1'- - 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Pill 
 
 •■■•■ 
 
 III .\ 
 iliii 
 
 UC-NRLF 
 
 $B 2^4 3D5 
 
 r 
 
 According to Heb. XI, I 
 
 ...... 
 
 ; 
 
 ■1 
 
 1 i 
 
 •II 
 
 AN IIISTORICO-EXEGETICAL 
 INVESTIGATION 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 TED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SACRED SCIENCES 
 it THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PAR- 
 TIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 
 FOR THE DOCTORATE IN THEOLOGY 
 
 m\ 
 
 p 
 
 y 
 
 iitiiii 
 
 BY THE 
 
 • ■ 
 
 ':■■■■■■■ 
 
 B.I 
 
 K: 
 
 lit 
 
 1 
 
 Reverend MICHAEL AMBROSE iMATHIS, S.T.L. 
 
 Of the Congregation of Holy Cross 
 
 CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA 
 
 WASHINGTON, D.C. 
 1920 
 

» > 5 > > ' 
 
 THE '' ' ' ' '''''" " 
 
 PAULINE IIISTIS-TIIOSTASIS 
 
 According to Heb. XI, 1 
 
 AN HISTORICO-EXEGETICAL 
 INVESTIGATION 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SACRED SCIENCES 
 AT THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PAR- 
 TIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 
 FOR THE DOCTORATE IN THEOLOGY 
 
 BY THE 
 
 Reverend MICHAEL AMBROSE MATHIS, S.T.L. 
 
 Of the Congregation of Holy Cross 
 
 CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA 
 
 WASHINGTON, D.C. 
 1920 
 
*5 o< 
 
 ■ 
 
 A.' ah i 
 
 
 
 "> 
 
 ^n 
 
 AA 
 
 Jtmpttmt jjermittttttt t 
 
 lyrtijtl ofcstat: 
 
 A. Morrissey, C.S.C., Sup. Prov. 
 
 P. J. Waters, Ph.D., Censor Librorum. 
 
 Kmprimatur t 
 
 ►£ W. Card. O'Connell, Archiepiscopus Bostoniensis. 
 

 &0 
 
 MY PROFESSOR AND FRIEND 
 
 THE REV. HEINRICH SCHUMACHER, S.T.D. 
 
 THIS WORK 
 
 IS GRATEFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY 
 
 DEDICATED 
 
 M^ 
 
 452471 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 IIio-Ti? is undoubtedly one of the most important theologi- 
 cal terms in the New Testament. Lightfoot goes so far as 
 to say that " it assumes in the teaching of Our Lord, en- 
 forced and explained by St. Paul, the foremost place in the 
 phraseology of Christian doctrine." 1 From the dawn of the 
 Christian era to our own times, many volumes have been 
 written about ttktti^ from various points of view. Among 
 recent scientific works, that of Schlatter, Der Grlaube Im 
 Neuen Testament, might almost be called the classic on Ilto-- 
 Tt? In the New Testament. And in this work the author has, 
 of course, treated the Pauline ttkttis within the limits of his 
 more general theme. A monograph, however, dealing spe- 
 cifically and scientifically with the Pauline ttigtvs, does not 
 yet exist; hence, it is something to be desired. One needs 
 but to read a few current definitions of this term, especially 
 in non-Catholic writers, to agree with Lechler, "Was aber 
 positiv der paulinische Begriff des Glaubens sei, dariiber ist 
 immer noch Streit." 2 
 
 This misunderstanding and the status of the most recent 
 opinion about the Pauline irians is frankly set forth by 
 Johannes Weiss in these words : " Da ist vor allem und ganz 
 besonders das Wort 'Glaube,' das bis heute zu so entsetz- 
 lichen Missverstandnissen Anlass gibt, sei es dass man es im 
 Gegensatz zu einem begrundeten 'Wissen' als halbes, un- 
 sicheres, gemutmasstes Wissen oder Meinen versteht, oder 
 
 1 St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, 157. 
 
 2 Das Apostol. und das Nachapostol. Zeitalter (3 Aufl., 1886), s. 363, 
 quoted from Bartmann's article in BS (1897), II, 41. 
 
VI 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 als ein trages sich Verlassen oder ein unwiirdiges sich Ge- 
 fangengeben in eine fremde unverstandene Lehre." 1 The 
 same author also points out the method by which this con- 
 fusion can be cleared up, viz., by an historico-literary in- 
 vestigation of Heb. xi, 1 : u Das Wort, dessen Geschichte 
 man kennen muss, um es zu verstehen, ist von Paulus nicht 
 geschaffen, es lag ihm vor als ein fertig abgestempelter Be- 
 griff "; 2 and Heb. xi, 1 is suggested for this investigation, 
 because for such a work "die beiden Umschreibungen, die 
 der Hebraer-Brief in seiner beruhmten Definition des Glau- 
 bens wahlt, sind hochst bezeichnend." 3 In a word, this 
 verse is to be selected for the historico-literary investiga- 
 tion of the Pauline 7rtcn-i?, because it has a literary history, 
 and because, in the words of St. Augustine, "It is the 
 standard definition of Faith." 4 
 
 What gives an added exegetical interest to the problem, is 
 the fact that there is as much confusion about the meaning 
 of Heb. xi, 1 as there is about the Pauline mcrris. And the 
 source of this confusion is not only the uncertainty about 
 the meaning of U7ro<7Tao-t?, the pivotal term of the whole 
 verse, but also the dogmatic tendency always to define 
 the Pauline ttlo-tl^ as " conviction," or " confidence," or 
 "foundation," — no matter in what Pauline text or context 
 the term happens to occur. Thus Delitzsch insists that here 
 f7TocrTacrt?, and hence ttlg-tl^ means "Zuversicht"; 6 J. Weiss 
 hails it as a striking example of "unbeugsamer Uberzeu- 
 gung"; 6 and Westcott is satisfied that " the general scope 
 of the statement is to show that the future and the unseen 
 can be made real by Faith." 7 A whole litany of such vari- 
 ant and yet emphatic views about the meaning of vrroaraais 
 in Heb. xi, 1 might be noted. But these are sufficient to 
 
 1 Das Urchristentum, I, 322. 
 *Ibid. 
 
 3 Ibid. 
 
 4 Cf. Enchiridion, c. 8. 
 
 6 Commt. on the Epist. to the Hebr., 
 H, 210. 
 
 « Op. cit.,I, 322. 
 
 7 The Epistle to the Hebrews, 351. 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 illustrate the existing confusion and contention regarding 
 the sense of the Pauline irians of this verse. It is with 
 the hope of aiding in clarifying this important theological 
 term that I take up this historico-literary investigation of 
 Heb. xi, 1: Eo-th> Be ttigtis eXiri^ofievcov vttoo-tcio-is, 7rpay/j>aT(ov 
 
 €\€7%0? OV /3\€7TO/Ji€VG)V. 
 
 Without anticipating the investigation itself, we may pref- 
 ace it by saying what at a glance is evident to every one, 
 viz., that the Pauline ttivtis is here denned in two phrases : 
 (a) €\.7n%o/jL€vcov VTroo-Tacns, and (5) 7rpay/jLaTcov eXeyxos ov 
 fiXeTrofievav. The second phrase has been so generally in- 
 terpreted as the " incontestable proof," or " the test," or 
 44 the conviction " of " things unseen," that there remains 
 no longer any serious doubt about its meaning. Accord- 
 ingly, we shall confine our investigation to the first element 
 of the verse, or more precisely, to viroaTaais, the term out 
 of which most of the confusion regarding the passage has 
 arisen. 
 
 After establishing the original text, we shall seek the light 
 of Greek literary history for the interpretation of its decisive 
 term, wrrocrTacns. To that end, we shall not only review all 
 the extant interpretations of the verse, among which those 
 of the early Greek Fathers (the descendants of those very 
 Greeks whose ears once rang with the Pauline iriaTis) must 
 be of great importance, but we shall also study the meaning 
 of viroo-TaGi*; in the ancient classic and kolvt] literatures, 
 where the term was prepared by its natural historical de- 
 velopment for the Pauline author of the Epistle to the 
 Hebrews. It is only by this method that we can force this 
 ancient Greek past, the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1, to 
 surrender its understanding of irians — vrroa-raai^. And 
 we have every reason to hope that by this light we shall 
 dispel the darkness that now envelops this important verse ; 
 for, we believe with the ever-growing conviction of modern 
 scholars that there is "contact" between the language of 
 
viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 the Greek Bible and the speech of the contemporary Hel- 
 lenic world. 
 
 It is a most agreeable duty to express here sincere grati- 
 tude to the Rev. Dr. Heinrich Schumacher, my profes- 
 sor of New Testament Exegesis, under whose helpful and 
 stimulating direction this monograph has been written. I 
 am also happy to acknowledge my indebtedness to other 
 professors at the Catholic University of America, and nota- 
 bly to Drs. Coin, Butin, and Vaschalde, my masters in Old 
 Testament Exegesis and Semitic Languages, to Dr. Shana- 
 han, my preceptor in Dogma, to Dr. Aiken and the profes- 
 sors of Sacred Theology who have read the first draft of this 
 work. Expressions of my sincere gratitude are also due 
 the Very Rev. James Burns, C.S.C., Ph.D., and the Rev. 
 Maurice Norckauer, C.S.C., for helpful suggestions in the 
 presentation of the matter. 
 
 Michael Mathis, C.S.C. 
 
 Holy Cross College, 
 
 Brookland, D. C. 
 
 January, 1920. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction v 
 
 PART I. HISTORICAL 
 
 Chapter I. The Text 3 
 
 Chapter II. Interpretation of the Text 
 
 1. In the Greek Fathers . . 12 
 
 2. In the Latin Fathers 48 
 
 3. In the Exegesis of the Middle Ages 60 
 
 4. In Modern Exegesis 83 
 
 PART II. EXEGETICAL 
 
 Chapter I. Historico-Literary Investigation of TVootcwtis 
 
 1. In the Hellenic World 97 
 
 2. In Biblical Literature 127 
 
 Chapter II. Application of the Results to Heb. xi, 1 . 141 
 
 Conclusion 151 
 
 Abbreviations 152 
 
 Bibliography 153 
 
PART I — HISTORICAL 
 
< ) ' > 
 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 THE TEXT 
 
 At the very outset of this exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, it will 
 be well to establish critically the original text. Because the 
 original text will be " terra firma " for the whole investiga- 
 tion, and "lux in tenebris" for the history of the various 
 interpretations of our verse. The commonly accepted criti- 
 cal evidence * is threefold : Greek uncial MSS., versions prior 
 to the eighth century, and Patristic quotations. 
 
 I. The critical evidence favoring the Textus Receptus : "Kari 
 £e ttmtti*; €\7n£ofi€va)v viroaTaais , irpayfiaraiv eXey^o^ ov /3\e- 
 Trofievcov : 
 
 1. Greek MSS.: All Greek MSS. of critical value, except 
 Codex Alexandrinus (A) and Codex Claromontanus (D Pau1 ). 2 
 The variance of the latter is so slight (the accusative case, 
 viroo-Tao-iv, for the nominative), that it may be eliminated. 
 
 2. Versions : 
 
 A. For the Latin versions we note those given by Tischen- 
 dorf : 3 (a) Est autem fides sperandarum substantia rerum, 
 argumentum non apparentium : The Latin translation 4 of 
 Augiensis Cantabrigiensis (F), Vulgate (vg cle ), Demidovia- 
 nus (demid). 
 
 (5) Sperandorum substantia, rerum argumentum non ap- 
 parentum 5 : Amiatinus (am) Fuldensis (fu). 
 
 1 Hammond, Outlines of Textual Criticism Applied to the N. T., 1, 42. 
 
 2 Tischendorf, Novum Test. Graece, etc., II, 820. 
 
 4 Hebrews in God. Augiensis is preserved only in Latin. 
 
 5 " Apparentum " is obviously a careless spelling for " apparentium." 
 
 3 
 
4 MOB PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 B. Bohairie : Faith is a firmness (oyr-xjcpo) 2 of things 
 hoped for and a proof of things not seen. 
 
 C. Arabic : Invenitur autem fides substantia eorum quae 
 expeetantur, evidentia rerum quae non cernuntur. 2 
 
 D. Armenian : Quid est fides nisi certitudo rerum spera- 
 tarum et argumentum rerum non apparentium. 3 
 
 3. Patristic Quotations: 
 
 A. Greek Fathers : Clement of Alexandria, 4 Origen (ex- 
 tant in the Latin translation of Rufinus), 5 Cyril of Jerusalem, 6 
 Gregory of Nyssa, 7 John Chrysostom, 8 Theodore of Mopsu- 
 estia, 9 Cyril of Alexandria, 10 Theodoret, 11 and John Damas- 
 cene. 12 
 
 B. Latin Fathers : Ambrose, 13 and Jerome 14 (" Non " of 
 TR is changed to "necdum "). 
 
 4. Papyrus P 13 (saec. IV) in the British Museum with 
 fragments of the Epistle to the Hebrews reads : eXiri^ofievrnv 
 7rpay/JLarcov VTroaraai^. 
 
 II. Critical evidence for OTHER TEXTS : 
 
 A. Ecrn 8e inari^ eXin^o/ieveov vwoaTaaL^, Trpayfiarow eXey- 
 ^o? ov Bov\ofjL€vii)v : only one Greek MS. Codex Alexandri- 
 nus (A). 
 
 B. Est autem fides ispirantium substantia rerum, accusa- 
 tor non videntium: Latin of the Graeco-Latin codices Claro- 
 montanus (d) and Sangermanensis (e), the latter not being 
 of independent value, but a mere copy of Codex Claromon- 
 tanus. It should be noted that the Epistle to the Hebrews 
 
 i The Coptic Version of the N. T. etc., Ed. Horn, III, 528. 
 8 Brianus Waltonus, S. 8. Biblia Polyglotta, etc., V, 873. 
 3 Translated by Dr. A. A. Vaschalde from the Armenian text of the Ameri- 
 can Biblical Society. 4 Berlin Ed. Clemens Alexandrinus, II, 117. 
 * Migne, P. G., 14, 979 C. ■ Migne, P. G., 74, 989 C. 
 e Migne, P. G., 33, 506. U Migne, P. G., 82, 767 A. 
 
 7 Migne, P. G., 45, 941 C. " Migne, P. 6?., 95, 980 B. 
 
 8 Migne, P. (?., 63, 151 B. H Migne, P. £., 16, 521 B. 
 
 9 Migne, P. G., 66, 965 B. " Migne, P. i., 26, 448 C. 
 
THE TEXT 5 
 
 in Cod. Claromontanus was not originally contained in that 
 Codex, but was added later. 
 
 C. Est autem fides sperantium substantia, convictio rerum 
 quae non videntur : Augustine a in several passages. 
 
 D. Est autem fides certitudo (convictio = cognitio) de iis 
 rebus quae sunt in spe, ac si iam existerent actu : et revelatio 
 
 7 •• Q &. P 7 m 
 
 eorum quae non videntur : ^ « ^ ' l ^-^ Ik * ° > jZ n i Vi 101 ^-*> ov-A-i] 
 
 44*** i^ ? __ Peshitto. 
 
 This rather brief and condensed account of the critical 
 evidence is certainly of the highest interest. For the variants 
 show that Heb. xi, 1 was always surrounded by a mysterious 
 atmosphere, inasmuch as they are not only different read- 
 ings for the same idea, but also represent an entirely different 
 exegesis and understanding of the text from that which is 
 suggested by the original. 
 
 Let us now consider the variants in detail. 
 
 1. The Peshitto certainly presents a highly surprising 
 reading. If we leave out the clause, "ac si iam existerent 
 actu," we have the text : Est autem fides convictio (cognitio) 
 de iis quae sunt in spe, et revelatio eorum quae non videntur. 
 This evidently corresponds to the form of the Greek TR. 
 
 The translation of eXir^o/ievcov by l i^jjp ^ot^-I? is no serious 
 
 m 
 
 deviation from the original. But how was the passage, *-l" 
 
 A 
 PP *. * 7 7 7 
 
 "plains ^t*" 1 — ^ t^ 001 ? 001 (" ac si iam existerent actu ") intro- 
 duced into the text ? It is unnecessary to say that this phrase 
 never belonged to the original; and yet the idea is well known 
 to us from the Greek Patristic exegesis, as the explanation 
 of the mysterious word viroo-Tao-is, as we shall see. The most 
 natural solution seems to be this : the author of the Peshitto 
 
 1 De Peccat.,Meritis, et Remiss., Lib. II, XXXI, 50 ; Corp. Scrip. Eccles. 
 Latin., Vol. LX, Sancti A. Augustini Opera (Sect. VIII, Part I, p. 121, 8). 
 
6 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 knew well the meaning of the Greek word xmocrTaavs in this 
 context, but apparently was unable to express it adequately 
 in Syriac. Therefore, he translated with the next best word 
 — certitudo (cognitio), and supported this weak expres- 
 sion by a paraphrase which would give the full meaning of 
 virocTTao-is. Thus the Peshitto becomes not only valuable 
 evidence for the originality of the TR, but also a precious 
 and official interpreter in the early Syrian Church of viro- 
 <TTa<n<; in the sense of a "presentation of future reality." 
 
 2. St. Augustine's usual text also varies with the TR : Est 
 autem fides sperantium substantia, convictio rerum quae non 
 videntur. At most this variant can only be the text of a 
 latin version of the time; and, of course, its value is 
 derived from the Greek text of which it is a translation. 
 As to this Greek text, there is no doubt that the second part 
 of the verse — convictio rerum quae non videntur — trans- 
 lates 7rpajfJLaTQ)v ekeyxos ov ^Xewo/jievcov ; and in the first part 
 of the verse we find difficulty only with " sperantium." Does 
 " sperantium " translate eXin^ovTGiv, or eXiri^oiievoyv ? In view 
 of the fact that almost the whole threefold critical evidence 
 favors eXin^op.evoDv as original, and since eXiri^ofxevcov^ as the 
 Middle Voice, could be translated "sperantium," we may 
 conclude that the Latin translator of Augustine's text ren- 
 dered €\7n^ofi€vcov by "sperantium." Of course, we agree 
 with Delitzsch 1 that this was not the best translation of 
 €\7ri£o/JL€vcov. It probably came into being with Augustine's 
 interpretation of viroaraai^. It is certainly not testified to 
 by the MSS., since only one Latin Version d (Claromontanus) 
 has it. 
 
 3. The text of the Cod. Claromontanus runs: Est autem fides 
 ispirantium 2 substantia rerum, accusator non videntium. 
 The Cod. Sangermanensis with the same reading is only a 
 copy of d. Since the Greek parallel is identical with the 
 
 i Op. cit., II, 207. 
 
 2 "Ispirantium" is, no doubt, a corrupted spelling for "sperantium." 
 
THE TEXT 7 
 
 TR, we have here no different reading at all. The Latin 
 translation, however, causes difficulties. Evidently, the first 
 part is identical with Augustine's reading. The Greek par- 
 allel has €\7n£ofi€VG)V. " Ispirantium " may, therefore, be 
 explained in the same way as Augustine's " sperantium." 
 But what about the second difference in the text : " Accu- 
 sator non videntium " for ekeyxos ov pXeiro^evoav ? " Viden- 
 tium" seems to be a harmonization with " ispirantium." And 
 " accusator " — a term for juridical procedure — seems to 
 betray this strange interpretation of the second part of the 
 verse : tthttis is the accuser of those who do not see. This 
 reading is, therefore, more interesting for the history of the 
 interpretation than for the history of the text. Besides, let 
 us note the words of Tischendorf on the general untrust- 
 worthiness of Cod. Claromontanus : " Graeca praebent f ormas 
 1 Alexandrines' quas dicunt, Latina inprimis in Epistola 
 ad Hebraeos errores multos." l 
 
 4. Alexandrinus (A) varies from TR by having the re- 
 markable form ^ovKofievtov for ^Xeirofievcov. All other Greek 
 MSS., all critical versions, and all Patristic quotations are 
 against this reading. Besides, it is a curious reading, giving 
 this unusual contrast of ino-ru; : irians is an assurance of 
 things hoped for (e.g., heaven) and a forced conviction of 
 things not desired (e.</., hell). Is this an intentional altera- 
 tion of the original text, or only an error of the copyist ? 
 Indeed, if ^ovKofxevtov could not be explained as a transcrip- 
 tional error, we should have a much more difficult problem 
 in textual criticism before us. But we have good grounds 
 for thinking that /3ov\o/jl€v<ov is a mistake in the transcription 
 of BXerropevwv, since in the uncial MSS. BAGTTOMeNQN 
 might very easily be read BOYAOMGNQN. For both words 
 have the same number of characters, the same termination 
 -0M6NQN, and the same initial letter B. The transposition 
 and inversion of AG of BAGTTOMeNQN to OY of BOYAOMG- 
 
 i Op. cit., Ill, 419. 
 
8 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 NQN would not be extraordinary at all, since it is an ordinary 
 mistake in the MSS. Hence, it is at least possible that in the 
 uncial MSS. BAGTTOMeNQN was transcribed BOYAOMGNQN. 
 
 The Patristic evidence, however, is decisive in this case. 
 For, as Codex Alexandrinus was probably written at Alex- 
 andria, 1 the Alexandrian Patristic writers in their quotations 
 of Heb. xi, 1 are of supreme interest. Clement and Cyril 
 of Alexandria, and Origen witness, by their quotations of our 
 verse, to jSkerrotLevcov. Clement's testimony is weightiest 
 and clearest, because his text antedates by two centuries the 
 transcription recorded in Alexandrinus, and also because 
 Clement has made it unmistakably clear that he read 
 irpayfiarcov ov /SXeiropevwv by giving for it in the context 
 of his quotation the synonym acfrvovs 7rpayfjLaTO<;. 2 Accord- 
 ingly, by the combined evidence of all other Greek MSS., 
 all critical versions, and the decisive Patristic quotations, 
 and in view of the fact that /3ov\o/jLevcov can possibly be 
 explained as an error in transcription, we must eliminate 
 the text of A as the original text of Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 Summarizing the investigation of the history of the text, 
 we may say : In spite of some remarkable testimony in a 
 few witnesses, which more or less betrays the difficulty trans- 
 lators had with V7roo-Ta<m, we have in fact an overwhelming 
 unanimity for the TR. In support of the TR we have the 
 combined witness of practically all the critical evidence — 
 the Greek MSS., all the critical versions, and strong Patristic 
 quotations that go back to the first appearance of our verse 
 in extant literature. Hence, we conclude that the text of 
 Heb. xi, 1 in TR is the original text. For, in the words of 
 Hammond, "the combined testimony of the earliest MSS. 
 with the earliest versions, and quotations in the earliest 
 writers, mark an undoubted reading." 3 
 
 1 F. G. Kenyon, in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, 917. — Art. Text. 
 
 2 Stromata, II, 2. — Berlin Ed. Clemens Alexandrinus, II, 117. 
 
 3 Op. cit, 106. 
 
THE TEXT 9 
 
 There still remains one more textual problem to consider, 
 viz., the punctuation within the text itself. The history 
 of the text has developed two problems of punctuation : 
 (a) Should a comma be placed after ttkjtvs, and (5) should 
 a comma be placed before or after 7rpa<y/jbaT<av ? 
 
 The critical evidence for punctuation is unsatisfactory for 
 both questions, and in the second it is divided (in the ver- 
 sions and Patristic quotations). For there is no, or only 
 irregular, punctuation in the earliest uncial MSS. In such 
 codices as record our verse, we have the following general 
 confusion in the matter of punctuation : In Sinaiticus (K) 
 words are not separated, except where a new idea requires 
 a new line 1 ; in Alexandrinus (A) " a very simple punctua- 
 tion is introduced, consisting of a simple point at the end 
 of a sentence followed by a break in the line " 2 ; in Claro- 
 montanus (D Paul and d) and Sangermanensis (E Paul and e), 
 we find the stichometric arrangement 3 ; and Augiensis Can- 
 tabrigiensis (F Paul and f) places a period after every word of 
 the text. 4 Hence, we conclude with Tischendorf 5 that no 
 sound argument can be taken from the punctuation in the 
 earliest MSS. : " Luce clarius est ne argumentum quidem ad 
 interpunctionem rectam decernendam hauriri posse ex prio- 
 rum nuditate (as in K), 6 neque magis ex posteriorum copia 
 signorum " (as in f). 6 
 
 A. The Comma after Ilto-Tt?. 
 
 With Erasmus a comma was placed after ttkttl^. This 
 comma put viroaTaais and eXey^o^ in apposition to Tricm?, 
 The construction would then yield the sense, " Faith really 
 exists, etc.," — a remarkable and useless insistence on the ob- 
 vious. But this comma is disappearing in the light of mod- 
 ern research. Olshausen undermined the principal ground 
 upon which the comma" was inserted after ttlo-tl^ : "And 
 
 i Tischendorf, Op. cit, III, 111. * Tischendorf, Op. cit., HE, 111. 
 
 2 Hammond, Op. cit., 142. * Op. cit., Ill, 112. 
 
 3 Tischendorf, Op. cit., Ill, 114 and 423. 6 My additions in parenthesis. 
 
10 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 when in support of this construction, it is affirmed that ean 
 as copula cannot stand at the beginning of the sentence, such 
 passages are forgotten as Luke viii, 11 : ean Be avTrj rj irapa- 
 /3oXrj. In the preceding context of that passage it is said 
 that the understanding of the parables is important, and 
 then the transition is made to the explanation of the parables 
 themselves. Just so here. In x, 38, it was said Faith is 
 necessary ; and in xi, 1, the question is answered, what is 
 Faith." 1 A. T. Robertson, in the light of the most recent 
 research, says of this objection : " Ecrriz/ is also the accent 
 at the beginning of the sentence, Heb. xi, 1." 2 And this 
 emphasis "on the can denotes certainty of connection be- 
 tween the subject and the predicate, the assured truth of 
 the affirmation made." 3 Accordingly, in the absence of all 
 certain critical evidence, and with the fall of the principal 
 reason for placing a comma after 7rtcrTt?, we conclude that 
 no comma should be placed here. 
 
 B. The Comma before or after irpayparav. 
 
 From a mere glance at the text : Ecru Be ino-ris eXirt^oiie- 
 voav vrro(TTa<n^ Trpay/jLaTcov eXey^o^ ov (SXeTrofievobV, it will be 
 observed that this definition or description of 7ricra? is two- 
 fold : eXTri&fievcov vrroaTacris and eXeyxps ov PXeirofievayv. 
 The difficulty arises with irpayixaTtov. Does it belong to the 
 first or to the second part of the verse ? As we stated above, 
 the punctuation in the earliest uncial MSS. is such as to pre- 
 clude any sound argument being taken from them. Yet the 
 inversion of the words eX7n^ofievcov wrrocrTacris irpay^aTtav 
 into eXTri^o/xevcov Trpay/JLaroov viroa-raa-^ in the Papyrus P 13 in 
 the British Museum favors the view that irpay^iarayv belongs 
 to the first part. 
 
 We find more critical evidence on the point under discus- 
 sion in the versions and the Patristic quotations. All the 
 
 * Bibl. Comm. on the 1ST. T., VI, 540. 
 
 2 A Grammar of the Greek N. T., in the Light of Historical Research, 234. 
 
 3 Delitzsch, Op. cit, II, 204. 
 
THE TEXT 11 
 
 Latin versions (except Amiatinus and Fuldensis), the Syriac, 
 the Bohairic, and the Armenian place irpayixarav in the first 
 part of Heb. xi, 1, whereas the Arabic puts it in the second 
 part of the verse. The Patristic writers are also divided in 
 this matter. Those favoring Trpay/xarcov in the first part of 
 the verse are : Origen, 1 Chrysostom, 2 Augustine, 3 and Jer- 
 ome 4 ; and those favoring the other view are : Clement of 
 Alexandria, 5 Ambrose, 6 Theodoret, 7 and others. Thus, the 
 critical evidence is divided so sharply as to make it almost 
 impossible to decide the matter. 
 
 Since the Patristic period the place of this comma (either 
 before or after irpayiiarcav) has been discussed in every com- 
 plete exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 ; and the opinion that irpayp,ara)v 
 belongs to the second part of the verse has been constantly 
 gaining ground. So much so that in the best recent texts 
 Tischendorf does not even mention the variant for the 
 comma after irpayfiarcov^ and Westcott and Hort call it 
 a less probable punctuation. We agree with this modern 
 opinion, because, in the words of Delitzsch, u wpayfia some- 
 times denotes an historical fact, sometimes a supersensuous 
 reality : It is in the latter sense that irpay/xaTcov is used 
 here ; and so evidently belongs more properly to the ov /3\€tt- 
 ofievcov, in order to distinguish the unseen realities which 
 are the objects of Faith from the shadowy dreams which are 
 the creations of human fancy." 8 
 
 Having established the original text of Heb. xi, 1 to be 
 
 Eo"T£ Se 7T4trTt? €\7rL^0/Ji€VC0V VTTOO-TCMTLS, TTpayfAdTCOV €\€y%0$ ov 
 
 fi\€7ro/ji€vcov, we shall take up in the next chapter the his- 
 tory of the exegesis of our verse, — what men have 
 thought of Heb. xi, 1 from its first appearance in extant 
 literature to the interpretations of our own day. 
 
 i Migne, P. G., 14, 979 C. » Op. cit., II, 117. 
 
 « Migne, P. <?., 63, 151 B. 6 Migne, P. £., 16, 521 B. 
 
 3 Op. cit., 121, 8. J Berlin Ed. Theodoret, I, 91. 
 
 * Migne, P. £., 26, 448 C. » Op. ett., H, 205. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 
 1. In the Greek Fathers 
 
 Certainly the most important period in the exegetical 
 history of Heb. xi, 1 is the Greek Patristic. For the Greek 
 interpretation is not only the first exegesis of our verse, but 
 it is also the interpretation of writers whose mother tongue 
 was the Kotvq StaXe/cTos of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 Hence, besides its importance for the history of the interpre- 
 tation, the Greek Patristic understanding of viroo-Tao-i*;, the 
 pivotal term of the verse, will be constantly noted because it 
 has an historico-literary value of the greatest moment. 
 
 The first time we meet viroaraais in Patristic literature is 
 in the Epistle to Diogketus, II, 1, where it is apparently 
 used synonymously with etSo?. The author invites Diog- 
 netus to purify his mind from all prejudices and see of what 
 VTroo-Tacris or €tSo? the Pagan gods have been fashioned: i8e 
 firj fxovov tow o<f>6a\fjLoi<;, aWa kcli rrj (f>povrj(7€i, tivos viroa-ra- 
 
 (T€(d<; 7) TWOS €t&OV9 TV<y%aVOV(TlV OU? €p€LT€ KCLI VO/JLl%€T€ OeOV?. 1 
 
 Although viroaTaai? seems to be synonymous with et8o?, it 
 cannot be determined with certainty what it really means in 
 this passage. If viroaTacns is used synonymously with etSo?, 
 then it means either form or an element of a composition, 
 which were the meanings of etSo? at the time. 2 If it is not 
 used synonymously with e*So?, then it is difficult to describe 
 it more accurately than as something connected with essence. 
 
 iMigne, P. 6?., 2, 1169 A. 
 
 2 Cf. R. Hirzel, Oixria, Philologus, Band 72 (1913), 43, where he says that 
 etSos is not confined to the limits of Platonic metaphysics, " mag man darun- 
 ter die das Wesen eines Dinges scharf umschreibende Form oder das zur 
 Komposition eines Ganzen dienende Element verstehen." 
 
 12 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 13 
 
 If we can trust Goodspeed's Index Apologeticus, 1 viroaraais 
 is not in the vocabulary of Justin, but we are indebted to 
 his disciple Tatian for an extensive use of the word. 
 Tiroo-rao-i? occurs seven times in his Tipos E\\?7J>a9. In c. 5, 
 God is called the Lord of all things, because He is the 
 original viroa-raai^ of all things : O yap A€<t7tot7}S tcov oXcdv, 
 auTo? VTrap^cov rov ttclvtos rj VTroGTacrK;, Kara fiev ttjv 
 fnjSerrco yeyevq fxevr^v ttoitjctiv (xovo^s rjv. 2 Certainly Tatian did 
 not mean to say here that God is the original essence from 
 which everything flows (as the pantheists would say), be- 
 cause he explains the VTroo-rao-ts by: He existed originally 
 alone, when no creation had yet taken place. Not only 
 because He existed before (temporally) the creation, but 
 also in contrast to the creation (tcara), as author of the cre- 
 ation, He is called virocrraais: The REALLY EXISTING BEING 
 in contrast to the NON-EXISTING BEING. 
 
 One of the most interesting usages of virocrTao-is in the 
 whole Patristic literature is found in c. 7, 2, of the same 
 work. The author is here establishing the Christian Belief 
 in the resurrection of the body at the last day, which doc- 
 trine the Greeks ridiculed. But it is not so ridiculous, 
 wrote Tatian. For just as one does not exist before he is 
 born (and of course u I did not know who I was, though I ex- 
 isted in the viroa-Tacr^ of fleshly matter "), and when actually 
 born he is convinced that he really exists ; so in the same 
 way once having been born and by death existing and seen 
 no longer he shall again exist. . . . For should his body be 
 burned, or dispersed into rivers and seas, or even torn into 
 pieces by wild beasts, yet he is laid up in the storehouse of 
 a mighty Lord who, when He pleases, will restore to its 
 pristine condition the VTroaraais which is visible to Him 
 alone: Clcnrep yap ovk cov irpw rj yevecOat, tis vfinv ovtc 
 eyivaxTKOV, fiovov 8e ev viroaraa-ei rns aapfcifcw** v Xrjs 
 
 i Cf. p. 280. * Migne, P. £., 6, 813 C. 
 
14 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 V7r VPX ov > y^yovwi Se o firj iraXai Bia T779 yeve<re(o<i to eivai 
 TreirMTTev/ca • top avrov rpoirov o yevopevos scat Sia Oavarov 
 firjKer (ov avdis re firj/ceO* opwfievo? eaopai iraXiv axnrep firj 
 irakai yeyova*? eira yevvrjdeis. . . . #eo? Be o ftaaiXevcoVy ore 
 flovXerai, rrjv opcorrjp avroa fiova> vjro<rra<riv airo/cara<rrr)<r€i 
 777)09 rov apyaiov?- 
 
 We have here three parallel expressions: Tatian compares 
 the birth of man with the resurrection of the body ; also 
 the manner of existence in the vttoo-tcktis of fleshly 
 matter before birth with the manner of existence of A 
 corpse before the resurrection ; the third and apologetic 
 comparison makes use of the other two, — just as birth can 
 be predicated as a future reality of the manner of existence 
 
 IN THE V7T0(TTacri<; OF FLESHLY MATTER, SO the RESURREC- 
 TION can be predicated as a future reality of the manner of 
 existence proper to A corpse (which is also called an 
 viroGTaai*^). What is the meaning of vrro<rra<ri<i in these 
 comparisons ? 
 
 We must first of all establish the meaning of the various 
 expressions used : 
 
 1. " Before my existence " (yeveaOai) from the context 
 means "before my visible existence on earth." 
 
 2. " I did not know (imperf . eyivayaicov) who I was," — 
 the imperfect eyivaxrfcov demands the sense, u I was in a con- 
 dition where I did not know who I was." 
 
 3. "But I was already existing (ywtfpxpv) in the vrrocrra- 
 o*t? of fleshly matter." trr^pxov means real existence; and 
 the only such existence before birth in fleshly matter is ex- 
 istence in the maternal womb. 
 
 4. u But after having come into existence by birth I 
 believed in the reality of my existence." 
 
 With this fact Tatian compares the resurrection thus : 
 1. " After coming into existence, and by death existing 
 and seen no longer," 
 
 1 Migne, P. G., 6, 817 C-820 A. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 15 
 
 2. "I shall be again," 
 
 3. " like the former, not existing and afterward receiving 
 existence." 
 
 4. Reason : For God the King, when He wishes, will 
 restore the VKoaracm of the dead body which is visible to 
 Him alone unto its former state. 
 
 By "t*5 77/ai7i>" ("Who I was") is expressed what Tatian 
 understood by the term " before my existence," namely, the 
 time when he was in the womb of his mother. Thus, (1) 
 the existing being in the womb of the mother is the viroa-Ta- 
 ais for the existence on earth, (2) as the body existing in 
 death is the viroaraa^ for the risen body. Hence, the 
 resurrection is not so ridiculous as the Pagans thought. 
 For just so surely as he who exists in the womb of his 
 mother will have real life on earth, so he who exists some- 
 how in death will rise again. The example of coming into 
 existence by birth is the easier, and is used for the illustra- 
 tion of the more difficult idea of resurrection. 
 
 For the interpretation of the expression " existing in the 
 v7rooTa<ri<; of fleshly matter" (existence in the maternal 
 womb) in these comparisons, it seems quite certain that the 
 author does not wish to say that such an existence is merely 
 temporally before birth, or similar to the existence of a 
 corpse (for surely there is little similarity), but rather that 
 
 it is a GUARANTEE OF FUTURE EXISTENCE, A CERTAINTY OF 
 
 future reality, or better still, the anticipation of a 
 
 FUTURE AND MORE COMPLETE REALITY. For the EXIST- 
 ENCE in the womb of the mother is REAL though incom- 
 plete, as is evident from the expression qualifying existence 
 in the womb, u I did not know who I WAS " (™? viirjv). 
 In a word, something was lacking to this manner of 
 existence. All this is expressed in wroGTaaLS : It is a guar- 
 antee and a certainty of a future reality, a reality 
 
 WHICH IS POSSESSED NOW TO A LIMITED EXTENT BUT 
 WHICH WILL BE POSSESSED MORE COMPLETELY IN THE 
 
16 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 FUTURE, — IT IS A REAL ANTICIPATION OF A FUTURE 
 REALITY. 
 
 Athanagoras also speaks of the VTroo-racris as a quality of 
 possession, saying that the angels to whom was intrusted the 
 vTroaracTis of power and the government of the world abused 
 them, 01 Be ewfipicav kcli ttj ttjs ovo-ias vrroarao-ei /cai ttj 
 apxrj' 1 What is the meaning of woo-rao-is in this citation ? 
 
 There is no doubt that ovaia here means possession or 
 power. 2 Happily Athanagoras then gives an example of 
 such angels as have abused the viroarao-^ ttj? ovo-ias and the 
 apxny namely, those angels who in Gen. vi, 1-4 took wives 
 of the daughters of man and bore giants. These abused the 
 wiroo~Ta<n<s of their possession or power. The vTrocnacns T779 
 ovo-ia$ or the viroaraa^ of their power is identified with 
 apxv (government), except that apxv 1S a specification, i.e., 
 to their power belongs the government. Since we have here 
 a contrast between the authority which gives the power and 
 the medium which uses, or better, abuses, the power, the 
 vjroo~Ta<ns must express the connection between the power 
 of the authority and that of the medium, the conditio sine 
 qua non under which the medium can use the ovcria, i.e., the 
 title-deed, the authorization to the power and govern- 
 ment, which can be abused. Accordingly, viroo-Taa-^ means 
 
 TITLE-DEED, Or GUARANTEED RIGHT. 
 
 It will be interesting to note even now the various mean- 
 ings of the term viroo-Tacris thus far met with : 
 
 1. In the Letter to Diognetus viroaracn^ probably means 
 
 ESSENCE Or SOMETHING CONNECTED WITH ESSENCE. 
 
 2. In Tatian viroaraa^ is used as the emphasis of reality 
 in contrast to non-reality, as a guarantee, certainty, 
 
 and ANTICIPATION OF A FUTURE REALITY. 
 
 3. In Athanagoras viroaraaL^ signifies guarantee or 
 TITLE-DEED. 
 
 1 Supplicat. pro Christ, XXIV, 4, — Migne, P.G., 6, 948 B. 
 * Cf. Hirzel, Op. cit., Band 72 (1913), 43 sq. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 17 
 
 Is there any connection between the three meanings? 
 Certainly. For the author of the Letter to Diognetus, wiro- 
 a-Tacns means simply reality ; for Tatian, it is an anticipated 
 possession of a future reality ; and for Athanagoras, a guar- 
 antee of a present reality. The common element is reality. 
 
 We now pass on to Irenaeus in a new field of literature, 
 the Gnostic, that interesting literature, through which, as 
 Bigg 1 says, "these scientific terms were introduced into 
 theology. Ovaia, viroaTaaLS, viroiceifievov, ofioovaLos, all occur 
 in Irenaeus," as in the philosophy of the time, where vtto~ 
 <TTaai<; and ovcria "mean precisely the same thing." 2 Ire- 
 naeus uses them synonymously in Contr. Haer. I, 15. 
 In this passage Irenaeus protests against the ravings of the 
 Gnostic Marcus who, though admitting God to be incorpo- 
 real, yet conceives the generation of God out of a multi- 
 tude of letters of the alphabet. Our author thus states the 
 dilemma : Kat ov aatofiarov tcai avovaLov ovo/jLa&is, ttjv tovtov 
 ova Lav teat ttjv viroaTaaLV e/c 7roW(ov ypafi/xareov^ erepcov 
 €% cTepcov yevvco/jLevcoV) KaTaaKeva%eL$. z Here viroaTaaL? and 
 ova-La are clearly used synonymously. We have seen that 
 the preceding authors employ viroaraaLs in the sense of 
 
 GUARANTEE OF REALITY, as the ANTICIPATED REALITY. 
 
 But Irenaeus, in identifying viroaraaL*; with ovaia, the exist- 
 ing reality, clearly marks a step in the development of 
 the term, which becomes more evident by a note of the same 
 author, especially interesting and important for the exegesis 
 of Heb. xi, 1, Contr. Haer. IV, 21. Irenaeus here gives 
 a definition of 7r*o-ro, which though not an explicit exegesis 
 of Heb. xi, 1, yet is strikingly similar to the Syriac text of 
 our verse, and even foreshadows the common Patristic exege- 
 sis of Heb. xi, 1. Speaking of Abraham as the prophet and 
 example of 7rtcrn9, Irenaeus makes the interesting observa- 
 
 1 Bigg, The Christian Platonista of Alexandria, 164, f. n. 1. 
 
 2 Op. city 164. 
 
 s Migne, P. 6?., 7, 625 B. 
 
18 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 tion that Abraham believed in things future (which are also 
 "things hoped for"), as if they were already accomplished: 
 Illo quidem credente f uturis quasi iam factis propter promis- 
 sionem Dei. 1 Here we have irians as the representation 
 of A future reality, as if it were already an accomplished 
 fact : Futuris quasi iam factis. This bears a striking resem- 
 blance to the Syriac rendering of eXTri^o/juevayv VTroaraaL^ of 
 Heb. xi, 1 : Est autem fides persuasio super iis, quae sunt 
 in spe, ac si essent ipsis (intellige credentibus) in actu sive 
 effectu. 2 Then our author goes on to give what has a broad 
 parallelism with the second part of Heb. xi, 1, eXeyx * ov 
 fiXeTTOfievcov, when he says, " nobis quoque similiter per fidem 
 speculantibus earn quae est in regno haereditatem." 3 This 
 is the first, though vague, indication of Heb. xi, 1, and means 
 plainly per fidem videmus, quae non iam videtur, i.e., "hae- 
 reditatem in regno," or : j3\€7rofiev 8ia iriareco^ ov fiXeTroficva. 
 The anticipated possession of a future reality (Tatian) is here 
 a vivid representation of a future and complete reality (" as 
 if they were already accomplished "). 
 
 Up to this point we have been considering the common 
 Patristic usage of the term woo-rao-is prior to Clement of 
 Alexandria, because until his time our text itself is not 
 found. Yet this earliest Christian usage is important, since 
 it represents the closest link to the literary milieu of Heb. 
 xi, 1 in its principal difficulty, namely, the meaning of the 
 term viroaraaifs. As the result of this investigation we may 
 note the chief usages of the term found : vrrocrTao~i<; has been 
 used in the sense of essence, something connected with 
 
 ESSENCE, REALITY IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY, GUAR- 
 ANTEE, CERTAINTY, OR ANTICIPATION OF A FUTURE REAL- 
 ITY, a REALITY NOT YET COMPLETE, and a REPRESENTATION 
 OF A FUTURE AND COMPLETE REALITY. 
 
 i Migne, P. G., 7, 1044 A. 
 
 2 Estius, Comm., in Cap. XI, — Epist. ad Hebraeos, vers. 1, 275; ci 
 also p. 5 of this Dissertation. 3 Migne, P. G., 7, 1044 A. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 19 
 
 In Clement of Alexandria we find the first statement 
 of our text , which he advances as scriptural confirmation, 
 and, what is more important still, as an equation of his defi- 
 nition of inarm. In passing, we may note that much of the 
 Stromata is devoted to maris. In fact, Clement is the first 
 to give us a well-rounded treatment of the doctrine of Faith. 
 But what is of the highest interest to the student of the 
 development of religion (especially from the linguistic point 
 of view) is the fact that in Clement the Christian mans is 
 viewed in the light of the classical, which has profoundly 
 affected the terminology of maris as an intellectual assent 
 (avy/caraOeais^). 1 In Stromata, II, 2, Clement argues that 
 through maris alone can we come to the knowledge of God. 
 Then he defines maris in the following terms: irpoXrjyjns eicov- 
 aios ecTTi, deoaefteias avyrcaradeais, eXm^ofjievcov viroaraais, 
 irpayfiarcov e\e7%o? ov fiXeiro/jievcov, Kara rov 6eiov Airoaro- 
 \ov. 2 Then follows in the next few chapters a further elu- 
 cidation of avy/caradeais, Oeoaefteia, e/covaios, and irpoXrjyfris 
 in the light of classical Greek antiquity. That Clement's 
 definition of maris is equated by Heb. xi, 1 is unmistak- 
 able. What is the meaning of the individual terms of 
 this equation ? 
 
