," &c. There is something in this language which, were not the subject so grave, and the writer an archbishop, might almost be called broad irony. That " imminent and most urgent necessity," by which, next to their reverence for the crown, the prelate and his clergy were moved to waive their privileges, was nothing else but the extreme poverty of the State, the Irish revenue being now short of 10,000/. a-year. It was to remedy this evil that the King had 150 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF HOME CHAP. I. issued his summons ; and, upon every subject hut this, A.D. 1376. the submissive ecclesiastics give their deputies full powers. The other returns are to the same effect ; thus : — The Archbishop and clergy of Cashel sent one deputy, " to treat, consult, and agree, saviny the liberties of the Church, and the free customs of the land of Ireland.'' It has already appeared that the liberties of the Church, as they were undei'stood by Churchmen, included exemp- tion from all secular imposts, so that this return is in substance the same with the former. The Archbishop of Tuam made no return. The Bishop and clergy of Meath sent one deputy, " with full power to inform and advise their lord the King concerning the state and government of the land of Ireland, saving the liberties and customs of said land and of the Churches thereof .'' The Bishop and clergy of Kildare sent two deputies, " with full power to treat, inform, consult, and agree, concerning the state, preservation, and good government of the land of Ireland : but as to loading the clergy with subsidies, or any other burdens than those which they already bear, they can in no wise give them any jwwer.'' The Bishop and clergy of Leighlin unanimously de- clared " that they w^ei'e too poor to send over any deputy to their lord the King." The Bishop and clergy of Ossory sent two deputies, '* to do as the writ required, saviiig the liberties of the Church and land of Ireland." The Bishop and clergy of Ferns sent two deputies, " with full power to do as the writ required, saving the liberties of the Church and land of Ireland." The Bishop and clergy ' of Lismore protested that, " from their great and notorious poverty, they were unable to. send any deputies to England." * A.D. 1117. The inhabitants of Ireland, in those days, were usually * Returns, vrithout any saving clauses, or pleas of poverty, were received from Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Cloyne, and Keny. IN IRELAND. 151 classed under three denominations : liegemen, or good chat. i. subjects ; Irish enemies, those who had never submitted a.d. 1417. to the Government, and who, indeed, were in a state of <^assifica- almost constant warfare with it ; and, rebels, those who, Irish being subjects by birth, or having become so by voluntary ^"'^J^*^- submission, took up arms against the State, or at least renounced the English laws and institutions.* In the reign of Henry the Fifth, so many of the prelates were of this third class, and they had so intimidated the local legislature, that the English Parliament found it necessary to interpose its supreme authority. An Act was passed, in England, " that all archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, of the Irish nation, rebels to the King, that shall make any collation or presentment to benefices in the land of Ireland, or that shall bring with them any Irish rebels among the Englishmen, to the ParKament, councils, or other assemblies within the said land, to learn the secrets or condition of the English subjects, their temporalities shall be seized until they fine to the King." -j- It is evident, from the terms of this statute, that these " rebels to the King " were too strong, not merely for the colonial Government, but for the Parliament and the power of England herself: the most rebellious among them had only to pay a fine to the crown, and he was restored to his temporalities and to all the rights of a liegeman. The same weakness of the crown, and the same intract- Weakness able spirit of the hierarchy, appear in an Irish statute of 9f ^"^^ the reign of Edward the Fourth. In the infancy of the English colony, the civil authorities, weak, unsettled, and distracted by frequent and sudden assaults, had sought the assistance of their spiritual ally. Judging of the Irish by themselves, the governors ascribed much mystical virtue to the sanction of an anathema : they occasionally tried * So Ricliarcl the Second, in his despatches from Ireland to the Duke of York. — See Leland, 1. Appendix, No. 2. t Lib. MS. M. Lamheth, quoted by Cox, p. 151. The Act, as far as Cox has quoted it, does not mention the amount of the fine. id2 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. its force upon some refractory chieftain ; and, upon the A.D.1417. submission of others, bound them to articles which con- tained a provision that the censures of the Church should be denounced against them in case of future revolt. But it was soon discovered that excommunication had few terrors for an Irish lord. The thunder of the Church was sufiercd to sleep, except when the prelates, in pur- suance of their own objects, chose to draw it down upon the Government itself; and on these occasions it did some execution, the English having brought with them that full-grown awe of Papal censures which it took some centuries to mature in the minds of their ruder neigh- Excommu- bours. Centuries, however, had now rolled away : formidable excommunication had become formidable among the Irish, and, by its spiritual terrors, combined wdth those more tangible penalties which were attached to it by the civil law, it might have rendered important, though humiliating, assistance ; but the bishops contrived to frustrate the hopes of the State, by declining to issue the necessary anathemas. An Act was passed to compel them to do their duty: "Whereas," it decreed, "our holy father Adrian, Pope of Rome, was seised of all the seigniory of Ireland in right of his Church ; and whereas, for a certain rent, he alienated said seigniory to the King of England and his heirs for ever ; * by which grant the subjects of Ireland owe their obedience to the King of England, as their sovereign lord ; it is therefore ordained that all archbishops and bishops of Ireland shall, upon the monition of forty days, proceed to the excommunication of all disobedient subjects ; and if such archbishops or bishops be remiss in doing their * This is strenuously denied by the Irish writers, who maintain, and with perfect truth, that the Pope reseiTed the seigniory paramount to his see. — See Digest of Evidence, part ii., chap. 2. O'SuUivan goes so far as to say that the King of England was no more than a sort of chief commissioner of revenue to the Pope, having the care of collecting the Peter's pence and other dues. VII. A.D. 1486. IN IRELAND. 153 duties ill the premises, they shall forfeit 100/." * The chap. i. miserable effort at vigour, in this enactment, only renders a.d. 1117. more manifest the subjection of the civil power to the caprices of a restive priesthood ; yet the partizans of the Lord Deputy affected to exult in it, as a proof of a resolute and effective Administration. In the next reign (Henry VII.), the divided state of Hcmy public opinion between the rival houses of York and Lancaster revived the restless ambition of the hierarchy, and encouraged them to appear once more in open rebel- lion against the united authority of Pope and King. The title of the reigning prince had been confirmed by the Pontiff, with the severest denunciations against all gain- sayers ; his Irish government had been conducted in a moderate and conciliating spirit ; f yet, all the bishops except four, English and Irish indiscriminately, with a proportionate number of the clergy, joined in the conspi- racy which was formed to depose him, and to place a boy of mean extraction upon the throne of the Plantagenets. The stripling Simnel, the creature of an obscure Oxford ecclesiastic, was received by these prelates with an extra- vagant affectation of loyal zeal. Upon his arrival in Dublin, he was conducted in state to the cathedral of Christ Church ; the Bishop of Meath, in a bold discourse from the pulpit, explained and enforced his right to the throne ; and a crown, taken from a statue of the Virgin in the church of St. Mary les Dames, was placed upon his head, amidst the acclamations of a deluded populace. When the bishops had thus carried their treason to the last extremity, they began to be visited with the same misgivings which had disturbed their predecessors in the time of Edward Bruce. To influence the counsels, or at least to soften the resentment of the Vatican, they assembled a convocation, and caused a subsidy to be * Leland, ii. 56. t Approaching even to remissness. — See Leland's and Ware's accounts of this reign. 151 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. A.D. 14SG. Feudal oath. voted to the holy father. Whether the grant was intended as the purchase of an absolution from the impending censures, or as a substantial proof, that however they might have erred in the choice of a subordinate ruler, they had not swerved from their fealty to the supreme lord of their order and their country, it is now impossible to determine : but, whatever might have been its purpose, Rome stood firm to her own dignity, and to the claims of her faithful vassal, A bull was directed to the four prelates who had not leagued in the rebellion, command- ing them to excommunicate their offending brethren ; and the delinquents would have experienced the utmost severity of Papal vengeance, had not the monarch declared his willingness to admit them to pardon, upon the easy terms of acknowledging their fault and renewing their oaths of allegiance. Sir Richard Edgecombe, the officer sent over by the King to receive the submission of the lords and prelates of the pale, has left us copies of the oaths which were taken on the occasion ; they were " devised by himself, as sure as he could," and cost him the labour of many days, in the discussion of the several articles with these refractory penitents. The oath for the lay lords is on the model of the old oath of a feudal vassal; with a clause at the end, that the party " will not let, ne cause to be letted, the execution and declaration of the great censures of holy church to be done agenst any person of what estate, degree, or condition he be, by any archbushopp, bushopp, &c., according to the authority of our most holy father. Pope Innocent the Eighth, that now is, agenst all theme of the King's subgets that lett or trouble our sayd sovereign lord, King Henry the Seventh." The same pledges were exacted of the bishops, with an additional dechiration, that *' as oft as they should be required, they would execute the censures of the Church, on behalf of their sovereig-n lord, a^^enst all those of his subgets, of what dignity, degree, state, or condition he be, tliat letteth or troubleth their seyd sovereign lord." IN IRELAND. 15.5 The attempt made to elude the force of these oaths is a chap. i. strong instance of that detestable casuistry by which the a.d. 14S6. schoolmen of the Church of Rome have seared the natural susceptibility of conscience. When at length every difficulty appeared to be adjusted, it was demanded by Kildare, the leader of the rebellion, that the host on which they were to be sworn should be consecrated by one of his own chaplains. This demand involved, literally, a mystery of iniquity, which the rude proposer could never have fathomed for himself, and which few Roman Catholic laymen of the present day will be able to comprehend without a particular explanation.* It has long been a Doctrine of doctrine of the Papal Church, republished at Trent under Int*^°tion. the sanction of a curse upon all who deny it, that the intention of the officiating priest is necessary for the validity of a religious rite. The conspirators were assured that the intention of Kildare's chaplain would be cordially in their favour : thus the form of consecration would be the juggling illusion of a mountebank, the wafer would be no host, and the protestation made upon it, " so help me this holy sacrament of God's body, in form of bread here present, to my salvation or damnation," however awful in its terms, would have no meaning, and conse- quently no terrors, to those whom the prelates should initiate into so comfortable a secret. -j- But Edgecombe was aware of the perfidy of the demand ; he insisted that * See the " Digest of Evidence," vol. ii., cliap. 1. t On sucli an occasion as that mentioned above, the dogma will encourage the unprincipled villain, but to the honestly superstitious it abounds with consequences the most alarming. A priest cannot know whether he is law- fully called to the ministry ; his people are equally ignorant whether his ministerial acts are valid ; the want of intention in himself, or in the bishop who ordained him, is sufficient to invalidate that he does. Thus, a matron can never be sure that she is married, or a devotee that he has received any one of those sacraments, which at the same time he believes to be indispensable for his salvation. All this is unaccountable in a Church which maintains her own infallibihty in order to save her votaries from doubt — or, rather, it would be unaccountable, did it not teach the necessity of being always on good terms with the priesthood. The words of the Trent decree are these : 156 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cHAr. I. the mass should be celebrated by his own chaplain ; and A.D. I486, has left us a description of the whole ceremony, which shows the appalling character of the meditated prevarica- tion. " This done," he says, " the seyd erle went into a chambir where the seyd Sir Richard's chaphiin was at masse, and in the masse time, the said erle was shriven, and assoiled from the curse that he stood in by the virtue of the Pope's bull ; and before the agnus of the seyd masse, the host being divided into three parts, the priest turned him from the altar, holding the said three parts of the host upon the patten ; and there, in the presence of many persons, the seyd erle, holding his right hand over the holy host, made his solemn oath of ligeance unto our soverain lord. King Henry the Seventh, in souch forme as was afore devised ; and in likeivise the bushopj^s and lordes made like oath; and that done, and the masse ended, the seyd erle, with the seyd Sir Richard, bushopps, and lordes, went into the church of the seyd monastery, and in the choir thereof the Archbushopp of Dublyn began Te Deum, and the choir with the organs sung it up solemply, and all the bells in the church rung."* But the bishops, though frustrated in this first device, had another evasion in reserve, the benefits of which did not extend to their lay associates. The oath of the latter was absolute, concluding in the manner already quoted, " so help me this holy sacrament," &c. ; but in that of the prelates, these words were followed by a sweeping clause of exceptions, " salvo ordine episcopali" saving the privi- leges of their order — privileges of which themselves were the only judges, and before the sacred inviolability of which all secular rights and secular obligations were required to give way. This review of the conduct of the Irish hierarchy has The Eomish hierarcliy in Ireland. " If any one shall say that there is not required in ministers, when they consecrate and administer the sacraments, an intention of doing what the Church docs, LET UIM BE ANATHEMA." — Sess. 6, ccition ix. * Sir Eichard Edgecombe's voyage, Harris's " Ilibcniica," i. 78. IN IRELAND. 157 now been brought clown to the eve of the Reformation, chap. i. It has appeared, that, so far from making amends for the a.d. 1186. great treason of their predecessors, few generations of prelates passed away without adding some new grievance to the accumulation of national suffering. For the tur- bulence which they thus uniformly evinced, they had as little aggression to plead in excuse as perhaps ever was experienced by any community in so long a lapse of years. The sovereign, besides endowing them splendidly, had placed them next, and scarcely below, himself; the aristocracy had added many and noble benefactions ; and, if we are to believe their own writers, the people were distinguished for submissiveness to the Church, and un- blemished by a stain of heresy.* Those jealousies which arose from time to time between the English and Irish * Thus, the well-known writer under the signature of J. K. L. : " When it pleased God to have an island of saints upon the earth, He prepared Ireland from afar for this high destiny. Her attachment to the faith once delivered to her was produced by many concmTent causes, as far as natural means are employed by Providence to produce effects of a higher kind. These causes have had their influence, but there was another and a stronger power labouring in Ireland for the faith of the Gospel, — there was the natural disposition of the people suited to a religion which satisfied the mind and gratified the affections. Hence the aboriginal Irish are all Catholics ; and to these are joined great numbers who have descended from the ancient settlers, and who in process of time have become more Irish than the Irish themselves." — Letters on Ireland, p. 58. This is not the bombast of an individual, but the uniform and established language of a school. Full two centuries before J. K. L., the world was informed by another titular prelate, " that the soil of Ireland was holy, congenial to true rehgion, fertile in Catholics, and reclaiming even foreigners after they have been settled here a few generations;" and again, " Gc, then, ye heretics, destitute of the truth, and acknowledge the wonderful providence of God, and liis secret counsels towards the natives of Ireland, — cease to reproach the tenets of the children of Israel, whom God has chosen for his peculiar people." — RoutKs Analecta Sacra, pp. 67 — 74. Dr. Burke, in his " Hibemia Dominicana," has several passages in nearly the same terms. This good prelate, indeed, seems half inclined to insinuate, that the instinct of orthodoxy extends to Irish horses. He tells an anecdote of James the First, with great complacency : — It seems that Sir Arthur Chichester, when lord-lieutenant of Ireland, sent over a very fine horse to Ms master ; but the King (who, by the bye, as we learn from the best of historians, the " Author 1.5S POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CUAP. I. A.D. 1486. Seeks the domestic govern- ment of the country. members of the body bad scarcely any efFect upon its general policy. All bad been Irisb wben Ireland was sacrificed to tbcir tbirst of aggrandizement ; and, after English and Irisb were joined in the bierarcbyj tbe latter were always as ready to afflict tbe people, as tbe former to insult and embarrass tbe prince. Enemies alike to freedom and to government, botb were engaged in all tbose measures, wbicb entailed permanent misfortune on tbe country, and left a stigma upon tbe cbaracter of its inbabitants* — witbbolding tbe promised blessings of civi- lization — bligbting tbe fair blossom of national union with a curse — maintaining an odious ascendancy for one race, while they subjected it, in its turn, to their own despotic misrule — setting an example of that rapacious violence which was tbe prevailing vice of the times — fomenting disaffection, braving the executive government, stripping tbe laws of their authority, and spurning even the mediation of him whom they affected to venerate as the vicegerent of tbe Almighty, whenever it happened to be exerted in favour of public tranquillity. Upon the whole, during a period of more than three centuries, amidst much indiscretion and wonderful versatility, one purpose appears to have animated tbe order, — that of drawing to itself the domestic government of the country, and of establishing this dominion upon tbe trampled rights and pretensions of all other classes of men. of Waverley," was an indifferent horseman) eyed the present with very con- siderable distrust: "I doubt the knave's a Papist," said the cautious monarch, and refused to mount. * J. K. L. thus describes the mass of the people of Ireland : — " The nation which was thus enslaved put on all the habits which had been formed for them ; they became ferocious, individually brave, but cowards when collected together ; cunning, astute, cruel, strangers to honesty and truth." — Vindication, p. 7. This humiliating description, thank Grod, is exaggerated ; but, at all events, the national character, however barbarous he may be pleased to consider it, had been fully formed before the Reformation. How will he exculpate his own hierarchy from the charge of having contributed — chiefly contributed — to the corruption of a people whose capabilities are acknowledged to be of the very highest order ? IN IRELAND. 15.9 It is not to be supposed that, as soon as the civil chap. i. government had acquired competent strength, some effort a.u. 1486. would not be made to repress this extravagant ambition of the hierarchy, and to provide for the sober exercise of its legitimate powers. The lay aristocracy, however little in- clined, in other instances, either to co-operate with the State, or to give the people a chance of liberty, were too much interested in such a measure to refuse it their active con- currence. The lords of English descent, irritated by a too successful rivalry ; the Irish, still brooding over the original treachery of the Church and its many bitter con- sequences to themselves ; and both turbulent, eager for ascendancy, and accustomed to refer everything to the arbitration of the sword, would naturally rejoice in the downfall of this arrogant order. Accordingly, when Henry iienry the Eighth asserted his claim to the complete sovereignty of the island, all the nobles arrayed themselves on the side of the crown ; they abolished the subordinate title of lord, the only one wliich the Pope had permitted to be assumed, and proclaimed him King of Ireland, and Supreme Head of the Church.* This unanimity was not confined to that body of the nobility, which conformed to the English customs, and which usually took a share in the administration of public affairs. Those powerful and refractory chieftains who had hitherto maintained a dubious struggle against the vitmost force of the State, came forward on this occasion with rival zeal for the honour of royalty, and with the strongest professions of their un- divided allegiance. Desmond was the first who presented himself: on the 16th of January, 1540, he executed a written indenture, in which he " utterly denied, and promised to forsake, the usurped primacy and authority of the Bishop of Rome ; and engaged to resist and repress the same, and all that should by any means uphold or maintain it." Shortly after, O'Connor and O'Dunne gave * See Note B., at the end of the chapter. IGO POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. similar pledges. O'Donel, in his indenture bearing date A.D. 1540. the ()th of August, 1542, declares that " he will renounce, relinquish, and to the best of his power, annihilate, the usurped power of the Roman Pontiff; that he will by no means harbour, or allow in his country, those who adhere to the said Pontiff; but will, with all diligence, expel, eject, and eradicate them, or bring them into subjection to our said lord the King." His example was followed, in a week after, by Mac Mahon. In the January following, O'Neil, the acknowledged leader of the northern Irish, met the King's Commissioners at Maynooth, and entered into similar engagements; and, in the course of that year, the same was done by O'Brien, the first chieftain of Munster ; by O'More, O'Rourke, Mac Donel, and by the head of the De Burgos, who was now known by the Irish title of Mac William. This conduct of the great lords was emulously imitated by those of inferior rank. From Connaught, from Meath, from the remotest regions of the south and north, all the most turbulent heads of the Irish tribes, all those of the old English race who had adopted Irish manners, and had lived, for ages, in rude indepen- dence, vied with each other in declarations of fidelity to the King, and executed their indentures in the amplest forms of submission.* * Leland, ii., 178—182 ; Cox, 268—271 ; O' Conor, « Historical Address," ii., 279. Roman Catholic writers of tlie Popish class are exceedingly puzzled to account for this conduct of the Irish lords : the following explanation by Dr. Burke is absurd enough ; yet it is the only direct attempt at a solution which I have been able to discover : — " Ireland continued in this anomalous state until the reign of Ilenry the Eighth ; but this Prince, in consequence of the title of ' Defeiider of the Faith^ which he received from the Holy See, so captivated the affections of the Irish, that he enjoyed a greater power over them than any of his predecessors. Hence, even after the schism, he was pronounced King of Ireland, by the Parliament held at Dublin in 1511." — Hibernia Uominicana, p. 30. That is to say, they were so delighted with his orthodoxy, that, after he became a heretic, they decreed him a heretical title of honour : it was inconvenient to the good Bishop tc recollect, that they styled Henry not only King, but Head of the Church. IN IRELAND. 161 As these deeds are objects of considerable interest, and chap. i. as they are all drawn up in nearly the same terms, a copy a.d. 1540. of one of them is inserted here : — Inden- . 1 tares ot " This indenture, made on the 26tli day of September, submis- 34 Henry the Eighth, between the Right Honourable J^'^ to the Anthony St. Leger, &c., on the one part, and the Lord Barry, alias Barrymore or the great Barry ; Mac Carty More ; the Lord Roche ; Mac Carty Reagh ; Thadeus M'Cormick, lord of Muskery ; Bany Oge, alias the young Barry ; O'Sullivan Beare, captain of his nation ; Donald O'Sullivan, first of his house ; Barry Roe, alias the red Barry ; Mac Donough of Allow, head of his nation ; Donald O'Callaghan, first of his house ; and Gerald Fitz John, knight, on the other part ; doth witness, that the said Lord Barry, &c., do agree, consent, and engage, jointly and separately, for themselves, their heirs, successors, assigns, tenants, and followers, that they will hold and perform all and singular articles, pledges, and conditions, which are contained on their part in said indenture. " Imprimis. They, and each of them do, and doth acknowledge the King's majesty aforesaid, to be their natural and liege lord, and will honour, obey, and serve him, and the kings his successors, against all creatures of the universe. And they will accept and hold his said Majesty, and the kings his successors, as the supreme head on earth, immediately under Christ, of the Church of England and Ireland ; and they will obey and serve his Lieutenant, or deputy, in this kingdom of Ireland, in all things con- cerning the service of his said Majesty, or of the kings his successors. And, as far as lieth in their power, jointly or separately, they will annihilate the usurped primacy and authority of the Bishop of Rome, and will expel and eradicate all his favourers, abettors, and partizans ; and will maintain, support, and defend all persons, spiritual and temporal, who shall be promoted to church benefices or dignities by the King's majesty, or other rightful M 162 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. patron; and will apprehend and bring to justice, to be A.D. 1540. tried according to the laws made, or to be made, in such behalf, all who apply for provision to the Bishop of Rome, or who betake themselves to Rome in quest of pro- motion," &:c.* The sense in which the papal supremacy was thus quietly set aside, to make way for that of the King, is naturally an object of some curiosity. Of theology these Irish lords knew nothing ; they were unaccustomed to any general reasoning ; and, if the whole truth must be told, some of them had not advanced so far in literary acquire- ments as to be able to write their names. Yet the early annals of the country, and the more recent usages of those districts, which had struggled to maintain their internal economy against the encroachments of Rome and England, taught them to arrive at a just decision, without descending into those polemical labyrinths which they were so little qualified to explore. They had learned from these sources that almost every principality in Ireland had, for many centuries, its own mode of celebrating divine service ; that their chieftains had been invested with the patronage and government of the ecclesiastics of their respective territories ; and that the pretended right Novelty of of the Popes to nominate to church dignities, to demand Do\ver°m ^ first fruits and other taxes, to exempt churchmen from Ireland. secular tribunals, to hold separate courts, to enforce canons, independent of, and sometimes contrary to, the law of the country, had been unknown in Ireland, until they claimed it as a province of the royalties of their sce.f From such facts, the inference was easy ; every inde- pendent state was competent to regulate for itself, the forms of its public worship, the government and succession of its hierarchy, and other branches of ecclesiastical discipline. In these respects, the Irish princes of former times had been, virtually, heads of the churches in their * Cox, 272, quoting from the Council Book at Dublin Castle. t See above, p. 138. IN IRELAND. 1G3 respective districts ; altliough the general simplicity of chap. i. manners had prevented the formal assumption of the title. ^•^- ^^^^' The subscribers to the indentures were, therefore, prepared to regard them as the just prerogatives of royalty, and to transfer them, accordingly, with the other attributes of temporal dominion, from the successor of St. Peter, to the King of England.* These reasonings of the chieftains were quickened not a little by personal considerations. It was their great object, as well as that of the prelates, that, whoever might enjoy the nominal sovereignty, the internal and efficient administration of Irish affairs should be possessed by themselves : they had been outstripped in this career of factious ambition by the superior address and persever- ance of their clerical rivals, and they now gladly embraced the opportunity of a triumph. They saw that the only way of effectually putting down this formidable comj)etition was by cutting off altogether that papal jurisdiction, of which even the delegated exercise had given the prelates a mortifying and oppressive ascendancy: nor is it probable that they were blind to other advantages, which the present turn of affairs had thrown open to their contemplation. Unless the Government became much stronger (and it * "It is very well known," says Dr. 0' Conor, "that when Henry the Temporal Eighth renounced the Pope's supremacy, our chiefs, believmg that he meant jurisdic- only to renounce the temporal supremacy, joined him in that renunciation. In their fourth general submission, which was made in the 33d of Henry the Eighth, they unanimously acknowledged by indenture, that he was their sovereign lord and king ; confessing his supremacy in all causes, and utterly renouncing the Pope's jurisdiction in all manner of temporals, both in Church and State." — Historical Address, Introduction, xxxviii. I have made this extract from a Roman Catholic writer, cliiefly because it inculcates an important truth, which is overlooked by too many Protestants. Juris- diction over a Church is, in a great measure, temporal jurisdiction ; par- ticularly if the Church be one which, like the Roman Catholic, spreads its rules and its organization both deeply and widely among the mass of its lay members and the concerns of ordinary Hfe. The priests are men, they are also magistrates ; they are governed, and in their turn they govern others, by human motives ; yet the Govebnment, as it is called, has no control in the business. M 2 164 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cuAP. I. would be always in their power to obviate such a result), A.D. 15-10. that control over ecclesiastics which they were now apparently conferring on the crown, would, in a great measure, devolve upon themselves. It was evident, too, from the conduct of the King in England, that a great share of the property of the Church was destined to fall into their hands ; and occasions could not fail to arise, for securing a portion, if not a monopoly, of the patronage of the remainder. This good humour of the aristocracy, at the humiliation of a rival order, and their own brightening prospects, banished for a while those feelings and pretensions, which had hitherto given most uneasiness to the Government. O'Neil, whose progenitors had always affected the dignity of sovereign princes, waited on the King at Greenwich ; and, after the amplest protestations of fidelity, conde- scended to accept the title of Earl of Tyrone. O'Brien, in like manner, sunk the pomp of his feudal name in the earldom of Thomond ; De Burgo, whose family for many generations had laid aside the English manners, submitted to be known henceforward as Earl of Clanrickarde ; the haughty chieftains O'Donel and Mac Carthy became Earls respectively of Tyrconnel and Glencar ; and the humility of some inferior potentates was content with the title of Baron. Desmond renounced that fantastic privilege, on which his house, in imitation of the native lords, and the ancient warriors of Gaul and Germany, had so long insisted, of exemption from appearance within a walled town ; he promised to attend Parliament, and even to pay taxes ; ay, as liberally as Ormond himself ; * he resumed his long unoccupied seat at the Council Board, and assisted the Lord Deputy in receiving submissions. Others gave still more unequivocal proofs of loyalty. The chief- * The house of Ormond was the great rival of the Desmonds, or rather, indeed, their natural enemy ; being as generally on the side of the crown, as the others were in opposition. The Whigs and Tories of those days held their debates in the field. IN IRELAND. 165 tain of Tyrconnel, whose family was well known both chap. i. at Rome and Paris, resisted the artifices by which a.d. 1540. Francis the First endeavoured to seduce him into a revolt ; and, when the son of that Fitzpatrick, whose ambassador had formerly amused the King with his threats of war, was detected in some treasonable practices, he was delivered up to public justice by the hands of his own father. In Peace in fine, for the first time recorded in her annals, Ireland was • now at peace under one acknowledged sovereign. So universal was the tranquillity, that a considerable body of troops was spared for the King's service before Boulogne, where an Irishman had the honour of defeating the French champion ; and another force of three thousand men was sent into Scotland to the aid of the Lord Lenox.* Even the great feud between the two races was forgotten for a season ; and, while English and Irish crowded together from all quarters of the island to receive law from the throne, the loyal impulse with which they were animated seemed already to have borne its most appropriate fruits, in the feeling of a common country and the kindly affec- tions of neighbourhood. This unanimity is the more remarkable, as being in a.d. 1543. defiance of the denunciations of the Vatican. Eight . . ° against years had now elapsed since Paul the Third passed Henry final sentence upon Henry: "that terrible thundering bull," as it is called by a Roman Catholic, f in which he not only dethroned the sturdy monarch, but pronounced him infamous, cut him off" from Christian burial, and doomed him " to eternal curse and damnation." The interval had been employed, with all the vigilance and skill of the Papacy, in endeavouring to prepare a formid- able opposition to the tardy movements of the Irish Government. Chronicles had been discovered or in- vented, in which Ireland was called the Holy Island ; and thence was drawn a convincing argument that the country belonged to the Holy See. Instructions had been issued * Leland, ii. 182—186. f Father Peter Walsh. — Rlstory of Irish Remonstrance, Introduction, xi. 1G6 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. I. A.D. 1543. Alleged discovery of ancient prophecy. to the bishops in the Roman interest, that an oath of allegiance to the Pope, " in all things, spiritual and temporal," should be administered to the people at the time of confession : curses had been denounced against all who should acknowledge the impious claims of Henry, and indulgences offered to the faithful followers of the Pontiff.* The inexhaustible store-house of prophecy, which Rome possesses among her other spiritual trea- sures, was opened on this great occasion, and an effort was made to stimulate the warlike propensities of the chieftains by placing them in the Thermopylae of the Catholic cause. f But all these appeals, whether to super- stition or to enthusiasm, proved unsuccessful ; it was too obvious that the opposition of Rome and its partizans was nothing more than a struggle for temporal dominion, and not a sword was drawn in the quarrel of the ecclesiastics. J There is good reason to believe, that had Ireland been in any other stage of its social progress, the Papal party * Cox, 257. t The following letter was -wTitten to O'jVeil by the Bishop of Metz, in the name of the Council of Cardinals : — " Mt Son O'jS^eil, — Thou and thy fathers were ever faithful to the mother Church of Rome. His Holiness Paid, the present Pope, and his council of holy fathers, have lately found an ancient prophecy of one Saint Lazerianus, an Irish archbishop of Cashel. It saith, that the Cliurch of Rome shall surely fall when the Catholic faith is once ovcrtlirown in Ireland. Therefore, for the gloi"y of the mother Church, the honour of Saint Peter, and yoiu* own security, suppress heresy, and oppose the enemies of his Holiness. You see, that when the Roman faith perisheth in Ireland, the See of Rome is fated to utter destruction. The Council of Cardinals have, therefore, thought it necessary to animate the people of the holy island in this pious cause, being assured, that while the mother Church hath sons of such worth as you, and those who shall unite with yoti, slie shall not fall, but prevail for ever, in some degree at least, iu Britain. " Having thus obeyed the order of the sacred council, we recommend your princely person to the protection of the holy Trinity, of the blessed Virgin, of Saint Peter, Saint Paul, and all the host of heaven. Amen." — Lelancl, ii. 172. X O'Conor has fully proved, in opposition to Lcland, that CNeil's insur- rection, which was terminated by the battle of Bellahoe, was a predatory adventure, not a religious war. — Historical Address, i. 23. IN IRELAND. 1G7 would have been easily overthrown. Few affect to deny, chap. i. that, if the great mass of the people had been somewhat ^■^- 1513. more elevated above their ancient habits and prejudices, the Reformation would have made more considerable advances ; perhaps it is equally probable, that had their feudal attachments remained unimpaired, they would have followed, without inquiry, the example of their lords, and passed on insensibly, in course of time, from political to religious Protestantism. But, unhappily, the TheEefor- Reformation was introduced precisely at the juncture °^''* ^'^"* when the old system of clanship was beginning to moulder away — a system for which it is so difficult to find a substitute among a half-employed and half-civilized population. The dissolution of it, however necessary to the perfect settlement of the country, and to the final triumph of liberty and law, was unseasonably urged, at a time when another most important measure was giving full employment to the utmost energies of the State. Two evils arose from this precipitancy. One was, that the nobles became distrustful at the very crisis when their cordial co-operation was most necessary; — scarcely had they testified their unanimous satisfaction at the reduction of a rival power, when they discovered the intention of the Government to complete its work of conquest by the demolition of their own.* It was another, and a greater The Irish misfortune, that the multitude, left to themselves, while tj^^*^^ ' ^ ' _ _ themselves as yet they were incapable of self-direction, were now in into the a state of destitution, not of liberty. The sense of their l^^^^ own helplessness, awakened by this new condition, was priests. a kindred consciousness to that panic alarm with which superstition haunts its victims ; and, under the combined * I am glad to find that my view of the subject concurs with that of Dr. O' Conor : — " Down to the accession of the house of Stuart," he says, " there was yet remaining amongst the common Irish a spirit of clanship, wliicli operated most powerfully to suboi-dination. This was gradually eradicated, and no adequate principle substituted in its stead." — Historical Address, Introduction, xxviii. 168 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. CHAP. I. influence of these two feelings, it is no wonder that they A.D. 1543. threw themselves into the hands of their priests — the only hands which were extended to receive them. There they have remained to this day ; and the power which wields them has ever since been enabled to re-act upon the higher classes of their communion, upon Ireland, and upon the empire. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. Note A., page 106. These feelings are well expressed in a clever pamphlet of the year Yindica- 1804, entitled " A Vindication of Dr. Troy." In reply to some tion of Dr. slighting expression which had been used towards that prelate, the ^^^J- anonymous author, who is supposed to have been Dr. Troy himself, writes thus : " He is a bishop, Sir, and as such is acknowledged by eighty-seven millions of men in Europe : he has colleagues apostles, and colleagues princes ; and kings, and the successor of Charlemagne, would incline to his blessing, and style him Most Heverend, to whom you refuse the protection of an alien, in his native land." This spirited sentence contains ample proof of a Roman Catholic bishop's title to respect from all men : it contains also, in the same words, the grounds of that jealousy with which, at least, under a Protestant Government, his order should be regarded. He who thus claims the homage of foreign kings, and is sustained by that conscious dignity which belongs to a leader of eighty-seven millions, to a colleague of princes, to a colleague of apostles — such as they are now, seated, perhaps, on thrones of judgment — cannot be contemplated without uneasiness by a sovereign who protests against these high pretensions, and declines the stately benediction. There are three points in this high-toned vindication which require particular notice ; the majesty of the office, its antiquity, and the extent of that mighty confederacy in which it occupies so conspicuous a station. A Papal bishop is a colleague of princes. The Church of Rome is Definition a state, a spiritual monarchy ; and the sovereign Pontiff, the Vicar of of Papal Christ on earth, is entitled, in this lower world, to the same place and "ishops. station which the glorified Messiah holds in heaven. There, the various orders of intelligences are formed into one Church, or one kingdom ; and the rulers of these orders, " thrones, dominions, princi- palities, and powers," bow down before one Supreme Head." Here, in like manner, the representative of Christ is supreme over the typical no POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME APP. TO CHAP. I. Papal bishops Their oath to the Papacy. AUens in their native land. Church ; and all other potentates are rightfully subject to his authority, And as, in this probationary state, the complex nature of men requires two kinds of government, the one to provide for his temporal interests, the other for his eternal, there is a corresponding diversity in the nature of the powers which emanate from the sovereign. He is the fountain both of kingly and of priestly honour ; bishops and princes are colleagues under him, deriving from him their consecration and office, and exercising jurisdictions, ■nhich, in respect of each other, are co-ordinate and indejjendent. A Papal bishop is a colleague of the apostles. The Papacy supports the doctrine of apostolic succession, not only as conservative of Church unity and ministerial power, but as inspiring lofty human feelings. By the ceremony of consecration, a bishop is, as it were, adopted into a family of more than earthly nobility, and is taught to discern, in spirit, the venerable forms of his fathers, ascending, in long procession from this probationary scene, until, with the apostles, they encircle the mystical throne of the Messiah. He mingles ■with men who gave laws to the fiercest tribes, and who lowered the sword of the conqueror, and the sceptre of the monarch, in homage to the milder glory of the mitre : he is their descendant ; the remoter his descent, the more exalted is his honour ; and, when he looks for the obeisance of an earthly potentate, he expects no more than what the tradition of his house pronounces to be a hereditary right. A Papal bishop is a peer of that stupendous empire which extends over the globe, and which comprises a majority of the Christian world. As such, he is naturally a politician : he has a certain theory, peculiar to his order and its retainers, of civil rights and duties, of liberty, of sovereignty, and jurisprudence. No public event can occur which may not affect the temporal fortune of the Church : a spirit of action and intrigue is, therefore, infused into all the members of the hierarchy, and every bishop has a sort of official interest in the affairs and relations of the most distant countries. Bound to the Papacy by an oath without a parallel in the annals of despotism, and by the more attractive obligation of a common interest, he mingles in all trans- actions, and takes a part in all revolutions and intrigues, with a view to the extension and consolidation of its power. Like the envoy or minister of any foreign government, he observes the laws of the state in which his master may have placed him, and respects, for the time, the authority of the local magistrate ; but his order is his country, the Pontiff is his natural sovereign, and their welfare and their honour are the appropriate objects of his public cares. So far, then, as the prelates of the Roman Church in Ireland can be justly styled " aliens in their native land," their estrangement arises from the spirit of the order, both as it cherishes claims inconsistent with the laws, and as it merges the charities of patriotism in a diffusive IN IRELAND. 171 policy, flhich embraces so many millions of strangers, perhaps of note a. enemies. But as proofs are not so striking as illustrations, it may be useful to annex an example of its evil influence in each of these respects. Had Dr. Troy been writing his name and title in the Irish language, he would have styled himself Successor of Laurence O' Toole ; * and, in the same manner, his brother prelates Avould denominate themselves after the founders or most eminent bishops of their respective sees. These titles, if they do not inspire feelings of elevated piety, are calculated, at least, to suggest lofty aspirations after secular honours, and to prolong the contest for power. Combined with the form of an Estahlished Church, which is punctiliously maintained, they keep the thoughts fixed on the apostasy and breach of faith of the English Government, and on the splendour, the political importance, and the projects of the early bishops : thus animosity is perpetuated, dignity given to intrigue, and ambition invested with somewhat of the sacred- ness of duty. Seqiii Jinemque tueri, was the armorial legend of the exiled house of Stuart— a motto admirably expressive of pretensions •which were to terminate only with the race : the Stuart Church is The Stuart equally tenacious of its claims, and not so perishable as the family. Church. The potentate distinguished from ordinary kings by the sounding title of " successor of Charlemagne," was no other than Buonaparte, He was crowned the same year in which the pamphlet was written ; and, as the coronation did not take place until the 2d of December, Dr. Troy, or his vindicator, must have been among the first to recog- nise the new Emperor. For several years before, the known Infidelity of the French had been the great sedative of Popish f insurrection in Ireland, and the ingenuity of the rebel leaders appears to have been much exercised in endeavours to counteract its lethargic influence. Dr. M'Nevin declared, in the confession which procured his pardon, that, in the year 1797, information had been transmitted to the French Directory, " that the priests had ceased to be alarmed at the calumnies which had been published of French irreligion, and that they were rendering great service by the zeal and discretion with which they propagated the system of the United Irishmen." Whatever may be doubtful, perhaps we might say, false, in this story, it proves, at least, * The Irish word is Comorhan, pronounced Corhan : — its exact meaning, which gave Archbishop Usher a great deal of trouble, is rendered in Latin by Vicarius cum jure successionis. I have seen the arms of Dr. Carpenter, Dr. Ti'oy's predecessor, with an Irish scroll imdemeath, in wliich that prelate is styled " Comorhan of Lorcan O'Tuathal." The anns were precisely the same as those of the Protestant archbishop. Dr. Troy surmounted his with a cardinal's hat m the place of a mitre. t The reader must never forget the distinction between Popish and Eoman CathoHc. 172 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME Arr. TO CUAP. I. A.D. 1801. The Pope absolves tlic French from their allegiance. The Romish bishops in Ireland approve. the strength of the harrier wliich religious feelings interposed at that time between the great mass of our common people and French over- tures of fraternization. But, by the events of 1804, things assumed a very difl'erent aspect. France was once more a Catholic country ; the arch-apostate himself had been " consecrated by the Vicar of Christ with holy and solemn rites ; " * and now, in his high station, as successor of Charlemagne and presumptive founder of a new dynasty, was ready to incline to the blessing of Dr. Troy. At the same time, a French armament was in preparation for the invasion of Ireland. — See A Letter to Dr. Troy, on the Coronation of Iitio7iaparte hy Pius the Seventh. Third Edition, Dublin, 1805. As the Papal prelates, both in England and Ireland, took a con- siderable interest in these transactions between Buonaparte and their master, a few further particulars may, perhaps, not be unacceptable in this jdace. Up to 1800, the Koman Government had opposed the Revolution with all its energy ; and in the March of that year, when Pius the Seventh was elected to the tiara, he announced his accession to Louis the Eighteenth, as the legitimate sovereign of France. In 1801, how- ever, that Pontifl' absolved the French from their allegiance to the Bour- bons, and executed a concordat with Buonaparte ; in 1804, he raised the First Consul to the Imperial dignity; in 1805, crowned him King of Italy; and, to complete the settlement of the new order of things, he con- firmed to the actual occupiers, " in opposition," says Mr. Butler, " to the crying claims of the lawful owners," the property which had been confiscated by the Revolutionary Governments. These proceedings of the Vatican were opposed very warmly, and very naturally, by the exiles : a remonstrance to the Pope was published by thirty-eight archbishops and bishops, and a vigorous controversy maintained for some years. The chief writers were, on the side of the emigrants, the Abbe Blanchard, Avho received the thanks of the ejected bishops, both in England and Germany ; and, on that of the Pope and Buonaparte, the late Dr. Milncr, the Vicar Apostolic of the middle district in England. After the interchange of some pamphlets between these disputants, Dr. Gibson, the Vicar Apostolic of the London district, where Blanchard then resided, came officially to the aid of his brother, and issued a censure, accompanied by a sentence of suspension from the sacraments, against the Frenchman. Blanchard, not yet subdued, published a fresh defence, in which he appealed to the judgment of the Irish hierarchy. A formal synod was accordingly held by that body, in June, 1809. The prelates pronounced, " that Pope Pius the Seventh, had validly, and fif/reeahly to the spirit of the sacred cano)is, exerted the 2}owers helonginy to the AjMstolical See, — and that they accepted, approved, and concurred with, the said acts of Pius the Seventh, * Sacra solennique ritu consecratio peracta est, are the Pontiff's own words in his bulletin, upon the occasion, to the College of Cardinals. IN IRELAND. 