 1. ^vy/caradeais: The sense of avy/caraOeais is clear 
 from the immediate context. Clement, after quoting the 
 Apostle, continues : Other philosophers have defined maris 
 as an assent to an unseen object : AXXot & a<f>vovs irpayfia- 
 ros evvorjTLKrjv avyicaraOeaiv eirehaicav eivai rrjv mariv. z And 
 he adds the important words : Clamp a/xeXei rrjv airoSeiljiv 
 ayvoovfievov irpayfiaros <f>av€pav avy/caradeaiv : * As certainly 
 
 lOrigen (Contr. Cel., III, 38, 39), Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat, V, X), 
 John Damascene (Expos, of the Orthodox Faith, IV, XI), and others have 
 defined ttkttis as a avyKaTadeais, and Theodoret (Curatio Graec, I) repeats 
 Clement of Alexandria almost verbatim in his dissertation Hept Iltcrrews. 
 
 2 Berl. Ed. Clemens Alexandrinus, II, 117. 
 
 a Ibid. 
 
 * Migne, P. <?., 8, 940 A. 
 
20 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 the proof of an unknown thing is an evident assent. In the 
 first instance irians was called an assent (avyKaTaOecn^. 
 Here PROOF (a7roSeift?) is called ASSENT (avyKaradecri^. 
 Thus we have the identification of ttlotk with airohei^. 
 AiroheL^t<s (airo-heucvviAi = present) originally means presen- 
 tation of a reality, and includes the meaning that some- 
 thing which was not present (materially or mentally) is 
 MADE present. Thus airoheit~i,$ is a proof in so far as it 
 presents A REALITY. If we consider in this light the 
 identification ttiotr = crvy/caraOecris = a7roSetf £?, then maTis 
 is to be understood as the power which makes a non- 
 present REALITY TO BE A PRESENT REALITY. This 
 representation is produced by 7rtcrTfc?, as Clement ex- 
 pressly states : TrpocnroheiicwvTOS tlvos avrco $ia tt;? inaTea)^ 
 tt)v airohei^Lv. 1 
 
 The manner in which maris thus makes things to be 
 present is plastically set forth in Stromata, II, 4. Clem- 
 ent here distinguishes between the airiaToi and the wurroi. 
 The airio-Toi, clinging to visible things, assert that those 
 things alone exist which can be touched and handled, defin- 
 ing aco/na and ovaia to be the same thing. Not so with the 
 wigtoi, those who love tticttis, " Lo, I make new things which 
 eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor hath the heart of 
 man conceived" (Is. lxiv, 4; 1 Cor. ii, 9). It is these 
 things which the Christian sees through irians. Hlcttls 
 creates in man a real means of perception : 'Kaivco o<f>6a\fjLco, 
 tcaiVT) afcor), Kaivt] fcapSia, oara opara teat a/covcrTa, KaraXyTrra 
 hia T77? TTKTTea)^ teal crvveaecos, 7rvev/jLaTifccos Xeyovrcov, a/covov- 
 tcqv, TTpaTTovToav tcov tov JLvpuov /jLdOrjTcov. 2 Here we have as 
 an illustration a wonderful contrast between both a mate- 
 rial reality and a spiritual reality, and the means 
 of perceiving the two ; what we see with our material eyes, 
 hear with our material ears, love with our material heart, is 
 material reality; besides these material senses which 
 i Migne, P. <?., 8, 940 A. 2 7&id., 945 b. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 21 
 
 guarantee a material reality, there are spiritual senses, replac- 
 ing the material faculty in another realm of thought but 
 guaranteeing the REALITY of the perceived object — it is ttuttl*;. 
 By ttiotis we possess a new eye, a new ear, and a new heart 
 — new things become visible, hearable, perceptible. Hence, 
 the conclusion must be : liter™? makes its objects as present 
 to us as the material senses do their objects. litem? pre- 
 sents realities as truly as our material senses do, or ttio-tis 
 gives the same guarantee for the REALITY of its objects 
 as do the material senses. 
 
 2. JlpoXTjyjris. Clement not only borrows TrpoXrjyjns from 
 Epicurus (who also denned ttkttcs as a 77-/00X77-^?) but also 
 quotes his definition of the term : eTrifioXrjv em tl evayes, Kau 
 em tt)V evayrj tov 7rpay/JLaT0<i eirivoiav. 1 This is the classical 
 passage. It means " the throwing oneself toward the very 
 real and toward the clearer understanding of a thing which 
 is in reality." This is a kind of anticipation or precon- 
 ception of reality. Thus nobody can, as Clement then pro- 
 ceeds to show, " make a judicial inquiry, nobody can raise a 
 question, nor even argue without this irpoXriyfris" For some- 
 thing must be taken for granted. It is of secondary importance 
 for us to know that without being prepared for the accept- 
 ance of the reality we are unable to do anything. But it is 
 of primary importance for us to note that Tricm? as a irpoXr}- 
 yfrt? is the preparedness a priori to accept the reality, and that 
 this preparedness to accept is already the perception op the 
 reality. Thus irians becomes the representation of 
 
 THE REALITY IN ADVANCE, the ANTICIPATION OF REALITY. 
 
 Whence we conclude that for Clement iticftis, as a crvytca- 
 
 Ta0e<n$, is the representation of a reality, and, as a 
 
 TrpoXrjylriS, it is the REPRESENTATION OF THE REALITY BY 
 
 anticipation. We have here a combination of Tatian's 
 viroo-racrLs = " anticipated possession " and Irenaeus' irians 
 = " vivid representation of a reality." 
 
 1 Migne, P. (?., 8, 948 B. 
 
22 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 After having obtained a clear idea of Clement's 77-10-™?, it 
 is of interest to us to know how he explains viroa-racn,^ which 
 is identified with iriaris in Heb. xi, 1. I have found two 
 usages of u7roo-ra<m in the writings of Clement : (a) in the 
 participial form (yrroa-ravTO^ , as the EMPHASIS OF REALITY 
 IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY ; (b~) VTTOaTacrft, as the TITLE- 
 DEED TO PROPERTY. 
 
 In Stromata V, 4, Clement maintains that the Greeks 
 plagiarized from the Hebrews in their doctrines. Thus Plato 
 is accused of having taught that the world was created. 
 Whereupon Clement remarks that Plato here not only shows 
 that the earth was created, but also points out that it was 
 generated as a son by God, — when in a state of non-existence 
 it derived its being from Him alone,— 12? av etc /jlovov 
 yevofievov /cat e/c /jltj ovtos viroa-TavTOs} We have VTroaravTOS 
 clearly as a contrast to non-reality (^77 ovtos). Hence, 
 VTroo-TavTos must be an emphasis of reality. 
 
 The use of vrroo-Tao-is in Stromata II, 18, is most inter- 
 esting. Some have thought that here we have the first 
 instance of viroaTacns as a term of distinction in the Trinity. 
 In the words of Wilson, 2 " here Clement seems to designate 
 the Human Nature of Christ — as being the quartum quid 
 in addition to the Three Persons of the Godhead." But 
 that this interpretation is wholly a priori and a complete 
 misunderstanding of Clement's terminology will be evident 
 from the sequel. For in the text there is no indication 
 whatsoever of either the Human Nature of Christ, or of a 
 distinction in the Godhead. Such a curious interpretation 
 of the text very probably is merely the projection of the idea 
 that viroaraaL^ means person into the passage, and then the 
 invention of the Human Nature of Christ to answer to the 
 u fourth t»7rotrTacrt?," which the rrjv rov Kvptov rerapr^v vrro- 
 o-tcktip of the text calls for. It is true that this passage 
 
 iMigne, P. <?., 9, 136 B. 
 
 a The Writings of Clement of Alexandria, II, 66. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 23 
 
 might have remained shrouded in darkness, had not the 
 recent papyri studies brought to light an old but forgotten 
 meaning of vwoaraa^ — title-deeds. 1 
 
 In Stromata, II, 18, Clement speaks of Christian ethics, 
 especially of the Christian virtues. He enumerates ex- 
 pressly four virtues, — piety, liberality, justice, and human- 
 ity. Several times in the chapter he speaks of the law that 
 gave certain prescriptions for the exercise of virtues, e.g., 
 from the "first fruits" the priests of the Old Law were to 
 be maintained. Then passing to the Christian law he em- 
 phasizes the idea that the Christian law is also humane, — 
 
 that HUMANITY IS COMBINED WITH THE CHRISTIAN VIR- 
 TUES. The famous text where VTrocnacn^ is used occurs in 
 an illustration of this doctrine. Clement takes his analogy 
 from horticulture. By the civil law, newly planted trees 
 were to be nourished three years in succession, and no fruit 
 was to be plucked till the fourth year ; this fruit was to be 
 reserved to God as the fourth year's lawful tribute. Clement 
 then applies these facts to Christian life. In the fourth 
 year the virtues which are the fruit of ttuttls (piety, liber- 
 ality, justice, and humanity) are consecrated to God (justice 
 and humanity are connected), the fourth viroa-Taai^ of the 
 Lord: H Terpas toov apercov tcaOiepovTai too deeo, ttj<; rpiTTjs tjStj 
 /jlovtjs a-vvairrovarj^, eiri ttjv tov Kvptou TerapTrjv vrroo-Tao-LV.* 
 The parallel expresses this idea : since the fruit of the fourth 
 year is by law dedicated to God as first-fruit, so the four 
 virtues are dedicated to God as (eirt, with the Ace. can here 
 only express finality) 3 the fourth TTroaraai*; of the Lord, 
 or as the fourth year's lawful viroaraat,^. According to the 
 meaning of viroo-racn*; in earlier documents and in Clement 
 
 1 Cf. Moulton, Egyptian Rubbish Heaps, 27 sq., after showing that Gren- 
 f el and Hunt in their Papyri-studies have given us a new meaning for mro- 
 <rTa<rts, says : " In other words this word may be translated title-deeds." 
 
 2 Migne, P. G., 8, 1037 B. 
 8 Cf . Pape. 
 
24 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 himself, the term could express the real possession, the 
 
 REALITY BELONGING TO THE LORD. But the addition of 
 
 the idea of the law in this instance suggests the only possible 
 meaning to be that which we find also in the papyri, namely, 
 the lawful property, or the title-deed of the Lord. 
 This title-deed, however, includes absolutely the reality 
 of the possession ; it emphasizes rather the legality, the law- 
 fulness of the fact that this reality belongs to God. 
 
 Finally, in the light of these two usages of the term vtto- 
 <TTacrL<; can we reconstruct Clement's interpretation of eXiri- 
 £ofjL€va>v viroGTaais of Heb. xi, 1 ? As already noted, Clement 
 equated his definition of wiotk (the representation or 
 
 PRESENTATION OF A SPIRITUAL REALITY) with Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 Furthermore, the choice of Clement's interpretation of vwo- 
 (TTacns e\7n£ofJ>€V(0v lies between the two meanings of the term 
 viroaraa-^ (as used by him), which senses, when taken in 
 connection with our text, would yield : 1. irtaris is the rep- 
 resentation of the reality of things hoped for; 2. itlctti^ 
 is the (lawful) title-deed for the reality of things hoped 
 for. 
 
 Whichever of the two meanings we accept, the sense of 
 the two formulae is essentially the same. For whoever has 
 •7rtcrTfc5, has the reality of things hoped for, except that the 
 second formula adds the interesting observation that the 
 possessor of irians is not only in possession of the REALITY 
 of things hoped for, but that he is in possession lawfully, 
 — that he has a right to this possession. We may here 
 quote the words of Moulton : * " This word (u7ro<7Ta<rt?) may 
 be translated title-deeds. Can we not see what depth of 
 meaning that puts into the word ? 4 Faith is the title-deeds 
 of things hoped for ' — men and women who received a 
 promise from God counted that promise as being the title- 
 deed to something they could not see yet, but which they 
 were going to see some day." 
 
 1 Op. cit., 28. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 25 
 
 Lastly, Clement's interpretation of eKiri^ofievoyv VTroo-Tao-is 
 of Heb. xi, 1, either as (a) the representation of the 
 
 REALITY OF THINGS HOPED FOR, Or (6) the TITLE-DEEDS TO 
 
 the reality of things hoped for, completes and illus- 
 trates what we found to be the most common meaning of 
 vTroo-raais in the preceding writers, viz., the emphasis of 
 
 REALITY IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY. 
 
 With Origen we enter the epochal field of Patristic lit- 
 erature in which wiroaTa<ns became the technical term for 
 " Person " in the Christological and Trinitarian contro- 
 versies. It is not less important to the exegete than to the 
 dogmatist to realize that in the process by which vKOdTaai^ 
 took on this technical meaning, the previous sense of the 
 term {reality in contrast to non-reality) controlled the devel- 
 opment. To the dogmatist it is important in so far as it 
 gives the historical reason for the employment of wirovTaais 
 as a term of distinction in the Trinity, and to the exegete 
 it is interesting to see how the basic meaning of virocrTacn<;, 
 elsewhere maintained, in these controversies controls the 
 development of the term as * Person." Accordingly, within 
 the limits of this interest to the exegete the meaning of 
 viro<TTa<n<; in the Christological and Trinitarian controversies 
 is pertinent to the exegesis of Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 As far as I can ascertain, Origen is the first writer to use 
 viro<TTacn<; as a term of distinction in the Godhead. In the 
 words of Bigg, 1 " the word for Person in Origen is com- 
 monly Hypostasis." The constant use of wToo-rao-i? to ex- 
 press the Personal distinction of the Father, the Son, and the 
 Holy Ghost occurs in the first three chapters of Origen's 
 De Principiis. In Be Princip., I, 2, the Son is called the 
 Wisdom of God. But lest some think that this Wisdom is 
 a mere quality of the Father, he remarks, De Princip., I, 2, 
 2, u Let no one imagine that we mean anything inmbstanti- 
 vum? when we call Him the Wisdom of God." We could 
 i Op. cit., 163 sq. 2 Migne, P. G., 11, 130 B. 
 
26 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 translate simply : u Let no one imagine that we mean any- 
 thing unreal.''' But he continues, "If then it is rightly 
 understood, the Only-Begotten Son of God is the Wisdom 
 hypostatically existing (substantialiter)." * What we must 
 conclude from these two instances, although they are pre- 
 served only in a Latin translation, is that Origen considers 
 vwocrTacns (= substantia) as the emphasis of the real, 
 individual, or personal existence. Where he uses it as 
 an expression for the Personality he indirectly includes the 
 emphasis of the reality, since the reality is the conditio 
 sine qua non for the Personality. 
 
 Origen also uses virooTaai's in the sense of guarantee, 
 which shows that although the term was used by him so 
 largely in the sense of Person, still it retained its previous 
 meaning. In Contr. Cel., VI, 56, he says that God may send 
 external evils for pedagogical reasons, as fathers chastise 
 their children to bring about conversion. Thus, in the evils 
 sent against Jerusalem the Jews had the vrroaracns in these 
 sufferings from the enemy for their being brought to repent- 
 ance : T77V VKQGTaaiv e^ovra ev tols airo tcdv TroXe/Mcov 
 irovois, irpo<Ta<yoiAevoi<$ avrois et? €7rL<TTpo<j>r]V. 2 Here vrroa-racn^ 
 clearly means the guarantee of a future reality, 
 which in our case is repentance. 
 
 Whence we may conclude that in the general use of 
 the term trrroa-raac;, Origen understands by it reality or 
 guarantee of A future reality, and even as the tech- 
 nical term for person, the old meaning of the word, the 
 
 EMPHASIS OF REALITY IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY, is 
 
 apparent. 
 
 Origen also quotes Heb. xi, 1 in his Commentary on the 
 Epistle to the Romans. Unfortunately, this is preserved to 
 us only in a Latin translation by Rufinus. It is not a strict 
 exegesis of our text, and under ordinary circumstances it 
 should be passed over with the aforesaid observation, were 
 
 1 Migne, P. £., 11, 130 C. * Berl. Ed. Origen, H, 127. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 27 
 
 it not for the fact that from the context it seems to favor an 
 interpretation of eXiri^o/JLevcov viroo-Tao-is which is followed by 
 later writers, namely, the foundation of things hoped 
 for. In discussing the plight of Abraham, when in his 
 old age he was promised a son, Origen remarks that from 
 the natural point of view the patriarch could only despair. 
 But on considering the promises of God, hope sprang up in 
 him and he believed. It is in connection with this state- 
 ment, viz., that as in Abraham's case so in all others hope 
 is inseparably connected with Faith, Heb. xi, 1 is quoted: 
 Apostolus coniungit et spem, sciens fidei spem insepara- 
 biliter cohaerere, sciens et in Epistola ad Hebraeos idem 
 docet dicens: est autem fides sper and arum rerum sub- 
 stantia, indicium NON apparentium. 1 Further on our 
 author shows how faith, hope, and charity are connected : 
 Et puto quod prima salutis initia, et ipsa fundamenta 
 fides est ; profectus vero et augmenta aedificii spes est ; 
 perfectio autem et culmen totius operis charitas. 2 From 
 this evidence it would not be legitimate to conclude that 
 Origen understood ekin^ofievoDv viroa-TaaL^ of Heb. xi, 1 to 
 be the foundation of things hoped for, which is the 
 interpretation of our text found in later writers and cham- 
 pioned (as the chief meaning of the term viroaraaL^ by 
 no less a theologian than Stentrup. 3 I cannot accept this 
 explanation of Origen's interpretation for the following 
 reasons : 
 
 1. Origen is comparing faith, hope, and charity by 
 an analogy. The analogy is between the general doctrine 
 of salvation and an edifice in which FAITH is compared to 
 the foundation (Et puto quod firma salutis initia, et ipsa 
 
 • 
 
 i Migne, P. (?., 14, 980 C 
 
 2 Migne, P. <?., 14, 981 A. 
 
 » F. Stentrup, Zum Begriffder Hypostase (Zk. Th. I (1877)), p. 73, " Wir 
 diirfen fur ausgemacht annehmen . . . dass sie (uir<xrra<rts = Fundament) 
 die urspriingliche ist, und die gewohnliche war." 
 
28 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 fund amenta fides est) ; hope to the added parts of the 
 structure (profectus vero et augmenta aedificii spes est) ; 
 and charity to the finished product (perfectio autem et 
 culmen totius operis charitas). So in applying this con- 
 nection between fides and spes to Heb. xi, 1 (for Origen 
 used our text to show that faith and hope are inseparably 
 connected) one could say only at most that faith is like a 
 foundation for things hoped for, because the statement 
 of the connection between faith and hope is only an 
 analogy. 
 
 2. Foundation is not the ordinary meaning of sub- 
 stantia (yTToaraa-i^ in the writings of Origen. We have 
 found that our author employs viroo-Taais to express the 
 
 EMPHASIS OF REALITY IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY, and 
 
 also in the technical sense of person. 
 
 3. The notion that v7ro<rracn<; means " foundation " is 
 based on the false popular philology that derives the term 
 quite correctly from verb vfacrTavai, but then assigns to it 
 an incorrect meaning. Hatch * has shown that the term is 
 derived from vfaaravai and expresses emphatic existence or 
 reality. 
 
 Hence, we conclude that Origen did not give a strict in- 
 terpretation of Heb. xi, 1 in this passage. He used our 
 text merely to show from Scripture that faith and hope 
 are inseparably connected. 
 
 As a disciple of Origen, and later as head of the Cate- 
 chetical School and Bishop of Alexandria, Dionysius is 
 interesting for the current notion of VTroaracri*;, not because 
 he has left us an exegesis of our text, but rather in this that 
 he introduced into the Trinitarian and Christological con- 
 troversies the preceding meaning of the term (an emphasis 
 of reality in contrast to non-reality) by verbally 
 
 1 Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian 
 Church, p. 275 : ' ' The term Hypostasis is the conjugate of the verb 
 V0irr«MU, which had come into use as a more emphatic form than eirot." 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 29 
 
 contrasting viroaTaai^ with avvrroo-Tarov. In his Epist. ad 
 Paul. Samosat,, our author says that the Word, Wisdom, 
 and Form of God are not the word, wisdom, and form of 
 man. The former have an individual existence: Dei 
 autem forma, Verbum ipsius et sapientia Filius Dei et 
 Deus idem ipse confidendus est. 1 Whereas this is not true 
 of man — his word, wisdom, power, and form are insubsis- 
 tentiale8 partes of his make-up: verbum enim hominis et 
 sapientia et virtus et forma insubsistentiales partes unius 
 hominis aspiciuntur. 2 Here " insubsistentiales " (avviro- 
 crTard) 3 means a quality not having individual exist- 
 ence. Whence we see that for Dionysius VTrocrrao-i^ is 
 characterized by an emphasis of individual existence 
 in contrast to non-individual existence, or by a reality 
 in its completeness. 
 
 Although Alexander, the Bishop of Alexandria, did not 
 leave us an exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, still his characterization 
 of the essence of the term wiroaTaais must be noted. In his 
 Letter to the Bishops of the Arian Blasphemy (preserved 
 by Theodore t), Alexander first notes that the Father and 
 the Son are two inseparably existing realities, a^aptcrTa 
 irpay^iara Bvo. 4 Then he goes on to say that the Word can- 
 not be included in the things which were made out of noth- 
 ing, as John proved when he said, " All things were made 
 by Him" (John i, 3). For John showed the proper mode 
 of His vTroa-racns when he said, " In the beginning was the 
 Word, etc.": Trjv yap iBiorpoirov avrov wrrocrTacnv eBrjXcoaev 
 eiTrcov • Ep ap%r) r\v o A070?, icai A070? rjv 777309 top @eoz>. 5 
 
 What is the meaning of wiroaTaa-is here ? The sense may 
 be given in three propositions : 
 
 1 Migne, P. £., 28, 1562 D. 
 
 *Ibid. 
 
 8 Petavius has preserved or reconstructed the Greek text : Aoyos yap 
 avdpuirov, /cai <ro<pia kcu 8vva.fj.is, xai fiopcpTj avvir o a r ar a ftepy tov evos avdpw- 
 irov dewpeirai. Cf. De Trinit., Lib. IV, C. 8, p. 195. 
 
 4 Migne, P. G., 82, 893 B. 6 Ibid. 
 
30 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 1. T7roo-Ta<m is something which can be predicated of a 
 7rpayfia, i.e., of a REALLY EXISTING THING. 
 
 2. The viroa-Tacns of the Son demands that He be distin- 
 guished from all created things. Therefore, the Son's viro- 
 araais is from one point of view characterized by eternal 
 
 PREEXISTENCE. 
 
 e 
 
 3. The MANNER OP THIS ETERNAL PREEXISTENCE is 
 
 described as the proper manner of the Son's v7roo-Tacn<;, 
 i.e., ev apxv V v ano ^ V v irpos tov 6eov. These modes of ex- 
 isting in His preexistence explain how He was, i.e.. 
 His individual and preexisting reality, His divine 
 personality. Individuality and preexistence con- 
 cern the t8toT/307ro?, whereas viroo-Taa-^ must mean reality 
 or personality. Note how individuality, i.e., complete- 
 ness, is again connected with the notion of reality. 
 
 Like Dionysius and Alexander before him, Athanasius 
 has not left us an interpretation of Heb. xi, 1 ; still, as he 
 was the center of the Christological and Trinitarian contro- 
 versies which gave rise to the new meaning of viroaTaa^, his 
 notion of the term must be noted, especially since he practi- 
 cally abandoned the technical sense of the term and often 
 returned to the older sense of irjroo-Tao-ts as the emphasis of 
 eivai. In his letter Ad Afros. 4, Athanasius decisively 
 identifies vn-oo-Tao-is with ovaia and explains them both as 
 the EMPHATIC REALITY : H £e VTroo-Taai? ovaia eari, /cat 
 6" ovBev aWo o-^fiacvofievov e%€L t) avro to ov. 1 This shows 
 clearly that vTroo-raai^ means nothing else than the to ov = 
 the reality. Then, as if this were not clear enough, Atha- 
 nasius identifies both VTroaTaais and ovaia with wrap^is in a 
 reference to Jeremias. 2 This makes it unmistakably clear 
 that viroaTaam is reality, since virap^ 3 is the ORIGINALLY 
 EXISTING REALITY, an EMPHASIS of the TO OV. 
 
 i Migne, P. G., 26, 1036 B. * Ibid. 
 
 3 Cf . Schumacher, Christus in Seiner Praexistenz und Kenose, nach 
 Phil., 2, 5-8. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 31 
 
 As Defender of the Faith, Athanasius, in the words of 
 Gregory Nazianzus, took the practical attitude, " getting at 
 the meaning behind the terms used." 1 A practical instance 
 of this attitude, and at the same time a most remarkable 
 example of the meaning of virocrracn^ in the theological con- 
 troversies, is the trial of the two parties (one held for rpeis 
 VTroa-Tacreis in the Trinity and the other for fiia viroa-Taai^) 
 just before the Council of Alexandria. Those who main- 
 tained that there were Tpeis VTroa-Tacre^ in the Trinity were 
 asked whether they understood it like the Arians in the 
 sense of three diverse substances, as gold, silver, and brass, 
 or like the older heretics, as three gods. They answered 
 that they never even imagined such queer things. And when 
 asked, " In what sense, then, do you use such expressions ? " 
 they answered, "Because we believe in the Holy Trinity, 
 not as a Trinity in name only, but in truth and REALITY^ — 
 the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost truly and really ex- 
 isting : Ata to et? ayiav TpcaBa Tria-revecv, ov/c ovo/nari, T/ot- 
 a8a fiovov, a\X' a\r)0co$ ovaav /cat v<f>€o-TCD<rav, Tlarepa 
 T€ aXrjOcos ovra icai v<\>eo~T(OTa, kcli Tiov aXrjOcos evovaiov ovra 
 kcli u^>€<TTft)Ta, icai Uvevfia ayiov vfacrTcos kcli virap^ov oiSafiev" 2 
 Here the old notion of mroaTaat^ as REALITY is put in strik- 
 ing relief, tirocrraa-^ is used for a TRUE REALITY (T<£e- 
 o-Ttoo-av), since the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost each have 
 
 a TRUE REALITY, which TRUE REALITY in its EXISTENCE 
 
 is expressed by forms derived from vfyiaTavai (the stem for 
 vrroaracrt^ — emphatic existence). 3 Hence, we conclude 
 that Athanasius is a strong witness for the old meaning of 
 viroo-Tao-i? as the emphasis of the REAL. 
 
 Although Eusebius has not written an interpretation 
 of Heb. xi, 1, still we cannot leave entirely unnoticed his 
 remarkable witness to the usage of vttocttcktis in the sense 
 
 1 Of. Gregory Nazianzus, In Laudem Ath., 36 ; Migne, P. £., 35, 1126 B. 
 2 Migne, P. 6?., 26, 801 B. 
 3 Cf. Hatch, Op. cit, p. 275. 
 
32 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 of REALITY in contrast to non-reality (avviroo-raTov) . In 
 Qonstantine *s Oration to the Saints, 6, Eusebius says that 
 in the face of the most harmonious order observable in 
 nature chance has no meaning. For he asks, " Shall we dare 
 to say that all things happen by chance (avroiiarov), though 
 we be unable to show by what shape or form this chance is 
 characterized : as it is a thing which has no viroo-Taaris either 
 in the intellect or in sense perception — a thing which rings 
 in the ears as an empty sound : wiroaraaiv ovSe/xiav e^ov ovre 
 voepcos ovt aia6wT<D<;, /jlovov 8* on ?7%o? ovo/jLaro? avvTroaraTov 
 irepi ra (ora /So/i/Set." 1 Chance has, therefore, neither a men- 
 tal nor a visible wrroo~Tao~is, which can here mean only "no 
 mental nor visible reality," it is only an empty word, a 
 word which in itself has no reality (avviroaTaTov). We 
 see here the word vTroo-rao-i? clearly used to emphasize 
 reality in striking contrast to its negation, non-reality 
 (avviTQcnaTov) . 
 
 Besides giving an exegesis of our text, Cyril of Jerusa- 
 lem applies the old sense of vTroo-Taais as the emphasis of 
 reality IN contrast to non-reality to the Trinitarian 
 problem. In Cat. XI, 10, he says that the Father begot the 
 Son, not as among men mind begets word. For mind is 
 substantially existent in us ; the word when spoken is dis- 
 persed into the air and comes to an end. But we know the 
 Christ to have been begotten not as a word pronounced, but 
 as a Word existing (evviroaraTo^ and living ; not spoken by 
 the lips and dispersed into the air, but ev virocrTacrei begot- 
 ten of the Father eternally and ineffably : H/i€t? he oihapev 
 top XpMTTOv yewnOevra Xoyov ov 7rpo(f>opL/cov, aXXa Xoyov 
 €M7ro(TTaTOV /cat ^eovra 9 ov %eiXeo-i XaXnOevra tcai hia^v- 
 Oevra, aXX' e/c Uarpo? atStto? tcai av€K(f)pao-Too<;, kcu ev viro- 
 aTaorei yevvwOevra. 2 Although viroaracri^ is used here in 
 the sense of person, the original meaning (reality in con- 
 trast to non-reality) is still clearly evident. For in con- 
 1 Berl. Ed., Eusebius, I, 161. 2 Migne, P. <?., 33, 701 B. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 33 
 
 trast to the avvirocrraTos ^070? pronounced by human lips, 
 which loses its reality by being dispersed into the air, the 
 Eternal Word is called the evwiroo-TaTos A070?, the Word 
 really existing and retaining reality. 
 
 As the text for his Lecture on Trio-res, Cyril chooses Heb. 
 xi, 1. Although this lecture is not a strict exegesis of our 
 text, yet both ekin^oixevcov vrroaraa^ and eke^xp^ ov /3\€7ro- 
 fievcov receive a general elucidation. In Cat. V, 3, Cyril 
 enumerates what, it must be remarked, are the classical 
 examples of ttigtis throughout the Patristic literature. 1 
 
 1. By ttkitv; the laws of marriage yoke those who have 
 lived as strangers ; and by reason of tticttis in marriage con- 
 tracts a stranger is made partner of a stranger's person and 
 possessions. 
 
 2. By 7T£0-Tt?, also, husbandry is sustained, incnei kcli yecop- 
 yia avvLararaL. 2 For he who does not believe that he shall 
 receive a harvest endures not the toil. 
 
 3. By 7T£0-Tfc? seafaring men trusting to the thinnest plank 
 exchange the most solid element, the land, for the restless 
 motion of the waves, committing themselves to unevident hopes 
 (ahijXoLS eavrovs eTrihihovres eXiriai) 3 and carrying with them 
 a 7rtcrTt9 more sure than any anchor. 
 
 In the first instance, Tna-ra seems to have a meaning which 
 we have already met with in Clement of Alexandria and in 
 the papyri : title-deeds. For this tthttis is the guaran- 
 tee for the reality of the person and the possessions. In 
 the second example, we have clearly the meaning anticipa- 
 tion of reality. This anticipation gives the farmer the 
 
 1 The following authors use the same examples of Trto-ns, which are simi- 
 lar in cases to an identity of language : Origen, Contra Gel. I, 9 ; Rufinus, 
 Com. on the Apostles' 1 Creed, 3 ; Augustine, Be UtU. Credendi, chs. 1 and 
 2 ; Arnobius, Contr. Gentes, 2 ; Eusebius, Praepar. Evangel., I, 5, and XII, 
 chs. 1, 2, 3; Chrysostom, Horn. I, In Tim.; Theodoret, — transcribes Cyril 
 of Jer. in Be Curandis Graec. Affectibus, Orat. I, Be Fide; Gregory the 
 Great, Bialog., IV, 2 ; John Damascene, Orthodox. Fid., IV, 11. 
 
 2 Migne, P. G., 33, 508 B. * Ibid. 
 
34 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 courage to endure the hardships of his work. Yet in both 
 of these cases " fiducia " would yield a sufficiently clear 
 sense. But in the third example, reality is emphasized. 
 For here we have in aSrjXois = " unevident " an element that 
 we found before: "what is not seen," "what is not pres- 
 ent " becomes visible and present. And we have in €7tiBl8op- 
 tc? a trust which includes certainty of the existence of the 
 thing " not seen," which is still further explained as " surer 
 than any anchor." 
 
 Hence, we see that in both the Trinitarian problem and in 
 his lecture on 7tuttk, which has for its text Heb. xi, 1, Cyril 
 understands by vrroaTCMns an emphasis of reality in con- 
 trast to non-reality. Accordingly, his exegesis of our text 
 should very probably be rendered : faith is the reality of 
 things hoped for (the anticipation of the reality of future 
 things), or, faith is that which makes real u things hoped 
 for." 
 
 The same emphasis of reality in contrast to non- 
 reality, as the primary meaning of vttoo-tcktk;, is set 
 forth by Basil in a special study of the term, (a) in its 
 general usage, and (6) in its application to the Trinitarian 
 problem. This is the theme of Epist. XXXVIII to his 
 brother Gregory, a letter which the Council of Chalcedon 
 read with reverence and instruction. 1 Herein Basil points 
 out the fundamental difference between vrroaraais and ovaia 
 to be this : What is common to numerically different sub- 
 jects is ovglcl, and what is proper to each subject is viroo-rao-L^. 
 Thus " man " is common to Paul, Timothy, and Sylvanus. 
 Whatever indicates the ovaia of Paul may also be applied to 
 the ovaia of Timothy and Sylvanus. What they have in 
 common is the ovaia — "man." When one turns to the 
 differentiating properties whereby Paul, Timothy, and Syl- 
 vanus are distinguished one from another, we shall find that 
 the definition by which each is known will no longer tally. 
 
 1 Counc. of Chalcedon, Part HI, c. 1. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 35 
 
 That which is spoken of in a special or peculiar manner is 
 indicated by the name Hypostasis : Tovto tolvvv (fxifiev • To 
 iSloos Xeyofievov too tt;<? viroaTaaeoos hrfXovadai prj/ian. 1 Then 
 by way of illustration, Basil suggests that if one were to say, 
 u Man," the indefinite meaning of the word would strike a 
 certain vague sense upon the ears. The nature is indicated, 
 but the concrete thing which really exists and which 
 manifests reality under the name (man) is not pointed 
 out. But this is the vttoo-tckti*;, viz., to 8e vfyeaToo*; tcai hrfXov- 
 fxevov iSloo? viro tov ovofAaros 7rpay/JLa 2 ; that which manifests 
 the Trpayfia is the reality under the mere name. Here the 
 
 REALLY EXISTING THING (to V<f>eo~TO0<;~) and the MANIFESTED 
 REALITY (8r)Xov pevov 18100s vtto tov ovo/jlcltos irpaypia) are the 
 two principal elements of woo-Tact,?. Then Basil continues, 
 " Should one say * Paul,' he would point out the really ex- 
 isting nature that goes by that name : O 8e TiavXov enroov, 
 ehet^ev ev too 8t)Xovjjl€voo vtto tov ovo/jlcltos TrpayfiaTi vfao-Tcocrav 
 tt]v <f)vaiv Tovto ovv eaTiv 77 vrroaTaaL^.^^ Here the REALLY 
 EXISTING nature (y<f)€o-Tooo-av ttjv <f>vcriv) in the CONCRETE RE- 
 ALITY, as it is manifested by the name Paul (ev too BrjXovfievoo 
 viro tov ovofiaTO? TrpaypaTi), is clearly pointed out. In both 
 of these definitions of vrroo-Tao-i? these two elements seem to 
 be paramount: 
 
 1. That which really exists (to 8e v<f>eaToo<s of the 
 first, and vfaa-Tooaav ttjv fyvaiv of the second definition). 
 
 2. THE CONCRETE REALITY (SrjXovfievov 18100s vtto tov ovo- 
 fiaTO? irpay\ia of the first, and ev too 8tfXovfievoo vtto tov ovofia- 
 tos irpayfiaTi of the second definition). 
 
 The first is clearly the element of reality in viroGTa(n<i, 
 because both vfyeo-Toos and vfao-Tooaav are forms of the stem 
 vcfaa-Tavai (emphatic existence = reality), which is also 
 the stem from which vrroo-Tao-is is derived. 4 The second is 
 the reality (irpayfjia) manifested directly by the name. 
 
 1 Benedictine Ed., Basil, HI, I, 166 B. 3 j&id. 
 
 2 Ibid. * Cf. Hatch, Op. eft., 276. 
 
36 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Basil then illustrates his definition of viroaracns by appli- 
 cation to the Trinitarian problem. He points out what the 
 Three Persons of the Blessed Trinity have in common and 
 what peculiar notes distinguish them hypostatically. The 
 Infinite, the Uncreated, the Uncircumscribed are all qualities 
 of their common ovaca. These they have in common, but 
 only the Father has irarpoTT)? ; only the Son has vlottjs, and 
 only the Holy Ghost has eKTropevcris. The viroaracn^ is seen 
 in these thiayfjuara of the Persons : H he viroaraat^ ev tco ihioo- 
 fian T77? 7raT/>OT?7TO?, 77 rrjs ftOT^TO?, 77 T775 ayiacm/cr)? hwafxecos 
 Oecopeirai. 1 Now we come to the crucial point in the exposi- 
 tion of the meaning of viroo-rao-^. " Merely to enumerate 
 the different Persons is not sufficient," says Basil, " we must 
 also confess each Person to have a natural existence in 
 TRUE HYPOSTASIS: Ov yap e^apicei hia<f>opa$ irpoacoTrcov cnra- 
 pi0fjLT)aracr6cu, aWa yjpr) e/cacrTOv irpoacoirov ev viroarraaec 
 aXrjOivr) virap^ov ofioXoyecv." 2 To deny that the iSico/ua has 
 real existence was precisely the error of Sabellius, who 
 admitted and indeed spoke of different Persons. But these 
 irpoacoira were avviroa-raTa^ — mere names to designate the 
 various metamorphoses of God Who was indeed one in mat- 
 ter : E7T€t tov ye avvrroo-TCLTOV rcov nrpoacoircov avairXacr fiov 
 ovhe o Sa/SeXXto? TraprjrrjaaTO, earcov tov avrov Oeov, eva tco 
 viroKeifievoo ovra, 7T/oo? tcls eicao~TOTe irapairiirrovcra^ %peia$ 
 fLeTa/jLopcfrovfievov, vvv fiev a>? Uarepa, vvv he a>? Tlov, vvv he &)? 
 Uvev/jca ayiov hiaXeyeadai. 3 But to say that the Persons of 
 the Blessed Trinity are avviroo-rara is absurd (ei fiev ovv avv- 
 iroaraTa Xeyovaiv ra irpoaooira^ avroOev e%ei, Xoyos tttjv clto- 
 iriav)^ because V7rocrTa<n? demands that the chico/jLara of the 
 Blessed Trinity really exist. In fact, in De Spiritu 
 Sancto, XVIII, 4, Basil simply defines the viroo-Tao-is of the 
 Holy Ghost as a rpoiro^ tti? VTrapgem, a "mode of REAL 
 existence." This is the conclusion of his argument wherein 
 
 1 Benedictine Ed., Basil, IH, II, 467 E. 3 Ibid. 
 
 2 Ibid., 458 A. 4 Ibid., 467 E. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 37 
 
 he describes the iBmo/jlo, of the Holy Ghost to be the " One 
 Proceeding" from God as "breath from the mouth." By so 
 explaining the matter, says Basil, the close relation is made 
 plain, while the mode of ineffable existence is safe- 
 guarded (rov Be TpoTrov tt)<; VTrapgecos apprjTOV <j>v\aaaofievov^). 
 As the sequel will show, T/007J-0? T775 v7rap^eco<; will become one 
 of the classical equivalents for the term viroo-Tacns in the 
 Trinitarian controversy. 
 
 In conclusion, we may say that in Basil's classic study of 
 u7rocrTacrt?, both in its general usage and in its application 
 to the Trinitarian problem, the term primarily means the 
 
 REAL EXISTENCE IN CONTRAST TO NON-EXISTENCE. 
 
 In the writings of Gregory of Nyssa we meet the most 
 striking exegesis of eXirt^opLevcov vn-ocrTaaLs, as the GUARAN- 
 TEE OF THE REALITY OF THINGS HOPED FOR. This note- 
 worthy interpretation occurs in Contra Eunomium, XII, 
 where Gregory maintains that Christian ttio-tis is the vrro- 
 crTaai<; of " things hoped for " and not of things known : H Be 
 tcov XpMTTiavcav ttlo-tls, ov% of to)?. Ov yap tcov yivcocricofJLevcov, 
 aWa tcov eXirt^ofievcov ecrTtv virocrTaais * to Be Bia/cpaTOVfievov 
 ovk ekirc^erai, O yap e%ei *m, <j)rjaij ti /cat eXiri^ei ; 1 For a 
 thing altogether under one's control (BiaKpaTovpevov) and 
 which one has as his own (e%et), why hope for it? This 
 suggests that eXiri^o/jbeva are in the nature of possessions, 
 though only in a limited sense. This is the function of 
 7ucra?, — to make these limited possessions real and absolute 
 by means of viroaTacri*;, which Gregory next explains in the 
 clearest exposition of the matter we have yet seen in the 
 exegesis of our text : u But that which escapes our compre- 
 hension, ttlo-tl^ makes our own QqneTepov)." Then he adds 
 the reason, — " By its own proper firmness guaranteeing 
 (eyyvcofxeva) that which is unseen": To Be 8iacf>evyov ttjv 
 KaravorjcrLV rjfjicov, rj fierepov rj tticttl<; iroiei, Bta tt}<; tSia? 
 y8e/3cwoT77To? €77 v co fxevrj to fir) (fratvofjuevov. 2 Thus by 7rto-Tt? 
 1 Migne, P. G., 45, 941 C. 2 Ibid. 
 
38 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 " hoped-for things " become our possessions QqixeTepov) by 
 guarantee. Uio-tis by reason of its fixing things solidly in 
 our mind (by some kind of presentation, since they are also 
 called /it} (fxuvopeva) is the guarantee of the unseen 
 reality. In a word, 7rto-Tt? is the guarantee of the 
 
 REALITY OF THINGS HOPED FOR. 
 
 c 
 
 This understanding of Gregory's interpretation of viro- 
 o-Taais as the guarantee OF reality is confirmed by 
 another instance of his use of the term in connection with 
 TTLcrTLS and ekins. The passage is found in Contra Eunomium, 
 I, where he speaks of hopes lacking reality (avviroa-raTaL 
 ekiriBes), because they depend for their viroo-Tacns on a fool- 
 ish faith (7rtcrTt? naraia), which in turn is based on the 
 empty heretical teaching {icevov Krjpvyna) that the Son is 
 inferior to the Father : Ovtodv yap tcov toiovtcdv, fiaraca /iev w 
 7rto"Tt?, Kevov Be to /crjpvy/ia, avvTroararai Be at eXinBes, at 
 Bia T779 7rtc7T€a)? rrjv viroo-rao-Lv exovai. 1 If the Son is inferior 
 to the Father, our hopes lack their true virocrTaa^, their 
 true reality, since they are based on a foolish irians ; 
 whereas a true itio-tl^ furnishes a true v7roo-Taats and conse- 
 quently the reality of the thing hoped for. Thus the 
 contrast of a foolish irians, which makes the objects of hope 
 unreal, with the effect of the true irians, which gives REAL- 
 ITY to them, is put in emphatic relief. 
 
 John Chrysostom improves on the exegesis of Gregory 
 of Nyssa and all the preceding authors who understand 
 v7roo-Taai<> to mean primarily reality by pointing out that 
 irians through VTroaraa^, not only gives reality to u things 
 hoped for," but is also their ovaia. It is of some inter- 
 est to remark, in passing, that Chrysostom links the two 
 parts of Heb. xi, 1, eXirt^ofxevoyv wirocnacris and e\ey%o<; ov 
 fiXeTrofieveov, making the second explanatory and confirma- 
 tory of the first. In Homil. XXI, 2, on the Epistle to the 
 Hebrews, Chrysostom interprets eXirify^ievcov vTroo-rao-is, 
 
 1 Migne, P. £., 45, 340 B. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 39 
 
 showing that it is the office of ttigtis to see things not seen 
 visibly by the senses in such a way as to make things " not 
 seen " as real as those that are seen. For just as it is im- 
 possible to disbelieve in things seen, so no one can be said to 
 have 7rto-Tt?, unless he is as fully assured with respect to 
 things invisible as he is to things visible. And the reason 
 for this is that irians gives vrroa-Taai^ to objects of hope, 
 which seem to be unreal (avwirocrTaTa), or rather does 
 not give them i/7roo-ra<m, but is their very being : FiTreiBrj 
 yap tcl ev eXiriSi avviroaraTa eivai Bo/cei, rj ttktti^ 
 viro<TTa<TLv avrois ^api^erai' /xaWov Be, ov ^api^eTai, 
 a\\' avro €(ttlv ovaia avreov. 1 This is a most striking 
 explanation. Chrysostom even insists that we should give 
 things of Faith, which are invisible, a greater assurance than 
 we give to visible things. And this is the reason, — tthttis 
 gives reality (yiroaraa-is:') to these objects of hope which 
 seem UNREAL (awiroGTara eivai Bo/cei), or better, 7tio-ti<; is 
 their very being (ovaia). 
 