17t as good, rightful, authentic, and necessary." They also declared, that note a. the opinions of Blanchard, " inasmuch as they regarded the restoration and settlement of the churches in France, wei'e false, calumnious, and scandalous, manifestly tending to schism, most dangerous to the peace and unity of the Church, exciting and inviting to sch'sm, usurping ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and subversive of Church authority T* That this conduct of the titular prelacy, considering the matter simply as a problem in ethics, was perfectly irreproachable, will be readily granted by every ingenuous man who considers the nature of their obligations. Their first duty was to the Church ; and there was every reason to believe that the interests of the Church would be materially promoted were its sanction extended to the new establish- ments of France, civil and ecclesiastical.f It is probable, that they would have felt themselves relieved from a very irksome burden had they been able so to attemper the discharge of this duty as to separate effectually the spiritual and the temporal question. But so intimate had been the union between the Church and the State under the old regime, and so connected the inroads of the Revolution upon both, that the prelates were obliged, however reluctantly, to involve the two interests in one common decision. The evil would have been more tolerable had their interference been limited to a foreign country, but, unfortunately, they could not fulfil their paramount obligations without endangering the safety of their " native land," and of the prince who considered them as his natural subjects. The United Kingdom was then engaged in a desperate contest with France — a contest which, by whatever name some eminent men may now choose to entitle it, was generally pronounced by the loyal to be a war of "principle, the principle of legitimacy. At least, it must have been the desire of the British Government to avail itself of all the assistance which at that critical season it could honourably derive from the prepossessions of the French in favour of the Bourbons, or the attachment of Europe generally to hereditary monarchy. This desire was thwarted by the solemn judicial decision of the titular bishops. The vanity of legiti- * Will it be pretended by any one who reads these two unanimous decrees of the Irish hierarchy, that no more information is requisite than has been given in " The Evidence," with respect to the sacred canons, the poioers of the Apostolic See, and Church authority in general ? The facts stated, and documents referred to, in the text, are given upon the concurrent authority of two adverse writers, one a Jansenist, the other a Jesuit. See Dr. O'Conor, " Columbanus," 6, and Mr. Plowden's " Historical Letter to Columbanus." t The Pope has no concern with the principle of legitimacy, or with any other merely temporal principle ; but it is his concern, anything to the contrary in those principles notioithstanding, to provide that the Church shall be exalted. (See the " Digest of Evidence," vol. ii., chap. 3.) The same ride appUes to the bishops, or any body of them. 174 POLICY 01' THE CHURCH 01' HOME APP. TO macy, when opposed to the sacred interests of the Church, was CHAP. I. displayed to all Roman Catholics at home and abroad ; everything was done which the prelates could do (and more, doubtless, than they M'ould have chosen had the sternness of duty allowed them a choice) to cripple the moral resources of England, and to recruit and consoli- date the strength of her greatest enemy. To resume the subject Avith which this note commences. The writer who had called forth the vindication of Dr. Troy underrated the dangers of the Papal system, because he disparaged the spirit and views of the prelacy. The associations which connect a bishop with princes and apostles, and prompt him to look for the homage of kings, elevate the tone, and give energy and expansion to the powers, of the mind. Their influence is increased by a discipline, calculated, perhaps above all others that ever were devised, to accomplish mighty changes — a discipline which extracts aliment from hopes that are never to be realized by the individual, which teaches him to lose himself in his order, and which diverts even the current of his natural afi'ections upon those who have adventured in the same enterprise. All this is too refined for the apprehension of persons whose cares and duties are limited to the concerns of the moment, who coalesce for- tuitously, upon a particular question, without any of the better sympathies of party, and who, though " born for the universe," as some of them certainly were, " narrow their minds " to objects of vulgar ambition. It is placed still further above their reach by that low and economical character which infects the philosophy and litera- ture, as well as the policy, of the times, and by the general spirit of the age, which concentrates its attention upon palpable and present objects, and excludes sentiment and imagination from its estimate of human nature. Thus it has happened, that many of those who have lately been engaged in negotiating with the titular hierarchy, were insensible within themselves to those generous workings of mind which sustain men in the prosecution of a great public cause : they were accordingly unprepared to appreciate them in others, and much more, to counteract them by suitable provisions. Note B,, page 159. Oath of I HAD intended to insert here those observations on the oath of supremacy, supremacy, which Carte * has collected from the professional learning of Sir John Davies, and from his own scarcely less erudite researches. But their extreme length deterred me, or, at least, would have been likely to deter my readers; and their denseness seemed to preclude * In his " Life of Onnond," Introduction. IN IRELAND. Father Peter Walsh. Dr. O' Conor. abridgement. I have, therefore, resolved to substitute some shorter, but more cogent testimonies, from three very eminent Roman Catholic divines. Father Peter Walsh, the celebrated Irish Franciscan, says, with less prolixity, but not less strength, than is usual with him : " By the oath of supremacy, no other authority or power is attributed to the King, save only civil, or that of the sword ; nor is any spiritual or ecclesias- tical power denied therein to the Pope, save only that which the General Council of Ephesus, under Theodosius the Younger, in the case of the Cyprian bishops ; and the next General Council of Chal- cedon, under the good Emperor Marcian, in the case of Anatolius, patriarch of Constantinople, and the two hundred and seventeen bishops of Africa (whereof St. Augustin was one), both in their canons and letters, in the case of Apiarius ; — all denied unto the Roman bishops of their time." * Dr. O'Conor writes thus : " The act of supremacy was really nothing more, as to its intent, than the act of Prcemimire. Its object was to restrain the exercise of illegal jurisdiction, and to confine within due limits the arbitrary proceedings of men who, xmder pretence of religion, claimed a power of exclusively deciding on all matters, whether mixed or unmixed, relating to the Church — men who claimed exemptions from the law courts, pretending that they could be judged only by the Pope, who frequently made the sacraments subservient to their passions, forbidding divine service, and interdicting the benefits of Christianity, to all those who refused to comply with their arbitrary injunctions and decrees." f And Mr. Berrington : " The notions of all men were indistinct upon the subject ; for, so universal and undefined had the power of Rome been— call it ecclesiastical or spiritual, — so much had it absorbed within its cognizance all the concerns of life, that the primitive rights of a first bishop could with difficulty be traced, and the whole fabric of his jurisdiction seemed rather to be the contrivance of human ambition, on the one side, and weak concession on the other. How, then, should a state proceed, now convinced that such a paramount jurisdic- tion was incompatible with its sovereignty, except by at once breaking down the whole mass, and committing any ambiguity of expression to the interpretation of the law, should an interpi-etation be afterwards deemed necessary.'' J " Were it quite clear," says Mr. Butler, § "that the interpretation Mr. Butler, contended for is the true interpretation of the oath, and quite clear also, that the oath was and is thus universally interpreted by the Mr. Ber- rington. * " History of Remonstrance," Introduction, xviii. f " Historical Address," ii., 272. X " Memoirs of Panzani," Introduction, 8. § " History of Catholics," i., 183. 17G POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME APP. TO nation, tlien there might be strong ground to contend that it was con- CHAP. I. sistent with Catholic principles to take cither the oath of supremacy which was prescribed by Elizabeth, or that which is used at present." Now, it is remarkable, that as to the first and most important point, namely, the true interpretation of the oath, Mr. Butler himself has quoted some authorities in elucidation of it, which would probably satisfy any moderate man but the too-cautious compiler. The first, is the Admonition of the Queen herself, " forbidding her loving subjects to give ear to perverse and malicious persons," who explained the oath as claiming a spiritual power for the crown. She then proceeds to say, according to Mr. Butler's quotation : " Her Majesty neither doth, nor ever will, challenge any other authority than what was challenged and lately used by the said noble kings of famous memory, Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth, which is, and was of ancient time, due to the imperial crown of the realm ; that is, under God, to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within her realms and dominions, so as no foreign Power shall or ought to have any superiority over them." But the Queen says 7nore ; and Mr. Butler, having undertaken, as he did, to sum iqi so important a case for the judgment of the public, acted rather according to his habits than his professions, Avhen he suppressed the next sentence. It is given by the more ingenuous Berrington, as follows : — " And if any person that hath conceived any other sense of the form of said oath, shall accept the same oath, icith this interpretation, sense, or meanvirj. Her Majestif is well 2ileased to accept ei-ery such, in that behalf, as her good and obedient subjects, and shall acquit tliem of all manner of penalties contained in the said Act." Secondly, " in the next Parliament," says Mr. Butler, " this expla- nation of the oath of supremacy received the sanction of the legisla- ture." The words of the Act are given by Mr. Berrington. " Provided also, that the oath expressed in the Act made in the first year of Her Majesty the Queen, shall be taken and expounded in such form as is set forth in the admonition annexed to the Queen's majesty 'sinjunctions." Thirdly, Mr. Butler confesses, " that the thirty-seventh Article of the Church of England is in unison with this exposition of the regal supremacy." The words of the Article are : — " The King's majesty hath the chief power in the realm of England, and other his dominions; unto whom the chief government of all estates in this realm, whether they be ecclesiastical or civil, in all cases doth appertain, and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any foreign jui'isdiction. When we attribute to the King's majesty the chief government (by which titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended), we give not to our princes the ministering, either of God's word, or of the sacraments (the which thing the injunctions, also, lately set forth by IN IRELAND. 177 Elizabeth, our Queen, do most plainly testify), but ^/(«^ on ^/^;re)-o//a- note b. tive which we see to have been given always to all godly princes, in holy scripture, by God himself; that is, that they should govern all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain, with the civil sword, the stubborn and evil-doers." Fourthly, it is acknowledged by Mr. Butler, that the same descrip- tion of the nature and extent of the spiritual supremacy of the Crown was repeatedly given by King James. Here we have the Sovereign, who imposed the oath, solemnly explaining the sense in which alone she understood it, and declaring that she would accept, as good subjects, all who should take it in the sense so explained. We have the same declarations from lier successor, and from the Parliament, that is, in fine, from all ivlio had authority to explain the sense intended : and, corresponding to these, we have the declaration of the Church, the party taking the oath, that the sense thus explained is the only one she acknowledges. Now, if oaths are not to be interpreted in doubtful cases, either by the party which imposes, or by that which accepts them, or by both together, there is no criterion of their sense ; there is no standard for the interpi-etation of them, more accurate or more honest, than the casuists of the Papal schools. Yet Mr. Butler is not satisfied. The causes of his scepticism are, as he says, one loose expression of Mr. Hume, in his History of England, and certain arguments of Mr. Neale, in his History of the Puritans. Weighty authorities, certainly, against the solemn decisions of the Crown, the legislature, and the Church. As to the other point, the sense generally given to it by the nation, Mr. Butler is pleased to " consider it quite undeniable," that the objectionable sense is that " at this time understood, both by the general body of Catholics and the general body of Protestants." That those who persist in rejecting the oath, should devise some pretext for justifying their refusal, is, of course, to be expected : if Mr. Butler had therefore said, that the interpretation above given was not received generally, either by Roman Catholics, or by Protestant Dissenters, he might have asserted what was true, or, at least, what was probable. As to the members of the Church of England, the Bishop of Chester * has sufficiently corrected Mr. Butler's assumption, that the Articles do not continue to speak their sentiments. There have been, however, many eminent Roman Catholics, from time to time, who accepted the authorized interpretation of the oath. We are informed by the candid Berrington that, in the reign of Charles the Second, some took the oath, and others wrote treatises to prove its lawfulness. Those writers undertook to show " that the oath * Now Bishop of London, i.e., 1827. — Ed. N 178 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME APP. TO CHAP. I. Romish laity need legislative protection. neither did, nor could mean, to attribute any power purely spiritual to the Prince, or to take it away from the Pope ; but only meant external and coercive jurisdiction in external courts, in the same sense as we call Doctors' Commons the spiritual court, all which spiritual power, it is manifest, the King of Spain claims and exercises in Sicily." The names of Winter, Hutchinson, Cressy, Fisher, and Serjeant, all English Roman Catholics, are mentioned among the advocates of this interpretation. A priest, named Andrew Bromwich, took the oath, and explained it thus : — " I am satisfied in my conscience that, under God, belongs to his sacred Majesty Charles the Second, the supreme coactive jurisdiction, sovereignty, and rule over the persons of all his subjects, within any of his dominions, of what state or condition soever they be. I have professed that neither the Pope, nor any foreign person, hath right to exercise any external power or coercion, by civil or corporal punishment, without his Majesty's authority, upon his subjects, Avithin his dominions. I do not mean that the King can exercise any power of the keys, or any act of jurisdiction purely spiritual or internal ; as to preach, minister the sacraments, consecrate to holy orders, absolve, define, or excommunicate ; because all these things, being merely and purely spiritual, belong only to those whom the Holy Ghost hath placed to rule the Church of God." It is not, then, without reason that Mr. Berrington proceeds to ask his English lay brethren, " Why should we importune Government for a further redi-ess of grievances, or complain that we are aggrieved, if the remedy be in our own hands ? One bold man, by taking the oath, may dissipate the whole charm of prejudice, and restore us to the most valuable privileges of British citizens." It would appear that such bold men would not be wanting among the Roman Catholic laity, either in England or in Ireland, if the State would but avail itself of their rising spirit, and reduce the Jurisdiction of the priesthood within those modest limits which are sufficient for all other classes of Christian ministers. At the late election for Preston, many of the Roman Catholic inhabitants took the oath, to qualify themselves for the exercise of the elective franchise ; and shortly after there appeared in the Dublin Freeman's Journal, a Roman Catholic paper, an able article, maintaining that the oath might be taken by every member of that communion. There is, indeed, good reason to believe that the oath would be taken by a majority of the laity, were the legislature to extend to them that protection to which they are entitled, against the tyranny of their priesthood. As the case stands at present, they cannot have the consolations of their religion, unless they yield to the great and growing usurpations of its ministers, upon their temporal rights and comforts. The law, or, at least, the local executive, allows these usurpations : thus the industrious and unobtrusive citizens in middle life, those who have not enough of wealth, or of factitious consequence, to secure them from the terrors of excommunication; IN IRELAND. 179 those, in fine, whom a generous Government ought to protect with the note b. greatest vigilance, are left at the mercy of an order which has renounced all natural charities. They may, indeed, declare themselves Protestants; but this is an alternative which may be rejected from various motives; from conscience, from a spurious yet not dishonourable pride, from a natural wish to decline the unenvied honours of martyr- dom; and to which, at all events, no Government has a right to compel any of its subjects. This oath would have been a proper test to separate Papists from Eoman Catholics, had not the duplicity of Rome, constantly growing with its necessities, devised an exj^edient for evading its force. While the mass of its followers was prohibited, under the severest denuncia- tions, from giving this, or any other pledge of loyalty, the general rule was dispensed with, from time to time, in favour of those persons whom the Papal government was employing upon some special mission, and of whose skill and fidelity it was well assured. To countenance Faith v. this perfidious policy, equivocation was wrought up into a system in opmions- the Papal schools; distinctions were made between the popular and the scholastic meaning of words ; it was taught that, although articles of faith were never to be denied, a greater latitude was allow- able with respect to ojnnions ; and that, when the good of the Church required, a man might lawfully speak and act, ujjon the opinion of any eminent authority, although it differed from his oAvn. Thus trained to dissimulation, the Papal emissaries began to make smooth professions of loyalty, and to work their M'ay into Parliament, and the closet of the prince. A criterion between Papists and Roman Catholics had now become, if not impossible, at least full of diflicul- ties, which a Protestant Government, harassed by a century and a half of intrigue, may well be excused if it judged insurmountable. On the one hand, it was necessary to select a test from Avhich Rome could not absolve ; on the other, the system of licensed perjury System of extended, or appeared to extend, to all tests, except those which the licensed Church had ratified under the sanction of an anathema : one of these P^'*J^"7- was accordingly adopted. Such is the account given by Father Walsh,* a contemporary writer: — "If any shall object," he says, "those penal statutes, which may be thought by some to bend all their force against some doctrines and practices of our religion, as for example, against the doctrine of transubstantiation, which this present Parliament at Westminster maybe thought to make their principal mark, the answer is clear and consequential. The law-makers persuaded themselves, first, that the Roman Catholics in general had always declined to disown by any sufficient public instrument, the Pope's pretences to supreme dominion ; secondly, that their missionaries labour to infuse into as many of them as they think Jit all then- own principles of * " Historv of Irish Remonstrance," Introduction, xvi. N 2 180 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. Arp. TO equivocation and mental reservation, and of forsivearwg amj doctrine, CHAi'. I. except only those articles which, by the indispensable condition of their communion, they may not dissemble upon oath ; thirdly, that the tenet of transubstantiation is one of those articles. Therefore, to discover by this (however otherwise, in itself, a very harmless criterion) the mischief which they conceived to go along with it, they made it the test ; which they would not have done, if the Romanists had, by any sufficient test, distinyuished among themselves," CHAPTER II. ELIZABETH. The short reign of Edward presents nothing worthy of King Ed- particular notice. ^^^'^ills That of Mary is equally void of interest, with the q„ iSueen exception of the negotiation between her and the Pope. ^I^'7' T T ^ 1 \ • .1 • • 11 A.D. 1553. Immediately upon her accession, this princess had announced her design of restoring the ancient worship, but a year and a half were consumed in arranging the ceremonial of reconciliation. At length, however, the humiliating preliminaries seemed to draw to a close, and the Pontiff declared his willingness to receive an English embassy, as soon as one great difficulty, which still remained, was adjusted to his satisfaction. Mary had retained the Royal style assumed by her father and brother for their Irish dominions : perhaps this was done accidentally, perhaps in the hope of surprising the Vatican into some unguarded admission of her temporal independ- ence ; but neither cunning nor inadvertency could escape the keen eye of the holy father. Before her ambassador could be presented, she was obliged to despatch a private memorial, in which she apologized for her indiscretion, and prayed to be confirmed in the title of her predecessors : after a suitable delay her prayer was granted ; and a bull, under the ring of the mystical fisherman, raised his obe- dient daughter to the dignity of Queen of Ireland. Thus the civil governor became once more a feudatory of the holy see ; " and a difficulty," says an eminent Roman 182 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. n. Catholic writer,* " which might otherwise have arisen, A.D. 1553. .^as dextei'ously, but dishonourably, eluded." This ex- cellent man has left his readers to conjecture at which side the loss of honour lay. In the Act which was passed upon this occasion by the Parliament of the Pale, we discover an attempt, more instrvictive than effectual, to save the honour of both sovereigns. This important statute opens with an account of Cardinal Pole's mission to Mary and her consort, " as unto persons undefiled by the common infection of heresy, that he might call the people home again to the right way." It acknowledges the condescension with which " the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons, had been excused fi'om repairing to the presence of the said most reverend father, there to make their humble submis- sion." After this it recites the cardinal's bull of absolu- tion, which, it states, " was right reverently delivered by the lord deputy to the lord chancellor, who read it upon his knees, while the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons, right reverently and humbly kneeling for decla- ration of their repentance, did embrace the same." In the instrument, received in this lowly attitude, and submissively incorporated into the law of the land, the cardinal declares '* that the Parliaments of Henry and Edward had, for themselves and the whole nation, damnably incurred those penalties, as well temporal as ecclesiastical, which the Church has decreed against heresy and schism." " But," he proceeds, " as representing the vicar of Him whose property it is to have mercy and to spare, we absolve the island, and all its provinces, domains, cities, towns, lands, and places whatsoever, from the aforesaid heresy and schism, and from all censures and penalties, whether temporal or ecclesiastical, which they may have incurred in consequence. We absolve in the forum of conscience, we absolve in the forum of external law ; we remove every disability, and every spot or stain of infamy, how- * Mr. Butler. " Ilislorical Memoirs," i. 137. IN IRELAND. 183 soever contracted by the transgressions aforesaid ; we chap. ii. restore all honours, dignities, fame, any goods, with all a.d. 1553. 'privileges and favours, whether granted by the Roman Pontiffs, or by others, to be possessed and enjoyed, as the . other faithful subjects of Christ do possess and enjoy the same." This plenary absolution, as it is most justly styled, by the very profusion with which it lavishes its benefits, exposes the native poverty of the temporal power. The supposed guilt, its penalties, and the act of grace by which both are remitted, are national and federal, as well as personal, things ; and the submission of the prostrate Parliament is not only a retraction of speculative error, but a return to the allegiance against which they had rebelled. That allegiance is the tenure by which they, and " the whole body of the realm by them represented," hold honour and dignity, property and privilege ; by which they enjoy exemption from infamy, and a title to the benefits of civil society. What then, it may be asked, do the monarch and the nation possess in their own right 9 The Act answers as follows : " We, your majesties' humble and obedient subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present Parliament assembled, neither by the making or delivering of any of the suppli- cations aforesaid, nor by any clause, article, or sentence thereof, by any manner of interpretation, construction, implication, or otherwise, intended to derogate, impair, or diminish any of the prerogatives, liberties, franchises, pre-eminences, or jurisdictions of your crown imperial of the realms of England and Ireland." Such is the device of this Roman Catholic Parliament for ]naintaining the independence of the civil government. The prerogatives of the monarch are acknowledged in the vague obscurity of general language : tvhat seems the head, is allowed the idle privilege of wearing the shadowy likeness of a crown ; while certain specific powers, constituting a mass of authority, such as no other despotism has ever aspired to, are " right reverently " surrendered to a foreign prelate. 184 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. n. If those declarations of undivided allegiance, which have A.D. 1553. been recently made by Roman Catholic ecclesiastics, are to be similarly understood, little has been gained for the cause of public tranquillity.* * Much has been said of the forbearance of the Irish hierarchy in abstaining from persecution during this reign ; and, if it were even probable that they had the power to injui-e, one would be inclined to reUeve himselt from the clamour, by giving the order fidl credit for a single instance ot moderation. But it is cei-tain that tlie Irish Protestants did not owe much to the lenity either of the Queen or of the bishops. In the thii'd year of her reign, the Lord Deputy St. Leger was removed from his office, because it was suggested by his enemies at court that lie had formerly made some verses in ridicide of transubstantiation. It was the first article of the instructions to the new lord deputy and his council, " that they should, by all good means possible, advance the honour of God and of the Cathohc Church ; that they shovdd set forth the honour and dignity of the Pope's Holiness, and the see apostohc of Eome ; and, from time to time, he ready with their aid and secular force, at tlie request of all spiritual ministers and ordinaries, to punish and repress all heretics and Lollards, and their damnable sects, opinions and errors." The better to caiTy these instruc- tions into effect, an Act was passed in the following year, reviving three statutes for the punishment of heresy ; the preamble inins as follows : — " For the eschuyng and avoiding of errours and heresies, which of late have risen, growen, and mouehe increased within this realme ; for that the ordi- naries have wanted authoritie to procede against those that were infected therewith ; be it, therefore, ordayned and enacted, by the authoritie of this present Parliament, that the statute made," &c. It appears, therefore, that the Queen was too impartial a fanatic to make a distinction of places or persons ; and that the prelates looked, with the same eagerness as their brethren in England, for the aid of the secular arm : but the local executive could not second these charitable intentions, without disregarding common sense, and the ordinai-y maxims of Enghsh policy. The great contest in Ireland was still between the races, not the Churches ; the usual animosities raged between the Government and the natives ; so that O' Sullivan, over- Catholic, as he is justly, but somewhat ominously, called by an existing poetical historian, is obhged to give this character of Mary's reign : " that, though she endeavoured to extend the Catholic reign, yet her governors and covmsellors did not cease to injure and insidt the Irish." The Protestants then in Ireland were English, many of them by birth, and nearly all by descent : in allowing the bishops to bum them, the crown would deprive itself of some of its best subjects ; would alarm and mortify the nobles, by furnishing their old rivals with such tremendous powers j and would offend the English generally, while it encouraged the Irish. Thus, the flames that consumed the heretics might have kindled a civil war, in which the old IN IRELAND. 185 Elizabeth had conducted herself with much quiet cir- chap. ii. cumspection during the reign of her sister ; and, although a.d. 1558. decided in her views of relifdon, showed the same modera- Q"<^" , • 11 r., . . , , Elizabeth, tion upon her commg to the throne. She invited the English bishops to assist at her coronation ; all except one refused, and she suifered their insolence to pass un- punished. In the same conciliating spirit, she caused her accession to be notified at Rome, in the form usually observed between friendly courts ; and in this instance also her condescension was rudely repulsed. The Pope, Pope Paid Paul the Fourth, reminded her ambassador,* " that the British dominions were fiefs of the holy see ; " he said that " it was a great boldness in her to assume the government without his permission ; that she could not succeed, being illegitimate ; that she deserved not to be heard in anything, yet, as he was desirous to show a fatherly affection, he would do whatsoever might be done, with the honour of the apostolic see, if she renounced her pretensions, and referred herself wholly to his free favour." But the Queen, says Father Paul, understanding the Pope's answer, and wondering at the man's hasty disposi- tion, thought it not profitable, either for herself, or for her kingdom, to treat any more with him.-j- His successor. Proposed more subtle and less precipitate, endeavoured to repair ^''-P.^^ '^°^' ^ ^ ■■■ cessions. enemies of English connexion woidd have been aided by some who had hitherto been its most zealous supporters. But it woidd seem that, as the Queen's bigotry grew with the dechne of her health and imderstanding, even this danger ceased to be regarded in any other hght than as enhancing the merit of her orthodox zeal. A commission was actually signed for com- mencing the persecution of the Protestants in Ireland, but it miscarried on the way, and, before another could be issued, the Queen was summoned to her great account. — Ware's Reign of Mary. * I have adopted here, with very little change. Brent's translation of Father Paul. f " If," says a truly respectable Roman Catholic bishojJ, " in high and indignant resentment, she then made her choice, and if that choice proved subversive of a religion, the professors of which coidd suffer their fh'st pastor to think or speak thus, I may be soiTy, but I cannot be surprised." — Ben'ington, " Memoirs of Gregorio Panzaui," Introduction. 186 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1558. Eomisli laity fre- quent the churches. the mischief hy soothing overtures : he proposed a plan of reconcihation, founded on mutual concessions ; the Queen was invited to send an ambassador and some bishops to the approaching Council of Trent ; the delicate question of her legitimacy should be settled, he said, to her satisfaction ; the reformed liturgy should be sanc- tioned ; tlie cup allowed to the laity, and the priesthood })ermitted to marry. All this, and more, the complying PontiiF was willing to grant, if Elizabeth would return to the unity of the Church : power and revenue were his objects ; and, could these be attained, theological differ- ences would have created little difficulty. But the Queen understood him as well as his predecessor ; " she resolved," says a Papal bishop * with vuiintentional felicity, " to shake off the yoke of the Roman see, and proceeded to arrange the establishment of a National Church. For eleven years her measures were unmolested by the Papal Government, and received without opposition by the great body of the Roman Catholics. The laity every- where frequented the churches ; multitudes of the priests adopted the prescribed changes, and continued to officiate in their former cures; j- and the majority of the prelates, lead- ing or following the popular opinion, retained their sees, and exercised their functions according to the reformed ritual. J * MoniancB Ecdesice jugum excutere, is the apposite phrase of Dr. Biu'ke, in his " Hibemia Dominicana." t It appears, from the report of the Lord Deputy Sydney to the Queen (in Leland, ii.), that, in the diocese of Meath, "the best-peopled and best- governed country of the realm," upon 105 impropriate benefices, there were only eighteen curates who could speak English, — all the rest were Irish priests. The number of conforming priests in the other districts may, perhaps, be inferred from this instance. Mr. Butler, following Dodd's " Church History," says of the English priests, " that many of them con- formed Jvr a lohile, in hopes the Queen wonld relent, and things come round againP (Memoirs, ii., p. 280.) He may be right in complimentLng their orthodoxy at the expense of their truth, yet it is a curious circumstance that their hypocrisy, while it deceived a vigilant and justly-suspicious Protestant Government, should be disclosed by the tardy candour of their own historians. X Cox, 311. Ware's " L-ish Bishops," 27, 58, 128. excommu- nicated. IN IRELAND. 187 At length [1568], the patience of Rome was exhausted, chap. ii. and that spiritual sword * unsheathed against these a.d. 1568. countries, w^hich, as it would appear, is never to he ^^^'^<^^ , , . 1 1 1 -Til- 1 1 • Elizabeth returned into the scabbard, iiilizabeth was excommuni- cated, and her subjects absolved from their allegiance, by four successive Popes : her life was assailed by nume- rous conspiracies ; her kingdoms given up to the ven- geance of Spain, at that time the greatest power of the Continent, and to the more mischievous intrigues of the new order of Jesuits.f Consecrated plumes and banners, men, money, arms, and ammunition, were poured into Ireland : special indulgences, and pledges of absolution to the third generation, were granted to all who should rise in rebellion ; and, to mark it more decisively as a religious war, similar graces were conferred on the pious for pray- ing, according to a form which is enjoined in Ireland to this day, " for the extirpation of heresy, the union of Catholic princes, and the exaltation of holy Church." By this time, the nobles, both within and without the pale, were generally discontented. The former, though few in number, and of no great consideration for wealth or connexions, had risen into importance, in proportion as their compeers in the more distant parts seceded from the Government, and adopted the aboriginal manners. Tliey were thus left without competitors, as leaders of the colonial Parliament, and assessors at the Council Board : they generally held some of the offices of State; and, on a few occasions, the vice-regal sword itself had been com- mitted into the hands of one of their body. These distinctions brought with them substantial benefits of power and patronage, to which, after some time, the * See tlie " Digest of Evidence," t. ii., chaps. 3 and 4. t The Jesuits were brought into Ireland by Robert Wauchop, a Scotch- man. Besides tliis eminent service, thi-ee tilings conspired to give celebrity to Robert Wauchop : he was bluid from his bu-th ; he rode post better than any man of his time ; and he was one of three contemporary Archbishops of Armagh. The Pope nominated Wauchop; the dean and chapter, Dowdall j and the crown, Goodacre. 188 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. possessors began to look as a portion, and no trifling one, A.D. 1568. of their inheritance : thus the Pale had become a sort of corporation, and its principal fLimilies had acquired that corrupt and illiberal spirit which too often belongs to a small privileged community. They were, in fine, the lay leaders of the ascendancy party, the genuine archetypes of that repulsive character which has been drawn for the Protestant Orangemen of later times ; selfish, arrogant, rapacious men, holding the Crown in the trammels of a venal and factious loyalty, while they breathed a malignant rancour against the whole Irish name, and against those of the English race who had made Ireland their country. It was one of these, the Lord Gormanstown, who, when O'Neil and other chieftains had aided the English of the Pale to gain the great victory of Knocknow over the degenerate'^ English of Connaught, in the first insolence of success turned round to Kildare, on the field of battle, and said, " We have slaughtered the enemy ; but, to complete our triumph, we must cut the throats of the Irish of our own party. "-j- Upon the general submission of the aristocracy to Henry, the jealousy of these person- ages became alarmed ; they saw something in that event which threatened to lower the price of a good subject, and to break down their snug enclosure of the Pale. The soreness of their mortification may be conjectured from the following letter : it was written in the subsequent reign, when the Parliament of the colony was about to be enlarged into a Parliament of the nation ; but, as the language is that of cherished and habitual feeling, the anachronism is of no importance: — TheEng- " Most renowned and dread Soveraigne, lish Pale. << TYie respective care of your Highness's honour, with * The only epithet which the fastidiousness of this puny aristocracy •would allow the English who conformed to the national manners. t So the biographer of Captain Rock, quoting from Leland. He follows up the anecdote with this very natm-al question : — " WTio can wonder that the Rock fanuly were very active in those times ?" — the times immediately antecedent to the Reformation. IN IRELAND. 189 the obligation that our bounden duty requireth from us, chap. ii. doth not permit that we, your nobility of this part of a.d. 1568. your realme of Ireland, commonly termed the English Pale, should suppress and be silent in ought which, in the least measure, might ymport the honour of your Majesty's most royal person, the reputation of your happy govern- ment, or the good and quiet of your estates and countreys. And, therefore, we are humbly bold to address these our submissive lynes to your Highness, and so much the rather, that, till of late years, it hath been a duty especially required the nobility of this kingdom, to advertise their princes, your Majesty's most noble progenitors, of all matters tending to their service, and to the utility of the commonwealth. " Your Majesty's pleasure for calling a Parliament in this kingdom hath been lately divulged, but the matters therein to he propounded not made knoivn unto us, and others of the nobility ; ice beifig, notwithstanding, of the Grand Councell of the realme, and 7nay ivell he co?iceived to he the Councell meant in the statute made in King Henry the Seventh's time, who should join with the Governour of this kingdom in certifying thither what Acts should pass here in Parliament ; especially, it heing hard to exclude those that, in respect of their estates and residence, should, next your Majesty, most likely understand ivhat were fittest to he enacted and ordeined for the good of their prince and country. *•' Yet are we, for our own parts, well persuaded they should be such as will comfort with the good and reliefe of your Majesty's subjects, and give hopeful expectation of restauration of this lately torn and rended estate, if your Majesty have been rightly enformed. But the extreme and public course held, hath generally bred so grievous an apprehension as is not in our power to expresse, arising from a fearful suspicion that the project of erecting so many corporations, in places that can scantly passe the rank of the poorest villages, doth tend to nought else, at 190 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II, A.D. 1568. Malcon- tents con- verted to patriots. this time, but that, by the voice of a few, selected for the purpose under the name of burgesses, extreme penal laws should be ymposed on your subjects here. Your Majesty's subjects in generall, do likewise very much distaste, and here exclaime against, the deposing of so many magistrates in the cities and boroughs of this king- dom, for not swearing th' oath of supremacy in spiritual and ecclesiastical causes, they protesting a firm profession of loyalty, and an acknowledgment of all kingly jurisdic- tion and authority in your Highnesse And so, upon the knees of our loyal hearts, we do humbly pray that your Highnesse will be graciously pleased not to give way to courses, in the generall opinion of your subjects here, so hard and exorbitant, as to erect towns and corpo- rations of places consisting of some few poor and beggarly cottages, but that your Highnesse will give direction that there be no more erected, till time, or traffick and com- merce, do make places, in the remote and unsettled countries here, fit to be incorporated, and that your Majesty will benignly content yourself with the service of understanding men, to come, as knights of the shires, out of the chief countries to the Parliament. " Your Majesty's " Most humble and dutiful subjects, " gormanston. " Chr. Slane. " KiLLEEN. " RoBT. Trimblestown. " Pat. Dunsany. " Mat. Lowth."* Their monopoly being now at an end, they became malcontents, and, in due course, patriots ; and, with their accustomed arrogance, these lordlings of a district which extended not quite* thirty miles to the north and north-west of Dublin, affected to be considered as the country imrty. Their opposition was constant, harassing, * Leland, ii., 444 ; also, Hid., 297. IN IRELAND. 191 but unarmed ; the first unarmed opposition in our history : chap. ii. their cooler temperament shunned the perils of the field, a.d. 1568. and their legal subtlety eluded the scaffold: the chief danger which threatened them was that of being trampled in the rout of their Irish associates, whom they treacher- ously goaded on to stand the shock of the English arms. But, while they thus abused the reckless valour of one faction, they were themselves ensnared by the deeper artifices of another. Led to a coalition with the ex- bishops, by similarity of circumstances, and by the sympa- thies of discontent, they sunk gradually, from allies to instruments ; and their descendants, to this day, continue, for the most part, to endure the hereditary bondage, and to swell the triumphal cavalcade, of an insolent hierarchy.* The nobles of the remoter districts were equally dis- satisfied, and were turbulent in proportion to their superior power, and to the greater rudeness of their manners. They had begun to discover that, in acknowledging a King of Ireland, they were understood by the Government as making concessions, which it was by no means their intention to grant ; while, galled by the taunting triumph of an adverse faction, they were quite willing that the civil authorities should have jurisdiction over churchmen : with this view, they had taken the oath of supremacy under Henry ; and, at the beginning of the present reign, they repeated it with the same alacrity if but for them- selves, they were still enamoured of the barbarous power * There is only one noble Roman Catholic family in Ix-eland which is not descended from these lords. Tlie first Yalentine Brown in our anuals was an English Protestant, employed by Queen Elizabeth as a Commissioner of Forfeited Estates ; and, in the cutting up of the great Desmond property, a portion feU to the lot of the carver. " This Brown," says Cox, " wrote a notable tract for the reformation of Ireland, wherein there is nothing blame- worthy, saving that he advises the extirpation of the Irish Papists ; and, therefore, did not foresee that his oion heir would degenerate into an IrisJi Papist, and ungratefidly oppose that English interest upon tvhich his estate is founded." P. 302. t Leland, ii., 381. 192 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. and circumstance of feudalism. Those great lords, in A.D. 1568. particular, who had accepted English titles, and agreed to attend Parliament, affected not to perceive how such acts of condescension implied a surrender of substantial au- thority, or a consent to admit the interference of the Crown in the internal regulationof their princely domains.* But no simplicity or self-importance could blind them any longer to the designs of Government ; and they saw, with much vexation, that they were expected to lay aside their old usages, to submit to equal laws, and to associate with their former vassals on the footing of fellow-subjects. Measures to this effect had been making silent progress during the latter years of Henry ; and, somewhat more openly, in the two succeeding reigns ; but the high spirit of Elizabeth dictated an uncompromising and adventurous policy. Resolved to monopolize the glory of the settlement of a barbarous country, and, as yet, a stranger to those parsi- monious suggestions which too much influenced her later policy towards Ireland, the new Queen urged forward, together, the two measures of ecclesiastical and civil reform, and thus doubled and consolidated opposition. TheCrown From time to time, Elizabeth sent instructions to her nobles. Irish Government to proceed with vigour, in breaking the power of the nobles ; deep and general discontent among them was the natural consequence ; and from discontent it was, in those days, an easy transition to insurrection. Having determined to rebel, they wisely made religion their ostensible grievance : the pretext was plausible ; it would strengthen their confederacy, engage the simple and superstitious in their cause, and help to conceal from all the true sources of Irish calamity ; accordingly, they became the champions of religion. Formerly, " when they had once resolved to obey the King, they made no scruple to renounce the Pope,"f knowing that, thereby, they would lower the tone of a domineering priesthood : * Leland, ii., 185. t Sir Joliu Davies. IN IRELAND. 193 now, on tlie other hand, they had resolved to oppose the chap. n. Crown, and, therefore, affected a zeal for the Papacy. a.d. 1568. "The common opinion received," says Sir George Carew,* Ambiiion *' and by the rebels published, to be the principal motive ^"'^j'^,'.''^ of their late and former rebellions, since Her Majesty's religion, reign, is supposed to be religion. But therein let no man be deceived ; for ambition only is the true and undoubted cause that moves the rebels, and others of this realm, to take arms ; though the English race and the Irish have different ends. The English, to recover again the supreme government, in bearing Her Majesty's sword by one of themselves, as, for many years and ages, they have done, and generally striving to have the captainries of their countries, like the Palatines, in their own hands, not admitting of sheriffs, or other officers of justice, to over- look them, or restrain their barbarous extortions. Thus far only the ambition of the English reacheth ; for, to be subjects to any other prince than Her Majesty or her successors, no man can think them so sottish as to desire it ; and to be in any other quality than the state of a subject, they cannot be so foolish as to propound any hope. But the Irish rebels aim at a higher mark ; still, retaining in memory that their ancestors have been monarchs and provincial kings of this land ; and, therefore, to recover their former greatness, they kick at the Govern- ment, and enter into rebellion, losing no times of advantage, nor refusing the least foreign aid, that, by troubling the State, may advance their desires, hoping, in time, by strong hand, to regain the Crown of Ireland to themselves. These several ambitious swellings in the hearts of the English and Irish rebels are the true grounds of their continual rebellions ; and to draw multitudes of the meaner sort of this kingdom unto them, they mask their ambition with religion, making the same their stalking-horse, to allure the vulgar to crown their fortunes." The object of the hierarchy was similar to that which The * " Letter to Secretary Cecil," Desiderata Curiosa Hihernica, i., 6. VJl POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1568. hierarchy anti- iiational. Carew has here ascribed to the Anglo-Irish aristocracy. Convinced, like their predecessors, that the dcpendance of Ireland upon some foreign country would forward their ambitious projects, because the absence of the sovereign would naturally increase their own importance at home, they had now acquired an attachment to England, from the events of four hundred years, and from the associa- tions of their order ; and they were not as yet led, by repeated disappointments, and by the progress of intrigue, to think seriously of a connexion with France or Spain. They were, therefore, willing that the titular sovereignty of the country should still be vested in the English crown, provided that the substantial powers of government were committed to their own order, to be administered according to their canons or their caprice, and without responsibility to any higher tribunal.* But, though their purpose was the same, which had inspired the cabals of Lawrence and his contemporaries, they saw the necessity of devising some pretexts, more suited to the fallen fortunes of their body. Hitherto, prosperity had in a great measure saved them from dissimulation, and their struggle had been openly for civil ascendancy ; but they had recently learned, from the universal defec- tion, both of the nobles and of the multitude, that in such a contest the popular feeling would be in favour of the State. " The Irish," says a virulent partizan of Rome,-|- " had been strangely imposed upon in Henry the Eighth's * See the extract from Dr. Routli's " Analecta Sacra," in chap. 3. t Author of " Ireland's Case briefly stated," printed in the year 1720. His concession of the fact, that the Irish did then believe the quarrel to be about civil affairs, is strengthened by his endeavours to explain it away. " They were confirmed," he says, " in this opinion, because the King himself, and his EngUsh Parliament too, who had declared for hun against the Pope, were at the same time all professed Roman Catholics ; for which reason the Irish Parliament made no scruple to pass several extravagant Acts against the Papal jurisdiction, tlie same in effect that had passed before in the Parliament of England. Yet, having had time to consider of what they had done, and finding that all the Catholics of JEurope exclaimed against their proceedings, they no sooner met agam in Parliament, in the third of Philip IN IRELAND. 195 time, and made to believe, that the chief quarrel this chap. ii. King had with the Pope was purely about civil affairs, or ^d- 1568. matters of temporal government." To efface, or at least to weaken, an impression so ruinous to their designs, the hierarchy resolved to separate, for the present, the spiritual and temporal claims of the Papal See ; and while they upheld the former as the cardinal doctrine of Christianity, to withdraw the other from vulgar notice, and reserve it for those chosen followers who were qualified by zeal and prudence to employ the secret to advantage. The contest of which Ireland now became the theatre is The Sore- one of painful but instructive interest. On the one side ^^^^^' was the sovereign endeavouring to achieve the emancipa- tion of a noble, but as yet unprepared people, from their old vassalage of mind and body ; on the other, a coalition of three despotic factions,* which had always opposed, and still hated each other, but which found for the present a common principle of union in their equal antipathy to all good government, and a common instru- ment in the honest credulity of the multitude. But the prelates were the strongest party, and they resolved to show their new associates, that the Church, although it accepted support, could not tolerate competition. The first rebellion was led by John O'Neil, a man of the most besotted habits, but possessing address, subtlety, enter- prize, and perseverance, to a degree scarcely ever found in one of that character. This chieftain had already bafiled the English governor both in arms and diplomacy ; he had overreached the law officers of the Crown ; and, paying a visit to London, he not only removed the suspicions of the Queen, but insinuated himself very effectually into her good opinion. Upon his return, he prosecuted his intrigues with renewed vigour and astonish- and Mary, than they repealed and abolished all the said statutes." The Irish did not discover their error until they were enlightened by the emis- saries from Italy, France, and Spaia. * The bishops, the native chieftains, and the Anglo-Irish aristocracy. o 2 ICG POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.v. 1568. Priesthood require submis- sion. O'Ncil ex- communi- cated. ing success. By force or treaty lie made himself master of nearly all Ulster ; the lords of Munster and Connaught promised him their support ; the common people through- out the island were charmed by his representations of the ancient grandeur and independence of their country ; and his agents were received at the Papal and Imperial Courts as the ambassadors of a sovereign prince, negotiating for assistance against the common enemy. But O'Neil failed in one quality essential to the leader of a religious war — submissiveness to the priesthood ; his negligence in this particular had early drawn on him the displeasure of some of the prelates, and by one act of indiscreet zeal he con- summated their anger and his own destruction. In an incursion into the English quarters, he seized the Cathe- dral of Armagh ; and as it had been recently profaned by the celebration of Divine service according to the Pro- testant ritual, he resolved to show his detestation of heresy by setting fire to the building. The titular primate, Richard Creagh, who probably thought that a less destructive element would have been a sufficient purifier of an edifice which he wished to retain for his own use, fiercely resented this awkward burst of ortho- doxy, and resolved to maintain, at all hazards, the thorny prerogatives of his order. This ecclesiastic was, according to his biographer and ardent panegyrist, " an uncompro- mising asserter of ecclesiastical liberty ; he had grieved at the many injuries which, in their persons, property, and privileges, his clergy received from O'Neil ; and now, the insolence of the dynast had proceeded to such a length that the father found it necessary to exert his pastoral authority, and pronounce the sentence of excommunica- tio?i.''* O'Neil's dream of conquest was now over; the * Routh, as quoted post, p. 197. The extent of the unfortunate dynast's offences may be estimated by this last and fatal one. It may be observed, for the satisfaction of certain persons, that it was not loyalty which roused this touchy prelate against the rebel general ; his intrigues with Rome and Spain at length brought him to the Tower of London, where he died. IN IRELAND. 197 promised succours never arrived to his aid ; liis confederates chap. ii. abandoued him; his own followers one by one dropt away a.d. 1568. from his accursed banner ; those in whom he had reposed his chief confidence went over to the English ; and he was hunted about from place to place, deserted by all, except his mistress and a troop of about fifty clansmen. In the first agony of destitution, the unhappy chief debated whether he should not steal into the English quarters, and, with a halter about his neck, throw himself upon the mercy of the lord deputy ; but he was dissuaded by his secretary, and given up to the dirks of some Scottish freebooters, who dispatched him in a brawling carousal, to which he had been treacherously invited. Thus ended John O'Neil and the first religious rebellion in Ireland.* It was during the pause occasioned by this catastrophe, a.d. 1570. that Pope Gregory the Thirteenth published his edict, ex- j)laining the more warlike manifesto of his predecessor. The bull of Pius had been mandatory : not only were the people freed from their allegiance, but " all and every, nobles, subjects, and others, were enjoined, that they be not so bold as to obey the heretical Queen, or her proclamations, com- mandments, or laws; and whosoever did otherwise, was bound with the sentence of anathema." f But the new Pope had the coolness to perceive, that so peremptory an order would only endanger his authority. He declared, that this language should be so understood, " as that the same should always hind the Queen and the heretics, but that it should by no means bind the Catholics, as matters then stood or were ; only thereafter it should bind them when the public execution of that hull may he had or madeJ"X In the meantime, to accelerate the arrival of so desirable Jesuits a period, the Jesuits from the continental seminaries were ^^^^ *^^^'** dispersed everywhere through the country, rekindling the * Routli's " Analecta Sacra," ii. 35 ; Ware, " Eeigu of Elizabeth ; " Leland, ii., 237. t Mr. Butler. " Historical Memoirs," i., 122. + Ibid., 196. 