 Then Chrysostom illustrates his exegesis by the example 
 of our resurrection at the last day, which has not yet 
 come, nor does it EXIST IN REALITY (ev VTrocrraaei), but 
 hope makes it really exist in our SOULS : Oiov, 77 ava- 
 o-racris ov irapayeyovev, ovBe ecrnv ev vrroaTacrei, a\V 77 eXiri^ 
 v<f>i(TT7](Tiv avTTjv ev TTj ?//i€T€/oa ^t^??. 2 The resurrection at 
 the last day, of course, does not yet exist in reality (ovBe 
 ecrnv ev viroGTao-ei), but eXiris causes the resurrection to be 
 real (vfaoTTjo-iv) in our souls. This clearly shows that 
 mans through vrroaTa<Ti<; does not make " things hoped for y 
 real objectively, but rather real subjectively. Just as our 
 resurrection at the last day has not yet occurred, nor 
 exists in reality, so objects of hope are things of the 
 future, and do not really exist yet, as seen in the ordi- 
 nary way, but nevertheless they do really exist after the 
 manner in which 7ricrTt5 causes them to exist in the soul, 
 1 Chrysostom, Vol. 22, 322. 2 Ibid. 
 
40 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 viz., by giving them ovata in the soul. In a word, ttlcttl^ is 
 
 the REPRESENTATION of a FUTURE REALITY in the SOUl, 
 
 which is as real to us as the visible universe. 
 
 Cyril of Alexandria in his interpretation of our text 
 insists upon one point, viz., whatever is the object of hope 
 or of Faith must be free from all questioning. In his Com- 
 mentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Heb. xi, 1), he 
 says : " Whatever has been received by ttio-tis, ought to be 
 beyond curious meddlesomeness, and to overbold investiga- 
 tion it ought not to be even the subject of question. For 
 whatever is yet questioned (to £wtov/j,€vov) is not tticttls. For 
 anything which is subject to testing, how can it still be be- 
 lieved ? To ye /xrjv tticttu irapahe^Oev airoXvirpayiJLOvrjTov 
 eivai XPVt oX)C ov Opacrvrepais wcnrep €fc/3ao~avi&iv epevvais. 
 Ilto-Tt? yap ovk en to ^rjTov/jLevov. To yap tol y@a- 
 aavi^ofMevov 7ro)9 cti ireTna-TevTai ; " 1 In this passage the 
 object of 7rtcrTt? is described as that which is free from 
 all QUESTIONING (^Tovfxevov) and TESTING (fiao-avi&tievov). 2 
 These expressions sound natural, if they are used for visibly 
 evident realities, which we can perceive through our senses. 
 It is surprising that they are used for the invisible objects 
 of tticfti^ and e\7rt? . The force of the expression is strik- 
 ing : By 7rto-Ti? and eXjris their respective objects become as 
 evident and real as visibly evident realities in ordinary life- 
 They do not make and produce these realities, but they 
 represent them as evident realities to those who have ttlo-tl^ 
 or e\7ri?. Hence, ttigtis and eX7m are the means that pre- 
 sent to us realities, otherwise unknown to us. Cyril con- 
 firms this interpretation by further comparing iria-TL^ and eX- 
 7m, saying that if eXirt^ is " seeing things without question," 
 then surely it ought to be true of 7rto-Tt?, "which is alto- 
 gether free from test": Ovirep yap Tpoirov e\7rt? ^Xeiro^evri 
 a^wTrjTov, irio-Tis ovk av etrj KaTa top lgov ekirihi \oyov ; to 
 yap TriGTei T€Tifirj fxevov (Bacravov 7raz>TG>? e\ev9epov? 
 i Migne, P. (?., 74, 989 C. 2 ibid, 3 ftia., 989 D. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 41 
 
 This understanding of Cyril's interpretation is confirmed 
 by Cyril's notion of viroaraa-Ls as REALITY, expressed in 
 his Commentary on St. John, Lib. V, c. 5. Here, speak- 
 ing of the Son of God as the Word and Wisdom of the 
 Father spoken in Him, Cyril says that the Word is not 
 avu7Too-TaTo?, as the human word, but living and having 
 its own existence (wrapgiv) in the Father and with the 
 Father : Kat eireiirep ecrrcv ov/c avviro err euros (oairep o 
 avOpairivos, aXX* evovcrios re /cat £cdv gj? iBcav e%cov ev TLarpc 
 teat fiera Harpos rrjv TIIAPEIN. 1 In this context viroa-Taais 
 means even more than reality. The human word is cer- 
 tainly real to some extent. But it has not the iSiav virap^iv. 
 Thus virocTTacns supposes a complete, individual, and perfect 
 reality. So we conclude that ekiri^opevcov vrroaTaaLS, for 
 Cyril, meant the perfect reality of things hoped for, or 
 
 THAT WHICH CAUSES THINGS OF HOPE TO BE PERFECTLY 
 AND COMPLETELY REAL. 
 
 As an interpreter of our text, Theodore of Mopsu- 
 estia is of no value, since he merely gives the author's reason 
 for discussing itlo-tc; in this Epistle. Yet this reason is of 
 some interest to us, as it seems to foreshadow at least vaguely 
 a later exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, viz., confidence in Christ, 
 which justifies in opposition to justification by works. The 
 reason assigned for a special treatment of Tn<TTL<s is that the 
 Hebrews had a false idea of justification. Their doctrine 
 was that men were justified by works, whereas ttlcttls was 
 given as the cause of justification by the Christians who were 
 wont to say: "Even if bound by a thousand evils, one be- 
 lieving his lot to be alone with Christ (jno-Tevo-as povov 
 XpLOTTco avvropov) receives delivery from all sins, being made 
 worthy of justification through Him : Tovto \eyovres, otl kclv 
 fjLVpiois rt? eve'xrjrai /ea/cot?, 7rtcrT€fcra5 povov Xpiorrco avvropov 
 airavrwv Several ttjv a7roWayr}V, tv? irap avrov Bifcaicocreats 
 afyovpevos." 2 It is hard to say just what Theodore meant, 
 i Migne, P. G., 73, 844 B. 2 Jfrtf,, 66, 965 B. 
 
42 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 But the use of the term Trio-revcra? (trusting), for the expla- 
 nation of 7T£o-Tt? (in the sense that those who have ttmttw shall 
 find delivery from all sins), seems to point to the meaning 
 fiducia for viroo-Taai^. We shall find this exceptional and 
 remarkable notion very late again in the Middle Ages. 
 
 In his interpretation of our text Theodoret sums up the 
 exegesis of Clement of Alexandria and John Chrysostom. 
 Like Clement, Theodoret wrote a special treatise on faith, 
 Pro. Cur. G-raec. I, Hepi IluTTecos, and from the same point 
 of view, viz., that irians is approved by classical Greek antiq- 
 uity. His dependence on Clement in the general treatment 
 of the theme, in the quotations cited, and in definitions for- 
 mulated, amounts, in cases, to an identity of language. And 
 what is most important is that he accepts just that definition 
 of 7rto-T4? which Clement gives as an equation of Heb. xi, l. 1 
 
 Theodore t's words on Heb. xi, 1, in his Commentary on 
 the Epistle to the Hebrews are as follows : Those things which 
 we do not see (by the senses), we see by means of 7tc<tti<;; 
 and for the viewing of things hoped for, Tucrm becomes for 
 
 US an EYE SHOWING AS REALLY EXISTING (ft)? V<f>e<TTG)Ta) 
 
 things which have not as yet happened : Ta yap ovx opcofieva 
 Bta ravTT}? opcofJLev, Kat 7r/?o? ttjv tcov eXirL^o/jievcov Oecopiav 03>- 
 GAAMOS TjfiLV yuverai, /cat Bei/cvvcnv £22 T*ESTQTA ra firfBerrco 
 yeyevrjfieva. 2 In " things hoped for," ttkjtv^ becomes for us 
 an eye seeing as realities (ft>? vfaaTcora) things which 
 have not yet happened. In other words, viroaraaL^ is the 
 factor that represents to us realities otherwise unknown. 
 It is the representation of reality. Our author becomes even 
 more expressive in Diog. I, where he thus answers the ques- 
 tion : Is there a difference between wirocrTaais and ovata? : 
 H re yap ovaia to ov o-rj/iawei, icai to ik^cctto? rj viroa-raai^.^ 
 
 1 In Pro. Cur. Graec. I, Theodoret thus defines tkttis : Kara 5e tqv rtixe- 
 repop \oyov ttkttis eariv ckovo-ios ttjs ifsvxv* o'vyKaradea-is. Migne, P. (?., 83, 
 815 A. 
 
 2 Migne, P. £., 82, 757 A. 3 j&^., 83, 33 B. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 43 
 
 T(/>e<rro? is emphatic reality. Hence, for Theodoret, viro- 
 a-rao-is is the EMPHASIS of REALITY. Ukttls is that which 
 causes "things hoped for" to be perfectly real. But as 
 " things hoped for " are also invisible, they must be repre- 
 sented to us by something analogous to the eye, if we are to 
 see them. Theodoret, like Clement of Alexandria, uses the 
 picture of the u spiritual eye " which represents " things 
 hoped for" to the mind as realities. In a word, tticttis 
 presents a reality in its proper sphere, as our senses present 
 realities in their sphere. 
 
 Then, like Chrysostom, Theodoret illustrates his exegesis 
 of our text by the example of the resurrection of the body 
 at the last day. Hlo-tls paints for us beforehand the resur- 
 rection of all those now lying in their graves, and makes 
 visible the immortality of bodily dust : Tcov vetcpcov airavrcov 
 ev tols Ta<j>oi$ en (ceifievcov, rj ttccttls tj/mv 7rpo£coypa<l>eL 
 tt}V avacrracriv, /cat rr)<; /coveoos tcov (roofxarcov ttjv adavaaiav 
 7rapa<rK€va%€i (ftavTa&o-Oat. 1 The resurrection is brought 
 into our mind by the anticipating representation-work 
 of irians (7r/3of«a)7/)a</)€t), as a future reality already seen 
 (<\>avTa%ecrdai). Hums causes this object of hope, the resur- 
 rection, which has not yet occurred, to exist really for 
 
 US BY ANTICIPATION. 
 
 Thus, for Theodoret, ttio-tls (as e\in^ofiev(ov viroaraaLs) 
 means that faith is the (spiritually) visible reality of 
 things which have not yet happened, the anticipation of a 
 
 FUTURE REALITY. 
 
 The traditional meaning of vwoaraa-a as the EMPHASIS 
 OF REALITY IN CONTRAST TO NON-REALITY is very pithily 
 
 set forth by Leontius of Byzantium in De Sectis, actio VII. 
 Here the author gives two definitions to both vn-oa-raat^ and 
 avviroaraTov. Tiroaraa^ means either (a) simple existence 
 — to a7r\a)? oi>, 2 or (0) existence per se as an individual — 
 to /cad y eavTo ov. s Here we see that a thing which is evwiro- 
 i Migne, P. <?., 82, 757 B. * Ibid., 86, 1240 D. ■ Ibid. 
 
44 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 araTos (yiroo-Taais^), is fundamentally connected with the 
 idea of existing reality, either as that which simply 
 exists or that which exists per se as an individual. 
 
 Awiroararov also has a twofold meaning, AXka tcai to avv- 
 Troo-TdTov Sittov : *■ (a) That which exists in no way, as the 
 fabulous goat-stag or the centaur, Xeyerai yap avvTroaraTov, 
 /cat to fiTjBaficos ov, &)? rpayeXacfros /cat iiriroicevTavpos ; 2 (6) That 
 which has not its own vrroaTao-is, but has viroaracn^ in another 
 thing, or that which per se does NOT EXIST: Aey erai iraXiv 
 
 aVVTTOCTTaTOV, OV TO fjLT] OV /JL6V, TO €%OV Se €V €T€p(D TTJV VirOCTTa- 
 
 aiv, Kai fjiTj ica6' eavTO vfaaTafievov. 8 It could hardly be shown 
 with more clarity that avviroo-TaTov is predicated of some- 
 thing that lacks real existence, either no existence at 
 
 ALL, Or AN IMPERFECT EXISTENCE IN SOMETHING ELSE. 
 
 In this citation Leontius unmistakably witnesses to the 
 interpretation of t>7roo-Tao-t? as real existence in verbal 
 contrast to awrrocrTaTov, that which lacks PROPER EXISTENCE, 
 OR IS ALTOGETHER FICTITIOUS. 
 
 With even more precision than Leontius of Byzantium, 
 Maximus Martyr defines viroaTaais in terms of existence, 
 as to eivai and wirapfys (the emphasis of eivai). In Dialog. 
 I, 2, Maximus distinguishes between vrroo-Taais and ovaia in 
 terms of EXISTENCE: H fiev yap viroo~Taai^ to eivai arj- 
 liaivei ' V Be OeoTrjs to tl eivai. 4 Here are the Trinitarian 
 terms : 
 
 To eivai signifies u quis est." 
 
 To ti eivai signifies * quid est." 
 
 Tiroo-TaGi? means the reality of perfect individual exist- 
 ence. We have here viroo-Taais completely in the atmosphere 
 of the Trinitarian terminology. But the original meaning is 
 still evident: the deoTrjs signifies the essence, and VTroaTacris 
 means the individually existing thing. 
 
 i Migne, P. <?., 86, 1240 D. 3 ibid. 
 
 2 Ibid. 4 Migne, P. G., 28, 1120 A. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 45 
 
 As Theodoret summarized in his interpretation of our 
 text both the exegesis of Clement of Alexandria and John 
 Chrysostom, so John Damascene has summarized the com- 
 mon Patristic notion of u7roo-Ta<m, and applied the same briefly 
 in the explanation of ekiri^ofxevcov vttoo-tcktu;. Chapter 42 of 
 the Damascene's Dialectica is entitled Tlepi TiroaTaaeaiq. 
 Here the author distinguishes two senses in which VTroaTacris 
 has been used: (a) Simple EXISTENCE, rrrore fiev rrjv clttXghs 
 wirapfyv /cad* o crrj/jLcuvo/jLevov tclvtov ccttlv ovaia icai virocr- 
 Tao-t?. 1 The fact that viroo-racn^ and ovena have V7rap%i$ in 
 common, no doubt explains why they have been so often 
 identified; (6) individual and emphatic existence; 
 
 Il0T€ he TTjV KdO' aVTO KCLI lhLOGVGTCLTT)V VTTaptyv. K.aO' O 
 
 (rrjfJiaivofjLevov to cito/jlov BtjXol, tod apc0/JLQ) Scafapov, rjyovv tov 
 YieTpov kcli UavXov. 2 In these two definitions of viroGTacn^ 
 we see the common element reality (yirap%i<$)\ and it is 
 clearly under the influence of the Trinitarian problem that 
 John Damascene distinguishes VTrocrTacrcs as simple reality 
 and the Trinitarian virocrTao-is as the INDEPENDENT REALITY. 
 But in both cases vrroaTao-is is reality, and a reality 
 in contrast to non-reality. This is obvious from the 
 Damascene's notion of avviroaTaTov. Chapter 45 of the 
 Dialectica is devoted to this term (llepi avviroaTaTov^). It 
 also has two senses: (a) That which exists in no way, 
 IIoTe fiev yap to firjSafjir] fnj&afjLcos ov arjfiaiveL, rjyovv to 
 avvirap/cTov. 3 Just as viroaTaais is fundamentally virap^is so 
 avviroaTaTov is rightly called avvirap/CTOs; (J) That which 
 does not exist in itself but in another, as an accident, 
 LIot€ Be to firj ev eavTco e%ov to eivai, a\V ev eTepco e^ov Trjv 
 virapgiv, rjyovv to avyL^eQrjKov.^ But possibly the Damascene 
 explains the second kind of avviroaTaTov with even greater 
 clarity in Dialectica, c. 29, where he says that it lacks its 
 proper EXISTENCE, Aey eTat, iraXtv avviroaTaTov Kai to 
 
 i Migne, P. O., 94, 612 B. 3 Migne, P. G., 94, 617 A. 
 
 *Ibid. * Ibid. 
 
46 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 avfjLftefirjtcos, Blotl to o-vfifieftrj/cos ovk €^€i lSlclv vrrapfyv, aW 
 ev ttj ovaia vcfreo-Trj/cev. 1 Again we find that aw7rocrraTO? is 
 defined in terms of non-existence, either no existence at 
 all, or an imperfect existence. We conclude by saying 
 that u7roo-Tao-i5, for John Damascene and for the Greek 
 Fathers as a whole (since his theology is a "mosaic of 
 citations" 2 from the best ecclesiastical literature in Greek), 
 means an emphasis of existence (reality) in contrast to 
 
 NON-EXISTENCE (UNREALITY). 
 
 The Damascene's commentary on Heb. xi, 1 is this short 
 but comprehensive statement which unites the two parts of 
 our text: II ktti? is impossible to one who is not more fully 
 convinced about invisible things than he is regarding those 
 that are visible: Av yap fir) rt? todv opco/j,epa)v o-afyearepov irepi 
 rcov aopaTGW TreirXv po(j>oprjra^ irians eivai ov 8vvo,tcu. z This 
 exegesis with its contrast of opcofjuevcov and aopartov seems to 
 apply not only to ekeyxps ov fiXeTrofievcov, but it applies also 
 to eXTrL&fjLevcov VTroo-rao-is . In fact, it unites the two parts of 
 the verse. This we gather from the Damascene's idea of 
 f7roo-Tacrt?, as derived above, and from the contrast which he 
 draws between the certainty regarding visible and that 
 regarding invisible things. The contrast is between the 
 certainty about visible things and the greater certainty re- 
 garding invisible things. But we ask, what is the object of 
 the certainty in both cases ? Obviously, it is the existence 
 of things visible and invisible. And more strictly the con- 
 trast is between the certainty about the existence of things 
 visible and the certainty of the existence of things invisible. 
 On the one hand, the existence of visible things is made 
 certain by the organs of visual perception, and on the other 
 hand, the existence of invisible things is made certain by 
 7rt<7Tt?, which causes " things hoped for " (included in things 
 
 iMigne, P. <?., 94, 589 C. 
 
 2 Harnack, Dogmengesch. (English Translation, IV, 265, ft. n. 1). 
 
 3Migne, P. <?., 95, 980 C 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 47 
 
 unseen) really to exist for the soul. In a word, irians is 
 an incontestable proof of " unseen things," because through 
 vTTotTTatTis they are made heal (by spiritual perception) to 
 the soul. 
 
 Summary of the Greek Patristic Literature 
 
 The results of our investigation of the Greek Patristic 
 interpretation of ekin^o^evoav wirocrTacns may now be sum- 
 marily noted: 
 
 1. In the oldest Patristic literature, that preceding the 
 technical use of wiroaTao-is as person, the term meant either 
 existence and reality in contrast to non-existence and 
 unreality, or something connected with possession: 
 Letter to Diognetus, Tatian, Irenaeus, and Clement of 
 Alexandria. 
 
 2. During the period when viroo-Tao-is became the technical 
 word for person, and afterwards, (a) the older meaning of 
 v7ro(TTacn<; is observable in literature not dealing with the 
 Trinitarian and Christological controversies: Eusebius, Cyril 
 of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa, Basil, and 
 John Damascene; (6) and even in the process by which 
 v7ro<rTa<Ti<; was selected to designate " person," the older sense 
 of the term controls the development to the extent of identify- 
 ing virocnacn*; with virapfys and with to ov, and of contrasting 
 viro<TTa(TL<; with avvTroaTarop: Origen, Dionysius of Alex- 
 andria, Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Basil, Gregory of 
 Nyssa, Leontius of Byzantium, Maximus Martyr, Cyril of 
 Alexandria, Theodoret, and John Damascene. 
 
 3. In both periods wiroaTaais meant GUARANTEE, title- 
 deeds, ANTICIPATION and REPRESENTATION OF A FUTURE 
 reality, when the term was used in connection with things 
 of the future: Tatian, Athanagoras, Papyri, Clement of 
 Alexandria, Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom, Cyril of 
 Alexandria, Theodoret, and John Damascene. 
 
 4. We were able to find only one doubtful exception to 
 
48 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 this common Greek Patristic notion of viroaTacns, viz. , that 
 of Theodore of Mopsuestia who probably used it in the sense 
 
 of CONFIDENCE. 
 
 5. RXTTi&fjLevow wjrocTTao-is in Heb. xi, 1 expresses that 
 fundamental characteristic of wio-ris whereby " things hoped 
 for " are made real by representation, or by anticipa- 
 tion of A future reality. Hence, Faith is the spirit- 
 ually VISIBLE REALITY OF THINGS HOPED FOR. This is 
 
 substantially the Greek Patristic exegesis of our text: 
 Clement of Alexandria, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom, 
 Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret, and John Damascene. 
 
 With the possibility of one exception (Theodore of Mop- 
 suestia), the practical unanimity among the Greeks in the 
 exegesis of our text is striking, especially when we consider 
 the hopeless confusion of the modern interpretation of Heb. 
 xi, 1. In every exegesis of this verse the interpretation 
 hinges on the term VTroo-racris. The Greeks, "who would 
 have the most lively sense of the requirements of the lan- 
 guage," 1 employed this pivotal term, as we have abundantly 
 shown, according to the current meaning, viz., as reality in 
 contrast TO non-reality, and in things of the future 
 (which include " things hoped for "), as the guarantee for 
 the future reality of things in question, or anticipa- 
 tion of future reality. 
 
 2. In the Latin Fathers 
 
 The Latin Patristic exegesis of ekin^o^evayv viroa-Tams 
 while meager is, nevertheless, in agreement with the Greek 
 Patristic interpretation. 
 
 Tertullian in De Cultu Feminarum, II, 2, uses the ex- 
 pression "tota fidei substantia." We are not sure that the 
 author had Heb. xi, 1 in mind here. Yet the fact that this 
 is not only the first instance in the Latin Patristic literature 
 where fides is qualified by substantia, but also the example 
 
 i Lightfoot, Epist to the Phil., 134. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 49 
 
 on whose authority a later interpretation of " rerum speran- 
 darum substantia " (firma expectatio * ) is based, de- 
 mands that we consider this passage. 
 
 In this chapter, Tertullian elucidates the general theme 
 of book II, viz., that modesty is to be preserved not only in 
 its essence, but also in its accessories. The reason for such 
 conduct is then noted, viz., Christian women, though secure 
 themselves, ought through motives of charity to abstain 
 from such studied grace as leads others into sin. He says that 
 they should walk so holily and with the entire substantia 
 fidei, as to be secure in their conscience, hoping that mod- 
 esty remain in them, yet not presuming : Debemus quidem 
 ita sancte et tota fidei substantia incedere, ut confessae et 
 securae simus de conscientia nostra optantes perseverare id 
 in nobis, non tamen praesumentes. 2 It is difficult to say 
 what Tertullian understood by substantia in this passage. 
 But the following considerations may lead us to an approxi- 
 mate conclusion : 
 
 1. The more general meaning of substantia in the Latin 
 world is possession. Thus Petavius says of substantia in 
 Jeremias, IX, 10, " Ita LXX qui virap^ hie habent, eaque vox 
 substantiam, id est possessionem signiflcat. Hoc enim 
 sensu saepe in Latinis Biblis substantia ponitur." 3 
 
 2. As a jurist and as a theologian, it is probable that Ter- 
 tullian used substantia in our passage in the sense of posses- 
 sion. For speaking of the introduction into theology of 
 the legal terminology — substantia and persona — by Ter- 
 tullian, Harnack has well said : " Substance ... is in the 
 language of the jurists not anything personal, but rather 
 corresponds to * property ' in the sense of possession, or to 
 essence as distinguished from the manifestation or status." 4 
 
 1 Hugo Grotius, Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1131. 
 
 2 Migne, P. £., I, 1432 A. 
 
 3 De Trinitate, IV, III, II, 171 (De Theolog. Dogmat.). 
 
 4 Op. cit., IV, 144 sq. 
 
50 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 3. That POSSESSION is a very common meaning of sub- 
 stantia in the writings of Tertullian is shown by the usage of 
 the word in non-Trinitarian contexts. Thus in Apolog., 
 XXXIX, Tertullian contrasts the brotherly spirit of the 
 Christians, who give freely of their wealth for religious pur- 
 poses, with Pagan rivalry over money matters. He says, 
 " We are considered to have no claim to the title of Brother- 
 hood because the family possessions (substantia familiaris), 1 
 which generally destroy brotherhood among you, create fra- 
 ternal bonds among us." Here substantia unmistakably means 
 possessions. Hence, we conclude that Tertullian used 
 "tota fidei substantia" in the sense of entire possession 
 of faith. This interpretation harmonizes with the context. 
 For Tertullian seems to explain the phrase, " tota fidei sub- 
 stantia " by its effects : (a) " ut conf essae et securae simus 
 de conscientia nostra " ; (6) " optantes perseverare id in 
 nobis, non tamen praesumentes." "Tota fidei substantia," 
 as the cause that makes Christian women "confident and 
 secure in their conscience," " desiring without presuming to 
 persevere in the virtue," may well be explained as a posses- 
 sion of FAITH. 
 
 Ambrose quotes Heb. xi, 1, when speaking of substantia 
 in the parable of the prodigal son, which he employs to 
 refute the rigorist teaching of the Novatians. Heretics are 
 likened to prodigals that have gone far away from their 
 home to wander in strange lands. Then our author com- 
 ments thus on " he wasted his substantia " : M Rightly, for 
 whose faith halts in bringing forth good works does con- 
 sume it, since faith of things hoped for is a substantia, 
 substantia can here only mean " fortune," a u possession." 
 Then he adds a further explanation : faith is the argumen- 
 tum of things not seen. Ambrose's .text follows : Et 
 consumpsit, inquit, substantiam suam. Merito consumpsit 
 earn, cuius fides in operibus claudicabat: fides enim eorum 
 
 l Oehler, I, 262. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 51 
 
 QUAE SPERANTUR SUBSTANTIA EST, RERUM ARGUMENTUM 
 
 non apparentium. 1 This " argumentum " can have the 
 ordinary meaning "contents, materia," or the secondary 
 meaning "evidence of a fact." "Contents" seems to be 
 preferred here, as harmonizing best with " possession." Then 
 Ambrose goes on to explain our text: Et bona substantia 
 fides, in qua spei est nostrae patrimonium. 2 Here "sub- 
 stantia" is evidently again synonymous with "possession," 
 it being indifferent whether u patrimonium " has its general 
 meaning " fortune," or its original meaning " inheritance — 
 inherited fortune." In "faith" we have the "fortune" the 
 "possession " of that for which we hope. Hence, " substantia," 
 in so far as it is a qualification of Fides in Heb. xi, 1, is that 
 which makes the contents of our hope a "possession," a 
 "fortune" to us. This exegesis resembles the Greek, in 
 which irurm is the presentation or anticipation (here antici- 
 pated possession) of a future reality. 
 
 It is Augustine who says in his Enchiridion, c. 8, that 
 Heb. xi, 1 is the standard definition of faith in the estimation 
 of many Fathers : In epistola quippe ad Hebraeos, qua teste 
 usi sunt illustres Catholicae Regulae defensores, fides esse 
 dicta est Convictio rerum quae non videntur. 3 The omission 
 of e\7n£ofjLev(ov viroaTaGis in his citation of the text is striking, 
 and in this we see an example of Augustine's general tend- 
 ency to omit the first part of the verse and to emphasize 
 the second. And even when our author quotes the first part, 
 he cites a strangely variant text : sperantium substantia. 
 Thus in De Pecat. Meritis et Remiss. II, c. 31, 50, 4 
 Augustine quotes sperantium substantia and understands 
 it in the sense of fortitudo sperantium. What is the 
 meaning of "fortitudo" here? In this chapter Augustine 
 
 i Migne, P. Z., 16, 521 B. 
 *Ibid. 
 
 3 Migne, P. £., 40, 235. 
 
 4 TJrba et Zycha, Vienna Ed., Vol. LX, 120, 20. 
 
52 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 explains why it is that death itself along with sin is not 
 abolished in baptism. The reason he gives is that the " for- 
 titudo" of Faith would be diminished: Sed si hoc fecisset, 
 carni quaedam felicitas adderetur, minueretur autem fidei 
 fortitude 1 For men have such a fear of death, that they 
 would believe in Christ for nothing else than to be immune 
 from dying. This would make Faith only a source of sen- 
 sual pleasure (delicatius credere tur in Christum). 2 In the 
 light of the context it becomes clear how fortitudo, in con- 
 trast to sensual pleasure, is to be explained : it has its ordinary 
 meaning — courage, courageous energy, bravery (not simple 
 firmness). This again elucidates Augustine's idea of sub- 
 stantia. He evidently takes it as a derivative of substo, " to 
 stand firm," u to hold out," and substantia is the power to 
 "hold out." Hence, we see that in this passage Augustine 
 understands by sperantium substantia the power to stand 
 firm for those hoping. This new exegesis of our text de- 
 pends largely on the variant reading. 
 
 The Greek Patristic exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 is substantially 
 found in Jerome's interpretation of our text. Jerome gives 
 it in his Comment, in Epist. ad G-alatas, Lib. Ill,' c. 5, in 
 connection with the list of the " fruits of the spirit " (Gal. 
 v, 22, 23). In this list "spes" is omitted. But this omis- 
 sion need not be wondered at, says Jerome, since " spes " 
 is contained in fides : Nee mirum si spes in hoc catalogo 
 non referatur ; cum in fide sit quod speratur ; et ita earn 
 Apostolus ad Hebraeos scribens definiat : Est autem fides 
 sperandarum substantia rerum, argumentum necdum appa- 
 rentium. 3 Then Jerome explains that Faith by way of pos- 
 session appropriates these things of the future (" things 
 hoped for ") : Siquidem id quod speramus esse venturum, et 
 necdum est in praesenti, fide possidemus, sperantes nos tenere 
 quod credimus. 4 Obviously, " substantia " is here used to 
 
 i Urba et Zycha, Vienna Ed., Vol. LX, 120, 20. 
 2 Ibid. 3 Migne, P. i., 26, 448 C. 4 Ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 53 
 
 signify the manner in which things hoped for, though 
 
 OF THE FUTURE, ARE POSSESSED NOW THROUGH FAITH. 
 
 This manner of possessing future things in the pres- 
 ent has been expressed in similar language by the Greeks, 
 as the anticipation of a future reality. Here we have it 
 expressed even more plastically, as the " anticipating posses- 
 session " (fide possidemus) of a future reality. 
 
 At first sight, from the Latin Patristic use of substantia, it 
 might appear that the Latins had lost the clear understand- 
 ing of the original Greek notion of Hypostasis. But that 
 later on they understood the Greek notion of the term is 
 sufficiently clear from Rufinus, H. E., I, 29. Here our 
 author in narrating the history of the Council of Alex- 
 andria (362) adds an interesting note about Hypostasis. 
 He says that the Council insisted on distinguishing between 
 substantia and subsistentia, as the Greeks distinguished be- 
 tween the ova ta and virocrTacn*;. Substantia was to be under- 
 stood synonymously with natura, and subsistentia with per- 
 sona. Especially on account of the Sabellian heresy, they 
 confessed " tres subsistentes personas," to forestall any sus- 
 picion that the Council intended to countenance that heresy 
 which understood a Trinity only in name (in nominibus tan- 
 tum), and not in reality (non in rebus) : Ideoque propter 
 Sabelli haeresim tres esse subsistentias confidendas, quod 
 quasi tres subsistentes personas significare videretur ne sus- 
 picionem daremus, tanquam illius fidei sectatores, quae 
 Trinitatem in nominibus tantum, et non in rebus ac subsisten- 
 tiis confitetur. 1 Rufinus here witnesses to the Latin under- 
 standing of vrroo~Ta<n<; as meaning reality (in rebus) in 
 contrast to the Sabellian notion of the Persons as avwrro- 
 crTara (in nominibus tantum). That Ambrose and Augus- 
 tine gave an exegesis of our text, in which Hypostasis was 
 not understood in the Greek sense, may be accounted for by 
 the fact that they did not go further than the Latin meaning 
 
 i Migne, P. £., 21, 500 A. 
 
54 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 of substantia (the Latin transliteration of the Greek viro- 
 araa-Ls'). Besides, for Augustine a strange Latin variant 
 reading was misleading. It is remarkable, however, that in 
 spite of the confusion concerning the literal meaning of 
 v7rocrTacrt?, they have essentially the same interpretation for 
 the function of fides (7uo-Tt9), — possession or anticipated 
 possession of a future reality. 
 
 Boetius, as the " founder of medieval scholasticism," * 
 just in this that he translated the Greek philosophical ter- 
 minology into Latin, is of interest for his translation of the 
 term virocrTaa-LS, and for the subsequent Middle Age exegesis 
 of Heb. xi, 1. In Liber de Persona et Duabus Naturis, c. 3, 
 Boetius gives the following history of VKoaraai^ and its 
 translation into Latin : 
 
 1. Both the ancient Latin (by the term persona) and the 
 Greek (by the term irpoaaiird) terminology for person in 
 the tragedies and comedies signified " mask," 2 by means 
 of which persons were represented. Boetius thus derives 
 "persona" from " personando," and irpoo-ayira from 7r/oo? and 
 G>7ra. In a word, "Personae" and irpoaanra were 
 u masks " put * over the eyes " to hide the face of the actor 
 when he proposed to represent some other individual : Sed 
 quoniam, personis inductis, histriones, individuos homines, 
 quorum intererat, in tragoedia vel comoedia ut dictum est, 
 representabant : id est, Hecubam, vel Medeam, vel Simonem, 
 vel Chrementum, idcirco ceteros quoque homines, quorum 
 
 1 Bardenhewer-Shahan, Patrology, 632. 
 
 2 Vincent of Lerins, Commonitorium Primum, c. 14, protests against 
 the application of "persona" to Christ in the sense of fictitious existence 
 common to the ancient tragedy and comedy : Sed cum personam saepius 
 nominamus, et dicimus quod Deus per personam homo f actus sit, vehementer 
 verendum est ne hoc dicere videamur quod Deus verbum sola imitatione 
 actionis, quae sunt nostra, susceperit, et quidquid illud est conversationis 
 humanae, quasi adumbratus, non quasi verus homo fecerit ; sicut in theatris 
 fieri solet, ubi unus plures effingit repente personas, quarum ipse nulla est. 
 (Migne, P. i., 50, 657.) 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 55 
 
 certa pro sui forma esset agnitio, et Latini personam, et 
 Graeci irpoa-anrov nuncupaverunt. 1 
 
 2. To express the individual subsistence of a rational 
 nature, the Greeks used a far more expressive term than 
 irpoaoairov. They used vrroaraa-L?, whereas the Latins, to 
 express the same idea, by reason of the poverty of their 
 tongue, continued to use the term " persona " : Longe vero 
 illi signatius naturae rationalis individuam subsistentiam viro~ 
 era ere o>? nomine vocaverunt; nos vero, per inopiam signifi- 
 cantium vocum, translatitiam retinuimus nuncupationem, 
 eamque quam illi viroa-Tacnv dicunt, personam vocantes. 2 
 Then Boetius quotes a Greek passage to confirm his view: 
 At ova-Lai, ev fiev Tot? /cad' o\ov eivai hvvavrai, ev Be rots Kara 
 fiepo? fAovois v<f>io-ravTaL. z That is, essences can be in uni- 
 versal, but they can exist in reality only in the particular. 
 Hence, the Greeks designate by the term viroaTacn? only 
 those subsistences that existed particularly: Quodcirco 
 cum ipsae subsistentiae in universalibus quidem sint, in 
 particularibus vero capiant substantiam, iure subsistentias 
 particulariter substantes viroaraa^ appelaverunt. 4 Here 
 we see that the basic idea of viroaraai? is the really 
 existing thing. For the contrast is precisely between the 
 particular and the universal, i.e., the really existing thing 
 and the idea of the thing which is gathered from the par- 
 ticular, as Boetius says, Intellectus enim universalium rerum 
 ex particularibus sumptus est. 5 
 
 3. Boetius notes further: There is a difference between 
 " subsistentia " and "substantia." " Subsistentia " (overmen? 
 or ovatoocrOai) does not need accidents to be capable of existence, 
 whereas, the u substantia " (u7ro<rracrt? or vcfuaraa-da^ serves 
 as a subject for accidents, so that it can come into existence : 
 Subsistit enim, quod ipsum accidentibus, ut possit esse, non 
 
 i Migne, P. Z., 64, 1343. 4 Migne, P. Z., 64, 1344 B. 
 
 2 Migne, P. £., 64, 1344 A. * ibid. 
 
 * Ibid. 
 
56 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 indiget; substat autem id quod aliis accidentibus subiectum 
 quoddam, ut esse valeant, subministrat; sub illis enim stat, 
 dum subiectum accidentibus. 1 Substantia or vrroaTaat^ is the 
 reality underlying the accidents. Then follow examples of 
 both " subsistentia " and "substantia": Itaque genera vel 
 species subsistunt tantum, neque enim accidentia generibus 
 speciebusve contingunt. Individua vero, non modo sub- 
 sistunt, verum etiam substant. 2 In a word, "subsistentia" is 
 a manner of existence, as the genus or species "man," which 
 can be predicated of the universality of mankind, whereas 
 "substantia" or wrroaracns is the REALITY which can be 
 predicated only of some particular man determined by the 
 accidents of specific difference. Here again we see that 
 vjroaTCKns means fundamentally REALITY, 
 
 4. Boetius then sums up the terminology in the Greek 
 and Latin equivalents, in the words of Marcus Tullius: 
 Essentiam quidem ovaiav; subsistentiam vero ovatcoaiv; sub- 
 stantiam VTroaraaiv; personam irpoaayirov, appellans. 3 Boetius 
 then applies these terms to man and to God: (a) To man: 
 Est ovaia quidem atque essentia, quoniam est-, ovaicoac<; vero 
 atque subsistentia, quoniam in nullo subiecto est; viroa-Taat^ 
 vero atque substantia, quoniam subest ceteris, quae subsistentiae 
 non sunt, id est oixrtaxret?. 4 In a word, Hypostasis can be 
 applied to man only in so far as he exists in fact under 
 accidents which of themselves do not exist independently, but 
 in a man as a subject. That is, man is an viroaTaaLs in this 
 that he is & particular man, as, e.g., St. Paul. (6) To God: 
 Deus quoque et ovata est et essentia; est enim, et maxime ipse 
 est, a quo omnium esse proficiscitur. Est ovctlcdo-ls, id est sub- 
 sistentia; subsistit enim nullo indigens, et vtyurracrOaL, substat 
 enim. 5 That is, virocrracTi^ may be predicated of God in so far 
 as He exists independently and supports in real existence all 
 existing things. He is the reality par excellence. 
 
 i Migne, P. £., 64, 1344 B. 3 Ibid. 
 
 2 Migne, P. £., 64, 1344 C. « Migne, P. i., 64, 1345 A. 5 ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 57 
 
 Hence, we conclude that the meaning of wrroo-Tao-LS for 
 Boetius was fundamentally existing reality. This is 
 clear: 
 
 (1) From his historical note about the ancient under- 
 standing of " personae " and " irpoawira^ as " masks " repre- 
 senting REALITIES; 
 
 (2) From the Greek terminology — vizoGTaai^, to express 
 individual subsistence, which the Latins by poverty of 
 vocabulary signified by "persona"; 
 
 (3) From the difference between " subsistentia " and " sub- 
 stantia " — the former existing in universals without accidents, 
 as u genus ' or " species," and the latter supporting the 
 accidents in some particular and really extant being, as St. 
 Paul. 
 
 (4) From the fact that wrroaTaai*; can be predicated : («) of 
 man, in so far as some particular and really existing man is 
 extant; and (6) of God, in so far as He exists independently, 
 and supports in real existence all extant things. 
 
 Summary of the Latin Patristic Literature 
 
 The Latin Patristic literature dealing with u7rocrTa<m 
 presents, at first sight, a rather remarkable picture, if com- 
 pared with the Greek. 
 
 1. In Tertullian we have substantia = possession with the 
 moral assurance or guarantee of something. 
 
 2. In Ambrose, substantia = simply possession. 
 
 3. Augustine has an entirely different text for Heb. xi, 1, 
 and his substantia = fortitudo = power to hold out, or to 
 stand firm. 
 
 4. For Jerome, the substantia of fides expresses anticipated 
 possession. 
 
 5. For Rufinus, substantia means the reality in contrast to 
 non-reality. 
 
 6. For Boetius, it is the emphasis of the existing reality. 
 
58 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 These various meanings for VTrocrraa-^ seem to be confused; 
 and yet there is unity. With the exception of the exegesis 
 of Augustine, the entire exegesis is grouped around the two 
 terms, possession and reality. But these are essentially 
 identical, since the possession is only a qualified reality, a 
 reality of which it is predicated that it is possessed, yet it is 
 a reality. 
 
 On the other hand, viroaTao-Ls as reality is the unanimous 
 exegesis of the Greek Patristic writers. Hence, as far as 
 the interpretation of Heb. xi, 1 is concerned, the Greek and 
 the Latin Patristic literatures are in complete harmony. 
 However, in early Latin writings there seems to be confusion 
 regarding the original meaning of vtto<ttcl<ti<;. The " substan- 
 tia " of the Latins could never fully express what viroaTadi^ 
 signified to the Greeks; and, furthermore, the Latin idea of 
 " substantia " (possession) is only an amplification of the 
 original sense of u7rocrTa<u?, but not the original notion itself. 
 
 Recapitulation 
 
 Having completed and summarized the results of the 
 Patristic exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, we are now prepared to 
 estimate their value. The principal difficulties of the verse 
 have always centered on the meaning of wirocrTa<Ti5. Accord- 
 ingly, we have studied the Patristic exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 in 
 the light of the current Greek notion of this pivotal term. 
 The results obtained justify the minute and painstaking 
 investigation. For we have found a unanimity and clarity in 
 the Greek and Latin exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, based on the 
 current meaning of wrroaTacns, which is in striking contrast 
 to the variety and vagueness of the modern exegesis, based on 
 the lexical notion of inroaracns. It is another proof of the 
 value of historical and literary investigation of Scriptural 
 texts. With the possible exception of Theodore of Mop- 
 suestia and Augustine (who used a strangely variant Latin 
 text), the Greeks and the Latins in the light of the most 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 59 
 
 ancient Christian notion of viroaTaat^ (as fundamentally 
 reality) unanimously interpreted ekiri^ofievaiv viroo-Taais 
 either as the reality of things hoped for, or (by reason of 
 the fact that " hoped-for things " refer to the future) as the 
 
 GUARANTEE FOR THE REALITY OF THINGS HOPED FOR, the 
 ANTICIPATION OF A FUTURE REALITY, Or the ANTICIPATED 
 POSSESSION OF THINGS HOPED FOR. 
 
 JL\7ri£ofji€V(ov VTrocrracris, then, is an expression used in 
 Heb. xi, 1, to describe the manner in which " things hoped 
 for " become real to the believer through faith. It is best 
 expressed in these words : faith makes real, by spiritual 
 
 REPRESENTATION, THINGS HOPED FOR, Or in view of the fact 
 
 that " hoped-for things " are matters of the future, this more 
 plastic expression has been used : faith is the anticipation 
 
 OF THE REALITY OF FUTURE THINGS. 
 
 The second part of our text, eXeyxos ov f3\e7rofAevcov, has 
 never presented much difficulty. It means the proof 
 
 WHICH CANNOT BE QUESTIONED OF THINGS UNSEEN. It is 
 
 explained by the Patristic interpretation of the first part of 
 the verse, i.e., the reason why faith is an incontestable 
 proof OF things unseen is the fact that by €\7ri^ofji€vcov 
 
 VTTOO-TCKTU; faith MAKES THINGS HOPED FOR SO REAL TO THE 
 
 believer, by spiritual representation, that it consti- 
 tutes the INCONTESTABLE PROOF FOR THE EXISTENCE OF 
 THINGS UNSEEN. 
 
 The investigation into the Patristic interpretation of 
 Heb. xi, 1, in the light of the most ancient Christian notion 
 of viro(TTa<TL$, is valuable not only as the most important 
 stage in the exegesis of our text, but also as the closest link 
 to the literary milieu in which Heb. xi, 1 was written ; and, 
 as such, it establishes a probability that this was also 
 
 THE MEANING OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 It will be interesting to see if in the next period, the 
 Middle Ages, the Patristic exegesis of ekin^oiievaiv vjroo-Taa-is 
 is maintained, or whether it gives way to new interpretations. 
 
60 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 3. In the Exegesis of the Middle Ages 
 
 In view of the practically unanimous Patristic under- 
 standing of viroGTcuiis as reality, it should not surprise us 
 to find it repeated in the exegesis of our text during the 
 Middle Ages. At any rate, if new interpretations arise, it 
 will be interesting to notice how they explain themselves 
 historically. The Patristic exegesis, with its roots in the 
 Koivq &a\e/eTo?, is historically in touch with the literary 
 milieu of Heb. xi, 1. Can new interpretations stand under 
 this historico-literary test ? 
 
 Walafried Strabo (849) in his G-lossa Ordinaria on 
 the Epistle to the Hebrews, considers Heb. xi, 1 to be a 
 description of Faith : Hie est laus et commendatio fidei, cuius 
 descriptionem ponit. 1 For Strabo, three things are here 
 predicated of fides, viz., (a) Quid efficiat in nobis ; (6) Quod 
 fundamentum est omnium bonorum, and (<?) Et quod et de 
 non apparentibus est. 2 
 
 What is of immediate interest to us is the first and the 
 second, because they are the exegesis of "substantia spe- 
 randarum rerum." Strabo makes the interesting remark that 
 even in the Epistle to the Romans, fides is called " substantia 
 sperandarum rerum." 3 Then he continues : Id est, causa 
 quae res sperandas faciei quandoque subsistere in nobis; quod 
 est dicere : f aciet nos consequi f utura bona. Et proprie dicitur 
 fides substantia, quia sperandis substat, et faciet ea esse in 
 credentibus in alia vita. 4 In a word, Fides is "substantia 
 sperandarum rerum," because it makes " things hoped for ,! 
 real to the believers ; it gives " things hoped for " reality 
 of existence. In this exegesis of " substantia sperandarum 
 rerum" we can recognize the current Greek exegesis of 
 our text, viz., the anticipated reality of "things hoped for," 
 although the derivation of substantia from substare shows a 
 lack of understanding of the literal meaning of VTroo-rao-is. 
 
 I Migne, P. £., 114, 663 B. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 61 
 
 Secondly, faith is the foundation of all good things, which 
 no one can change, and without which there can be no 
 building ; or, faith makes " things hoped for " to exist in 
 the heart of the believer : Et est fundamentum omnium 
 bonorum quod nemo mutare potest, et sine quo non est bona 
 aedificatio : vel, speranda iam facit esse in corde credentis. 1 
 That is, Faith as the foundation of all good things is 
 equated by Faith as the cause which makes " things hoped 
 for " to exist in the heart of the believer. This is a note- 
 worthy equation, because it may explain the exegesis of 
 those who like Origen spoke of " substantia sperandarum " as 
 the " fundamentum iustitiae." Substantia, as a fundamentum, 
 must be considered a derived sense of substantia (yiroaracn^i) 
 which means primarily reality. For it is a very signifi- 
 cant fact that those who interpret substantia (yiroaraai^ in 
 our text as fundamentum usually do so in the light of the 
 doctrine of justification. So Origen 2 probably explained it, 
 and so Strabo in what follows : Fides est causa sperandarum, 
 quia causa iustitiae per quam sunt speranda. 3 Hence, " sub- 
 stantia" means "fundamentum" only by adaptation, in the 
 light of the doctrine of justification, or, at most, it was in 
 view of the fact that "substantia" (yTroo-racris') caused 
 44 things hoped for " to exist in the soul that the derived 
 sense of Fides as the fundamentum iustitiae arose. 
 
 We conclude that Strabo understood Fides to be " sub- 
 stantia sperandarum rerum " in the sense that Fides causes 
 
 " THINGS HOPED FOR " to EXIST IN REALITY in the SOUl of 
 
 the believer. In the Greek Patristic literature we find 
 ttuttl*; as the factor presenting future realities, whereas, we 
 have here Faith, as the factor directly producing {faciet) 
 these realities. 
 
 Hrabanus (856), in his treatise, In Epist. ad Hebr., inter- 
 prets our text in the very words of John Chrysostom with 
 
 i Migne, P. X., 114, 663 C. 3 Migne, P. Z., 114, 663 C. 
 
 a Migne, P. G., 14, 980 B. 
 
62 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 the exception that he uses " scientia " where the other has 
 oucna. The following reason is given for the use of sub- 
 stantia in Heb. xi, 1 : as "things hoped for" are considered 
 devoid of substantia (sine substantia), Faith gives them sub- 
 stantia ; nay more, it does not merely give it to them — it is 
 the scientia of them : Quoniam ea quae sunt in spe, sine 
 substantia esse putantur, fides eis tribuit substantiam ; 
 magis autem non eis tribuit, sed ipsa est scientia eorum. 1 
 Then, in the words of Chrysostom, follows the example of 
 the resurrection of the body at the last day, which Faith 
 makes to subsist in the soul. 2 It is evident from the con- 
 trast, " sine substantia " and " scientia" that " scientia " 
 here means the perception of the reality of things 
 hoped FOR. The old Patristic idea of Faith, as a super- 
 natural eye by which we see things in their reality, is 
 easily recognized here. For " sine substantia," as a charac- 
 teristic of the object of hope, points to a contrast between 
 the natural eye, that cannot see the reality of things 
 hoped for, and Faith, that gives the "scientia" of the 
 object of Faith in the same way as our natural eye gives the 
 " scientia " (the perception) of the reality of things seen. 
 Faith represents things as really existing, although 
 they may seem to be "sine substantia" (without reality). 
 
 The Greek Patristic exegesis of our text is strikingly 
 given by Oecumenius (X century) in Comm. in Epist. ad 
 Hebr. This author not only insists that wrrocnacrt*; means 
 REALITY IN CONTRAST TO UNREALITY, but he also points 
 
 out how "things hoped for" are made real, viz., by mak- 
 ing them to be present. First of all, Oecumenius says 
 that starts is called the ovata and virocrTaats of " things 
 hoped for " : II terns ecrrtv avrv n viro enacts /cat ovata rcov 
 €\7rt£ofjL€vcov s 7rpayfJLaTcov.* Then he goes on to explain that 
 
 i Migne, P. Z., 112, 788 B. * Ibid. 3 Migne, P. G., 119, 401 D. 
 
 4 It is of interest to notice that rrpayfiarwv is here connected with eXwifrfxc- 
 vup, not (as in the more common text) with pXexonevwv. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 63 
 
 " things of hope " are without REALITY (awiroarcna), so long 
 as they are NOT present (/i77 irapovra); but ttlcttl^ becomes 
 both the ova-ca and the viroarao-LS of such things BY MAKING 
 THEM TO EXIST (eivai) AND TO BE PRESENT: ~Ei7reL8rj yap 
 ra ev ekiriaiv avvirocrraTa ccttlv, g)? t€G>9 fir} irapovra, rj 7rt<7Tt? 
 ova La Tt5 avTcav tcai rj vnroaraaLS yLveraL, eivai avra /cat 
 irapeLvaL rpoirov riva irapaa/ceva^ovaa, Sia tov TnareveLV 
 eivai. 1 Ulo-tl$ is not only the reality of things hoped for, 
 but by VTToaraaL? it also makes them REAL BY MAKING 
 them present. In a word, we find here again the remark- 
 able exegetical formula of the Greek Patristic literature : 
 HlcttlS = reality, or the ANTICIPATED reality of things 
 HOPED FOR THROUGH THE PRESENTATION OF THESE THINGS 
 TO THE SOUL. 
 
 In the briefest formula Theophylact (c. 1100) sums up 
 the Greek Patristic exegesis of our text in Expositio in 
 Epist. ad Hebr. c. XI : Aolttov xmoypafyerai vjjllv rrjv itlgtlv, 
 K.ai <f)rjaLV otl ovaLeoaLS earL rcov fJLTjTrco ovtcov icai viroaTaaui 
 rcov fir} v<f)€CTT(OTcov. 2 Faith is the factor that makes those 
 things real (ovo-Lcoo-ts 3 ) that do not yet exist (tow /irjira) 
 ovtwv). But ttlo-tls not only takes "things hoped for" out 
 of the class of mere imaginary figments of the mind (t<ov 
 fjLr)7ra> ovrcov) by giving them reality (ovo-taxr*?), but in 
 what follows Theophylact shows emphatically that the 
 anticipated reality of things unseen exists (yiroaraa-Lfi 
 rcov firj v<$>eaT(OTG>v) . For vwoa-raaLS and vfao-rcoTcov are both 
 derived from vfaaravaL = emphatic FORM OF eLvai, and in 
 our text ttlcttls gives EMPHATIC EXISTENCE (vTroaraaL^ to 
 those things of hope which do NOT yet so exist (firj v(f>eo~Ta)- 
 Toav). With this understanding of Theophylact's interpreta- 
 
 i Migne, P. <Z., 119, 401 D. 
 
 2 Migne, P. G., 126, 340 D. 
 
 3 Coming from ovaiow, "to give reality," the term ovaioxr ts is the power 
 that gives reality to things of hope which are both future and unseen by 
 natural eyes. Cf . Pape. 
 
64 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 tion of eKTTi^o[jLev(ov virocrTacris in mind, we can see more 
 clearly the aptness and force of what, since John Chrysostom, 
 has become the classical example of the Greek exegesis of 
 our text, viz., the resurrection of the body at the last day : 
 Olov 7] avaaraai^ ovtco vfaaTytcev, a\X* n ttlo-tls v^iara avrrjv, 
 /cac 7T/30 ocfrOaXfJLcov 7)/mv TiOrjo-i. 1 The resurrection does not 
 
 yet REALLY EXIST CONCRETELY (ovra> V<f>e<TT7]fcev^, but TTL(TTL$ 
 makes it to SUBSIST (yfaarci) and PLACES IT BEFORE OUR 
 eyes (jrpo o(f)0a\fJLQ)v rj/jLLv tlOvo-l) in such a manner that we 
 are more fully convinced about its reality than we are 
 about the things we see with the eyes of the body. For 
 things placed before our physical eyes and perceived by 
 them are undisputed realities, yet even more so are things 
 seen by the eyes of Faith. 
 
 This classical example of the Greek exegesis of ekin^ofie- 
 vcov viroarraaLS proves to what extremes the Greeks went to 
 show that viroGTaais meant fundamentally reality. 
 
 Hugo of St. Victor (1141) is interesting in this, that 
 he shows how Fides can be "substantia rerum sperandarum" 
 for future, present, and past objects, respectively : 
 
 1. Fides is properly the " substantia " of future things, 
 because through it we know that they are : Et ideo proprie 
 Fides substantia futurorum dicitur, quia per earn scimus quod 
 sunt. 2 It is the same idea that Hrabanus before him ex- 
 pressed in the words : Fides is the " scientia " of " things 
 hoped for " — the perception of the reality of things 
 
 HOPED FOR. 
 
 2. Fides can be called u substantia rerum sperandarum " 
 for present or past objects, because it makes the " things 
 hoped for" to subsist in us: Fides etiam de praesentibus, vel 
 praeteritis potest dici substantia rerum sperandarum . . . 
 id est causa, quae res sperandas faeit subsistere in nobis. 3 This 
 is a step further : Fides not only makes things real, but 
 also present (immediately existing in us). Thus we find 
 
 i Migne, P. (?., 125, 340 D. * Migne, P. X., 175, 629 D. 3 75^. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 65 
 
 that Hugo of St. Victor emphasizes the traditional Greek 
 interpretation of eXiri^o^evcov wrroaTacn*;, viz., FAITH IS THAT 
 WHICH MAKES " THINGS HOPED FOR " REAL AND PRESENT. 
 
 As a student 1 of Aristotle, Plato, and Boetius, Gilbert 
 de LA Porree (f 1154) is interesting in his interpretation 
 of ekTri&fievav vTrocrTaais. In his commentary on Rom. i, 17, 
 he quotes Heb. xi, 1, and interprets it in the light of the 
 traditional Patristic exegesis. He says that it is a causative 
 usage of Fides, when we say that by it we embrace with such 
 great certitude things that we do not yet have, that they sub- 
 sist in us as " had " : Huius vero fidei tam est efficax usus, ut 
 ea quae nondum habemus, sed a nobis sperantur habenda, 
 tanta certitudine amplectamur, ut per ipsam tanquam habita 
 in nobis subsistant 2 Notice here in strong terms the Greek 
 Patristic explanation of VTroaraais, as THAT WHICH CAUSES 
 " THINGS HOPED FOR " TO BE REAL BY MEANS OF POSSES- 
 SION, PRESENTED OR ANTICIPATED. Here the ANTICIPATED 
 
 possession, as the means by which these things of hope are 
 made real to us, is emphasized (tanquam habita in nobis 
 subsistant). 
 
 The interpretation of " substantia rerum sperandarum " in 
 the Middle Ages is pointedly summarized in the splendid 
 exegesis of Thomas of Acquin, In Epistolam ad He- 
 braeos, c. XI, Lectio I. In this commentary, Thomas gives 
 the " setting " of our text ; he insists that it is a definition 
 (though obscure) of Faith, and answers the question, why 
 Faith can be defined in terms of spes which contains Fides. 
 These points will receive due attention in the interpretation 
 of our text. But here, where our immediate aim is the 
 exegesis of "substantia rerum sperandarum,'' it suffices 
 merely to mention them. 
 
 i Schaff, A Religious Encyclopaedia, etc., art. on Gilbert de la Porree, n, 
 873. 
 
 2 Text taken from Denifle's Luther und Luthertum, Die Schriftausleger 
 bis Luther iiber Iustitia Dei, 42. 
 
66 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 By way of introduction, Thomas notes that there are many 
 explanations of our text, — substantia potest multipliciter 
 exponi. 1 He summarizes them, however, under two heads : 
 
 1. Substantia can be used in a causal sense, by which 
 " things hoped for" are made present to us through Fides — 
 either (a) by way of merit, when one comes to see what he 
 hopes for (since vision is the reward of Fides); or (5) by 
 way of ownership, when one already has in a sense what is 
 believed will happen at some future time : Uno modo causa- 
 liter, et tunc habet duplicem sensum. Unum quod est sub- 
 stantia, id est faciens in nobis substare res sperandas, quod 
 f acit duobus modis. Uno modo quasi merendo ; ex hoc enim 
 quod captivat et submittit intellectum suum his quae sunt 
 fidei, meretur quod aliquando perveniat ad videndum hoc 
 quod sperat; visio enim est merces fidei. Alio modo quasi 
 per suam proprietatem praesentialiter f acit quod id quod cre- 
 ditur futurum in re, aliquo modo iam habeatur, dummodo 
 credat in Deum. 2 In a word, Fides as "substantia rerum 
 sperandarum" makes "things hoped for" actually and 
 really to exist and be present in the soul by a kind of 
 " seeing " or by a kind of " having," — the former being the 
 result of a " kind of merit " and the latter being the result 
 of a "kind of possession." This explanation of our text is 
 the current Greek exegesis of the same with the exception 
 that some of the Greeks specified the manner of seeing the 
 reality as presentation, 3 and the manner of possessing 
 
 the REALITY as ANTICIPATION, TITLE-DEEDS, 4 Or GUARAN- 
 TEE. It is also to be noted that the transformation of Fides 
 into vision is strongly emphasized in both the Greek and the 
 Latin Patristic 5 writings. 
 
 i Opera Omnia, XXI, 687. 
 *Ibid. 
 
 3 Cf. Theodoret and John Chrysostom, pp. 42, 38, of this book. 
 
 4 Cf . Greek Papyri and Clement of Alexandria, p. 25, of this book. 
 
 5 We note only one representative of the Greek and one of the Latin Pa- 
 tristic literature. In Stromata^ II, 2, Clement of Alexandria describes the 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 67 
 
 2. The other sense, in which " substantia rerum speranda- 
 rum " can be explained in our text is the essence of " things 
 hoped for " : alio modo exponi potest substantia essentialiter, 
 quasi Fides est substantia, id est essentia rerum sperandarum. 
 Unde in Graeco habetur: Hypostasis rerum sperandarum. 1 
 Then Thomas goes on to explain his use of " essentia." Sub- 
 stantia is " essentia " just as First Principles are " essentia," 
 in the sense that they in a way contain everything in any 
 thing. Fides is "essentia" in the same sense that First 
 Principles, which must be accepted by Faith, contain the 
 whole substantially. This is true in all sciences; and, hence, 
 if geometry were the " essence " of beatitude, then he who 
 had the principles of geometry would in a certain sense have 
 the " essence " of beatitude, — Et in illis principiis quoddam- 
 modo continetur tota seientia sicut conclusiones in praemissis, et 
 effeetus in causa. Qui ergo habet principia illius scientiae, 
 habet substantiam eius, puta geometriae. Et si geometria v 
 
 precise way by which iriarn develops into knowledge, avTiica rj fieXerrj rr)s 
 wiffreus eiruTT'ijfXT} yiyverai 0e/*e\ta> /3ej8aiw eirep^peia/xevrj (Berl. Ed. Clem. Al., II. 
 117). That is, the exercise of Faith directly becomes Knowledge. Again, 
 in Stromata, VII, 10, Clement considers the steps to perfection, and says of 
 -/rums, that starting with it and being developed by it, through the grace of 
 God, the knowledge respecting Him is to be acquired as far as possible — 
 11 till it restores the pure in heart to the crowning place of rest, teaching to 
 gaze upon God face to face, with knowledge and comprehension," — axp« av 
 ets tov Kopixpaiov airoKaraa"rf<Trf ttjs avairav<reu)S roirov tov nadapov th\ Kadia irpo- 
 cojitov wpos irpo<ru)irov €irto~TT)p.oviic(i)s accu Ka.Ta\T}irTtK<i)S tov deov eiroirreveiv di8a- 
 faaa (Berl. Ed. Clem. Al., Ill, 41). This idea that the pure in heart shall 
 begin to know what they believe is throughout the whole Patristic literature 
 the common expression for the way Fides passes into knowledge and vision. 
 
 Augustine, too, in Enchiridion, c. 5, writes that when the mind has been 
 imbued with the first elements of that Faith which worketh by love, it en- 
 deavors by purity of life to attain unto sight, where the pure and perfect of 
 heart know that unspeakable beauty, the full vision of which is supreme 
 happiness, — Cum autem initio fidei, quae per dilectionem operatur, imbuta 
 mens fuerit, tendit bene vivendo etiam ad speciem pervenire, ubi est Sanctis 
 et perfectis cordibus nota ineffabilis pulchritudo, cuius plena visio felicitas. 
 (Migne, P. i., 40, 233.) 
 
 i Op. cit., XXI, 687. 
 
68 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 esset essentia beatitudinis, qui haberent principia geometriae, 
 haberent quoddammodo substantiam beatitudinis. 1 
 
 Yet another example is given by Thomas : just as the tree 
 is contained in the seed, so " things hoped for " are contained 
 in Faith as a substantia. Undoubtedly, " substantia " is here 
 used in the sense of contents, a meaning which is in this 
 form entirely new in the history of the exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, 
 although in fact it is nothing else than an amplification of 
 
 VTrOGTCHTlS — REALITY. 
 
 Bona venture (f 1274), in Sent., Lib. Ill, Art. I, Quaes. 
 V, somewhat under the influence of Augustine, prepares the 
 way for a new exegesis of ekin^oixevcov viroaTaais, although 
 he also repeats substantially the traditional Patristic inter- 
 pretation of our text. In general he says that Faith is 
 essentially a matter of the intellect and the will, in that it 
 makes firm the latter and illumines the former. In so far 
 as Faith makes the will firm, it is called " substantia," or 
 " fundamentum," and in so far as it illumines the intel- 
 lect, it is called " argumentum " : Nam ipsa Fides secundum 
 essentiam suam aliquid respicit ex parte intellectus, et aliquid 
 ex parte affectus. Habet enim affectum stabilire, et intellec- 
 tum illuminare. Et in quantum affectum stability dicitur 
 " substantia," sive " fundamentum " ; in quantum autem in- 
 tellectum illuminat, dicitur " argumentum." 2 The original 
 idea of wrroaTaais has been forgotten here. Only the " sub- 
 stantia " = fortitudo of Augustine has some similarities to 
 it. But Bonaventure allows us to infer that some notion of 
 reality is still in the term, in another reference to Heb. xi, 
 l, 3 where he says that Fides can be called "substantia," in so 
 far as it is the foundation of our spiritual edifice : In hac de- 
 finitione Fides dicitur substantia, id est fundamentum substans 
 aedificio spirituali, quod est gratia et gloria. 4 But Faith is 
 a foundation in the sense that it makes things hoped 
 
 i Op. cit., XXI, 687. 3 Op. cit., VIII, 179. 
 
 « Opera Omnia, IV, 496. 4 Ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 69 
 
 for to subsist through grace with as much reality as 
 they will exist through glory : Ipsa namquam Fides facit 
 aliqualiter res sperandas in nobis subsistere per gratiam, et f aciet 
 tandem per gloriam. . . . Rerum sperandarum dicitur, quia 
 fides per assensum facit in nobis subsistere res sperandas. 1 
 This shows that Bonaventure understood " substantia " in our 
 text at least once as reality or presentation of reality. 
 And his analysis of Fides into intellectual and volitional 
 elements is rather a rhetorical application than a strict notion 
 of TTLo-Tis-VTroaracn 1 ;. 
 
 In the interpretation of our text by Erasmus (f 1536), 
 we meet for the first time the new meaning of * substantia," 
 fiducia. So he unmistakably interprets " substantia " 
 in Heb. xi, 1 : Illud adiiciam, hoc loco fidem non usurpari 
 proprie pro ea qua credimus credenda, sed qua spereamus, 
 h.e., ipsa fiducia. 2 Understanding u rerum sperandarum " 
 as things of the future, and at the same time realizing that 
 Faith embraces also things of the past and of the present, 
 Erasmus reconciles the difficulty by saying that here Fides 
 is described synecdochically : Glossema quoddam vetustum 
 indicat hoc dictum synecdochen, cum fides sit et praeteri- 
 torum et praesentium et futurorum. 3 It is also to be noted 
 that Erasmus' interpretation of " substantia " as fiducia is 
 determined, not by the meaning of viroaTaais or u substan- 
 tia," but by the grammatical connection of the same with 
 " rerum sperandarum," of which it is a qualification (hoc 
 loco fidem non usurpari proprie pro ea qua credimus cre- 
 denda, sed qua speramus, h.e., IPSA fiducia). 
 
 Following Erasmus, Luther (f 1546) gave still further 
 impetus to the interpretation of " substantia " as fiducia. 
 Fortunately, we can summarize Luther's exegesis of our 
 text in a Thesis of Alia Eiusdem Argumenti cum Priore, 
 Contra Satanam et Synogogam Ipsius: De Fide — Thesis 
 
 22: FIDES VERA EST SUBSTANTIA CORDIS, id est, FIRMA 
 i Ibid. 2 Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1101. « Ibid. 
 
70 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ET CERTA FIDUCIA IN DEUM PROMISSOREM MISERICORDIAE 
 
 et auxilii. 1 Luther tells us in his Comment, in Episto- 
 lam S. Pauli ad G-alatas, c. 5, how it was that he abandoned 
 his first interpretation of VTroo-racn*;, as possession or POWER, 
 for the sense, trust in promises, which is equivalent to 
 firma et certa fiducia in Deum promissorem misericordiae et 
 auxilii. Here he states that for a long time he had followed 
 Jerome's interpretation of viroaTa<n<;, as POSSESSION or 
 power, especially since this was also the more general 
 usage of the term in Scripture : In qua sententia et ego diu 
 fui, quod observassem substantiam in sacris Uteris fere 
 ubique pro facultatibus et possessione usurpari, maxime, 
 cum ad hoc Hieronymi huius loci tenerem auctoritatem. 2 
 This interpretation Luther was led to abandon by Melanch- 
 thon, who showed him that when M substantia " meant pos- 
 session or power, VTToo-Taais was not the term used, but 
 rather ovaia, fiporos, or vrrapl-is : Postquam Melanchthon . . . 
 ostendit substantiam, quando facultatem significat, non 
 VTToaracnv (quo verbo Apostolus Heb. xi utitur), sed vel 
 ovauav vel fiporov vel vrrapfyv graece dici, mutavi senten- 
 tiam. 3 Our author then confirms his view by the interpre- 
 tation of Chrysostom, who understood VKoaraaL^ as SUB- 
 sistentia, from which Luther judged that promissio, 
 pactum, and especially expect atio could be used with 
 equal reason : Cedoque sensu meo, viroo-raaiv seu substan- 
 tiam significare proprie subsistentiam et substantiam, qua 
 quodlibet in se subsistit, ut Chrysostomus sapit, vel etiam 
 promissionem, pactum, de quo non est nunc tempus latius 
 disputandi, expectationem, quae verbi, unde descendit 
 virocrTacns, vis et proprie tas admittit. 4 It is difficult to see 
 how Luther can consider promissionem, pactum, and 
 
 1 Ed. Jena, Tomus Primus Omnium Operum Lutheri, 528. 
 
 2 Ed. Irmischer, Lutheri Opera Omnia, 29-31, III, 437. 
 8 Ibid. 
 
 * Op. cit, 29-31, HI, 438. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 71 
 
 especially expectationem, as having about the same mean- 
 ing as Chrysostom's subsistentiam (the emphasis of 
 reality), or that the vis et proprietas verbi, unde descendit 
 v7rocrTa(Ti^ admits the sense of expect atio. But this is an 
 important matter — how can vTroo-racrts mean expectation 
 most aptly from its derivation ? And Luther's " de quo 
 non est nunc tempus latius disputandi" is not sufficient to 
 satisfy the requirements of scientific exegesis. 
 
 In marked contrast to Erasmus and Luther, Vatabltjs 
 (f 1547) follows the traditional Patristic exegesis : Fides 
 is essentia in the sense that it makes things to be present : 
 Rerum sperandarum essentia, demonstratio rerum quae 
 conspici non possunt : i.e., quae credit res promissas a Deo, 
 nondum tamen praestitas, tarn veras esse quam si iam prae- 
 stitae essent, praesentes et demonstratae. 1 In a word, 
 "substantia" makes present "things hoped for," and 
 " argumentum " makes demonstrated u things unseen." 
 We have again for the meaning of virocrTaai^ the anticipa- 
 tion and the presentation of a future reality. 
 
 Clarius (f 1555) understands virocrTao-is to mean foun- 
 dation or BASIS : Fidem esse rerum quae sperantur VTroa-ra- 
 <m, et tanquam basim et fundamentum quo subsistant ea 
 quae nondum adsunt, et tanquam praesentiam esse videan- 
 tur. 2 foundation is not the primary meaning of VTrocnao-is. 
 And the further explanation of Clarius' usage (yirocrTao-is 
 means foundation in this that it gives " things hoped for " 
 subsistence and presence) resembles the manner in which 
 v7ro<rTa<Ti$ was employed by the Greeks in the sense of 
 
 REALITY, — ANTICIPATION, REPRESENTATION, and GUARAN- 
 TEE OF A FUTURE REALITY. 
 
 Sebastian Castalio (j-1563) enumerates three inter- 
 pretations of our text : 
 
 1. " The substance of things hoped for " = the matter 
 OF THINGS HOPED FOR (also Thomas of Acquin) : virocrTCMns 
 i Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1104. * Op. cit., p. 1116. 
 
72 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 est substantia, et ipsa res atque materia, ut in hums epistolae 
 c. I, 3 1 ; 
 
 2. " The substance of things hoped for " m the proof of 
 things hoped FOR : Transf eratur viroo-raai^ ad alia, ut 2 
 Cor. xi, 17, ev ravrr) rrj virocrTacrei T77? Kav^rjaeox;, in hac 
 gloriandi materia, sive Argumentum 2 ; 
 
 3. " The substance of things hoped for " = the subjec- 
 tion OF THINGS HOPED FOR BY WHICH ABSENT THINGS 
 ARE MADE PRESENT : Ut sit t>7ro<rraer*?, cum res v<f>L<TTaTai, 
 proponitur, subiicitur, et praesens statuitur. Itaque, hie 
 dicitur eorum quae sperantur mbiicitio, quod absentia nobis 
 subiiciat ac proponat, effieiatque ut praesentia esse videantur, 
 nee secus eis assentimur quam si cerneremus. 3 In this third 
 interpretation of our text, we notice (a) that Castalio fol- 
 lows the traditional Greek interpretation (Faith is that 
 which makes present things which are absent) ; (£>) 
 that Castalio derives the term wtoo-tclchs from v<f>ia-ravac 
 (emphasis of etvai) in contradistinction to the combination 
 of viro and larrjfic in the mistaken sense of a kind of under- 
 lying. 
 
 The manner in which " things hoped for " become real is 
 repeatedly expressed by Calvin (f 1564) in his interpreta- 
 tion of our text. In his Commentary on Habacuc, c. II, 5, 
 he calls Fides a vision of hidden things and the subsistentia 
 of absent things : Visio rerum abscondarum, ut etiam vocatur 
 XI ad Hebr. et subsistentia rerum absentium. 4 If, as it 
 seems, " subsistentia " is the equivalent of woo-rao-ft, then, for 
 Calvin, the meaning of the term is similar to that of the 
 Greek Patristic literature, — VTroarao-is is the factor that 
 makes absent things present. Even more pointedly Calvin 
 explains what he means by " subsistentia " in his exegesis of 
 Heb. xi, 1, in Horn. LVII, In Lib. Samuel, c. XVI : At 
 Fides illud quo extant quae sperantur et quae demonstrat 
 
 i Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1106. 3 Ibid. 
 
 2 Ibid. * Calvini Opera, XLIH, 540. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 73 
 
 quae non cernuntur. 1 Here VTroaracri^s evidently is the factor 
 whereby " things hoped for" become real and existing 
 (extant). Tttoctcktis is the PRESENTATION OP A REALITY. 
 
 In equating v<f>io-rarai by e%ei to eivai CASAUBON 
 (f 1614) shows a remarkably accurate understanding of the 
 Greek notion of viroaracri^ as true reality. He also identifies 
 it with the u esse re vera " — the very reality — in contrast 
 to the figments of the imagination (hiavoias avaTrXaaixara): 
 TTrocrTao-is dubio procul hie accipitur ut cum apud philosophos 
 dicuntur ra 777009 ri habere VTroarao-iv, h.e., ESSE REVERA, 
 non autem T77? rjfi€T€pa$ Biavoia<; avcnrXao-fiaTa. T^iararai 
 pro €%et to eivai usurpant philosophi. 2 What is valuable 
 about this interpretation is the fact that the author recognizes 
 the derivation of viroaraai^ from vcfrio-ravai, and also that he 
 confirms the Greek Patristic exegesis of the term by the 
 classical, vfyiaTarai^e'xei to ecvcu (v^io-rarai pro e^ei to eivai 
 usurpant philosophi), a strong phrase for emphatic exist- 
 ence or VERY REALITY. 
 
 Estius 3 (|1613) notes three interpretations of "sub- 
 stantia rerum sperandarum," according as " substantia" 
 means foundation or principle, reality or existence, 
 and certitude, respectively : 
 
 1. Faith can be said to be the foundation of "things 
 hoped for," in the sense that it is a basis and foundation 
 upon which hoped-for salvation so rests, that without it 
 salvation could not exist; no more than a column could 
 (exist) without its base, or a house without its founda- 
 tion, — as accidents are upheld by their substance : Quod sit 
 veluti basis ac fundamentum, cui sperata salus ita innitatur, 
 
 1 Op. cit., XXX, 157. 
 
 2 Critici Sacri, VII, Part H, p. 1113. 
 
 3 Estius also observes that although many, such as Jerome, Theodoret, and 
 Theophylact, consider Heb. xi, 1, a definition of Faith, yet for him it is rather 
 a description of the same : Breviter respondeo, non tarn definitionem quam 
 descriptionem seu notationem quamdam fidei his Apostoli verbis contineri. 
 (Estius, Comm. in Cap. XL, Epi&t. ad Hebr., 274.) 
 
74 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ut absque ea haberi nequeat ; quomodo columna basi, et 
 domus innititur fundamento ; vel etiam quomodo accidentia 
 a substantia sustinentur. 1 We know that vrroaTaais in the 
 sense of foundation is unusual in the Greek Patristic 
 exegesis. 
 
 2. " Substantia " is reality and existence. Faith in 
 this sense is said to be the vTroaTao-is of " things hoped for " 
 by metonymy, because it produces, generates, and ex- 
 hibits to us u things hoped for," which of themselves do not 
 yet exist : Ut Fides hoc sensu dicitur eorum, quae sperantur, 
 hypostasis ac substantia (nimirum per metonymiam ab 
 effectu), quia, quamvis, spe pendente, nondum ilia existant, 
 tamen eorum existentiam in nobis quodammodo fides effieit ac 
 gignit, atque ipsa praesentia nobis exhibit? This is nothing 
 other than the current Greek exegesis of our text : things 
 
 HOPED FOR ARE MADE REAL EITHER BY ANTICIPATION OR 
 BY REPRESENTATION. 
 
 3. Because Faith makes us as certain about " things hoped 
 for," as if they were already present and grasped with the 
 hands; nay, because Faith makes us more certain of "things 
 hoped for " than if they were seen with the eyes, or demon- 
 strated by reason, it happens that some interpret virocrraa-L^ in 
 our text as certitude or certification: Dum videlicet 
 adeo certos de iis nos facit, atque si re ipsa iam praestita 
 essent, ac manibus tenerentur ; certiores vero, quam si vel 
 oculis essent conspecta, vel ratione demons trata. Quo fit, ut 
 wKo<TTa<Tiv nonnulli certitudinem vel certificationem interpre- 
 tentur. 3 But here the effect of wiroo-Tacris is described, not 
 virocTTaais itself. 
 
 Suarez (|1617), Tract. I, disp. II, sect. V, num. 7, 
 repeats the secondary interpretation of Thomas of Acquin, 
 viz., that Faith is called the "substance of things hoped 
 for," because by Faith we have what is contained in the 
 Symbolum — the essentials of salvation substantially: 
 
 i Op. cit., 274. 2 Ibid. a Ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 75 
 
 Fides est substantia rerum sperandarum ; nam in Symbolo 
 continentur omnia, quae ad hanc substantiam pertinent, nam 
 ibi docetur Deus, qui est objectum beatitudinis, quam 
 speramus. 1 This interpretation of our text has nothing 
 whatever to do with the original Pauline description of 
 ttkttis in Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 Bellarmine (j-1621), Be Christo, Lib. II, c. IV, in 
 discussing the terms viroaraavi and ov<ria, not only sum- 
 marizes pointedly the Greek Patristic view of vrroaTaa-is, as a 
 modus existendi, but also shows that the New Testament 
 usage of the word (there are only five instances of the use of 
 v7roaTa(TL<; in the New Testament ; viz. , Heb. i, 3 ; iii, 14 ; 
 xi, 1 ; and 2 Cor. ix, 4 ; xi, 17) is constant and means 
 that " foundation " or " basis " which exists per se and supports 
 other things in their existence : His enim locis explicatur 
 nomen viroGjaais in genere significare fundamentum seu 
 basim, quae alia sustentat, et ipsa per se subsistit. 2 This is 
 the meaning of vTrocrraai^ in Heb. xi, 1, because Faith is the 
 foundation of justice and not only exists per se, but even 
 gives existence to " things hoped for " — things which in se are 
 not yet, but which through Faith seem already in some way to 
 exist : Hie autem postea hoc nomen traducitur et accom- 
 modatur ad Fidem, quia Fides est fundamentum justitiae, et 
 non solum ipsa per se exsistit, et etiam dat subsistentiam 
 rebus speratis, quae enim speramus in se non sunt, sed per 
 Fidem quodammodo iam existere videntur. 3 What is of interest 
 in this citation of Bellarmine is not so much that he repeats 
 emphatically the current Greek Patristic exegesis of our text, 
 but that he regards as equivalent the two senses of u sub- 
 stantia," FUNDAMENTUM and QUAE ALIA SUSTENTAT ET 
 IPSA per SE subsistit. TirocrTaai*; in the sense of funda- 
 mentum is, as we have repeatedly noted, a derived usage, or 
 better, a popular and plastic expression of the primary 
 meaning of the term. 
 
 1 Opera Omnia, XII, 29. » Opera, I, 203. 3 Op. cit, I, 204. 
 
76 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 For John Piscator (f 1625), as for Estius, Heb. xi, 1 
 is not a definition of Fides, but rather a description of the 
 same in its effects : Id est, Fides ex se parit certam spem 
 rerum a Deo promissarum adeo ut ilia, quae ex Dei promis- 
 sione sperantur necdum cernuntur, iam reipsa subsistere sive 
 extare et coram cerni videantur. 1 Again we notice that our 
 author follows the Greek Patristic interpretation, emphasiz- 
 ing the two typical points : (a) anticipated reality (iam 
 reipsa subsistere) ; and (&) presentation of reality 
 (extare et coram cerni videantur). 
 
 John Capellus (f 1625) thinks that in our text justify- 
 ing and saving Faith are defined : Definit igitur hie fidem 
 antonomastice dictam, sive iustificantem et salvificam. 2 
 Our author also interprets viroo-raa-^ as confidence ; and 
 most interesting and important is the fact that he lays down 
 the arguments for this interpretation, which have been so 
 frequently repeated by other exegetes. Capellus notes that 
 classical authors use viroaraa-i^ in various senses, and, what 
 is to our immediate purpose, he says that it is employed in 
 this Epistle in two meanings : (a) as a subsisting person 
 (Heb. i, 3) ; (6) as an act or habit of confidence : 
 Secundo significat habitum vel actum fiducialem. 3 Then 
 Capellus gives a philological proof for this interpretation of 
 VTroGTacris. He says that viroaracris is derived from the 
 preposition u7ro, which has the meaning of submission joined 
 with expectation, and from the noun crracrt? which means a 
 firm standing : Quo sensu consideranda I, prepositio, II, 
 nomen. Prepositio sumitur hie eodem sensu quo sumitur 
 in vocibus virofjueveiv, etc. Designat enim utrobique submis- 
 sionem cum expectatione coniunctam. Nomen o-racris con- 
 siderandum ut habens significationem standi. . . . Ita 
 v7ro<TTa(ri<s erat fiducia velut in statione manens ac rem 
 
 1 Comm. in Omnes Lib. N. T., p. 77. 
 
 2 Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1114. 
 8 Op. cit, p. 1116. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 77 
 
 promissam exspectans cum animi submissione. 1 Then fol- 
 lows the confirmation of his view from the usage of virocrTa- 
 o-t? in the LXX as fiducia (Ps. xxxix, 7 ; Ruth i, 12 ; Ezek. 
 xix, 5 ; and in the N. T. 2 Cor. ix, 4 ; and xi, 17 ; and in 
 Heb. iii, 14). We have here the results of a philological 
 playing with the term VTrocrTacris, which are quite foreign to 
 the sense of the term in the Greek Patristic literature, and 
 which show a superficial knowledge of Greek. 
 
 Cameron (f 1625) interprets eXirc^ofievrnv VTrocrracn*; as 
 expectation of things hoped for, and like Capellus 
 confirms the same by the usage of wrroGTaais in the afore- 
 said passages of the LXX. Speaking of vTroo-Taaris he says : 
 Sed eo potius sensus accipienda est in N. T. haec vox, quo 
 in Veteri apud LXX. Atque ITOTlFl h.e. expect ationes, 
 interpretantur per hanc vocem VTrocrraa-LV. 2 The traditional 
 Greek exegesis is here, as in Capellus, entirely abandoned. 
 
 Tirinus (f 1636) follows the Greek exegesis of viroo-Tacns. 
 In his further explanation he remarks that, although " things 
 hoped for " do not yet exist (nondum existunt), yet Faith 
 makes them to subsist in the intellect (facit subsistere in in- 
 tellectu), so that the believer is as certain about them as if 
 they already de facto existed : Res quae sperantur et non- 
 dum existunt, facit subsistere in intellectu, id est tarn certas 
 in animo hominis haberi ac iam de facto existerent. 3 Tirinus 
 here shows with great clarity how the notion of conviction 
 in irians depends on VTroaracns, by which " things hoped 
 for" are made to subsist in the intellect of the be- 
 liever. Tirinus is also the first to reject the interpretation 
 of v7ro<TTa<TL<; as FIDUCIA. 
 
 Cornelius a lapide (|1637) gives two possible inter- 
 pretations of our text according as wRQcFTaais is understood 
 either as foundation, or as reality : 
 
 i Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1115. 
 2 Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1114. 
 a Comm. in S. S.,U, 48a 
 
78 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 1. T7ro0-Ta<n9 = foundation. Cornelius says that if 
 viroGTaais means foundation, then our text must be inter- 
 preted as follows: Faith is the basis or foundation of 
 " things hoped for " : Fides ergo est substantia, id est basis 
 et fundamentum, rerum sperandarum. 1 But, as we have 
 shown so often, virocrraa-i^ means foundation only by rea- 
 son of a popular philological derivation, or by reason of a 
 dogmatic analogy ; and, hence, it is no true interpretation of 
 our text. 
 
 2. TirocrTao-is = reality. This preferred interpretation 
 of our text is the current Greek exegesis of the same. 
 Cornelius thinks that viroaTaa-^ must be understood in the 
 same sense as found in c. iii, 14 of the same Epistle, viz., 
 a subsisting and existing thing, Idem est quod subsis- 
 tentia et existentia. 2 Our author then explains how 
 " things hoped for," which do not yet subsist of them- 
 selves, yet through certitude have that kind of exist- 
 ence (to the believer) by which they are regarded as 
 already existing : Fides f acit ut bona futura quae non- 
 dum existunt certa habeamus, certoque futura credamus et 
 speremus, perinde ac si iam subsisterent ; eaque coram nobis 
 eerneremus : fides enim ilia ipsa quasi praesentia et certissima 
 oculis mentis subiicit, sicque per suam certitudinem, quamdam 
 subsistentiam dat rebus speratis et futuris in intellectu et 
 mente fidelium. 3 Ulo-tls makes u things hoped for" so real 
 to the believer that, in spite of the fact that they are future, 
 they are regarded as already existing (ac si iam subsis- 
 terent) . In a word, itlctt^ through virocrTao-LS is the ANTICI- 
 PATION OF A FUTURE REALITY. The effect of this MAKING 
 "THINGS HOPED FOR" REAL TO THE BELIEVER is CERTI- 
 TUDE, and, hence, we can call 7ncrTL<; here, as does the 
 Peshitto, — persuasio et certitudo de eis rebus quae 
 sunt in spe, perinde ac si iam existerent actuA 
 
 i Comm. in S. &, XVIII, 518. ■ Ibid. 
 
 2 Ibid. * Ibid. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 79 
 
 Hugo Grotius (f 1645), following the new exegesis of 
 Capellus, interprets vTroaracns of our text as firm expecta- 
 tion, and confirms the same by the usual appeal to the LXX 
 and, also, to what will become the classical reference to the 
 Ancient Greeks (i. e. Polybius) : Rerum sperandarum firma 
 quaedam expectatio. 1 Grotius also instances the usage 
 of "substantia" in Tertullian (De Cultu Fern., II, 2), which 
 we have already considered. 2 
 
 Thomas Gatakerus (fl654) adopts the exegesis of 
 Castalio: Tiroo-rao-is = subiectio. The interpretation reads 
 as follows : subiectio quod absentia nobis subiiciat ac pro- 
 ponat, efficiatque ut praesentia esse videantur, nee secus iis 
 assentiamur quam si cerneremus. 3 This exegesis is essen- 
 tially the Greek Patristic interpretation of our text, in 
 which the reality of u things hoped for " by presenta- 
 tion is the keynote. 
 
 Like Cornelius a Lapide, Menochius (f 1655) notes two 
 traditional interpretations of our text ; 
 
 1. Faith is the foundation sustaining our hope ; 
 Fundamentum spem nostram sustentans. 4 
 
 2. Fides is the subsistentia and existentia of " things 
 hoped for " : Fides est subsistentia sive existentia rerum 
 sperandarum. 5 It is a repetition of an interpretation already 
 well known to us. 
 
 Although Matthew Polus' (|1669) interpretation of 
 Heb. xi, 1 is but a synopsis of the interpretations in Critici 
 Sacri, yet, since wttogt cutis began to be interpreted as fidu- 
 cia at this time, it will be useful to note the argument that 
 our author contributes for the same: Probatur haec ex- 
 positio : (1) ex origine vocis, ab vfao-rao-Ocu, quod est firmi- 
 
 i Critici Sacri, VII, Part H, p. 1131. 
 