198 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. embers of disaffection, and practising on the generous A.D. 1570. weaknesses of the people. As the arrogance of the liierarchical priesthood now threatened to promote the English interest, no less than its venality had done before, all the arts of these subtle emissaries were neces- sary to restore the hopes of the Vatican, and to manage the nice machinery of rebellion. In the plots and insur- rections which agitated the remainder of this long reign, the Jesuits were the confidential agents of Rome ; and one of them, the celebrated Saunders, was invested with the dignity of apostolic legate — an office which rose above all ordinary jurisdiction, and which enabled him to repress the extravagance of the prelates. A cautious and intelligent* living writer f has given it as his opinion, that this explanatory bull of Gregory is scarcely less objectionable than the ferocious edict which it professes to mitigate. It would be foreign to the purpose of these pages to compare their degrees of moral delinquency, but if we measure them by the effects which they were intended, and are still calculated, to produce, the comment is as much more important than the text, as treachery is more dangerous than open violence. If Roman Catholics would weigh the lesson which this comment inculcates, they would soon learn to respect the prejudices of their Protestant neighbours, and, of course, would be animated by a new desire to remove them. They expect — ^justly expect — that all who undertake to judge of their language or their conduct will make allow- ance for their irritated feelings ; they ought, in their turn, to examine the grounds of those suspicions which Pro- testants find it is so difficult to banish, and which no honourable mind can ivilUnyly entertain. * Written a.b. 1827.— Ed. t Mr. Butler, as above. This gentleman, in his "Vindication of the Book of the Roman Cathohc Clim-ch," transcribes several passages from the late Dr. Milncr, defending and exdogising the character of Gregoiy. See pages 115—130. IN IRELAND. 19!> In an ingenuous Roman Catholic, who enlarged his chap. ii. views beyond the immediate objects of his party, this a.d. 1570. bull of Gregory might awaken reflections such as the following : — It is true, that a considerable time has elapsed since any attempt was made to enforce the pre- tensions of the Holy See to the dominion of Ireland ; it is equally true, that they have never been formally disavowed: Protestants are therefore left to conjecture whether they are indebted for their present quiet to the moderation or to the conscious weakness of the Papal Government. To determine this question to the favour- able side, they have the evidence of a prelate, — the same prelate who a short time before had solemnly attested the supposed miracles of Prince Hohenlohe, — that these pre- tensions are obsolete^ — an ambiguous expression, which Want of may signify indifferently the want of will, or merely the ^'^^^^^ '^°*' want of power to revive them. But were the language of this prelate as unequivocal as his character, it would convey only the judgment of an individual ; it would not bind other bishops, future or contemporary, still less would it bind the head of the Church. Such is the security which the Papacy offers for its pacific intentions towards Irish Protestants ; some eminent public men have undoubtedly appeared disposed to accept it, but were they to act upon similar assurances in the concerns of private life, none would commend their prudence, and many might doubt their generosity. On the other side, there are the annual curse of the Pontiff upon all the usurpers of his royalties ; and the oath of the bishops — the strongest pledge, perhaps, which despotism could exact or servility give — that they will maintain these royalties against all men ; and in perfect consistency with this oath, their deliberate avowal that, " were a rebellion England's raging from the Giant's Causeway to Cape Clear," not ^oy^e-g^^ . one of them would interfere to assuage its horrors ; a7id portunity. * The well-selected term by which Dr. Doyle designated them in his evidence. 200 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. the similar declaration of the lay leaders, that they will A.D. 1570. not, indeed, attack England until her right hand is occupied by a continental war, — hut then; — and, finally, as if to combine all these into a system, the maxim of Gregory, " that a sentence once passed will always bind the heretics, whenever the Catholics may be able to carry it into execution." This, if not a system, is at least a very startling coincidence : should it induce a Protestant to hesitate before he accepts a peaceable demeanour as conclusive evidence of cordial good-will, his doubts may be unfounded in the actual state of affairs, but they ought not at once to be condemned as illiberal. It would, indeed, be illiberal to extend these doubts to the whole, or to the majority, of the upper and middle classes of the laity in communion with the Church of Rome. They are Roman Catholics, not Papists; they would surely not be accomplices in any policy so detest- able ; but were the policy now at work, they might be made its instruments, and, if occasion should so require, its victims. Such, from the twelfth to the eighteenth century, was the fate of many generations of their ances- tors; it is therefore their interest, no less than that of Protestants, to pursue the meditations which the bull of Gregory suggests. We are informed by the authority above quoted, that, in the instructions issued by Gregory to the seminary priests in England, " he required their civil obedience to the Queen, and their public acknowledgment of her sovereignty." It suited the purpose of that sagacious writer to separate the contemporary intrigues of the Papacy in the two islands ; and, were his plan correct, his present statement might be dismissed with this brief observation, — that, although Elizabeth was the ostensible object of the allegiance of these priests, Gregory was its true and ultimate destination ; they were ordered by him to acknowledge her as Queen, and they obeyed, not her, but him ; her rights and the duties of her subjects were IN IRELAND. ^01 meted out and regulated by his sovereign will. But, as chap. ii. the professions of the English priests, and the more active a.d. 1570. demonstrations of their Irish brethren, were parts of the same system, and diiferent manifestations of the same spirit, the subject demands a more extended considera- tion. If we give the Pontiff credit for common sense — a very moderate allowance to one who claims infallibility, — we must suppose his instructions consistent with each other, and, on that supposition, their obvious meaning will be, that the Queen should be acknowledged until there was a reasonable prospect of deposing her, and no longer. It was prudently resolved by the Vatican, that the strength of its partizans should not be consumed in a hopeless effort ; and, in the meantime, the cause would gain in popular favour, and the enemy would be lulled into security by smooth assertions of inoffensiveness and warm complaints of calumny. The correctness of this interpre- tation is acknowledged by Mr. Butler, in one passage, and is more palpably evident from some others, in which he appears to suggest the contrary. He says, that *' the Roman Catholics in general strongly condemned those who advocated the justice of the bull of Pius the Fifth ; " and in proof of this position, he gives the following para- graph : — " Mr. Hart's answer particularly justifies this Sovereign observation. It shows, that, notwithstanding the bull of the Pope. Pius the Fifth, the condemned priests acknowledged Elizabeth to be, in the acttial state of things, their lawful Queen, though they refused going the length of declaring upon oath that there was not a possible case in which a sovereign might be lawfully deposed by the Pope. * Her Majestie,' says John Hart, ' is lawful Queen, and ought to be obeyed,' notwithstanding the bull supposed to be published by Pius the Fifth. But whether she ought to be obeyed and taken for lawful Queen, notwith- standing any bull or sentence the Pope can give — ' this,' he savs, ' he cannot answer.' Consonant with this answer 202 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. of John Hart, are the dying dechirations of all the priests A.D. 1570. that were executed. Though they refused to disclaim the Pope's dispensing power in the extent expressed in the six questions, they explicitly acknowledged Elizabeth to be their true and lawful Queen."* This acute writer had said already, more fully and accuratel}^, in the preceding part of the paragraph, that they acknowledged hei", m the actual state of things ; he might, indeed, have used the very words of Gregory, " as things then stood or were." Now, this was an acknow- ledgment, not of the injustice, but of the impolicy, of proceeding against her immediately. The Irish insurrec- tion had been unexpectedly marred by the insolence of the hierarchy ; the armada, upon which the Roman government chiefly depended for the enforcement of the bull of Pius, was not yet equipped ; and, in the mean time, domestic treason would have been easily crushed in England. The Queen was, therefore, reprieved, until the instruments of death should be ready for her execution; and, to give additional solemnity to tlie sacrifice, the intended victim was decorated in the trappings of royalty. Her ministry, not satisfied with these ominous honours, demanded an unequivocal recognition of her title, from the most suspected of the Papal emissaries. Those who frankly denied the deposing power were acquitted ; and Mr. Butler adds, " their pardon seems to show, that a general and explicit disclaimer of that power by the English Catholics would have both lessened, and abridged, the term of their suflerings." Such a disclaimer was looked for by the Government, anxiously and repeatedly, but in vain. " Few of the priests," says another gentleman, himself an English priest,t " answered as became English- men and faithful citizens ; they seemed rather to consider themselves as the subjects of a foreign master, whose * " History of British Catliolics," i., 234. t Berrington, " Memoirs of Gregoiio Panzani," Introduction, xxxlv. IN IRELAND. 203 sovereignty was paramount, and whose will was supreme." chap. ii. They would give no assurance that they regarded Elizabeth ^•^- 1570. in any other light than that of an usurper ; of one whom God and his vicar had reserved for some signal judgment, and who was allowed, for a while, to retain a lofty station, that the anger of heaven, and the inexpiable guilt of heresy, might be the more manifest in her fall. At first, 'r^j^'^^^^^* they waited for the Spanish invasion. When the armada mada. was ready for sea, a third bull was issued, restoring that of Pius to its full force ; the formidable expedition failed, and, by its failure, their principles were rescued from the application of too strict a test. This great temptation being removed, it was presumed by the humanity of Government that sobriety would return, and teach them a better course : a fresh experiment was accordingly made, and the result proved that disappointment is no less un- favourable than hope to the loyalty of a papal clergy. The Queen issued a special, or, as it is termed, a singular proclamation, addressed to the English priests. She noticed in it that there were two parties among them ; that, on the one side, stood the majority of the secular clergy, and on the other, the remainder of the seculars, with the whole body of the regular or seminary priest- hood ; that the former of these parties was more reprehen- sible than the latter, in its political conduct ; or, as we might now express the difference, that one was Popish and the other Roman Catholic. She then proceeded to order that all should depart the realm, " except such as, before a member of the Privy Council, or a Bishop, or the President of Wales, should acknowledge allegiance and duty to her ;" with these latter she declared that "she would then take such further order as should be thought most fit and convenient." Of the entire number Kumberof then in England, which may be moderately fixed at seven priests. hundred ecclesiastics of all classes, thirteen availed them- selves of this proclamation. They presented to the Privy Council a paper entitled, " A Protestation of Allegiance;" 20i POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. it was well received by that body, approved by the Queen, A.D. 1570. discussed generally among the members of their commu- nion, clergy and laity, but not adopted or imitated by any. While the question concerning it was still in agitation, the University of Louvain was consulted upon its merits : an opinion was returned, but so very circumspect, that, of two eminent authorities who have undertaken to interpret it, one calls it a gentle censure, and the other, an appro- bation.* This protestation, with the opinion annexed to each article, is inserted here in full. Their pro- Protestation, Article 1. "We acknowledge and confess allegiance '^^ Queen's majesty to have as full authority, power, and sovereignty over us and all the subjects of the realm, as any her Highness's predecessors ever had ; and further, we protest that we are most willing and ready to obey her, in all cases and respects, as far forth as ever Christian priest within this realm, or in any other Christian country, were l)()und by the law of God and Christian religion to obey their temporal prince ; as to pay tribute, and all other regal duties, unto her Highness, to obey her law^s and magistrates in all civil causes, to pray to God for her prosperous and peaceful reign in this life, and according to his blessed will, and that she may hereafter attain everlasting bliss in the life to come. And this our acknow- ledgment we think to be so grounded upon the word of God, that no authority, no cause or pretence, can or ought, upon any occasion, to be a sufficient warrant more unto us than to any Protestant, to disobey Her Majesty in civil or temporal matters." University Opinion. " This article contains true doctrine. For where of Louvain ^.j^gy ^.^y ( ^^jg q^j. acknowledgment we think to be grounded consulted. j j ' o o upon the word of God, so that no authority, no cause or pretence, can, or ought to be, a sufficient warrant to disobey,' they are to be understood according to the pre- * Father Eedmond Cai'ond, a learned Irish Franciscan, in the reign of Charles the Second, found it convenient to call the opinion an approbation. Mr. Butler is for a censure, a veri/ gentle censure. IN IRELAND. 205 ceding limitation, ' as far forth as ever Christian priests chap. ir. were bound to obey their temporal prince.' For if, hij a a.d. 1570. superior authority, and for legitimate causes, the secular pi'ince should lose his sovereignty, and his subjects be discharged from the duty of allegiance, they, no less than other Christian priests, are free of all obedience to said prince." Protestation, Article 2 contains nothing particular, and is not especially noticed by the doctors. Protestation. Article 3. " If upon any excommunica- tions denounced, or to be denounced, against Her Majesty, upon any such conspiracies, invasions, or forcible attempts to be made as before expressed, the Pope should also excommunicate every one born within Her Majesty's dominions that would not forsake the foresaid defence of Her Majesty and her realms, and take part with such conspirators or invaders ; in these and all other such like cases, we do think ourselves and all the lay Catholics, born within Her Majesty's dominions, bound in conscience not to obey this or any such like censure, but will defend our prince and country ; accounting it our duty so to do ; and, notwithstanding any authority or excommunication whatso- ever, either denounced or to be denounced, as is before said, to yield unto Her Majesty all obedience in temporal causes." Opinion. " This article contains a difficulty where it says, in case of excommunication, we think ourselves bound in conscience not to obey such censure." Protestation. Article 4. " In this our recognizing and yielding Ccesars due unto her, we may also by her gracious leave be permitted, for avoiding obloquies and calumnies, to make known, by like public act, that, by yielding her rights unto her, we depart from no bond of that Christian duty which we owe unto our supreme spiritual pastor. And, therefore, we acknowledge and confess the Bishop of Rome to be the successor of St. Peter in that See, and to „,, have as ample, and no more, authority or jurisdiction over spiritual 206 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1570. and tem- poral power. Bcllar- miue. US, and other Christians, than had that Apostle, by the commission and gift of Christ our Saviour ; and that we will obey him, so far forth as we are bound by the laws of God to do ; which we doubt not but will stand well with the performance of our duty to our temporal prince, in such sort as we have before professed. For as we are most ready to spend our blood in the defence of Her Majesty and our country, so we will rather lose our lives, than infringe the lawful authority of Christ's Catholic Church." Opinion. " This article contains a difficulty where it says, * We doubt not but that this obedience to the Bishop of Rome will stand well wdth our duty to our temporal prince,' but contains sound doctrine in saying, * we will obey his Holiness, so far forth as we are bound by the laws of God to do ;' for these latter words of the protesta- tion appear to have been studiously balanced, lest, in gi\dng to Cassar that which is Caesar's, that which is God's should be denied to God, or prejudice done to the power of the Church." These observations premised, the faculty proceeds to a more minute examination of the case. " In these two propositions (the 3d and 4th articles) lies the whole difficulty of the protestation, both as to fact and as to opinion. They appear to suppose that the Pope has not, at least, an indirect power in temporals ; and that a prince cannot be deposed, or his subjects absolved of their oaths, by any power of the Church. Now this is, doubtless, a false doctrine, yet not contrary to the faith. " That it is not contrary to the faith, is manifest from Cardinal Bellarmine, who only calls the doctrine of the deposing power, ' an opinion common to all divines ;' and from Cardinal Perron, who says that ' it is not proposed by the Pontiff as of Divine faith, seeing he tolerates many of the French, who maintain the contrary.' Likewise, some of the principal fathers of the Society of Jesus, being examined by the Parliament of Paris concerning the deposing power of the Pope, protested not only that they IN IRELAND. 207 did not maintain it, but that they were ready to refute it chap. ir. in writing. This having led to a closer examination, they -i-D-iS^O. declared that their opinion was entirely contrary to that of the father-general of their order, who had supported the deposing power ; but they added, if they were at Rome, Do as they would do as tJwse ivho are at Rome* What more, ^f"^®' ^ •^ ' when at then, was the amount of the declaration of those fathers, Eome. than, that the question was a problematical disputation, of which either side might be maintained according to circumstances ? In which, although they departed too far from the truth (for the doctrine is certain) ; yet it is clearer than noon-day, both from the assertions and actions of these fathers, and from the judgment of the Pontiff who receives them among the faithful, that it is not to be regarded as an article of faith. For our Saviour has taught us that iohat is of faith, instead of being suppressed or dissembled, should always he openly avowed, uihich, as they have not done, with respect to this tenet, it is manifest that they do not consider it to be of faith. And, surely, neither reason nor equity will permit that a protestation made in England, in the hope of appeasing a prince who thirsted for Catholic blood, should be judged more severely than that of both laity and clergy under the most Christian King, who has never persecuted any for the profession of the Catholic faith. " Thus far of the abstract proposition, that kings cannot be deposed, or their subjects freed from their oaths, by the power of the Pope. But it is not so much the general thesis, as the peculiar case of these priests, which is to be considered. Their meaning, therefore, is not that the decree of the Pontiff was to be treated with disrespect, but that, by reason of the particular circumstances of time and place, circumstances better known to themselves than to the Pontiff, they did not believe themselves so far bound by his sentence as to depart from their allegiance * This application of the proverb is not so well known as it deserves : the French Parliament knew, it seems, how to cross-examine Jesuits. 208 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME ism< CHAP. II. to their temporal prince. Thus, our censure of the A.D. 1570. Jact is still milder than that of the doctrine.* For it may Plowden * Amoug the signatui'03 to this Louvain decision, we find the celebrated on J ansen- name of CorncUus ' Jansen ; and it appears from tliis distinction between fact and doctrine, that he had already communicated his principles to the University. We have here, therefore, a specimen of Jansenism, which proves that its professors, however unhke the Jesuits in other respects, may be no unworthy rivals of those fathers in subtlety, equivocation, and lurkhig enmity to Protestants. Mr. Charles Plowden, who had been trained by the Jesuits, and whose brother was an eminent member of the order, speaks thus of British Jansenists, and especially of Mr. Butler and Dr. O'Conor, whom he represents as the Icadhig authorities of the school : — " I was impelled to the study of Jansenism by something like invincible grace ; from an almost innate reprobation of its principles, execration of its spirit, and abhorrence of its practices. Under these impressions, I am sensible of the aivful and double duty I have to perform, both to Church and State. I submit to the indispensable obligation under which God's ordinances place me to both, and have resolved to put in print and circulate as widely as I can the source, principles, spirit, doctrines, designs, practices, connexions, means, power, influence, and conduct, of a description of persons wholly imknown to the laws. For the infonnation of the civil magistrate, tvhom, without any disrespect, I assume to he in great ignorance upon the subject, I state their leading doctrines, their spirit and modes of proselytizing, their persevering energies, their numbers, their influence, their trust-funds or stock-purse, their emissaries, their disciples, theu' teachers, their use and abuse of tests and formularies, their secret engagements and intrigues, their overt and covert connexions^ their opposition to the estabUshed religion of the State, whatever it be." And again, in an ardent apostrophe : " Irishmen, Eng- lishmen, governors of the Church, and rulers of the State, ' Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves. Ye shall know them by their fruits. Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles ? ' Jansenism, from the beginning to this hour, has never boldly, manfully, and exphcitly avowed its tenets : it has fed on deception, it has thriven by prevarication^^ What follows is stiU stronger : " I lament that I cannot strengthen my feeble efforts to extinguish the fire concealed under the treacherous embers, ere it burst forth 1 There were two eminent divines ■ of this name at Louvain. The Cornelius Jansen, who signed the opinions in 1570, was born 1510, and died 1576. The Cornelius Jansen, from whom the Jansenists have their name, was not bom tiU 1585 (fifteen years after the opinions were signed), and he died 1638 : consequently he could not have signed the opinions referred to, and the earUer portion of the above note, seems therefore inapplicable. (" Bio- graphic Universelle, Ancienne et Moderne," tome xxi., pp. 395, 396 ; and " Biograpliieal Dictionary," vol. xviii., pp. 468, 469.) — Ed. IN IRELAND. 209 well happen that a case should occur, in which they might chap. ii. suppose, and not without reason, that they ought not to a.d. 1570. obey the sentence of the Pope, until they had fully informed his Holiness of the posture of affairs. There might be urgent reasons for suspending, for a season, their obedience to the see apostolic ; — if, for instance, they discovered that, by such a profession of civil duty, the sovereign might be more easily appeased. For, in order Deposing that princes may be deposed by the Church, it does not suffice that there resides in the Pontiff the naked right of deposal ; it is requisite that this right be exercised pru- dently and with good effect. For, if the potver of the temporal prince be such that he cannot he deposed, or, at best, not without much bloodshed and commotion of war — difficulties which probably these priests apprehended — and if, on the other hand, there be a great hope of obtain- ing peace for the Catholic religion, what other fruit would violence have, than that the faith should be exposed to still greater hazards ? Thus, authors note that neither Constantius, nor Valens, nor Julian were deposed, notwith- standing their ill deserts, and the numbers and zeal of the Catholics in those days, lest a greater ruin to the Catholic cause should result from the endeavour. Hence St. Thomas, when he had said that ' Infidels, by reason of their Infidelity, deserve to be deprived of their power over the faithful,' adds, ' but this is sometimes done by the Church, sometimes not done.' Because, on some occasions, it would be not only useless, but mischievous, to do so ; for into aflame that may reduce the hetter part of the empire to annihilation ; I publish, to make Icnown the danger both to Church and State." — Letter to Columbanus, Appendix, 29, 33, 37. On the other side, had not the character of Jesuitism acquired a notoriety which rejects all further illustra- tion, it would be easy to extract from Dr. O' Conor equally vehement appeals to the State against Mr. Plowden, the College of Maynooth, and the whole body of the titidar prelates in England and Ireland. Would it be beneath the wisdom of ministers, whQe they made allowance for the mxitual spite of these disputants, to pay some little attention to the substance of the charges which they have brought against each other ? P 210 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1570. Komish ex- pediency. Faith V. opinion. Louvain casuistry. Cases of conscience, the tares are not to be rooted up, hut tolerated, when there is danger, lest, together with them, the tvheat also may be destroyed.'' * In this memorable decision, two positions are inci- dentally laid down, as maxims which required no formal proof, and which were generally understood in schools of theology. One is, the suspensive principle of the Bull of Gregory, that the sentence of the Church is always valid against heretics ; but that the time and manner of its execution will be regulated by views of expediency. The other, the esoteric explanation of the difference between faith and opinion ; what is of faith, of divine faith, must never be denied or qualified ; what is merely of opinion, however certain in the judgment of the party, admits of compromise, of dispute, of positive denial, according to the exigencies of a controversy, or the signs in the political horizon. At this distance of time, it is very difficult to assign the reasons which withheld the English Romanists, clergy and people, froin subscribing the protestation of the thirteen * A few words may be necessary to explain the Roman Cathohc practice of consulting divines upon cases of conscience. Everybody knows that, under the second temple, the glosses of the Pharisaic scribes and doctors superseded both the words of Moses and the natural suggestions of con- science. Many are also aware that the few and intelhgible principles of our civil and criminal jurisprudence have, by the technicalities of courts and the ingenuity wyers,of la been refracted into myriads of new shapes and directions. The school-divines were the scribes and lawyers of the middle ages, and then* subtlety was exercised in distorting rules, multiplying prece- dents, and extinguishing the lights of reason and Scripture, that the path o^ duty might not be discovered without guidance. When a moral question occm-red, out of the beaten track of every-day life, it was referred to a divine ; it corresponded, even in name, to the case now submitted upon a point of our statute law ; the cUent as unfeignedly thought it beyond the proper sphere of his judgment, and acted with the same deference, whenever he foimd it convenient, upon the opinion of his lawyer. Such, it is to be apprehended, is the state of a large proportion of the Irish people, except so far as the reflection of Protestantism has thrown a sort of moral twihght around them : this, unconscious of it though they be, is their great presei-vative ; it keeps them from being precipitated into the darkness of Spain. IN IRELAND. 211 priests. Whether they abhorred the casuistry of Louvain ; chap. ii. whether they held the deposing doctrine as an article of a.d. 1570. faith, and therefore not to be denied ; whether they sur- rendered the whole case, fact as well as opinion, to the infallible care of the holy see ; whether they imagined Deposing that subscription would be attended with none of those po^^*"' advantages to which their learned counsel had alluded ; or, finally, whether they hoped that, by the expected death of the Queen, and the possible accession of a prince of their own conamunion, their fortunes and their con- sciences might be secured together : — any one or more of these considerations may have influenced their conduct, nor is it easy to decide which of all the solutions would be most agreeable to their modern advocates. But, amidst much that is doubtful, there is one strong and undeniable fact, that, neither on this nor on any other occasion during the long reign of Elizabeth, did they make a declaration of attachment to the throne. To us these occurrences are matters of interest or of unconcern, according to the degree in which they may be found connected or unconnected with the spirit and senti- ments of modern Roman Catholics. For our information in this particular, we have the recorded opinions of two eminent Englishmen of that persuasion ; one of them only a few years deceased, the other still among the living* lights of his age and party. Those Roman Catholics who wish for discreet and modern statements of their political principles can have no reason to be displeased if Mr. Berrington and Mr. Butler are made their representatives. The former writes thus : — " Had the priests continued the practice of their religion Mr. Ser- in retirement, the rigour of the legislature would have ^"^o*'°'^' soon relaxed ; no jealousy would have been excited, and no penal statutes, we may now pronounce, would have entailed misfortunes upon them and their successors. . . . But it will not be denied that, from associating too inti- * Written a.d. 1827.— Ed. p 2 212 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. mately witli the divines of the Roman Court, and adopting A.D. 3570. the maxims of its schools, our foreign houses soon imbibed an ultramontane spirit, which, as it flattered, and, by flat- tering, secured, the favour of Rome, so did it offend, and, by offending, draw down the vengeance of the British Government. The doctrine of deposing princes, and dis- posing of their crowns, with other concomitant maxims of a like tendency, were the pabulum on which that ultra- montane spirit fed ; and we may too easily discover, in reading their works, that the divines of our English semi- naries had, tvith a culpable ifiattention to circumstances, espoused these dangerous tenets." * The tenets were dangerous — to themselves, and their successors ; and therefore these priests showed a culpable inattention, not to truth, or to honour, or to loyalty, but to circum- stances. Mr.Butler. Mr. Butler concludes his account of the Louvain deci- sion in these words : " The moderation of the censure shows the progress of reason " -|- — not of that phlegmatic and waylaying treachery which, as its strength declined, the Papacy was now substituting for its former honest attacks, but of reason. In a passage formerly quoted, he asserts that the priests condemned the injustice of the Bull of Pius, and he proves this assertion by showing that they held its inexpedie7icy . Again, he says in another place : " The only treasons for w^hich the priests suffered were those which the statutes of Elizabeth had made treason- able, denying her spiritual supremacy, not quitting, or returning to England, or exercising sacerdotal functions." There is little fallacy in this, provided we remember that the spiritual supremacy which these priests ascribed to the Pope included the deposing power. Still further: " Surely, when he peruses the treatment of the Catholics, the reader must feel some indignation. But will he not himself * " iIemoir3 of Panzani, "^Introduction, 20, 26. t The passages referred to in this paragraph will be found in pages 268, 244, 260, of Mr. Butler's first volume of " History of the Catholics." IN IRELAND. 213 excite someAvhat of the like indignation, if, after seeing chap. ii. the loyalty of the Catholics so severely tried and thus a.d. 1570. found so eminently pure, he returns to his former preju- dices, and allows himself to entertain, even for a moment, a suspicion of their perfect loyalty to their sovereign ? " This language will be regarded by Mr. Butler's readers as irony or as rant, according as they suppose that gentleman to be more distinguished for the coolness of his intellect, or the singleness of his heart ; and, where both qualities are so well known, it might be an invidious task to decide between them. There is an inaccuracy in the language of the two Romish writers now quoted, which, with persons of less probity or ^^^^^^ ^' of inferior skill, might easily have degenerated, on the one hand, into very palpable equivocation, or, on the other, into the avowal of the most repulsive dogmas. Thet/ could say unjust j when they only meant i7iconvenient ; they could consider the diffusion of treacherous duplicity, as synony- mous with the growth of reason ; they could pronounce that the adherence to a principle of deadly hostility was no more than a culpable inattention to circumstances ; they could call it pure and perfect loyalty in Roman Catholics to acknowledge a Protestant sovereign, in the actual state of things ; they could dilute the maintenance of a right to depose into a simple denial of spiritual supremacy : — all these strange misapplications they could fall into, perhaps, without injury to their moral perfections. But, if the same confusion prevails among the violent and the vulgar, it is certain that the time has not yet arrived when the Bulls of Pius and Gregory may be safely pronounced obsolete. It is now time to return to the age of Elizabeth and the affairs of Ireland. While the Fathers Parsons and Campian, with their Jesuit associates, were making smooth protestations and working ^'^tl^^^'S' secret treason in England, Saunders and Allen had been dispatched into the weaker island, at the head of another party of Jesuits, by the same Pope, from the same semi- 214 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. naries, yet in open rebellion A.D. 1570, tion being The materials for insurrec- ready and ample, dissimulation was found to be only an ineumbrance, and the cause of God and the Holy See was committed to the swords of the noble house of Desmond. The head of that family, the great Earl, as he is called by the Irish annalists, had promised the Government, upon his withdrawing from O'Neil's confederacy, that " as he had no knowledge in learning, and was ignorant what should be done for the furtherance of religion in Munster, he would aid and maintain what- ever might be appointed by commissioners nominated for that purpose:"* but the old quarrel with the Butlers, the sophistry of the Jesuits, and, above all, the novel and galling restraints of law, soon awakened sentiments in the turbulent nobleman, which he was resolved to mistake for zeal and illumination. Released by the Queen from the Tower of London, and from a recognizance of twenty thousand pounds, which he acknowledged that he had justly forfeited, f he re-appeared in Ireland as the avowed partizan of the Holy See ; and his brother James, a man of desperate character and fortunes, was declared the commander of the Catholic army. Saunders and his agents busily distributed the following proclamation — a document which demonstrates the perfidy of Pope Gregory, and the unsuspecting temper of his panegy- rists : — Proclama- tion of Gregory XIII. A.D. 1575. " Gregory the Thirteenth, Pope, " To all prelates, princes, counts, barons, and the entire clergy, nobility, and people of the kingdom of Ireland, health and apostolical benediction. " Among the other provinces of the Christian world, the Apostolic See has always embraced the Irish nation with singular love and charity, for the constancy of its fervent devotion and inviolable attachment to the Catholic religion and Church of Rome. For this cause, we are * Leland, ii., 239. t Cox, 236. IN IRELAND. 215 the more moved by the afflictions and calamities of the chap. ii. kingdom of Ireland; and, as far as in us lies, study to a.d.1575. preserve the people in liberty and ease of body, and in safety of soul. Whereupon, as with great grief of heart we have lately learned from that noble and excellent man, James Geraldine, Lord of Kiericouthi, and Governor- general of Desmond in the absence of the Earl of Desmond, how many and great evils the worthy men of that country suffer for the love of the orthodox faith and true religion, through the persecution of Elizabetli, who, hateful alike Queen to God and man, domineers proudly and impiously both ^atefid in England and Ireland ; and as the said James, impelled alike to by the zeal of God's house and the desire of restoring the man.^'^ true religion, by his love of country and the innate great- ness of his mind, labours, with the help of the Lord, to shake off from your necks that intolerable yoke of slavery, and hopes to find many assistants in so pious an endeavour ; we, therefore, exhort all and singular of you, by the bowels of the compassion of God, that discerning the seasonahle- ness of this opfoy-tunity , you will, each according to his power, aid the piety and valour of this noble general, and fear not a woman, who, being long since bound by the chain of an anathema, and growing more and more vile every day, has departed from the Lord, and the Lord from her, and many disasters will deservedly come upon her. And that you may do this with the greater alacrity^ we grant to all and singular of you, who, being contrite^ and confessing, or having the purpose of confessing, shall follow the said general, and join themselves to his army in maintaining and defending the Catholic faith, or shall forward his holy purpose by counsel, arms, provisions, or any other means, a plenary indulgence and remission of air their sins, according to the form which is accustomed to be used for those who war against the Turks for the recovery of the Holy Land, &:c.* * Evidence of his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin, " Lords' Eeport," 776. 216 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. ir. " Given at St. Peter's, under the signet of the A.D.1575. Fisherman, the 25th of February, 1575." A.D. 1580. On the death of this James Geraldine, or Fitz-Maurice, as he is called in the Irish annals, the Pope transferred Sir John the conduct of the holy war to his cousin. Sir John Desmond, ta j Desmond. The following is a copy of the hull issued on tlie occasion : — " Gregory the Thirteenth, to all and singular archbishops, &c. Whereas, by our letters of former years we exhorted you, that, for the purpose of recover- ing your liberty, and maintaining it against the heretics, you would join with James Geraldine of happy memory, who strove zealously to shake off from you the yoke of the English, the deserters from the holy Roman Church ; and whereas, that you might the more vigorously second him in his efforts against your enemies and the enemies of God, we granted unto all who, confessing and being contrite, should join his arni}^, or in any way aid him with counsel, arms, provisions, or in any manner soever, the plenary remission of all their sins, and the same indul- gences which are accustomed to be granted by the Roman Pontiffs unto those who war against the Turks for the recovery of the Holy Land ; and whereas, we have lately learned with much affliction, that the aforesaid James has fallen bravely fighting against the enemy,* and that our beloved son, John, his cousin, a man of eminent piety and valour, has been moved by God to undertake the same Death of * -^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ scuffle with some of his own kinsmen about a couple of Geraldine. plough-horses, which he had seized to mount two of his kerns. Cox has preserved in tolerable keeping the usual laconic prelude to an Irish conflict. " Cousin," says Fitz-Morris, " it is not a pair of garrons that will make a breach between jou and me ; I hope you will do as I do." " I have had too much of rebelhon already," answers Burke, " and am now on my oath against it ; so I must have my horses back again." Fitz-Morris thought it dishonom'ablc to part with what he had seized, and so to skinnish they go, which was brisk enough, and ended in the slaughter of both of them." — 359. IN IRELAND. 217 cause, and has achieved many noble actions in defence of chap. ii. the Catholic faith; we, therefore, do exhort, require, and a.d. 1580, urge all and singular of you, in the Lord, that you do unto the same John and his army as unto James afore- said ; and trusting in the mercy of Almighty God, and the authority of his holy apostles Peter and Paul, we renew to you the indulgences contained in our letters to the said James, provided you afford any of the aids therein mentioned to the said John and his army, or after his death (if, which God avert, he should he cut off), to his brother James, and those who shall adhere to him, Sec, &c. . " Given from St. Peter's at Rome, under the ring of the Fisherman, the 13th day of May, 1580."* When a minister of religion surrenders himself to an}^ Deadening habitual vice, his professional familiarity with sacred ®°*^''* ''*. things serves only to deaden the sensibility of conscience, ungodli- and the natural emotions of awe and remorse subside into the contemptuous composure of Infidelity. The attentive reader of these two bulls will perceive in them a veteran disregard of all that is holy or humane, to which, however versed in the records of untonsured villany, he will find it difficult to discover a parallel. This Gregory had a natural son, whom, in defiance of his contract with the Spanish monarch, f he was now labouring to make King of Ireland. In England, where the superior comforts of the people gave them a distaste for civil war, he enjoins specious professions of loyalty, — that the sovereign might appear a capricious tyrant, and the traitors dutiful and long-suffering subjects: in the same breath he urges all classes of the more inflammable Irish to seize or to make opportunities of merciless insurrection. He entails the curse of his cause upon all the members of a noble family, he makes provision for the immolation of successive holo- * This bull is given by MacG-eoghegan, " Histoire d'lrlande," torn. 2. t Leland, ii. 267. — He had promised to confer all the British dominions upon the King of Spain — provided that prince could conquer them. 218 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. causts to his ambition, and unkennels, in the name of A.D. 1580. God and with the stimuhiting promise of plenary indul- gence, the passions of a brutal and infuriated rabble. Jesuit At the battle of Monaster Neva (Irish annalists must ^•ouch be permitted to call it a battle, since it engaged the whole the ranks, disposable force of the Government), the Jesuit Allen formally displayed the Papal standard, the keys of St. Peter, and the sword of St. Paul. Before the action began, he rode busily through the ranks, distributing his benedictions and assurances of victory ; during the vicis- situdes of a well-fought day he officiated strenuously in the threefold capacity of priest, general, and soldier ; and his body was found by the conquerors among a heap of slain.* Saunders did not finish his less honourable career until he had efiected the extinction of the Sir John Desmonds. The Sir John mentioned in the second iJesmoii 8 i^^jj j^^^ been at first suspected by this artful emissary sacrifice." of a want of cordiality in the cause of the Church, and upon his arrival in the rebel camp, was told that no confi- dence could be placed in him until he had given some unequivocal pledge that he never would be reconciled to the heretical Govern ment.-j- The savage swallowed the bait which a more wily fiend had thus thrown out, and resolved to attest his fidelity by an exploit which it should be impossible for either party to mistake or to forget. Among the civil officers of the Government was Henry Davers, a gentleman of Devon, who had long resided in Ireland, and whose discreet and benevolent carriage amidst scenes of atrocious warfare had conciliated the regards of both races. The Desmond family had frequently experienced his good offices ; Sir John, in * Leland, ii. 274. — The Queen's army consisted of 900 foot and 150 horse. The parsimony of Government in fitting out expeditions Avas then, as at many a later period, the cause of much unnecessary bloodshed. t " Johanni rero se fidem non habituinom, priusquam facinus ahquod dignum committat, quo hsereticorum iram atque indignationem provocet, sibique ilium fidum fore iuteUigat." — 0' Sullivan, Hist. Cath., p. 95, quoted by Leland, ii. 271. IN IRELAND. 219 particular, had been relieved in various necessities to chap. ir. which his extravagance had reduced him, and repeatedly ^.d. 1580. released from prison. The acknowledgments of the pro- digal were warm and tender ; he commonly addressed his benefactor as his father, and was greeted in turn with the endearing appellation of son. The lord deputy, knowing this intimacy of Davers and the Desmonds, had employed him in a friendly but unsuccessful negotiation with them ; and the Englishman, upon his return to Dublin, was to take up his quarters the first night in the town of Tralee. His adopted son, with a band of those followers who were always ready to repay the coarse hospitality of a chieftain with the unlimited service of their dirks, as well as their battle-axes, secretly pursued him, surrounded the house where he was lodged, and bribed the porter to leave the gate unbarred. In the dead of night the assassins entered the chamber of their victim. Davers feeling somewhat assured when he saw Desmond, said quietly, " What, my son, what is the meaning of this brawl ? " and received for answer the sword of the miscreant in his body. The other assassins dispersed themselves through the rooms, and massacred indiscriminately ; none of the attendants of Davers escaped, except one faithful lacquey, an Irishman, who had thrown himself upon his master in the hope of intercepting some of the murderous blows. Sir John was now fully qualified to lead a Papal army ; he fiew to the rebel camp, proclaiming the achievement which had for ever sealed his attachment to orthodoxy, and was joyfully received by Saunders, who complimented him upon the siveet sacrifice which he had offered to heaven,^ The blind caprice of fortune conferred upon this rufiian the honour * Leland and Cox concur in giving us this atrocious expression, upon the authority of Hooker, an Enghsliman, but Member for the borough of Athenry, in Elizabeth's Irish Parhament. O'SiiHivan says generally, that Desmond was praised for his exploit, quo facto laud af us, &c. It is consola- tory to find, that, even among the professional adherents of Saunders, the spirit of sect did not universally prevail over the natural feelings of huma- nity : Davers received a decent burial from an Irish friar. 220 POLICY OF TIIK CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1580. Slaughter and famine. of a soldier's death ; his less guilty brother, and intended successor in the command of the rebels, perished by the hand of the executioner. Of the male line of Desmond there now survived none but its head, the great Eai'l. This weak nobleman had pursued a double and indecisive policy, which exposed him to the suspicion and hatred of every party. Sometimes fomenting the aimless* turbulence of the ruder chieftains, frequently cringing to the Government, and occasionally standing aloof from all, in the inflated consciousness of his own power, he was invariably drawn back into the one fatal path, by the influence of a few priests, who never quitted, until they betrayed, their deluded benefactor. His intrigues were numerous ; his exploits in the field few and inconsiderable ; the greatest achievement of his arms was the surprise of the town of Youghal ; and by this, although accomplished chiefly through the treachery of the Mayor, he was so intoxicated, that he summoned the Lord Deputy " to join him in the glorious cause which he and his brethren were maintaining, under the auspices of the Pope and the King of Spain." f But he had none of the qualities of a general ; and his dependents few of the resources of an army : his enterprises were soon reduced to nightly irruptions out of his woods and fastnesses against some inconsiderable post or single detachment. These assaults brought on a terrible retaliation, vindictive slaughter, and the more appalling visitation of famine, incessantly consumed his miserable vassals : all the opera- tions of agriculture having been suspended, their cattle were now their only support, and when these were carried away, men whose lives had been spared would follow the English foragers, begging for themselves, for their wives * The great ostensible grievance was the overthrow of the Church ; the next in popularity with those jolly malcontents was a tax upon wine, which had been lately imposed by the Irish Parliament. Cox, p. 330. t Leland, ii., 277. The titiilar bishops of Cashel and Emly were Des- mond's agents at the Papal and Spanish courts. — Ware, "Annals of Eliza- heth," p. 12. IN IRELAND. 221 and children, the mercy of a speedy destruction by the chap. ii. sword.* By these means the quiet of desolation began to a-d- 1580. be established in the ample domains of Desmond, and the chieftain became a fugitive. As he wandered, accompanied by only three clansmen and a priest, he was espied and pursued by some of the Lord Roche's retainers ; all escaped but the ecclesiastic, who revealed the forlorn condition and the haunts of his Earl of patron. Thenceforward, the unfortunate nobleman had destUute ^ no rest. Disguised in the garb of a churl, he passed his condition, solitary days in caverns or morasses ; and at night was joined by a few devoted galloglasses, who shifted his wretched quarters, according to their hopes of finding for him sustenance and concealment. One day, when the remnant of these faithful men had ventured to seize a few cows, the owner raised thesoldiersof a neighbouring fort, who pursued the depredators. Tracking the cattle into aglen, they followed its windings, until, about midnight, they arrived at a spot where the defile expanded into a valley, which * Spenser's account of this famine is, perhaps, the most appalling de- Spenser's scription to be found in any language of the horrors of an exterminating account ot invasion : — "Notwithstanding that the same was a most rich and plentiful * country, yet, ere one year and a half, they were brought to euch wretched- ness as that any stony heart would rue the same. Out of every corner of the woods and glens they came creeping forth upon their hands, for their legs could not bear them : they looked like anatomies of death ; they spake like ghosts crying out of then* graves ; they did eat the dead carrions, happy where they could find them, yea, and one another soon after ; insomuch as the very carcases they spared not to scrape out of their graves ; and if they found a plot of water-cresses or shamrocks, there they flocked as to a feast for the time, yet not able to continue there withal : so that, in short space, there was none almost left, and a most populous and plentiful country sud- denly left void of man or beast." God in his mercy grant that this heart- rending picture may not again be realized. Eveiy artifice has long been used to familiarize our fieiy peasantry to the contemplation of the most atrocious deeds ; insurrection is acted over weekly, almost daily, in the imaginations of those multitudes who are swayed by the speeches of a few cool incendiaries. On the other hand, there are some who resolve all the evils of Ireland into its imperfect conquest ; and inflamed as the animosities of all parties now are, there is little doubt that, if another rebellion arise, this imperfection will be effectually remedied. 222 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1580. His death. A.D. 1583. His six hundred thousand acres con- fiscated. His son's reception at Kilmal- lock. terminated in a wood. The officer had just ordered his men to halt and rest themselves, when a light was per- ceived among the trees: they advanced, discovered a cabin, and an old man of dignified aspect stretched languidly before the fire. The officer striking him rudely with his sword, the unhappy prisoner cried, " Spare me, I am the Earl of Desmond." His head was cut off",* and sent to the Lord Deputy, who transmitted it to England to be impaled on London bridge : and his princely terri- tories, which amounted to six hundred thousand acres, and had afforded ample estates to three hundred gentlemen besides his own immediate kindred, were given up to the just vengeance of the Crown, and the rapacity of the undertakers.! * If we are to believe O'SulHvan, the spot which reccired the blood of the earl continued to exhibit the stains at the time of his writing, some forty years after. We are assured by the graver testimony of Cox, that, in his time, about a centuiy and a half after the transaction, the family of the person to whom the cattle had belonged, were still in disgrace among the people of "Kerry. t Shortly after the death of the earl, his envoy, the titular Bishop of Killaloe, arrived from Spain with a reinforcement of men, money, and arms. — Carte, "Life of Ormond" Introduction, 57. Desmond left an only child, a boy ; he was educated, by the Queen's orders, in a manner suited to his birth, and after some years sent over to Munster, as a rival to the titular earl who had been set up by O'Neil. The account of his reception is thus given by Leland, from Sir G-eorge Carew in Ms Pacata Hibernia : — The earl came to Kilmallock, of a Saturday in the evening ; and by the way, and at the entrance into the town, there was a mighty concoui'se of people, insomuch that all the streets, doors, and windows, yea, the very gutters, and tops of houses, were filled with them ; and they welcomed him with all expressions and signs of joy ; everyone throwing upon him wheat and salt, according to the ancient ceremony used in that province. That night the earl was invited to sup with Sir George Thornton ; and although he had a guard of soldiers, who made a lane from his lodgings to Sir George's house, yet the confluence of people was so great, that he could not, in half an hour, make liis passage through the crowd. After supper, he had the same encounters in his return to his lodgings. Tlie next day being Sunday, the earl went to church to hear divine service ; and all the way his countrymen used loud and rude dehortations to keep him from church, unto which he lent a deaf ear ; but, .after service and sermon were ended, the earl, coming forth of the church, was railed at, and spit upon, by those that, before his going to church, IN IRELAND. The ruin of this noble house, with its long series of chap. ii. disastrous accompaniments, was an impressive, but in- a.d. 1583. effectual warning, to those who were yet spared. Some Jesuit had discovered the sagacious argument, that a woman, being inadmissible to holy orders, should not be allowed to style herself Head of a Church ; and this contemptible quibble proved a sufficient pretext for new commotions.