 2 Cf . p. 48 ff. 
 
 3 Cf . Poli, Matthaei, Synopsis Crit. Et Alior., IV, 1353. 
 * Comm. Tot. S. S., H, 248. 
 
 6 Ibid. 
 
80 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ter stare, non cadere, non fugere, non cedere, ut apud Plut. 
 et Synes; (2) ex usu vocis, turn Heb. iii, 14, turn apud 
 LXX qui wirovTaaiv pro spe et expectatione ponunt, Ruth i, 
 12 ; Ps. xxxix, 8 ; Ezek. xix, 5 ; turn in Polybio. 1 
 
 Daniel Brenius (c. 1666) repeats the Greek expression 
 for the two ways by which " things hoped for " are made 
 real to the believer, viz., by anticipated possession and 
 by presentation. Our author says that Fides is called 
 the "substantia rerum sperandarum," quia facit ut res in 
 expectatione positae, quae nondum actu possidentur, velut 
 praesto sint, animo apprehendantur. 2 
 
 William Burkitt (|1703) connects the two interpre- 
 tations of VTTOGTaaiS — FIRM EXPECTATION and SUBSIS- 
 tentia — in these words : Speaking of Faith, it is a confi- 
 dent and firm expectation of good things which God 
 has promised, giving the good things hoped for a real 
 subsistence in our minds and souls. 3 
 
 The secondary interpretation of viroaraa-L^ by Natalis 
 Alexander (fl724) is foundation, but his primary 
 interpretation is the traditional one — presentation of 
 reality : Quia futura bona caelestia et aeterna : quae sunt 
 obiectum spei nostrae, in nobis quodammodo subsistere facit, de 
 illis adeo certos nos reddens ac si ipsa iam praestita essent, ac 
 manibus tenerentur. 4 
 
 Georgius Raphelus (f 1750) merely adopts Gerhard's 
 interpretation of VKooTaam as fiducia, and gives the usual 
 references to the LXX ; and he is the first to note down the 
 exact reference to Polybius (De Horatio Coclite, Lib. VI, c. 
 55, and Lib. V, c. 16). 5 
 
 1 Synopsis Grit, et Alior., IV, 1364. 
 
 2 Opera Theologica, In Part. N.T., 110. 
 
 3 Expository Notes with, etc., Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 4 Comm. Literalis et Moralis in Omnes Epist. Sancti Pauli Apost, etc., 
 Tom. H, 496. 
 
 8 Annotationes Philologicas in N. T., Ill, 687 sq. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 81 
 
 Wolfius (f 1738) also accepts the interpretation of 
 V7roo-Tacri$ of our text as fiducia, although he notes the 
 Patristic exegesis and also shows the resemblance between 
 the Pauline ttigtus of Heb. xi, 1 and Philo's ttlgti*; in Be 
 Abrah. Our author says very plainly: Assentior illis, qui 
 wirQaTaaiv de cert A fiducia ad res speratas accipiunt. 1 
 
 Also for Doddridge (f 1751) Faith is the confident 
 expectation 2 of " things hoped for." 
 
 Bengel (|1751), on the contrary, goes back to the 
 Patristic literature for his interpretation, and sums up in 
 most pointed phrases the current Greek exegesis of ekirL^o- 
 fievcov VTrocrTao-is : Faith is the substance by which the 
 
 FUTURE THINGS HOPED FOR ARE PRESENTED OR SET 
 BEFORE US AS PRESENT. 3 
 
 We shall close the Middle Age period of the exegesis of 
 €\Tn£ofjL€Vcov VTroo-Taais with CALMET (j- 1757). Tiroo-rao-is, 
 for him, is foundation which (from a further description) 
 is evidently nothing more than the traditional Greek inter- 
 pretation of our text : Fides est fundamentum : has (things 
 hoped for) praesto exhibit fides, ipsamque illarum veritatem 
 et possessionem quoddammodo praebet : imo ipsa est substantia 
 earum rerum, quas per spem anticipatisA We have here the 
 Greek exegesis of our text in which ttkjti^ makes " things 
 hoped for" real either by presentation or by antici- 
 pated possession. The curious thing about it, however, 
 is that this typical Greek exegesis of ekiri^oiievcov VTrocrraa^ 
 is equated by the interpretation foundation of "things 
 
 HOPED FOR." 
 
 Recapitulation 
 
 We are now in a position to note the results of our 
 investigation into the exegesis of eXin^o/jLevcov viroaraai^ of 
 
 1 Curae Philologicae et Criticae in X. post. S. Pauli Epist., 738. 
 
 2 The Family Expositor, VI, 102. 
 
 3 The Gnomon of the N. T., II, 654 sq. 
 
 4 Comm. Liter, in Omnes Lib. Vet. et Nov. Test, X, 635. 
 
82 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Heb. xi, 1 during the Middle Ages, and to estimate their 
 value. As in the Patristic period, so in the Middle Ages, 
 the interpretation of the verse has hinged upon the meaning 
 
 Of WKOGTaGlS : 
 
 I. A. Tiroo-TOLais = BEALITY : 
 
 1. ANTICIPATION OF REALITY, 
 
 2. EMPHASIS OP REALITY, 
 
 3. PRESENTATION OF REALITY. 
 
 Walafried Strabo, Hrabanus, Oecumenius, Theophylact, 
 Hugo of St. Victor, Gilbert, Thomas of Acquin (secondary- 
 interpretation), Bona venture, Vatablus, Calvin, Clarius, 
 Castalio, Is. Casaubon, Estius, Tirinus, Bellarmine, John 
 Piscator, Cornelius a Lapide, Gatakerus, Menochius, Brenius, 
 Burkitt, Natalis Alexander, Bengel, Calmet. 
 
 B. T7rocrTa<Ti<; = certitude OF REALITY : — Estius. 
 
 II. T7TO0r T ao-t? = FOUNDATION. 
 
 Estius, Bellarmine, Cornelius a Lapide, Natalis Alexander, 
 Calmet, Clarius, Menochius. 
 
 III. T7TO<rTacrt? = CONFIDENCE, EXPECTATION. 
 
 Erasmus, Luther, Capellus, Cameron, H. Grotius, Gerhard, 
 G. Raphelus, Wolfius, Burkitt, Doddridge. 
 
 IV. Tiroaratm = CONTENTS, ESSENCE. 
 Thomas of Acquin, Suarez, Castalio. 
 
 V. T7roo-Tacrt? = fortitude. Bonaventure. 
 Accordingly, the exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 during the Middle 
 
 Ages is characterized by several interpretations of ekwi^ 
 £o/j,€V(ov viro<TTa<n<;. The traditional Greek interpretation 
 which emphasized the reality of " things hoped for " either 
 by anticipation or by representation was preserved and 
 copied more generally than any other. Besides the Greek, 
 five other interpretations came into vogue according as vtto- 
 oTao-ts was understood to mean (a) certitude, (5) founda- 
 tion, (<?) CONTENTS, (&) CONFIDENCE, (e) FORTITUDE. 
 
 The sense certitude arose by mistaking the effect of 
 virocTTaa^ ekin^o^evayv (the certitude regarding the 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 83 
 
 reality of u things hoped for," produced by a vivid repre- 
 sentation of the objects of hope to the mind) for viro- 
 o-rao-is itself, (that which makes "things hoped for" real 
 to the believer by a vivid representation of them). 
 
 The meaning foundation came into use either by reason 
 of a popular philological derivation of viroaraa^ from viro 
 and a-rao-is, yielding the naive sense firm standing or 
 foundation, as is certainly the case with fortitude, or 
 by reason of an a priori analogy between salvation and an 
 edifice in which wuttk was compared to the foundation of 
 salvation. Of course, the latter sense is no interpretation of 
 Heb. xi, 1 at all. 
 
 T7rocrTa(7t? in the sense of contents shows the influence of 
 the Latin equivalent substantia. But virocratn^ in the sense 
 of fiducia and firm expectation is the interesting " find " 
 of our investigation into the exegesis of the Middle Ages. 
 It is interesting, because it is an entirely new interpreta- 
 tion that breaks completely from the Greek and Latin 
 exegesis of Heb. xi, 1. It will be even more interesting to 
 see what interpretation will prevail in the Modern exegesis 
 of our text. Will the Greek Patristic exegesis with its roots 
 in the very literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1 be preserved? Will 
 the new interpretation of viroaraa^ as fiducia find more 
 champions, or will a still newer interpretation spring up in 
 the period which we now proceed to examine ? 
 
 4. In Modern Exegesis 
 
 For the twofold reason (a) that the number of commenta- 
 ries on Heb. xi, 1 during the Modern Period is very great, 
 and (V) that the Moderns merely repeat the interpretations 
 of our text as developed in the two preceding Periods, we 
 need not give to it the same detailed examination we have 
 devoted to that of the Patristic Literature and the Middle 
 Ages. And for the sake of even greater brevity we shall 
 group the Modern authors in classes differentiated by the 
 
84 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 various interpretations followed. However, we shall en- 
 deavor to cite as much from these authors as is absolutely 
 necessary to convey their exact meaning. The interpreta- 
 tion of Heb. xi, 1, for the Modern, as for the older exegetes, 
 hinges on the word viroaracris. Hence, their interpretations 
 vary with their understanding of this pivotal term. 
 
 I. A. Tiroo-TacTcs = reality : Faith is the reality 
 (metonymically) of "things hoped for." So Rosenmuller : 
 " Illud quod facit, ut iam extent, quae sperantur." * In the 
 same sense John Owen interprets ekin^ofievcov viroaraai^ : 
 " It (7rto-Tt?) gives those things hoped for, and as they are 
 hoped for, a real subsistence, wiroarTaais, in the minds 
 and souls of them that do believe." 2 Seiss repeats the same 
 from the true point of view that the object of ttkttl^ is reve- 
 lation : u Our taking God at His word, enables us to act as 
 if we saw them (i.e., "things hoped for"). They thus re- 
 ceive a real subsistence in our minds." 3 F. S. Samp- 
 son has found the best English equivalent for the Greek 
 sense of viroa-racn^, viz., REALIZATION: "It (ttktti^ gives 
 them (i.e., things hoped for) the force of present reali- 
 ties," and for this reason : " As Faith realizes things 
 hoped for." 4 H. J. Ripley, conscious of the dynamic force 
 of 7rtcrTt?, thus exegetes our verse : " It (7rto-Tt?) gives sub- 
 stance, as it were, to things which as yet are only objects 
 of hope, so that those things have the force of realities, 
 actually existing and within our grasp, and conse- 
 quently they engage our affections and determine our pur- 
 pose." 5 Like Seiss, Junkin says : " Thus it is a reality — 
 a present subsistence in the believing mind and heart, 
 of the things held up before us in the Gospel." 6 MacEvilly 
 
 i Scholia in N. T. vol. V, 274. 
 
 2 An Exposit. of the Epist. to the Heb., etc., IV, 361. 
 
 3 Popular Lectures on the Epist. to the Heb., 318. 
 
 4 A Crit. Coram, on the Epist. to the Heb. , 409. 
 
 6 The Epist. to the Heb., with Explanat. Notes, 135. 
 6 A Comm. upon the Epist. to the Heb., 387. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 85 
 
 (secondary interpretation) says that Faith through wiroo-Ta- 
 oy? " gives these things we hope for a new and anticipated 
 existence in our minds." 1 Henry Cowles, considering 
 this world of sense, says : " Faith comes to our help to give 
 substance — A sense of solid reality — to what we hope 
 for in the realm of spiritual life." 2 Thus also Corluy : " Es- 
 sentia per se stans — si iam resolvitur synecdoche, fides eo 
 sensu dicitur substantia rerum sperandarum, quatenus est 
 firma mentis persuasio, qua in mente credentium futura 
 bona anticipatam subsistentiam nanciscantur." 3 Van 
 Steenkiste equates ttlo-tl^ as a "reality' with "quasi fun- 
 damentum," but obviously only as an analogy : u Fides facit 
 ut res sperandae in nobis subsistant, quasi sit fundamentum 
 quo spes nitatur." 4 Westcott, impressed with the correct 
 understanding of ekirv^ofievojv as " things of the future," 5 
 interprets the text thus : " Faith is that which causes the 
 reality of things to come TO exist now." 6 Prat similarly 
 says : u Enfin elle est la realite des choses que nous espe- 
 rons, en tant qu'elle est une prise de possession anticipee des 
 biens a venir et qu'elle empeche nos esperances d'etre vains 
 ou fantastiques." 7 Dummelow in the light of the context 
 of the whole Epistle (in which earthly things are contrasted 
 with heavenly things, as types, copies, or shadows are con- 
 trasted with realities) solves the mystery of viroarraaK; in 
 these words : " Faith is that by which the invisible becomes 
 real and the future becomes present. Faith gives real- 
 
 i An Exposit. of the Epistles of St. Paul, etc., 225. 
 
 2 Epistle to the Heb., etc., 109. 
 
 3 Spicilegium, etc., II, 210. 
 
 4 Comm. in Omnes Epist. S. Pauli, II, 602. 
 
 5 Aristotle also so defined it : eXirts rov fieWovros eariv. Cf. his book, De 
 Memoria et Beminiscentia, c. I, 449 b, 27, in BiehPs edition, Parva Natura- 
 lia; cf. also: aXXa rov fiev irapovros ai<rd7j<ris, rov de /kWovtos eXTrts, rov de 
 yevofievov fj-vij/xri (i6wf.). 
 
 « The Epist. to the Heb., 351. 
 
 7 La Theologie de Saint Paul, 543. 
 
86 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ity to things hoped for, and puts to the test things unseen. 
 They (things hoped for) exist apart from Faith, but it is by 
 Faith that they are realized." 1 
 
 B. Tiroo-rao-i? m ASSURANCE or PLEDGE OF REALITY : 
 
 Faith is the assurance or pledge of the reality of 
 "things hoped for." So Conrad Lomb : " Hinc fides cer- 
 tissimum pignus est rerum sperandarum." 2 Jos. Long- 
 king, in a somewhat confused way, writes : " By Faith being 
 the ' Substance ' — the ■ sure expectation,' or 4 confidence ' — 
 of those ' hoped for things,' is meant that it enables its pos- 
 sessor to entertain such a sense of their reality, and 
 that thev will become his at some future period, as to 
 furnish an assured trust, a stable foundation, on which 
 to build his * hope ' of realizing them" 3 Sam. T. Lowrie says 
 simply : " Now Faith is the assurance of things hoped 
 for." 4 Bernardine a Piconio interprets virocrTacn^ more 
 pointedly: "Faith is the assurance of the reality of 
 that which we expect." 5 C. J. Vaughan gives this exegesis 
 of vTroo-rao-is : " ASSURANCE of (things hoped for), as in 
 four out of the five places where the word (v7rocrTacr*?) occurs 
 in the New Testament." 6 Edgar Goodspeed understands it 
 in the same sense : " Now Faith is the assurance of things 
 hoped for." 7 Dummelow, besides his explanation above, 
 notes that RV. uses assurance for viroaraa^, and then 
 explains it : " What is meant is that Faith is that which 
 gives assurance or certainty of things still in the 
 future. They exist apart from Faith, but it is by Faith 
 that they are realized." 8 H. R. Boll, much like the Greek 
 
 i A Comm. on the Holy Bible, etc., 1026. 
 
 2 Comm. in Divi Pauli Apost. Epist. ad Heb., 220. 
 
 3 Notes on the Epist. of Paul the Apost. to the Heb. , 334. 
 
 4 An Explanation of the Epist. to the Heb., 407. 
 
 6 An Exposit., etc. — The Epist. to the Heb., 397. 
 e The Epist to the Heb. , etc. , 213. 
 
 7 The Epist. to the Heb., 96. 
 » Op. cit., 1026. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 87 
 
 Patristic writers, interprets our passage as follows : " It is 
 Faith that makes the glories we hope for real to us, so that 
 they are not dreams, air castles, vain imaginations, but a 
 real inheritance. It is not only the basis of our hopes, 
 but our assurance of them. All this is involved in the 
 expression : Faith is the assurance of things hoped for." 1 
 
 II. TTTOGTaaiS mm FIRM PERSUASION, or CONVICTION. 
 
 Hence, Faith is the firm persuasion, or conviction of 
 "things hoped for." Thus Bernadine a Piconio : "The 
 writer apparently uses the word vTroo-TCKm, translated in the 
 Vulgate " substance," which is its proper meaning here as in 
 2 Cor. xi, 17, in a subjective sense, meaning certitude, 
 conviction, or confidence." 2 More clearly Weinel says : 
 " Glaube ist ein Uberzeugtsein von der unsichtbaren Welt, 
 auf die man hofft." 3 Johannes Weiss, while slightly exag- 
 gerating the sense of V7ro<rraoY9, yet interestingly interprets 
 our verse thus : u Tiroo-rao-is, eigentlich die feste Substanz 
 oder das Fundament, wird in der hellenischen Prosa von der 
 unerschutterlichen Festigkeit des Willens oder des 
 Mutes oder der Uberzeugung gebraucht." 4 Paul Feine, 
 speaking of the " beriihmte Definition des Glaubens " (given 
 in Heb. xi, 1), says : " Ein Doppeltes wird damit hervor- 
 gehoben : (1) dass es sich im Glauben um Heilsrealitaten 
 handelt, welche in dieser Welt noch nicht in die Erscheinung 
 treten, daher unsichtbar und Gegenstand der Hoffnung 
 sind ; (2) dass der Glaube doch aber eine unerschutter- 
 liche Uberzeugung von der Wirklichkeit dieser Giiter 
 ist." 5 
 
 III. T7ro(7Tao-t9 = foundation, or ROOT, so that Faith is 
 
 the foundation or root of "things hoped for." Thus 
 
 1 Lessons on Heb., 140. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 396. 
 
 8 Biblische Theologie des N. T., 699. 
 
 * Op. cit., I, 322. 
 
 6 Theologie des N. T., 656. 
 
88 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Conrad Lomb, mistaking the etymology of u7roo-rao-t?, 
 writes : " Sicut enim substantia sustentat accidentia, ita 
 fides sustentat spem nostram, adeo ut nulla in nobis sit 
 futura spes, si non sit fides, quae earn fulciat et sustineat." 1 
 MacEvilly, applying it to justification, calls Faith the " root 
 and foundation of justification." 2 Stentrup thus desig- 
 nates 7rto-Tt? : " Das Fundament und die Wurzel all der 
 Giiter, die durch Christus uns geworden sind." 3 Many 
 other modern exegetes have interpreted viroo-Tacris in the 
 sense of foundation, but since they have further explained 
 their usage in terms of one of the other interpretations of 
 our text, we shall consider their exegesis in other and more 
 proper classifications. 
 
 IV. TiroaraaLS = confidence : Faith is the confidence 
 of " things hoped for." Thus Stuart understands ekin^o^e- 
 vcov viroaTCLcns : " The writer has just been exhorting his 
 readers not to cast away their confidence or boldness 
 which would ensure a great reward (Heb. x, 35). This 
 sense is evidently appropriate here." 4 Kuinoel for confi- 
 dence puts " expectation " : " firm A expect atio rerum 
 sperandarum." 5 Max. Roeth identifies VTroarraai^ with viro- 
 fiovr) : " Et Fides vel maxime consistit in expectatione 
 (u7ro<7Tacr4? idem sonat quod VTrofiovrj (x, 36 ; iii, 14)) rerum 
 sperandarum." 6 Olshausen, without assigning any reason 
 for his interpretation, rather curtly disposes of the difficult 
 viroo-TacTis : " Here it (substantia) is, of course, to be taken 
 in the sense of fiducia, firmly grounded confidence." 7 
 Lunnemann though mentioning the other interpretations pre- 
 fers "Innere Zuversicht auf das was noch gehofft wird, 
 
 » Op. cit., 219. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 225. 
 
 * ZkTh. (1877), s. 73 sq. 
 
 4 Comm. on the Epist. to the Heb., 484. 
 
 6 Comm. in Epist. ad Heb., 386. 
 
 6 Epist. Vulgo ad Heb. etc., 178. 
 
 7 Op. eft., VI, 640. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 89 
 
 in die Wirklichkeit noch nicht eingetreten ist." 1 Delitzsch 
 after once having rejected the interpretation viroaraa-^ = 
 confidence finally adopted it on the strength of the usage 
 of the term in the LXX and the koivt) : " A steadfast con- 
 fidence with regard to the objects of hope, in contrast to 
 the wavering and despondency which would faithlessly aban- 
 don them." 2 Milligan explains ttkttis as "A firm and 
 well-grounded confidence in reference to the objects of 
 hope." 3 Bill 4 calls it "standhafte zuversicht," 6 and 
 Philip Schaff "confidence" (as in Heb. iii, 14). 6 Bey- 
 schlag says : " Faith is a firm confidence, a moral cer- 
 tainty with regard to objects of hope." 7 F. W. Farrar 
 notes other interpretations, but equates viroaraai^ with con- 
 fidence. In this sense he accepts the term in iii, 14 
 (comp. 2 Cor. ix, 4; xi, 17), and he thinks "this sense to be 
 the most probable meaning of the word here." 8 Bernhard 
 Weiss speaks of "ein zuversichtliches Vertrauen auf 
 gehoffte Dinge," adding, es "ist ja der Grundbegriff von 
 itiotk tiberall der des Vertrauens." 9 Stevens very summa- 
 rily explains the difficulty : " Now Faith is the firm con- 
 fidence with respect to objects of hope." 10 And even more 
 briefly is it expounded by H. J. Holtzmann : " Eine Zuver- 
 sicht auf Gehofftes." 11 It is a remarkable fact that, in the 
 classic work on litem? in the New Testament, Schlatter 
 
 1 Kritisch. exeget. Handbuch uber den Hebrderbrief, 348. 
 
 2 Op. cit., II, 210. 
 
 3 The N. T. Comm. IX, 300. 
 
 4 Der Brief an die Heb. etc., 563. Cf. fuller definition: Das vielfach 
 gedeutete Wort viroa-raa-is hat, wie jetzt fast allgemein anerkannt ist, hier 
 dieselbe Bedeutung wie iii, 14, namlich " standhafte Zuversicht." 
 
 sibid. 
 
 6 A Popular Comm. on the N. T. , IV, Hebrews, 75. 
 
 » N. T. Theology, etc., H, 335. 
 
 8 The Epist. of Paul the Apostle to the Heb., etc., 161. 
 
 9 Der Brief an die Heb., etc., 281. 
 
 10 The Theology of the New Testament, 515. 
 
 11 Lehrbuch der neutest. Theologie, II, 346. 
 
90 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 rightly repudiates the contention that viroaTaa^ meant 
 " Confidence " in the kolvtj SiaXe/cTos in the emphatic words : 
 " Zuversicht heisst das Wort in keiner derselben " ; * and 
 although even here he understands the term as fundamentally 
 " Stehn " (" in viroaraa^ geht der Begriff ' Stehn ' niemals 
 verloren"), 2 yet the inference by which he arrives at 
 " Zuversicht " for the interpretation of the term in Heb. xi, 1 
 is most interesting. It is largely by the force of a supposed 
 contrast between vttoo-toXtj in the preceding verse with vtto- 
 aTaai<; of our verse that this interpretation is reached. " Nicht 
 4 weichen,' sondern festes, freudiges, zuversichtliches Stehn, 
 das ist Glaube." 3 He then shows that this is none other 
 than " Zuversicht " : " Das GehofTte ermoglicht das feste 
 Stehn, es wirkt die Zuversicht und wehrt dem Weichen. 
 Und da der Grund der Zuversicht ihr auch den Inhalt und 
 das Ziel bestimmt, so ist der Glaubende, wenn er auf darge- 
 botenem Yerheissungsgute Stellung nimmt, demselbem blei- 
 bend zugewandt." 4 Many others also interpret vrroGTaais 
 in Heb. xi, 1 in the sense of confidence, as Schultz, 
 Stein, Stengel, Yon Gerlach, 5 Bohme, Tholuck, Bleek, De 
 Wette, Bloomfield, McLean, Ebard, Alf ord, Moll and " most 
 modern interpreters." 6 
 
 Y. T7TO<rTao-i? = ANTICIPATED POSSESSION or TITLE- 
 DEEDS : Faith is the anticipated possession or title- 
 deeds of "things hoped for." Thus Shepardson : "Faith 
 deals essentially with the future and with invisible things ; 
 and is that power by which we become assured of our 
 ultimate possession of these future things." 7 Beyschlag 
 also writes : " The relation between God and man advances 
 
 1 Der Glaube im Neuen Test.., s. 582. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 581. 
 
 3 Op. cit., 459. 
 * Ibid. 
 
 6 Delitzsch, Op. cit, II, 207. 
 « Milligan, op. cit, 299. 
 
 7 Studies in the Epist to the Heb., 470. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 91 
 
 by a progressive revelation on God's side and a growing 
 possession through Faith on man's side. . . . The Faith 
 which lays hold of these things with inner sense (cf. the 
 tov aoparov g><? op<ov, xi, 27) is a thinking, a knowing ; but 
 it is more than that, it is at the same time a grasping with 
 the will: A laying hold on in order to possess." 1 
 Finally, Moulton, on the evidence of the Papyri, has this 
 ingenuous interpretation : * Faith is the title-deeds of 
 things hoped for. . . . Men and women who have received 
 a promise from God counted that promise as being the 
 title-deeds to something they could not see yet, but which 
 they were going to see some day." 2 
 
 We may now briefly state the results of the Modern 
 Period of the Exegesis of Heb. xi, 1: 
 
 I. Twoo-TacTis = reality or the " assurance of reality," 
 — Rosenmiiller, John Owen, Seiss, F. S. Sampson, Lomb, 
 Longking, H. J. Ripley, Junkin, Lowrie, MacEvilly (sec- 
 ondary interpretation), Henry Cowles, Corluy, Van Steen- 
 kiste, Westcott, Bernadine a Piconio (secondary interpre- 
 tation), C. J. Vaughan, Goodspeed, R. H. Boll, Prat, 
 Dummelow, etc. 
 
 II. T7ro<rra<n? = conviction, — Bernadine a Piconio, 
 Weinel, Johannes Weiss, Paul Feine, etc. 
 
 III. Tiroo-TatTis = foundation, — Lomb, MacEvilly, 
 Stentrup, etc. 
 
 IV. Twoo-tclo-is = confidence, — Stuart, Kuinoel, Max. 
 Roeth, Olshausen, Lunnemann, Delitzsch, Milligan, Bill, 
 Schaff, Beyschlag, F. W. Farrar, Bernhard Weiss, Stevens, 
 H. J. Holtzmann, Schlatter, Schultz, Stein, Stengel, Von 
 Gerlach, Bohme, Tholuck, Bleek, De Wette, Bloomfield, 
 McLean, Ebard, Alford, Moll, and u most modern inter- 
 preters." 
 
 V. Tiroa-Taa^ = ANTICIPATED POSSESSION, or TITLE- 
 DEEDS, — Shepardson, Beyschlag, Moulton. 
 
 i Op. cit., II, 335. « Op. cit., 28. 
 
92 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 The characteristics of the Modern Exegesis of our verse 
 are : 
 
 (a) No new interpretation was produced ; 
 
 (6) The Patristic understanding of VTroarao-i? as "reality" 
 just barely held its own, and the English vocabulary gave 
 this rich equivalent for woo-tclo-is, " realization " ; 
 
 (e) The most important note is the outstanding fact that 
 Erasmus' interpretation of viroaraaL^ as " confidence " grad- 
 ually gained momentum, until it became the popular expla- 
 nation of the term. 
 
 Recapitulation and Conclusion of the Historical Part 
 
 After investigating what men have thought of Heb. xi, 1 
 from the first time that the verse appeared in extant literature 
 to the modern exegesis of our text, we are now prepared to 
 state the net results and to estimate their value. Every 
 exegesis of " die schonsten and die starksten Worte liber den 
 Glauben, die im Neuen Testament stehen" 1 hinges upon 
 f7ro(7Tao-t?. Hence, according to the understanding of 
 v7rocrTacri<; interpretations will be differentiated. From the 
 summaries of the results of our exegetical investigation, 
 it is evident that the various interpretations can be reduced 
 to two, — reality and confidence of "things hoped for." 
 The remarkable feature of this exegesis of our text is the 
 striking contrast between : (1) One interpretation (Faith 
 makes real the objects of hope) that goes back in an 
 unbroken historical chain to the unanimous understanding of 
 the Greek Patristic writers, and (2) the other interpretation 
 (Faith is the confidence of "things hoped for") that 
 sprang up in the 16th century and to-day has become the 
 popular exegesis of Heb. xi, 1. The former has its roots in 
 the living language of our text, and is the closest link to the 
 literary milieu that gave birth to the Epistle ; whereas the 
 latter, the creation of dogmatic tendency, is removed by 
 
 1 Weinel, Op. cit., 600. 
 
INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT 93 
 
 fifteen centuries from the living language of Heb. xi, 1, and 
 is altogether unmindful of the etymology of wjroa-Tacns. 
 
 It is indeed a striking contrast. Now what is the key to 
 the true interpretation of our text ? 
 
 Is it PHILOLOGY? Hardly ; for, as we shall see later, all 
 interpretations claim the confirmation of philology. Hence, 
 this science of itself cannot absolutely decide the question. 
 From the philological point of view, however, we may say 
 that that interpretation which the Greek Patristic writers 
 champion has this undoubted advantage — the Greeks them- 
 selves had the best practical philological sense of their own 
 tongue. 
 
 Is it context? Likewise, all interpretations claim the 
 support of the context. Hence, this of itself cannot settle 
 the matter. 
 
 Neither can it be the A priori CONCLUSION of Protestant 
 theologians that Trtcrrt? is essentially FIDUCIA. No scholar 
 will admit such an a priori conclusion as a basis for a critical 
 exegesis of Heb. xi, 1. The investigation would lack the 
 objectivity required for a critical study. 
 
 What, then, is the key to the critical exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 ? 
 Assuming only one incontestable law of language, viz., that 
 unless the context, or the usage and the spirit of the author 
 expressly exclude it, tcov ekirL^o^evcov vttoo-tcio-is was used in 
 the current understanding of the expression. The Greek 
 literary history of VTroo-racm, reaching its crest of decisive 
 importance in the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1, alone can 
 determine this meaning. The Greek Patristic literature is 
 an important part of this literary history. Hence, for all 
 critical students of the Holy Scriptures, the exegetical his- 
 tory of Heb. xi, 1, from Clement of Alexandria to Johannes 
 Weiss, has two important values : (1) It not only gives in 
 detail the exact exegesis and problems of our text ; (2) but 
 it also advances the probability that that interpretation is 
 the correct one which was unanimously understood in the 
 
94 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Greek Patristic literature, as faith is that which makes 
 real the objects of hope, and which later found stout 
 defenders in an unbroken historical chain down to our own 
 times. But, of course, the Patristic literature is not ab- 
 solutely decisive in determining the current meaning of rcov 
 eXiri^ofievcov V7ro<rTacn$ in the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1. 
 It remains to inquire what interpretation the literary history 
 of tcov e\7n^ofjL€va)v viroaraa^ in the period preceding the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews, and concurrent with it, favors ; and 
 to what interpretation the philological investigation of the 
 terms, the examination of the context, and harmony with 
 the spirit of the author, lean. 
 
PAET II — EXEGETICAL 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION OF YTIOSTASIS 
 
 I. In the Hellenic World 
 
 The two outstanding results of the Historical Part of this 
 investigation are the establishing of the original text of 
 Heb. xi, 1, and the record of the various interpretations of 
 the same. Among these interpretations the Greek Patristic 
 exegesis not only predominates, but also has an admittedly 
 historico-literary and, hence, the highest critical value for 
 the explanation of the passage in question on the basis of a 
 sound historical method. For, historically it forms an inte- 
 gral part of Greek literary history, viz., the later phase of 
 the Kouvq 8ia\€/cT0$, the literary milieu of our verse. Ac- 
 cordingly, the Greek Patristic interpretation of the pivotal 
 word in Heb. xi, 1 has a probability not enjoyed by later 
 exegesis. 
 
 As we now proceed to investigate the literary value of 
 u7ro<TTao-t?, from its first usage in extant Greek literature to 
 that in the kolvtj Bcake/cros, it will be most important to 
 note any similarities with or differences from the Patris- 
 tic notion of the term. But, above all, in this investigation, 
 we must keep an ever-vigilant outlook for the original mean- 
 ing of VTcovTaavi and its historical development down to the 
 literary period in which Heb. xi, 1 was penned. For, very 
 probably the author of our verse used viroaraa-u: in that 
 sense which was prepared by the historico-literary develop- 
 ment of the term, and which was current when the Epistle 
 
 to the Hebrews was written. 
 
 97 
 
98 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 T7roo-Tao-t9 began its literary career apparently as a well- 
 established term. In the medical vocabulary of Hippoc- 
 rates (b. 460 B.C.) the word is used again and again to 
 designate u sediment " in urine. Thus in Prognosticon, c. 12, 
 the " Father of Medicine " says that urine is best when the 
 vjroa-racrL^ is white, smooth, and consistent during the whole 
 course of the disease up to the crisis : Ovpov Be apiarov eo~Tiv, 
 
 OTCLV 7} \eVK7) 7) V7T0<TTa<T £9 KCU XciT) KCLl O/JLoXt) TTCLpa TTaVTO, 
 
 tov xpovov, ear av KptOw rj vovcros. 1 This condition, says 
 Hippocrates, indicates freedom from danger and an illness 
 of short duration. But if the urine is deficient, and if it is 
 sometimes passed clear and sometimes with a white and 
 smooth sediment, the disease will be more protracted : Et Be 
 BiaXenroi icai ttotc fiev icadapov ovpeoi, nrore Be v<f>i<TTai,To to 
 XevKov re /ecu Xeiov teat ofiaXov, ^povLcoreprj yiverai t) i>oucro?. 2 
 It is clear that vrroaracn^ in the first, and v<f>io~Tai,TO in 
 the second passage, point to sediment. This meaning is 
 further confirmed by Hippocrates' definition of unhealthy 
 urine : Farinaceous vTroo-Taaets in the urine are bad : icpi- 
 fivcoBees Be ev toktiv ovpoicriv VTrocTao-eis 7roprjpat,. 3 These 
 citations make it unmistakable that viroo-Tacris was used by 
 Hippocrates to signify sediment. Furthermore, the second 
 citation indicates the verb form (y^io-Taa-Bai) from which 
 virocTaci^ is derived. For, obviously, the clause of the first, 
 orav rj XevKT] rj VTTOGTaais /cat Xetr) /cat o/jloXtj^ has the same 
 sense as this clause of the second citation, iroTe Be v<f>io-TaiTo 
 to XevKov Te /cat \etov icai ofiaXov. Hence, vzrotrTacrt? in the 
 sense of sediment is derived from the form vfacrTaarOai, and 
 it means either (a) " that which remains firm " as opposed 
 to u that which flows away " (yiroppvavi)* ; or (5) u that 
 
 1 Hippocratis Opera Quae Feruntur Omnia, edidit H. Kuehlewein, I, 89, 
 16 sq. 
 
 2 Ibid., I, 89, 19 sq. 3 Ibid., I, 90, 5 sq. 
 
 4 Cf . further evidence for viroaravis in Liddell and Scott, A Greek Lexicon, 
 Hippocrates, 741 H and 822 D (Foesius' edition). 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 99 
 
 which settles at the bottom " as opposed to " that which 
 drains off." 1 In a word, xmoaTaais is the solid matter in 
 contrast to the more fleeting and transient stuff. 
 
 In Mox\lkov, c. 38, Hippocrates also used wroaTacrvs in 
 the sense of " base " or " something solid." In this chapter 
 our author formulates the rules for reduction and adjustment 
 of broken limbs by forcible extension. Tiroaraai^ occurs 
 in the rules for applying extension to a broken thigh. 
 When this is done on a bench, Hippocrates cites the common 
 method : A bench is used six cubits long, two cubits broad, 
 and one fathom in thickness, having two axles at each end, 
 and at its middle two moderate-sized pillars, " upon which 
 something like the step of a ladder rests for the VTroo-Taais 
 to the wood " : E^>' <ov a>9 KXifia/crrjp eireaTai e; ttjv viroGracnv 
 TO) fi/Xft). 2 Here viroaraa^ is used as "something firm or 
 solid " for support. For it is not the pillars, but rather the 
 transverse piece (like the step of a ladder) on the pillars 
 that serves as an viroa-raa-i^ for the wood, or as the base, 
 upon which the wood rests (eirea-rat) firmly. 
 
 This second usage of viroo-Tacns as the base, or " that which 
 makes firm " in opposition to " that which is movable," shows 
 the element it has in common with the first usage of the 
 term (as u that which settles or stands " in contrast to " that 
 which flows away"). Both are evidently popular meanings 
 
 Of V7T0<TTa(Tl<;. 
 
 Side by side with this medical and popular meaning, 
 wrroGTaais has found a place in the vocabulary of philosophers, 
 if Stobaeus can be trusted for preserving the very words of 
 Antiphon (b. 480 B.C.). For, in speaking of time (xpoz/o?), 
 Stobaeus quotes Antiphon as qualifying it by this contrast : 
 vorjfia 7] fjierpov tov %povov, ov% vtt o cr t aa iv? i.e., time is 
 either a theoretical concept (vorjfia) or a measure (/a€t/?oi/), 
 
 1 Ibid., Hippocrates, 686, 38 (Foesius' edition). 
 
 2 Op. cit., II, 269, 17 sq. 
 
 8 Diels' Doxog. Graec, 318, 22 sq. 
 
100 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 but not an viroaraa-^. The contrast to vorjfia shows that 
 vTroaracns is here tangible matter as opposed to idea. It is a 
 striking fact that the same notion of time (expressed in 
 terms of eirivoia in contrast to vjroaracns} is repeated by 
 later philosophers. 1 Tiroaraa^ is here used as a tangible 
 reality in contrast to a mere theoretical concept. 
 
 Again, if we can trust Plutarch and Stobaeus for quoting 
 the terminology used by Democritus (b. 460 B.C.) and 
 Epicurus (b. 342 B.C.), then the use of woo-rao-is as 
 
 u REALITY " in contrast to " MERE APPEARANCE " (e/i(£a<m) 
 is more ancient than is generally supposed. In De Placitis 
 Philosoph. IV, 14, (1), Plutarch says : Democritus and 
 Epicurus were of the opinion that the images in the mirror 
 (/caTOTTTpi/cas ep^>aaei^) happen according to the VTrocrracnv of 
 the portrait placed before it by ourselves, though the images 
 exist perverted in the mirror : Ta? KaToirTpiica<$ €/jL<j>aaeis 
 ryiveaOat, KaT* eiScoXcov VTroaracreis, ariva fyepeadai fxev a<f> 
 Vfjicov, avvKTTaadai Be ein rov Karoirrpov Kara avTLirepL- 
 aTpo<l>7)v. 2 The sense can only be : The mirror-image 
 happens according to the " reality of the portrait " 
 (/car eiScoXoov viroaTaaei^ placed before the mirror, with only 
 this difference, the mirror-images represent things perverted 
 (Kara avrnrepuTTpcxfrrjv). In other words, we have here an 
 evident instance where virocnaais means " reality ' in 
 contrast to en<f>a<ri$ " A mere appearance," since the picture 
 in the mirror is only the reflection of the reality in front of 
 the mirror. It is interesting to observe that for the exist- 
 ence of the image in the mirror, not vcfyio-racrOai is used but 
 <rvvi<naaQai. This fine distinction is an important confirma- 
 tion of the correctness of the interpretation of VTroa-Taais as 
 the reality of the object. 
 
 Hence, if we can trust Plutarch and Stobaeus for quoting 
 the very terminology employed by Antiphon, Democritus, 
 
 1 Cf . my discussion on Poseidonius, p. 107 ff. 
 2 Diels' Doxog. Graec, 405, 10 sq. 
 
I > J > 
 
 HIST0RIC0-LITER4RY INVESTIGATION 101 
 
 ■ . > 
 
 and Epicurus, then we must note another meaning for 
 vTroaTaaris in philosophy that is contemporary with its 
 meaning in medicine and in the more popular language. Is 
 there any relation between these two senses of the term ? On 
 the one hand, we have the meaning — " that which settles or 
 stands firm " in contrast to " that which is drained off or passes 
 away"; and on the other hand, — "reality" in contrast to 
 " mere appearance " (e/ic^acrt?). The former is the naive 
 sense, an idea proper to a primitive and more realistic way of 
 thinking, whereas the latter belongs to the popular philo- 
 sophical world of thought, the term of a later and more abstract 
 way of thinking. It is indeed a natural mental development 
 that the naive contrasts, " sediment " — " flowing water," 
 " tangible " — " fleeting," " base of support " — " movable 
 things," should precede the more philosophical contrasts, 
 " reality " — " image," " reality " — " mere appearance." Yet 
 both usages of wirocrTao-is have something in common. 
 Schlatter also frankly admits this : u In VTroaraa-cs geht der 
 Begriff • Stehn ' niemals verloren. Auch seine abstraktere 
 Wendung, in der es die Wurzel unseres Substanz geworden 
 ist, geht vom Stehen aus im Gregensatz zum Schein, der sich 
 auflost und verschwindet u. s. w." 1 In both usages there is 
 the common idea — " something standing " in contrast to 
 "something fleeting." It is obvious that when viroaraa-LS 
 with its current popular meaning was brought into the field 
 of a more progressive terminology, the fundamental notion 
 of the term should take on a new shade of meaning : " That 
 which settles or stands firm " in contrast to " that which is 
 drained off or passes away" becomes "that which settles or 
 stands firm as an objective reality" in contrast to u that which 
 flits away under the test of experience, as a MERE appear- 
 ance" It is also important for the exegesis of Heb. xi, 1, 
 to notice even here that like it (ecm Be maris ekiri^ofievoiv 
 
 1 Cf. Der Glaube im Neuen Testament, 581. 
 
102 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 i/7roo"Tao-t?, 7rpayfiara)v eXeyxos ov (3\eiro ixevaav) this meaning of 
 vttogtclo-is as " reality " in contrast to "mere appear- 
 ance" is also epistemological. For not only is ttuttis 
 universally denned by the Greeks in epistemological * terms, 
 but also in the second part of Heb. xi, 1, e\e7%o? ov 
 /3\€7ro/jLeva)v obviously gives the verse an epistemological 
 setting. Therefore, when the two meanings of wrroo-Tacns 
 thus far found are considered, Heb. xi,l, would seem to have 
 been written in the light of philosophical usage. 
 
 Like Hippocrates, Aristotle (b. 384 B.C.) in Meteorol. 
 II, 3, (14) uses VTroo-rao-is in the popular sense of " sedi- 
 ment." In this chapter our author discusses salts. He 
 notices that, on the one hand, the sea receives water from 
 rivers, which becomes salty only after mixing with the sea 
 water ; and on the other hand, that the sweetest drinks taken 
 into the human system become briny urine in the bladder. 
 In both cases, Aristotle thinks that the saltiness is due to the 
 mixture of some solid particles with a fluid. Thus he 
 explains the saltiness of sea water : SrjXov on /cav ttj OaXarrn 
 to €/c r?;? 777? o-vyKaraficyvv/jLevov tco vypco aiTiov rr}<$ aKfiv- 
 poTTjTos. 2 It is in a similar explanation of the saltiness of 
 urine that VTroaraai<; occurs : Ej> p>ev ovv tco crcofiaTL yiverai to 
 tolovtov 7] T7]$ Tpocprjs virocrTacri^ Bta tj)v aTreyfriav. 3 The solid 
 residuum of the food (?? T77? Tpo<f>7]S vrroo-Tacri*;} on account of 
 its indigestibility (_Bia T77? airetyLav) accounts for the saltiness 
 of the urine in the body, just as earthy particles (to e/c T77? 
 777?) are the cause of saltiness (cunov t??<? a\p,vpoT7)To<$) in 
 
 1 " Religious Faith, even under the Polytheistic form it assumed in Greece, 
 implies that what exists and happens in the world depends on certain causes 
 concealed from sensuous perception. " Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy, 
 i, 52 j also Clement of Alexandria says that Epicurus defined irums as a 
 irpo\rj\f/is Stavoias, and then accepts his definition of irpo\7j\f/is : EtiPoXijv eiri n 
 e^cryes, /ecu ciri ri\v evayi) tov irpayfiaros eirivoiav (Stromata, ii, 4, Migne, P. 6?., 
 8, 948 B). 
 
 2 Opera Omnia, III, 580, 6 sq. 
 tlbid. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 103 
 
 the sea. Tiroa-Taa^ here means solid residuum 1 in contrast 
 to the transient matter of digestible food. 
 
 In the same book, MeteoroL, IV, 5, (7), Aristotle 
 (a) again designates sediment by the term viroaraa^, 
 (5) infers that the term is derived from vfao-rao-Oai, and 
 (e) shows that viroa-Taa^ as sediment really means either 
 tt that which is solid " in opposition to " that which is in a 
 liquid state," or "that which settles" in opposition to "that 
 which is in a gluey state." In this chapter Aristotle discusses 
 the quality of hardness (Il^eo)? ovv irepi pereov'). 2 One of 
 the means for making things hard is drying or evaporation, 
 and it is in the context of this theme that viroa-Taa-^ occurs. 
 Our author states that water, or things soaked in water, or 
 placed in water, can be dried. The various kinds of liquids 
 that can be so dried are wine, urine, whey, and whatever has 
 no VKQGTaaiv at ally or a moistened vKoo-ra(Tiv\ but not 
 those that are moistened by gluing, for in such the stickiness 
 is the cause of tov jxtj v<f>Laracr0aL firjSev, as is the case 
 with oil and pitch : ToWo? 8 y eiSrj ra roiahe, olvos, ovpov, oppos, 
 teat o\o)5 oaa /xriBe/JLiav n ftpa^eiav ex ei viroaTacriv, /jltj 
 Sia y\ia")(pOT7jTa ' eviois fiev yap airiov tov /jltj v$i<jTao~6 at 
 fivSev r) <y\LO"XpoTr]S, axnrep eXata), rj ttitttj. 3 What is the 
 meaning of vrroo-Taais in this passage? 
 
 (a) Undoubtedly, the fjLrjSeficav VKoaraaiv means no 
 "solid matter at all " as opposed to " fluidity." 
 
 (6) Bpa%eiav vrro(TTa<TLv signifies a " moistened sedi- 
 ment " or a " moistened solid " as opposed to a " pure solid." 
 
 (c) The reason why the VTroo-raais, moistened by gluing, is 
 excluded from those mixtures that dry and thus become hard, 
 is that the stickiness (7X^0-^/30x7;?) of such a mixture is the 
 cause of "no settling whatever" (tov /jltj vfaarrao-Oai finBev). 
 
 !The term has the same meaning in Meteorol., II, 3, (22); P. A., II, 2, 
 (3); III, 9, (6); IV, 2, (7). 
 
 2 Opera Omnia, III, 615, 6. 
 
 3 Op. cit, III, 615, 27. 
 
104 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 The use of v$i<TTaa-Qai is fortunate. For it shows, by 
 practically identifying viroaravis with to vfyiaraarOat,, that 
 Aristotle, like Hippocrates, before him, derived wroo-Taais 
 from v(f)iaTaa-0ai. The fundamental notion of V7roaTaai<i for 
 Aristotle seems to be "solid matter" as opposed to "that 
 which evaporates," or u that which is solid " as opposed to 
 " that which is fluid and transient." We certainly have 
 here the primitive meaning of vrro<TTa<TL<;. 
 
 Aristotle's disciple Theophrastes (b. 371 B.C.) also uses 
 vrro(TTao~L<; as a kind of " sediment," u that which settles at 
 the bottom" in contrast to "that which is drained off." In 
 De Odoribus, 6, (29), he describes the manufacture of the 
 famous Egyptian perfume : Crushed myrrh liquefied in 
 balsam oil is placed over a slow fire. Then the myrrh 
 settles down to the bottom just like mud ; when the water is 
 drained off, this VKoaraai^ they press hard by working it : 
 avvi^aveiv h* et9 /3v0ov ttjv afivpvav /cat rovXaiov KaBairep Ckvv • 
 orav he tovto o~v/jl/3t] to /jl€p vSeop airrideiv rrjv B* vrroaTaa-tv 
 aTrodXifietv opyavois. 1 Here wiro<nacns is obviously "that 
 which settles or stands" as solid matter, in contrast to " that 
 which is drained off" as fluid. Again we have the naive 
 primitive sense of viroaTaa-^, 
 
 T7roo-Tao-t?, as a philosophical term used by Antiphon, 
 Democritus, and Epicurus, to express " reality " in contrast 
 to rt mere APPEARANCE " (e^<^>ao-t?), also found its way into 
 the vocabulary of Stoic epistemologists. Boethus of Sidon 
 (flourished about 200 B.C.) 2 seems to be one of the first 3 
 Stoics to use viroo-Taais in this sense. His teaching has been 
 
 1 Theophrasti Eresii Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia, ed. F. Wimmer, 
 369, 14 sq. 
 
 2 Cf . Zeller for the dispute about the exact date of Boethus, Die 
 Philosophie der Griechen, III Teil, I Abt., s. 46, (1). 
 
 3 Chrysippus before him, in a discussion Ilepi Toirov, has used viro<rTa<ris 
 probably also in the sense of " reality ". For speaking of xp° v0 * M something 
 K€t>ov, he says : Kara yap ttjv clvtov viroaraaiv aweipov eari. (Cf . Diels' Doxog. 
 Graec., 461, 2.) 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 105 
 
 preserved by Stobaeus (JEcl. I, 26, 5). In discussing the 
 question as to whether the heavens seem to be broader than 
 they are high, this observation of Boethus is quoted : The 
 expansiveness is received "according to the (fyavraa-tav" 
 not " according to the vrroo-Taaiv " : BorjOos Be 7T/30? ttjp 
 tyavraaiav Sexual to avaireirTafievoVy ov Kara tvv viroo'Tacnv. 1 
 The phenomenon, which everybody knows is only apparent, 
 is explained in terms of a contrast between u 7r/oo? twv 
 <f>avTaatav y and "«ara ttjv viroaraaiv." On the one 
 hand, <j>avTa<ria 2 for the Stoics means u representation " as 
 well as " imagination," and, on the other hand, the context 
 obviously demands a contrast between "what is only 
 apparent" and "what is real." It is evident that vrroo-raa^ 
 here means "reality" in contrast to "mere appearance" 
 (<f>avTao~ia). 
 
 1 Diels, Doxog. Graec, 363, 12 sq. 
 
 2 Turner summarizes briefly Stoic epistemology thus: "1. The Stoics 
 start with the Aristotelian principle that all intellectual knowledge arises 
 from sense-perception. Sense-perception (aiffdrja-ts) becomes representation, 
 or imagination (<pavTa<ria) , as soon as it rises into consciousness. During the 
 process of sense-perception the soul remains passive, the object producing its 
 image on the mind, just as the seal produces its impression on wax. The 
 process was, therefore, called a rviruxris, although Chrysippus is said to have 
 substituted the word erepoKoats, alteration of the soul. When the object of 
 knowledge is removed from the presence of the senses, we retain a memory 
 of it, and a large number of memories constitutes experience (epwetpta). 
 
 2. The next step is the formation of concepts. Concepts are formed either 
 (a) spontaneously, i.e., when, without our conscious cooperation, several like 
 representations fuse into universal notions (irpo\7)\f/€is or koivcu ewoiai); or 
 (6) consciously, i.e., by the reflex activity of the mind, which detects 
 resemblances and analogies between our representations, and combines these 
 into reflex concepts, or knowledge (eTcujTwrj). Neither spontaneous nor 
 reflex concepts are, however, innate ; spontaneity does not imply innateness. 
 
 3. As, therefore, all our knowledge arises from sense-perception, the value 
 to be attached to knowledge depends on the value to be attached to sense- 
 perception. Consequently, the Stoics decided that apprehension (/caraX^i/'ts) 
 is the criterion of truth. That is true which is apprehended to be true, and 
 it is apprehended to be true when it is represented in the mind with such 
 force, clearness, and energy of conviction, that the truth of the representation 
 cannot be denied." Cf. History of Philosophy, pp. 165, 166. 
 
106 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 For the historical usage of vrroo-Tao-is, Polybius (205-123 
 B.C.) merits a special consideration, not because he has de- 
 veloped the meaning of the term in any way, but rather in 
 this, that one of his usages of the term has been seized upon 
 and repeated again and again as the standard example of 
 the meaning "fiducia" by those exegetes who, following 
 Erasmus and Luther, interpret viroo-Tacns in Heb. xi, 1 as 
 "confidence." Besides, with Polybius the kolvtj period — 
 the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1 — is unmistakably already 
 begun. 1 Hence, we must examine very critically the various 
 meanings of viroaTacn^i in the writings of Polybius. 
 
 In Histor. Reliquiae, IV, 50, (10), Polybius uses vrroo-Taaris 
 in the sense of " firmness." In the previous chapter, our 
 author outlines the causes of the war between the Byzan- 
 tians and the Rhodians (aided by Prusius), in the prosecu- 
 tion of which the Byzantians were chiefly encouraged by the 
 promise of help from the powerful prince Achaeus. In the 
 chapter in which viroo-Tacris occurs, the enthusiastic and 
 energetic management of the war by the Byzantians is noted. 
 To dampen this enthusiasm and to frighten the Byzantians 
 out of the war, the Rhodians assembled a powerful fleet and 
 demonstrated their strength in the very sight of Byzantium. 
 The Byzantians paid no heed whatever to this naval exhibi- 
 tion. In fact they rather pressed still more Achaeus to 
 hurry with his forces, and complicated matters for Prusius 
 in Bithynia. But the Rhodians, seeing the viroaraaiv of the 
 Byzantians, laid a plan by which they really accomplished 
 their purpose : Ot Be FoBioc, Oecopovvres ttjv tcov Bv^avncov 
 vttogtcigiv, TrpayfjLaruccDs Bievorjdrjo-av 77790? to Kaduceadai 
 T77? TrpoOeaeaxi? The previous meaning of viroaracn^ as 
 u firmness " or u solidity " would fit into the context of this 
 
 1 ' ' That is natural in the professional Atticist, who could not forgive 
 Polybius for writing the current common Greek of his time." (Cf. Murray, 
 A History of Ancient Greek Literature, p. 392.) 
 
 2 Polybii Historiarum Beliquiae, Graece et Latine, etc., 237. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 107 
 
 passage. For it is clear that wrrocrTacns here describes the 
 action of the Byzantians whom the Rhodians tried to 
 frighten. " Firmness " would very aptly describe the action 
 of the Byzantians, when the Rhodians vainly tried to intimi- 
 date them by the naval demonstration. The unmistakable 
 firmness of the Byzantians is here described by wiroaTaaw. 
 
 We note another example of " firmness." This, the most 
 interesting citation quoted by Polybius, occurs in Histor. 
 Reliquiae, VI, 55, (2). It is the usage of vrroaraarLs quoted 
 and repeated again and again by most of the exegetes who 
 interpret viroaracn^ in Heb. xi, 1 as "fiducia" or "confi- 
 dence." The term is found in a description of the classic 
 incident of Horatius at the Bridge. That Roman hero was 
 engaged with two enemies at the farther end of the bridge, 
 when he perceived that many more warriors were coming to 
 the assistance of the enemy. Hence, he was apprehensive 
 that they would eventually force their way into the city. 
 To avert this calamity he turned round to his companions, 
 ordered them to the other end of the bridge with instruc- 
 tions to destroy the same. While they were employed at 
 this work, Horatius, though covered with wounds, still main- 
 tained his post, and held back the enemy ; for the enemy 
 were dumbfounded, not so much by his power, as by his 
 VTTocnao-LS and intrepid courage : Ov% ovtco ttjv 8vva/juv, a><? 
 tt)v viroGTaaiv avrov koli To\/xav /caTaire7r\7)yfjL€Vcav tow vire- 
 vavncov. 1 What is the meaning of VTroa-raai^ here ? 
 
 1. Some have translated VTroo-Tacris by " praesentia animi " 2 ; 
 others by " firmness " 3 ; and many exegetes look upon this 
 as the classic example of u fiducia." 4 
 
 i Op. tit., 371. 
 *Ibid. 
 
 3 The General History of Polybius, translated from the Greek by Mr. 
 Hampton. 
 
 4 Georgius Raphelus, Annotationes Philologieae in N. T., HI, 687 sq. ; 
 Hugo Grotius, Critici Sacri, VII, Part II, p. 1131 ; Matt. Polus, Synopsis 
 Crit. et Alior., IV, 1364, etc. 
 
108 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 The interpretation, u presence of mind," is excluded not so 
 much by the context, which favors a number of interpreta- 
 tions, but by what we already know about the usage of 
 viroGTGLcns, It has nothing to do with " presence of mind." 
 
 2. If wiroaraai? means "firmness" in the passage under 
 discussion, then the thing that dumbfounded the enemy was 
 not Horatius' " presence of mind " to think of destroying 
 the bridge (though that meant cutting off his chance of 
 escape), but rather, his " unyielding firmness " and intrepid 
 courage that inspired a single man to fight so many. Since 
 Polybius uses this meaning elsewhere for wiroGTaais, it must 
 be the preferred explanation. 
 
 3. Is there any probability for the interpretation of 
 v7ro<7Tacri? in this passage as " confidence " ? If viroaTacns 
 here means "confidence," then the thing that amazed the 
 enemy was the u confidence " of Horatius and his intrepid 
 courage. But, we ask, what was the u confidence " of Hora- 
 tius all about ? The most probable object of such a " confi- 
 dence " that could " dumbfound the enemy " would be the 
 "confidence' of Horatius in his ability to fight so many 
 men. But the fact that Horatius, after the bridge was once 
 broken, plunged into the stream to his death, shows clearly 
 that he had no " confidence " to conquer ultimately the 
 enemy. Horatius had no such confidence, nor could the 
 enemy reasonably give him credit for having it. It is 
 indeed a remarkable bit of evidence to note what Schlatter 
 in his classic on " nto-rt? in the New Testament " thinks 
 about the meaning of vrrocrTaai^ in this passage of Polybius. 
 Although Schlatter himself interprets viroaTaat^ of Heb. xi, 1 
 as " Zuversicht " (fiducia) still he is frank enough to observe 
 that neither this passage in Polybius nor any other Greek 
 usage of u7ro(7Tao-t? which he had seen means "Zuver- 
 sicht." His words are: " Uber diesen verbalen Gebrauch 
 (avvTToaTdTO*; = 'without firmness' 1 ) geht vrroa-Taai^ in Stel- 
 
 1 This is the " verbalen Gebrauch " referred to here. 
 
fflSTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 109 
 
 len wie Pol. 6, 55, 2 ; 4, 50, 10 ; Jos. Ant. 18, 1, 6, nicht 
 hinaus; Zuversicht heisst das Wort in keiner derselben, so 
 traditionell ihre Citation in den Kommentaren als Beleg fur 
 den Begriff Zuversicht geworden ist." 1 But if we have 
 " firmness " in Polybius, it is nothing other than a transfer- 
 ence of the original meaning concerning material things to 
 spiritual things (condition of mind). 
 
 The development of the meaning of viroaracns from " that 
 which settles or stands " (sediment) in contrast to u that which 
 is drained off or passes away" to "reality" in contrast to a 
 " theoretical proposition of the mind ' (eirivoia), was already 
 indicated in the writings of Antiphon. He used vorjp>a for 
 the concept of the mind. In Poseidonius (b. 135 B.C.) we 
 meet with a synonym — einvoia. The citation is preserved 
 by Diogenes Laertius in his Vitae Philosophorum, 7, (135). 
 Here tear enrivoiav is directly contrasted with icad* viroarracnv. 
 Diogenes is discussing the measurement of bodies. One that 
 has length, breadth, and depth is called a solid body (a-repeov 
 acofjia). Then he takes up the question of the surface (eiri^a- 
 veto). The surface is defined in two ways, either in a naive 
 and realistic way, as the extremity of a body, or in an abstract 
 way, as something having length, breadth, not depth : eiri- 
 (fyaveca 8' can o-ayfiaros 7T€/oa? w to /jlvkos icai TrXaros fiovov 
 e^o^, ftaOo? 8' ov. 2 Then Diogenes adds that Poseidonius 
 in his third book on Heavenly Bodies equates this defini- 
 tion of surface in these terms : icai /car eirivoiav tcai tcaO' 
 vTroo~Taaiv. The text follows : ravTrjv Be Uoo~€l8covio<; ev 
 Tpn(o irepi fJL€T€G>pc0v K,ai kot €7TLPoiav fcai /cad* viToaTacriv 
 aTroXenret. 3 In other words, surface in terms of length, 
 breadth, and depth (lacking here) is for Poseidonius 
 what we would to-day call a mathematical concept (jcar em- 
 
 1 Der Glaube im Neuen Testament, 682. 
 
 2 Diogenis Laertii de Clar. Philosoph. Vitis etc., Recensuit Cobet, 188, 
 15 sq. 
 
 3 Ibid. 
 
110 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 voiav) 1 in contradistinction to the realistic definition of sur- 
 face as the real extremity of a body (Vta/taTo? 7repa9), which 
 the learned Stoic expressed as " that which exists in reality " 
 (jcaffi viroarounv). 
 
 In Strabo (b. 63 B.C.) viroaraa^ means something similar 
 to " sediment" — it is the "solid residuum" as opposed 
 to " what can be drained off " by water and a sieve. 
 In G-eograph., Ill, 2, (10) Strabo says that Polybius men- 
 tions the silver mines near Alexandria. The process of 
 manufacture is briefly summarized as follows : The silver 
 bullion they break, and by means of sieves they suspend the 
 same in water ; they again break the t>7rocrTa<m, and once 
 more the mass (strained with running water) is broken: 
 T77U Be (rvrprjv @(o\ov tt)V apyvpcriv <jyrf<ri KOirreaOai icai koctki- 
 vols €£? vBcop Siarraa-dai' Koirrea-Oac Be ira\vv ras viro- 
 <7Tacr€t9, icai ttoXlv BirjOovfievas aTro^eofievoyv tcov vBarcov 
 KOTrreaOai. 2 The fifth virooTaais they melt, and after the 
 lead is drained off they extract the pure silver : viroaTaatv 
 ^covev0eL(Tav y airo^vOevTOf; rov fioXiftBov, /caOapov top apyvpov 
 efjayetv.z Tiroo-rao-is here unmistakably means the "COM- 
 PACT residuum " as opposed to " that which is strained 
 off " by the water and the sieve. This usage of the term 
 confirms the repeated observation that the fundamental 
 meaning of viroaTacns is not " sediment r as sediment, but 
 "that which remains firm or is the solid matter" in con- 
 trast to " that which is drained off." Of course, this heavier 
 matter will sink to the bottom, if any water is left in the 
 mixture, and this can be called "sediment." But it need 
 not be what we call ordinarily "sediment." In this in- 
 
 1 Cf. another example of Poseidonius' use of eirivoia in Diels' Doxog. 
 Graec, 458, 11 : 5ia<pepeiv 8e tijv ovaiav ttjs vKris rt\v ovaiav Kara rrjv viroara- 
 aiv eirivoia /xovov. For the expression /car' eirivotav, cf. Ibid., Index, eirivoia ; 
 also cf . Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, Index, eirivoia. 
 
 2 Strabonis Geographica, Recognovit Augustus Meineke, I, 200, 1 sq. 
 8 Ibid. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 111 
 
 stance, e.g., the term "sediment" would not sufficiently 
 describe vttogtcktis. It is rather a "compact residuum" 
 in contradistinction to that part of the mixture "which 
 can be drained off." Here vTTOGTaais seems to be the 
 emphasis of the " solidity " in contrast to the " fluidity " 
 of the mixture. 
 
 As we advance in the koivw period, we see that the old 
 contrast between wrroGTaai*; and tf*$am becomes more and 
 more general, if not also more emphatic. So in Uepi Koa-fiov 
 (50 B.C.), 1 VI, 21, we meet viroaraa^ again as the "em- 
 phasis of reality" in contrast to "mere appearance." 
 Speaking of the phenomena that take place in the sky dur- 
 ing a storm, the author says that, of those things which ap- 
 pear in the atmosphere, some are /car efufaacnv, and some are 
 /cad* vrroGTaaiv : ra p>ev can icar e/JLcfraaiv, ra Be /cad* vtto- 
 a-racrtv. 2 Examples of those /car e/JL(f>a<Tiv are the rainbow 
 (tptSe?), the magic wands (/>a/38ot), and the like ; whereas 
 the examples of the tca6 y viroaTaaiv are the flashes of light- 
 ning (ere\a), the rumbling thunder (&aTToyre?), and the 
 comets (rcofjLrjTai), and similar things : YLar e^aaiv /jlcp ipiBes 
 kcli pafiBoi teat ra roiavra, icaO* vrroaTaaiV Be <re\a re /cac 
 BcaTTovre: /cat KO^rjTai kcli ra tovtois Trap<nr\r)<Tia. z The con- 
 trast here between the rainbow, magic wands, and such like, 
 which are only appearances (rear efjufxuriv), and the flashes of 
 lightning, thunder, and the comets which are realities (jcad y 
 viroaraaiv), shows that viroo-Ta<n<; here signifies that which is 
 real in contrast to that which is only apparent, or reality in 
 contrast to appearance. 
 
 The witness of Diodorus (flourished 25 B.C.) to the his- 
 
 1 ' ' Diese Schrif t wird demnach keinenf alls vor der Mitte des ersten vor- 
 christlichen Jahrhunderts verf asst sein ; wahrscheinlich ist sie aber noch 
 etwas jiinger ; doch wird man ihre Entstehung nicht tiber das erste Jahrhun- 
 dert nach dem Anfang unserer Zeitrechnung herabrucken dtirfen." Cf. 
 Zeller, Op. cit., II Teil, I Abt., s. 644. 
 
 2 Cf. Aristotelis, Opera Omnia, III, 633, 18 sq. 
 
112 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 tory of vrro<TTa<n<; is most interesting, because as we approach 
 with him the very milieu of Heb. xi, 1, we notice that the 
 philosophical sense of the term has become popular without 
 losing its first naive sense. Tiroaraa^ is one of the common 
 words in the vocabulary of Diodorus. We shall note only 
 the most important instances : 
 
 1. Tttoo-too-is = The "Settlings" (of a Cloud) or 
 
 "Tangible Matter." 
 
 Diodorus, like the Greek classical writers, uses woo-rao-i? 
 in Bibliotheca Historica, I, 18, (7) to signify " that which 
 settles down in a cloud " in opposition to " that which floats 
 away." Here, in speaking of the cause for the increase 
 of the waters of the Nile, Diodorus rejects the opinion that 
 it is due to snows fallen perhaps in remote parts. For 
 all rivers increased by snows give forth cool breezes and 
 heavier atmosphere ; but concerning the Nile, it alone of all 
 rivers has this distinction : neither the viroaTacreis of cloud 
 exist, nor do the breezes become cold, nor does the air thicken : 
 irepi 8e rov ISleiXov /jlovov tg>v irorapLODV ovre vecfrovs vrroara- 
 <ret9 virap'xpvo-iv ovt avpai ^v^pai ywomai ov0* o arjp Tra^v- 
 verac. 1 It is the tangible matter of the cloud (rain-drops) 
 that wiroo-racreis here signify. 
 
 2. Tiroaraa^ — " FOUNDATION " 
 
 In the same work, I, 66, (6), Diodorus uses viroaTacns 
 to signify "foundation." This chapter is devoted to the 
 royal tombs of Egypt. After describing their magnificence 
 and costliness, he continues: Generally it is said that the 
 kings made the VTroaraaiv of the tomb such in expense and 
 so great in size, that, if they had not completed the attempt 
 to finish it, no superiority whatever in others remained for 
 the prosecution of such work : KadoXov Be Toiavrrjv ttj 7ro\v- 
 
 1 Bibliotheca Histor., ed. Fred. Vogel, I, 66, 9 sq. 
 
fflSTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 113 
 
 TeXeia icai TrjXi/caVTTjv tco /xeyeOei ttjv virocrTacriv tov racfrov 
 Xeyerac TroirjaaaOat, tov? /3ac-t\ei?, coctt ei firj irpo tov avvTeXeaai 
 ttjv €7ri/3o\7)v /caTekvOrjcav, firjBefiiav av vrrep^oXrjv ere/aot? 7rpo? 
 KaTao-fcevrjv epycov airoXiirew. 1 T7ro<rrao-j? is here used in the 
 sense of " foundation," a meaning quite similar to Hippoc- 
 rates' usage of the term as "base." 
 
 3. T7roo-Tao-t? = " Settling Down " (of People) 
 
 In Bibliotheca Historical XVII, 69, (7), the story of 
 Alexander's triumphant return from the East with Persian 
 kings as his captives is told. These latter were so mutilated 
 that they excited the pity of the Greeks and the tears of 
 Alexander. On the request of the captives, it was decided 
 to allow them to return home ; but on second thought, the 
 Persians, unable to undergo the humiliation of returning to 
 their country in such mean condition, determined to remain 
 in Greece. Accordingly, (they came to Alexander a second 
 time, laid before him their new resolution and their need of 
 help for their domestic wiroo-Tao-i*;: Aio /cat iraXiv €vtv%ovt€<; 
 tco ftacriXei,, icai ttjv ihiav icpicriv BrjXcocravTe;, eSeovTO 7T/30? Tav- 
 ttjv VTroaTacrLv oaceiav irape^aQai ttjv ftorjOeiav. 2 This 
 request was granted by Alexander, and each Persian received 
 a certain sum of money to " settle down " in Greece. Here 
 v7roo~Tacri<i means " settling down " as opposed to " proceed- 
 ing." This employment of the term also throws some light 
 on its usage as "sediment." For it points out the common 
 element — " that which settles down or remains firm " (either 
 in the land or in water) as opposed to " that which disap- 
 pears or is removed " (in one way or another). 
 
 4. Tiroo-Tacns = " REALITY " 
 
 In Bibliotheca Historica, I, 28, (7), Diodorus describes 
 the first rulers of Attica. Some of these, it was thought, 
 
 1 Bibliotheca Histor., ed. Fred. Vogel, I, 112, 25 sq. 
 
 2 Bibliothecae Histor., ed. C. Mullerus, II, 180, 15 sq. 
 
114 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 came from Egypt and were popularly represented as half- 
 serpent and half -man, i.e., half -Egyptian and half -Greek. 
 Such a one was Peteus, a man of twofold form, concerning 
 whose nature the Athenians were unable to give (kclto, tvv 
 ihiav wiroaTCLGiv) the true origin : $t,<f>vov<; 8* avrov yeyovoros, 
 tovs fjuev Adrjvaiovs /jltj SvvaaOai Kara rrjv ihiav viroaraaLV 
 airohovvai irepi T77? <f>v<rem ravTT}? ra? aXwOeis airias. 1 What 
 does Kara ttjv cBtav viroaraaLv mean? The Athenians 
 were unable to give the origin of the nature of Peteus ac- 
 cording to the proper t>7ro<rTa<m. It is indirectly admitted 
 that their imagination had discovered tales of his origin and 
 nature. But they did not know the real origin. We have 
 here the old contrast between reality (t/7ro<xTa<m) and the 
 work of the imagination. 
 
 In Bibliotheca ITistorica, XVI, 33, (1), our author says 
 that the Phocaeans, after being defeated by the Boetians, 
 were again incited to war by the self-seeking Onomarchus. 
 A dream, showing this man the appearance (e/jupaaiv) of 
 great increase and glory, spurred him on to this viroaTaaiv : 
 
 E7T77/36 8* aVTOV 7T/30? TWV V7T0(TTa(Tt,V TaVTTJV OVCipOS €/JL(f>a<nV 80VS 
 
 fieyaXTjs avgrjarea)? re tcai 8of^?. 2 "Mere plan," as the sense 
 of WKocnacns, will not suffice. For he carried out an action. 
 Furthermore, there is an obvious contrast between €fi<f>acriv 
 (the mere appearance) in Onomarchus' dream and virocnaaiv 
 (the realization) to which the dream incited. We have 
 here in VTroarTao-is the reality of action in contrast to the 
 appearance of glory that caused the action. 
 
 We find, then, that Diodorus uses VTroo-Tacris in the sense 
 of " solid matter" "foundation" "firm settlement" " reality." 
 The first three meanings evidently are based on the naive 
 primitive meaning, "sediment," with which they have in 
 common " solidity " and "firmness" while the last meaning 
 
 1 Bibliotheca Histor., ed. Fred. Vogel, I, 46, 12 sq. 
 
 2 Bibliothecae Histor., E. C. Mullerus, II, 88, 44 sq. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 115 
 
 represents the developed sense in the advanced terminology 
 of the popular philosophy. 
 
 The first use of v7roaracrt<; in the clear sense of " reality " 
 was found in the striking contrast between vn-oaraai^ (" re- 
 ality ") and efMfracris or fyavTacia (" MERE APPEARANCE "), 
 or in the practically identical contrast between vn-oo-Taais 
 (" REALITY ") and vorjfia or eirivoia (" THEORETICAL or 
 mathematical concept"). We noticed also that this 
 contrast becomes more and more general, as we approach the 
 milieu of Heb. xi, 1. This stage in the development of the 
 term was certainly reached in the writings of Philo (b. 25 
 B.C.). In Be Mundi Incorruptibilitate, our author discusses 
 the reasons why the earth cannot be destroyed by fire. In 
 his argumentation, Philo first of all distinguishes three ele- 
 ments in fire, viz., "live coal" (avdpag), "flame" (<£\o|), 
 and "splendor" (avyrf). Then he continues, should the 
 material particles of the earth be dissolved or disappear in 
 any way, there could be no "live coal," nor "flame," nor 
 " splendor." Because the material particles are the food of 
 the " flame " ; and without the " flame," there could be no 
 avyr), inasmuch as avyr) lacks proper virocrTao-is : otl viro- 
 crraa-Lv ihiav ovk e^et. 1 "Splendor" is only a quality of 
 " flame " ; and so long as the " flame " is real, " splendor " 
 partakes of that reality ; but just as soon as the " flame " 
 no longer exists, then " splendor " automatically ceases to be, 
 i.e., it loses its reality. Thus, Philo can only mean that 
 avyr) has not "its own reality" (ihiav viroa-Taaiv). 
 
 In this same meaning of the term we come now to the most 
 interesting passage in the whole historico-literary investiga- 
 tion of viroo-Tacns. The following citation of Philo is re- 
 markable for these reasons: (a) The passage was written in 
 the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1 ; (5) like our verse, it is 
 concerned with the perception of the invisible world ; and 
 
 1 Opera Quae Beperiri Potuerunt Omnia etc., Ed. Thomas Mangey, 
 H, 505, 35. 
 
116 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ((?) it is another example of the Greek epistemological con- 
 trast between v7roo~Tao-L<; as reality and efjufxiais (here a/cia, 
 (T^TjfiaTcov otyiSy ai<T07)Tov, opciTov, <f>avTao~ia) as MERE AP- 
 PEARANCE. This important passage is found in Quod a Deo 
 Mittantur Somnia, c. XXXII. The dream under discussion 
 here is the vision of the heavenly ladder vouchsafed to 
 Jacob. The immediate context in which our citation occurs, 
 is an exegesis of the words spoken by Jacob, when on awak- 
 ening he exclaimed in fear and wonder : " Surely the Lord 
 is in this place, and I knew it not. . . . This is the gate 
 of heaven." The cause of Jacob's fear and wonder is then 
 analyzed by Philo to be the fact that God, who is incorporeal 
 (acra)/xaro?), was manifested here locally, a phenomenon proper 
 to corporeal things (aw para). But, continues Philo, the 
 whole world is the abode of God, in that it manifests His 
 Goodness, and in this sense the visible world can be rightly 
 called the " Gate of Heaven." The " invisible world," of 
 which the truth that " God is in this place " is an example, 
 is then called u the world knowable to the intellect only " 
 (yor)To<$ #007x09) in contrast to the " visible world " (aio-Orjros 
 kul opcofjLaros /coo-fto?) which is called the gateway of the 
 former. For as men who wish to see cities enter in through 
 the gates, so also they who wish to comprehend the invisible 
 world {aeiZr] Kocrpbov) are conducted in their search by the 
 appearance of the visible world (yiro rov oparov ^avraaia^). 
 Then follows the reason : the intellectual world is guaranteed 
 as a reality by the reality of the visible world of which it is 
 the real archetype: O Se votjtt)? vrroo-Tacreax; teoo-fjLo? avev 
 T)(TTLVocrovv a^rjpLarcov oi/reto?, /jlovtjs Be Bia re ap^ervirov iheas 
 re ev tg) Bia^apa^devTi irpos to OeaOev avrco etSo? avev artcia*; 
 fjL€Ta/c\r]6rio~€TaL. 1 What is the meaning of votjtt)^ viroo-raaeto^ ? 
 As the passage is rather difficult, it will be well to analyze 
 each clause: (1) O Be votjttjs viroaraaeo)^ /coo-/jlo$ avev 
 rjarivoaovp ar^p.araiv oi|reo)? = the world of the intellectual 
 
 i Op. cit. I, 649, 14 sq. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 117 
 
 (yor)TT)^ reality (u7roo-Ta(r€G)?), without any visible garment 
 whatsoever, (2) avev cicias /leTa/eXTjdrjaeTai — will be recalled 
 (reproduced in the intellect) without a perishable external 
 appearance, (3) fiovrjs m only (a) Sia re apxervirov t8ea? = 
 through the ideal form of the archetype (Platonic), (6) re 
 ev to) Zia'yapayQevTi 77730? to OeaOev avroa etSo? = and in the 
 being shaped according to the archetype made visible in it 
 (the visible world). 
 
 Tiroo-rao-is is here described as the invisible reality 
 underlying the visible world, and is a synonym for the 
 Platonic ihea (also etSo?) which is an existing and invisible 
 reality ; these (the iSea and the viroaTaais:) become per- 
 ceptible to the intellect by the archetype made visible 
 (in the visible world). The intellectual world is guaranteed 
 as a reality by the visible world of which it is the archetype. 
 Whence it is clear that two things are here emphasized, 
 (1) the reality of the intellectual and invisible 
 world, and (2) the superiority of this world over the 
 visible world which is produced only by being modeled 
 according to the archetype. 
 
 This citation is of great importance for the language of 
 Heb. xi, 1, not only because it testifies immediately to the 
 literary milieu of our verse, but also because we have here 
 historical evidence that the old Greek epistemological con- 
 trast between wrroGTacrvi (REALITY) and efujxio-is or <f>amaaia 
 (mere appearance) was not strictly limited to a verbal 
 formula. For this passage shows that the contrast was also 
 used between viroaraa-^ and any synonym of eficfrao-is and 
 <t>avraata, — such as aicta, a-^rj/jbarcov oi|rt9, aio-dqTov, and opa- 
 tov. Hence, if the famous contrast is used in Heb. xi, 1, 
 eXTTt^ofjuevrnp and pXeirofievcov would be only synonyms for 
 €fK/>ao-£5 or (ftavrao-ia or cr/aa, etc. But more important still 
 is the fact that both in Philo and in Heb. xi, 1 we have sub- 
 stantially the same general context, viz., the u perception of 
 the invisible world." Schlatter thinks that wroo-Taaiv epywv 
 
118 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 ayaOav e^etv of Ps. Esd. 8, 36 is a parallel expression for 
 Heb. xi, 1: Die nachtsverwandte Parallele zu Heb. xi, 1, 
 die mir bekannt ist, gibt Ps. Esd. 8, 16: " Substantiam 
 operum bonorum habere." l But as the Greek text is lost, 
 we cannot come to a final conclusion regarding this passage. 
 Besides, the general context in these two passages is not 
 nearly so similar as between the citation in Philo and 
 Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 The use of viroaTao-LS in Josephus' (b. 37 A.D.) Antiq., 
 XVIII, 1, 6, has been determined by various meanings 
 assigned to it by eminent authorities. Johannes Weiss 2 
 thinks the term means " conviction " ; Schlatter 3 translates 
 it as " withstanding " ; Dindorf , 4 as " animi praesentia " ; and 
 Whiston, 6 as " resolution." Josephus is here describing the 
 tenets of the followers of Judas the Galilean. They accepted 
 the doctrine of the Pharisees, but were especially celebrated 
 for their love of Jewish liberty, saying that God alone was 
 their Ruler and Lord. Rather than recognize any man as 
 their Lord, they stood unmoved when they themselves were 
 threatened with death and when their relatives and loved 
 ones were threatened with vengeance. "But since the 
 unchangeableness of their VTrocrrao-^ for these things (eiri 
 ToiovTois)" says Josephus, "is already well known to many, 
 I shall speak no further about the matter : 'Kopa/coai Be tols 
 
 TToWoi? TO afJL€Ta\\a/CTOV CLVTCOV T77? €7TL TOIOVTOLS V7TO- 
 
 o-Tacreo)?, irepaiTepto 8ie\0eiv TrapeX.Lirov" 6 Tttogtcktis in this 
 context refers to a firm " sticking to " something invisible, 
 which is believed to be a true reality, viz., the exclusive 
 rulership of the Lord. In the light of the contemporary use 
 of u7rocrra<7t? in such contexts (of invisible world in Philo), 
 
 1 Schlatter, Op. cit., 583. 
 
 2 Uhrchristentum, I, 322 (ft. n. (2)). 
 
 3 Op. cit., 582. 
 
 4 Opera, Graece etLatine, Recognovit Guilelmus Dindorfius, I, 695, 11 sq. 
 6 The Works of Flavius Josephus, etc., translated by Wm. Whiston, 531. 
 6 Op. cit, 695, 11 sq. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 119 
 
 its meaning here can only be : unshakable realization of the 
 invisible fact. 
 
 In Theologiae Q-raecae Compendium, c. 9, Corntjttjs 
 (flourished 68 A. D.) uses the term in a very illustrative way. 
 In the previous chapter, Cornutus recounts the old mytho- 
 logical idea that Oceanus (cf . Homer) by a kind of " mixing " 
 is the beginning (ap^eyovov) of the existence of all things, 
 including the gods. In chapter 9, our author says that Zeus 
 is said to be the father of gods and men in a different sense, 
 viz., in this that the nature of the world (ttjv rov koo~/jlov 
 <\>v(tiv) becomes the cause of the vrroo-raa-L^ of these things, as 
 fathers generate children : Mera Be ravra a\\<w? o Zet>? irari)p 
 \eyerai Qeo&v icai avOpcoTrmv eivai Bca to ttjv tov koct/jlov <f>vcriv 
 aiiiav yey ovevcu T77? tovtcdv i/7roo-Ta<rea)?, &>? 01 irarepe^ 
 yevvcocri ra reicva. 1 The aircav tt;<? tovtcov V7roarao"eco<; 
 clearly means " the cause of the existence of these " (gods 
 and men). But the addition "<»? ot irarepes: yevvcoo-c ra 
 reicva " reminds us of the famous use of viroaraa^ in the 
 Patristic literature (cf. Tatian) where the existence in the 
 mother's womb is called the viroo-racn^ of the future reality of 
 life, or the anticipation of a future reality. Here, nature is 
 the aiTia of a similar vrroo-Taais, the guarantee and the reason 
 for the existence of gods and men. 
 
 As we approached the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1, we 
 noticed the ever-increasing clarity and the more and more 
 general usage of the famous contrast between vrroo-rao-^ 
 (reality) and €/x<^acrt? (mere appearance). In the period 
 itself, the development reached the crest of precision. We 
 are fortunate, indeed, that this literary usage found its 
 way into the writings of Plutarch. For in De Placitis 
 Philosophy he not only preserved the words of the Greek 
 Philosophers, but he also summed up in his own more 
 popular words the famous contrast between wtoo-tclo-is and 
 
 1 Cornuti Theologiae Graecae Compendium, Recensavit et emendabat 
 Carolus Lang, 9, 1 sq. 
 
120 i i THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 €/JL<j)ao-i<;. In introducing the opinions of philosophers (De 
 Placitis Philosophy III, 5, (1)) about the rainbow, Plu- 
 tarch contrasts those aerial phenomena that are kclO* 
 VTrocrrao-iv, and others that are kclt e/u<f>a<riv. As examples of 
 the first, a rain-storm and a hail-storm are adduced, and as 
 examples of the second, the apparent motion of the mainland 
 to the mariner, and the rainbow are given. Ta 8e kclt 
 €/JL<t>a(Tiv is then defined as lSlclv ov/c e^ovra wttoo-tclo-lv. The 
 whole text follows: Tcov fierapa-Lcov ira6a>v tcl p,ev /cad* vtto- 
 aTaaiv jlvctcll olov ofjifipos, %a\a£a, tcl Se tear' e/icpaacv, 
 ihiav ovk e^ovra vttocttclo-lv clvtlkcl yovv ifKeovraiv tj/jlcov rj 
 rjireipos KiveiaQai So/cei' eanv ovv kclt e/JL<f>a<riv rj ipis. 1 Tiro- 
 araaiv is "reality" in contrast to e^aaiv — the "MERE 
 appearance." This conclusion cannot be questioned. For 
 the examples adduced are self-evident : The rain-storm 
 (o/iyS/ao?) is kclO* vwocTTacriv, and the apparent motion of the 
 mainland to the mariner (tt\€ovt<ov rjfjLoav rj rjireipos Kivziadai 
 hoicti) is kclt ep><\>aaiv. One has tangible reality, the other 
 has not. Besides, Plutarch adds expressly that things of 
 
 " MERE APPEARANCE " lack PROPER EXISTENCE Or REALITY 
 (tcl Be kclt €/mj>clo~lv l8lclv ovk €%ovtcl viroa-TaaLv), In other 
 words, " mere appearances " have a kind of existence in so 
 far as they appear. But they lack " proper reality " or 
 their own reality; they are "mere appearances." Hence, 
 ra Kad* viroa-raaLV are contrasted with ra kclt efMJxJLCLv, as 
 "realities" are contrasted with "mere appearances." 
 
 The importance of this citation for Heb. xi, 1 is the fact 
 that in the very milieu of our verse this popular philo- 
 sophical usage of t>7roo-Tacrt? was summarized in the clearest 
 possible terms as u reality " in contrast to " mere appear- 
 ance " by the popular historian. The refined Greek of the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews makes it very probable that its author 
 
 1 Diels' Doxog. Graec, p. 371, 28 sq. Cf . also Diels' Prolegomena, p. 60, 
 Doxog. Graec, where he says that these passages are undoubtedly genuine : 
 " Genuina sunt HI, 1-4 et 5, 10-12." 
 
HISTORICOLITERARY INVESTIGATION 121 
 
 was familiar with a usage of VTroo-rao-is that had a history 
 and was so emphatically expressed by a contemporary. 
 
 Even after Heb. xi, 1 was written, it is but natural that 
 the old Greek contrast between VTroa-raai^ (reality) and 
 (jyavraaia (mere appearance) should still be current. Thus 
 Diogenes Laertius (flourished 150 a.d.) contrasts u things 
 AS THEY APPEAR" (fyaiverai rocavra) with "THINGS AS 
 THEY REALLY ARE " (/cad* viroaracnv ovtco? e^et). Diogenes 
 is here discussing the need of airohei^is for ttiotis in things 
 obscure. He asks, how can things not evident (ahrfK.a) be 
 grasped, if airohei^ be ignored : II g>? av ovv fcaraXafiftavoiTo 
 tcl aSrjXa, T77? awoSec^ ea>? ayvoovfjievi^; ; 1 Then follows the 
 reason: fyreiTai & ov/c ec (fxuverai Toiavra, aXk' et, tcad' 
 viroaTaaiv ovrrn e%e*, 2 i.e., " the thing sought is not if it 
 appears to be such but if it really (jcaO* VTroa-raaiv) is such." 
 It is only another example of /cad* viroa-raa-LV in the sense of 
 
 "IN REALITY." 
 
 On the one hand, this notion of virocnao-is in epistemo- 
 logical contexts as M reality " in opposition to " mere 
 appearance," or simply as "reality" is not only the 
 current meaning of the term in the /coLvrj, but also the fruit 
 of a development whose traces we have pointed out in the 
 Greek classical and early icoivrj writers down to Diogenes 
 Laertius. On the other hand, in the history of the exegesis 
 of Heb. xi, 1, we have found the same meaning of VKoaracri^. 
 The importance of Diogenes Laertius, as a representative of 
 the current koivtj usage of viroaraa^, and at the same time as 
 a contemporary of the author of the Epistle to Diognetus 
 (where V7ro<Traat<; = etSo?), of Tatian (for whom viroaTacri^ 
 = the " emphasis of reality " in contrast to non-reality), 
 and of Athanagoras (for whom VTroaraaLs = the " guarantee 
 of reality "), is that his usage of the term forms the 
 historico-literary link between the profane and the Patristic 
 understanding of woo-rao-is. 
 
 1 Be Clar. Philosoph. Vitis etc., IX, 11, Ed. Cobet, 249, 18 sq. * Ibid. 
 
122 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Contemporary with the first interpretation of our text by 
 Clement of Alexandria, we find still another meaning of 
 v7rocrTatn<i in the Papyri, and with this evidence we shall 
 close the historico-literary investigation of the word. The 
 characteristic meaning of the term in the Papyri is "prop- 
 erty," and the u title-deed " to property. The second sense 
 is so ingenious that Moulton 1 has accepted it as the meaning 
 of vwocTTacns in Heb. xi, 1. This famous Papyrus 237 
 (A.B. 186) is called the " Petition of Dionysia." It is the 
 report of a noted legal case in Alexandria. TTroaraais 
 occurs again and again in the document. To avoid unneces- 
 sary technical questions, we shall merely note one of the 
 instances of this usage, and then add the pregnant commen- 
 tary of Grenfel and Hunt: In Petition of Dionysia, Col. 
 VIII, 26 sq., we read : eirap^ov ra avri<ypa<j>a tow awy pacjxov 
 reus tcov avSpcov vir oaraa ea iv avrtdeaOat /cat tovto Biara- 
 yfiaTi irpoaTerayevai ov kcli avTiypa<f>ov virera^a, fyavepov irouav 
 KaraicoXovOeiv rai<z rov M.€ttlov Povfov. 2 The Commentary 
 follows : " The vrroaraaei^ were distinct from the airoypa^au, 
 which were only one class of the documents concerning 
 ownership. Tiroo-rao-is, of which the central meaning is 
 "substance," i.e., property (cf., e.g., O.P.I., CXXXVIII, 
 tcivSvvco €/jl(o icai Try* c/jlt]? viroa-Tacreay;^), is used here for the 
 whole body of documents bearing on the ownership of a 
 person's property (whether airoypafyai, sales, mortgages, etc.) 
 deposited in the archives, and forming the evidence of owner- 
 ship. By the edict of Mettius Rufus (VIII, 31-43), all 
 owners of house or land property were commanded to reg- 
 ister it ((nroypafyeoOai) within six months of the Edict, and 
 in the viroa-Taae^, wives and children had to insert (avriOevai 
 26, or irapdTiOevai 34) a statement of their claims, if any." 3 
 
 1 Cf . Egyptian Rubbish Heaps, 27. 
 
 2 Egyptian Exploration Fund, — Graeco-Roman Branch, The Oxyrhychus 
 Papyri, Part II, p. 163. 
 
 3 Ibid., II, 176. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 123 
 
 This usage of viroaraai^ in the sense of " title-deed " is 
 characterized by two elements : (a) " a document deposited 
 in the archives," and (5) " a document forming the evidence 
 of possession." "Deposited" and "Evidence of possession" 
 are readily recognized ideas long current under vTroaTaais ; 
 and the rest is legal atmosphere accounted for by the fact 
 that the term found its way into the courts. For we can 
 still see in " title-deeds," though obscurely, the first two 
 Greek notions current under VTroaracns : (a) " That which 
 stands or is stationary" ("a document deposited in archives") 
 in contrast to " that which is drained off, or is fleeting " 
 (other unstable expressions of ownership) ; (V) u reality " 
 (" evidence alone accepted for real possession ") in contrast 
 to "mere appearance" (other flimsy evidence not ac- 
 cepted for real possession). 
 