* Several men of family, vain, boisterous, and ambitious spirits, who had been trained to turbulent misrule, and who considered the monotony of good order as a reproach at once to their rank and their manhood, yielded to the solicitations of the Papal emissaries ; and the abused and miserable multitude knew nothing more of duty, than to obey the priest ; or of honour, than to shout in the train of some selfish and factious leader. These insurgents formed no less than four different parties ; one, affecting to support the Pope's son, as King of Ireland by the grant of his father ; another, maintaining a similar claim for the Spanish monarch ; a third, not averse from English connexion, provided they were allowed to dictate the terms ; and a fourth, seeking after complete independence ; all of them having for their ultimate aim the restoration of their barbarous feudal tyranny, yet professing a zeal for religion, and overruled by the superior subtlety of the priesthood. t One victory gained by Hugh O'Neil increased were so desirous to see and salute him ; insomuch as, after that public pro- Deserted fession of his religion, the town was cleared of the multitude of strangers, for going This young earl, seeing how much he was deceived in his hopes, embarked cnurcn. for England, and so to Court." * The Vicomte de Chateaubriand, in his " Monarchy according to the Charter," calls the King of France " The Head or Visible Prelate of the Galilean Church, and the Chief of all that constitutes a nation, its religion^ morals, pohtics," &c. It will be remembered that this eloquent writer is a professed Constitutionalist, accused by his opponents of loivering the legiti- mate claims of royalty. He was obliged to devote a chapter of his book to prove that lie was not a democrat. — See the Quarterly Sevieiv for July, 1816. t It is remarkable that whea any of these insurgent chiefs submitted to the Government, they made no objection to the oath of supremacy : their idea of Popery included temporal dominion, so that their recusancy and their rebellion lived and died together. — See Leland, ii., 234. 224 POLICY OF THE CHURCH of rome GHAP. 11. and consolidated the strength of these factions ; so that, A.D. 1583. when Essex landed to assume the lieutenancy, he found insurrection more extensive and better organized than ever. Tn-one. Hugh O'Neil had all the ambition and duplicity of his uncle John, with greater caution, more specious manners, and a more cultivated mind ; advantages for which he was indebted to his English education. Slighted at home on account of his illegitimate descent, he resolved that his first step to the greatness at which he aimed should be the favour of the Government: he entered early into its service, made many friends among the officers ; and, during the Desmond insurrection, was distinguished for his military talents, and his zeal in the royal cause. The hasty gratitude of the Irish Parliament rewarded his exertions with the forfeited title of Tyrone ; and the Queen, to whom he paid assiduous court, and upon whom his insinuating address and plausible representations of Irish affairs had made a great impression, added the whole of the splendid inheritance which had belonged to that earldom, but was then vested in the Crown. He returned in triumph to Ireland, magnified the graces he had received, courted popularity, distributed favours, and gradually attracted to himself all those various regards which may be imagined to attend a man who was at once the prime favourite of the English Queen and the first of Irish Prepares chieftains. Government soon found it necessary to solicit for rebel- |^-g assistance against the disaffected of his province ; he was ready, he answered, with his best services ; he would raise and maintain, if permitted, a force of six companies, wliicli should be always prepared against the enemies of his mistress. The offer was accepted, the companies formed, the men quietly dismissed according as they became expert in the use of arms, and fresh recruits continually supplied, until, by degrees, the whole of his followers were trained in the discipline of an English army. In the meantime, he had conveyed to Dungannon a vast quantity of lead, to cover, as he pretended, the battlements of a mansion- IN IRELAND. 225 house, which he was going to build after the English chap. ir. fashion ; the lead, however, had a different destination.* a.d.1583. The suspicions of the State were now awakened, and the aspiring Earl began to be sensible that he had almost attained the utmost height to which a subject could be permitted to climb. On the other side, the accomplices or instruments of his designs, tired of inaction, and unable to comprehend his refined policy, were inclined to ascribe his reserve to want of courage or of cordiality. O'Donel, Diplomacy ,•1 , 1 • • xi_ i of rebellion in particular, sent him an angry message, announcing that conducted he was resolved to prosecute the war without, and, if by the necessary, against, the wavering chief of Tyrone, and that bishops. he had despatched a bishop -f- to solicit assistance from the Spanish monarch. O'Neil made this fiery tributary his son-in-law ; he sent a younger brother, with some troops, to aid the insurgents, among whom the titular primate Magauran had already fallen bravely by the side of the chieftain Mac Guire ; J and, contrary to his former stipulations with Government, he availed himself openly of the good offices of the priesthood. While he was thus keeping his compatriots in good humour, he forwarded to the Queen, upon whose favour he seems to have presumed extravagantly, the strongest protestations of his unshaken loyalty. For this purpose he employed an English officer, named Lee, who had been his comrade when he served in the Royal army, and who was still flattered by such marks of his confidence as the wily chieftain judged it prudent to show. Under the instruction of the Earl, this officer drew up " A brief declaration of Ireland ; opening many a.d. 1594. corruptions in the same, the discontents of the Irish, and the causes of the troubles ; and showing the means how to establish quietness in that kingdom, honourably, and to her Majesty's profit." The matter of the memorial is sufficiently miscellaneous; its object, single — to represent O'Neil as the * Leland, ii., 308. t The diplomacy of rebellion was generally conducted by the bishops. t Leland, ii., 329. Q 226 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. n. person best qualified to direct the administration of Irish A.D. I59i. affairs. The topics are selected with some skill; O'Neil is a man from whom everything may be feared, or every- thing expected, according as the Queen shall be pleased to treat him. " Neither the Desmond wars, nor those of O'Conor and O'Moore, are comparable to that which is now apprehended, if it prove a war. All Ulster is the - Earl's already ; O'Donel and O'Doherty, who were always faithful in John O'Neil's wars, are now linked to him, so that no place of succour is left to your Majesty's force in all the north : in Counaught there are divers who watch an opportunity ; and in Leinster many who now stir not, but will then arise in arms. If he were so bad as his enemies would fain enforce, those who know him and the strength of his country will witness thus much with me, that he might very easily cut off many of your Majesty's forces, which are laid in garrison, in small troops, border- ing vipon his country ; yea, and overrun all your English pale, to the utter ruin thereof; yea, and camp, as long as should please him, even under the walls of Dublin, for any strength your Majesty hath in that kingdom to remove him." " These things being considered, the foundation of hope must be laid upon the Earl of Tyrone, to draw him, by any reasonable conditions, unto your Majesty ; and as he is made a great man there, so he may be also a special good member of the commonwealth, to redress and remedy many great disorders, which, no doubt, he would faith- fully do, if he were trusted." * Some of these reasonable conditions are amusing enough. One is, that the Earl should have the power of executing by martial law in his own territory ; " and I dare say he may, every year, hang A false * He was a wise man who said, " There is nothing new under the sun." principle This instrument of treason has anticipated, by ahnost two centuries and ^ " a half, the very best arguments of certain orators. " You have given so much ah'eady," he says, " that it is neither worth your while, nor in your power, to withhold the remainder." The folly of the past is urged as a reason for the insanity of the present and future. IN IRELAND. 227 500 false knaves, and yet reserve a great stock to himself ; chap. ii. lie cannot hang amiss there, so he hang somebody." This a.d. 1594. condition is followed up by another of the same tendenc}'; that certain persons, nominated in the memorial, be em- ployed in places of trust, civil and military, in the remoter districts of the island. *' I know," says the writer, " there will be great exceptions against them, because they are thought to be too near friernds to the Earl ; but I will prove that none can ever do your Majesty such good service there as they who are best acquainted with the Earl and the other lords of those countries. And what is it to your Majesty to lay upon the Earl the trust and credit of settling your Majesty's forces in those parts ? And if it shall, at any time, happen that he should so offend as to deserve punishment, then your Majesty is to prepare your princely forces, and make royal war upon him, letting him sharply taste what it is to offend so gracious and great a prince." Interspersed with these threatening demands, are many vehement, and some abject, protestations of fidelity. Lee proposes that the quarrel between the Earl and his chief accuser shall be decided by combat ; " and because it is no conquest for him to overthrow a man ever held in the world to be of the most cowardly behaviour, he will, in defence of his innocency, allow his adversary to come armed against him naked, to encourage him the rather to accept of his chal- lenge." " Being often his bed-fellow," continues this warm advocate, " he hath divers times bemoaned himself unto me with tears in his eyes, saying, that if he knew any way in the world to behave himself otherwise than he hath done, to procure your Majesty's good opinion of him, he would not spare to offer himself to serve your Highness in any part of the world, though he were sure to lose his life. And as he hath in pi'ivate thus bemoaned himself unto me, so there are many eye-witnesses here in your Highnesses Court, who have seen him do the same no less openly ; which tears have neither proceeded from dissimu- Q 2 228 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. lation, nor from a childish disposition, but of mere zeal A.D. 159-1'. unto your Highness." * Tyrone Elizabeth, although habitually indulgent to Tyrone, the throne, '^^^^f ^J this time, weary of Irish broils, did not accede to these modest overtures ; and the Earl perceived that henceforward force should combine with subtlety to clear his passage to a throne. Disappointed in his hopes of quietly hanging his enemies, and filling the Government and the army with his friends, and now at length assured of immediate succour from Spain, he renounced his English title and connexions, assumed the appellation of O'Neil, and became the defender of his Church and country. Hitherto he had been a liberal Roman Catholic, and had even given a hint that entire conformity to the Established Church might be expected in time. " Your Majesty has heard," says Lee, " that he and his lady are Papists, and foster seminarists. True it is, he is affected that way, but less hurtfuUy and dangerously than some of the greatest in the English pale : for, when he is with the State, he will accompany the Lord Deputy to the church and home again, and will stay to hear service and sermon; they, as soon as they have brought the Lord Deputy to * It will probably appear to some of my readers that too much notice has been taken of this contemptible piece : such of them, however, as remember to have seen Mr. O'Driscoll's pretty volumes of "Views of Ireland," may observe that I have had a motive, though I am by no means sure that it win be considered a sufficient one. That gentleman is pleased to think Lee's memorial an important State paper, illustrative of the tyranny of the English Government ; and, as he writes for statesmen, he has taken the trouble of copyuig it, without the omission of a syllable, into six and thirty closely printed pages. The research of the learned winter is almost as rare as his sagacity. Passing by the " Desiderata Curiosa Ilibernica," which is, or may be, in everybody's hands, he quotes directly from the oi-iginal in the manuscript library of Dublin College- — a room closed against all but such eminent persons as Mr. O'Driscoll ; and, with the same disdain of vulgar soiu-ces of information, he turns aside from Leland, who would have told liira that tliis Captain Henry Lee was the creatui-e of a perfidious rebel. The playful biographer of Captain Eoek, who, as he can extract pleasantry from a massacre, may be excused the little froHc of exposing a friend, has happily caricatured his graver fellow-labourer, by quoting the same authority. IN IRELAND. 220 the church-door, depart as if they were wild cats ; but chap. ii. he, in my conscience, with good conference, ivould be a.d. 1594. reformed; for he hath only one little cub of an English priest, by whom he is seduced, for want of his friends' access unto him, who might otherwise uphold him." But recent circumstances had confirmed his wavering faith, and the prelates were ready to embrace the illustrious penitent. At the battle of Blackwater, where he con- Battle of fronted his brother-in-law and deadly enemy, Sir Henry ^^^^^' •',*'' •' •water. Bagnal, the spirit of his soldiers was raised to a frenzy of fanaticism by the exhortations of their priests, who assured them, upon the faith of ancient prophecies, that the events of that great day would be fatal to heresy. The adverse forces were almost perfectly equal : on the Royal side stood 4,500 foot and 500 horse, many of them veterans who had served under Norris both in France and Ireland ; 4,500 foot and (iOO horse formed the array of the rebel, or the Catholic, army. Of the latter there fell 200, with 600 wounded — a trifling loss, which was amply avenged by the slaughter, on the field, of the general, thirteen gallant officers, and 1,500 men of their opponents. The vanquished abandoned their fort of Blackwater, fled to Armagh, and thence farther southward ; and their ammunition and provisions, thirty-four ensigns and other honours of war, all their artillery and a quantity of smaller arms, remained to support the credit of Papal vaticination.* A victory so complete changed the character of Eliza- beth's councils. The contemptuous disgust with which the disturbances in Ireland had been lately regarded, was now banished by the fear of losing the country ; and a force was equipped such as had never been seen by the Irish, and had very seldom left the shores of England. But the spirit of the insurgents kept pace with these preparations : O'Neil was extolled as the deliverer of his country ; and the disaffected leaders in all quarters of the * Lelaud, ii., 349. 230 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. island condemned their own inactivity, which had deprived A.D. 1594. them of similar glory. Fifty-two heads of clans, English as well as Irish, with twenty-seven captains, equal to the former in courage and nobility, though not the chiefs of their respective houses, are enumerated by O'Sullivan as crowding into the field with rival zeal, *' in maintenance of liberty and the Catholic faith." Driving the loyalists into the towns, they kept possession of the open country ; their followers in the different provinces outnumbered the troops of the Viceroy, were of abler bodies, more patient of the fatigues and privations of war, abundantly supplied with arms from Spain, and trained in. the use of them by long exercise, and by the combined advan- tages of Spanish and English discipline. The first place in authority, as in fame, was unanimously assigned to O'Neil ; the voice of the Sovereign Pontiff ratified and consecrated the judgment of his votaries ; and the general fulfilled the expectations of all. Aware that Essex, though inferior in gross numbers, had a greater disposable force than the jealous pride of his own associates would allow him to concentrate, he declined the hazard of general engagements : he adopted that species of warfare which the character of his troops and the natural strength of the country combined to recommend, — directing a system of small offensive operations, which, as if by a signal, blazed out at once or died away, over the whole sui'face of the island. Confounded at a service so full of peril and so barren of renown, the confidence of the Viceroy first grew impatient, and from impatience col- lapsed into disheartened mortification : O'Neil seized the opportunity ; proposed, and was admitted to, a private conference. The night before the intended meeting. Zee, the trusty emissary of the rebel chief, was busily employed in passing between the camps, and holding secret inter- views with the generals. The parley of the following day lasted a considerable time : the Englishman was stately, vain, and ingenuous ; his adversary, or, as he now became. IN IRELAND, 231 his adviser, supple, persuasive, and impenetraLle. Wliil chap. ii. Essex drew up proudly on the bank of the river which a.d.1596. divided the armies, O'Neil was seen plunging up to his saddle in the water, as if impatient to throw himself at the feet of so great a man. Shortly after the unfortunate Viceroy divulged the subject to which the dexterity of O'Neil had directed their conversation : *' Tyrone," he said, " had told him, that if he followed his direction, he might easily be the greatest lord in England ; '* " troubles were about to arise in England, which would render his return thither indispensable." He had intended to bring with him the best troops on the Irish service, and make his way at their head to the presence of his mistress ; but the discovery of his frantic scheme precipitated his journey, which terminated on the scaffold. He left the royalists so dejected, that, at the expiration of a truce of six weeks which he had made with O'Neil, they expostulated with the rebel general upon his abrupt resumption of hosti- lities. It is probable that the connexion of these islands would have been now dissolved, had not the rebel lords of English descent begun to be alarmed at the extent of their own success. Whether Ireland was to become an independent kingdom under O'Neil, or (as was more likely, and more agreeable to the views of Rome and the prelates) to be annexed to the Spanish monarchyj the revolution threatened to bring with it the extirpation of the English colonists. The apprehension of such a result had moved the wary lords of the Pale, though in opposition to the Government^ to abstain from rebel- lion : conscience had made cowards of them ; they dreaded lest the heartless policy which they had formerly pursued towards the Irish might suggest the terrible lesson, " that their triumph was incomplete until they had cut the throats of their allies;"* and they were therefore content * Lord Gormanstown's advice to Kildare upon a former oceasioni 232 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. to seek the accomplishment of their ends by a system of A.D.1598. bloodless hostihties. Their bolder and more thoughtless brethren began now to discover the prudence of this course. They saw that the great national quarrel had been compromised, not forgotten ; and that, although while the struggle lasted their Milesian associates might find them useful, yet, when the separation was once made, prosperity would awaken all dormant claims, and fear would revive and strengthen old animosities. The wisdom of Government, in offering easy terms of reconciliation, encouraged and extended these reflections ; and by degrees they were diffused among the priests of English race, in whom alarm for their own safety, and the natural yearnings for kindred and the mother-country, at length overcame professional feelings. The dispute among the clergy arose almost to a schism, and the more daring of the loyal party announced a doctrine unknown until then in the ecclesiastical world, that Catholics might lawfully bear arms against their brethren in defence of a heretical sovereign. " Oh! ignorant, foolish, and abandoned men," exclaims the indignant O'Sullivan, " ye Anglo-Irish priests of the English faction, how will you ever expiate this atrocious guilt ? Can you be of a spirit purely and entirely Catholic? Let the wise reader judge. As for myself, I cannot hold for sound or Catholic doctrine a notion so fatal to the salvation of souls and the pro- pagation of the faith, as that Catholics may fight against Catholics in the cause of heresy."* O'Neil himself — or the 2jri?ice, as he was now called — condescended to discuss this case of conscience in an English proclamation ; he argued it as became the general of a crusade, according both to martial and ecclesiastical law. * "Hist. Cath.," 233. See O'Conor, " Columbanus," iv., 114. On this occasion it appears to have been, for the fii'st time since the Keformation, that the Irish priesthood separated into the two sects or schools, tlie Popish and the Koman Catholic. Prince O'Ncil's proclama tion. IN IRELAND. 223 " Using hitherto more than ordinary favour towards all chap. ii. my countrymen, both for that you are generally by your a.d. 1598, professions Catholicks, and that naturally I am inclined to affect you, I have, for these and other considerations, abstained my forces from attempting to do you hindrance ; and the rather, for that I did expect, in processe of time, you would enter into consideration of the lamentable estate of your poor country, most tyrannically oppressed, and of your own gentle consciences, in maintaining, relieving, and helping the enemies of God and our country, in wars infallibly tending to the promotion of heresie. " But now, seeing you are so obstinate in that in which you have hitherto continued, of necessitie I must use severity against you, whom otherwise I most entirely loved, in reclayming you by compulsion, when my long tollerance and happy victories, by God's particular favour doubtlessly obtained, could work no alteration in your consciences. " Considering, notwithstanding, the great calamitie and miserie whereunto you are most likely to fall by persever- ing in that damnable state in which hitherto ye have lived, having thereof commiseration, hereby I thought good and convenient to forewarn you, requesting everie of you to come and join with me against the enemies of God and our poor country. If the same ye do not, I will use means, not only to spoil you of all your goods, but, according to the utmost of my power, shall work what I can to dispossess you of all your lands ; because you are the means whereby warres are maintained against the exaltation of the Catholick faith. Contrarywise, whoso- ever you shall be that shall joine wdth me, upon my conscience, and as to the contrary I shall answer before God, I w'ill imploy myself, to the utmost of my power, in their defence, and for the extirpation of heresie, the planting of the Catholick religion, the delivery of our country of infinite murders, wicked and detestable poll- 234 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. 11. cies, by which this kingdom was hitherto governed, A.D.1598. nourished in obscurity and ignorance, maintained in barbarity and incivility, and, consequently, of infinite evils which are too lamentable to be rehearsed. " And seeing these are motives most laudable before any man of consideration, and before the Almighty most meritorious, which is chiefly to be respected, I thought myself in conscience bound, seeing God hath given me some power, to use all means for the reduction of this our poor afflicted country unto the Catholick faith, which can never be brought to any good pass without either your destruction or helping hands. Eoman " Which, notwithstanding, some Catholicks doe think Catholics themselves bound to obey the Queen as their lawful not to obey •' i • i Queen prince — which is denied, in respect that she was deprived Elizabeth. ^£ ^|^ ^^^^j^ kingdoms, dominions, and possessions, which otherwise perhaps should have been due unto her, and, consequently, of all subjection, insomuch as she is left a private person, and no man bound to give her obedience, — and beyond all this, such as were sworn to be faithful unto her were by his Holiness absolved from performance thereof, seeing she is by a declaration of excommunication pronounced a heretic, — neither is there any revocation of the excommunication, as some Catholicks do most falsely, for particular affection surmise ; for the sentence was in the beginning given for heresie, and for continued heresie the same tvas continued. It is a thing void of all reason that his Holiness should revoke the sentence, she per- severing in heresie, yea, in mischiefing and persecuting the Catholicks. " But it may be there was a mitigation made in favour of Catholicks, b}^ which they might be licensed in civil matters precisely to give her, during their unability, obedience, but not in any matter tending to the pro- motion of heresie. Wherefore, I earnestly beseech you all, Catholicks, and good, loving countrymen, as you tender the exaltation of the Catholick faith, and the IN IRELAND. 23o utter extirpation of heresie, in this our poor distressed [chap. ii. country, to consider the lamentable and most distressed a.d. 1599. state thereof. And now let us join altogether to deliver this poor kingdom from that infection of heresie with which it is, and shall be, if God do not specially favour us, most miserably infected, taking example by that most Christian and Catholick country of France, whose subjects, for defence of the Catholick faith, yea, against their most natural King, maintained warres so long as by their means he was constrained to profess the Catholick religion, duely submitting himself to the Apostolick See of Rome, — to which, doubtless, we may bring our country, you putting your helping hands to the same. " So I rest, praying the Almighty to move your flinted hearts to prefer the commodity and profit of our country before your own private ease. " Duneveag, the fifteenth day of November, 1599. " O'Neale."* For some time before the appearance of this proclama- tion, an opinion had been gaining ground that O'Neil* was aiming at the sovereignty of Ireland. Among other acts of indiscretion, he had conferred the title of Earl of Desmond upon a distant relative of the late unfortunate nobleman, and had undertaken to recover for him the splendid patrimony of his predecessors ; in return, he exacted homage, and a promise of tribute from the titular grandee. This conduct had given very general offence ; and the Irish of all parties, with that keen sense of the ridiculous which is still an element of the national character, annexed an epithet of contempt to the honorary title of the new Desmond, calling him on all occasions the Earl of Straw. In the manifesto, although framed with considerable art, some expressions escaped the ambitious general which confirmed these rising jealousies, and has- * Dr. Phelan seems to hare preferred the more common mode of spelling this name.— Ed. 236 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. tened the dissolution of the triple* confederacy. While A.D. 1599. he disclaims, with suspicious vehemence, all present views of personal aggrandizement, he is inconsistent enough to acknowledge that such had been his original motive for taking arms against England. He dwells, with a com- placency which has as much of pomp as piety, on the power which God had given him ; affects an air of patronage, " of more than ordinary favour," towards all his countrymen ; speaks of the possibility of his being king of Ireland, and avows designs of national improve- ment, which could be effected by nothing short of sovereign authority. Had he reached the eminence to which he so obviously aspired, his great talents render it probable that he would have made no inglorious effort to fulfil his promise, of banishing " the obscurity and ignorance, the barbarity and incivility," in which it was unquestionable that, from whatsoever causes, the kingdom had been hitherto buried. But the scheme was not acceptable to any class of his associates. The Anglo- Irish chiefs dreaded the consequences of separation ; the Milesians were too proud to submit to a man whose equals they called themselves, Avhile they envied his superiority ; and both, still clinging to their barbarous power, recoiled from his projects of reformation. The policy of Rome and the hierarchy presented obstacles equally insviperable : the former had already given away Ireland to Spain ; the latter could not prosecute their own designs without some foreign connexion — they knew and feared the enlightened mind of O'Neil, and could not forgive his recent leaning to heresy. Clement The new Pope, Clement the Eighth, while he compli- the Eighth rented and encouraged the prince's exertions in the sends . , . ,. , phameof Catholic cause, took an indirect, but intelligible mode fe tlT'^ of repressing his expectations. He sent him a plume, O'Neil. hallowed by his own apostolical benediction, and (as the * That is, between the hierarchy, the Milesian chiefs, and Angb-Irish lords. IN IRELAND. 237 Pontiff gravely declared, and his word was not questioned chap. n. by the discreet aspirant), formed of the feathers of a a.b.1600. genuine phoenix, the apt symbol of a reviving Church and State ; but the present was conveyed by a Spanish ecclesiastic, upon whom, as a pledge of the destiny which awaited the regenerated country, his Holiness had con- ferred the archbishopric of Dublin.* O'Neil replied to O'Neil'g the ominous enigma in an artful and submissive letter, ^^P^y- well calculated, as he hoped, to elicit a response less unfavourable to his designs. Adopting that style of blasphemous adulation which the Papal oracle requires of its clients, he " prostrated himself before the Father of spirits on earth, praying his compassion upon his spiritual sons, who were engaged in a conflict with the enemies of their Sion, the opposers of their building up of the walls of their Jerusalem." He solicits the holy Father to appoint, in future, pastors of his nomination to the afflicted Church ; and, in order that the faithful Irish subjects of his Holiness may act with the greater success in the defence of his kingdom, he beseeches him to renew the excommunication against Elizabeth. The Pontiff sent the following answer : — *' To our beloved son, the illustrious Prince Hugh The Pope's O'Neil, Captain-General of the Catholic army in ^''pV *» -_ , , •' O'Neil. Ireland. " Health and apostolical benediction : " We have been informed by your letter, and by the report of our dear son, Peter Lombard, Principal of Cambray, that the holy alliance, which you and many other princes and nobles of Ireland have formed, is, by the mercy of God, maintained and strengthened, and that, by the aid of the same Lord of hosts, you have often combated successfully against the English, the apostates from the Church and faith. We have derived * Leland, ii., 368. 238 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. great joy from these tidings, and have given thanlcs to A.D. 1600. God, the Father of mercies, who has still left in Ireland many thousands of men who have not bowed the knee to Baal. For these have not gone after impious heresies, or profane novelties, but have fought manfully in detestation of them, for the inheritance of their fathers, for the pre- servation of the faith, for the maintenance of unity with the one Catholic and apostolic Church, out of which there is no salvation. We commend, dear son, your pious magnanimity, and also that of the princes and all others who, in league with you, decline no dangers for the glory of God, and prove themselves worthy • successors of their ancestors — men renowned for martial exploits and for zeal in the Catholic cause. Preserve, children, this excellent spirit ; preserve your mutual concord ; and the God of peace will be with you, and will prostrate your enemies before your face. " As for us, we love and cherish in the bowels of Jesus Christ your highness and all the other imitators of the faith and valour of their forefathers ,- we do not cease to pray God for your safety and happiness ; and, when opportunity offers, we shall write to our children, the Catholic kings and princes, that they give you and your cause all possible assistance. It is also our intention to send to you speedily some special and trusty nuntio, a man of piety and prudence, inflamed with zeal towards God, and devotion to your interests, who may aid you in maintaining unity, in propagating the faith, and forwarding all other measures for the advancement of God's honour and worship. In the meantime we send you these presents, as pledges of our love to you and your country, and for your consolation as our beloved children in Christ. We have heard with pleasure, and shall continue to hear, Peter Lombard, whom you have sent to us as your ambassador. And so we impart to you, and to those who join with you in the propagation of the faith, our apostolical benediction ; IN IRELAND. 239 and we pray God that he will send out his angels about chap. ii. your paths, that He will guide you by his grace, and ^•^- 1601. protect you by the power of his outstretched arm. "Given from St. Peter's, &c. 20th January, 1601."* The letter affords another instance of that unrelenting composure with which, in the most sacred of names, and, if habit did not neutralize the power of language, under the impression of the most awful ideas, Rome can devote its followers to destruction. Four hundred years before, it had employed the English arms in bringing Ireland under its dominion ; and, for three centuries and a half, supported the aggressors, at whatever sacrifice of justice or humanity. At the end of that time, England shook off from herself the yoke which she had imposed on her weaker neighbour ; and then the Irish, whose ances- tors had been cursed for their insubordination, were blessed for their unconquerable love of liberty, and the imitation of their forefathers in combating the English. While England was an invading power, and, by the laws of nature and of nations, might be honourably resisted, the Pontiff and his priests denounced resistance as impiety. Now that its ascendancy had settled down into a regular government, that it had been acknowledged in solemn and repeated covenants, and could not be opposed without treason, the infallible Church applies her strongest provo- catives to the languishing spirit of insurrection. But, after all, were the Irish to enjoy the liberty and the The Pope inheritance of their fathers, if their sanguinary piety had proved successful ? The Vicar of Christ had determined Spain. otherwise. He had seen, and seen through, the affected intends Ireland for * Mac Geoghegan, " Histoire d'Irlande," ii. The Peter Lombard Ireland a mentioned in this letter was afterwards titular Archbishop of Armagh, fief of the This man wrote a history of Ireland (Louvain, 1632), in which he main- P^JP^^}'- tabled that Ireland was an ancient fief of the Papacy, and that, although the Kings of England were for the present in possession, the island belonged to Rome by divine right, for which he quotes the prophet Isaiah. 240 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. 11. devotion of O'Neil and his associated chieftains : he knew i.D. 1601. that the re-establishment of the Papal sovereignty was not the motive of their exertions, and, most probably, would not be a consequence of their triumph. He had, there- fore, made his own arrangements for that consummation. When the best blood of the sons, and the step-sons, of Ireland had been drained in mutual carnage, Spain was to seize upon the defenceless prize ; new forfeitures were to make provision for a new race of armed colonists ; and the Inquisition was to exercise its holy office, in vindicating the island of saints from the imputation of heresy. Spanish In addition to a Spanish archbishop, Ireland had now a K^f^' d Spanish general,* who waged independent war " in the General. name of Christ and the King of Spain," and maintained a stately reserve towards the native belligerents. This officer, in jealous imitation of O'Neil, issued a manifesto, containing nearly the same topics and arguments which had been urged by that chieftain. " We do not wish," he said, " to persuade any man that he should deny to his prince that obedience which is due % the law of God. But ye know well that, for many years since, Elizabeth was deprived of her kingdoms by the Pope ; unto whom He that reigneth in the heavens hath committed all power, that he should root up and destroy, plant and build, in such sort that he may punish temporal kings, if it should be good for the spiritual kingdom, even to their deposing." After lavishing the fairest promises on the Irish leaders, if they will abandon the pretended Queen, he concludes by declaring " that those who persist in supporting an excommunicated heretic, must themselves be treated as heretics, and persecuted even to death." At the same time, Eugene M'Egan, the titular Bishop of Ross, and * O'Conor, " Historical Address," i., 12. Moryson says that " no Irish of account joined the Spanish general, except some dependents of Florence Mac Carthy." The chiefs knew his designs ; and the rest, though he offered the enormous pay of six shillings a day to every trooper, could not be estranged from their natural leaders. Ibid. 16. IN IRELAND. 24>l Vicar Apostolic of Munster, supported by his episcopal chap. ii. brethren of Clonfert and Killaloe, and by other leading a.d.1601. ecclesiastics, thundered out an anathema against all who should take up arms in the cause of heresy, or give quarter to the prisoners of the heretical army. The course he pursued towards such offenders, when any of them fell into his hands, displayed, at once, the vengeance, and the tender mercies, of the Papacy ; they were first restored, by absolution, to the peace of the Church, and then, instantly executed in his presence. At length this sturdy fanatic, while he led on his troop of a hundred horse against a party of loyalists, with his sword in one hand, and his breviary and beads in the other, met his own fate as coolly as he had witnessed the death of his prisoners.* To prolong, if possible, the mutual slaughter of both Judgment classes of their enemies, the Spanish faction obtained a p^j ^'^^^ decision from the Universities of Valladolid and Salamanca, ties, interpreting and enforcing the Pope's letter to O'Neil. This document has a deeper interest than that of mere curiosity to recommend it to the consideration of modern readers. *' The judgment of the Universities of Salamanca and Valladolid, concerning the present war in Ireland, and their explanation of the letter of our most holy lord Pope Clement the Eighth respecting the same. " Case. The illustrious Prince Hugh O'Neil makes CasepuU war with the Queen of England for the defence of the ™^**^'^- Catholic religion : two questions arise concerning it ; — the one, whether the Irish Catholics may assist said prince, by arms, or other means ; the other, whether they may, without mortal sin, fight against said prince, or favour the English. The second question is of the greater moment, seeing that, if they refuse, they expose them- selves to manifest danger of life or property ; besides, as the Pontiff" has permitted the Irish Catholics to obey the * Leland, ii., 484. Walsh, " Histoiy of Remonstrance," Introduction. R 21i3 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. 11. A.D. 1601. Tho answer. said queen, and acknoivledge her as lawful sovereign, by paying taxes to her, it would seem, that they might also perform another duty of subjects, namely, fight against her enemies. ^'Answer. In order to solve these questions, it must, in the first place, be laid down, as certain, that the Roman Pontiff may coerce and punish apostates from the faith, and inipugners of the Catholic religion, even by force of arms, when other means fail to correct so great an enormity. It is, besides, to be held for certain, that Elizabeth impugns the Catholic faith, and does not allow the Irish the public exercise of their religion ; and that, for this cause, the prince aforesaid has undertaken a war against her. These matters being premised : *' The first question is easily answered. It is beyond doubt that the said Catholics may assist said prince, with great merit, and assured hope of eternal reward. For, as said prince makes war for religion, hy the authority and ex- hortation of the sovereign Pontiff, and as indulgences and graces are conferred for engaging in it, there can be no question that the war is just and of great merit. *' Touching the second question, it is also certain, that those Catholics do sin mortally who follow the camp of the English against said prince, and that they cannot be absolved by any priest, until they repent, and desert from the English army. The same judgment is to be passed on all who supply the English with arms or provisions, or with anything beyond those customary taxes which, by the indult and permission of the sovereign Pontiff, it is lawful to pay the Queen of England, or her officers. It is permitted to the Catholics to pay to the heretical queen that kind and degree of allegiance which may not injure the Catholic religion. But it was not, neither could it be, the intention of the Pontiff, to allow them to perform such acts of allegiance as would be plainly inconsistent with that end and purpose which the Pontiff himself has in view. IN IRELAND. 243 for the advancement of the Catholic faith and religion in chap. ii. Ireland." * a.d. 1601. It appears from this remarkable document that there Rome's may be members of the Church of Rome who, however hermem- freely they seem to obey a Protestant government, are bers. held in check by an invisible chain, which binds them to the footstool of the sovereign PontiiF. Under certain circumstances, and to a certain extent, their allegiance looks like that of other men, spontaneous and unreserved. But the Church allows all to go this length ; she claims the right of determining the allowable limits, according as the interests of the faith may require : within these, obedience is lawful ; to go beyond them would be, in her estimation, and in the estimation of those f whose civil conduct she directs, a mortal sin. Thus, after the promulgation of the bull of Gregory, all the Irish were allowed to perform those civil duties which had no immediate influence upon the issue of the contest ; and had not the contest been religious, that is, one in which the temporal triumph of religion was involved, the Papist, as well as the Roman Catholic, might have fought in the Queen's armies. Since Policy of the Revolution, England has not been engaged in any war which the Vatican could pronounce to be against religion ; on the contrary, during the last and most tre- mendous of her conflicts, the Pontiffs had very conclusive reasons for opposing no obstacle to her prodigal exertions. Hitherto, therefore, parallel cases of conscience have been excluded by circumstances ; how much longer they may be so it is impossible to tell ; but similar cases have occurred very recently, and have been similarly decided. Before the Spanish decision arrived in Ireland, the rebellion was already over. O'Neil, who had never acted vigorously with, or under, his continental allies, and who, * O'Sullivan, " Historia Catliolica. " Mac Geoghegau, " Histoii-e d'lrlande," 3. t That is, of Papists, not Roman Catholics. R 2 the Vati- can. 244 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. on one occasion,* had been roundly charged with treachery A.D. 1601. by their discomfited general, had at length made his peace by an insincere submission. The greater part of his associates had preceded him in this course, and the others End of hastened to follow his example. Thirty years of atrocious years' hostilities, in which the customary horrors of rebellion hostilities, were aggravated by the continual ravages of famine and disease, were sufficient to abate the ardour of the most warlike. The scrupulous provided for their spiritual and temporal safety by purchasing an absolution from the guilt of yielding to the heretical arms : the more subtle perceived that the Papal casuistry could be turned against itself, and that, as they might lawfully perform all the peaceful duties of subjects, the anathema against military service would be disarmed of its thunder, if all joined in capitulating with the Government. Those who had any- thing to lose preferred English law to the unknown perils of a Spanish conquest, and all knew the hollowness of those pretences under which so many calamities had been brought upon their country. Henceforward, to the Great Rebellion, the disaffected of all classes adopted the patient tactics of the lords of the Pale, waiting until the distresses of England might afford them an easy triumph, and, in the mean time, employing every safe device for inflaming religious bigotry, and exciting a spirit of factious opposi- tion. The impatience of an enfeebled Government to restore tranquillity upon any terms, gave them unexpected facilities in the prosecution of this artifice. Contrary to * The extraordinary defeat hefore Kinsale, which was followed hy the surrender of the town and the Spanish troops. O'Neil's veterans dispersed, almost without sti-iking a blow, upon the appearance of a few troopers of the English army. Don Juan ascribed their sudden rout to treachery ; the ecclesiastics to the judgment of God, because the Irish soldiers had plimdered some monasteries. Sir George Carew and Morysson hare given several curious particulars of the continual feuds between the Irish and Spaniards. O'Neil's ambition, and Emmet's enthusiasm, made them equally averse to the over- whelming assistance of a foreign power. IN IRELAND. 24)5 the former practice, the rebel lords were admitted to chap. ii. pardon without taking the oath of supremacy; and thus a.d. 1601^ that unequal division of allegiance, which *' gives the soul to the Pope, while it affects to leave the body to the King," * received indirectly the sanction of the civil power. Thus terminated, abruptly, and, in a great degree, Termina- through the mutual jealousies of the leaders, the last ^.j^^gg three rebellions, which had foiled the ablest generals, rebelliona. and consumed myriads of the bravest troops, of England. We shall form a very inadequate estimate of the power of the Papal system, unless we consider the obstacles which the hierarchy surmounted during this period, as well as the positive effects which they produced. Their first labour was a conflict with themselves. Stunned, in the beginning, by the unanimity with which the chieftains had thrown off their yoke, and acknowledged the more moderate pretensions of the crown, they had sunk for some years into obscurity and inaction. But, in the fret- fulness and solitude of disappointment, the ancient spirit of their order was exasperated, not subdued ; and, when the first rebellion replaced them in a public character, a rash anathema dissipated their own hopes, and those of their adherents. It is to the credit of their discernment, that, after this imprudent exercise of authority, they sub- mitted to learn a less repulsive bearing, under the disci- pline of Jesuits, and the control of legates and vicars apostolic. Their probation being over, they had next to bend the nobles to their purposes ; for, as yet, they had little, comparatively little, influence with the mass of the inhabitants, except in subordination to a jealous and despotic chieftainry. Seventy years after, when old con- nexions and old manners had almost passed away, it was * The quaint but not altogether unfounded language of James the First. Altogether unfounded it cannot be called, until some proof is given that alleoiance to the Pope and allegiance to the King run in strictly parallel lines. 246 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. observed by a viceroy,* who had studied Ireland carefully, A.D. 1601. *' that no people in the world were more disposed than the Irish to follow the religion of their lords : " in the reign of Elizabeth, the power of the lord, and the attachment of the vassal were still unimpaired. Nego- tiation with the grandees was, therefore, indispensable ; but the attempt was beset with most discouraging diffi- culties. The prelates knew that the old discord between their order and the nobles would still burn beneath the ashes which mutual convenience might strew over it ; and that, were the common enemy removed, the moment of triumph would most probably change their allies into antagonists. No feelings of bigotry or enthusiasm had arisen to allay this inveterate feud : the older chiefs had all taken the oath of supremacy ; their example had been followed by most of the younger ; and both paid to the English worship the respect of their occasional, if not habitual, conformity. Of the three principal commanders in these rebellions, the first, though without sufficient refinement to be a speculative unbeliever, was, in his life, even below the decent hypocrisies of Infidelity ; the second had avowed his contented ignorance of religious matters ; and the third was a very punctilious conformist, whenever the warfare of conciliation appeared better calculated than open hostility to advance his deep designs. From these prominent instances, some conjecture may be formed of the general standard of religious zeal among the rebel leaders. We should not be warranted by the voluminous recoi'ds of the times in complimenting any of them with the title of fanatic ; f John of Desmond himself was a reckless profligate, who, while he received the con- gratulations of Saunders upon " the sweet sacrifice he had offered to heaven," probably scoffed at the familiar that was leading him on to destruction. * Lord Stafford ; see Carte, " Life of Ormond," i., 79. t Except, perhaps, Lord Baltinglass, who appears to have been smitten with the argument, that a female, being incapable of holy orders, could not be head of the Church. IN IRELAND. 247 The clansmen, while they devoutly adopted the quarrel chap. ii. of their lords, partook, in a great degree, of their freedom a.d. 1601. from religious scruples. When Desmond took possession Desmond of Youghal, he indulged his followers in sacrilegious excesses, which, according to a Roman Catholic writer, brought down the signal vengeance of God upon the Earl and his family. *' Even the churches," he says, " and whatsoever was sacred, were polluted and defiled by the soldiers, who brought everything to desolation, making havoc of sacred vestments, and chalices, as well as of other chattel. Certain Spaniards, who were with them at that wicked exploit, perceiving, by the furniture and ornaments of the churches, that the townsmen were all Catholics, and containing their hands from plunder, were reproved by some of that wicked company, for that they took no part of the spoil." The same author accounts similarly for the disasters of Hugh O'Neil, whose soldiers, on their march from the north, " robbed and spoiled the monasteries of Timnalague and Kilcrea, and profaned other churches." * Whether they still cherished some traditional remembrance of a simpler worship than the Roman, or whether they had been hardened by those habits of rapine which were far from disreputable among the Irish tribes, it is now impossible to decide. But, whatever may have been the cause, so far were the rebels of those days from that reverential obedience which Rome requires in her votaries, that their allies could not refrain from expressions of abhorrence. " The contempt and Spanish scorn," said Lord Mountjoy, "in which the Spaniards ?°l'^!r held the Irish, and the distaste which the Irish had of Irish, them, were not to be believed by any but those who were present to see their behaviours, and hear their speeches ; " and, on one occasion, a Spanish officer awowed his convic- tion, " that Christ did not die for the Irish." f Upon the whole, there is no pei'iod in our Irish annals * " Theatre of CathoUc and Protestant" E.eUgion." f Morysson, 187. " Pacata Hibernia," 176. See Appendix. 24S POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. at which bigotry had less influence upon the Roman A.D. 1601. Catholic body than the reign of Elizabeth. Noblemen of that persuasion attended the Viceroy to Christ Church ; those of inferior rank frequented the parish churches ; * Roman Catholic officers, civil, military, and municipal, took the oath of supremacy ; Roman Catholic soldiers, regardless of the spiritual thunder that was every moment bursting over their heads, fought gallantly against men of their own communion, in defence of a woman whom the Vicar of Christ had devoted to perdition. All this was in a tone — it matters not whether of liberality or of irreligion — to which the Church of Rome has nothing similar at the present day. Yet, trifling as was then the compara- tive strength of Popery, its absolute power must be measured on a scale sufficiently formidable ; for a moral force, like a force in chemistry or mechanics, is known by the resistance which it overcomes, and by the inert mass which it sets in motion. These rebellions were religious wars ; -j- the name alone might suffice to show the influence of religion. There was enough of the spirit of sect to make a religious cry the most effectual appeal to popular sympathy ; to induce many of the Queen's soldiers to desert her heretical standard ; ;}: to prompt the Desmond vassals to spit upon the youthful heir of their favourite Earl, because he had been bred a Protestant. Hypocrisy, said somebody, is the * See Appendix. t The rebellion of 1798 wa8, in like manner, a religions war, though all the leaders m council and in the field were Protestants or Infidels. The fanaticism of the populace is an instrument ready for the head of any dexterous malcontent ; and, whatever may be the causes in wliich Irish turbulence originates, it ultimately assiunes a religious character. Tliis will always be the case as long as the multitude continues in ignorance, and the priests retain their power ; yet it seems that no system of national education will be adopted which has not the sanction of the titular hierarchy. t O'Sullivan says that, before the battle of Kinsale, the Roman Catholics in the Queen's army had promised to desert, and that many of them kept their word, going over two, three, and even ten at a time. — Hist. Cath., 177. These re^ belliona reUgious waxs. IN IRELAND. 249 homage which vice offers to virtue : the hypocrisy of the chap. n. rebel leaders was the homage which sedition offered to the a.d. 1601. favourite prejudice of the time. The prelates knew that the offering was indispensable : this was their only advan- tage ; and, by a dexterous use of it, they prevailed over the hereditary hatred, the personal aversion, the unbelief, the oaths, and the jealous power, of their compatriots. Con- descending, at first, to the humbler offices of treason, they affected to aspire only to that secondary influence, which the most arrogant cannot withhold from the conductors of their intrigues. But, as the path of sedition became more entangled, their profession afforded facilities, which they did not fail to improve, for obtaining an ascendancy over the lay conspirators. The secrets of every house — the projects, the passions, the ruling weakness of every breast — lay open to their inspection ; and the excited fanaticism of the multitude gave them, for the first time, power founded upon feeling and opinion: — thus, they were enabled to overawe their haughty accomplices, and enforce their growing demands to a share in the prosecution of the common cause. " Time," said a great man, " is perpetually changing "Time," an human affairs ; it is wisdom to watch his progress, and ^^o'^'^to^- adapt the institutions of the State to his changes ; and, without attention to these, history is but an almanack, and experience a cheat." It was a just and pregnant apophthegm, with not the less either of force or of beauty from that unaffectedness of expression, which distinguishes the eloquence of the right honourable orator. We can Conse- discover, without recurring to the voice of revelation, that T^'^J^^e ^" there is some mighty confluence of destinies to which the statesmen, whole human race is incessantly on its way : in the most permanent societies, and most tranquil seasons, a process is carried on, which tends to separate man from his insti- tutions, as, in the lapse of ages, the fixed stars themselves have deserted their primeval signs. To look, therefore, to the past alone, is the error of a schoolman, who renounces 250 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. II. A.D. 1601. Policy of principle, as opposed to one merely of details. the world of living realities, and sojourns in the shadowy region of his own abstractions. To watch, and to provide for, those silent influences which time is continually shed- ding ; to correct irregularities, some as they arise, others in their causes ; to make every new measure a liberal analogy from the past, and a safe precedent for the future ; and thus, while the parts are in unceasing flow, to secure the continued stability of the system ; these are the noblest cares of a statesman, the cares which approach nearest to the plastic energy of Providence, " reaching mightily from one end to the other, and sweetly ordering all things." The statesmen of the present day have departed, in many respects, from the practice of their predecessors. It was not the vanity of empiricism — turning aside from the admonitions of history, to throw the public weal into a crucible, or to invoke some idol ivithin the breast* for a response upon the fate of empires, — which dictated this conduct ; it was a grave conviction, that new objects and events, as they successively arose, acted upon the pre- existing mass, and induced a variety of new relations. To maintain the State in a wholesome correspondence with this order of nature was obviously the design of that alterative course which our public men have been lately pursuing. Conscious, then, as they must be, that every notable occurrence and every material change in the posture of affairs would furnish a new element in their own calculations, they will not insist upon a tame identity of details as necessary for the proof of a uniform policy in others. In proportion as they give men credit for a spirit and integrity similar to their own, they will be prepared to find in them a system of adaptation to the mutability of earthly things, and to regard it as the best evidence of a wise consistency. Now, the Church of Rome, whether it be considered locally in these islands, or diff'usively throughout Chris- * " Idolum Speciis." — Bacon. IN IRELAND. 251 tendom, is pre-eminently marked by this continuity of chap, ii, principle, " What is a century in the history of a a.d. 1601. nation ? " asked the most brilliant of our statesmen, when he would extort an argument from the supposed* recency * Many penal laws, and these the best aimed of the whole code, are some Precau- centxiries earher than the Reformation ; they relate to the correspondence tions of our between ecclesiastics and the Court of Rome. Henry the Eighth did no p*^.'?^'*!^ more than follow up the principles of his predecessors in opposing a foreign nncestors jurisdiction, and upon all speculative points was a furious Roman CathoUc. against Of late years a mistaken tenderness for religious hberty has protected the Papal in- prelates in all their intrigues ; but, as every sober man saw that restraint terierences. must be laid somewhere, the gentry have continued to suffer for the Ucentiou3 freedom of their giudes. As it may be desu-able to show that our earlier statutes did provide for the coercion of the clergy, the following mstance is quoted fi-om a Roman Cathohc writer. " It may be objected," says Dr. O'Connor, " that Lalor, vicar-general of DubHn, was persecuted for exercising his functions in 1606.' Countrymen, beware, — these are loose assertions. Inquire into facts, and you will find that Lalor was justly prosecuted, not ^persecuted, on the Catholic statute of Prsemunire, enacted in the Cathohc reign of Richard the Second, for the security of a Catholic State. He was prosecuted on that Act, for exercising foreign jurisdiction within the realm of Ireland, in order to convince the Irish, says Sir John Davies, that even Popish kings and parliaments deemed the Pope an usurper of those exorbitant jurisdictions which he claimed, and thought them inconsistent with the loyalty of the subject and the independence of the State. " He was convicted, and sentenced accordingly. But though this occurred the very next year after the discoveiy of the Grimpowder Plot, yet, such was James's moderation, that the sentence was never executed ; and, to show the Irish that no persecution of their rehgion was meant, the king issued, in the course of that very year, a commission of several graces, one of which was to secure aU Irish estates by new patents against all the claims of the Crown. " Aye, — but Lalor was first prosecuted on the Act of Supremacy. Granted ; and therefore he hiunbled himself to the Coiu-t, and made a recognition that he was not lawfid vicar-general in the diocese of Dublin, luldare, and Ferns. Upon this recognition he would have been enlarged ; ' This celebrated and important case was repubhshed, with an introduction by Mr. Lord, on the occasion of the Papal aggression, 1851, The title of the book was, " The Yatican and St. James ; or, England independent of Rome." London : Seeleys. 8vo. — Ed. 252 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. 11. A.D. 1601. Dr. Robertson. The spirit of the Papacy. Rome outwits statesmen. of the penal laws ; " what is a century in the history of the Papacy ?" is a question which might have been pro- posed with much more reason. Twelve centuries have passed over its head ; during that astonishing period its plans, like its ecclesiastical discipline, have been modified to suit the place or the occasion, but its purpose has retained that unshaken firmness which is ascribed to its faith. " The hands," says Dr. Robertson, " which held the reins of administration might change, but the spirit which conducted them was always the same. While the measures of other Governments fluctuated, and the objects at which they aimed varied, the Church kept one end in view ; and to this unrelaxing constancy of pursuit it was indebted for its success in the boldest attempts ever made by human ambition." Time has changed, and is changing, the form of everything around it, new-modelling constitu- tions, shifting the balance of power, creating or destroying states and empires, — his heavy hand falls weakly upon the Papacy. This singular monarchy bears up mysteriously against the rush of events ; opposing innovation, while opposition is prudent ; and, when it bends to the force of circumstances, preparing to recover its lost ascendancy with unabated alacrity and inexhaustible resources. In the narrower sphere of Ireland it is easy to trace the same unbroken spirit, with the same pliancy of external accommodation. For the last fifty years,* the Roman Catholic bishops have been engaged, with little inter- mission, in treating with various members of the Govern- but finding an outcry raised against liim that he had renounced the Pope's supremacy, he declared that he meant only to acknowledge the King's authority iu mere temporals, without any reference to the Church. A reli- gious cry was now raised against the Government ; Lalor was extolled as a confessor who was persecuted for religion ; and, therefore, to satisfy the Irish how grossly their credidity was imposed upon, the prosecution on the statute 2d of Ehzabeth was quashed, and a new prosecution was instituted, on the Cathohc Act of PrcBmimire. Never did man incur the penalty of the law more deservedly than Lalor." — Historical Address^ ii. * Written a.d. 1827.— Ed. IN IRELAND. 253 ment, both in England and Ireland ; in every instance chap. ii. they have over-reached or eluded them, and held on their a.d. 1601. sinuous course of aggrandizement w^ithout sustaining one decisive defeat. They have received with equal freedom, and treated with equal dexterity, the overtures which were made to them, from time to time, by aspirants after place, and declaimers upon patriotism. They have intrigued with all parties ; they have cajoled and vilified, used and abused them, as suited their purposes, yet never given their confidence to any. It was a more difficult achievement to counterplot the upper classes of their own communion ; they attempted it, and have succeeded. In 1 793, availing themselves of the bhnd strength of the Irish Legislature, they crushed the rising spirit of their gentry beneath a mass of nominally enfranchished paupers; on several occasions since they have rebuked that " over- weening anxiety for emancipation " which would postpone the sacred claims of the hierarchy ; and at some critical moments, when a schism appeared inevitable, have re- stored subordination in the seditious ranks, and soothed or terrified the ringleaders into obedience. Men who can Popery- do all this should be respected as adversaries. Friends they j^^?® **^® . . . '^ dishonour never can he; they have a spirit which scoffs at conci- ofEng- liation ; they have a separate interest — an interest in ' the disquiet and dishonour of England, which cannot he purchased up hy any consideration within the reach of a Minister. Those who would oppose them must never forget the maxim, which the most accomplished man of antiquity has not scrupled to dignify with the title of Divine Wisdom : " H^c etenim est praeclara ilia et divina sapientia, perspectas penitus et pertractatas res humanas habere, nil admirari cum evenerit ; nil, antequam evenerit, evenire posse non arbitrari." It is true, indeed, that various causes conspire to prevent the repetition of those desolating scenes which afflicted Ireland during the reign of Elizabeth. Among 254 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. n. these, it is not our least assurance of quiet, that a prospect A.D. 1601. seems to open to ecclesiastical ambition of attaining its objects by the peaceful arts of negotiation. Time has changed the form of things, and the prelates of the present day* have shaped their measures accordingly. No longer menaced by proclamations, or looking for protection to some malcontent lords, who insulted the men, while they used the instruments, Roman Catholic bishops are now recognized by the committees of both Houses, and take their right reverend station round the person of the sovereign. Forfeitures and the Reforma- tion have cut down the ranks of their ancient rivals, aud the few men of quality who remain in their com- munion have just enough of consideration to give point to the sarcasm,"!" and brilliancy to the cavalcade, of the jubilant ecclesiastics. By the fall of the nobility the bishops are now left without any competition ; absolute masters of the ignorant, the fanatical, and the disaffected, they can afford to treat the timid restiveness of the more educated with a contemptuous and taunting composure. J * Written 1827.— Ed. •f" " The Catholic aristocracy, as they a/re called, since the penal laws were relaxed, have gradually withdrawn themselves from the people ; they have shown on some occasions an overweening anxiety for emancipation, at the expense of what the priesthood and the other classes deemed the interests, if not the principles of their rehgion ; hence they are looked upon with sus- picion, and can no longer wield the public mind." — Dr. Doyle to Mr. Rohertson. Mr.O'Con- % Some time after the investigation of 1825, Mr. O'ConneU was repre- lell. sented by all the Dubhn newspapers as having declared, in a public speech, that he had been supported by Dr. Doyle, in his celebrated project of tlio Whigs. He was con-ected by , Dr. Doyle's secretary ; and published an apology, in which he used these among other expressions : — " I have at length felt with sensitiveness all the bitterness of reproach, and in the spirit, perhaps, of humiliated pride and mortified vanity I sit down to reply." " If it be any pleasure to IVIr. KinseUa to know that he has grieved and humbled me, I give him the advantage of knowmg the fact." If an increase of political privileges woidd raise the Roman Cathohc gentry above language such as this, or above the dependence in which it originates, the public the hiero- cracy. IN IRELAND. 255 In the fullest sense of the term, they are a Hierocracy, chap. it. swaying a compact mass of five millions of people, with a a.d. 1601. plenitude of dominion which might be envied at Constan- Power of tinople, and breaking down all distinctions among their vassals into the same abject prostration before their insolent supremacy. This power within their domestic sphere naturally gives them an influence beyond it ; the opposite extremes of despotism and of a liberty almost anarchical combine to swell their authority ; and, while they rule at home with a rod of iron, they attack England with her oivn free institutions. They govern the strongest political interest in the empire ; they manage everywhere the puppets of legislation, from the hovel of the resident freeholder, to the chateau of the absentee ; and the local minister confesses, that the tranquillity of Ireland and his own titular dignity are suspended upon their irresponsible good pleasure. Industrious in occupying and securing those positions, which, from a thousand motives, are successively relinquished to them, they establish every day a precedent for some new pretension. In the mean- time, they make partial exhibitions of their spiritual strength : the " artillery of popular excitation " is occa- sionally brought out for sportive but imposing exercise ; would have a good argument for such a measure. TJnfortimately, the Pro- testant candidates for priestly favour are no less submissive, no less in need of emancipation. Dr. Doyle found another, and an able vindicator, on the occasion above Mr. Cob- mentioned. "If Mr. O'Connell," said Mr. Cobbett, "had shown any bett. respect for the feelings of anybody, and, in particular, if he had not made an attempt to blast the character of the Cathohc bishops, and annihilate for ever the just hopes of the Cathohcs, this anecdote, and all the other facts that I have stated, might have remained for me in everlasting oblivion. Cathohcs of Ireland, trust solely to your clergy,— ^^ey will never deceive you. Again, I say, believe in the sincerity of no leaders, whose ambition can be gratified by the Government. Obey the laws, whatever they may be, rely upon your clergy for obtaining you redress, as far as that depends upon man, and patiently wait for circimistances and events." Qucere, What were those Just hopes which Mr. O'Connell attempted to annihilate ? Surely not the hopes of political redress. 25G POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. CHAP. II. A.D. 1601. Lord Bacon. and the crozier of a skilful prelate, like the wand of Prospero, raises a whirlwind of contentious elements, " roarers that care not for the name of king," yet contri- bute, it seems, to the honour and security of royalty. *' Shepherds of people," says Bacon, " have need to know the calendars of tempests in the State, which are com- monly greatest when things grow to equality, as natural tempests are greatest about the equinoxes." APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. Carte. Note A., page 248. note a. That the Roman Catholics generally, both in England and in Ireland, That Ro- attended the reformed worship at this time, is attested by all our most manists dispassionate writers. attended ^ reiormed Thus Carte:- ^°^'^P- " In the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Roman Catholics universally throughout England observed the Act of Uniformity, and went to their parish churches, where the English Liturgy was con- stantly used. They continued doing so for eleven years, till Pope Pius V. (who had before, in a letter to the Queen, offered to allow this Liturgj', as not contrary to truth) issued out his famous Bull, by which he excommunicated her, and absolved her subjects from their allegiance. Upon this extravagant act of the Papal power, some few of the leading men withdrew from the public churches ; but still the Roman Catholics in general continued to repair to them until after the twentieth year of the Queen, when Campian and other Jesuits, being sent into England, laboured all they could to engage them not to resort thither for worship. Pope Gregory XIII., following his prede- cessor's steps, renewed his Bull, and excommunicated the Queen again ; and Father Parsons published a treatise, entitled De sacris aliem's non acleundis, endeavouring to prove it unlawful to go to a schismatical worship, and to join in the use of a lawful Liturgy, with persons that were not of the Papal communion. This doctrine was not immediately received : the Jesuit's book was answered by some of the secular priests of the Church of Rome ; and the matter was argued pro and con in various tracts till the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign. King James, incensed at Pope Clement the Ninth's Bull, which enjoined the Roman Catholics to keep out the Scotch heretic, unless he would reconcile himself to Rome, and hold his croion of the Papacy, and alarmed by the discovery of the Gunpowder Treason, enacting s 2.xS POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME Arp. TO CHAP. II. Bcrring- ton. severer laws against recusants, and the Jesuits, by the support of the Court of Rome, getting the better of the secular priests, the Papists universally withdrew from the parish churches in England. The case ■was much the same in Ireland, where the bishops complied with the Reformation, and the Roman Catholics in general resorted to the parish churches, in which the English service was used, until the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign. But swarms of Jesuits and priests, educated in the seminaries founded by King Philip II. in Spain and the Netherlands, and by the Cardinal of Lon-aine in Champagne (where, pursuant to the views of the founders, they sucked in as well the principles of rebellion as of what they call Catholicity), coming over into that kingdom, as full of secular as of religious views, they soon prevailed with an ignorant and credulous people to withdraw from the public service of the Church." — Life of Ormond, i., 32. And the Roman Catholic Berrington : " For some time, the great body of the clergy conformed exteriorly to the law It was, afterwards, more than once, publicly declared by Sir Edward Coke, when Attorney-General (which the Queen herself confirmed in a letter to Sir Francis Walsingham), that, for the first ten years of her reign, the Catholics, without doubt or scruple, repaired to the parish churches. The assertion is true, if not too generally applied. ' I deny not,' says Father Parsons, in reply to Coke, " but that many throughout the realm, though otherwise Catholics in heart (as most of them were), did at that time, and after, as also now {i.e., in 1606), either upon fear, or lack of better instruc- tion, or both, repair to Protestant churches.' " — Memoirs of Gregorio Panzcini, Introduction, 15 — 19. Xeland. And Leland : " In Ireland, the remonstrants of 1644 contended that the act of uniformity was not at all executed in the reign of Elizabeth. Their answerers assigned a reason, because there were no recusants ; as all of the Roman communion resorted to the established churches. But, though the allegation on either side be not strictly true, yet the law, though not entirely donnant, was generally relaxed." Carte and Leland concur in stating, that the legal fine of a shilling a-week {i.e., a shilling Irish, equal to ninepence English) on those who absented themselves from the reformed worship, was levied in no part of Ireland but the county of Dublin. That county was selected for a more rigorous execution of the statute, " because the eyes of the whole kingdom were upon it, waiting to see what course the inhabitants would take. And yet, all that was levied in that county did not amount to above fourteen or fifteen pounds a-year." I,eland, who IN IRELAND. 259 states fully and feelingly whatever has been said on the Roman note a. Catholic side, gives the general result in these words : — " However the foreign clergy and Popish emissaries might have encouraged the people to repine at the penal laws, yet it is certain, and acknowledged by writers of the Roman communion, when it serves the purposes of their argument, that these laws were not executed with rigour, in the reign of Elizabeth." — ii., 381. Mr. Butler, however, wishes to make a contrary impression. "What Butler, language," he asks, " can adequately describe the barbarity of Eliza- beth's religious legislation, in respect to Catholic Ireland, immediately upon her coming to the throne ? Her spiritual supremacy was required to be professed by all the nation (a nation which consisted wholly of Roman Catholics), under the successive penalties of all the party's real or personal estate, of praemunire, and the punishment of traitors by death, and embowelment alive. Absence from the Protestant service was punishable by a forfeiture of twelvepence for each offence, equal, at that time, in Ireland, to ten shillings of our present money. The service was to be read in the English language, then wholly unintelligible to the Irish people, but with liberty to the clergyman, if he should think jDroper, to read it in Latin, a language equally unin- telligible to all but the clergy. Is this the legislation of a princess, whose tolerating principles and mildness, and of counsellors whose wisdom and justice you so highly eulogize ? Does histoiy record an instance of intolerance equally savage ?" — Vindication of Book of the Ro7nan Catholic Church, 104. Mr. Butler knows that confused expressions are regarded by critics as proofs of impassioned sincerity ; perhaps it was this knowledge that suggested the blundering vehemence of the accusation, that the Irish recusants were first to be put to death, and theii emboweled alive. But whether this cool writer was, or was not, " affecting to be unaffected," his opening charge would not be absurd if he had made any attempt to prove these three particulars : that the supremacy claimed by Elizabeth loas spiritual, in the sense to which he chooses to pervert the ambiguity of that term ; that the oath of supremacy inas proposed to all the Irish Roman Catholics ; and that even one of those who refused was treated in the manner he seems willing to describe. Mr. Butler has not made the attempt, and the reasons which dictated, or might have dictated, this forbearance, will be deemed unexceptionable by every sober man. For the first of the three particulars, Mr. Butler had before him the solemn and concurrent declarations of the Queen herself, of the Parliament, and of the Church, that no other supremacy was claimed for the Crown than " the right of ruling all estates and degrees of men within the realm, and of restraining evil doers with the civil sword ; " for the second, he had the voice of history, supported by contemporary state papers, Acts of Parliament, s2 2G0 POLICY OF THE eilURCII OF ROME IN IRELAND. App. TO and other records, that the oath of supremacy was administered only OHAP. II. to the principal mariistratcs and officers of the executive ; and for the tliird, he had the same testimony, that the penalty upon refusal was generally suspension from office ; that suspension was not always followed by dismissal; that sometimes the recusant was allowed to retii'e upon a pension ; and at the worst, in a case of the most aggra- vated contumely, was imprisoned for a few days. Finally, Mr. Butler knew, from the acknowledgment of modern associations, if more respectable authority was not to his taste, that these recusant magis- trates, whether i-emoved or suspended, pensioned or imprisoned, were admitted into both Houses of the Irish Parliament. Such is the amount of the barbarity which Mr. Butler would have related had he been the historian of the Roman Catholics. But Mr. Butler does not wish that his charges should be received too seriously. Had he been asked Horace's question — " Amphora coepit Institui ; currente rota cxir urceus exit ? " he doubtless would have pleaded his veracity or his good nature. The alleged cruelties of Elizabeth and her ministers, " fine by degrees and beautifully less," dwindle delicately, from embowelment alive, to the infliction of — prayers in an unknown tongue ! The Irish Roman Catholics were condemned, it seems, either to make up amongst them the enormous fine of fifteen pounds a-year (in persecuting years), or to hear a service, which the Pope had pronounced to be unobjectionable ; which their happy ignorance of either Latin or English rendered almost as harmless as their old Liturgy, which was to be read, if they pleased, in the former language, and for nine-tenths of it, in the very words of the missal or the vulgate, — and this is what Mr. Butler calls " such an instance of savage intolerance as is not recorded in history." His readers must be very morose if they do not part in good humour from a man who, at his venerable years, gambols thus lightly for their entertainment. 261 A.D. 1601. CHAPTER III. FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES THE FIRST TO THE GREAT REBELLION. Clement the liighth had declared that " the Scotchman King should never ascend the throne of England unless he sub- ''^™^® • mitted to the chair of Peter, and consented to hold the three kingdoms as fiefs of the holy see." To support this menace, the Pontiff had exerted the usual arts of his court in negotiating with the French and Spanish govern- ments, and in soliciting the Roman Catholics of the two islands.* The talents of Cardinal Allen, and Father Parsons, had been combined to produce the Conference about the Succession ; and the equal zeal of less eminent agents had been employed in giving publicity to its doctrines. But France, from humanity, and Spain, from vexation,f refused to countenance the schemes of the Vatican ; in England the Protestant interest, already pre- dominant, was now supported by the strength of the Scottish monarchy ; and, after thirty years of exterminating * Mr. Biitler, « History of Catholics," i., 269, et seq. f The French monarch said, that " the design of his Holiness woidd only make the Catholics more miserable than ever, by engaging them in an attempt against the laws and the lawful succession :" so much more tender- ness had a foreign prhice than the Soly Father for the welfare of the Koman Catholics. The Spaniard was irritated at the perfidy of the Vatican, which, after repeated promises, now refused to sanction his pretensions to England. Clement's plan was to confer the tliree kingdoms upon the Lady Arabella Stuart, and the lady upon Cardinal Farncse : the cardinal was, of course, to be absolved from his rehgious oaths. — Mr. Butler, as before. 262 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. IGOl. Line of Milesian monarchs restored. warfare, some little respite was necessary for Ireland. Thus Clement was compelled to abandon his project ; and, on the demise of Elizabeth, the Scotchman had no com- petitor for the S2)lendid inheritance. A few zealots, indeed, in Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and other places,* seemed willing to hazard a fresh insurrection in support of the Infanta and the Catholic cause ; but the vigour and address of the deputy Mountjoy soon removed these trifling exceptions to the general tranquillity. It was not, however, the quiet of mere exhaustion in which Ireland now lay. Expectation (just and natural, if it could have been restrained within sober limits ; but dangerous, from the ardent temper of the people, and the mischievous industry with which their hopes were inflamed,) had its share in producing the unwonted calm. The old Irish regarded James as a kinsman ; f and were taught to expect great favours from a prince who, after an oppres- sive interregnum of four hundred and fifty years, had restored the legitimate line of their Milesian sovereigns. The monarch, on his part, gladly admitted the plea of consanguinity, and displayed a kindly interest in the welfare of his Irish peoj)le. To mark his accession as the auspicious opening of a new era, he commenced his reign with an act of indemnity and oblivion for all past offences ; and, as a pledge of the indulgence to be shown to minor culprits, received O'Neil, and his son-in-law, O'Donel, with dis- tinguished attention. This sweeping amnesty was followed by a commission of grace, for the settlement of landed property ; by which the great proprietors were secured against the claims of the Crown ; inferior holders were, in their turn, protected from the exactions of the nobles ; and all estates made descendible according to the law of * These riots are described by Cox with absurd exaggeration : this writer's prejudices render him almost as unsafe a guide on one side, as Curry, Plow den, and the elder O' Conor are iipon the other. t Several Irish writers, O'Flaherty, Lynch, O'Halloran, &<;., dwell with much complacency upon the genealogy of the house of Stuart. IN IRELAND. 26-3 England. Lastly, the whole body of the common people, chap. iir. Milesians, and those Anglo-Irish who had fallen into the a.d. 1601. native customs, were emancipated for ever from the dominion of their lords : Ulster, with parts of Leinster and Connaught, for the first time, and Munster, after an interval of two centuries, saw j udges taking their circuits of assize, and dispensing the comforts of English juris- prudence. Benevolent, but ineffectual measures : it was beyond the reach of a proclamation to abolish the memory of old grievances ; to make an Irish landlord contented with equal laws and a reasonable rent ; to appease the hungry and contentious expectancies, which, by the usages of tanistry and gavelkind, were collected round an Irish property ; or to qualify those who had been brutalized by the tyranny of ages, for the immediate enjoyment of British freedom. While James was thus endeavouring to conciliate his Irish subjects, the hierarchy had prepared another, and more insidious ground, for their wild hopes and conditional loyalty. *' The son of a Catholic martyr," * as these prelates loved to style the new monarch, inherited, it was saidj the orthodox principles of his parent, and waited only for an opportunity of declaring himself. In the meantimcj they resolved to act as if assured of his favour ; his acqui- escence might lead to their peaceful re-establishment ; his resistance might stimulate the prodigal valour of their votaries to another desperate struggle. The regular priests, who had been banished in the preceding reign, now returned in troops ; and, disdaining to perform their rites in unmolested privacy, braved the law by their ostentatious exhibitions : they were seen in all the towns, marching in processions, clothed in the habits of their respective orders, and unfurling all the pageantry of their gaudy ceremonial* As revenues are never wanting to the titular hierarchy, when it is thought expedient to display the * He is so styled by a contemporary titular bishop, Dr. Routh, Analecta Sacra. 264 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. magnificence of the Church, means were found to restore A.D. 1603. the Roman Catholic worship in considerable splendour ; cro.sses were erected in conspicuous places, chapels were built, monasteries repaired, and, in several instances, the reformed clergy were ejected from the parish churches. The times were no longer considered to require any com- promise. Those of the laity who had hitherto frequented the Protestant service, and who were distinguished from the recusant party by the title of Church Papists,* relaxed, Ecclesias- and ultimately discontinued, their attendance. The eccle- p£^Q siastics began to revive their old claim of superiority over power. the civil power : they reviewed causes which had been determined in the King's Courts ; and they enjoined the populace, under pain of mortal sin, to renounce the laws for the sacred authority of the canons. Could they have been satisfied with an actual toleration, James was not indisposed to overlook these bold proceedings ; but when their agents petitioned the throne for a. formal recognitionf of the Papal system, the extravagance of the request, the fear of some new conspiracy, the confidence avowed by the recusants, that they could command what they had chosen to solicit ; and that sterner spirit of Protestantism, which was now spreading rapidly through the two islands, all united to arrest the progress of concession. The appearance of vigour, however, which the monarch was compelled to assume, did not accord either with the easiness of his temper, or with the respedt which he felt and acknowledged for the " mother Church" of Christendom. * In the same sph'it, the agitators of tlie present day call the moderate Roman CathoUcs Orange Papists. t Such a recognition has not been yet obtained. It is now universally known, that a correspondence with Rome, which, according to the modem discipline, is necessary for the maintenance of communion with the Church, subjects the party to very heavy legal penalties. The residence of Papal ecclesiastics in the British dorainious is, therefore, only connived at, not legally tolerated.^ ' Written in 1827.— Ed, IN IRELAND. 265 The Papists soon learned to despise his timid moderation ; chap hi. and to the Puritans, while he laboured to miti^^ate their a.d. 1603. asperities, he became himself an object of suspicion and disgust.* It is remarkable that, though the hierarchy thus affected The Grim- to rely on his entire devotedness to their cause, they P°^'^|^'^ would not suffer their followers to take an oath of allegi- ^ ^ 2.605. ance. The discovery of the gunpowder treason had been so far from rufSing the benevolence of the King, or thwarting his schemes of conciliation, that his naturally undignified character rose with the emergency into a clemency and magnanimity truly royal. In his speech to the Parliament he observed, " that though religion had engaged the conspirators in so criminal an attempt, yet ought we not to include all the Romanists in the same guilt, or suppose them equally disposed to commit such enormous barbarities. The wrath of heaven is denounced against crimes, but innocent error may obtain its favour ; and many holy men, our ancestors among the rest, had concurred with the Church of Rome in her scholastic doctrines, who yet had never admitted her seditious principles concerning the Pope's power of dethroning kings. For his part, the conspiracy, however atrocious, should never alter in the least his plan of government : while, with one hand, he punished guilt, with the other he would support and protect innocence." -|- To discrimi- Oath to be nate those whose loyalty was thus to recommend them to t^*^™ ^ '' -^ ^ Koman his favour, the acute, but somewhat pedantic monarch, Catholics. bestowed much pains upon the preparation of a test-oath. As, notwithstanding the explanations of the Church and legislature, the " spiritual supremacy" of Elizabeth con- tinued to be misinterpreted, he considerately relinquished the invidious claim : on the other hand, the skill with * The particulars mentioned in this paragraph are detailed by Carte, •' Life of Ormond," Introduction ; by Leland, vol. ii., 416 ; by Burke, " Hibemia Dotninicana," 610 ; and by Cox, "Hibernia Anglicana," vol. ii., 10. t Hume, ri., 38. 2(16 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. 1605. Deposing doctrine heretical. Pope Paul T. pro- nouuces oath im- lawfuL wliich he insisted on civil fidelity was calculated to secure a fair equivalent. His oath differs from the present one in some curious particulars : it opens with a declaration that James was rightful King ; it says, " notwithstanding any excommunication, passed or to he passed, I will bear true allegiance ;" above all, it pronounces the deposing doctrine heretical. Upon the first publication of this celebrated formulary, it almost had the effect which was intended by the royal framer. "Various were the opinions concerning it," says a titular Bishop of the last century, " and much dissension arose among the lay leaders of the Catholics, the priest- hood, and the professors of scholastic theology. Some opposed it strenuously ; others took it without hesitation, pleading the necessity of relieving themselves from the penal laws, and their intention of promising only civil obedience. But the controversy was ended by the Pontiff Paul v., who, in a brief addressed to the Catholics of England and Ireland, pronounced the oath unlawful." * The following is a copy of this memorable edict : — " To the Catholics of England and Ireland : " Beloved children, health and apostolical bene- diction. His brief. " The tribulations which you have borne for the Catholic faith have always deeply afflicted us ; but now that we have heard of the increase of your*sufferings, our grief has been imbittered to a most painful degree. For we have learned that you are compelled, under severe penal- ties, to frequent the temples of the heretics and listen to their preachings. Truly we believe that those who have hitherto so firmly endured the most atrocious persecutions, that they might walk without spot in the law of the Lord, will not now permit themselves to be contaminated by any communion with apostates. Nevertheless, being impelled by the zeal of our pastoral office, and by that paternal * Dr. Burke, " Hibemia Dominicana." IN IRELAND. 267 solicitude which we feel for the safety of your souls, we chap. in. are moved to warn and adjure you, that you, on no a.d. 1605. account, enter the temples of the heretics, or participate in their religious rites, lest you incur the wrath of God. Furthermore, you cannot, without the most grievous injury to the Divine honour, bind yourselves by an oath which, with much sorrow of heart, we understand to be proposed to you." The oath is recited here ; then the Pontiff pro- ceeds : — " It must be clear to you, from the very words, that this oath cannot be taken with safety to the Catholic faith, and your own souls. We admonish you, therefore, that you abstain from this, and all such oaths ; and we require this the more urgently, because that, having experienced the constancy of your faith, which has been tried by persecution as gold in the furnace, we hold it as certain that you will cheerfully submit to all tortures, even to death itself, rather than offend in any wise against the majesty of God. And our assurance is strengthened by those actions which shine forth now in your martyrs, with no less splendour than the achievements of the first ages of the Church. Stand, therefore, having your loins girded with truth, and putting on the breast-plate of righteous- ness, and taking the shield of faith : be strong in the Lord and in the power of his might, and let nothing restrain you. He who beholds your contest from the heavens, and is ready to crown you with glory, will himself accomplish the good work in you : He has promised never to leave you as orphans, and you know that his promises are sure. Adhere, therefore, to his discipline, being rooted and grounded in love, for by this shall all men know that you are his disciples, if you love one another. Which love, as it is much to be desired by all faithful Christians, so, my beloved children, is it especially necessary for you. For thus will be broken that power of the devil which now rises against you, and which is chiefly supported by the mutual discord of my children." 268 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CUAP. III. A.D. 1G05. Enforced by a second brief ; and a third of Pope Urban. Oath of allegiance framed. The authenticity of this decree having been questioned by the loyal party, it was confirmed the year following, in a second brief of the same Pontiff. Some time after, it was again enforced by the succeeding Pope, Urban, who pronounced, " that the Catholics ought to lose their lives, rather than take the condemned oath." " It was," he said, " pernicious and unlawful, designed not only to maintain the fidelity due to the King, but to wrest the sceptre of the universal Church from the Vicar of Almighty God." By these means the controversy was soon terminated in Ireland ; but, in the other island, where the Roman Catholics bore a greater proportion to the faction of the Pope, the spirit of loyalty was not subdued so easily. A very interesting account of the origin, progress, and final rejection of the oath in England, has been given by a Roman Catholic bishop of that country. The following are extracts : — " Had the Catholics, in a body, upon the accession of James, waited on him with the Protestation of Allegiance, as containing their true and loyal sentiments, it is probable that we should have heard no more of recusancy, or of penal prosecutions. His good will to the professors of that religion was, from the earliest impressions, deeply marked on his heart; but in the creed of the majority, at least of a majority of their ministers, he knew there was a principle admitted, that of the Papal prerogative over the crowns of princes, which could ill accord with tlie exalted opinion he entertained of his Royal dignity and independ- ence. Both Parliament and King, aware that some Catholics, from conscientious scruples, objected to the oath of supremacy, and still that there were many whose civil principles were sound and loyal, seriously desired to offer them a political test, which should establish a just discrimination ; that is, should show them who might be safely trusted. With this view, the oath of allegiance was framed, to which it was thought every Catholic would IN IRELAND. 269 cheerfully submit, who did not believe the Bishop of chap. iir. Rome to have power to depose kings, and give away their ^■^- 1G05. dominions. The oath, accordingly, was taken by many Catholics, both laity and clergy ; and a ray of returning happiness gleamed around them. But a cloud soon gathered on the seven hills ; for it could not be that a test, the main object of which was an explicit rejection of the deposing iwwer, should not raise vapours there. The Catholics were thrown into the utmost confusion ; new dissensions arose ; controversies were renewed ; while the King, the Government, and the nation, strengthened in their first prejudices, were now authorized to declare, that men ivhose civil conduct was subject to the control of a foreign Court, could loith no justice claim the common right of citizens. The laws of the preceding reign were ordered to be executed, and new ones, additionally severe, were enacted. With what face, then, can it be asserted that the Roman bishop or his Court have constantly promoted the best interests of the English Catholics, when their religion itself was exposed to danger, and themselves and their posterity involved in much misery, that an ambitious prerogative might not be curtailed ? " " The priests who took the oath of allegiance were harassed by a Papal decree, whereby they were deprived of all their jurisdic- tion, and consigned to penury and ignominy. Of these, many surrendered themselves into the hands of justice, to obtain a scanty maintenance — an act of direful necessity, which the men of their own faith could represent as a sinful apostasy from religion. Others retracted, and, among them, two of the thirteen who had signed the protestation of allegiance ; but the Bulls of Paul, it seems, had extinguished all consistency of reason, and inspired them with a love of martyrdom. They died, because, when called upon by the legal authority of their country, they would not declare that the Roman bishop had no right to dethrone princes." * * Berrington, " Memoirs of Pauzani," Introduction, G8 — 78. Mr. 270 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. 1605. Appeal of priests to the Pojie. Appeal \mheeded. Some priests, fellow-prisoners of the two who had been executed, addressed an affecting petition to the Pope, praying that he would explain in what particulars the oath was unlawful. " Immured," said they, " in a dun- geon, surrounded by all that is pernicious and revolting, bereft of the solace of friendly communion and the society of all good men, we live in darkness. From this place, in which thirteen of us had been confined for our rejection of the* oath, two of our number went forth last year to suffer as invincible martyrs, and exhibited a sight of sub- lime interest to God, to angels, and to men. By the blood of these martyrs, by our own toils and sufferings, by our chains and tortures and all-enduring patience, and, if these things do not move you, by the bowels of the Divine com- passion, we implore you, turn a portion of your considera- tion to the afflictions of the English Catholics. There are some who fluctuate between you * and Caesar ; in order, therefore, that the truth may be made manifest, we pray that your Holiness would vouchsafe to point out those propositions in the oath of allegiance which are opposed to faith and salvation." The Vicar of Christ would not condescend to explain : " he could sit " — it is a Papal bishop who thus vents his indignation — " he could sit undisturbed in the Vatican, hearing that men were imprisoned, and that blood was poured out, in support of a claim which had no better origin than the ambition of his predecessors, and the weak concessions of mortals ; he could sit and view the scene, and not, in pity at least, wish to redress their sufferings, by releasing them from the injunctions of his decree." The Irish priesthood gave, as usual, more serious provo- cation, and, as usual, escaped with lighter penalties. The growing confidence of their faction, the weakness of the Butler mentions the execution of these priests, but with his customary reserve, leaves his readers to conjecture the cause. * The word in the Gospel, it will be remembered, is God. The passage above given is quoted by Dr. O' Conor fi'om Dodd's " Chiu-ch History," vol. iii., 524. IN IRELAND. 271 Government, the predilection of the landlords for a Roman chap. hi. Catholic tenantry, and the execration in which all classes a.d. 1605. held the character of an informer, contributed to encourage and protect their intrigues. Far from being exposed to too severe a scrutiny, that speculative treason which con- tented itself with refusing a pledge of allegiance seemed, from its rarity and the strong relief of contrast, as if almost elevated to the merit of loyalty. It would, indeed, be strange if, in a country where the spirit of the order, and the arts of the Roman Court, were producing their annual fruits of sedition, these ecclesiastics had enjoyed, in every case, an unclouded and tranquil impunity. A statute, passed in the second year of Elizabeth, had armed the executive with considerable powers against them ; and, from time to time, at seasons of peculiar alarm, a procla- mation from Dublin Castle was discharged over their heads, to announce the probability of its enforcement : but their admirable discipline at first, and afterwards experi- ence of the slightness of the danger, taught them to stand the ineffectual fire. From Henry the Eighth to George the Third, a period of two troubled and eventful centu- ries, in which, with the exception of a few Franciscans, not one of the priesthood was found trustworthy, the diligence of faction has not been rewarded with the discovery of half a dozen instances of vindictive animad- version. It is said, by modern writers of the Church of Rome, by Dr. O 'Conor, on the Roman Catholic side, by Mr. Plowden, in the opposite extreme, and by Mr. Butler, who wishes to mediate between these conflicting parties, that the oath of James is substantially the same with that which has been taken for the last fifty years. If their agreement could be clearly shown, and if it were also certain that the present is an adequate test,* there would remain little reason for doubting that Popery is extinct in the British islands. But those who reflect on the refined * See, however, the " Digest of Evidence," part ii., chap. 8. 272 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. and systematic equivocation of tlie Papal schools, will be A.D. 1605. slow to admit an identity of import, without a precise correspondence in the terms. The truth is, that these gentlemen, from different hut equally efficacious motives, have been unjust to the learned sagacity of James, and too lenient to the presumptuous ignorance of the late Irish legislature. They felt, also, a common anxiety that an important change should appear to have taken place in the political principles of the body to which, in common, they belonged ; and they were thus prompted to maintain that a pledge, which had been refused at an earlier period, was substantially given in their own times. But, when they descend to particulars, and they were too discreet to penetrate very deeply, the hopes raised by this confident but vague asseveration are immediately dispersed. Dr. O'Conor, pursuing the steps of some Gallican divines, and a few loyal Irishmen of the seventeenth century, is quite willing to call the deposing doctrine heretical.* Mr. Plowden, on the contrary, while he contends that, by taking the present oath he has equivalently taken that of James, objects to this epithet, " because," as he says, " there never was a heresy of such a tendency." j- The expression is obscure, but the meaning seems to be that, though many have held the doctrine, yet they were not heretics ; their error, if it were one, did not amount to heresy, or exclude them from the fellowship of an Dr. Milner infallible Church. To the same effect is the Theological de osine Judgment of Dr. Milner and the priesthood of his midland power. district : — " Although we have for ourselves abjured the deposing doctrine, yet, following the example of our prede- cessors, who, chiefly on account of the extravagant and false terms therein contained, refused King James's oath of allegiance, ive declare that it is utterly unlawful, and contrary to the doctrine of our Church, for a Catholic to * Father Walsh calls it the Hildebrandine Heresy, from Pope Hilde- brand, i.e., Saint Gregory the Seventh. t " Historical Letter to Colvunbanus," 153. Appendix, 6. IN IRELAND. 273 condemn upon oath the mere deposing doctrine as damnable cnAr. iii. and heretical." * This language is instructive : the divines a.d. 1605. abjure the alarming tenet ; but they confess that, if they were to call it heretical, they would be contradicting the doctrine of the Church, or, in other words, incurring themselves that guilt of heresy which they imputed to others : they declare inferentially that the Church, or some authority which they receive as that of the Church, has a doctrine upon the subject — a doctrine which must be unerringly true, yet is of too sacred and delicate a character to be exposed to the gaze of Protestants, or of the vulgar of their own communion. Finally, when from these adverse statements, we turn to Mr.Butler. the guarded moderation of Mr. Butler, he informs us that " the Church tolerates both parties," both that which holds, and that which renounces, the deposing doctrine^ This gentleman, the advocate of the measures which were opposed by Dr. Milner and his clerical associates, could not speak unfavourably of the oath of James ; but it is interesting to observe the steadiness with which, as a historian, he poises the nice balance of impartiality. He acknowledges his persuasion " that nothing could be wiser or more humane than James's purpose in framing the oath ; " " that his views were kind, salutary, and most benign." But this praise of good intentions on the part of the monarch is qualified by an attempt to show that other views were attributed, and not without reason, to his ministers and advisers. The sinister purposes thus im- puted were, " first, to divide the Catholics about the lawfulness of the oath ; secondly, to expose them to daily persecution in case of refusal, and, in consequence of this, to represent them as disaffected persons, and of unsound principles." f Now, if this were wickedness, James him- self must be involved in the accusation ; for he avowed his anxiety to distinguish the well-disposed from those * " Evidence of his Grace the Ai-chhishop of Diibhiij" Lords' Report, 752. t See " History of Cathohcs," i., 307, 308, &c. T 274 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. AD. 1605. Papal policy to make statesmen govern through the priest- hood. whom, in his homely hut appropriate language, he called Gunpowder Papists. It was an anxiety which, one would suppose, might be very consistently shared by the most liberal minister — to protect and cherish men of approved loyalty, without reference to their creeds ; to watch, and, if necessary, to coerce, others, whom disaffection, not dissent, had rendered obnoxious. Yet Mr. Butler calls it a persecutioji : had he said tliat treason was part of his religion, the abuse of words would not have been greater, tliough it might have required a more serious correction. And why should an endeavour " to divide the Catholics " be so heinous an offence in the judgment of this able and temperate writer ? The Church, he says, tolerates both parties, and probably he wishes to imitate her neutrality. There is not, however, that perfect equality of regard which the historian imagines : the conduct of the Church betrays the quarter to which her affection inclines, while her silence proves, if not her infallibility, at least the profoundness of her worldly wisdom. The devoted fidelity of the Papist is favoured; the timid and respectful doubts of the Roman Catholic are tolerated : the former class constitutes the effective strength of the Papacy ; the latter serves, not only to magnify its osten- sible numbers, but to recruit the disposable force with continual supplies. It is, therefore, not without good reason that the court of Rome and the local hierarchy oppose every effort to separate these classes. Their policy has always been, and is at the present moment, directed to this point, that the civil government should accept their interference, as the only security fur the good citizenship of their followers. They know the import- ance of presenting an imposing front, and negotiating at the head of an unbroken phalanx. Nothing will be endured which threatens to thin their ranks, or to enervate their discipline ; no test will be sanctioned, no conditions will be allowed, to which they are not contracting parties. Honour is called in to the aid of IN IRELAND. 275 faith ; the generous are taught to forget private opinion chap. m. and to forego private interest in devotion to the common a.d. 1603. cause ; when the honesty of instinct recoils from expres- sions of approbation, the venial duplicity of acquiescence is adroitly recommended ; and selfishness is cheered in its reluctant abstinence by a seasonable announcement of that glorious time when all may rush in together, and riot in the enjoyment of unconditional emancipation. Thus it happens, that by some suitable appliance to every variety of temperament, a spirit of political union is diffused among the members of the Papal Church ; mutual strangers are attracted by some sympathetic regards ; and even disputants are conscious of a secret good understanding, which often renders their differences more friendly than their concord with other men. Mr. Butler himself appears to have been swayed by some influence of this nature. The controversy in which this gentleman and Dr. Milner were arranged on opposite sides is thus described by an eminent and active contem- porary : — "The oath of 1778 was not found to be effectual in removing the prejudices of Protestants; and many of the Roman Catholics, who were anxious to be thought worthy of admission to the whole constitution, desired to give a further pledge of their civil principles. Accordingly, the English committee drew up a protes- tation, which was very generally signed by the body ; the favourable effect which it produced was sudden and extensive, — so much so, that some persons in power thought it advisable to introduce a new oath, founded on the protestation, into a bill for further relief. But some of those who had signed the protestation had by this time reflected on their conduct, and they viewed it with horror, as reprobating certain principles which they had ever been taught to venerate ; others, men of punctilious and sophistic minds, had leisure to examine their store of quirks and quibbles for perplexing the ignorant and disturbing the timid, while they claimed for themselves the credit of T 2 27G POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. saving religion and shielding the integrity of the Catholic A. D. 1605. faith. The controversy that now took place was acrimo- nious and stubborn, in every point most minutely resembling that which had been excited by the oath of James. It even seemed that, after the lapse of almost two hundred years, the same men existed to combat, and that their generation had not passed away. To persons of reflection, however, the thought was melancholy, that, wnth the tenets of our faith, our opinions also had been stationary, — that is, our reason had not been progressive, and that we too nearly approached to that class of beings, which naturalists, from their unvarying character, have defined to be imperfect- ible. The vicars apostolic condemned the oath ; their censure had the concurrence of the bishops in Ireland and Scotland, and finally received its ratification from the Pope." " I am informed," proceeds this respectable man, " that many priests, with the Vicars Walmsley and Douglas at their head, have recently withdrawn their names from the protestation, and that their act is recorded in an authentic instrument, termed a counter-protestation. Are we there- fore sure that there may not also be a counter-oath ? when our enemies, as I thought them, used to proclaim that no form of words could bind us, I indignantly repelled the charge. In future, / and others must be silent, hang our heads, and blush."* One priest persevered in his advo- cacy of the oath and protestation ; he was censured by his bishop. Dr. Walmsley, to whom the special thanks of the Congi'egation de Propaganda Fide was conveyed in the following letter : — Cardinal " Most Illustrious and Rev. Lord, our Brother, ^[iTef]' "Your Lordship's despatches of the 18th of October afforded singular satisfaction to their eminences, the fathers of the congregation. They were gratified, not only by your report of the present prosperous state of * Berrington, " Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani." IN IRELAND. 277 religion in England, but by the zeal with which you had chap. hi. subdued the boldness of the missionary Joseph Wilks, who, a.d. 1605. in conjunction with others, had opposed the encyclical letters of the vicars apostolic against the oath proposed to the Catholics. Your conduct, in compelling that person, by ecclesiastical censures, to return to his duty, and make the necessary recantation, was so approved by their eminences, that they judged it suitable to decree your Lordship their distinguished thanks. " I am, "Your Lordship's brother, ** L. Cardinal Antonelli, President. " Home, March 10, 1792." To those who wish to enjoy the fruits of history, this Historic suspension of the narrative, for the purpose of comparing narrative the present with the past, is not unimportant, and should not be unacceptable* It proves that the coincidence is much more exact than Roman Catholics have represented or Protestants hopedj that James's oath is not taken, either in substance or in terms, and that the Legislature has made no progress towards the establishment of a safe distinction between the loyal and the disaffected members of the Church of Rome. We may now return into the regular course of events. " From the time of proposing the oath," says a contem- porary titular bishop, " the measures of the Catholics were conducted in secresy, until the assembling of a Parliament gave them a fresh opportunity of displaying the ardour of their faith and zeal."* In the interval, both the surface and the internal structure of the social fabric in Irelandj had undergone considerable changes. The clans were entirely broken ; the ancient jurisdiction, whether of the Brehon code, or of the more powerful will of the chieftains, was abolished ; and the pale, the region * Eouth, " Analeta Sacra." A.D. 1613. 278 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. of English law, was at length co-extensive with the whole A.D. 1613. island. The people of the Milesian race, the old English, and the new settlers, were held together in solution for a season of precarious and delusive tranquillity ; they met in ordinary life, and were now to meet in Parliament, upon the common footing of British subjects. This policy of James, much as it has been extolled both by early and recent authorities, and wise as in other circum- stances it would doubtless have been, swelled the power of the prelates to a degree, which soon after proved nearly fatal to all good government and rational freedom. Sir John " The Irisliry," says Sir John Davies, " who in former ?Ti"!*" times were left under the tyranny of their lords and Iiisbry." chiefs, were received into His Majesty's immediate pro- tection. Our visitation of the shires, however distasteful to the Irish lords, was sweet and most welcome to the common people ; they were now taught that they were free subjects to the King, and not slaves and vassals to their pretended lords, whose extortions were unlawful, and that they should not any more submit thereunto. They gave a willing ear unto these lessons ; and so the greatness and power of these Irish lords over the people suddenly fell and vanished." It was very true, that, under the ancient system, the lords had been tyrants, and the people slaves ; and in proportion as it was true, in the same degree were the slaves unqualified for immediate emancipation. Had James been, as he is sometimes most absurdly called, the lawgiver of Ireland, he would have seen the folly of imposing all the responsibilities of freedom upon a race which long oppression had almost degraded from the rank of moral agents. The lords fell ; and when the first pleasure of the change was over, their former vassals, the helpless inhabitants of nineteen * counties, laid down their irksome liberties at the feet of * Mary had made two. the King's and Queen's counties ; James created seventeen. IN IRELAND. 279 tlie hierarchy. Thus, the prelates, in their adversity, chap. hi. were suddenly invested with a dominion over the popu- a.d. 1613. lace, for which, during the more showy ages of its Tower of connexion with the State, their order had struggled prelacy incessantly, but in vain. A subordinate share of this augmented. power was prudently given to the lawyers — a body which the same precipitancy of Government had just brought out into political existence, and which has ever- since repaid the patronage of the Church by a vigorous and submissive co-operation. By the abrupt introduction of English law, the advice of these men had beconie a matter of almost daily necessity to multitudes of the natives, who were utterly ignorant of their new rule of life : from advice it was no difficult step to authority ; and authority acquired somewhat of a sacred character from the sanction of the ecclesiastics. Such was the origin of that domestic government which surviving the agitations of two stormy centuries, continues to attest, at the present moment,* the malignant sagacity of its founders. At every stage, and in every form of its existence, it has produced the same fruits : disaffection among Roman Catholics, disgust and alarm among Protestants, contempt and ignominy to the civil power, and calamity to the cause which it pro- fessed to maintain. The commanding relation in which the prelates now stood to the mass of the people, aided them in the accom- plishment of another object — the delicate and important task of conciliation. In the more flourishing days of the Church, the hierarchy, proud of its station at the head of an ascendancy party, had fomented the animosity between the colonists and the natives; adversity taught the pru- dence of a blander policy ; and the evils which had been experienced from the feud during the latter years of Elizabeth, gave double force to the admonition. The influence of the lawyers, who were all of the English * A.D. 1827.— Ed. 280 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. pale, and who, from being the contemptuous enemies of A.D. 1613. the Irish,* now affected the character of their guides and protectors, had some effect in appeasing this hereditary discord; — complete success was reserved for a higlier power. Many of the bishops and heads of religious orders, men of talents for intrigue, and entirely devoted to the Papal interest, were themselves Anglo-Irish of respectable family ; their advancement was disagreeable to some Milesian zealots, but Rome knew how to appre- ciate the value of the argument to be derived from their implicit and edifying obedience.-f* It was the peculiar office of these persons to neutralize old antipathies by the more powerful agency of a counter-passion. A spirit of fanaticism, which has but one parallel in our history — the fury of the present |: awful times — was diffused through the whole country, animating equally the populace of both races, and carrying away all other impulses in the head- long vehemence of its career. Factions, upon whose mutual and unmitigated hatred the suns of four centuries and a-half had gone down, forgetting their quarrels, found in heresy an object for their consenting execration, and were content to derive their rights from the Divwe right of their common Father. Miracles, prophecies, and mi "Puo-. * " -"-t i^ evident," says an observer of these transactions, " that until of Hsh pale late the old Engli9h pale despised the mere Irish, accounting them to be a and the barbarous people, void of civility and religion, and each of them held the Irish. other as a hereditary enemy ; and so it would have continued many years to come, had not these latter times produced a change." — Discourse of Ireland, Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. t " It is known by experience," says Father Walsh, a contemporary, " that one prelate or churclimau of the old English stock hath been hereto- fore, and is at present, more able to work the laity of the same extraction to traitorous designs, than a whole hundi-ed of the other." By them was implanted that imphcit devotion to Rome of which J. K. L. has so much reason to boast, as stiU pervading the descendants of the early colonists, and which has given a proverbial currency to the character, Hibernis ipsis Hiherniores. 1 Written a.d. 1827.— Ed. IN IRELAND. 281 pastoral addresses, supplied their faith with its spiritual chap. hi. aliment; while the cry of " O'Neil is coming," gave the a.d. 1613. exhilarating assurance that they were not to be left without human aid. The irreclaimable treachery of that chieftain had consigned him to exile some years before — a pensioner at the Court of Spain, advancing age and habits of dependance had broken his ambitious spirit ; and now it was rumoured that he was preparing to invade his native country, as the ally of a priesthood which he had formerly despised,* and the creature of a foreign power of which he had been the haughty and respectable competitor. The higher classes, having opposite interests and little superstition, were not so easily united as the lower : but their mutual jealousies, far from embarrassing the Church, multiplied its instruments, and secured the advantages of a division of labour. The Irish, born to turbulence and the exj^ectatioti of land (an expectation which had been disappointed, partly by the recent forfeitures, but much more by the introduction of the English laws of inherit- ance), were ruined and reckless men, who disdained all occupation but that of the sword, and whose only hope was in some effort of desperate adventure. The dreams by which some of them were still visited, that Ireland might be erected into a separate kingdom, were unaccept- able to the prelates, but gave no serious apprehension : the majority would follow^ the fortunes of O'Neil ; and the valour of these fiercer spirits, without strength or guidance for a separate enterprise, might be safely em- ployed in fatiguing the common enemy. While the Irish * Dm'ing the whole of this, aud part of the following reign, the priesthood Spanish of both islands were in the interest, and many of them in the pay, of the interfer- Spanish monarchy. The titulars of Dublin and Cashel are particularly ^^ce. mentioned as pensioners of Spain ; the general memorial of the Irish hierarchy in 1617 was addressed to the Spanish Court ; and we are told by Mr. Berrington, that the English Jesiuts, thi'ee hunch'ed in number, were all " of the Spanish faction." 282 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. were thus in readiness for some daring exertion, the A.D. 1613. Roman Catholic gentry of English extraction occupied the foreground of this troubled scene, agitating their minor and preliminary grievances. Their property, wliich was very considerable, was the fruit of conquest or confis- cation, and one portion of it, the spoil of the monastic houses, lay under the heavier opprobrium of sacrilege ; circumstances which may be admitted as sufficient evidence that, in entering upon their factious career, they had not looked to a rebellion, or to the triumph of their associates. Their designs were more limited, and more pacific : deprived of their old monopoly of office, and mortified at the growing prosperity of the later settlers,* they had gone into opposition ; and they practised the customai-y devices of party, thwarting, to enhance the value of their venal co-operation. But, in leaguing with the hierarchy, they had committed themselves to those from whom few have ever escaped with impunity : services of continually in- creasing danger, which the honour of consistency could not decline, were pointed out by their spiritual guides, until they were drawn insensibly within the vortex of treason ; and the necessity of maintaining their seditious consequence, made them slaves of those passions which they had contributed to excite. When they made profes- sions of disaffection or fanaticism, the fears of the Govern- ment, and the over-apt simplicity of the mob, conspired with the cunning of an interested priesthood, in giving them credit for sincerity ; a credit which, at first, they by no means deserved, but wliich had a tendency to realise its most ample anticipations. As a body, the Roman Catholics had little to look for ; nothing which those among them who observed a * One of the gricTances in " the Civil Government of Ireland," of which the CathoUc Association in 1613 complained to the Crown, was, that the new nobility had obtauied larger estates, and enjoyed more of the confidence of Government, than the lords of the pale. This memorial is preserved in the Desiderata Curiosa Hilernica, vol. i. IN IRELAND. 283 respectful demeanour towards the Government were not chap. hi. obtaining every day, from its prudence or liberality. They a.d. 1613. were fully in possession of that great object, which, at present,* excites so much turbulent desire : the doors of both houses of the legislature lay wide open ; nor had the more aspiring been driven to purchase admissibility, by betraying the rights of their humbler compatriots. By a tenure which was more precarious, only because it depended more upon themselves, they were sheriffs of cities and counties, justices of the peace, mayors and aldermen of corporations ; they practised at the bar, held commissions in the army and places about the court, were occasionally admitted to the Privy Council ; and, in the next reign, without any change in the law, we find some generals, and even a lord deputy, among the Roman Catholics of Ireland. A Roman A statute, enacted in the second year of Elizabeth, had j^^^,^° ^^ made the oath of supremacy a qualification for these Deputy. offices ; and for some years the love of place, or the natural impulse of loyalty, checked the growth of polemical scruples. The test was taken by persons who, in all other respects, were members of the Church of Rome ; nor does it appear that their compliance was ever visited with spiritual censures. At length, as the consciences of the recusants became more delicate, or their policy more mature, the oath was universally declined : Government respected the questionable prejudice ; and the dispensing power of the sovereign (offensive in England to the growing spirit of liberty, and in the end fatal to its possessor) was in Ireland always exercised on the side of indulgence. The oath was committed to the discretion of the local ministry, as an instrument for the removal of a seditious magistrate ; perhaps as a criterion of the wavering or suspected ; but as an unnecessary and invidious trial of those whose conduct already attested the integrity of their allegiance. Upon the whole, the condition of the Irish recusants was, at least, not inferior to that in which, after * Written a.d. 1827.— Ed. 284 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. 1613. National Parlia- ment sum- moned. Difference between a Protestant and Rom- ish clergy. the lapse of two centuries of illumination, Protestants are now placed by the most liberal governments of the Roman Catholic communion.* Their civil privileges were ample, and it was always in their power, by a conciliating conduct, to I'aise themselves to an equality with the most favoured class of subjects ; and the whole nation enjoyed the undisturbed exercise of their religion, -j- as long as its ministers abstained from political intrigue, and from that obtrusive pomp of celebration, which, if not offensive to Protestant conscience, was at least an unseemly rivalry with the Established Church. Things were in this state, or in rapid progress towards it, when James resolved to summon the first national Parliament in Ireland. Activity corresponding to that phrenzied excitement which had banished all sobriety from the minds of the Roman Catholics, was displayed in preparing for the election. The aristocracy of the pale, long exercised in civil intrigues, and now the professed leaders of a rancorous opposition, had their agents in all parts, soliciting the freeholders of better rank ; while the priests and lawyers were indefatigable in their exertions * In making such comparisons, two important diiFerences must always be kept in mind. First, a Protestant clergy contracts no obUgations to a foreign power : if Protestant ministers in France or Germany took oaths of allegiance, and were otherwise in subjection, to the Archbishop of Canter- bury, we should probably hear but httle of Roman Catholic liberality. Secondly, the Roman ritual has an aggressive publicity, the free exercise of whicli would be an invasion of the freedom of other religions : Protestants have no processions of a host, or a crucifix, or a statue of the Virgin ; neither do they comjiel meu to a cessation from business, on the festival of saints, or reputed saints. f The words of Lord Clarendon. "Even in Dubhn," he continues, " they went as publicly and uninterruptedly to their devotions as he went to his. The bishops, priests, and all degi ees and orders of secidar and regular clergy, were known to be, and to exercise their functions, among them ; and though there were some laws against them stUl in force, which necessity, and the wisdom of former ages, had caused to be enacted, and the pohcy of the present times kept unrepealed ; yet their edge was so totally rebated, that no man could say he had suffered prejudice or distm-bance in, or for, his religion." — Historical View, 6. IN IRELAND. 2S5 among the lower classes. Oaths of association ; promises chap. hi. and threats ; blessings and anathemas ; hints of some a.d. 1613. undefined but imminent danger ; and, at the same time, assurances from ancient prophecies, that, if true to the Church, they should speedily be relieved from the yoke of heresy ; — all these were employed with an industry which has served as a model for the emulous labours of later times. The cause of their party was declared to be the cause of God ; and the support of a Protestant, or of a Roman Catholic who attended the reformed worship " to hear the devil's words," * was denounced as a mortal sin. Ecclesiastical students and priests of all orders, who were then dispersed in great numbers over the Continent, with the cavaliers engaged in the service of Roman Catholic powers, crowded eagerly home on this important occasion, to animate the hopes, and share the labours, of their brethren. The struggle which ensued was fierce and dubious ; the The boroughs newly enfranchised by James were almost ex- constitu- clusively in the hands of the Protestants, and the numerous encies. forfeitures of the last reign, with the recent plantation of Ulster, had given them a respectable, but subordinate landed interest ; in the counties, cities, and older corpora- tions, the recusants had generally a preponderating weight. From the less showy character of their constituency, the return of the Protestant candidates was neither preceded, nor accompanied, by much popular sensation ; on the contrary, the strength of the others lay in those places where feeling was most excited by the contest, and expectation proportionably raised by the event. The quality of the vanquished Protestants, many of whom were privy councillors, and supported by all the influence * Such was the phrase of the time, according to O'SulUvan, in liis " Cathohc History," and the deposition taken before Sir Toby Caulfield, " Desiderata Curiosa," vol. i. Forty years before, the hberahty of Pius would have sanctioned the Liturgy ; and it is not improbable that an opinion equally favourable may be expressed in our own times. 286 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. 1613. New Par- liament : 125 Pro- testants ; 101 Eo- man Catholics. of the Crown and their party, while their opponents were young barristers, whose chief recommendations were some factious notoriety and the favour of the priesthood, gave somewhat of mystical import to their defeat : it seemed as if the Church had been struggling against the utmost human power which her great adversary could array against her ; the strength of her cause was displayed in the feeble- ness of her weapons ; and the issue was hailed by the exulting multitude as ominous of the approaching downfal of heresy. Elated by their victories, the recusant members set out, in triumphant procession, from the scenes of their respective contests to the seat of Government : the rustic populace, men, women, and even children, received them with shouts of tumultuous greeting, and with admonitions to take care of the Catholic faith : as they passed along, the contagion of enthusiasm added incessantly to their cavalcades, and they made their entry into the capital at the head of troops of armed retainers. Priests crowded to Dublin, from all quarters of the country, to animate and direct the exertions of their representatives ; numbers also of private men, whose turbulence laid eager claim to the title of religious zeal, were attracted by these indica- tions of a coming storm, and hastened to a spot which promised to find excitement for their lawless indolence, and to alleviate the irksomeness of peace.* Parliament met on the 18th of May. In the upper house, the transfer of the episcopal peerages, the extinc- tion of the order of mitred abbots, f and the absence of Tyrone and other disaffected Lords, had left the recusants in a hopeless minority : in the lower, the parties were nearly equal ; of two hundred and thirty-two members who composed that assembly, there being in attendance one hundred and twenty -five Protestants, and one hundred * The matter of this paragraph will be found in the titular Bishop's Routh and Burke, the " Desiderata Curiosa Hibemica," vol. i., and Cox, " Hibemia Anglicana." t These particulars are feelingly mentioned by the titular Bishop Burke. IN IRELAND. 287 and one Roman Catholics. The first business of the chap. hi. Commons was to choose a Speaker ; an affair which involved a.d. 1613. the opposing sects in abrupt and indecent hostilities. On Choosing a the one side, Sir John Davies, the Attorney-General, was ^^^'^ ^^' put in nomination ; and on the other, Sir John Everard, a recusant knight and lawyer, who had been a judge, but to avoid the oath of supremacy, which, for some reason now unknown, was pressed upon him, had retired on a moderate pension. It was the custom of those days that a Parlia- division should be effected, by the retiring of one of the ^""!j^^if parties to an ante-chamber : this movement was now unguardedly made by the Protestants ; who, on their rettu'n into the House, with an ascertained majority of twenty voices, were astonished to find Everard in the A Parlia- Speaker's chair. We are informed by Roman Catholic ^^kk^^"^ writers,* that when the Protestants had left the room, a zealous member of the other party addressed his brethren as follows : — • " They are gone, ill betide them ; and they have left us, as it is our right to be, in possession of this house. Wherefore, seeing that we have prospered thus far, we ought thankfully to pursue the course which God seems to have pointed out, by setting up here that holy faith, for which, if necessary, we should be ready to die. We are encouraged to this by the example of our fathers and kinsmen, who, fighting for the Catholic faith, obtained an honourable death, and a glorious immortality. Should it be our lot so to perish, we shall be at least their equals in renown ; but, if we avoid their indiscretions, higher fame and happier fortune will attend us. Nor is there reason to apprehend that, in so doing, we shall trespass aught against the King^s majesty; seeing that the same should be his especial care, and that nothing is more necessary, either for his soul's salvation, or the righteous ruling of * Burke, " Hibemia Dominicana," who quotes from Eouth and Dominic O'Daly (the Dominicus de Rosario of the Quarterly Eeview). 288 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. his kingdoms. Come, then, let us maintain that religion, A.D. 1613. for which it is honourable to fight, and seemly to die, and which to exalt is the highest glory of man. First of all, let us choose for ourselves a speaker and leader." * This address was well received, and Everard was installed as Speaker. When the Protestants re-entered the room, they insisted vehemently that he should leave the chair ; the others retorted with equal ardour that he had been legitimately chosen, that a Speaker could only be elected within the House, and that those- who retired had forfeited their right of suffrage. Stung by the trick thus practised on them, the proposer and seconder of Sir John Davies led him up to the chair, and placed him on Everard's lap : a violent tumult ensued ; and had not the Viceroy estab- lished the precautionary etiquette that the members should leave their swords at the outer door, the senate-house would have been polluted with the mutual slaughter of its factions. In the end the recusants were Avorsted ; the chair was left to Davies, and the house to his supporters. "Catholic The proceedings of this day led to the establishment of Associa- ^^^^ institutions, which, on several occasions since, and tion, and ' _ ' _ " Catholic particularly in our own times, have attracted much notice ; — a Catholic Association, and a Catholic Rent. The recusant members, discovering that they had overrated their strength, and that the ordinary tactics of parlia- mentary opposition would be insufficient for their purposes, deliberated on the expediency of a formal secession. Many motives induced the prelates to urge the adoption of this violent measure : it would divert the attention of the Viceroy from their more secret intrigues ; it would give brilliancy and somewhat of a constitutional form to the interior government they were labouring to organize ; it would accustom the Roman Catholics to consider them- selves as a distinct society, in political, as well as religious * This is a hteral translation of Burke's Latin : it gives, if not the lan- guage of the orator, at least the sentiments of the titular Bishop. IN IRELAND. 289 concerns ; * and, by the ferment it could not fail to excite, chap. hi. prepare them to receive O'Neil, whose arrival, in the a.d. 1613. course of a very few months, was now confidently expected by the Spanish faction. f A full meeting of both houses, for the purpose of hearing the speech from the throne, had been fixed for the Friday after the election of a Speaker : the call had been notified by a special message to each of the recusant peers : the commoners were sum- moned by a privy counsellor, who waited on them at the place where they were assembled for consultation. In the name of the whole party, Everard acquainted this gentle- man that, as Parliament sat in the castle, where the free- dom of debate and action was overawed by an armed guard, the Catholics would not make their appearance : that, for himself, he had been duly elected Speaker ; and that he could not attend his Excellency except in that capacity, * The occasion suggests to Bm-ke the use of language which has ever been appropriated to poUtics : Respuhlica nostra is the term by which he describes the Roman Catholic community, organized imder its separate government. t " Tyrone is said to have a design for Ireland ; the same intelligence reports, that he hath found means to raise a competent force to put the kingdom in a flame ; and, to move us to be jealous that the intelligence is in part or in all true, there is the late coming of the Pope's Archbishop of Dubhn into Ireland, who hath a pension of three hundred ducats per , of the Spanish King, and was sent from Lovaine into Spain to negociate for Tyrone's support. This his repair into Ireland, agreeing with the intelU- gence, gives no less cause of suspicion than the sight of a sea-bird, called a petrel, of a storm ensuing. Tyrone's council aims no farther, than to try his own fortune by stolen forces brought with him, although it must be confessed, that the slightest occasion, countenanced by his presence, and fomented by the priests, is sufScient to disturb the peace of the realm, and to set a fire in every part thereof, which will cost the hves of many of his Majesty's subjects, and the exhaustm-e of great masses of treasm-e, before it be pacified. It wUl not move the cities, nor the gentlemen of the English pale, or men of great possessions, although their hearts are with him, to set up their rests upon so weak a foundation ; but, as in former times, they win be lookers-on, to see how the game is played," — Discourse of Ireland (wi-itten in 1613), Desiderata Curiosa. U 290 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cnAP. III. A.D. 1613. Threaten- ed insur- rection. accompanied by his memLers, and preceded by the mace." The day following, the connnoners were joined by the lords of the pale, and some other noblemen, and all coalesced into one association, for the prosecution of the common cause. Rising gradually in their complaints, these malcontents protested — against the place chosen for the sitting of the Parliament, against the Lord Deputy's guard of a hundred foot, against the election of the Speaker, against the return of some of the members, against the creation of some of the new shires, and, more particularly, of the new boroughs, and against the authority of the Viceroy to call a Parliament. These proceedings they described as "strange and grievous courses;" "ex- tremities such as had never been heard of, and could not be believed ;" they styled their displeasure, " a just and pious indignation," and refused to give the name of a Parliament to the assemblies which might be held during their secession. They declared that, if any laws were made without their concurrence, the people would reject them ; hinted the possibility of an armed resistance, and, in a spirit of candour which seems to have reanimated a modern convention, almost disclosed the measures by which it might be effected. Intimations were thrown out, that they w'ere stronger than the Government ; that, if disturbed in their plans, they might rise in arms, cut the throats of the Protestants, besiege the Lord Deputy in his castle, and, by force or famine, compel him to sue for peace with the Catholics. Circumstances, sufficient to make an impression on the firmest executive, added to the weight of these menaces. One thousand nine hundred and seventy men, cavalry and infantry, composed at this time the royal army of Ireland : the recusant senators, with the friends and retainers who followed them from the country, had provided themselves with arms ; and the Roman Catholics of the city, men, youths, and boys, had caught the military, as well as the religious, ardour of IN IRELAND. 291 their compatriots.* Everything in Dublin threatened an chap. m. immediate conflict ; and, throvigh the industry of the a.d. 1613. priests, and the natural influence of faction in attracting to itself all the loose discontents of an agitated country, the whole island was ready to follow the example of the capital. To allay this commotion hy removing its apparent cause, or, at least, to gain time for consultation with the English Cabinet, the disconcerted Viceroy prorogued the Parliament. The mutineersjf having thus routed the rival Legis- lature, and encountering no further pretext for insurrec- tion, were content with the bloodless prosecvition of their intrigues. Upon the first assembling of Parliament they had petitioned the King, that they might be permitted to lay their grievances before His Majesty in person ; per- mission had been given, in the more cogent shape of a command to come and answer for the desertion of their parliamentary duties ; and a modest deputation of two peers and four commoners appointed to proceed to London. But as the views of the association were now extended to the impeachment of the Viceroy, and the formation of a liberal party in the Cabinet and Legislature of the other island, the occasion seemed to call for a greater pomp of delegation : thus, the corps of deputies was gradually enlarged to eight peers, about twice as many members of the Lower House, and a train of legal advisers. J It was soon discovered that the support of * To save the trouble of continual references, it may be as well to state, Authori- once for aU, that the narrative in the text is no more than an abridgment of ties, what may be found in the Papal writers, O'Sulliyan, Kouth, Porter, Burke, &c. : nothing is stated upon the unsupported authority of a Protestant. t This epithet is common to Cox, a somewhat intemperate Protestant, and Carte, an anxious concihator. J The Lords Gormanstown, Slane, Killeen, Buttevant, Eoche, Dehin, Dunboyne, Trimblestown ; Sir Walter Butler, Su' Daniel O'Brien, Sir Christopher Nugent, Sir William Bm-ke, Su* Thomas Burke, Sir Patrick Barnwell, Sir James Gough, Sir John Eyerard ; WiUiam Talbot, Edward Fitzharris, Andrew Barrett, Richard Wadding, James Galway, Thomas U 2 292 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. A.D. 1613. Scale of " Catholic Ecnt." this mission, and the furtherance of other and less osten- sible objects, would require a public revenue ; accordingly, the first Catholic rent was imposed, and the collection of it entrusted to the priests and lawyers. The scale of obli<j^atory assessment, to be enforced, if necessary, by spiritual censures, included three rates — five shillings for a gentleman, two shillings for a yeoman, and fourpence for a peasant.* No limits were assigned to the voluntary Luttrell, Patrick Ilusscy, and M'Donough, chief of his name. In the whole party there were only two Milesians ; the rest were persons whose fathers had cherished the most contemptuous malevolence towards the Irish, and the chief cause of whose discontent was the endeavour of the Crown to abohsh their oppressive monopoly. * The higher rates are given by Cox, fi-om some MS. depositions preserved in Lambeth hbrary ; the lowest is taken from the following article, in the " Desiderata Curiosa : " — •' Upon a Sunday, about the end of May last, he was at mass at the Glynn, where Tirlough M'Croddcn, a fryer there, lately come from beyond seas, said the mass, and was preaching most part of the same day ; and in his sermon he declared that he was sent from the Pope, to persuade them that they should never alter their rehgion, but take the Pope to be their true head, and rather go into rebelUon than change their religion ; and that the English service pi'oceeded from the seducement of the devil. Upon these speeches uttered by the fryer, Neal M'Tm'lough spake aloud, saying, ' God be thanked that we heard this mass ; God be blessed that such a one as you came among us to give this counsel ; for our parts, we will go into rebelhon, and be eaten with dogs and cats, rather than go to the Enghsh service, to hear the devil's words.' And Shane Roe O'Quin said the very same words after him. And the fryer had, at that day, given him at least two hundred cows and garrons. The fryer further told them, that the Parliament was coming, and that it was a thing invented on purpose to cozen them, and bring them from their rehgion. He said, that there was certain money imposed for the expenses of men gone into England for the cause of religion, and for the charges of the knights of the shire, fourpence on every couple. He exliorted them to pay it wilhngly and speedily ; it was God's business they went about. He told them, that the cattle they had given him was for the main- tainance of fryers beyond seas, and that the Pope would be highly pleased with the gifts they bestowed for godly purposes. He vehemently exhorted them not to be afraid, for that Tyrone was coming ; therefore, he willed them to be merry and of good courage ; and for the Enghsh, they were to have no rule nor power over them but for two years. And further said, that he found by his reading in books at Eome, a prophecy, that the English should cease their rule in Ireland when a bridge was built over the river at IN IRELAND. 293 offerings of tlie wealthy or the devout ; and such was the chap. hi. munificent zeal of the time, that a stock of two hundred a-b. 1613. cows and horses was obtained by a friar, in one day, from one rustic congregation. The Viceroy at first expected that gentle measures and the private influence of Govern- ment would be sufficient, in concurrence with the poverty of the people, to abolish this novel impost : he then tried a proclamation, and was more successful. At the present day, the document will be read with some interest : — A Proclamation by the Lord Deputy and Council. Lord Arthur Chichester, procW Whereas, we have been advised from many places in this *i<^'^- kingdom, that by the device and diligence of sundry Jesuits and Popish priests, and by the authority of certain recusant members of Parliament, there hath been a general levying of money among the Popish recusant subjects of the King's Majesty ; and that divers persons have been api^ointed for the collection of the same : and whereas, this burthen hath been laid upon His Majesty's faithful people, under the pretext of paying the charges of certain nobles and men of quality lately gone into England, which persons are falsely reported by the said priests and collectors to liave gone to supplicate the grace of our sovereign lord the King for a greater freedom of religion, seeing that they have been sent for by the command of our said lord, to answer for their departure from the court of Parliament : and whereas, the said priests and collectors have spread this false report that they might extort from the people a larger sum, the most part whereof it appeareth that they will convert to their own uses : and whereas, it is an Liffer ; and that the King of Spain had eighteen thousand men in arms ready to come over, and that Tyrone should be their chief; and that he would come within a year and a quarter, and overthrow the English, and have Ireland to himself." — O' Donnellifs Deposition. Dr. Eurke contents himself with a general acknowledgment, that tlie priests collected a siiffi- ciently large sura, {Satis amplam.) 294 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. unheard of and intolerable arrogance in subjects to A.D.1613. impose any tax upon His Majesty's people, seeing that even His Majesty's self doth not collect a tax without the free consent of the Parliament of the realm : and whereas, the King's Majesty hath long since, by various proclama- tions, taken upon himself the protection of all his subjects in this kingdom : We, His Majesty's Deputy and Council, are bound by our place and office to protect his said subjects, and to free them from this most heavy and unjust tribute, by which it seemeth that their poverty will be much increased. Wherefore, in the name of His Most Excellent Majesty, we declare to all his faithful people, that all such exaction, extortion, or collection, is altogether unjust, and we forbid them to consent to the same, or to pay any sum or sums upon such pretences aforesaid. Likewise, in His Majesty's name, we strictly enjoin all persons, appointed, or to be appointed, collectors or receivers of said tax, that they do not presume to collect or receive the same ; and that, within ten days after the date of this proclamation they pay back, without fraud or deceit, all such sum or sums unto the persons from whom they have collected them. Otherwise, if any of His Majesty's subjects shall complain of such collectors or receivers unto us, the Lord Deputy or Council, or unto the judges of assize within their several circuits, instant means shall be taken for the restoration of said money, and the punishment of the persons so offending. Lastly, in the name, and by the authority of His Majesty, we strictly enjoin all mayors, deputy mayors, justices of the peace, and all other officers of His Majesty, that they cause diligent inquiry to be made concerning all persons who have been, or shall be, collectors or receivers of said tax, and concerning the sums which they may respectively collect or receive ; and that they may inform us of the same with all convenient speed, to the end that all such collectors and receivers may answer at their proper peril. Given at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin, July 9, 1613." IN IRELAND. 295 In the meantime, the delegates had been received by chap, m. the King with his usual good nature, and more than his a-d. 1613. usual address. In the most courtly phrase of the day, The dele- they informed their constituents, that " in presenting §^^^^ ""'^ their expostulations to his princely audience, His Majesty James, was benignly pleased to deliver, that their humble appeal to his sacred person was satisfaction sufficient to expiate the offence that might be proved against them, and that his mercy should qualify the rigour of his justice." Passing over the parliamentary questions, they presented a memorial containing eighteen charges against the civil government, and prayed that a commission might be appointed under the Great Seal to examine into the alleged abuses. Their prayer was heard ; four persons with whom they declared themselves perfectly satisfied " as most worthy selected gentlemen, of great trust, integrity, and wisdom,"* were joined in a commission with the Lord Deputy. While the King waited for the report of these commissioners, he admitted the delegates to several conferences, some of them private, others before the Council : his intellectual vanity, and the extreme familiarity of his language and manners, made this con- descension rather dangerous to the greatness of royalty ; on the other hand, his shrewdness and information enabled him to improve those advantages which a monarch must possess, at least in the opening of a conversation with a subject. James was a polemic ; he had written a book, James a and a defence of it, against the deposing power of the P'^^^^^"'^' Pope — a topic which, both as a sovereign and an author, * There is some reason to believe, that they had a well-grounded assur- ance of the favourable dispositions of these gentlemen. The commissioners reported their inability to discover any evidence, that the reciisant members had made their entry into Dublin at the head of armed retainers ; though the fact is avovred by Bishop Routh, an eye-witness of these transactions, and secretary to the " Catholic Hierarchy" of the day. To abstain as far as possible from giving a triumph to either party in Ireland, has been much too frequently the feeble poUcy of the English Cabinet. 296 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. A.D. 1613, Vigorous and pro- tective legislation he naturally regarded with some interest, and of which it was scarcely possible to avoid the introduction in speaking with men who had rejected his oiv7i oath of allegiance. One day, by insinuating question after question, he im- perceptibly drew them on to the great difficulty, Whether the heresy of a prince, otherwise sovereign and absolute, forfeited his title, and justified the Pope's interference against him. Some answered that it did, and among them Talbot and Luttrell were remarked as the most peremptory. Luttrell was sent to the Fleet Prison ; Talbot, whose language had been particularly offensive, was committed to close confinement in the Tower, and sentenced by the Star Chamber to pay a fine of ten thousand pounds. At the same time, some intercepted letters of Sir Patrick Barnwell having been laid before the Privy Council, that gentleman was compelled to make a written apology, which was dictated by the Council, and contained a renunciation of the deposing doctrine. These vigorous measures lowered the tone of the dele- gates ; and the Report of the Commission, which was just received,* and which the moderation of its language and the confessed " wisdom and integrity " of the framers conspired to render invulnerable, was a new source of mortification. Confounded by these mischances, and now fully sensible of their indiscretion in choosing London as the theatre of their operations, the subdued agitators presented a memorial, expressing their abhorrence of the obnoxious tenets, soliciting the release of Talbot, and praying, " that, as their means were altogether sjjent, and the supply of their wants obstructed by His Majesty's deputy in Ireland,-]- they might be permitted to return * It is given in the first volume of the " Desiderata Ciu-iosa," together with some other valuable papers, with which Leland does not apjiear to have been acquainted. t Recent transactions have prepared us for the meanness of these early delegates, but unhappily the importance of a little vigour on the part of the executive is without a corresponding illustration. The Bent and the Asso- IN IRELAND. 297 home." This last entreaty completed their exposure and chap, iir, the triumph of the Government ; they now stood self- a.d. 1613. convicted, not only of treasonable principles and dishonest Traders in intrigues, but of that sordid thirst of pecuniary emolument which the traders in patriotism can never acknowledge with impunity, until they have extinguished public virtue or corrupted the fountains of public opinion. Enough had been done for their humiliation ; and as that flippancy of retractation which is so common in modern times was as yet but little known, enough seemed to have been done for securing their good behaviour ; they were, therefore, dismissed with undisguised contempt, and a characteristic reprimand from the monarch. Their refuted accusations obtained for the deputy a peerage, a grant of land, and the personal thanks of his master ; and the Government, advancing upon the disordered ranks of recusancy, re- assembled the Irish Parliament. The hierarchy was now thrown into one of those critical Eomish positions which exhibit the characters and call out all the ^"^^^^ ^' powers of experienced public men. Shame had abated the ardour of the discomfited delegates ; the prompt sup- pression of the Catholic Rent had unnerved the industry of the lawyers ; the populace, it was obvious, notwith- standing the arts which had been practised against them, might still be withdrawn from the domestic government, if they were protected by the State, and disabused of their dread of persecution ; and, what was a still severer The agita- blow, the fears of Spain, and the remorse or growing inactivity of Tyrone, had postponed, perhaps abandoned, tors. the projected invasion. Admonished, but not embar- rassed, by this turn in their afiairs, the prelates saw the unseasonableness of open hostility ; and accordingly, with an alertness than which nothing is more admirable in the evolutions of party, they veered round into a course of ciation v^ere put down two centuries ago, by showing those who were willuig and ^o- to resist, if they dared, that they would be protected against their priests vernment. and demagogues. tors turn concilia- 298 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. conciliation. The known intention of Government to A.D. 1613. bring in a bill for the attainder of O'Neil and his fellow- exiles, presented to the recusant senators a triple alterna- tive : to continue in secession ; to resume their seats, with the certainty of making a popular and powerful opposition ; or to pass at once to the extreme of obsequious concurrence. The question being referred, as its spiritual nature demanded, to the judgment of the bishops, they announced the stern expediency of sacri- ficing the champions of the Catholic cause : they were obeyed ; the bill was brought in by Everard, and passed quietly into a law.* So rude a shock to the prejudices which they had excited, such a profanation of those sanctities of religion and country with which, during a period of nearly thirty years, they had industriously associated the name of O'Neil, could not have been risked by any but men who bad w^atched the tides of popular passion, and who placed an unbounded reliance in the devices of their own order, as well as in the proverbial credulity of their countrymen. Thus assured, they threw out their seeds of evil upon the wide field of futurity, with a firmness which, in a better cause, might almost be entitled the fulness of faith ; yet, with all their grounds for confidence, it was one of those daring steps which, in persons who stood (as the prelates did) upon public feeling, are rescued from the charge of temerity, chiefly by the knowledge that they have been successful. The success of this measure was indeed com- plete. It was just such a disclaimer of traitorous designs, as a feeble and worried Government was unwill- ing to question : and, by allaying the apprehensions of the Protestant landlords, it removed the already yielding barriers from their avarice, and seduced them into the encouragement of a' wretched race, which sufiers long, but remembers for ever. While their concurrence was * Wc are told by O' Sullivan, that one prelate, tlie titular of Tuam, dissented on this occasion from his more wily brethren. IN IRELAND. 299 thus calculated to lull the security of those who were chap. iii. afraid to discover danger, the measure itself, they well a.d.IGIS. knew, would lay up a store of fresh disaster ; supplying many with motives to atrocity, more with pretexts, and the apologists * of all times with a theme for declamation. In a few years after, when the hierarchy was again laying a train for insurrection, one of its two incentives -f was derived from those very attainders to which it now gave the support of its ;|; hundred senators ; and when, at length, after many procrastinations, the Great Rebellion did burst forth, the first havoc was made by those men, or their sons, to whom outlawry and confiscation had left nothing but despair. When the account of these occurrences reached the capital of the Christian world, the sovereign Pontiff judged it a suitable occasion for addressing a third Bull to his faithful people of Ireland. The chief topics were, as before, unanimity among themselves, and the imitation of their ancestors in an unbending resolution to maintain the Catholic faith : but thanks now mingled with the exhortations of the holy father, and indulgences with his prayers — indulgences, of which the Roman Catholic writers, § while they acknowledge their liberality, dis- creetly abstain from a particular description. So inter- Ecclcsi- woven, in the Papal system, are ecclesiastical discipline ^^ticaldis- ' , _ . . . cipliue and and pohtical chicane ; so great is the temerity of those political chicane. * That which, -with the bishops of 1614, was the conyictecl treason of O'Neil, has been, with succeeding bishops, fi'om the titular M'Mahon, in 1634, to the titular J. K. L., nearly two centuries after, the tyranny of the English crown, or the sagacity of its officers in devising a profitable rebellion. t The other was the danger of persecution from the Puritans — those Puritans with whom the hierarchy was conspiring to OTertum the monarchy. J Dr. Burke docs not forget to use this possessive pronoun ; he says that the priests came up to Dubhn, that they might be on the spot to advise their senators — (Senatores sues). § The titular bishops Routh and Burke. 300 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. public men who undertake, upon the word of a sworn A.D. 1613. bondsman of the Roman Court, to fix that ever-fluctu- ating line which is supposed to divide spiritual from temporal allegiance. Thenceforward, until 1640, the country enjoyed unin- terrupted prosperity, if prosperity may be measured by increasing wealth and superficial repose. Security of property, exemption from personal violence and arbitrary exactions, and the wholesome supremacy of law, had at length given a motive to Irish industry ; the unimpaired resources of a fertile island presented to every individual of a moderate population, an ample choice of profitable • employments ; and Ireland, so long fettered and so long uncivilized, beheld, for the first time, the diff"usion of peaceful arts, and shot up with the rapidity of a new country. The value of land increased, husbandry was improved, and buildings were erected in the English manner : the flattering calm invited English capital, manufactures were introduced, and the linen trade was revived and cherished into luxuriancy. * Commerce began to look into the harbours of this unexplored region ; the customs were multiplied almost fourfold, the shipping a hundredfold ; and, if modern science will admit the inference which would have been suggested in the days of more homely reasoning, the exports were double the amount of the imports. f There were even a few appearances, which the sanguine explained into promises of blessings of a higher nature ; it seemed as if old animosities were melting into objects of unimpas- j^Qj.^ * Lord Strafford expended 30,000Z. of his own money in encouraging the Strafford, luien manufacture. When the Papists and Puritans of the Irish Parhament conspired against the life of this great man, they denounced his exertions in favour of the Mnen trade as grievances. t Were such a comparison to he insisted on, with respect to the present trade of Ireland, so much should be deducted from the amount of the exports as would cover the rental of the absentees. For this portion of its produce Ireland, notwithstanding the assurances of Dr. M'Culloch, receives no commercial equivalent. IN IRELAND. 301 sioned reminiscence, and that, by tlie assimilative influ- chap. in. ence of common laws, neighbourly habits, and an inter- a.d. 1613. change of domestic relations, the three races which now occupied the soil were quietly coalescing into one people.* The few political incidents which broke upon the stillness of this period were neither interesting in them- selves, nor, with the exception of the marriage of Charles to a Roman Catholic princess, of any considerable influ- ence upon the great catastrophe. Their chief title to a passing notice is derived from their ominous analogy to recent transactions. In the administration of St. John, the successor to a.d. 1618. Chichester, the lure held out by the prelates to the Protestant oligarchy was already beginning to prove attractive. A few of the nobles, men of recent name, but formidable power, having been withstood by this Governor in an attempt to seize upon some Church lands, joined the recusants in a petition to the throne, complaining of viceregal intolei'ance, and praying for an inquiry into the state of Ireland. -j- The charge was partly founded upon some proceedings against the Cor- poration of Waterford, a body which, relying on its ancient charter, maintained a contumelious opposition to the laws ; t a second and more specious pretext was afforded by a proclamation against the Jesuits and other p , regulars. Had the Deputy been able or willing to enforce tionagaiiist a mandate, which he issued in the idle hope of alarming, ^^^ ^* * Clarendon, "Irish Eebellion," vi. O'Conor, "Historical Adch-ess," i., 2.55. t Leland, ii., 462. % At the accession of James, the recusant citizens of Waterford had indulged in great excesses, pidhng down their recorder from the market- cross as he read the proclamation ; forcing into the cathedral and other churches, and causing priests to say mass, and preach seditious sermons ; pleading conscience agamst the acknowledgment of a heretical prince ; and refusing to admit the Lord Deputy within their waUs. A similar spirit marked their subsequent conduct : they would not allow the administration of the oath of supremacy, or admit any but recusants to their municipal offices. St. John threatened to disfranchise the Corporation. 302 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. lie would have lightened the burdens of a miserable A.D. 1618. people, delivered the country from a nuisance which most Roman Catholic States liave felt to be intolerable, and perhaps even conciliated the secular priests, by the re- moval of rivals whom they have always feared : — as it was, he only ministered to the purposes of faction. The fears of the Protestant nobles having been once allayed, policy and even sectarian feeling made but a feeble struggle against the pride of manorial despotism, and the tempting difference between an English and an Irish rent. Regardless of the modest wants of the natives, they were more attentive to those imaginary grievances which might be commiserated without expense, and which, being boundless as the facidty in which they resided, were an inexhaustible armoury against obnoxious ministers. Nor is it improbable that, from the same motives which che- rished the people as an inferior race,* they were induced to look with mitigated abhorrence upon the priesthood — an order, which was admirably qualified to be an instru- ment of oppression (if it could be brought down to the rank of an instrument), and whose discipline made abun- dant provision that the dark mind and abject spirit should preserve a due accordance with the bondage of the body. The priests, on their side, while they availed themselves of the assistance f which the blind rapacity of the heretics * " I have heard many of the Irish say," says the Lord-Depxity Chichester, in his " Eules for the Government of Ii-eland," " that, if they became Pro- testants, they dare not live any longer among their own people ; for that tlie great lords and the priests combine against those that are converted." Another passage in the " Rules " explains the reason of the prejudice which these great lords entertained against proselytism : — " The common people of this country have no property in land, not even for a year. The great lords give no leases or deeds to their tenants, but have them removeable at will ; so that their condition is little better than that of the villeins formerly was in England ; nor can there be any reason why, being such, they should have a desire to build houses, or embrace a more civihzed mode of hving." + It was the first coalition (and no unsuitable archetype of all the others) between the Protestant landed interest and the Papal faction. Equal in insincerity, the parties were iU-mated in all other respects : the IN IRELAND. 303 was thus affording, did not omit to solicit more congenial chap. hi. patronage, to which the timidity of the monarch, and his a.d, 1G18. growing anxiety for a Roman Catholic alliance, conspired to give importance. The cry of persecution, at home feeble and little regarded, was echoed abroad more loudly and with more effect ; and extravagant legends * of suf- ferings which had never been endured, and fines which had never been exacted, awakened the sympathies of the continental powers. With the Spanish Court, in parti- rj^Q Span- cular, the hierarchy could not omit so favourable an ish Court. opportunity of renewing its correspondence. " Oppressed foretliouglit of the priests was more discerning, their duplicity more pro- found, their aim more lofty, their spirit more patient ; on the side of the aristocracy, rapacity was at once the present impulse and the predisposing cause. * Dr. O'Conor, a Eoman Cathohc divine, gives the following specimens Various of the stories which were circulated on the Continent in those days : — idle stories, " Eouth says that the Irish magistrates of this period employed their time in running from street to street, from town to town, from field to field, to find out Papists. And yet this silly scribbler asserts that, at the same time, immense sums were levied in fines, for refusing to attend chm'ch, upon those very persons whom it was so difficult to discover. Thus he states that the fines in one term amounted, in the small county of Cavan alone, to eight thousand guineas.^'' " O'Sidhvan declares that St. John levied six hundred thousand pounds, in hard cash, from Irish priests, as fines for not attending on Sundays in the Protestant churches ; and yet six hundred thousand pounds exceeded the annual income of the whole kingdom. He also says that the same Viceroy imprisoned ninety citizens of Dublin yb)* denying the King's supremacy." " Biu-ke and Porter relate how one of the Privy Council, whose name they do not mention, boasted that all his plate was composed of chaUces. They gravely add that a Protestant bishop converted a priest's vestment into a pair of breeches, ' bvit, behold, he had scarcely put on these breeches, when they caught fire, and he was biumed to death.' Such were the stories by which the Irish rabble were excited to the rebellion of 1641." — SistoHcal Address, i., 261. O'Conor, however, does not select the most atrocious falsehoods. For instance, he does not quote what Burke and O'Daly teU of Sir Arthur Chichester, " that he poisoned the Earl of Kildare, a Cathohc in heart, though an outward conformist, at his own table at Dublin Castle, in revenge for the freedom with which the Earl pleaded the cause of his coxmtry." 304 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. though we be, and full of disquiet," said the prelates in A.D. 1618. their memorial, "we are yet raised to some hope of comfort and protection, when we look to that glorious diadem, from which both we and our fathers have derived solace in affliction, and shelter in the storm. For our- selves, we could suffer in silence ; but we fear to fall under the rebuke of the prophet, if we cry not aloud for the danger which threateneth our flock. Considering, therefore, that pastoral care and office with which we are charged, we announce to the pious, propitious, and most Catholic King of the Spains, that the Catholic people and religion in this kingdom of Ireland do suflTer grievous persecution." * A.D. 1622. St. John, yielding to domestic and foreign intrigue, was replaced by Falkland. This amiable nobleman, the husband of a Roman Catholic lady, and a man of mild manners, and benevolent temper, ill qualified to struggle against the bias of those around him, was, for nine years, condemned to deprecate the insolence of a faction, which conciliation has always pampered, and which nothing but terror has been able to restrain. f The recusant Lords of the pale were admitted to the Privy Council ; a body which, according to the Irish constitution, as fixed by Poyning's law, was virtually invested with the legislative authority. The lawyers and wards in Chancery]; were formally exempted from the oath of supremacy ; and a new test, from which all that offended the Pope, or gave a * Burke, Hib. Dom., 636. + Cox has discovered somewhere a curious Leonine verse : — Ungentem pungit, pungentem Hibemicus ungit. Applied to the nation at large, the rhyme is a sUly Ubel ; Hmited to those who have, from time to time, usurped the management of " Cathohc affairs," it deserves particular attention. X The statute of 2 Elizabeth required the oath of supremacy from wards upon being admitted to their estates ; but it was either imiversaUy dispensed with, or universally taken ; for, in a period of more than sixty years, we do not read of one case of forfeiture. IN IRELAND. 305 reasonable pledge of fidelity to the Crown, had been chap. hi. carefully excluded,* was appointed by proclamation. The ■*^-°- 1622. priests, flushed with the triumph of their party, and basking in the unwonted sunshine of a court, betrayed * This formulary may be seen in Cox. Insignificant as it was, the Pope Formu- made some difficulty about allowing it in England, as we learn from Bishop laryof oath Berrington, in the following account of a conference between secretary ° suprem- Windebank and the Papal nuncio, Panzani. " First, he acquaints the secretary with the occasion of his coming over, namely, to pay a compliment to the Queen from the Roman See ; and incidentally, as occasion served, he was at hberty to regulate the concerns of an oath of allegiance ; but, having no express commission on this latter point, he would be directed as his Holiness and the King of Great Britain should agree. He further assured the secretary that both the Pope and Cardinal Barberini were disposed to give his Majesty all the content imaginable, as they omitted not to signify on every occasion ; adding, that if his Catholic subjects did not behave themselves with the utmost respect to his Majesty, in all civil matters, it was contrary to the knowledge and desire of his Holiness ; and that, on failure of their di;ty, they ought to be made sensible of it as the law directed. Windebank expressed himself well pleased with tliis discourse, and said, that his Majesty had always expressed the great respect he had for Urban the Eighth ; he added, by way of advice, that he thought it would be the part of prudence in his Hohness, to recal or moderate the briefs that had been issued against such as had taken King James's oath of allegiance. To this Panzani rephed, that he had no authority to pronounce upon that affair ; but it was his opinion that nothing would be altered in the bi'ief, unless the Government would agree to make the oath more agreeable to the See of Rome. Windebank insisted that several Roman Catholics admitted the oath might be taken with the King's comment, wloieh restrained the sense to civil allegiance. ' This,' said Panzani, ' may be the opinion of some of the party ; but, in things of tliis nature, men are apt to act in concert, and govern themselves by a uniform practice. All I can say is, that I know it is the Pope's pleasm-e that the Cathohcs shall answer all the demands of civU allegiance.' On this Windebank replied, 'Then let the Pope draw up a form of oath, and send it hither.' Panzani jiromised to write to Rome about the matter, and gave the secretary some encourage- ment that the design might have its desu-ed effect, for that very lately an affair of the same nature was carrying on in Ireland. The Irish Catholics having refused King James's oath. King Charles proposed to them another of a softer natm-e ; but this was also quarrelled witla, as bearing still too hard upon the Pope's spiritual power. However, Panzani judged it proper to send the form of the Irish oath to Rome, as a model for England. He was much blamed for his officiousness : Barberini told him that he had exceeded his commission, and that the oath was too tender a subject to be X 306 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cnAP. III. their impatience of heretical ascendancy ; and the reformed hierarchy, supposing itself " deserted by its natural pro- tectors," * began to lose its dignity in its fears. Went- The powerful mind of Wentworth made a great, and * „„ almost successful eifort, for the salvation of the country. A.D. 1632. ... . . With a deep insight into the causes of Irish calamity, with considerable address, and undaunted resolution; with a spirit inaccessible to all factious or fiinatical impulses, and an impartiality, the result at once of native benevo- lence and principled austerity ; this great man, while he opposed himself to the wishes of every party, laboured indefatigably for the common welfare. Devotion to a master, who was not worthy of such a servant ; compas- sionate mercy towards the mass of the people ; and severity to the local despots, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic, who had not yet learned to acknowledge either authority above them, or liberty below, — these were the uniform characters of his arduous administration. His lofty vindication of royal prerogative, uncalled for and unconstitutional as it would have been in other circum- stances, was necessary to confront the arrogance of colonial despotism. Having before him the alternative of being despised if he yielded, and being hated if he withstood, he chose the latter ; and although, when his reverses came, the rival factions suspended their mutual animosities treated at tliat time." — Memoirs of Panzani, 143. If this account, con- curring as it does, with so many others, be a fair representation of the Papal poHcy, it forces our attention to the following points : — 1. That when political cu'cumstances shall render it expedient, ii is the Pope's pleasure that Roman Cathohcs shall answer, to a certain extent, the demands of civil allegiance to a Protestant prince. 2. That the Pope himself is the judge of the expediency, as to time, place, and circumstances, of the extent of allegiance due, and of the line which separates things spiritual and things temporal. 3. That no test can he taken without the Pope's per- mission. 4. That whatever opinions Roman Cathohcs may privately enter- tain, they are to act in concert, and govena themselves by a uniform practice, not following their own sense of what is right, but the decree of the pontiff. * The exaggerated terms in which J. K. L. describes the condition of the objects of his impatience. IN IRELAND. 307 to conspire for his destruction, while he stood, they were chap. hi. overawed by his superior genius. With the priests alone, ^-d. 1632. Strafford was compelled to adopt a temporizing policy. His penetration had sounded their character, his vigilant activity discovered their devices ; but they were now under the protection of a superior power ; he might punish outrage, hut he could not prevent intrigue. His unfortu- nate master, with a Papal envoy at his court, a Popish minister in his Cabinet, a Popish wife in his bosom, and that fatal passion for diplomatic finesse which was con- tinually luring him within the meshes of the Vatican, could not tolerate active measures against the workers of his ruin. Strafibrd was therefore limited to expedients, of which he saw the futility, and felt the humiliation ; the vigorous and even imperious Governor, who had broken a haughty Senate to the language of adulation, was obliged to solicit the Pope's agent that he would be " pleased to restrain his monks for the present,'' or, if that was too much, that he would induce the Continental courts " to give a deafer ear to their clamours." * The views of the hierarchy at this period, and the principles inculcated upon the inferior priesthood, have been detailed for us by two eminent members of those orders, both deeply engaged in the transactions which they describe, the one, warm in his approbation, the other, reluc- tant and unsteady in his censure. Father Peter Walsh, the Father very learned and candid Franciscan, has diffused his ^Jgj^ account of the received school divinity over so many folio pages,-]- that abridgment is indispensable. The sum of his statement is briefly as follows : — That the advancement of Christ's kingdom, that is, of the Papal Church, being the great consummation of the Divine will, and the end of human existence, all particular laws of God, of nature, or of civil society, must be regulated by it : that, there- fore, actions otherwise criminal, such as perjury, treason, * Strafford's Letters, toI. ii., p. 111. t Of Ms " History of the Irish Remonstrance." X 2 308 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. or murder, may, by a new relation to this supreme law, A.D. 1632. change their moral character: that heresy, being directly subversive of Christ's kingdom, is an infamous crime, which annihilates all rights, and is sufficient to exclude men from all civilized communion : that the Pope is the supreme authority, both in spiritual and temporal things, having the power of both swords, particularly in countries where the civil sovereignty has lapsed by heresy : that the clergy, being the immediate servants of the Pope, are exempt, both in person and property, from the jurisdiction of secular tribunals. These, and similar dogmas, " con- trary," says Walsh, " to the letter, sense, and design of the Gospel, to the writings of the Apostles, and the commentaries of their successors, to the belief of the Church for ten ages, and, moreover, to the clearest dictates of nature," were universally taught in those seminaries at which the Irish ecclesiastics then received their education. In their transmission from the priests to a generous, excitable, and fondly national people, they acquired fresh cogency, from the assurance that the sovereign Pontiff had a peculiar tenderness for Ireland, the island of saints, a country selected by a special provi- dence to be the ark of the true religion. David Routh, titular Bishop of Ossory, was perhaps the most learned, as well as the most temperate, prelate whom the Irish branch of the Papacy has ever produced. A great Protestant contemporary has made honourable mention of his erudition : * his moderation is proved by the fact, that, in the great rebellion, he braved the anathemas of Rinuccini, and wrote strenuously against the violation of the peace with Ormond ; nor is it a trifling testimony in his favour, that a divine,j- whose sober opinions have been visited with Episcopal censure, both in England and Ireland, proposes Routh as a model for the * Archbishop Ussher, in his " Primordia Ecclesiarum Britannicarum." t Dr. O'Conor, in several passages of his " Historical Address," and " Letters of Colimjbanus." IN iRELANJt). 309 hierarchy of the present day. His work may, therefore, chap.ii i. be regarded as a very mitigated exposition of the senti- a. t>. 1632. ments of his order : it is entitled Analecta Sacra Hibernice; and its curious apparatus of two dedications, the one, specious and respectful, to Charles the Firsts then Prince of Wales, the other, an appeal, or counter address, to the Emperor, and the Catholic kings and princes of Christen- dom, is a lively and intelligible symbol of double policy. The following are extracts : — 1. PAPAL ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE REFOR- MATION. *' From the time that this island became subject unto Papal Christ, its commonweal consisted of two parts, the one fr'^°^"f spiritual, the other carnal, even as man himself is composed maiion. of soul and body. But, ever sitice the introduction of the English arms, there hath been an inveterate altercation between these two ; so that, as it were by some stern decree of fate, strife and enmity have always subsisted between the civil governors and those holy men the bishops and pastors of the Church. The conquerors, although they had obtained admission under a solemn covenant that they would exalt the Church, oppressed it, even from the very commencement, and invaded its sacred discipline, to the grief and indignation of Saint Lawrence O'Toole, and of his venerable successor, John Cummin. Of the former, it is set forth by Gerald Barry, * how he was hateful to the King, and obedient to the holy chair, and how he complained to the Pontiff of the injuries done to a faithful people, tributary and devoted to the See of Rome ;' and of the latter, 'how through the zeal of his justice, and according to the duty of his office and ministry, he would have highly exalted the Church in Ireland, had not sword been opposed by sword, the priesthood by the Crown, virtue by envy ; for, as the flesh lusteth against the Spirit, so do those who are carnal afflict those who are spiritual, and the ministers of Caesar, make unceasing war upon the 310 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. soldiers of Christ.' Furthermore, we are told, by the A.D. 1632. same Sylvester,* * how he saw, in a vision, the King's son John marking out upon a green plain the plan of a church, and assigning to tlie laity an ample and commodious space, but to the priesthood something mean, narrow, and un- seemly.' Thus far he, an eye-witness, to whose words I shall add nothing, as they sufficiently declare the evils of those days. But, as years revolved, they brought con- tinually some new aggravation to the wrongs of the Church. Hence it was, that, in the reign of Edward II., the Irish people complained bitterly to the chair of Peter ; and so, accordingly, did Pope John XXII. reprove that prince sharply, as appeareth from his apostolical letter, in which these w'ords are contained : — ' Whereas, our prede- cessor, Adrian IV., of holy memory, did, by his letters apostolic, confer the dominion of Ireland upon your progenitor, Henry II., of renowned memory, in a certain manner and form ; and whereas, neither that King nor his successors, unto this time, have observed that manner and form, but have oppressed the people with great and unheard-of afflictions ; therefore, being unable to endure such injuries, they have been constrained to withdraw themselves from your dominion, and invite another to have authority over them.' Now it provoked the English princes, that complaints of such grievances should be multiplied to the See of Peter; although from that See their power in Ireland was at first derived, and thence made to descend in hereditary succession, resting ever upon the same conditions, upon which the donation had been made at the beginning. Many were the struggles, bitter the covjlicts, great the strife and contention, hetiveen the tii'o poivers ; and many a politic device was used, in labouring to effect a reconciliation. But it apjjeared to them impossible to preserve peace, so long as an appeallay open to the Apostolic See; and this, indeed, is sufficiently * i.e., Barrh. Eouth translates the Norman name of his authoi-ity into tlie language in which he was writing. IN IRELAND. 311 apparent from the covenant with Henry and his son John, chap. hi. and from the letters to Edward, and to other kings, who a.d.1632. had many quarrels with the clergy, for the settlement of which it was necessary to have recourse to the sovereign Pontiff. At length, hy a new invention, a new remedy was applied ; and a barrier was raised for the keeping in of those petitions which were wont to make their way to Rome. It was resolved to unite the tiara of ecclesi- astical power with the secular diadem ; so that all authority, sacred and profane, divine and human, being centered in one person, there should, in future, be no variance between the two members of the body politic. From this portentous and obscene advice did proceed that anarchy of lay supremacy which, from the schism until this time, hath kept in bondage the realms of the Britannic Isles : its seminal principle was the oppression of the clergy, which, swelling gradually through many ages, at the last produced that monster, of which we now experience the misgovernment, as we behold its deformity.* Thus, the mystery of iniquity hath prevailed in the holy place ; and, in this island of the saints, the man of sin, whom the Apostle hath described in his second epistle to the Thessa- lonians, hath usurped the holy symbols of spiritual juris- diction." 2. FORFEITURE OF THE KING's TITLE BY THE SCHISM. " I appeal to the faith pledged by Henry II., when he The King's received authority from the Pontiff Adrian to occupy this ^^4^/^"*' island. It was then provided by a solemn treaty, that the schism, rights of the Church should remain inviolate, that a yearly tribute should be paid to the See Apostolic, and, above all, that the Catholic faith and discipline should be propa- gated. It was the design of the Pontiff of the Supreme See, when, by a solemn contract, and upon certain * The original is stronger : — Seniinalis ratio, per tot saeeula ex iujusta cleri oppressione protuberans et suscepta in ntero Junonise Ubidinis, pre creavit tandem hoc immane monstrum, &c. 312 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. stipulations, he gave up the dominion of this island to a A.D. 1632. prince of his own faith, that the seeds of all the virtues, and more especially of religion and the true worship of God, should be cherished here. In transferring the sovereignty of a country, which piety had at the first made tributary to his chair, and of which constant alle- giance had ratified the subjection, he required such terms as corresponded to this design ; and the prince who received the government lived and died obedient to the see and faith of Rome. By such convention, upon clear and covenanted conditions, was the authority over Ireland solemnly conferred. If, then, the successors of him who received that authority, either beguiled by fraud, or perverted by malice, or forgetful of their contract, or ungrateful to the Holy See, depart from their plighted faith, and violate the sacredness of a royal promise ; if such be the case — it is not my part to say that they have forfeited the right they had acquired, for that province pertaineth more unto lawyers, but the fact is known to all Christian people. If, under the second Henry, this our island was given over to temporal bondage, under the eighth of that name it was subjected to a more degrading slavery, and hath groaned for these many years under the yoke of iniquity. As the former took away human liberty, so hath the latter bereft us of divine : the one rendered us the slaves of men ; the other, of devils — as far as could be effected by the devices of man and by the rulers of this world, who endeavour to bring us into bondage to the powers of darkness." 3. HOPES OF RE-ESTABLISHMENT. Papal The bishop, obtruding, as is the custom of his order, hopes of ^vith irreverent familiarity into the most mysterious thing's, re-estab- _ __ -^ •' ° ' lishment. compares himself to Elijah : " when the Lord came to him and said, 'What dost thou here, Elijah?' and he said, * I have been very jealous for the Lord God of hosts, for the children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, and IN iRELANt). 313 thrown down thine altars, and slain thy prophets with the chap. hi. sword, and I, even I only, am left, and they seek my life a.d. 1632. to take it away.' " He then relates the vision of the prophet, and applies it to the condition and prospects of his Church. The vision : '* ' Behold, the Lord passed by ; first, a great and strong whirlwind rent the mountains, and brake in pieces the rocks, but the Lord was not in the whirlwind ; after the whirlwind came an earthquake, but the Lord was not in the earthquake ; and after the earthquake came a fire, but the Lord was not in the fire ; and after the fire a small still voice ;— and it was so, that when Elijah heard the voice, he wrapped his face in his mantle.' The application : * First, in the beginning of the days of Elizabeth, there went before the Lord God a great and mighty wind, in the person of that famous chief, John O'Neil, who, like a raging storm, laid waste all things, sparing neither rocks nor mountains. He, though he had joined unto himself captains from Munster and from Connaught, and desired to be esteemed as the restorer of the liberty of his country and the religion of his fathers, yet did he fail in reverence for the clergy. Having destroyed a part of the cathedral of Armagh, and thereby incurred the indignation of the archbishop, Richard Creagh, a zealous assertor of ecclesiastical privileges, he ceased to be of the number of those by whom salvation should be wrought unto Israel ; and, as he sowed the wind, so he reaped the whirlwind. Secondly, there came the earthquake — the great commotion which the Geral- dines raised in Munster, and which was aided in Leinster by the Cavanaghs, the Lord of Baltinglass, and other nobles of that province. To the pious princes of foreign countries this appeared to be the cause of God ; and, as they considered it to be a war for the faith, they sent over aids of men and arms. But their endeavours were in vain, because of the transgression of the time, — God having decreed not to give that good effect to the arms of warriors which he had reserved for another season, to be accom- 314 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME cuAP. III. plished by other means and instruments. To this earth- A.D. 1632. quake of the Geraldines, succeeded the fire of Tyrone's insurrection, destroying far and wide for the space of ten years. The hihours of this general appeared to prosper : he was victorious in several engagements ; he maintained the righteous cause of restoring religion ; and would not make peace with the English unless the orthodox faith were publicly established through the entire kingdom. But this mighty power was not exercised according to the effectual purpose of God, whose counsels are impenetrable and his judgments as the great abyss ; therefore was the strength of man put forth in vain ; and so this illustrious Earl hath departed to answer to God for the deeds done in the body, and to receive his deserved reward. Since, therefore, neither in the whirlwind, nor in the earthquake, nor yet in the fire, hath the Lord come to the refreshment and consolatipn of this land, and, as we cannot doubt that at length it will have rest from its tribulations, it remains that we consider what is that still small voice, for whose soft and auspicious breathings we are to wait. There is spread around us on every side a joyous rumour of a marriage between the heir of Britain, and a daughter of France or Spain, Who, that hath meditated on the blessings which arose from the union of Philip and Mary, can doubt, that if this marriage be now celebrated, on meet conditions, and with the consent of the Apostolic See, we should receive the sure and stable redress of our grievances, and every other benefit in addition. Thou Almighty Ruler of the world, from whom all power and dominion do proceed, of whose Church kings are ordained to be the nursing fathers, and queens the nursing mothers, who dost order the light to shine forth out of darkness, — arise, thou bright and morning star, enlighten the hearts of the King and his family, inspire them with wise and salutary counsel, that they may see the true and only faith which Christ hath delivered to us.' " IN IRELAND. 315 CHAP. III. A.D. 1632. 4. CLAIMS TO THE EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE. " Thus, in this most afflicted kingdom of Ireland hath Claims to God preserved the seeds of that pure and divine religion gf^hg*^^" M'hich it received from the ministry of the Roman Church, people. so that all may perceive how it might flourish in earthly peace and prosperity, if the sons of God (i.e., the priests) were permitted so to instruct the children of men [i.e., the people), that while they especially loved the tents of Israel, they yet should not despise the tabernacles of Jacob. And since the authority of the teachers is the great attraction to learning and good discipline, it appeareth that no more effective education can be devised for bringing this people unto all civil duties and the rules of government and society, than to place them, according to their own choice and affection, in the hands of the Catholic priesthood. No more expedient course can be devised, for subduing this nation, and keeping it firmly in due allegiance, than to have the people instructed by those teachers whose good-will to them is beyond suspicion, whose devotion to God and fidelity to the King are also well known. By such a mode of government they will be more inclined to obedience than by armed soldiers, or sanguinary edicts of Parliament. Our rustics themselves declare, that they are deterred from murder, revenge, robbery, or other violence, more by the censures of the priest than the sentence of the secular judge — that they are more afraid Ecclesias- of an ecclesiastical interdict than a royal proclamation; ticalmter- • r 1 • (• 1 r^^ i i /- dicttJ.royal of suspension from the rites of the Church, than of proclama- imprisonment or hanging. If, then, we were allowed to ^^°^- exercise those powers which the sacred councils and canons * do grant us against rebellious and seditious folk, * The bishop refers to the canons, as well for the prerogatives and immu- nities of his own order, as for the means of coercing the people. Thus, in his account of a bishop, who was apprehended and brought to trial for having aided in O'NeLl's rebeUion, he says : — " A son of Belial appeared 316 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. we should use all diligence that they were vigorously A.D. 1632. executed ; if notj we will permit that the offender be punished by the civil magistrate." These passages, it will be observed, appear in an address to the heir-apparent, from the Secretary, and most moderate member, of the Papal hierarchy. For the first time since the Reformation, the bishops were now making advances which they intended to be con- ciliatory ; they had almost become candidates for the praise of loyalty, and endeavoured to soften down their habitual defiance into the soothing tones of courtly gratu- lation. Their language, in such circumstances, must be regarded with some interest ; to those, in particular, who see nothing in Popery but celibacy, a wafer, and the use of the Latin language, it is calculated to afford useful, though perplexing information. It appears, then, that the prelates of the most fanatical period which has ever convulsed this unhappy country, did not condescend to mention ritual or dogmatical innovations* amongst the against the anointed of the Lord, and charged him with having been in a certain castie with Hugh O'lf eil. I cannot now enlarge upon the diiTerence between a secvilar court and a court ecclesiastical ; upon the privileges of the person accused and the incompetency of his judge; upon the decrees of Pontiffs and the authority of the sacred canons ; upon rights wliich the martyr of Canterbury maintained even unto death, against the mimicipal law of England and the constitutions of Clarendon ; for now, law hath con- spired with iniquity, and the weakness of man hath yielded to unjust statutes, so that things of holy institution are submitted to the sentence of a profane judge." * If we may judge from English history, the comparative value which Rome's Kome sets upon power and upon religious unity can be easily ascertained, preterence ijjjg great quarrel with Henry was a contest for jurisdiction, — the rival to unitv parties being fully agreed iipon aU doctrinal and ritual questions. Pius the Fifth, a canonized authority, offered Elizabeth her own terms as to a hturgy and the internal discipline of the Cliurch, provided she acknowledged liis accommodating supremacy. Fifty years after, a similar temptation was held out, by the resident Nuncio Panzani, to Laud and his unfortunate master ; and Father Davenport undertook to show how a man might be a true son of the Church of Rome though he subscribed the articles of the Church of England. In the reign of James the Second, the stratagem was tried again : Bossuet, Gother, and others, drew their portraits of Popery, and public men amused themselves in tracing femUy likenesses— ^actV*, qtiales decet esse to unity. IN IRELAND. 317 grounds of their discontent, or the questions at issue chap. m. between their order and the civil government. Popery, a.d. 1632. in their estimation, was a Gordian knot, which fastened the State to the footstool of the Church ; Henry the Eighth had cut asunder what his more timid predecessors had sought to loosen or untie ; and the avowed grievance of Routh and his brethren was the failure of those schemes of secular dominion to which the forms and fictions of their religious system were but subservient and instrumental. From the heginning, say these churchmen, in their arrogant candour, sword contended against sword ; the " soldiers of Christ " maintained their spiritual warfare against the " ministers of Caesar," and the tardy change of doctrines and ceremonies only gave a new name to the inveterate altercation. The political constitution, to which alone they can give the title of legitimate, must be foi-med upon the model of regenerated human nature : the Jlesh subdued to the Spirit ; the grosser element of the civil power, restrained to a subordinate sphere of action ; and the pure essence of their own order, invested with an imperial ascendancy, suited to its native dignity, and necessary for the accomplishment of the sublime ends of sororum. Tlius, we 8ee, that it did not require all the intrepidity which Dr. Doyle possesses to declare, as he did in his letter to Mr. Robertson, that the questions at issue between the Churches were little more than verbal disputes, which might be easily explained away if England would consent to a re-union. These matters, contemptible in themselves, are interesting from their pohtical coincidences ; all the great manifestations of liberahty on the Papal side have, except the last, been followed by some national convulsion. The amicable overtures of Pius introduced the more vigorous measures of the Desmonds and the O'Neils ; the negotiations of Panzani led the way to the Great Rebellion, and the bland exposition of Bossuet was the precursor of those aggressions which drove Protestants to the fearful redress of a revolution. It is a fact, too, however unconnected with the foregoing, that the memorable scenes of 1798 had been preceded by some hberal symptoms from Dr. Troy. Whether a storm is, or is not, destined to follow those gleams of concihation which have lately dazzled so many, is a question to be answered only by time — the sure, though tardy, interpreter of aU omens.* I Written in 1827.— Ed, 318 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. m. its institution. The holy island, to be truly emancipated, A.D. 1632. niust repose under the tutelage of the Sovereign Pontiff; the people, devoted above all things to the Church, would then, at her command, pay a cheerful respect to the secular magistrate ; and the prince, absolved from curse, and restored to the affections of a generous nation, would shine forth in the placid lustre of reflected sovereignty. Of the means by which this consummation was to be achieved, the prelates judged with unscrupulous libera- lity : an earthquake, a conflagration, or a gentle voice ; rebellion or invasion, parliamentary intrigue, or the softer arts of female blandishment, — all were entitled to their impartial benediction, in proportion as they might contri- bute to the exaltation of the Church. Such were the views of Routh and his contemporaries. Unaffected by the varieties of private character, and the vicissitudes of four hundred and fifty years, the spirit of Laurence had descended with his office, informing and assimilating the successive members of the order, imparting a singleness and intensity of purpose which almost arrested the course of nature, and consolidated the fleeting train into one permanent body. Experience having soon dissipated the hopes which had been raised by the marriage of Charles, the bishops returned to their former devices. They had now, to the exclusion of all but their dependants, the lawyers, effec- tually occupied the vacant tyranny over the multitude ; and, among those of better quality, their two classes of instruments were daily becoming more tractable in their skilful hands. Those of the ancient race, fiery, vindic- tive, and unreflecting, prodigal of life, having nothing else to lose, and brooding over grievances, of which it was idle to expect the redress by political intrigue, waited, with a patience which discipline only could inspire, for the signal that was to send them upon their sanguinary course. The more crafty genius of the gentry of the Pale, and the proverbial coolness of the legal profession, IN IRELAND. 319 of which many of them were raembersj served at once to chap. in. temper the impetuosity of the Irish, and to prepare for a.d. 1632. the successful exercise of their valour. Unwarlike them- selves, these persons were, perhaps, the most effectual in promoting the ruthless designs of the hierarchy : their discontent had gradually soured into disaffection ; and the skill and boldness of their inveterate opposition con- founded the loyal, while it inflamed the turbulent to the requisite degree of fever. The influence of time, of con- fidential intercourse, and of common objects of detesta- tion,* in allaying the mutual jealousies of the two races, was judiciously aided by other expedients. Their sons were sent to the continental colleges, to be educated under the inspection of prudent ecclesiastics : -j- the youths met as countrymen ; all irritating associations being dis- pelled or mellowed by distance, the feelings which belong to early years had their full natural effect, and friendship was consecrated by an infusion of religious zeal. Thus trained, they were prepared, on their return, to be intro- duced to the " Irish Union," a secret society which had been instituted by Routh, himself a member of an Anglo- Irish family, for the purpose of abolishing the distinction of blood, and difiusing the charities of a seditious patriot- * The recent colonists. " The first and principal cause," says the author of " The present State of Ireland," anno 1614, " of the late union between the Irish and the old Enghsh of the Pale, is the plantation of new English and Scotch in all parts of the kingdom, whom with an unanimous consent, the natives repute as a common enemy. For this cause, though they endeavour to disguise it, covering the same under the pretext of religion, the slaughters and rivers of blood between them are forgotten, and the intrusions made by themselves or their ancestors, on both sides, for title of land, are remitted." As the Milesians had lost their acres, so the Anglo- Irish had lost their cherished title of Englishmen, and the monopoly of place and power with which it was accompanied, to the new adventurers. t This practice was of recent origin. We are told by a writer of the year 1614 (in the "Desiderata Curiosa," i., 418), that Sir Patrick BarnwaU, who had just risen to a seditious notoriety, was the " first person of quaUty that had ever been sent out of Ireland to be brought \ip in learning beyond the 3^0 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. ni. A.D. 1632. United Irishmen. ism. Branches of this society were propagated abroad among the Irish of the dispersion, to whose ruin the provident prelates had actively contributed, and who main- tained, through the priesthood, a continual correspondence with their kinsmen at home.* Spain, though severed from the empire, and wasted by decay and dissension in all her provinces, had her favourite motives — bigotry and preposterous pretension — for encoui-aging this conspiracy: the Pope, while he cajoled the uxorious Charles with assurances of his great affection, fomented the intrigue with unabated vigour : and the French Cabinet was too full of ambitious projects, and the fear of a natural enemy, to respect the accidental alliance of the crowns. The agents of Cardinal Richelieu co-operated with the prelates in cementing the new brotherhood of United Irishmen ; f and that wily minister himself told the Irish at Paris, that " their countrymen would be only a rope of sand," unless, in imitation of the confederacy of the Guises, they formed a Holy League against the Hugue- nots of England. The mine was now prepared ; it remained only for the master artists to choose the season for an explosion — an explosion that was to shake Ireland for half a century. We are informed by Heber M'Mahon,;}: a sturdy ecclesiastic, active in the preparations, and after- wards in the work, of death, that the year 1628 was first determined on, and that a general rising of the rebels at home was to be supported by a joint invasion of the emi- grants and the French. But the unexpected protraction of the war in Italy engrossed the attention of Richelieu ; * " It is certain," \mtes Strafford, in ] 637, " that the Irish abroad do hold, by means of the Pope's clei-gy, continual intelhgence with the mere Irish at home." f A curious anticipation of the negotiations of 1792. Wolfe Tone maintained a simultaneous correspondence with the French Directory, the. titular bishops of Munster, and the Libcralists of Belfast. J Or rather by Lord Mac Guire, upon the authority of Mac Mahon. See Mac Guire's " Confession in the Tower." Borlase, " History of RebeUion," 35. IN IRELAND. 321 the conspirators drew back into vigilant quiescence, and chap. iir. those whom heaven had made responsible for the safety of Ireland slept on in fatal security. In 1634 the design a.d. 1634. was revived, and again defeated by some accidental occur- rence.* After this second adjournment of the enterprise, M'Mahon, hoping, perhaps, to purchase the confidence of Strafford by a show of loyal contrition, revealed the abortive plot, with many expressions of penitence, to a member of the Privy Council, f To us, judging at the distance of two centuries, and by the imperfect light which history throws upon Irish affairs, this tardy disclosure may appear a weak refinement of duplicity ; but the Vatican, seldom deceived in its estimate of character, raised M'Mahon to the bishopric of Clogher, a station of great trust and almost absolute authority, in the centre of the most desperate and daring malcontents. Since the accession of the house of Stuart, six incipient a.d. 1637. or meditated rebellions J had now been frustrated, chiefly Six rebel- by the failure of promised succours from the Conti- tj^ted. nent. A generation of conspirators had passed away, * Borlase, 2. t Strafford was not imposed on ; but a much more palpable artifice has The Pre- been tried with great success at a later period. The " Morning Chronicle " tender of May 2, 1825, quotes the following article from the " Etoile : "—"Among ^^^^^^g the answers which the Bishop of Kildare, Dr. Doyle, has given, with so ^^ Romish much candour and frankness, to the questions of the Committee, is foimd a gees in historical exposition of the liighest interest. It was not known before that, Ireland, until the death of the last of the Stuarts, the Pretender had always nomi- nated to the vacant sees in Ireland. The Enghsh Government, with all its gold, had never been able to get at this secret ; and when we reflect that it was in the keeping of, perhaps, ten thousand individuals, so admirable an example of guarded fidehty towards the legitimate sovereign recalls to recollection, that the only general of Maria Theresa, whom the King of Prussia despaired of corrupting, was an Ii'ishman." As long as the secret coidd be of any use to England, all her gold could not obtain possession of it ; when it had sunk into a matter of antiquarian curiosity, it was laid out, to advantage, in the purchase of " golden opinions." Were the admirable secresy of the ten thousand, and the equally admirable frankness of the one, opposite quahties, or merely opposite aspects of the same principled fidehty to a common cause ? t In 1605, 1607, 1613, 1615, 1628, and 1634. Y 322 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. and the sons * had succeeded to the baffled hopes and A.D. 1637. undrawn swords of their fathers; but the hierarchy had imparted to the Holy League a portion of its own un- changing spirit, and the unrelaxed purpose and undecayed organization exhibited no vestiges of the progress of time. At length, the growing discontents in England, the storm which was evidently gathering among the Scotch, and the divisions which Puritanism and the selfishness of the aristocracy had sown among the Irish Protestants, attracted the observation of the prelates and the other leaders. Justly concluding that internal discord would be as effectual an auxiliary as a foreign force, they began, in their several departments, to prepare for active measures. The military chiefs, no longer in want of men, solicited their continental friends for a supply of arms ; f the senators, about equal in number to those who had sat in James's Parliament, ;{: cultivated an understanding with their puritanical brethren ; and the bishops obtained from Rome the deadly prerogative of secret excommunication. According to strict ecclesiastical rule, the denunciation of an anathema has the solemn publicity of a judicial sen- tence: the spirited vigilance of Strafford, the most arbi- trary governor whom Ireland has ever had, was just able to prevent the observance of these outward formalities ; and the prelates, on their part, had the address and reso- * The emigrants were to have been led, in 1628, and again in 1634, by the son of Hugh O'NeU. — Mac Qidre^s " Confession." f " The Irish beheve themselves so strong, that they desire notliing of Spain but to furnish them with arms for 12,000 men ; all the rest they will be able to do of themselves." — Strafford^s Letters, ii.. 111. Popery and t '^^® general election in 1634 was marked by a repetition of those elections. scenes which had been exhibited in 1613. " Popish Jesuits," says Strafford, " arc very busy in the election of knights and burgesses ; they call the people to their masses, and there charge them, on pain of excommunication, to give their votes to no Pi-otestant. I therefore purpose to question some of them ; it being, indeed, a very insufferable thing for them thus to inter- fere in causes purely civU, and it is of passing ill consequence, in warming and inflaming his Majesty's subjects one against another, and, in the last resort, to bring it to a direct party of Papist and Protestant." commmu- IN IRELAND. S23 lution to obtain an increase of the substantial power, chap. iii. " If," says the decree of the Congregation De Propaganda ^•^- 1637. Fide, " there be danger of a prosecution before the secular magistrate, the bishop may pass sentence, without a written form, and in the presence of any two witnesses." * This ample dispensation provided at once for the tyranny and the security of the Church : the culprit, ignorant of his danger, and, perhaps, unconscious of guilt, was despatched by a species of spiritual assassination ; the intelligence of his fate was disseminated in whispers ; while the absence of written evidence, and the fidelity of the chosen wit- nesses, enabled the perpetrator to defy the civil authori- ties. If ever there was a weapon in the hands of men Secret ex- that deserved to be called Satanic, it is this Papal sword gaticm!! of secret excommunication, which, by one invisible and inevitable stroke, cuts off its victims from the charities of the present life, and the hopes of the life to come. Wielded at such a crisis, and by beings who had little in common with humanity (but that gloomy ambition, which yet seems to be less a natural vice than an infusion from the author of the first rebellion on record), its mysterious terrors may exercise our conjectures, but they elude cal- culation. Of this, however, we may be sure, that it assisted powerfully in subduing the timid ; in controlling * The brevity and importance of ttis decree justify its insertion in full. It is given by Bishop Burke in the following words and form : — " DECKETUM " SacrcB Congregationis De Propaganda Fide. " HahitcB 30 Januarii, 1638. " Eefeeente Eminentissimo Cardinale Pampliilio, Sacra Congregatio censuit, si Sauctissimo placuerit, concedendam esse Facidtatem archiepiscopis et episcopis Hibemise, ut possint, sine scriptis, coram tamen duobus testibus, proferre sententiam excommunicationis contra contumaces et inobedientes, si periculiun sit, ne ab eis apud magistratus sseculares accusentur. " EoDEM die, Sanctissimus Dominus noster Decretum Sacrae Congrega- tionis approbavit, cum hac conditione, ut prsedicti Prgelati probationes contra Keos pen^s se retineant, et conservent. "AlfTONIUS CaedinALIS BAEBEEINtrS Pe^fectus.-' Y 2 324 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. the more resolute ; in reducing those conscientious Roman A.D. 1637. Catholics who eudeavoured to separate religion from the schemes of its ministers, to a silent neutrality, suspicious in the eyes of Government, and humiliating in their own ; and in driving the awe-stricken multitude to propitiate, by any sacrifice, that evil principle, from which their better instincts recoiled with abhorrence. Strafford's The talents of Strafford could be of little avail in royalty fathoming the depth of these spiritual intrigues ; but he applauded, was fully qualified to detect, and to counterwork, the devices of the lay conspirators. The haughty energy of his character, which, in yielding times, might have pressed with a dangerous vehemence against the other orders of the State, presented to their seditious excitement a suitable antagonist power ; and, had his master been endued with the same vigorous decisiveness, the turbulence of both islands would, probably, have been overruled. In the month of March, 1640, the Irish Commons unani- mously decreed him the highest panegyric, which, perhaps, has ever been passed upon the governor of an agitated country. Having voted a very liberal subsidy to the Crown, they inserted in the preamble of their Bill of Supply an encomium on the King's goodness to his Irish subjects : " Especially," said they, " in placing over us so just, wise, vigilant, and profitable a Viceroy as the Earl of Strafford, who has endeared himself to us by his great care and travail of body and mind ; by his sincere and upright administration of justice, without partiality ; by his increase of your Majesty's revenue, without the least hurt or grievance of the subject ; by his diligence, in obtaining for us the large and ample benefits we have received, and hope to receive, from the commission of graces ; by his great pains in the restoration of the Church ; by his reinforcement of the army, and his ordering of the same with singular good discipline, that it is now become a great stay and comfort to your whole kingdom ; by his support of your Majesty's laws here established, his IN IRELAND. S25 necessary and just strictness in the execution thereof, his chap. in. countenance and encouragement of the judges, and other a.d. 1640. good officers, and his care to reheve the poor, and redress the oppressed." The King having expressed his fears that, unless the Scotch submitted, a further supply would be necessary, the obsequious house assented with the same unanimity. " If," proceeded the preamble, " his Majesty be enforced to vindicate his just authority, this house, for themselves, and for the Commons of this kingdom, do profess that their zeal and duty shall not stop here ; but they do humbly offer and promise, that they will be ready, with their persons and estates, to the uttermost of their abilities, for his Majesty's further supply, as his Majesty's future occasions shall require. And they pray that it may be represented to his saered Majesty by the Lord Lieu- tenant, that this their vote may be recorded as an ordinance of Parliament, and as a testimony to all the world, and to succeeding ages, that, as this kingdom has the happiness to be governed by the best of kings, so they are desirous to give his Majesty just cause to account this people among the best of his subjects." The Lords having passed a vote of thanks to the Commons, for their cheerful and ample supplies to the Crown, proceeded to pronounce an emulous eulogy upon the administration of the Viceroy. Loud and repeated cheers accompanied these unanimous resolutions of the two Houses ; and the profound tran- quillity which prevailed all over the island, seemed to ratify the loyal acclamations of the Senate, So placidly Calmpre- did the current of public affairs glide on ; so little reason g^^^^ ^ was there, apparently, for apprehending that Ireland had already approached the cataract of rebellion. Protestants began to be ashamed of their fears ; uninitiated Roman Catholics took a pleasure in recollecting, how the experi- ence of forty years had continued to refute the prophecies of a bloody triumph over heresy ; and the well-affected of all parties reflected on the rumours of danger, so often S2G POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. raised, so invariably unattended by any ostensible verifi- A.D. IGIO. cation. Strafford Strafford was recalled from tlie Government, in the recalled. following month of April ; and in June, upon the re-assembling of Parliament, the first symptom of the impending horrors was unequivocally betrayed. Of the three parties which composed the House of Commons, the royalists had been weakened by the departure of several members, who held military commissions, to join the army intended for an expedition into Scotland : the Papal recusants were now the most numerous ; and the Puritans, who occupied the opposite form of dissent, compensated their want of strength by an active spirit, and by the support of their English brethren. The two extremes, congenial in temper, however opposed in interest and opinion, had been gradually drawing to a co-operation against the intermediate body, which was offensive, alike from its temporal ascendancy, and its religious moderation. They had been restrained from a formal union by the reso- lute address of Strafford ; but the supineness of the new Government left them free from all control, and they coalesced, with an eagerness inflamed by the delay, and by a desire to wreak upon their late ruler those vindictive resentments which faction generally mingles with political hostility. In this portentous confederacy, the balance of cunning was very evenly poised between the temporary allies : the difference of power, both in the House and in the country, preponderated overwhelmingly in favour of the Roman Catholics. Everything that had been done in the former session was now undone, with a flagitious alacrity which extorts the remark from a temperate, but discerning writer,* " that, though shame has a powerful influence in restraining individuals, it never enters into bodies of men." Those who, three months before, had declared " that their hearts contained mines of subsidies, * Carte. IN IRELAND. 327 for the best of kings," now denounced the intolerable chap. m. pressure of that supply, which they had voted as an earnest a.d. 1640. of their loyal munificence ; and, by the meanest artifices, reduced it to less than one-half of the promised amount. Their unbounded applause of Strafford's government was Strafford's succeeded by condemnation equally unqualified : a formal S^'^^^^' protestation was drawn up, in both houses, against their demned. late splendid and unanimous encomium ; they pronounced it false, they alleged that it had been extorted from their fears by the tyrannical arts of the Viceroy, and prayed the King for permission to erase the scandalous record from their journals. Thus, solemnly self-convicted of those kinds of baseness to which the concurrent sense of mankind has affixed the greatest infamy, the two branches of the colonial legislature aspired, in due course, to the character of Irish patriotism. In a long catalogue of grievances, contradicting, in every article, the Acts they had passed, and the resolutions which they had inserted in the money Bill, they proclaimed the wrongs of their province to the English Parliament ; at the same time that, with blind inconsistency, they protested against its imperial juris- diction. Some of these charges — false, or at least exag- gerated, as we must suppose them, if we allow any truth to their unmeasured panegyric — seem to show an anxiety to establish a plausible case, and a sense of the value of poj)ular opinion. " Trade," they said, "had been injured by illegal impositions ; merchants had been condemned to extreme hardships ; monopolies multiplied ; the promised graces refused ; proceedings in civil causes managed con- trary to law and to the great charter; Parliament deprived of its legitimate freedom ; exorbitant fees exacted by the ecclesiastical and civil courts." Others there were which reveal the secret of their public spirit ; the domestic tyranny of those days had too fierce an appetite for misrule to separate insult from impolicy, or suffer its victims to approach the confines of civilization. " Straf- ford," proceeded they, " has oppressed the nobles and 328 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. III. A.D. 1640. Prosecu- tion of Strafford. gentry, by overrating them in the assessment of the Parliamentary grants ; * he has aggrieved the people, by enforcing the laws enacted against the use of the Irish apparel, against ploughing hy the tail, against burning corn in the straio, a?id against tearing the wool from living sheep." Armed with such complaints, a paid deputation, of five Puritans and eight Roman Catholics, was dispatched by the Commons, to assist in the prosecution of the devoted Earl ; the spontaneous zeal of four Roman Catholic peers, afterwards authorized by a vote of their own house, and remunerated by the liberality of the lower, prompted them to engage in the same cause. The intrigues of these committees, having already received a large share of the ignominy they deserve, -f- may be dismissed with the greater brevity. Negotiations, faithless on both sides, and effectual only for the common ruin, were spread among all those in the greater island, whom the calamities of the times had invested with the character of public men. The agitation of the impeachment covered the operations of the more * Tlio old system of supply by suisidy was a species of income or property-tax ; but, in Ireland, tlie aristocracy generally contrived that their portion of the charge should devolve upon their retainers ; in fine, the demand of a contribution from an Irish senator vras considered as almost a breach of privilege. Upon the arrival of Strafford, they endeavoured to sccui-e, by an artifice, the continuance of that immunity, which, under his vigorous government, they despaired of obtaining by the simjjler process of intimidation. It was gravely proposed at the Coimcil Board that the fine upon recusancy, which had never been regarded in any other light than as a possible penalty, restraining the Roman Cathohc body by its susjoended terrors, but alighting only upon obnoxious individuals, should be universally exacted, and applied to the alleviation of Protestant burdens. The prompt and scornful refusal of Strafford hurt the pride of the satraps ; the uncere- monious rigour with which he enforced the assessment, and, in one insolent instance, compelled the payment of all arrears, was an inexpiable offence against their avarice. He was prepared for the hostility of Loftus, Boyle, and Parsons ; but how coidd he have suspected that the men whom he had rescued from their taunting tyranny would aid them in working his rain ? t The same trite publicity of the volumes of Lcland, Carte, Warner, O' Conor, &c., which removes the necessity of continual reference, suggests the propriety of abridgment, even at tlie hazard of weakening the effect of the narrative. IN IRELAND. daring party at home : its issue brought contempt upon chap. hi. the Crown, terror to the local executive, and to the Irish a.d.1641. generally, whose notions of government have always been strongly associated with the person of the magistrate, the hope or fear of the approach of a season when the civil fabric should be utterly dissolved. Their success in this first experiment was a stimulus to the discovery of new wrongs, and the advancement of new pretensions, of little consequence except as they ministered to the great cause of sedition ; and the monarch, who had already surrendered to them the life and reputation of the ablest of his servants, was ill able to vindicate what remained of his dignity. On the 28th of August, 1641, the deputations August 28, returned with Bills for the redress of all the grievances, ■'^^^■'■• and the concession of all the graces : they were to be passed in form upon the opening of the new session in November ; and, in the meantime, it was carefully announced through the kingdom that the royal assent had been given by anticipation. There is no sufficient evidence that the great body of the Roman Catholic aristocracy had formed, even now, a settled purpose of insurrection ; and it is certain that none of them were animated by the genius or by the aspiring views which had dignified the treason of Hugh O'Neil. They wished for a commotion ; they knew that one was at hand ; but it seems to have been the sum of their ambition to contemplate at a safe distance the first shock of civil war, and, by reserving their strength for arbitration or the prevailing party, to obtain, as the price of their services, some petty increase of influence and emolument. It is no disparagement of their subtlety that they were over-reached by men who, besides the advantages which they derived from a veteran policy, and from the command of the multitude, were raised above sordid intrigue by devotion to their order, and found an adequate object for all their powers of evil in the magni- tude of the prize for which they contended. While all 330 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME CHAP. in. eyes were fixed upon the transactions in the greater A.D. 1641. island, the prelates, aware that when blood was once shed, these selfish lords would be driven from their neutrality, had made their dispositions for the great experiment. A few men of family, whose authority over their hereditary vassals had survived the ruin of their feudal dignity, and who depended on the reckless fidelity of these retainers to follow them, as they said, ** to the gates of hell," undertook to direct the barbarities of the assault. Their tumultuous onset was to be sup- ported by the more regular operations of a disciplined force, which the treachery of the Irish Commons, and the wayward insolence of the English, had conspired to place at the disposal of the Church. Seven thousand Roman Catholic soldiers had been raised for service in Scotland ; and when the treaty of Rippon seemed to render their aid unnecessary, and the fears of the British Puritans, real or pretended, had perverted it into a grievance, Charles had found occupation for them in the French and Spanish armies; but, by this interposition of the Parliaments, they were detained at home, their arrears of pay were undischarged, their turbulence was excited, they were released from the restraints of discipline, and ready for innovation. The eloquence of the preaching friars, and the hopes, temporal and eternal, which the Papacy has in store for the pious valour of crusaders, soon gave a direction to their aimless energies : and experienced ofiicers, dropping in silently, but incessantly, from the Continent, were in readiness to marshal them for the approaching eSbrt. Before the close of the year 1640, the King sent information to the lords justices,* " that an unspeakable number of Irish churchmen, with some good old soldiers, had passed over from the Continent, and that the Irish friars abroad were in expectation of a rebellion ; " but the fate of Strafford, the devices of the malcontents, the honest imbecility of one deputy, and the * Borlase and Parsons, IN IRELAND. 331 designing passiveness of the otlier, contributed to render chap. ni. the warning ineiffectual. ■*-^- ^^*-'^' When diplomacy had done its work, and the moment for action drew nigh, the fanaticism of the multitude was maddened by a rumour, that the Puritans had resolved to exterminate the Catholic faith ; priests and cavaliers Papal, arrived more openly, and in greater numbers, bringing .^^^^ g ' . assurances of succour from the Pope and Cardinal Riche- ish inter- lieu ; the Spanish Court, too, it was said, the ancient patron of the Church and people of Ireland, would not withhold its support in this great emergency. In the meantime, the leading ecclesiastics, and the few lay chiefs to whom it was judged expedient to communicate counsels of such critical importance, continued to meet and concert their measures. Their favourite resort was an old Fran- ciscan abbey in the county of Westmeath — a place which, from its retired yet central situation, and from the hand- some accommodation which it afforded to clerical visitors, was judiciously chosen as the seat of conference. At the dissolution of the monasteries, this edifice had been pur- chased by a recusant alderman of Dublin, who restored it to the original owners; and, by the industry of these fathers, it was refitted with a splendour of which Ireland had in those days very few examples. A chapel in perfect repair, an altar graced with a respectable supply of pictures, images, and reliques, and a choir provided with singers and an organ, at once recalled the memory of better days, and gave assurance of their return ; and what was more to the present purpose of the hierarchy, there were several spare apartments, with suitable stores and offices, for the entertainment of strangers, both horse and foot.* As the season advanced, the visits to the abbey became so frequent as to attract observation ; and some of the more timid or obnoxious of the neighbouring Pro- * The abbey of Mutifernam is mentioned by all our writers ; it is described by Sir Henry Piers, who wrote in 1682. See Vallancey's " Collectanea," i. 69. 332 POLICY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. CHAP. iir. A.D. 164,1. Deceitful tranquil- lity. Sicilian vespers. testants had quitted the country before the summer was over. Through the rest of the island not one note of fear or of preparation interrupted the awful tranquillity of that summer. Twent3^-seven years before, it had been de- clared, by one* who had studied the aspect of the times, that, " whenever a favourable accident should happen, the Sicilian vespers would be acted in Ireland ; and ere a cloud of mischief appeared, the swords of the natives would be in the throats of the Scotch and new English, through every part of the realm." With the exception of one particular,-)- the prediction was literally fulfilled. On the 23d of October the carnage began ; on the 30th, the order for a general massacre was issued from the camp of Sir Phelim O'Neil ; and, shortly after, the manifesto of the Bishop Mac Mahon proclaimed the commencement of a War of Religion. * The author of the " Discourse of Ireland," in the " Desiderata Curiosa," i. 435. f The insurgents were ordered to sjiare the Scotch settlers. APPENDIX. APPENDIX A. " An angry Opposition in Parliament have constantly imputed the Sir Richd. disturbances and insurrections in Ireland to a wrong source, and have Musgrave. severely and unjustly arraigned the wisest measures of Government for their suppression. Thus truth has been perverted through the medium of faction, as the rays of light, refi'acted through the prism, present various false lights and colours. Englishmen, who visited Ireland for a few days or weeks, have imbibed the prejudices of factious and design- ing men, with whom they fortuitously associated, as we are told the cameleon assimilates to the colour of whatever body he approaches ; and such men have taken upon them to write on the religious, moral, and political state of Ireland. The Jacobins, both in England and Ireland, in order to feed the flame of rebellion, have insinuated, both orally and through the press, that the rebellion arose from the oppres- sion of the Roman Catholics — an assertion as false as it is iniquitous." — Memoirs of the Different Rehellions in Ireland, by Sir Richard Musgrave, Bart. Dedication, p. iv. APPENDIX B. The following from Wilberforce's " Practical View of Christianity," Mr. Wil- 17th edition, 8vo., pp. 293 — 6, is corroborative of the views expressed berforce. by the Editor of the present edition : — " Christianity, in its best days (for the credit of our representations we wish this to be remembered by all who object to our statement as austere and contracted), was such as it has been delineated in the 334 APPENDIX. present work. This was the religion of the most eminent Reformers, of those bright ornaments of our country who suffered martyrdom under Queen Mary ; of their successors in the times of Elizabeth ; in short, of all the pillars of our Protestant Church ; of many of its highest dignitaries ; of Davenant, of Jewell, of Hall, of Reynolds, of Beveridge, of Hooker, of Andrews, of Smith, of Leighton, of Usher, of Hopkins, of Baxter, and of many others of scarcely inferior note. In their pages the peculiar doctrines of Christianity were everywhere visible, and on the deep and solid basis of these doctrinal truths were laid the foundations of a superstructure of morals proportionably broad and exalted. " Of this fact, their writings, still extant, are a decisive proof; and they who may want leisure, or opportunity, or inclination for the perusal of these valuable records, may satisfy themselves of the truth of the assertion, that such as we have stated it was the Christianity of those times, by consulting our Ailicles and Homilies, or even by care- fully examining our excellent Liturgy. But, from that tendency to deterioration lately noticed, these great fundamental truths began to be somewhat less prominent in the compositions of many of the leading divines before the time of the civil wars. During that period, however, the peculiar doctrines of Christianity were grievously abused by many of the sectaries, who were foremost in the commotions of those unhappy days ; who, while they talked copiously of the free grace of Christ, and the operations of the Holy Spirit, were, by their lives, an open scandal to the name of Christian. " Towards the close* of the last century, the divines of the Established Church (whether it arose from the obscurity of their own views, or from a strong impression of former abuses, and of the evils which had resulted from them) began to run into a different error. " They professed to make it their chief object to inculcate the moral and practical precepts of Christianity, which they conceived to have been before too much neglected ; but without sufficiently maintaining, often even without justly laying, the grand foundation of a sinner's acceptance with God, or pointing out how the practical precepts of Christianity grow out of her peculiar doctrines, and are inseparably connected with them. " By this fatal error, the very genius and essential nature of Christi- anity was imperceptibly changed. She no longer retained her peculiar character, or produced that appropriate frame of spirit by which her followers had been characterized. Facilis descensus ! * Wilberforce wrote his celebrated work towards the close of the eighteenth century. From an entiy in his Diary, we learn that the first edition appeared April 12, 1797. APPENDIX. 335 " The example thus set was followed during the present * century, and its effect was aided by various causes already pointed out. " In addition to these, it may be proper to mention, as a cause of powerful operation, that for the last fifty years the press has teemed with moral essays, many of them published periodically, and most extensively circulated, which, being considered either as works of mere entertainment, or in which at least entertainment was to be blended with instruction, rather than as religious pieces, were kept free from whatever might give them the air of sermons, or cause them to wear an appearance of seriousness inconsistent with the idea of relaxation. But in this way the fatal habit of considering Christian morals as distinct from Christian doctrines, insensibly gained strength. Thus, the peculiar doctrines of Christianity went more and more out of sight ; and, as might natui-ally have been expected, the moral system itself also, being robbed of that which should have supplied it with life and nutriment, began to wither and decay. At length, in our own days, these peculiar doctrines have almost altogether vanished from the view. Even in the greater number of our sermons scarely any traces of them are to be found." — Chap, vi., '^^ Brief Inquiry into the Present State of Christianity" Tillotson. APPENDIX C. NATIONAL RELIGION. — NATIONAL JUDGMENTS. Arguments. — " 1 . From the Justice of the Divine Providence. " Indeed, as to particular persons, the providences of God are many Arch- times promiscuously administered in this world, so that no man can bishop certainly conclude God's love or hatred to any person by anything that befals him in this life. But God does not deal thus with nations, because publick bodies and communities of men, as such, can only be rewarded and punished in this world. For, in the next, all those publick societies and combinations, wherein men are now linked together under several governments, shall be dissolved. God will not then reward or punish nations, as nations ; but every man shall then give an account of himself to God, and receive his own reward, and bear his own burthen. For, although God account it no disparage- ment to his justice to let particular good men suffer in this world, and pass through many tribulations into the kingdom of God, because there is another day a coming, which will be a more proper season of * Written a.d. 1797. 336 - APPENDIX. reward, yet, in the usual course of his providence, He recorapenseth religious and virtuous nations with temporal blessings and prosperity. For which reason, St. Austin tells us that the mighty success and long prosperity of the Romans was a reward given them by God for thcii- eminent justice, and temperance, and other virtues. And, on the other hand, God many times suffers the most grievous sins of parti- cular persons to go unpunished in this Avorld, because He knows that his justice will have another and better opportunity to meet and reckon Avith them. But the general and crying sins of a nation cannot hope to escape public judgments, unless they be prevented by a general repent- ance. God may defer his judgments for a time, and give a people a Jonger space of repentance ; He may stay till the iniquities of a nation be full ; but, sooner or later, they have reason to expect his vengeance. And usually, the longer punishment is delayed, it is the heavier when it comes. " Now all this is very reasonable, because this world is the only season for national punishments. And, indeed, they are in a great degree necessary for the present vindication of the honour and majesty of the Divine laws, and to give some check to the overflowing of wickedness. Publick judgments are the banks and shores upon which God breaks the insolency of sinners, and stays their proud waves. And though, among men, the multitude of offenders be many times a cause of impunity, because of the weakness of human Governments, which are glad to spare where they are not strong enough to punish, yet in the government of God things are quite otherwise : no combi- nation of sinners is too hard for Him, and the greater and more numerous the ofi"enders ai% the more His justice is concerned to vindi- cate the affront. However God may pass by single sinners in this world, yet, when a nation combines against Him ; when hand joins in hand, the wicked shall not go unpunished. This the Scripture declares to be the settled course of God's providence; that a righteous nation shall be happy ; the work of rigliteousness shall he peace ; and the effects of 7-ighteoiisness, quietness and assurance for ever. And, on the other hand, that He useth to shower down his judgments upon a wicked people : He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. " And the experience of all ages hath made this good. All along the history of the Old Testament we find the interchangeable provi- dences of God towards the people of Israel always suited to their manners. They were constantly pi'osperous or afflicted according as piety and virtue floui-ished or declined amongst them. And God did not only exercise his providence towards his own people, but He dealt thus also with other nations. The Eoman Empire, whilst the vii'tuc APPENDIX. 337 of that people remained firm, was strong as iroti, as 'tis represented in the prophecy of Daniel. But upon the dissolution of their manners the i7'on began to he rnizt with miry clay, and the feet upon which that empire stood, to he hroken. And though God, in the administration of his justice, be not tied to precedents, and we cannot argue from Scripture examples that the providences of God towards other nations shall in all circumstances be conformable to his dealings with the people of Israel, yet thus much may with great probability be collected from them, that as God always blessed that people while they were obedient to Him, and followed them with his judgments when they rebelled against Him, so He will also deal with other nations. Because the reason of those dispensations, as to the main and substance of them, seems to be perpetual, and founded in that which can never change — the justice of the Divine providence." — From Archhishoj) Tillotson's Sermon, " The Advantages of Religion to Societies," pp. 35, 36, sermon iii. Vol. i., folio. London, 1728 ; and p. 40 in edition of 1720. INDEX. Abject submission required by priesthood of the laity, 196 Accession of King James I., 261 Adrian's, Pope, letter to King Henry II., 1171, Peter's pence, &c., 101 Agitators, the, turn conciliators, 297 Alleged discovery of ancient prophecy by the Pope, that the Church of Kome shall fall when the Catholic faith is once overthrown in Ireland, 166 Allegiance, oath of, framed, 1605, 268 „ the Pope in 1801 absolves the French from, 172 Alexander's, Pope, confirmatory letter, Peter's pence, &c., 103 Aliens in their native land, Papal bishops described as, 170 Allen, the Jesuit, rides through the rebel ranks displaying the Papal standard, 218 Ambition masked under religion, 193 Ancestors, our, precautions of, against Popery, 201 „ our Roman Catholic, how they dealt with Popery, xxxvi Ancient Irish Church not Romish, 133 „ subdivisions of Ireland, 66 Anecdote of Lord Charlemont, 81 „ of the Bishop of Ferns — excommunication, 118 Answer to case submitted to Spanish Universities, 242 Antiquity of Romish error, of no avail, xxix Antoneili, Cardinal, his letter of 1791 as oath proposed, 276 Appeal of priests to the Pope, 270 ,, unheeded, ib. Appendix A to Chapter I., 169 „ A to Chapter II., 258 Archbishop Magee and the Curate Phelan, 41, 42 Aristocracy, the spiritual, courted by Henry II,, 105 Armada, the Spanish, waited for by Roman Catholics, 203 Armagh, Archbishop of, reply to the King's writ, 1376, 149 " Association, Catholic," 288 Augmented power of Romish Prelacy, 279 Austria, referred to, xl Authorities referred to by Phelan, 291 Bacon, Lord, quoted, 256 Baden, referred to, xliii 340 INDEX. Battle of Blackwater, 229 Belgium referred to, xli Bellarmine, as to Pope's power, 20G Berrington, Mr., as to power of Rome, 175 ,, ,, as to deposing power, 211,212 „ ,, states that Romanists attended Reformed worship, 258 ,, ,, as to Jesuits of the Spanish faction, 281 Bible, the, and j)hilosophy, 52 Bill, the Octennial, 79 Bishops, Papal, aliens in their native land, 170 „ „ definition of, 109 „ ,, their oath to the Papacy, 170 Blackwater, battle of, 229 Borough constituencies in Ireland, 1613, 285 Boulter, Primate, quoted, 89 British prosperity, referrible to British Protestantism, xxxvi Brotherton, Mr., M.P., and the Mortmain Laws, xxxiii Bruce, 139 Bull, against King Henry VIII., 1543, 165 " Bulwark," the, referred to, xlix Burnet, Bishop, 87 Butler, Mr., and the Louvain decisions, 212 „ „ as to interpretation of oath, 176 ,, ,, as to the Queen's supremacy, 259 ,, „ Church tolerates those who hold, and those who renounce, the deposing doctrine, 273 Calamity, principles of Irish, 73 Calm preceding the storm of 1641, 325 Canon law enforced as law of the land, 111, 126 Captain Rock, 88 Carte, quoted as to Romanists attending Reformed worship, 257 Case submitted to Spanish Universities, 241 Cases of conscience, 210 Casuistry of Rome, 213 "Catholic Association," 288 Catholic Rent, 288 ; scale of, 292 Characteristics of Irish Society, 68 Charlemont, Lord, anecdote of, 81 Choosing a Speaker, 287 Church of the Stuarts, 171 ,, property, 1315, magnificent scale of, 135 Civil and ecclesiastical power, 264 Claims to the education and the Government and the people, 315 Clanship, effects of, 67 Classification of Irish subjects, 1417, 151 Clement VIII. sends a plume of Phoenix feathers to O'Neil, 1599, 236 „ O'Neil's reply to, 237 Clement's reply, ib. Clergy and Primate of Ireland, 1379, 149 1 ,, Protestant and Roman Catholic, difference between, 28 1 and xv Clerical ambition and rapacity, 117 Cobbett, Mr., vindicates Dr. Uoyle, 255 Coigne and livery, 92 INDEX. 341 Comyn, Archbishop, 116 Conduct of" Holy War " in Ireland intrusted to Sir John Desmond, 216 Conscience, cases of, 210 Conspiracy, the Papacy one, xx Conventionists, 85 Conventual institutions, xxx Cowper, the poet, quoted, xlv Crown and the nobles, 1568, 192 „ of the King forfeited by schism, 311 „ the, the Pope, and the prelates, 127 Davies, Sir John, quoted, 91 „ „ „ as to " the Irishry," 1613, 278 Deadening effects of ministerial ungodliness, 217 Deceitful tranquillity, 332 Dedication, v Definition of Papal Bishops, 169 Delegates, the, and King James, 295 Deposing doctrine to be declared heretical, 266 „ power of the Pope, 209, 211 „ „ Dr. Milner as to it, 272 Deputy, the Lord, a Roman Catholic, 283 Desmond, Earl of, his destitute condition, 221 „ death, 222 „ ,, „ 600,000 acres confiscated, ib. „ „ ,, son's reception at Kilmallock, ib. „ „ deserted for going to church, 223 „ Sir John, conducts the " Holy War " in Ireland, 216 „ „ his " sweet " sacrifice, 218 Details, though important, inferior to principle, xlii, 250 Diadem of peacock's feathers sent by the Pope to Prince John, 113 Difl^erence between Romish and Protestant clergy, 284 Diplomacy of rebellion generally conducted by the bishops, 225 Dishonour of England sought by Popery, 253 Do as Rome, when at Rome, 207 Doctrine of intention, 155 Dogmatism, mischiefs of, 38 Doyle, Dr., vindicated by Mr. Cobbett, 255 Ecclesiastical and civil power, 264 „ discipline and political chicane interwoven in the Papal system, 299 „ interdict v. Royal proclamation, 315 ,, liberty, a prime article in the creed or code of the Vatican, 132 Edgecombe, Sir Richard, and oath, 155 Edward, King, II., 128 „ III., 142 Elections and Popery, 322 Elizabeth, Queen, 72, 181 „ ,, proposed concessions to Popery, 185 „ „ excommunicated, 187 Emigrants, Protestant, 89 End of thirty years' hostilities, 1601, 244 INDEX. England and Ireland, shall they ruin or benefit each other? — 97 „ extent of her ancient jurisdiction, 71 ,, to pay Peter's pence for Ireland, lOl, 103 England's dishonour sought by Popery, 253 „ power, not the cause of Irish misery, 65 „ weakness Rome's opportunity, 199 English adventurers, 70 ,, and Irish, Protestant and Roman Catholic, 86 „ law extended to Ireland, 124 „ Pale, the, x, 71, 280 Episcopal avarice and cruelty, 121 Established Church discountenanced, 96 Excommunication of Queen EUzabeth, 187 „ the Bishop of Ferns, 118 „ secret, 323 „ very formidable, 152 Exoteric influence of Rome, xi Extracts from Phelan's sermons, 33, 34, 35 Famine and pestilence, frequency of, in Ireland, 97 Faith V. Opinion, 179—210 Father Peter Walsh, referred to, 175 Fires of purgatory in hands of Rome's priesthood, xxi Formulary of Oath of Supremacy, 305 France, referred to, xli French, the, in 1801, absolved by the Pope from their allegiance, 172 „ Papal and Spanish interference, 331 Geraldine, succeeded by Sir John Desmond, 216 George Herbert quoted, 41 Giraldus Cambrensis, 113 Governor appointed by King Henry II., regarded as the deputy of a deputy, 110 Gregory XIII. ; his proclamation against Queen Elizabeth, 215 Grey, the Right Hon. Sir George, and the Mortmain Laws, xxxiii Gunpowder treason, the, 265 Henry II. King and Papal Legate — a hint to statesmen of the present day, 112 Henry III., 119 ; ordains the Church of Ireland shall be free, 134 Henry VII., Irish Statute, 10th of, 91 Henry VIII., 72 Herbert, George, quoted, 41 Hierocracy of Ireland, united to the Pope, 110, 111 Hold of Rome on her members, 243 Holy Island, 108 ,, Scripture, the standard of Christian truth, xxviii Holland, referred to, xli Imperium in imperio, evils of, xiii Impolicy of Irish landlords, 96 Insurrection threatened in Ireland, 1613, 290 Interdict ecclesiastical v. Royal proclamation, 315 Introductory remarks, by J. Lord, Esq., ix INDEX. 343 Introductory chapter of Dr. Plielan, 65 Indentures of submission between King Henry VIII. and the Irish, 161 Intention, doctrine of, 155 Ireland gradually brought under yoke of Papal Supremacy, 109 „ in the 6th, 7th, and 8th centuries, 66 „ and England, shall they benefit or ruin one another ? — 97 ,, intended by the Pope for Spain, 239 „ a fief of the Papacy, 239 , „ Church of, the ancient, not Romish, 133 Irish misery not a result of England's power, 65 „ the, seek the protection of the English laws, 124 ,, ,, prelates, the Pope, and the Crown (1280), 127 „ „ throw themselves into the hands of their priests, 167 „ „ hated by the Spanish soldiers (1601), 247 „ „ Church Missions to Roman Catholics, xlvii Island of Saints, applied to Ireland, 108 James I., Ireland in time of, 71, 72 „ a polemic, 295 „ resolves to summon in Ireland " the first national Parliament," 284 Jansens referred to, 208, 209 Jebb, Bishop, his biographical memoir, 1 Jesuits, sent over to rekindle embers of disaffection, 197, 198 ,, fathers Parsons and Campian, working secret treason in England, 213 „ Saunders and Allen dispatched to Ireland, 213 „ Allen rides through the rebel ranks, displaying the Papal standard, 218 „ proclamation against, 301 Judgment of Spanish Universities (1601), 241 Case submitted to them, ib. Kilkenny, statute of, 144 „ Parliament at, 145 King, the, and his Parliament (a.d. 1376), 148, 149 Landlords, Irish, their impolicy, 96 Lawi-ence O'Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, 112 Laymen, tools of the Romish priesthood, 129, 254 Legate, the Pope's, forbidden by Henry II. to return to England, 112 Legends, monastic, 107 Leland, quoted as to Romanists attending reformed worship, 258 Line of Slilesian monarchs restored in James I., 262 " Londoners," their policy in Ireland, 93 London, the Bishop of, his evidence as to the Mortmain Laws, xxxi Lord Deputy's proclamation (1613), 293 Louvain, University of, consulted, 204 „ casuistry, 210 Malcontents converted to patriots, 190 Manners, Lord John, and the Mortmain Laws, xxxiv Mary, Queen, 181 Maynooth, grant to, must not be continued, xlix S44 INDEX. Mediation of Popery leads to government by Popery, 126 Middlemen, pernicious consequences of the system, 95 Milesian monarchs, line of, restored in James I., 262 Milner, Dr., as to the deposing power, 272 Milnes, Mr., M.P., and the Mortmain Laws, xxxiii Ministerial ungodliness, deadening effects of, 217 Missions to Roman Catholics, xlvii Monastic legends, 107 Mortmain Laws, evidence of the Bishop of London, xxx, xxxi ,, principle of, requires to be extended to personal property, xxxvii Musgrave, Sir Richard, quoted, xiii Nations sometimes affected by spiritual terrors of Papacy, xxi " National Parliament" summoned by King James I. in Ireland, 284 Neutral ground diminished between Popery and Protestantism, xv New Parliament of King James I. (1613), 286 Nobles, the, and the Crown, in time of Queen Elizabeth, 192 Novelty of the Pope's power in Ireland, 162 Number of Romish priests in England in 1570 was 700, 203 „ Roman Catholics does not prove Popery to be true, xxviii Nunneries, if allowed, should be inspected, xxxvii Oath of Papal Bishops to the Papacy, 170 ,, supremacy, referred to, 174 „ to be taken by Roman Catholics to the King, 265 O'Connell, quotation from speech of, 100 ,, obliged to succumb to the Romish priesthood, 254 O'Conor, Dr., quoted, 130 ,, ,, as to supremacy, 175 Octennial Bill, the, 79 ,, effects of, 83 Odium theologicum, had no hold on Phelan's mind, ix O'Neil's proclamation, 232 O'Neil excommunicated, 196 „ result of it, 196, 197 Opinion v. faith, 1 79 Optics of party disregarded by Phelan, x Papacy, the, a conspiracy against the rights and interests of mankind, xx ' „ its extent and activity, ib. ,, ,, unhallowed intrusion into the world of spirits, ib. ,, the spirit of, 252 Papal account of the Reformation, 309 ,, Bishops withstand Ireland's welfare, 195 „ hopes of re-establishment, 313 „ French and Spanish interference, 331 ,, policy, to make statesmen govern through the priesthood, 274 ,, power, extent of, xxvi „ supremacy in Ireland gradually introduced, 109 Parliament for life of the Sovereign, 74 ,, at Kilkenny, 145 Parliamentary division, ancient mode of (1613), 287 Pale, the English, 71, 189, 280 INDEX. 345 Patriot Miscellany, 77 Peace in Ireland recorded for the first time (1540), 165 Penal laws affecting Ireland, 145 Perjury licensed, 179 Peter's pence, to be paid to the Pope, 101, 129 Phelan, Dr., his birth and parentage, ix ,, an Irishman and a Roman Catholic, ib. Phelan's, Dr., school-boy days at Clonmel, 4, 5, 6, 7 Phelan, Dr., by private judgment reasons himself out of Popery, 7, 8 ,, goes to college, 9 „ obtains gold medal, 10 „ reads for a fellowship, 11 „ befriended by late Lord Chancellor Plunket, 15 „ ,, Archbishop Magee, 16 ,, characteristic features of his mind, 18 „ enters into holy orders, 22 „ his better life, " which was hid with Christ in God," 24 „ his edifying conversation, 25 ,, in 1817, sits a third time for fellowship, and gains it, 25,26 „ elected Donnellan Lecturer, 1818, 27 „ one of the six University preachers, 31 „ extracts from his discourses, 33, 34, 35 „ feelings on gaining fellowship, 35, 36 „ in 1823 he marries, 36 „ settles in the diocese of Armagh, 40 „ his filial piety, 39, 43 „ letters to his father, 44, 45, 46, 47 „ his various publications, 48, 49 ,, is presented to the Rectory of Killyman, 49 „ his profound study of the Scriptures, 52 ,, his failing health, 53 „ his seclusion, 54 ,, his death, 57 Phelan's, Mrs., sketch of her late husband, 59 — 64 Phillips's, Sir Thomas, letter to King Charles I., 93 Philosophy and the Bible, 52 Pinner's " Survey of Ulster," 93 Ploughing with horses by the tail, 67 Plowden, Mr., quoted, 130, 208 Policy of the Vatican, 243 Pope Adrian the Fourth, a.d. 1155, the triple compact, 99 Pope Adrian's letter to Henry II., a.d. 1171, 101 Pope, the, and the Crown, a.d. 1280, 127 „ his deposing power, 209 ,, intends Ireland for Spain, 239 „ absolves in 1 801 the French from their allegiance, 1 72 Pope Paul V. pronounces unlawful the oath proposed to be taken, A.D. 1605, 260 „ his brief, ib. „ „ enforced by a second brief, 268 „ „ and by a third of Pope Urban, ib. Popery and Protestantism irreconcilable systems, xvi „ mediating that it may govern, 126 „ has taken advantage of party feuds amongst Protestants, xxxix 346 INDEX. Popery a politico-religious system, xv Portugal, referred to, xliii Potatoes grown common, effects of, 91 Power of Rome over laymen, 141 „ preferred to unity by the Papacy, 316 Priests appeal to the Pope, 270 ; in vain, ib. Primate Boulter quoted, 89 Prince Edward, A. D. 1266, 120 Principle and details, their relative importance, xliv Private judgment overturns Popery, 8 Pretender, the, used to nominate to Romish Sees in Ireland, 321 Proclamation against the Jesuits, 301 Protestant and Roman Catholic, 86 Protestant emigrants, 89 Protestants have slept upon their rights, xxxiv Protestantism no mere negative, xiv ,, the cause of British prosperity, xxxviii Protestation of allegiance by Romish priests, a.d. 1570, 204 Prussia, referred to, xl Pseudo-patriotism of Papal prelates, a.d. 1367, 146 Purgatorial tires, fear of, xxi Queen Elizabeth, 72 „ denounced by Pope Gregory XIII., as hateful alike to God and man, 215 Rebellions, the Irish, religious wars, 248 ,, six, frustrated, from accession of the Stuarts to a.d. 1684, 321 Re-establishment, hopes of, by Popery, 312 Reformed worship attended by Romanists, 258 Reformation, Papal account of, 309 Rejection of Protestant tenants, 94 Religious houses, a.d. 1315, 160 founded in 143 years, 137 „ world, the, too much of the world, 37 "Rent, Catholic," 288; scale of, 292 Richelieu, Cardinal, and the United Irishmen, a.d. 1632, 320 Robertson, Dr., as to the spirit of Popery, &c., &c., 252 Rock, Captain, 88 Romanists attended reformed worship, 257 Roman Catholic, a, the Lord Deputy, 283 ,, Catholics not to obey Queen Elizabeth, 234 Rome, the Church of, xiv „ , Court of, ib. „ , not to be conciliated, xxii „ , its power augmented by yielding to, ib. „ would Paganize Christianity, xxvii Rome's opportunity in England's weakness, 199 „ hold on her members, 243 „ means for acquiring wealth, xxix „ prudence forgotten in prosperity, 106 ,, levity and profanity, 132 ,, craft outwits statesmen, 252 „ casuistry, 213 „ expediency illustrated, 210 INDEX. 347 Rome's power over laymen, 129, 141, 254 Romish clerical ambition and rapacity, 117 „ and Protestant clergy, difference between, 284 „ hierarchy in Ireland, their evasiveness, 156, 157 „ ,, seek entire domestic government of the coimtry, 158 ,, „ anti-national, 194 „ laity need legislative protection, 178 „ „ frequent the Church in time of Elizabeth, 186 Santa Rosa, rite of extreme unction withheld from, xxii Sardinia, referred to, xlii School divinity ; summary of Father Peter Walsh, 307 Scotland, Maynooth priests located there, xlix Sees in Ireland nominated to, by the Pretender, 321 Secret excommunication, Satanic weapon, 323 Shaw, Mr., and the Mortmain Laws, xxxiv Siccardi laws, referred to, xxi Sicilian vespers, 332 Slaughter and famine consequent on the rebellion, 220 Sovereign deposed by the Pope, 201 Spain, Ireland intended for, by the Pope, 239 „ , recent intolerance of, xliii Spanish archbishop and general sent over to Ireland, 240 „ interference, 281 „ officer avows his opinion that Christ did not die for the Irish, 247 ,, soldiers hate the Irish, ib. Speaiier, choosing the, a trick as to, a.d. 1613, 287 Spencer's account of the famine, a.d. 1580, 221 Spirit of the Papacy, 252 ,, which animated the Irish Church, a.d. 1376, 149 Spiritual aristocracy courted by Henry II., 105 „ and temporal power, 205, 206 Statesmen outwitted by Rome, 252 Strafford, Lord, encourages manufactures, 300 ,, , his Viceroyalty applauded, 324 „ , recalled, 326 „ , his government condemned, 327 „ , prosecuted, 328 Study of Irish history important, xii Submission to priesthood required in religious warfare, 196 Subsidy voted to the Pope, 153 Supremacy, Papal, gradually introduced into Ireland, 109 „ formulary of Oath of, 305 Switzerland, referred to, xli System of licensed perjury, referred to, 179 Tactics of Rome change with change of times, xii Tahiti, referred to, xl Temporal jurisdiction of the Pope renounced by the Irish, 163 ,, and spiritual power, 205, 206 Theology and policy of Rome dangerous, xxii Three rebellions, termination of, 245 Time an innovator, duties consequent thereon, 249 Tractarianism, referred to, xxv 348 INDEX. Traders in patriotism, 297 Triple compact between Henry Plantagenet, Pope Adrian the Fourth, and the Irish prelates, 99 Troy, Dr., vindication of, 169 Tuscany, referred to, xlii Tyrone prepares for rebellion, 224 ,, aspires to the throne, 228 Undertakers, the, 76 United Irishmen, 85 ; and Cardinal Richelieu, .320 Unity sacrificed to power by Popery, 316 University of Louvain consulted, 204 Vatican, the, and King Henry the Second, 104 „ policy of, 243 Viceroy, none resident in Ireland, 74 — 79 Vigorous and protective legislation to put down Papal rebellion, 296 — note Vindication of Dr. Troy, 169 Volunteers, the, 85 Walpole's pacific system, 76 Walsh, Father Peter, referred to, 175 ,, ,, as to the school divinity, 307 Weakness of the Crown, a.d. 1417, taken advantage of by the Papal hierarchy, 151 Wentworth, his efforts in a.d. 1632, 306 Wesley quoted, on extempore preaching, 41 Whig aristocracy, the, 87 Will, not wanting, where there is power, to revive the obsolete preten- sions of the Romish Church, 199 Witchcraft, 140 World, the religious, too much of the world, 37 Wrongs of the Church, 129 Youghal, Desmond in, 247 LIST or SUBSCRIBERS, Abbott, Eev. G-eorge, Stoke, Wate. Abdy, Colonel, Hoimslow. Acland, Sir T. D., Bart., M.P. Adams, J., Esq., Bromsgrove. Alien, Eev. H., Clifton. Arden, E. C, Esq., Sunbury Park. Amaagh, bis Grace the Archbisbop of (two copies). Armstrong, Rev. Dr., Bermondsey. Atkinson, G-., Esq., Torquay. Auriol, Kev. Edward. Backwell, Mr. M. P., Douglas, Isle of Man. Baggallay, Ed., Esq. Baker, Wm., Esq., Bayfordbmy. Bandon, the Eight Hon. the Earl of. Banting, W., Esq. (three copies). Barkworth, Mrs., Tranby House, Hull. Barnes, Eev. T. Bateman, J., Esq., Biddulph Grange. Bathurst, Eev. W. H. Baxter, E., Esq., Doncaster. Benson, Eev. Dr. Bernard, Yiscount, M.P. Bemers, Eight Hon. Lord (two copies). Bevan, E. C. L., Esq. Bickersteth, Eev. John, Sapcote. Bickersteth, Eev. E. Birch, Eev. T. W. Birks, Eev. T. E. Blakiston, Sir M., Bart. Blanshard, Henry, Esq. Borlase, Walter, Esq., Penzance. Borradaile, E., Esq. Bouchier, Eev. B. Braithwaite, E., Esq., Kendal. Braithwaite, I., Esq., Kendal. Braithwaite, I., Esq., Gloster-square, Hyde Park (four copies). Breay, Eev. H. Bridges, John, Esq., London. Bridges, Su- B. W., Bart. Browne, Archdeacon, Cotgrave, Notting- ham. Browne, J. C, Esq. Bryce, David, Esq., Glasgow. Buckle, Eev. M. H. G. Buckworth, Eev. C. Burrell, Sir C, Bart., M.P. Butt, I., Esq., M.P. Cadman, Eev. W., Southwark. Calthorpe, Eight Hon. Lord. Carnegie, Lady Catharine (two copies). Cashel, the Lord Bishop of. Cator, John, Esq., Castle Kelly. Chambers, T., Esq., M.P. Chichester, the Lord Bishop of. Clayton, John, Esq. 350 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Clayton, Eev. C, Caiu8 College. Collyer, George, Esq. Colville, Miss. Combermere, Lord Viscount. Cookesley, Rev. G., Eton (two copies). Corrie, Rev. Professor. Cox, Henry, Esq., Parkfield, Derby. Cox, Rev. E., Darley Parsonage. Croft, Rev. John. Crofts, Rev. P. Or. Cummins, J. J., Esq. (two copies). Curteis, R«v. T. Dallas, Rev. A. R. C, Wonston. Dawes, Thomas, Esq., Winchelsea. Desart, the Earl of. Diugle, Rev. J. DuiF, Admiral, Drummuir Castle. Duncan, James, Esq. (two copies). Eden, Rev. Arthur, Ticehurst. Effingham, Right Hon. the Earl of. Evans, Samuel, Esq., Darley Abbey. Faber, Rev. G. S., the late. Prebendary of Sahsbury. Farnham, Right Hon. Lord. Farrer, Captain, Blackheath. Feversham, Right Hon. Lord. Fletcher, Mrs. Fletcher, Rev. Joseph. Franklyn, Rev. T. W. Freshfield, James W., Esq., M.P. Fysh, Rev. F., Torquay. Gainsborough, Earl of (six copies) . Garratt, W. A., Esq. Glyn, George Carr, Esq., M.P. Gough, Lord Viscount. Grainger, Rev. J. C, St. Giles, Reading. Grantham, Rev. T. Grattan, Mr. GwUt, Rev. Daniel. Guinness, A., Esq., Dublm (two copies), Haden, Rev. A. B. Hankey, Stephen A., Esq. Harrowby, Right Hon. the Earl of. Hatchard, J. H., Esq., R.N., Plymouth. Hayne, Rev. W. B. Heald, James, Esq., M.P. Herbert, Mr. T., Leicester. Hewctson, Rev. J. Heywood, R., Esq., Bath. HUl, Right Hon. Lord Viscount. Hitchcock; G., Esq. (two copies). Hoare, Gerard Noel, Esq. Holloud, Rev. E. Holme, Samuel, Esq., Mayor of Liverpool. Hopkins, Rev. J. Hume, Rev. C. J. James, Rev. Horatio, Leicestershire. Keene, Rev. J. E., Bethnal-green. Kendal Christian Institute. Kinnaird, the Hon. A., M.P. Kiunersley, T., Esq., Newcastle. Labouchere, J., Esq. Law, Rev. P. C. Leeke, Rev. W., Holbrooke. Lefroy, Hon. A. Legge, Rev. Wilham. Leighton, Sir David, Bart., K.C.B. Lichfield, the Lord Bishop of. London, the Lord Bishop of. Long, Walter, Esq., M.P. Lord, James, Esq., Inner Temple. Lumsdaine, Rev. E. Sandys. Luccock, C. M., Esq. Macbride, Dr., Magdalen Hall. Macdonald, M. W., Esq., Rossie Castle. Macklin, Rev. Roseingrave, Derby. " Maidstone Journal," Proprietors of. Manchester, His Grace the Duke of (six copies). Mardeu, Rev. O. Massey, Captain, R.N. Meath, the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 351 Medlicott, Rev. Joseph. Mendham, Eev. J. Methuen, Eev. T. A. Mill, Eev. W. H., D.D., the late, Eegius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge. Milne, Eev. H. Moody, C. A., Esq., M.P. Moore, Eev. E. Moore, Eev. E. Mouat, J., Esq. (two copies). Mundy, William, Esq., M.P. Newdegate, C. N., Esq., M.P. (two copies). Newman, Eev. H. B. Nodden, Eev, Joseph. O'Malley, P. F., Esq., Q.C. Owens, T. G., Esq. Owen, Thomas Owen, Esq. Paul, Sir J. D., Bart. Peace, WiUiam, Esq. (two copies). Peek, H. W., Esq. Peek, W., Esq., Clapham Common (two copies). Peers, Eev. J. W. Phayre, Eev. E. Pinney, Charles, Esq., Clifton. Plumptre, J. P., Esq., Fredville. Poynder, G., Esq., Blackheath. Preston, Eev. M. M. Prosser, Eev. J. Earn, Eev. A. J. Eayleigh, Eight Hon. Lord. Eichardson, Thomas, Esq. Eobisou, C, Esq. Eoden, Eight Hon. the Earl of. Eoimd, C. G., Esq., Birch Hall (two copies). St. Asaph, the Lord Bishop of. St. David's, the Lord Bishop of. Salford Operative Protestant Associa- tion. Salisbury, Eev. E. E, B. Salusbury, Rev. G. A. Sanders, Mr. W. Sargenson, W. S., Esq. Sewell, Eev. F. H., Cockerham. Shaftesbury, Eight Hon. Earl of. Shirley, Eev. Walter. Simpson, G., Esq. Simpson, Rev. R., Skerton. Smith, Rev. S. Smith, G. J. P., Esq. Smith, Rev. George. Smijth, Sir W. Bowyer, Bart., M.P. Sockett, Rev. Thomas. Southampton, Rt, Hon. Lord. Sparrow, Lady OUvia B. (twelve copies). Spencer, the Right Rev. Bishop (of Madras). Spooner, R., Esq., M.P. Sprigg, Rev. Henry. Stewart, Rev. J. Haldane. Stewart, Rev. H. Stracey, J. H., Esq., Bognor. Tate, Rev. T., Edmonton. Taylor, Wilbraham, Esq. Tenterden, Right Hon. Lord. Thesiger, Sir Frederick, M.P. Titford, Mr. W. Townsend, Rev. G., Prebendary of Durham. Tripp, Rev. James. Upton, Rev. J. S. Vansittart, G. H., Esq., M.P. Vaurier, J., Esq. Vaurier, J., Esq., jvm. Verner, Sir Wm., Bart., M.P. Walters, Melmoth, Esq., Barrister-at- law, Batheaston. Weeding, Thomas, Esq. Weller, Rev. Dr. West, F. G., Esq., Pinner (two copies). 352 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS, Wliite, J. Meadows, Esq. Whiteside, James, Esq., M.P. Whiteside, Rev. Dr. Whittaker, Rev. Dr., Blackburn. Wilson, Rev. D., Islington. Wright, F., Esq., Osmaston Manor (two copies). Wyndham, Col. George (two copies). York, His Grace the LordArchbishop of. Macintosh, Printer, Gro.it New-street, Lonilon. ^nhlirntinM nf tlie ^rntestant tenriatintt. STANDARD PROTESTANT WORKS, BY POPULAR WRITERS, IN A CHEAP AND ATTRACTIVE FORM. HISTORY OF THE GREAT REFORMATION. First three vols., abridged by the Rev. E. Dalton, Rector of Tramore, late Secretary to the Protestant Associa- tion. 18mo., cloth lettered, Is. 6d. By the Rev. J. H. Merle D'Aubigne. THE DIVINE WARNING TO THE CHURCH AT THIS TIME, With Information respecting the Present Spread of Infi- delity, Lawlessness, and Popery. By the late Rev. Edward Bickersteth, Rector of Watton. Third Edition, considerably enlarged. 18mo., cloth lettered, 3s. THOUGHTS ON POPERY. By the Rev. Dr. Nevins. Revised by Isaac Taylor, Esq., Author of " Ancient Christianity," " Natural History of Enthusiasm," &;c. One volume, 18mo., cloth lettered, 1*. 6d. LIFE OF EDWARD VI. By the Rev. R. W. 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With Biographical Memoir, by the late John Jebb, Lord Bishop of Limerick ; and Introductory Remarks, by James Lord, Esq, 8vo., 16^. to ORI UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. RtfULDTO 3 1158 00854 9650 BR 792 P51h 185^ ^^ 001 268 449 4