 It is also possible that the idea of " guarantee " in viroa-Ta- 
 <rt? used as "title-deed" may be derived more directly 
 from a similar idea in the famous contrast between ica6 y 
 viroaracnv (" IN REALITY ") and tear €fi<f>a<nv (" MERELY IN 
 appearance"). For the reason why some things (as, e.g., 
 hail-storms) were called /cad' vrrocrTaaiv, and other things 
 (as, e.g., the rainbow) were classed kot €fi<j>ao-ip, was that 
 the former struck the senses corrected by experience with a 
 "guarantee" for the "reality" of the things perceived, 
 whereas the latter did not. 
 
 Summary and Valuation 
 
 We may now summarize the results of our historico-literary 
 investigation : 
 
 I. T7roaraai<; = " Firm or solid matter " : 
 
 a. " Sediment " in contrast to " that which is drawn off or 
 passes away": Hippocrates, Aristotle, Theophrastes, Strabo, 
 Diodorus. 
 
 b. " Firmness " — " foundation " : Hippocrates, Polybius, 
 Diodorus. 
 
124 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 II. TiroGTaais — "reality." 
 
 a, " Tangible matter " in contrast to " idea " or " image ": 
 Antiphon, Poseidonius. 
 
 b. " Reality w in contrast to " mere appearance " : Democ- 
 ritus, Epicurus, Boethus, Philo, Diodorus, Plutarch, Jose- 
 phus (" realization "), and Diogenes Laertius. 
 
 <?. u Guarantee of reality " : Cornutus, Polybius, and Papy- 
 rus 237 ("title-deed"). 
 
 The development of vn-oaraai^ is evident. No. I points to 
 the naive and realistic world of thought ; No. II to the use 
 of the term in a higher philosophical language. The funda- 
 mental idea, however, even in No. I is "reality." 
 
 The fact that Hippocrates and Aristotle in their actual 
 usage of vTrocrTao-is employed it as a conjugate of v<j>taTaa6at 
 confirms historically the philological assertion that this noun 
 is derived from this form of the verb. Hence, viroaTaaig was 
 very probably first of all used to signify " that which stands 
 or settles " as opposed to " that which passes away or is 
 drained off." The further signification of the term (" firm- 
 ness " and " foundation ") represents a natural development 
 of the original notion of viroaraGi^. 
 
 But the sense of wiroaraai*; as u reality " in contrast to 
 efufracris ("mere appearance") with its derived usages, — 
 is it a development of the original meaning of the word, or 
 is it derived from a different stem? Hatch thinks, "the 
 term viroaraaL^ is the conjugate of the verb vtyiGravai, which 
 had come into use as a more emphatic form than eivai" 1 
 Hatch does not go into the question as to whether vrroo-Taai*; 
 is derived from the active form of the verb (yfaaTavai) or 
 the middle and passive form (vfacrracrdai). Vaughan 2 
 derives it from vfao-TaaOai. One thing is certain, viz., that 
 vttogtclo-is was first used as a conjugate of vfyiaraaOai in the 
 
 1 Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages on the Christian 
 Church, 275. 
 
 2 Cf . Chas. Vaughan, Upos Efipatovs, The Epistle to the Hebrews, 6. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 125 
 
 sense of " that which settles or stands " as opposed to " that 
 which passes on or can be drained off." And if there is a 
 probability that viroo-Taai*; in the sense of reality in con- 
 trast to mere appearance is a development from this usage 
 of the term, this derivation is to be preferred to one from a 
 new verb-form. We have already pointed out that such a 
 development is natural. For just as the original meaning 
 of VTToaracns was modified to signify "foundation," when 
 used in a context concerned with " tomb construction," so 
 also the fundamental sense of the term will take on a new 
 shade of meaning, when brought into the field of Greek 
 epistemology (that field in which it was first used to signify 
 "reality"). The original sense, "that which stands or 
 settles " as opposed to " that which passes on or can be 
 drained off," becomes in epistemology "that which stands or 
 settles " for the perceptive faculties (reality) in contrast to 
 " that which flits away under the test of experience " (mere 
 appearance). Therefore, it may be regarded as certain 
 that the meaning of virocrTaais as REALITY is a development 
 of the original sense of the term. If we can trust Plutarch 
 and Stobaeus for preserving the very words of Antiphon, 
 Democritus, and Epicurus, this development was achieved 
 at a time almost contemporaneous with the extant instances 
 of its usage in the original sense by Hippocrates and Aris- 
 totle. Be this as it may, we are sure that this development 
 was actually reached in Polybius; after him it is common 
 in the Stoic and /eoivrj writers, becoming ever clearer and 
 more general in the literary milieu of Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 As we have already indicated, the usage of virocrTaais to 
 signify " title-deed " — "a document deposited in the 
 archives, and forming an evidence of possession " — contains 
 at least vaguely the two preceding senses of the term. "De- 
 posited ' is an element in vrrocrTaais common to * sediment," 
 and " an evidence of possession " is akin to the notion of the 
 word in epistemology. Although Moulton 1 accepts this 
 1 Cf. Moulton, From Egyptian Rubbish Heaps, 27. 
 
126 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 meaning of wrocrraais as the interpretation of the word in 
 Heb. xi, 1, yet we do not go so far. For the document con- 
 taining this meaning of the term is dated only in 186 A.D., 
 and, even admitting that it very probably was current long 
 before that date, still we are not hereby historically certain 
 that this was a current meaning of the word at the time the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews was written, especially since the 
 Patristic literature shows another interpretation. 
 
 We come now to the important question : What is the 
 value of this historico-literary investigation of the pivotal 
 word in Heb. xi, 1 for the interpretation of that text ? First, 
 independently of the various extant interpretations of this 
 verse, we may say that this investigation has established his- 
 torically that certainly two senses of VTroaTao-is, — " REAL- 
 ITY " in contrast to " mere appearance " and " that which 
 stands or settles " as opposed to " that which passes away or 
 can be drained off," — and probably a third meaning (u7ro- 
 otoo-is = " title-deed ") were current when Heb. xi, 1 was 
 written. The nice literary usage in the Epistle to the He- 
 brews (acknowledged by all 1 ) demands that the author be 
 acquainted with at least the first two senses of u7rocrTao-t?, 
 since they were already firmly anchored in the koivt) vocabu- 
 lary. And the fact that the author has not indicated in the con- 
 text of the Epistle some peculiar, new, and non-current usage 
 of the term, makes it imperative that viroo-Tacns in Heb. xi, 1 be 
 understood in one of the senses current at his time. Further- 
 more, without going into the details of the context of our verse, 
 and with only the general context in mind (which undoubt- 
 edly is "the perception of the invisible world"), we must 
 say that, of the two meanings of viro<nacri<s certainly current 
 and known to the author of the Epistle, that one was prob- 
 ably chosen which respects the history of the term, viz., 
 
 1 Cf. J. R. Willis, Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, 336 : "The evidence 
 of wide culture shows throughout the Epistle. This characteristic has been, 
 and is, universally acknowledged." 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 127 
 
 " reality " in contrast to u mere appearance." For in an 
 epistemological context, viroaracn^ was long used in this sense. 
 Secondly, of the various interpretations of Heb. xi, 1 now 
 extant, this investigation strongly approves the Patristic 
 exegesis which understood vTroaraa-^ in the sense of " real- 
 ity " ; and it also shows the untenableness of the interpre- 
 tation originated by Erasmus, popularized by Luther, and 
 which has become to-day the more common interpretation, 
 — t.e., vTroa-racns = " confidence." For the Greek Patristic 
 interpretation, written by men whose mother-tongue was the 
 KOLvrj Stake/crosy understood vttoo-tcktis in a meaning that was 
 current during that Greek period — a sense which finds a 
 place in the history of the term as the most appropriate 
 meaning for the context. On the other hand, the interpre- 
 tation of wirocrTacris in our verse as " confidence " not only 
 appeared in history, when the Kotvrj Siake/cros was dead, thus 
 finding no place whatever in the history of the word, but 
 also the much repeated citation of Polybius (JReliq. Histor., 
 VI, 55, 2), purporting to be the convincing proof that wiro- 
 (TTacris commonly meant " confidence " in the kolvtj Siake/cros, 
 turns out to be any meaning of the term save " confidence." 
 Schlatter also, we repeat, in spite of the fact that he inter- 
 prets v7ro<TTa(TL<; in Heb. xi, 1 as " Zuversicht," brands as 
 erroneous the aforesaid contention which by mere force of 
 constant repetition has become traditional : " Uber diesen 
 verbalen Gebrauch (avviroa-raro^ = ' lacking endurance ') 
 geht viroa-Taa-L^ in Stellen wie Pol. 6, 55, 2; 4, 50, 10; Jos. 
 Ant. 18, 1, 6, nicht hinaus; Zuversicht heisst das Wort in 
 heiner derselben, so traditional! ihre Citation in den Kommen- 
 taren als Beleg fur den BegrifF Zuversicht geworden ist." * 
 
 II. In Biblical Literature 
 
 After having found the meaning of vrro<na<n<i in profane 
 Greek literature, it will be of some interest to ascertain its 
 
 i Cf. Schlatter, Op. cit, 582. 
 
128 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 sense in Biblical Greek writings generally, before applying 
 the results of our historico-literary investigation to Heb. xi, 
 1. Of course, the meaning of virocrracns in Biblical literature 
 cannot have a determining value (independent of Greek lit- 
 erature) for the interpretation of Heb. xi, 1, simply because 
 the literary source for the Greek Biblical writers was the 
 Hellenic world. 
 
 1. Tiro Gravis in the LXX 
 
 The term occurs twenty times in the LXX, " as the ren- 
 dering of almost as many Hebrew words." 1 This fact alone 
 should put us on our guard against too hurriedly concluding 
 that the real sense of vn-oo-Taais in the LXX can be readily 
 found by a mere mechanical process of equating the Hebrew 
 equivalent. Of these twenty usages of the term, one is in 
 Wisdom (xvi, 21), and the other nineteen have Hebrew 
 equivalents which are reducible to thirteen roots. In these 
 usages of the word Schlatter sees a common element : " Im 
 Gebrauch der Septuaginta ist zunachst diess deutlich, dass 
 ihr der Begriff Stehen im Wort die Hauptsache ist." 2 Yet 
 in this we cannot agree with him. 
 
 To arrive at a clear understanding regarding the meaning 
 of virocTTao-is in the LXX, it will be necessary to examine 
 some examples of its usage. In those cases where virocrTacris 
 has been used to translate more than one form derived from 
 the same Hebrew root, it will suffice to note only one instance 
 of the same. 
 
 Following the order in the LXX Concordance of Hatch 
 and Redpath, we shall first take up the meaning of viro- 
 arao-is in Ps. lxxxviii, 48 (another form derived from the 
 same Hebrew root is found in Ps. xxxviii, 5), where the 
 Hebrew equivalent is ibtl (r. ihtl, to dig, to hide, etc.). In 
 this Psalm the perpetuity of David's reign is set forth in the 
 
 1 C. Vaughan, The Epistle to the Hebrews, 7. 
 • * Op. cit., 582. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 129 
 
 first 38 verses. Then with the 39th verse the evils that are 
 to afflict him are described. The verse in which vTroaracris 
 occurs (vers. 48) is composed of the words that well up in 
 David's heart, as he writhes under these afflictions : Mvtjo-Otjti 
 tis 7) vtto Gravis fiov fjurj yap /JLarai(o<; €KTi<ra$ iravra^ rov$ 
 viov? rcov avdpcoTTtDv : Remember what my virocrraa-t,^ is, for 
 not without reason hast Thou made all the sons of man. The 
 Hebrew equivalent T?ft demands the meaning " duration," 
 "life," "age." If the LXX translator transformed it into 
 VTToa-raa-L^ which never in its whole history shows such a 
 sense, it is evident that he had no discernment of the term. 
 
 In Deut. xi, 6, vKoaraai^ equates BpJ (r. Dip or DpJ, to 
 rise, exist, remain firm). In this passage the author warns 
 the Jews that they ought to serve God better for having 
 witnessed the punishments which He inflicted upon the 
 Egyptians and the wicked Jews. Tiroa-ravis occurs in the 
 reference to the punishment of Dathan and Abiron : Ot«? 
 avoi^aaa tj yrj to a-rofia avTTjs Kareinev avrovs icai tov<; oikov? 
 avrcov kcli Ta? <TKt]va^ avrcov teat iraaav avrcov ttjv V7ro- 
 crracriv ttjv fier avTcop ev fji€(Tco rravros laparjX: The earth 
 opening her mouth swallowed Dathan and Abiron and their 
 houses and tents and all their virocrracriq in Israel. Tiro- 
 <rracn<; here is correctly rendered in correspondence with its 
 Hebrew equivalent as that which " remains " or " exists," — 
 it expresses u possession," in which sense it is familiar to us 
 from both our Patristic study and the historico-literary 
 investigation of v7rocrracn<; in the Greek world of thought. 
 
 In Jer. x, 17, we read : ^vvrjyayev eljcodev ttjv virocrraaiv 
 gov KaroiKovaav ev etcXercroi,*;. This is indeed a rather curious 
 translation of the Hebrew : *VUttK3 TQtfV TJITO? p«D 'BDK 
 Gather from the earth thy belongings, thou that dwellest in 
 a siege. TnrocrracTi,*; translates the Hebrew fTO3 which means 
 "baggage," u belongings," "possessions." Accordingly, it is 
 used in about the same sense as in the preceding verse. 
 
 The Hebrew TOEtt (r. *ft?2, to stand) in Ps. lxviii, 3, is 
 
130 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 rendered in the LXX by vTroo-Tacris. In this Psalm the 
 " just one " declares the greatness of his sufferings : " Save 
 me, O God, for the waters have come even unto my soul " 
 (vers. 2). Our verse follows immediately: ^veirayrjv et? 
 iXvv ftvdov, K.ai ovk €<ttlv virocrTacn*; : I am sunk in the mud 
 of the deep, and there is no wirocrracTis — *1§J?§. **?/?!? = 
 " standing place " reminds us of the meaning of vttoo-tclo-is = 
 " firmness " of our philological examination. 
 
 In Deut. i, 12, wrroaTao-is has been used to translate Kt2?D 
 (r. ftti{ft, to bear, etc.). Here Moses reminds the Jews of the 
 causes that led to his associating with himself some of their 
 number in the government of the people. One reason was 
 the increasing population (vers. 10) and the consequent 
 multiplication of the duties of administration. Hence, Moses 
 says : Ho>? hwrjao/xau fiovo? depeiv top kottov v/jlcov kcli ttjv 
 vwotnacriv v/jlcov kcli tcl<$ avnXoyia? v/jlcov : How can I alone 
 bear your trouble, your virocrracn^ and your differences ? 
 T7ro(7Tacrt5, as the translation of KtfJD = "burden," has no 
 parallel in the Hellenic use of the term. 
 
 Forms derived from 2£ (to set, establish) are the most 
 frequent equivalents for viroo-racr^ in the LXX. It will 
 suffice to cite but one iostance, I Kings, xiii, 23. "The 
 verse takes up the account of the Philistine position. In 
 v. 17 ff., the plunderers are described. Here we are told 
 that the garrison, or permanent guard left in the camp, pushed 
 forward to the edge of the pass of Michmash." 1 The LXX 
 reads: l£ai el-rfkOev e^viro err acre g>? tcov aWo<f>v\cov ttjv ev rco 
 irepav Ma^/ia?. Instead of ef virocrraaeco^ the Hebrew reads 
 simply D¥£ = " permanent camp." The well-established 
 sense of the term in the Hellenic world as " that which set- 
 tles down " in contrast to "that which is transient," is evident 
 in the usage of vTroa-racns = 2&fo here. For in the words of 
 Smith, 2¥£? here, as in xiv, means " the soldiers who were 
 
 1 Cf . Smith, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Sam- 
 uel, 102. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 131 
 
 in occupation of the camp, in distinction from those who 
 went out on the various expeditions." 1 It is the familiar 
 contrast between " that which settles down " in opposition 
 to " that which is transient." The other instances, where 
 viro<jTa<TL<$ translates Hebrew forms derived from the root 
 DSP» are the following: (hi) I Kings, xiii, 21 ; (hoph.) (Na. 
 ii, 7); n¥£ (I Kings, xiv,4); and TOSto (Ez. xxvi, 11). 
 
 In Jer. xxiii, 22, LXX renders "TID (r. HDJ, to set down) 
 by vkogtcutis, and in verse 18 by viroo-Tr)p,a. The Greek 
 follows : K<zt €i ecrrrjaav ev rrj virodTaaei fiov ('''IIDS), kcli ei 
 rjKovaav rcov Xoycov pov, koli tov Xaov /jlov av airecrTpetyov avrov? 
 airo twv TrovTjpcov ewLTrjBevfiarayv avTcov : If they stood in my 
 vTToaracn^, and had they heard my voice, they would have 
 turned my people from their evil ways and wicked deeds. 
 The Hebrew equivalent for woo-rao-is is 11D = familiar talk, 
 consideration, consultation. This idea certainly has nothing 
 to do with the wirocrTaai*; of the Greek world that we inves- 
 tigated. 
 
 T7rocrTao-fc5 fiov has been used by the LXX interpreters in 
 translating *JJfcpj5^ (Pu. from Dj?l, to build) in Ps. cxxxviii, 
 15. In this Psalm God's special providence over His ser- 
 vants is praised. We encounter God's Spirit everywhere 
 (vers. 6), in heaven and in hell (vers. 7), in the sea (vers. 8), 
 and even in darkness (vers. 11 and 12). "For Thou hast 
 protected me from my mother's womb" (vers. 13). Then 
 occurs our verse : Ov/c eicpvftri to octtovv /jlov airo gov o eiroi- 
 
 7]0-(l<Z €V KpV<f>7], K.CLI 7] V7T 0~T CLCT t? flOV €V TOLS /CaTCOTCLTG) Tty? 7?7<?. 
 
 The Hebrew of the latter sentence follows : fiVflPirD Tlftp*1 
 JHjJ. The Greek verse may be translated: Not hidden is 
 my bone from Thee, which Thou madest in secret, and my 
 vTroo-Tao-is in the depths of the earth. The Hebrew reads 
 quite differently. But there is no doubt that ev tois kutco- 
 TdTco ttjs 7775 translates JHK fl'WHrD, and vrroaraai^ fiov 
 equates the verb Tlft|2*l ( u I was diligently fashioned in the 
 
 1 Op. tit., 103. 
 
132 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 womb of my mother"). This shows that the LXX inter- 
 preters did not translate the Hebrew literally at all. How- 
 ever, vwocrTaais in reference to V?&§f) P°i n ^s to something 
 that is made, which the LXX text translates freely " exist- 
 ence." It reminds one somewhat of the Greek use of the 
 word vjroo-Taais = existence, as a predicate of reality. 
 
 The meaning of viroaTaa^ in Ps. xxxviii, 8 is of special 
 interest, because it has so often been adduced as an example 
 of "fiducia" : Kat vvv rt? rj vtto/jlovt) fiov; ov%i o Kvpios; kcli 
 rj viroaTa<Ti<; fiov irapa <roi €o~tlv. From the Greek point 
 of view we should translate this verse as follows : And now 
 who is my endurance ? Is it not the Lord ? And my exist- 
 ence is with Thee. Also "firmness" would be possible. 
 But the Hebrew original (of which the LXX gives a free 
 translation) demands another interpretation. It reads : 
 .KV1 ^\b ^nbnifl "tflK HJ^rH? nr)91 The verbal expression 
 OT\Y"fltS is translated by the nominal phrase t*? 77 virofiowq 
 fiov ; TirocrTacri*; fiov obviously translates TiTTfifi (r. 7lT, to 
 wait, expect, hope), which is a synonym for Tllp. It is 
 evident that here viroa-Taa-Ls is used to render a Hebrew verb 
 of hoping, expecting, confiding, — a fact that reflects again 
 the lack of familiarity with the use of the term in the Greek 
 world. 
 
 In Ez. xliii, 11 virocrTaai^ is used in the LXX to trans- 
 late njIDfl (either from pw, to stand, or exist, or from j?H, to 
 set right, adjust). The " son of man " is here commanded 
 by the Lord to show the Jews the dimensions of the temple : 
 Kat Biay payees rov oucov kcli ra<; etjoBovs avrov kcli rrjv vtto- 
 araviv avrov (VlJ'Drfi). The LXX translates irD'DJI by 
 vTroaracTLs avrov. The Vulgate has "descriptio." In fact, 
 rtt'Dn means arrangement, equipment. The context would 
 suggest " foundation." 
 
 Twoo-rao-is has been used to render two forms derived 
 from the root HJJ (to twist, bind ; and figuratively, to hope). 
 These instances have also been frequently cited as examples 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 133 
 
 where viroa-racn^ means "fiducia." It will suffice to inves* 
 tigate only one of the cases (Ez. xix, 5). Here Israel is com- 
 pared to a lioness, bringing up her young in the company of 
 elder lions. One such whelp thus trained became a lion, 
 "and he learned to catch the prey, and to devour men" 
 (vers. 3). This one the nations caught after a bloody 
 struggle, and brought him in chains to Egypt. Hereupon 
 follows the verse in which viroaraa^ occurs : K<u ei&ev on 
 aTTcoarai air auT?/?, ajrcoXero rj VTrocrTacri,? avTrjs. This may 
 be translated thus : And when she saw that he was dragged 
 away from her, her virocrTacns was destroyed. Because " he 
 was dragged away from her," her viroo-Tacris was destroyed. 
 The Hebrew term FTfilpri which is rendered in Greek by 
 VTroaraais atm;?, is derived from PJljJ, which is, as we saw 
 above in connection with Ps. xxxviii, 8, a synonym for 
 ?JT, and means " to expect, hope. " Hence, we have another 
 example, where the LXX renders "expectation" by vtto- 
 crTacrt? — a meaning that contradicts all we know of its use 
 in the Greek world. 
 
 The use of wirocnaavs £a>r)$ in Jud. vi, 4 to equate 1TTO m 
 " means of subsistence " reminds us somewhat of the Hellenic 
 use of the term in the sense of "foundation," "support." 
 The Madians and the Amalecites were sent to punish Israel. 
 After Israel had sown the fields, these enemies with hordes 
 of men and herds of cattle pitched their tents on the fields, 
 and " like locusts " devoured everything : Kat ov KareXenrovro 
 virocrraaiv £0)77? ev tt\ 777 \crparfk: ;NH\2P3 ITTO ! PPXtt^~&O l ] 
 They did not leave an viroa-racn^ of life in the land of Israel. 
 
 In Job xxii, 20, " loss of VTroo-racns " is equated by HfD? 
 which expresses "destruction": Et firj rj^avia-drj rj vtto- 
 o-racris avrcov, /ecu to KaTaXeififia avTcov Kara^ayerai 
 TTvo. The Hebrew follows : fto* Dim Wp TtDJ ifcrDK 
 ttfK. The LXX translates again very freely, so much so 
 that the Hebrew equivalents can hardly be recognized. 
 It suffices for us to notice that the Hebrew word for " de- 
 
134 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 struction " is expressed by the " disappearance of wiroaTams M 
 in the LXX, which suggests u essence " or " existence " as 
 the meaning of vrroo-Tao-L?. 
 
 The only use of v7roo~Tao~i<; in the LXX, not having a 
 Hebrew equivalent, is Wis. xvi, 21. Here the author con- 
 trasts the " strange waters, hail, and rain " (vers. 16), which 
 God let down upon Israel's enemies, with the "food of 
 angels prepared without labor " (vers. 20), the manna which 
 He rained upon the Jews. Speaking of this manna, the 
 author goes on to say: H fiev yap VTroo~Ta<ri<$ gov ttjv crrjv 
 yXvKvrrjTa 7r/oo? re/cva evecfraviae. This may be translated 
 thus : For Thy virocrTaai^ shows Thy sweetness toward Thy 
 children. T7roo-Ta<7*<? is to be referred to the manna, since 
 the manna is the viroaraa-L^ that God sent. It is difficult to 
 decide the meaning of the term here. Perhaps " substance " 
 expresses best what the author wishes to say. 
 
 To put in clear and striking relief the result of our Sep- 
 tuagintal investigation, we must restate the ideas which 
 we found connected with VTroo-Taais : life, duration of life, 
 possession (or one's belongings), firmness, burden, camp, 
 consultation, existence, confidence, arrangement, subsistence 
 of life, essence, substance. Although a number of these 
 renditions show more or less similarity with the use of 
 v7ro(TTao~i$ in the Greek literature (like possession, firmness, 
 belongings, existence, essence, substance), yet we can safely 
 say that the LXX writers are almost completely ignorant of 
 the principal and primary meaning of the word VTroaracns, 
 as we found it in the Hellenic writers. Septuagintal usage 
 of viroo-Taais is very loose, and most frequently it is em- 
 ployed as a kind of vox media, expressing various meanings. 
 We may here quote Deissmann, who goes to the very heart 
 of LXX usage when he says : " The meaning of a Septua- 
 gint word cannot be deduced from the original which it 
 translates or replaces, but only from other remains of the 
 Greek language, especially from those Egyptian sources that 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 135 
 
 have lately flowed so abundantly. Even Professor Blass, I 
 am glad to say, took up this position at last — a position 
 which, unfortunately, is not conceded at once, but has to be 
 slowly won by combat with an unmethodical school. To 
 give one example : Baljon in his Lexicon gives as meanings 
 for the Septuagint word apicevOo*; ■ olive tree ' and * cypress 
 tree.' The Hebrew words for these two trees are certainly 
 sometimes rendered ap/cevOos by the translators, and so 
 Baljon concludes that in the language of the Septuagint, 
 ap/cevOos has these meanings. No, says Blass 1 very truly, 
 ap/cevOos means 'juniper,' and 'a wrong translation does 
 not turn the juniper into an olive or a cypress.' There can 
 be no doubt about that." 2 So also we can say: TiroaTao-Ls 
 means "reality," and a wrong translation cannot turn 
 "reality" into "life," "burden," or "fiducia." 
 
 It may be more interesting to learn the attitude of the 
 New Testament writers toward viroGTatjis. Do they share 
 the confusion of the LXX-writers, or have they a better 
 knowledge of the Greek terminology ? 
 
 2. T7rocrra<n? in the New Testament 
 
 TTroaraais occurs only five times in the New Testament : 
 twice in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and thrice in 
 the Epistle to the Hebrews, Hence, in the New Testament 
 it is a Pauline word. 
 
 In the II Epistle to the Corinthians, both usages of the 
 word are in connection with " boasting " : (a) In ix, 4 with 
 the idea of "boasting," 3 and (5) in xi, 17 with the term 
 itself : ev ravrrj ttj xrn-oaracTu tt/? /cav^rjcreay;. 
 
 In the first instance, Paul reminds the Corinthians about 
 
 1 Grammatik des Neutest., Griechisch, col. 44. 
 
 2 The Philology of the Greek Bible, 89, sq. 
 
 3 Although even here some MSS. add ttjs /cavx^ews : t^DCEKLP al pier 
 Sy r utr arm go Chr 6 75 Thdrt Dam. Cf. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum 
 Graec, etc., II, 605. 
 
136 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 the collection for the Saints at Jerusalem (vers. 1) which 
 they had apparently promised to have ready for a long time 
 previously. For (in vers. 2), he tells them plainly that he 
 had boasted (jcavx&pai) to the Macedonians about the 
 Corinthians' collection. Even in Achaia their emulation 
 "hath provoked many" (vers. 2). The author continues: 
 " Now I have sent the Brethren that the thing we boast of 
 concerning you, be not made void in this behalf, that you 
 may be ready" (vers. 3). Then follows a reference to the 
 shame that would be not only his, but theirs also, if, accom- 
 panied by the Macedonians, he came to Corinth to find them 
 unprepared in the matter of the collection: M^ttg)? eav eXdco- 
 <jiv aw 6/jloi M-dfceSoves kcli evpaxriv v/ias awapaaKevcKTTOVs, 
 Karat(T'xyv6(o^iev rjfieL? (iva /jltj Xeycopev u/^ei?) ev ttj viro (Tra- 
 vel ravrrj. What does vn-oaracns here mean? Any one 
 of such current senses of the term as "reality," "pledge," 
 " guarantee," or u anticipation of reality," would satisfy the 
 context. The natural translation is " in this matter." Tan- 
 gible material or matter is, as we know, the fundamental 
 meaning of wrroaTatn*; in the naive language. Since it cor- 
 responds most accurately with the context, we have no right 
 nor reason to abandon this explanation demanded by the 
 history of the term. 
 
 Furthermore, since "matter" in this Pauline context is 
 not used as a materially tangible object, but in the higher 
 sense of " affairs," we have in the English word " matter " 
 the best translation. For it illustrates most aptly how the 
 same word can signify material and intellectual reality. Any 
 other meaning save reality (matter) for xnroa-Ta<n<; in our 
 passage may fit the context, but is no strict interpretation. 
 
 The second instance (II Cor. xi, 17) is even more interesting, 
 since so many commentators insist on interpreting viroaraaL^; 
 in the sense of "confidence." Here Paul is forced to com- 
 mend himself and " boast " of his Apostolic labors, lest the 
 Corinthians should be imposed upon by ''''false teachers." 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 137 
 
 Though he repeatedly admits "boasting " to be " foolishness," 
 yet he does not hesitate to " boast," when u false teachers " 
 are winning over the Corinthians by " boasting," for he has 
 more reason to " boast " than they. Hence, he says : O \a\a>, 
 ov Kara K.vptov \aXco, aXk' a>9 ev afypoavvr], ev ravrrj ttj 
 VTrocrraaei t^? Kav^rjaeco<; : What I speak now I speak 
 not according to the Lord, but as in foolishness, in this 
 VTroaTaais of boasting. What does viroaTaai^ here mean? 
 
 The original meaning of \nro<7Ta<ri<; (matter) again an- 
 swers the demands of the context. Hence, " in this matter 
 of boasting" must be regarded as the correct translation. 
 In the light of the context and the history of vrroaTao-ui, 
 the interpretation "fiducia," introduced by dogmatic tend- 
 ency, cannot be sanctioned at all. 
 
 The remaining three usages of virocrTaais in the New Tes- 
 tament occur in the Epistle to the Hebrews (i, 3 ; iii, 14 ; 
 xi, 1). The meaning of viroaraa^ in the first instance (O? 
 <ov awavyaa-fia T779 £0^77? tcai %apa/CT7]p T179 vrroa-Taaea)^ 
 ai/Tou), as a synonym of ovaia, is so generally accepted by 
 commentators that we shall not linger to give a special 
 exegesis of the same. For, this interpretation agrees with 
 the context and finds many parallels in contemporary Greek 
 literature. As regards the latter consideration, we may 
 note the excellent summary by Bigg, wherein he shows that 
 v7roara<rc<i and ovaia were practically synonymous terms in 
 contemporary usage : " The two expressions (yiroaTaaLs and 
 ovcria) were current in the philosophy of the time, and mean 
 precisely the same thing." 1 Hatch, also, says that "t/7ro- 
 crraa-t? is the conjugate of the verb vcfyurravai, which had 
 come into use as a more emphatic form than eivai." 2 
 Even after the term was more clearly differentiated from 
 ova-La, in the Trinitarian and Christological controversies, 
 
 1 The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, 164. 
 
 2 The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 
 275. 
 
138 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Athanasius still writes: "H Be viroaTacris ovaia eari, tcac 
 ovBev aWo (rrj/jLaivofievov ej£€* rj avro to ov." 1 But, it must 
 not be forgotten that St. Paul in his former usage of the 
 term laid stress on the very reality, so that VTroaraa^ here 
 means the "real essence" 
 
 The sense of viroarao-i^ in Heb. iii, 14 is the bone of much 
 contention. First, let us give the text: Mero^oc yap rov 
 Xpio~TOV yeyova/jL€v,€av7T€p rrjv ap^rjv r rj 9 viroaracreax; peyjpi 
 reXov 9 fiefiaiav Karao-^co/jLep. This text is supported by the 
 overwhelming weight of critical evidence. The interesting 
 variant is that of A, f, vg., and Jerome (Ep. Damas., 3,517), 
 which qualifies viroo-raaea)^ by avrov. That Heb. iii, 14 is a 
 very important text for the understanding of viroaraaa in 
 Heb. xi, 1, is evident both from the fact that Heb. iii, 14 
 deals with tti(tti<; (e.g., Chrysostom says: tl ecrnv apyi) T779 
 v7roo~Tao-€(o<; ; tt\v ttmjtiv Xeyet 2 ), and from the general 
 context. Godet has clearly summarized the gist of this 
 Epistle in three short sentences : " Break loose from Judaism. 
 Be wholly his who is better to you than the angels (chaps, i- 
 iii, l), 3 better than Moses (iii, 1 — iii, 19) 3 or Joshua (iv), 3 
 better than Aaron and his priesthood (v-x). 3 Be all to 
 Jesus, in whom you possess the eternal reality of all the good 
 things of which Judaism offers you only the shadow." 4 The 
 one clear burden of the author's message to the Jewish 
 converts to Christianity is, u Do not apostatize." The reasons 
 against this possible apostasy are given in the didactic part 
 of the Epistle (i-x) so clearly summarized above by Godet. 
 In concluding each reason, the author of the Epistle exhorts 
 briefly and incidentally against apostasy, which exhortation 
 is summarized and developed in the practical part of the 
 letter (xi-xiii). Heb. iii, 14 occurs in the brief exhortation 
 
 1 Migne, P. G., 26, 1036 B. 
 
 2 Cf. Teschendorf, Novum Test, Graec, etc., n, 789. 
 
 3 The references in parentheses are mine. 
 
 4 Studies on the Epistles, 325. 
 
HISTORICO-LITERARY INVESTIGATION 139 
 
 " not to apostatize " drawn from the consideration u Jesus is 
 greater than Moses." Accordingly, the importance of 
 viro<TTa(TL<; in Heb. iii, 14 for the understanding of the same 
 term in Heb. xi, 1 is derived from the fact that both verses 
 have to do with wt&rus by way of exhortation "not to 
 apostatize." 
 
 The " superiority of Jesus over Moses " is the superiority 
 of the Master-builder over the workman who builds the 
 house, and of the Son over the servant in the house (vv. 2-6). 
 The rather long application is then noted : "If the Jews in 
 the wilderness were punished for their unbelief by not being 
 allowed to enter Canaan, how much more certainly will those 
 who let go their faith in Jesus be shut out from the rest of 
 the Lord." * Heb. iii, 14 lies in the context of this practical 
 exhortation. It is applied directly to the Jewish Christian 
 readers (in verse 12) : " Take heed, Brethren, lest perhaps 
 there be in any of you an evil heart of unbelief to depart 
 from the living God." Then follows the reason in our verse : 
 MeTo^oi jap rov Xpiarov jejovafiev, eavirep ttjv ap^rjv tt/9 
 V7ro<TTacr€C0<; fJL€%pi Te\ov<z fteftaiav Karaa-^cofiev. In the 
 light of the context it means, u For we have become sharers 
 (partners) of Christ, if indeed we hold fast unto the end the 
 sure beginning of the reality (in Christianity in contrast to 
 the shadows of Judaism)." As regards the context, we might 
 say that the reason given for not apostatizing is that we 
 have become "sharers of Christ" Q^eTo^pt rov XpicrTov) as 
 opposed to " sharers of Judaism," or, as it was expressed in 
 verse 1 : " sharers of the heavenly calling " (fjueroxoi eirov- 
 paviov fieroxoc) in opposition to the "election of the Jews 
 for the covenant of types and shadows," or, as in verse 6: 
 * ; But Christ as the Son in His own house, of which we are " 
 (ol> oikos €<r/i€v r)fiei<i) in contrast to "Moses and all his 
 house." In a word, as Jewish Christians they have become 
 " sharers of Christ " in His possessions (eternal realities) in 
 
 i Godet, Op. cit., 319. 
 
140 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 contrast to the Jews who by adhering to the Law remain the 
 " sharers with Moses " in the types and shadows of the old 
 dispensation. But this sharing or partnership with Christ in 
 the heavenly realities of the new order in contrast to the 
 sharing with Moses in the types and shadows of the old 
 order is dependent on a condition : " if we indeed hold fast 
 unto the end the sure beginning of the possession of true 
 reality." 
 
 The only other instance in the New Testament, where 
 viroaraais is used, is our famous passage in Heb. xi, 1. We 
 shall take up this one in the next chapter. Our investigation 
 of the other four instances in the New Testament where the 
 term occurs has yielded the same results as did our study of 
 wKooTaais in the Greek world, only in a more striking way. 
 The results show that St. Paul did not confine himself to 
 the terminology of the LXX, but that he rather controls 
 and marshals the popular-philosophical terminology of the 
 Hellenic world to clothe his own ideas in the language of 
 his day. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 
 
 Before applying the results of this investigation to Heb. 
 xi, 1, let us restate them in a summary way : The Historical 
 Part yielded the original text and the various extant inter- 
 pretations of the same. These latter differ according as 
 wiroo-Taais was understood to mean either "reality" or 
 "confidence." The value of these historical interpretations, 
 studied in such detail, consists not only in showing exactly 
 what men have thought of this verse in the past and the 
 problems mooted in the same, but also in furnishing an 
 historico-literary argument of the highest importance for 
 the understanding of viroaTaais in Heb. xi, 1. For, as we 
 have stated before, the language of the Greek Patristic 
 writers was the kolvt) SiaXe/cTo*; of Heb. xi, 1. Hence, the 
 Patristic interpretation of our verse has a scientific proba- 
 bility not enjoyed by the other interpretation that origi- 
 nated in non-Greek writers many centuries after the kolvtj 
 8ia\€KTo$ had ceased to be a spoken language. 
 
 However, the touchstone that decisively tests the merits 
 of the two interpretations is the current Greek usage of 
 viroo-Tacris. This touchstone was found in the Exegetical 
 Part of the investigation. 
 
 The Exegetical Part yielded the history of the pivotal 
 term VTroarraai*; in the Hellenic world, in both profane and 
 Biblical literature. From its first appearance in extant lit- 
 erature to the Greek Patristic exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 viro- 
 o-racns meant " reality," — first, in the terms of a naive and 
 primitive language, as the "tangible" in contrast to the 
 " transient " matter, and later, in the popular philosophical 
 
 141 
 
142 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 language, as "reality" in contrast to "mere appearance." 
 This was the current meaning of the term when Heb. xi, 1 
 was penned. The only exception to this usage is that of 
 the LXX, where the use of the term is so confused as to 
 justify the conclusion that they had no knowledge of the 
 really original sense of the term. 
 
 There can be no doubt about the meaning of Heb. xi, 1, if 
 the sense of VTroaraari,*;, as furnished by the historico-literary 
 investigation of the word, is applicable to our verse. And 
 it is applicable, (1) if the general usage of the author 
 approves it ; (2) if the context confirms it ; and (3) if there 
 is no other literary source whence the author might have 
 derived the term. Let us now examine these several 
 hypotheses. 
 
 1. TTToarao-K; in the General Usage of the Author 
 
 This usage has already been ascertained in the examina- 
 tion of vTroo-Tao-is in the New Testament literature. As it 
 was there stated, viroo-Tacns in the New Testament is a 
 Pauline term, since it occurs only five times, — twice in the 
 II Epistle to the Corinthians and three times in the Epistle 
 to the Hebrews. Without taking up the difficult problem 
 of the authorship of the Epistle, which would bring us too 
 far afield, I am assuming only what is generally granted, 
 viz., that the Epistle to the Hebrews is Pauline. Hence, 
 besides the evidence for the usage of wrrocnacns in Heb. i, 3 
 and iii, 14, we may add that of the two passages in II Co- 
 rinthians (ix, 4 and xi, 17). In all these instances, it has 
 been found that vTroo-Tacris was employed in the Greek usage 
 of the term, viz., as "reality" or "something in connection 
 with reality." 
 
 Among these instances of the usage of vrroaTacn*;, that in 
 Heb. iii, 14 is of special importance for its use in Heb. xi, 1, 
 because both verses deal with irians in the same way. For 
 both are embedded in the context of the practical warning, 
 
APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 143 
 
 " Do not apostatize " : Heb. iii, 14 in the casual warning, 
 drawn from the consideration " Jesus is better than Moses," 
 and Heb. xi, 1 in the solemn warning of the whole practical 
 part, drawn from the arguments of the whole didactic part. 
 And in Heb. iii, 14, viroaTaai^ was certainly used to empha- 
 size the sense "reality." 
 
 From these arguments it may be safely gathered that the 
 General Usage of VTroaracris by the Pauline author of the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews favors the current Greek sense of the 
 term throughout, but more especially in one passage (Heb. 
 iii, 14) where the term is found in practically the same 
 context as Heb. xi, 1. 
 
 2. The Context of Heb. xi, 1 
 
 Stevens has very adequately condensed all the "argu- 
 ments " and " appeals " of this Epistle into three words : 
 "Do not apostatize." 1 These " arguments " have been set 
 forth in what has been called the " didactic part " of the 
 Epistle (chaps, i-x) ; and the " appeals " are noted, first 
 incidentally after each argument in the " didactic " portion, 
 and then more fully in the "practical part" (chaps, xi- 
 
 Xlll). 
 
 The " arguments " for not apostatizing are three : (a) 
 " Jesus is better than the angels " (chaps, i-ii) ; (6) " Jesus 
 is better than Moses or Joshua " (chaps, iii-iv) ; and (e) 
 " Jesus is better than Aaron and his priesthood " (chaps, v- 
 x). But the reason underlying these "arguments" is the 
 " efficaciousness " of Christ's superiority in our behalf (chaps, 
 viii-x), which, as Godet says, is " the keynote of the 
 whole didactic portion." 2 
 
 On the other hand, the " appeals " grow out of these " ar- 
 guments" and may be thus summarized with the same 
 author : " Be all for Jesus, in whom you possess the eternal 
 
 1 The Theology of the New Testament, 487. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 323. 
 
144 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 reality of all the good things of which Judaism offers you 
 only the shadow." * The appeals are first stated separately 
 after each argument to which it forms a conclusion in the 
 Didactic Part, and then summarily in the Practical Part 
 (chaps, xi-xiii). Heb. xi, 1, dividing, as it does, the 
 "didactic" from the "practical" part of the Epistle, and 
 serving as the text for the whole latter part, holds the 
 position of a fulcrum, upon which the "arguments" and 
 the "appeals" of the whole Epistle balance. Let us now 
 consider in more detail these " arguments " and " appeals " 
 not to apostatize. 
 
 (a) "Jesus is better than the angels" (chaps, i-ii). 
 "Therefore," the author would say, "Do not apostatize." 
 For the fact that Jesus is superior to the angels is "proof of 
 the superiority of the Gospel of Christ to the Law of Moses, 
 in proportion as Christ, Who delivered it, is greater than 
 the angels, who gave the Law." 2 After having established 
 this superiority, the author pauses to draw the lesson : M For 
 if the word spoken by angels became steadfast, and every 
 transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of 
 reward : How shall we escape, if we neglect so great salva- 
 tion, which began to be declared by the Lord? " (Heb. ii, 2, 
 3). In a word, "God hath not subjected unto angels the 
 world to come (pucovfAevnv rrjv fieWovcrav) whereof we 
 speak" (Heb. ii, 5). 
 
 (6) " Jesus is better than Moses or Joshua " (chaps, iii- 
 iv). I have already shown why Jewish Christians should not 
 apostatize, for the reason that "Jesus is better than Moses," 3 
 viz., "because we are sharers of Christ, if indeed we hold 
 fast unto the end the beginning of the possession of true 
 reality (T77? viroaraaew^ in contrast to shadows" (Heb. iii, 
 14). Side by side with this reason not to apostatize is a 
 
 1 Op. cit., 325. 
 
 2 B. k Piconio, An Exposition of the Epistles of St. Paul, 282. 
 
 3 Cf . p. 136 sq. 
 
APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 145 
 
 warning about the incredulous Jews who did not enter the 
 "promised land" because of unbelief (iii, 19). But this 
 " rest of God " into which Joshua led the believers is only a 
 type of the real "rest of God" into which Jesus leads 
 believers. In a word, Jesus the founder of the New Economy 
 is better than Moses and Joshua, the founders of the Old, 
 precisely in just this that He is the reality which they 
 typify, 
 
 (e) " Jesus is better than Aaron and his priesthood " 
 (chaps, v-x). For Jesus brought the Aaronic priesthood to 
 ideal perfection (chap, v, 1-10) ; His characteristics as 
 absolute High-Priest were foreshadowed by Melchisedek 
 (chap, vii) ; Christ's priestly sanctuary is heaven itself, not 
 earth, and His covenant is one of grace, not external works 
 (chap, viii) ; the old order with its man-made tabernacle and 
 furnishings, its restricted priestly service, and the repeated 
 sacrifices of oxen, heifers, and goats, is contrasted with the 
 new, where the Eternal High-Priest Christ " in a tabernacle 
 not made with hands," "entered once into the holies," 
 " having obtained redemption for all " (chap, ix) ; and, 
 finally, by one sacrifice Christ took away sin, whereas " the 
 law (a shadow (a-xia) of the good things to come, not the 
 very essence (eiicova rayv irpayfiarcov^) of the realities) by the 
 self -same sacrifices which are offered continually every year, 
 can never make the comers thereunto perfect" (chap. x). The 
 priesthood, sanctuary, services, sacrifices of the Old Covenant 
 with their inability " to perfect " are only the earthly types 
 and shadows of the heavenly realities and life-giving efficacy of 
 Christ's eternal Priesthood in the New Covenant. 
 
 The " appeals " drawn from this argument are scattered 
 over the whole section (chaps, v-x). The author complains 
 of the lack of spiritual insight to see the difference between 
 the two Covenants, and reminds them of the awful truth 
 that if any one fall away after receiving the grace of regen- 
 eration and spiritual enlightenment, by which they " pierce 
 
146 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 the veil," no further regeneration is possible (chaps, v, 10- 
 vi, 20). Then the superiority of the Christian worship (in 
 which the priesthood of Christ works out its life-giving 
 effects) over the Temple service, is shown in a final warning 
 not to apostatize : " Beware of forsaking the assembling of 
 yourselves together, lest you forsake also your faith itself : 
 For there would remain no more sacrifice for the expiation of 
 such a sin " (chap, x, 16-20). 
 
 In a word, the author in this Epistle appeals to the Jewish 
 converts to Christianity, warning them "not to apostatize," 
 (a) because Jesus Who preached the Grospel is superior to 
 the angels who delivered the law ; (5) because Jesus, the 
 Founder of the New Economy, is better than Moses and 
 Joshua, the founders of the Old; (<?) and finally, because the 
 nature and efficacy of Christ's priesthood means more to us 
 than that of Aaron. But the underlying reason for this 
 superiority of the Gospel over the Law, of the New Economy 
 over the Old, of Christ's Priesthood over Aaron's, is that in 
 each case the latter is only a sensuous and earthly type of the 
 former — a super sensuous and heavenly reality. We also 
 observed that the author punctuates these arguments against 
 apostasy with warnings and appeals for Faith, which grow in 
 pointedness and boldness, until they reach their full stature 
 in the " practical part " of the Epistle, of which Heb. xi, 1 is 
 the keystone. 
 
 This brings us to Heb. xi, 1 in its immediate context. 
 The last solemn warning growing out of the arguments of 
 the "didactic part" is unmistakable: "But my just man 
 liveth by Faith ; yet if he withdraw (ywotjTeCkvTaC) himself, 
 he shall not please my soul" (chap. x,38); also the "appeal" 
 for Faith is clear and emphatic : " But we are not the 
 children of withdrawing unto perdition (^/tet? Be ov/c eo-fiev 
 v it o a r o\tj ? 6t9 aTTGaXeLav), but of Faith to the saving of the 
 soul (a\k 7rto-T€ft)? et? Trepnroirjcriv tyvxv^" (chap, x, 39). 
 The author having drawn this final contrast between " apos- 
 
APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 147 
 
 tasy" (yiroaToXri) and "faith" (77-^0-™?), and having stated 
 that, whereas " apostasy " leads to destruction, the soul of 
 man is saved by "Faith," "proceeds to explain what that 
 Faith is which saves the soul." 1 The explanation follows in 
 the celebrated verse, Heb. xi, 1, concerning which Delitzsch 
 has well said : " A more complete and accurate definition of 
 Faith, and one more generally applicable, could not be 
 devised than that one which is here given" 2 : E<7tm> Se 
 7tl<tti<; ekTri^ofievobv V7TO(TTa(TL<; t irpayfiarwv eXe^o? ov ^Keiro- 
 fievcov : For Faith is the wirocnaGis of things hoped for, the 
 incontestable proof of things unseen. The all-important 
 question now arises : Is the current Hellenic meaning of 
 viroaraat,^ as "reality" in contrast to "mere appearance" 
 applicable here ? We answer in an emphatic affirmative. 
 
 For this final warning " not to apostatize " and the " ap- 
 peal " for Faith are culminating exhortations drawn from 
 the " arguments " of the whole Epistle, and are here solemnly 
 restated and contrasted 3 on the threshold of the " practical 
 part" of the Epistle, of which Heb. xi, 1 is the topical 
 verse. But the preceding "arguments" against apostasy 
 and the " appeals " for Faith are based, as already noted, on 
 the notion that Christianity is related to Judaism " as its 
 complete fulfilment, the substance answering to the shadow." 4 
 This reason underlying the "arguments" "not to aposta- 
 tize," and animating the "appeals" for Faith, is now most 
 
 1 Piconio, Op. c&, 396. 
 
 2 Op. cit. , II, 204. There is a division among the interpreters on the ques- 
 tion as to whether this is a "definition" or a "description" of xi<rrts. 
 Some of the most eminent authors, favoring the first, are : Augustine, Van 
 Steenkiste, Godet, Feine, Beyschlag, Westcott, J. Weiss ; those favoring the 
 second, are : Olshausen, Milligan, MacEvilly, Cowles, Farrar, and John 
 Owen. 
 
 3 Schlatter thinks that there is here even a verbal contrast : • ' Weichen 
 und Glauben waren im Anschluss an das Wort Habakuks im vorangehenden 
 einander entgegengestellt, dem Weichen tritt nun das " Stehen " gegenuber, 
 der viroffToXr} die uTroo-roo-ts." Cf. Op. cit.^ 458. 
 
 4 Westcott, Op. cit. , 317. 
 
148 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 strikingly, with complete fitness, and yet naturally, brought 
 into the very definition of 7rt<m?, by means of the term 
 viroaraais in its current Hellenic sense of " reality " in con- 
 trast to " mere appearance " : JLanv he ttio-tls eXiri^ofievayv 
 v7ro(TTa<Ti<;, Trpayfiarcov e\e7%o? ov fiXeirGfjievcov : For Faith is 
 the presentation of the reality of things hoped for, the 
 incontestable proof of things unseen. With this interpreta- 
 tion in mind, Dummelow has skillfully gathered up the main 
 thread of the context in these words : " It has been shown 
 that the earthly and visible things are but types, copies, and 
 shadows of heavenly realities (Heb. viii, 5; ix, 22; x, 1). 
 The underlying thought of the preceding chapters is that 
 contrary to the ordinary way of thinking, it is the heavenly 
 that is the real. But how are heavenly and invisible things 
 to be realized with any assurance ? It is by the operation 
 of Faith. Faith is that by which the invisible becomes real, 
 and the future becomes present. * Faith gives reality to 
 things hoped for, and puts to the test things for the present 
 unseen.' " a 
 
 This interpretation of vrrocrTa<n<; in Heb. xi, 1 as " reality " 
 in contrast to " mere appearance " is confirmed by what fol- 
 lows in the context. For the " cloud of witnesses," arrayed 
 by the author to illustrate his definition of Faith (xi, 
 2-xii, 3), is eminently fitted to do this. Godet says, "all 
 these, each in his own manner, let go the Seen that they 
 might grasp the Unseen." 2 Weinel analyzes the ttlo-tis of 
 the various heroes : " Glauben heisst : wie Abraham Gott 
 gehorchen, ohne dass man weiss wohin er uns fiihrt, und 
 warten auf die Stadt, die die Fundamente hat, deren Archi- 
 tekt Gott ist, auch wenn man darum ' in Zelten ' wohnen 
 muss, u. s. w." 3 In each case, it is the laying hold of the 
 unseen and heavenly reality. After an appeal for patient 
 endurance (c. xiii), the author finally asks for an absolute 
 " break" from Judaism (c. xiii, 13). 
 
 1 Op. cit, 1026. 2 Op. cit. , 324. 3 Biblische Theologie des Neuen Test, 599. 
 
APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 149 
 
 This interpretation of Heb. xi, 1 would also be calculated 
 to stir up anew Faith in the Jewish readers of this Epistle, 
 who were apparently on the verge of abandoning the heavenly 
 realities of Christianity for the earthly shadows of Judaism. 
 For, if we but bear in mind the tenacity with which the 
 early Jewish converts to Christianity clung to the Law that 
 had degenerated into mere externalism, to the visible sanc- 
 tuary at Jerusalem, and to the fleshly bond that bound them 
 to the chosen people, we can appreciate more fully the scope, 
 the probable efficacy, and the necessity of such "arguments" 
 " not to apostatize," and of such " appeals " for Faith. For, 
 the Law, the Jewish theocracy, and the Aaronic priesthood 
 and its sacrifices, were earthly things, present among them, 
 and easy to be grasped by bodily eyes ; whereas the Gospel, 
 the new economy of salvation, and the supersensuous and 
 heavenly realities of Christianity were partly present and 
 partly future, and could be grasped only by Faith and by 
 Hope. Beyschlag has well expressed this thought in these 
 words : " Above this sensuous world of growth and decay 
 God has founded a supersensuous and eternal world, in 
 which we believe, for which we hope, and after which we 
 are to seek. The invisible world is characterized in this 
 world of Faith and Hope in the well-known words of Heb. 
 xi, 1." * 
 
 Accordingly, we see that both the general context of 
 the whole Epistle and the immediate context of Heb. xi, 1 
 demand the interpretation of wtoo-tcio-v? of our verse in 
 the current Greek sense of " reality " in contrast to " mere 
 appearance." 
 
 3. The Only Literary Source for the Usage of 
 
 wirocTTaaiS IS THE HELLENIC WORLD 
 
 Again it must be pointed out that the real home and birth- 
 place of viroo-Tacns is the Hellenic world, and that the voice 
 
 1 New Testament Theology, II, 296. 
 
150 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 of this world of thought is decisive. Those commentators 
 like Schlatter, Delitzsch, and the Moderns generally, who 
 have gone to the LXX for the meaning of viroaracn^ forget 
 not only the basic fact, that the LXX cannot be a source for 
 the sense of Greek words independent of good Greek usage, 
 but also that the LXX in its actual usage of this term, as is 
 the case with many others, 1 is altogether unreliable. 
 
 The meaning of the vKoaraai^ in the Hellenistic world, as 
 "reality" in contrast to "mere appearance," is not only a 
 well-established sense of the term, but it has also been actu- 
 ally used for the very contrast employed in the Epistle to 
 the Hebrews. Stevens has also noted this point: "The 
 contrast between the lower world of shadows and semblances 
 and the heavenly world of abiding realities, which is so promi- 
 nent in this Epistle, reminds one of the distinction be- 
 tween the sensible and the intellectual world which Philo 
 had derived from Plato." 2 And, I might add, what is most 
 remarkable in this common usage of virocrTacris by Philo and 
 the author of our Epistle, is the fact that both use the term 
 to express the " perception of the invisible world " which, in 
 turn, was commonly expressed by the Greeks through the 
 term ttiotxs. 8 
 
 There cannot be the slightest doubt that St. Paul, putting 
 aside the confused notions of viroaraai^ in the LXX, and 
 adhering consistently to the definition of the term in the 
 Hellenic World, under the striking identity of the famous 
 contrast "reality" — "appearance," received his vttoo-tclo-k;- 
 formula from no other source than this same Greek world of 
 thought. 
 
 1 Cf . p. 132 sq. ; also cf . Deissmann, The Philology of the Greek Bible, 90. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 488 ff. 
 
 3 M Religious faith, even under the Polytheistic form it assumed in Greece, 
 implies that what exists and happens in the world depends on certain causes 
 concealed from sensuous perception." Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy, 
 I, 52. 
 
APPLICATION OF THE RESULTS TO HEB. XI, 1 151 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 We hope that the Tnarris-wiroa-Tacnf; problem can now be 
 regarded as solved. 
 
 The Pauline i/7ro<rra<m, as a qualification of ttwtw in Heb. 
 xi, 1, is the presentation of "reality" in contrast to 
 "mere appearance." Scientifically, no other interpreta- 
 tion is possible. Such explanations as " fiducia," " expecta- 
 tion," etc., are perversions of the historical evidence. 
 
 In this age of the historico-critical method, these a priori 
 interpretations ought to give place to an historically justified 
 exegesis. 
 
ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 BSt = Biblische Studien. 
 
 BW = The Biblical World. 
 
 BZ = Biblische Zeitschrift. 
 ExpT sa The Expository Times. 
 HThSt = Harvard Theological Studies. 
 Philg ss Philologus. 
 
 TR = Textus Receptus. 
 ZkTh = Zeitschrift f iir katholische Theologie. 
 
 152 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 (The Patristic literature, in so far as it is taken from Migne, P. G., and 
 P.L., is not included in this Bibliography.) 
 
 Alber, Joannes Nep., Interpretatio Sacrae Scripturae per omnes veteris 
 et novi testamenti Libros, Vol. 16, Pesthini, 1804. 
 
 Allioli, Joseph Franz, Die Heilige Schrift des Alten und Neuen Testa- 
 ments 11 , New York, 1894. 
 
 Aristotelis, Opera Omnia, Graece et Latine, Ed. Didot, Parisiis, 1878. 
 
 Bach, Ludwig, Der Glaube nach der Anschauung des Alten Testaments, 
 Giitersloh, 1900. 
 
 Bardenhewer, O., Patrology, The Lives and Works of the Fathers of 
 the Church, translated from the Second Edition by Thomas J. 
 Shahan, Freiburg im Breisgau and St. Louis, Mo., 1908. 
 
 Basilii, Opera Omnia Quae Extant, Opera et Studia Monachorum Or- 
 dinis Sancti Benedicti e Congregatione Sancti Mauri 2 , Parisiis, 1839. 
 
 Bellarmini, Roberti, Disputationum, De Controversiis Fidei Christianae 
 adversus huius Temporis Haereticos, Neapoli, 1856. 
 
 Bengel, John Albert, Gnomon of the New Testament, A New Transla- 
 tion by Charlton, T. Lewis, and Marion R. Vincent, Vol. 2, Phila- 
 delphia, 1861. 
 
 Bernardine a Piconio, An Exposition of the Epistles of St. Paul, trans- 
 lated and edited from the Original Latin by A. H. Prichard, London, 
 1890. 
 
 Bernheim, Ernst, Lehrbuch der Historischen Methode und der Geschicht- 
 philosophie, Leipsig, 1908. 
 
 Beyschlag, Willibald, New Testament Theology, translated by Neil 
 Buchanan, Vol. 2, Edinburgh, 1895. 
 
 Bigg, Charles, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, Oxford, 1886. 
 
 Bill, Leonhard, Der Brief an die Hebraer, iibergesetzt und erklart, 
 Mainz, 1879. 
 
 Billot, Ludovico, De Virtutibus Infusis, etc., Romae, 1905. 
 
 Bleek, Friedrich, Commentar iiber den Hebraer-Brief, 1828-1840. 
 
 Blunt, John Henry, The Annotated Bible, London, 1882. 
 
 Boll, R. H., Lessons on Hebrews, Nashville, 1910. 
 
 Bonaventurae, Cardinalis, Opera Omnia, Ed. A. C. Peltier, Vols, 4 et 
 7, Parisiis, 1856. 
 
 153 
 
154 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Briggs, Charles Augustus, General Introduction to the Study of the 
 
 Scriptures, New York, 1899. 
 Burbridge, A. T., Faith as an Effort of the Soul (Heb. xi, 1), BW 18, 
 
 (1901). 
 Burkitt, William, Expository Notes with Practical Observations on the 
 
 New Testament, London, 1716. 
 Brenii, Danielis, Harlemo-Batavi, Opera Theologica, Amstelaedami, 1666. 
 Calmet, Augustino, Commentarius Literalis in Omnes Libros Veteris 
 
 et Novi Testamenti, Tom. 8, Lucae, 1738. 
 Calvini, Joannis, Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia, Ed. Guilielmus Baum, 
 
 Eduardus Cunitz, Eduardus Reuss, Brunsvigae, 1890. (Corpus 
 
 Reformatorum, Yol. 71.) 
 Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Northern Dialect, The 
 
 Ed. Horn, Oxford, 1905. 
 Corluy, Josephii, Spicilegium Dogmatico-Biblicum, Tom. 2, Gandavi, 
 
 1884. 
 Cornuti, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, Recensuit Carolus Lang, 
 
 Lipsiae, 1881. 
 Cowles, Henry, Epistle to the Hebrews with Notes, Critical, Explana- 
 tory and Practical, etc., New York, 1878. 
 Cremer, Hermann, Biblisch-Theologisches Worterbuch der Neutesta- 
 
 mentlichen Gracitat 9 , Gotha, 1902. 
 Deissmann, Adolf, The Philology of the Greek Bible, translated from 
 
 the Author's MS. by Lionel R. M. Strachan, London, 1908. 
 Delitzsch, Franz, Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, translated 
 
 from the German by Thomas L. Kingsburg 8 , Edinburgh, 1876. 
 Denifle, H., Luther und Luthertum, Mainz, 1906. 
 
 Dibelius, Martin, Die Geisterwelt im Glauben des Paulus, Gottingen, 1909. 
 Diels, Hermanus, Doxographi Graeci, Berolini, 1879. 
 Diodori, Siculi, Bibliothecae Historicae Quae Supersunt, Ed. Carolus 
 
 Mullerus, Parisiis, 1878. 
 
 Bibliotheca Historica, Editionem Primam Curavit Imm. Bekker, 
 
 Alteram Ludovicus Dindorf, Recognovit Fredericus Vogel, Lipsiae, 
 
 1888. 
 Diogenis, Laertii, De Clarorum Philosophorum Vitis, etc., C. Gabr. Cobet 
 
 Recensuit, Parisiis, 1878. 
 Doddridge, P., The Family Expositor, or a Paraphrase and Version of 
 
 the New Testament with Critical Notes, London, 1756. 
 Dummelow, J. R., A Commentary on the Holy Bible, by Various 
 
 Authors, Edited by, New York, 1909. 
 Ellicott, Charles John, A New Testament Commentary for English 
 
 Readers, London, 1884. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 155 
 
 Estii, Guilielmi, In Omnes D. Pauli Epistolas, Item in Catholicas, Com- 
 mentarii 2 . Ed. Joh. Holzammer, Moguntiae, 1859. 
 
 Farrar, F. W., The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews, with 
 Notes and Introduction, Cambridge, 1896. 
 
 Feine, Paul, Theologie des Neuen Testaments 2 , Leipzig, 1912. 
 
 Flavii Josephi, Opera, Graece et Latine, Recognovit Guilielmus Dindor- 
 fius, Parisiis, 1865. 
 
 Flavius Josephus, The Works of, translated by Wm. Whiston, Hart- 
 ford, 1905. 
 
 Ginsburg, David, Biblia Hebraica, Massoretico-Critical Text of the 
 Hebrew Bible carefully revised according to the Massorah and the 
 early printed editions of the Hebrew Bible 2 , London, 1906. 
 
 Godet, F., Studies on the Epistles, translated by Annie Harwood 
 Holmden, New York, 1889. 
 
 Goodspeed, Edgar J., The Epistle to the Hebrews, New York, 1908. 
 
 Index Patristicus sive Clavis Patrum Apostolicorum Operum 8 , 
 Leipzig, 1907. 
 
 Index Apostolicus sive Clavis Justini Martyris Operum Aliorum- 
 que Apologetarum Pristinorum, Leipzig, 1912. 
 
 Hammond, C. E., Outlines of Textual Criticism Applied to the New 
 Testament 6 , Oxford, 1902. 
 
 Harnack, Adolf, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, Erster Band, Frei- 
 burg, 1886 ; Zweiter Band, Freiburg, 1887 ; Dritter Band 8 , Freiburg 
 1897. 
 
 History of Dogma, translated from the Third German edition by 
 E. B. Speirs and James Millar, Vol. 4, London, 1898 ; and by Neil 
 Buchanan, Vol. 7, 1900. 
 
 Hastings, James, etc., Dictionary of the Bible, edited by, New York, 
 1909. 
 
 Hatch, Edwin, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the 
 Christian Church 8 , Hibbert Lectures, 1888, London and Edinburgh, 
 1891. 
 
 Hatsch, W. H. P., The Pauline Idea of Faith in its relation to Jewish 
 and Hellenistic Religion, HThSt 2 (1917). 
 
 Haynes, W. A., The Glories of the Inner Sanctuary as Has Been Re- 
 vealed in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Cincinnati, 1911. 
 
 Heine, Gerhard, Synonymik des Neutestamentlichen Griechisch, Berlin, 
 1898. 
 
 Hippocrates, Opera Omnia, Ed. H. Kuehlewein, Lipsiae, 1894. 
 
 His genuine Works, translated from the Greek by Francis Adams, 
 New York, 1886. 
 
 Hirzel, R, Article on Ovcria in Philg (1913), 72. 
 
156 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Hodge, Charles, Systematic Theology, Vol. 3, New York, 1904. 
 Holtzmann, Heinrich Julius, Lehrbuch der Neutestamentlichen Theo- 
 
 logie, 2 Tiibingen, 1911. 
 Hcttjywv Ae^tKov, Ed. Cornelius Schrevetius, Ludg. Batav. et Raterod., 1668. 
 Ihmels, Ludwig, Die Bedeutung des Auctoritatsglaubens, Leipzig, 1902. 
 luxivvov Tov X.pv<To<TTOfxov Ta EvpicrKo/Aera navra, Nouvelle Traduction 
 
 Fran9ais par L'Abbe J. Bareille, 20, Paris, 1865. 
 Jernegan, Prescot, "The Faith of Jesus Christ," BW 8 (1896). 
 Junkin, George, A Commentary upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, Phil., 
 
 1873. 
 Klussmann, Rodolf , Bibliotheca Scriptorum^Classicorum et Graecorum et 
 
 Latinorum, Die Literatur von 1878 bis 1896 einschliesslich Um- 
 
 fassend, Leipzig, 1909. 
 Kuinoel, Christiani Theophili, Commentarius in Epistolam ad Hebraeos, 
 
 Lipsiae, 1831. 
 Liddell, Henry George, and Scott, Robert, A Greek-English Lexicon, 8 
 
 Oxford, 1901. 
 Lightf oot, J. B., St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, London, 1902. 
 Livermore, Abiel Abbot, The Epistle to the Hebrews, etc., Boston, 1881. 
 Lomb, Conrad, Commentarius in Divi Pauli Apostoli Epistolam ad He- 
 braeos, Ratisbonae, 1843. 
 Longking, Joseph, Notes on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the 
 
 Hebrews, New York, 1867. 
 Lowrie, Samuel, An Explanation of the Epistle to the Hebrews 2 , Phil. 
 
 1898. 
 Liinemann, Gottlieb, Kritisch Exeget. Handbuch liber den Hebraer- 
 
 brief 3 , Gottingen, 1867. 
 Lutheri, Tomus Primus Omnium Operum, Jenae, 1564. 
 Lutheri, Martini, Commentarium In Epistolam S. Pauli ad Galatas, 
 
 Curavit Dr. Joan. Conrad. Irmischer, Tom. I, Erlangae, 1843. 
 MacComb, Samuel, Faith according to Paul, BW 25 (1905). 
 MacEvilly, John, An Exposition of the Epistles of St. Paul, and of the 
 
 Catholic Epistles, II, 3, Dublin, 1875. 
 MacKenzie, W. Douglas, Faith and Superstition, BW 27 (1906). 
 Mazochii, Alexii Symmachii, Spicilegii Biblici, Tom. 3, Neapoli, 1778. 
 Menochii, Joannis Stephani, Commentarii Totius Sacrae Scripturae, 
 
 Tom. 2, Venetiis, 1722. 
 Milligan, R., The New Testament Commentary, Vol. 9, Epistle to the 
 
 Hebrews, Cincinnati, 1876. 
 Moulton, James Hope, A Grammar of New Testament Greek, I, Prole- 
 gomena 8 , Edinburgh, 1908. 
 
 From Egyptian Rubbish Heaps, London, 1916. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 157 
 
 Murray, Gilbert, A History of Ancient Greek Literature, New York and 
 
 London, 1916. 
 Natalis, Alexander, Commentarius in Omnes Epistolas, etc., Venetiis, 
 
 1768. 
 Newman, John Henry, Cardinal, An Essay on the Development of 
 
 Christian Doctrine 14 , New York, 1909. 
 Lectures on the Doctrine of Justification 8 , London, 1900. 
 Olshausen, Hermann, Biblical Commentary on the New Testament, etc., 
 
 translated from the German for Foreign Theological Library, re- 
 vised after the Latest German Edition by A. C. Kendrick, New 
 
 York, 1863. 
 Owen, John, An Exposition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, with Pre- 
 liminary Exercitations, London, 1840. 
 Oxyrhynchus Papyri, The, edited with Translations and Notes by Ber- 
 nard P. Grenfell and Arthur S. Hunt, London, 1898. 
 Pape, W., Handworterbuch der Griechischen Sprache 8 , Braunschweig, 
 
 1906. 
 Petavii, Dionysii Aurelianensis, Opus de Theologicis Dogmatibus, Tom. 
 
 2, Venetiis, 1757. 
 Philonis Judaei, Opera Quae Reperiri Potuerunt Omnia, etc., Thomas 
 
 Mangey, London, 1742. 
 Pierce, James, A Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul to 
 
 the Colossians, Philippians, and Hebrews: after the manner of 
 
 Mr. Locke, London, 1727. 
 Piscatoris, Joan., Commentarii in Omnes Libros Novi Testamenti 8 , 
 
 Herbornae Nassoviorum, 1638. 
 Plumber, William S., Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to 
 
 the Hebrews, New York, 1872. 
 Plutarchi, Scripta Moralia, Ed. Fredericus Diibner, Graece et Latine, 
 
 Parisiis, 1877. 
 Poli, Mathaei, Synopsis Criticorum Aliorumque S. Scripturae Inter- 
 
 pretum, Londini, 1669. 
 Polybii, Historiarum Reliquiae, Graece et Latine, Ed. Didot, Parisiis 
 
 1880. 
 Polybius, General History in Five Books, The, translated from the 
 
 Greek by Mr. Hampton, London, 1811. 
 Prat, F., La Th6ologie de Saint Paul (Bibliotheque de Th6ologie Histo- 
 
 rique) 8 , Paris, 1909. 
 Ramsay, Sir W. R., The Teaching of Paul in Terms of the Present Day, 
 
 London. 
 Raphelii, Georgii, Annotationes Philologicae in Novum Testamentum ex 
 
 Xenophonte, Polybio, Arriano, et Herodoto Collectae, Lugduni, 1750. 
 
158 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Ripley, Henry J., The Epistle to the Hebrews with Explanatory Notes, 
 
 Boston, 1868. 
 Robertson, A. T., A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the 
 
 Light of Historical Research, New York, 1914. 
 Roeth, Eduardus Maximilianus, Epistola Vulgo "Ad Hebraeos" In- 
 
 scripta, Frankf urti ad Moenum, 1836. 
 Rosenmiiller, Jo. Georgii, Scolia in Novum Testamentum, Norimbergae, 
 
 1808. 
 Ross, J., YirocrTaais, ExpT 4, p. 177. 
 Sampson, Francis S., A Critical Commentary on the Epistle to the 
 
 Hebrews, edited from the Manuscript Notes of the Author by 
 
 Robert L. Dabney, New York, 1860. 
 Schaff, Philip, A Popular Commentary on the New Testament, Vol. 4, 
 
 The Epistle to the Hebrews, etc., Edinburgh, 1883. 
 A Religious Encyclopaedia 8 , etc., based on the Real-Encyklopadie 
 
 of Herzog etc., New York, 1894. 
 Schlatter, D. A., Der Glaube im Neuen Testament, Leiden, 1885. 
 
 Die Theologie des Neuen Testaments, Erster Teil: Das Wort 
 
 Jesu, Stuttgart, 1909. 
 
 Die Theologie des Neuen Testaments, Zweiter Teil : Die Lehre 
 
 der Apostel, Stuttgart, 1910. 
 Schumacher, Heinrich, Christus in seiner Pr'aexistenz und Kenose, nach 
 
 ■ Phil. 2, 5-8, Rom, 1914. 
 Seiss, Joseph Augustus, Popular Lectures on the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
 
 Baltimore, 1846. 
 Seyffert, Oskar, A Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, from the German 
 
 of Oskar Seyffert, revised and edited with Additions by Henry 
 
 Nettleship, J. E. Sandys, London, 1895. 
 Shepardson, Daniel, Studies in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Chicago, 
 
 1901. 
 Smith, Henry, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of 
 
 Samuel, New York, 1904. 
 Sophocles, E. A., Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods 
 
 (from b.c. 146 to a.d. 1100), New York, 1887. 
 Steenkiste, J. A., Van, Commentarius in Omnes S. Pauli Epistolas 4 , 
 
 Brugis, 1886. 
 Stentrup, Zum Begriff der Hypostase, ZkTh (1887). 
 Stephanus, Henricus, Novum Testamentum, Graece et Latine, Annota- 
 tions in Quibus Ratio Interpretationis Reddatur, 1550. 
 Stevens, George Barker, The Theology of the New Testament, New 
 
 York, 1900. 
 
 The Great Shall Live by Faith, BW 23 (1904). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 159 
 
 Strabonis, Geographica, Graece cum Versione Reficta, Ed. C. Muller et 
 
 F. Dubner, Parisiis, 1853. 
 
 Geographica, Recognovit Augustus Meineke, Lipsiae, 1895. 
 Stuart, Moses, Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews 2 , New York, 
 
 1833. 
 Suarez, Francisci, Opera Omnia, Vol. 12, Ed. Carolus Berton, Parisiis, 
 
 1858. 
 Tertulliani, Quae Supersunt Omnia, Ed. Franciscus Oehler, Lipsiae, 
 
 1853. 
 Theophrasti Eresii, Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia, Ed. Fredericus Wim- 
 
 mer, Parisiis, 1864. 
 St. Thomas, Omnia Opera, Vol. 21, Commentaria in Epist. S. Pauli, 
 
 Parisiis, 1876. 
 Tirini, Jacobi, Commentaria in S. Scripturarum, Antverpiae, 1632. 
 Tischendorf, Constantinus, Novum Testamentum, etc., Lipsiae 8 , 1894. 
 Tittmann, John Aug. Henry, Remarks on the Synonyms of the New 
 
 Testament, translated by Rev. Edward Craig, Vol. 1, Edinburgh, 
 
 1833. 
 Trollope, William, Analecta Theologica, A Critical Philological and 
 
 Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament, London, 1842. 
 Turner, William, A History of Philosophy, Boston, 1903. 
 Vaughan, C. J., ILpos E/?pazovs, The Epistle to the Hebrews with Notes, 
 
 London and New York, 1891. 
 Vetus Testamentum Graece Iuxta LXX Interpretes, etc., Ed. Constan- 
 tinus de Tischendorf 6 , Lipsiae, 1880. 
 Waltonus, Brianus, S. S. Biblia Polyglotta, London, 1657. 
 Weaver, S. Townsend, The Greatest Book Ever Written, Washington, 
 
 1915. 
 Weigl, Eduard, Die Heilslehre des hi. Cyrill von Alexandrien, Mainz, 
 
 1905. 
 Weinel, H., Biblische Theologie des Neuen Testaments 2 , Tubingen, 
 
 1913. 
 Weiss, Bernhard, Biblical Theology of the New Testament, translated 
 
 from the Third Revised Edition by Rev. Daird Eaton, Edinburgh, 
 
 1892. 
 
 Der Brief an die Hebraer, ein Kritisch-Exegetischer Kommentar 
 
 iiber das Neue Testament begrundet von Heinr. August Wilh. 
 
 Meyer 6 , Gottingen, 1897. 
 Weiss, Johannes, Das Urchristentum, I Teil, Gottingen, 1914. 
 Westcott, Brooke Foss, The Epistle to the Hebrews; the Greek Text 
 
 with Notes and Essays 2 , London, 1892. 
 Whibley, Leonard, A Companion to Greek Studies 8 , Cambridge, 1916. 
 
160 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 Wilson, William, The Writings of Clement of Alexandria, translated by, 
 
 Edinburgh, 1871. 
 Zeller, E. A., Die Philosophic der Griechen in Ihrer Geschichtlichen 
 
 Entwicklung, Leipzig, 1880. 
 A History of Greek Philosophy, translated from the German by 
 
 S. F. Alleyne, London, 1881. 
 Zorell, Franciscus, Novi Testamenti Lexicon Graecum (Cursus Scrip- 
 
 turae Sacrae), Parisiis, 1911. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THESES 
 
 I 
 
 Heb. xi, 1 is the standard definition of ttktti? in the 
 Patristic literature. 
 
 II 
 
 The Pauline viroo-Taaus, as a qualification of Trto-ro in Heb. 
 xi, 1, is the " presentation of reality " in contrast to " mere 
 appearance." From an historico-literary point of view no 
 other interpretation is possible. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Such interpretations of viroaraa^ in Heb. xi, 1, as " fidu- 
 cia," " expectation " etc., are perversions of the historical 
 evidence. 
 
 IV 
 
 The literary source for the Pauline usage of vrroaTacris in 
 Heb. xi, 1 is not the confused sense of the word in the LXX, 
 but rather the current Greek understanding of the term, 
 which had been prepared by a natural historical develop- 
 ment in the Hellenic world. 
 
 An historico-literary investigation of the term VTroarraai*; 
 discloses the fact that it was first employed in the primitive 
 and naive usage, as the "tangible and stable matter" in 
 contrast to the " transient," and later in the vocabulary of 
 
 161 
 
162 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 popular philosophy, as " reality " in contrast to " mere ap- 
 
 5? 
 
 pearance. 
 
 VI 
 
 The sense of viroaTaai*;, as " reality " in contrast to " mere 
 appearance," was current when the famous definition of the 
 Pauline ttujtis was penned. 
 
 VII 
 
 The current Greek usage of the Pauline vrroaTacris has not 
 been sufficiently recognized by modern scholars in their in- 
 terpretation of the five New Testament passages in which 
 the term occurs. 
 
 VIII 
 
 Both the general usage of the author of the Epistle to the 
 Hebrews and the context demand that viroGTaav; in Heb. xi, 
 1 be understood in the sense of " reality " in contrast to 
 " mere appearance." 
 
 IX 
 
 The Greek Patristic exegesis of Heb. xi, 1 is in complete 
 agreement with the Hellenistic notion of viroaraai^. 
 
 It is a noteworthy fact that an historico-literary inves- 
 tigation of the terms, ovaia (by Hirzel), apTrayfios and 
 /JLop<f)r} deov (by Schumacher), and viroaraai^ has yielded the 
 same general results : the terms were each found, first, in 
 a naive and primitive usage, and were adopted later, in a 
 developed sense, into the popular philosophical vocabulary. 
 
 XI 
 
 The Peshitto-rendering of Heb. xi, 1 not only shows a 
 perfect understanding of vTroarrao-i? in this context, as the 
 
APPENDIX 163 
 
 " presentation of reality," but it also constitutes an official 
 confirmation of this interpretation by the early Syrian 
 Church. 
 
 XII 
 
 The variant reading of Codex Alexandrinus (A) in the 
 text of Heb. xi, 1 very probably is a transcriptional error. 
 
 XIII 
 
 Tiroo-rao-i? in Polybius, Histor. Reliq. VI, 55, 2, so often 
 cited as the standard witness to the usage of that term in 
 Heb. xi, 1 in the sense of " fiducia," positively cannot be so 
 translated. 
 
 XIV 
 
 The meaning of wtoo-tcio-is in the papyri, " property " and 
 the " title-deed to property," confirms the results found in 
 the Hellenic literature. 
 
 XV 
 
 An historico-literary investigation of the term pop^r) Oeov 
 shows that it was a technical term in Greek philosophy, and 
 the current formula for the metaphysical essence of God in 
 the time of St. Paul. 
 
 XVI 
 
 The pre-existence of Christ in the Divine essence is clearly 
 established in Phil, ii, 6. 
 
 XVII 
 
 The literary problem in the Synoptic Question cannot be 
 solved by the so-called theory of Oral Tradition. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 The oriental conception of the mystery of numbers is the 
 decisive key for the explanation of the Genealogies. 
 
164 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 XIX 
 
 There is sufficient evidence to show that the Hebrew 
 poetry of the Psalms is metrical, the essential element of the 
 meter being the verse determined by the number of accented 
 syllables. 
 
 XX 
 
 The inverted Nun in the Massoretic text is used to mark 
 critically doubtful passages. 
 
 XXI 
 
 The Nequdoth or Extraordinary Points of the Penta- 
 teuch were devised by their author or authors to condemn, 
 as spurious, the words or letters over which they were placed. 
 
 XXII 
 
 The similarities in thought and expression between Wis- 
 dom (c. xiii) and St. Paul's speech at the Areopagus are 
 such as to show some literary influence. 
 
 XXIH 
 
 The coincidences in the Magnificat (Luke i, 46-55) and 
 in the Canticle of Anna (I Sam. ii, 1-10) show a literary 
 dependence. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 The differences in the canon of the Old Testament, as 
 formulated by the Council of Trent and that defended by 
 Origen and St. Jerome, may be accounted for by the different 
 tests of canonicity used. 
 
 XXV 
 
 The Pauline irians, characterized as vrroaracn^ in Heb. 
 xi, 1, is fundamentally similar in meaning to HilDK, in that 
 both terms mean " the tangible " in contrast to " the 
 apparent.' 
 
 »> 
 
APPENDIX 165 
 
 XXVI 
 
 I. Non in unanimitate explicationum, sed potius in con- 
 tinua attestationum catena, consistit traditio catholica : ac 
 proinde a veritate aberrant ii qui dogmata catholica ab ex- 
 plicationibus theologicis eorumdum non sedulo discreverint. 
 
 XXVII 
 
 II. Reiicienda est sententia iuxta quam "dogmata quae 
 Ecclesia perhibit tanquam revelata, non sunt veritates a caelo 
 delapsae, sed sunt interpretatio quaedam factorum religioso- 
 rum, quam humana mens laborioso conatu sibi comparavit." 
 Ex decreto Lamentabili, No. 22. 
 
 XXVIII 
 
 III. Consideratis dogmatum catholicorum origine, natura 
 atque prof ectu, ab iis omnino recedimus qui haec dogmata 
 exhibere conantur ac si specimina praeberent quibus applicari 
 possent leges generales evolutionis biologicae. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 IV. Doctrina catholica de morte piaculari Christi summe 
 moralis atque spirituals, simul ac realis et objectiva est 
 dicenda. 
 
 XXX 
 
 V. Theologice, historice, et critice inspecta, falsa ostendi- 
 tur distinctio ilia nuperrime adinventa inter Christum quern 
 exhibet historia, et Christum qui est obiectum fidei. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 As a term of distinction in the statement of the Trinita- 
 rian doctrine, wiroo-Taais very probably came into use as a 
 protest against Sabellius and other heretics, who, though 
 admitting rpeis irpoacoira in the Godhead, yet maintained 
 that the rpeis irpoawira were avviroaTara. 
 
166 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 XXXII 
 
 Even in the process by which viroo-Tao-L? became the tech- 
 nical term for person, the previous meaning of the word 
 (" reality " in contrast to " mere appearance ") controls the 
 development. 
 
 XXXIII 
 
 The history of viroo-racri^ not only throws a new light on 
 the terminological confusion in the Trinitarian and Christo- 
 logical controversies, but it also dovetails into the results 
 reached by Harnack, namely, that Tertullian and not the 
 Greeks invented the technical terminology for the Trinita- 
 rian doctrine. 
 
 XXXIV 
 
 Hmttls in terms of e\iri^o^ev(ov VTrocrrams in Heb. xi, 1 
 shows in a striking manner how creed must influence action. 
 For Faith gives " things hoped for " the force of " present 
 realities " which must be reckoned with, just as the realities 
 presented by the senses demand recognition. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 The contention of Harnack and Hatch that the eventual 
 identification of ttiotk with " creed " shows a development 
 in the meaning of the term from simple trust to intellectual 
 assent is unfounded. For there was always an intellectual 
 element in the word. 
 
 XXXVI 
 
 The credibility of the miracles ascribed to Jesus in the 
 Gospels, resting on the testimony of the Apostles themselves, 
 cannot be impugned. 
 
 XXXVII 
 
 The limitations disclosed by a scientific study of the 
 remedial power of psychotherapy and hypnotism clearly 
 
APPENDIX 167 
 
 show that the miracles of Jesus cannot be explained away, 
 as instances of natural cures by suggestion. 
 
 XXXVIII 
 
 The claim of Jesus to be the Son of God is powerfully 
 favored by the surpassing beauty and excellence of His 
 moral character. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 The transcendental excellence of Christ's moral teaching 
 creates a strong presumption in favor of His claim to be the 
 Son of God. 
 
 XL 
 
 Harnack's contention that Jesus never thought Himself 
 to be the Son of God in the literal sense of truly Divine 
 Sonship is shown to be false by a critico-historical analysis 
 of Christ's consciousness as expressed in Matt, xi, 27 (Luke 
 x, 22). 
 
 XLI 
 
 The employer's right to interest on his capital is morally 
 inferior to the laborer's right to a living wage. 
 
 XLII 
 Under existing conditions, interest-taking does not violate 
 justice. 
 
 XLIII 
 Natural justice demands that a laborer's remuneration 
 should be such as to maintain himself and his family in 
 reasonable and frugal comfort. 
 
 XLIV 
 
 The inherent right of every human being to subsist from 
 the earth's bounty implies the right of access thereto on 
 reasonable grounds. 
 
168 THE PAULINE PISTIS 
 
 XLV 
 
 In our present industrial civilization private landowner- 
 ship is indirectly necessary for the welfare of the individual. 
 
 XLVI 
 
 
 
 Etsi certum sit Christum immediate omnia sacramenta 
 instituisse, probabile nihilominus videtur Ilium quorum dam 
 sacramentorum materiam et formam in genere tantummodo 
 determinasse. 
 
 XLVn 
 
 Sacramenta Novae Legis in non ponentibus obicem 
 gratiam producunt ex opere operate 
 
 XLVni 
 
 Validus est Baptismus sive per immersionem, sive per in- 
 fusionem, sive per aspersionem collatus. 
 
 XLIX 
 
 Auctoritate Sacrae Scripturae et perenni traditione constat 
 solum gravi morbo laborantes et in periculo mortis versantes 
 esse capaces sacramenti Extremae Unctionis. 
 
 L 
 
 " Unctiones verbis, ordine et modo in libris ritualibus 
 praescripto, accurate peragantur ; in casu autem necessitatis 
 sufficit unica unctio in uno sensu seu rectius in fronte cum 
 praescripta forma breviori, salva obligatione singulas uncti- 
 ones supplendi, cessante periculo." — Can. 947, 1. 
 
 LI 
 Can. 1017, 1. 
 
 LII 
 Can. 1070,1. 
 
APPENDIX 169 
 
 Lni 
 
 Can. 1070, 2. 
 
 LIV 
 Can. 1095. 
 
 LV 
 Can. 1098, 1. 
 
 LVI 
 
 The Reformation in Germany was as much a political 
 movement as a religious upheaval, and this fact must be 
 taken into account in explaining its rapid growth. 
 
 LVn 
 
 Instead of remedying existing religious evils, the doctrine 
 and activities of Luther augmented them and made the suc- 
 cess of the real reform more difficult of achievement. 
 
 LVin 
 
 The early Eucharistic liturgies were not derived from nor 
 influenced by the rites of Mithra. 
 
 LIX 
 
 The Greek Patristic exegesis has an historico-literary and, 
 hence, a scientific value, not sufficiently recognized by mod- 
 ern scholarship. % 
 
 LX 
 
 Origen very probably was the first Greek writer to use 
 v7roara(TL<; as a term of distinction in the Trinitarian and 
 Christological controversies. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL 
 
 Michael A. Mathis was born Oct. 6, 1885, in South Bend, 
 Indiana. He pursued his primary studies at St. Joseph's 
 Parochial School, South Bend, Indiana, and at St. Joseph's 
 Orphanage, La Fayette, Indiana. He entered the Prepara- 
 tory Department of the University of Notre Dame in 1901, 
 and the Collegiate Department in 1906, receiving the Litt.B. 
 from that Institution in 1910. During his theological 
 studies at Holy Cross College (1910-1914) he registered at 
 the Catholic University of America, where he received the 
 S.T.B. in 1914 and the S.T.L. in 1917. Since 1915 he has 
 been pursuing the courses of the Department of Sacred 
 Scripture and Oriental Languages at the same University. 
 He is specializing in Biblical Science, with Dogma as a 
 minor course. 
 
 170 
 
YB 28109 
 
 £52471 
 
 3T77/ 
 A/3 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY