MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COUNT HU, .:v ; AT. 
 
 KELAT1VC TO TH 
 
 DUKE 
 
 W!TH PORTRAITS 
 
/ART.) 
 
 
RELATIVE TO 
 
 THE DUKE 
 
 DJENGHIEN; 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 1. MEMOIR OF THE DUKE OF ROVIGO, 
 
 2. MEMOIR OF COUNT HULIN, 
 
 3. MEMOIR OF M. DUPIN. 
 
 TO WHICH ARE ADDED 
 
 THE JOURNAL OF THE DUKE DJENGHIEN, 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF; 
 
 AND 
 
 HISTORICAL AND INEDITED DOCUMENTS 
 RELATIVE TO HIS TRIAL. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 WITH PORTRAIT. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN AND CO. 
 
 1823. 
 
LONDON I 
 PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 
 
4- 
 * 
 
 <y 
 
 MEMOIR 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DUKE OF ROVIGO, 
 
 (M. SAVARY,) 
 RELATIVE TO THE FATE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DUKE D'ENGHIEN. 
 

 
 
MEMOIR 
 
 THE DUKE OF ROVIGO 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE FATE OF 
 
 THE DUKE D'ENGHIEN- 
 
 IN replying to the article inserted in the 
 Oriftamme, on the subject of the death of the 
 Duke d'Enghien, 1 promised in a few days to 
 explain how far I was concerned in that ca- 
 tastrophe ; and I now fulfil that engagement. 
 
 It is not my intention to excite the passions, 
 or cause a reaction of opinion that may lead 
 to disorder ; I desire only to make known the 
 part I took in that event, and to shew that it 
 was simply the consequence of the military 
 duty with which I was charged. 
 
 All the pamphlets that have been written 
 

 on this fatal subject, have misrepresented its 
 causes and circumstances ; they have all given 
 me a character which does not belong to me, 
 and have taken pains to discover, even in the 
 origin which they falsely attribute to me, those 
 natural dispositions which best suited their 
 passions. 
 
 Having thus established themselves on an 
 erroneous basis, they have obtained credit for 
 deductions equally erroneous. 
 
 I belong to a family of which I may justly 
 feel proud ; my father, by long service in war, 
 had obtained a superior rank in the cavalry ; 
 and at the age of fifteen I entered the Royal 
 Normandy regiment of cavalry, in which he 
 had served. The Prince de Chalais was 
 my colonel, and I was made an officer, as 
 having been six years a king's scholar in the 
 royal college of Saint-Louis, at Metz ; it was 
 then a matter of right. That appointment, and 
 the ancient hereditary honour transmitted in 
 families from generation to generation, were 
 my sole patrimony. 
 
 The revolution, then, found me in this situa- 
 tion, too young to be its instrument, and yet 
 old enough to choose between good and evil. 
 I have thus been fortunate enough to pass 
 through it, a stranger to the calamities which 
 it so long inflicted. 
 
The revolution of the 18th Brumaire took 
 place. I had just arrived from Egypt with 
 General Desaix, to whom I was first aide-de- 
 camp, when, at his death, and on the field of 
 Marengo, the First Consul attached me to his 
 person in the same capacity (not, however, 
 as first). I devoted my whole existence to 
 him in return for the benefits he heaped upon 
 me; and if this brief recital, in clearing away 
 an odious calumny unjustly thrown upon me, 
 can remove the cloud by which malevolence 
 has obscured his glory, by propagating false- 
 hoods, it will be but a poor acknowledgment 
 for all I owe to him. 
 
 He was not the friend of anarchy : he had 
 saved what remained of social order in France 
 from destruction ; and his favour was not to 
 be courted by promoting the views of a party 
 which he repressed with his whole power. 
 
 During the eighteen years that I served 
 him, I never received a commission from him 
 with which I did not feel flattered ; perhaps 
 I might, moreover, value myself on some ac- 
 tions which are not without honour ; and I have 
 more than once had occasion to feel convinced 
 that the animosity with which I have been 
 pursued, arose more from envy than from any 
 grounds my own conduct had afforded. 
 
 It may be recollected that the epoch of the 
 
Consular government was fertile in plots and 
 conspiracies of every kind ; witness the in- 
 fernal machine of the 3d Nivose, the plan of 
 assassinating the First Consul at the Opera, 
 the conspiracies of B . . . te, on the occasion 
 of the Concordat, &c. &c. 
 
 The republicans could not forgive him for 
 breaking the fasces of the Republic and the 
 Directory ; and the royalists saw in his des- 
 truction the means of re-establishing the throne 
 of the Bourbons on his ruin. 
 
 Of all these plots, the most notorious and 
 the most dangerous to him, was that of 
 Georges Cadoudal, because he reckoned in 
 the number of his accomplices two generals, 
 one of whom in particular exercised a great 
 influence over the army. 
 
 I do not undertake here to examine whether 
 his design was to kill the First Consul, or sim- 
 ply to depose him, as he pretended : but the 
 conspiracy existed ; that is a fact which it is 
 impossible to call in question. That this con- 
 spiracy was the beginning and the cause of the 
 misfortune of the Duke d'Enghien, is what I 
 am about to prove, and submit to the judg- 
 ment of the public. 
 
 At the period when the plot of Georges was 
 discovered, the First Consul was at the high- 
 
est point of his moral power. The splendour 
 of his victories, the return of public order, the 
 great political institutions which owed their 
 existence to him, the re-establishment of reli- 
 gion, the security of the state; all these great 
 advantages of social order, which succeeded the 
 chaos of anarchy, inspired a real enthusiasm. 
 The army, the whole of which was in camp, 
 professed an unbounded devotion to him. 
 From all parts the First Consul received ad- 
 dresses urging him to give the finishing blow 
 to his enemies. General Moreau had been 
 arrested on the 15th of February, in conse- 
 quence of a report from the chief judge; all 
 France was in expectation of great events. 
 Proceedings were commenced against Georges 
 with the greatest solemnity. The Juge-In- 
 structeur fixed his office at the Temple, for the 
 greater facility of confronting the numerous 
 witnesses as occasion required. This extra- 
 ordinary tribunal of justice was open to the 
 public; the access to it had been rendered 
 very easy. 
 
 The police pursued its enquiries with unre- 
 mitting zeal. Georges was only considered as 
 an agent capable of executing, as an instrument 
 set in motion by a more powerful hand than 
 his own. The question was, who was the leader 
 
6 
 
 of the enterprise what illustrious head would 
 come to receive the crown on the day that the 
 First Consul should lose his life. Examina- 
 tions were multiplied ; they interrogated first 
 the servants of Georges, next his accomplices, 
 then the persons who had lived in the same 
 houses with them. All these enquiries were 
 fruitless. 
 
 At length two of Georges' instruments de- 
 clared that, every ten or twelve days, their 
 master had received a visit from a personage 
 whose name was unknown to them, but who 
 must be of great distinction. 
 
 He appeared to be thirty-six years of age ; 
 his hair was light, his forehead bald, he was of 
 the middle size both in height and bulk, and 
 dressed with studied elegance ; great respect 
 was paid him ; and when he entered the apart- 
 ment, every one rose and remained standing, 
 even MM. de Polignac and de Riviere. He 
 was constantly closeted with Georges, and 
 both of them were always unattended. 
 
 These discoveries excited particular atten- 
 tion. Who could this mysterious personage 
 be ? He was not a man of ordinary rank ; so 
 much respect could only be addressed to one 
 of superior quality. Imagination then began 
 to play its part. Georges was furnished with 
 considerable sums, as well as all those who, 
 
like him, had been put on shore by Captain 
 Wright. This circumstance clearly proved 
 that the enterprise had an elevated source. 
 To this were joined the depositions of some 
 of Georges' dependents, who related what 
 had been said to them on giving them 
 the daggers which were found upon them. 
 The revolution might indeed profit by the 
 blow struck by Georges ; but it was evidently 
 not with a view to the advantage of the re- 
 public that the conspiracy had been formed. 
 The house of Bourbon presented itself natu- 
 rally to every mind. It was conceived then, 
 that the mysterious personage of whom they 
 were in quest, could only be one of those who 
 were particularly interested in the success of 
 the scheme. It was suggested to the First Con- 
 sul, and he himself remarked, that there was 
 no probability that such an enterprise should 
 have been entered into without the presence 
 of a prince of the family on the spot, ready 
 to rally all their partisans about him, the 
 moment the deed should be done. These 
 arguments were corroborated by the observa- 
 tion, that it was only at the residence of 
 Georges that the mysterious personage had 
 shewn himself, and not at that of General 
 Moreau. 
 
 The list of the princes of the house of Bour- 
 
8 
 
 bon was then called over. It could not be 
 Monsieur, the Count d'Artois, on account of 
 his age; it could not be the Duke de Berri : 
 Georges' people knew that prince personally, 
 and declared that he was not the individual in 
 question. No suspicion could attach to the 
 Duke d'Angouleme, who was at Mittau with 
 the King. The Duke de Bourbon was in 
 London, and his description did not correspond 
 with that of the unknown personage. Suspi- 
 cion therefore naturally fell upon the Duke 
 d'Enghien. Fate seemed to have accumu- 
 lated an overwhelming mass of circumstances 
 and conjectures against the Duke : he was in 
 the states of Baden, near the Rhine ; the 
 information given in, respecting the mysterious 
 stranger, agreed personally with him ; his cou- 
 rage and resolute character qualified him for a 
 decisive and perilous enterprise. 
 
 It is proper to observe, that at this period, 
 the ramifications of the police did not extend 
 beyond the frontiers : the government re- 
 ceived all its information from abroad, exclu- 
 sively through the ministry of exterior re- 
 lations. 
 
 The discoveries made by the two subordi- 
 nate agents of Georges, and the conjectures to 
 which they had given rise, and which were 
 still persisted in for want of better informa- 
 
9 
 
 tion, had been imparted to the First Consul, 
 who immediately gave orders to send a proper 
 person to ascertain, on the spot, what the 
 Duke d'Enghien had been doing for the last 
 six months. He entrusted these enquiries to 
 the counsellor of state Real, who immediately 
 hastened to the first inspector-general of gen- 
 darmerie, then General Moncey ; explained to 
 him the steps he was to take, and declared that 
 it was the First Consul's wish that a proper 
 officer should be dispatched without delay. 
 
 The general immediately selected a person 
 employed in his office, communicated to him 
 the orders he had just received, and urged 
 him to expedite his journey. This man was 
 not devoid of capacity, but guided rather by 
 imagination than by reason. He at once gave 
 himself up to the idea that the Duke d'En- 
 ghien must necessarily be the personage so 
 industriously sought for; and from that mo- 
 ment his mind was much more occupied with 
 the importance of his mission and report, than 
 with the enquiries he was ordered to make. 
 
 He set out immediately, travelled with ex- 
 pedition, and reached Strasburg, where he was 
 probably informed that the Duke d'Enghien 
 came almost every week to the theatre in that 
 city. I was myself assured of this fact by a 
 person who was in his service at the time of 
 
 c 
 
10 
 
 his seizure. Tt was even added that he had 
 visited Paris during the government of the 
 Directory, and whilst Bernadotte was minister 
 at war. Hence it was concluded, that if he 
 would expose himself to such imminent danger 
 for the sake of going to the theatre, he would 
 not shrink from peril when greater interests 
 were at stake. 
 
 Full of his original prepossessions, the officer 
 proceeded from Strasburg to Ettenheim, made 
 his observations and enquiries, and from all 
 that he saw and heard, concluded that it was 
 clearly demonstrated that the Duke d'Enghien 
 was the accomplice of Georges. 
 
 The prince lived in the plainest manner pos- 
 sible ; the emigrants assembled in the vicinity 
 of Offenburg used to pay their respects to 
 him ; he invited them to his table, and perhaps 
 gave them, occasionally, some pecuniary as- 
 sistance. The pleasures of the chace, and a 
 tender intimacy with a French lady who shared 
 his exile, constituted all his amusements. When 
 he hunted, he often spent several successive 
 days in that diversion ; as those who are partial 
 to this sport, and acquainted with the moun- 
 tains of the Black Forest, will readily conceive. 
 
 But the officer sent to make observations, 
 took a very different view of these circum- 
 stances : he was unable to comprehend that 
 
11 
 
 the Prince's frequent absence, when not occa- 
 sioned by the chace, was caused by his attach- 
 ment to the object of his affections. He lost 
 no time in drawing up his report, and proceed- 
 ing to Paris. 
 
 " The Duke d'Enghien, he stated, led a 
 " mysterious kind of life ; he saw a great 
 " number of emigrants, who came from Offen- 
 " burg, and met at his house ; he was frequently 
 " absent for eight, ten, or twelve days toge- 
 " ther ; and none could discover the secret 
 " object of his journeys : it was to be inferred 
 " that he went to Paris on these occasions." 
 
 The first inspector of gendarmerie received 
 this report, and carried it, himself, to the First 
 Consul, instead of handing it to M. Real. 
 
 When the latter came to Malmaison, the 
 First Consul asked him how it was possible 
 that the police should be totally ignorant of 
 what was passing at Ettenheim? " I am 
 " waiting," said M. Real, " for the return of an 
 " officer of gendarmerie, who has been .sent 
 " to the spot, with orders to make a report." 
 " Here is the report/' replied the First Consul : 
 " by this, and through the prefect of Stras- 
 " burg, (then M. Shee, uncle to the Duke de 
 " Feltre,) I have learnt every thing relating to 
 " the Duke d'Enghien ; but this shall go on no 
 *' longer; I have given orders to seize him, 
 
12 
 
 " with all his papers : this is past jesting. It 
 " would be rather too absurd for people to 
 " come from Ettenheim to arrange a plan for 
 " assassinating me, and then to suppose them- 
 " selves in safety because they are on foreign 
 " ground." 
 
 Some officious counsellors had communicated 
 the following calculation to the First Consul. 
 From Ettenheim to Paris, by the ferry of 
 Rheinau, is a journey of sixty hours ; sixty 
 hours more are requisite for returning ; this 
 makes five days, adding to which a stay of five 
 days more at Paris, you have the ten days' 
 absence reported by the officer of gendarmerie, 
 and the ten or twelve days interval between 
 one visit and another noticed by the agents of 
 Georges. This calculation might easily have 
 been refuted ; for it could not be correct, unless 
 the Duke d'Enghien set out again from Etten- 
 heim almost as soon as he arrived there. But 
 when the mind is prepossessed, a reasonable 
 objection seldom produces conviction. I was 
 afterwards assured, that immediately after the 
 departure of the officer of gendarmerie, the 
 First Consul held a privy council ; on the 
 breaking up of which, the Minister at War gave 
 orders to the colonel of the horse-grenadiers, 
 to proceed to Neuf-Brisach, to confer there 
 with the gendarmerie placed at his disposal, 
 
13 
 
 to take from the garrison as many men as he 
 should deem necessary, to pass the Khine, to 
 advance rapidly on Ettenheim, to seize the 
 Duke d'Enghien, and send him to Paris with 
 all his papers. 
 
 It was considered highly important to se- 
 cure his papers, because the intelligence which 
 had formerly subsisted between the Prince de 
 Conde*, Pichegru, and several officers of his 
 army, was not forgotten; and as General 
 Moreau was implicated in this affair, it was 
 thought that the authors of this plot might 
 probably have endeavoured to renew, by 
 means of Moreau, the plans which had for- 
 merly been attempted by Pichegru. Now, 
 there were on this part of the frontier no less 
 than ten regiments of cuirassiers, besides the 
 two regiments of carabineers, who had latterly 
 served under Moreau.* 
 
 * The First Consul's mind was never entirely cleared of 
 the suspicions with which it had been rilled on this subject ; for 
 after the death of the Duke d'Enghien, he ordered four regi- 
 ments of cuirassiers to march for Italy, and the two regiments 
 of carabineers for the camp of St. Omers, where they were 
 certainly not intended to embark, like the chasseurs and 
 hussars. In fact he was never completely tranquillized until 
 he had entirely remodelled the command of all these corps, 
 and until the campaign of 1805 had inspired them with new 
 ideas. 
 
14 
 
 The colonel of grenadiers set out, and punc- 
 tually fulfilled his orders; but one obstacle 
 might have arisen, against which it was thought 
 prudent to provide. It was firmly believed 
 that the Duke was the leader of a party, and 
 that the emigrants assembled about Offenburg 
 were a troop eager to serve under his com- 
 mand. It was therefore possible that the 
 colonel might meet with some resistance, and 
 be himself detained a prisoner. In that case 
 the court of Baden would undoubtedly have 
 interfered, and it would have become neces- 
 sary either to disavow the enterprise, which 
 the character of the officer would not allow of, 
 or else to abandon him to his fate ; and in 
 either case, to submit to the failure of the un- 
 dertaking. 
 
 To obviate this difficulty, an aide-de-camp 
 of the First Consul had been furnished with a 
 letter to the Margrave of Baden, containing a 
 justification of the apparent act of hostility, 
 to be used if necessary ; but every thing having 
 fully succeeded, this letter was not delivered, 
 and the aide-de-camp remained at Strasburg 
 and in its vicinity. The Margrave ordered his 
 minister at Paris to complain to the Court of 
 the Tuileries ; satisfaction was afforded him, 
 but at the same time he received orders to 
 
15 
 
 remove from his territories, without delay, the 
 assemblage of emigrants which had again ap- 
 peared on the banks of the Rhine, by what- 
 ever title they might claim a right to be there. 
 The court obeyed, and nothing farther was 
 said respecting the seizure of the Duke 
 d'Enghien. 
 
 The Prince was brought to Strasburg ; the 
 telegraph announced his departure from that 
 city ; he was transferred to Paris. The colo- 
 nel of grenadiers and the First Consul's aide- 
 de-camp arrived separately, and not with the 
 escort, as has been stated. The colonel did 
 not enter the house in which the Duke was 
 lodged, but surrounded it with the troops he 
 had brought with him. It was the gen- 
 darmerie that went in, and tried him. The 
 colonel of grenadiers merely protected the 
 gendarmes. 
 
 I had just returned from a mission on which 
 I had been engaged nearly two months, dur- 
 ing which I had been informed of the ap- 
 prehension of General Moreau, Georges, and 
 Pichegru. 1 was at M. Beugnot's, then pre- 
 fect of Rouen, when the newspapers published 
 the account of this affair, and also on the day 
 when the party set out to apprehend the Duke 
 d'Enghien. 
 
16 
 
 There were two objects in my mission into 
 Normandy ; one relative to the passage of the 
 flotillas, which were collecting along the coast 
 from the mouth of the Seine to Boulogne ; the 
 other, to watch whether any fresh clandestine 
 landings were still taking place between Abbe- 
 ville and Havre : and I had orders to send all 
 persons concerned in such transactions to 
 Paris. 
 
 I had set out from Paris on the day succeed- 
 ing the first discoveries made by the man who 
 gave information of this plot. 
 
 Had my journey lasted but two days more, 
 I should not now have had any thing to state 
 respecting the death of the Prince : and it 
 would be absurd to suppose that it depended 
 on my return. 
 
 Up to that time I had been wholly uncon- 
 cerned in what had taken place, when, being 
 on duty at Malmaison, I was called, about 
 five o'clock in the evening, into the closet of 
 the First Consul, who gave me a sealed letter, 
 with orders to carry it to General Murat, 
 the Governor of Paris. 
 
 I went on horseback, and reached his house 
 about six o'clock in the evening. At the door 
 I met the Minister of Foreign Relations, who 
 was coming out. 
 
17 
 
 As I had seen him in the morning at Mal- 
 maison, and knew that General Murat was in- 
 disposed and confined to his apartment, I did 
 not dwell on the reflection that this was not 
 the minister's usual hour, but attributed this 
 visit to the general's illness. 
 
 The general took the letter, read it, and told 
 me I should presently be informed of the orders 
 concerning me, included in those which I had 
 just handed to him. 
 
 I here declare, in the full sincerity of my 
 heart, and under the pledge of military honour, 
 that I was entirely ignorant that M. d'Enghien 
 was in question ; that I had no knowledge of 
 his apprehension beyond the Rhine, or of his 
 arrival at Paris; not a word on the subject 
 had been mentioned to me at Malmaison, un- 
 less vaguely, at the moment of my departure, 
 and because, I believe, the telegraphic dis- 
 patch which announced his departure from 
 Strasburg had just arrived, and people were 
 whispering about it in the ante-rooms. On 
 leaving the chateau I was firmly persuaded 
 that I was to return thither after fulfilling my 
 mission ; but General Murat's words excited 
 other ideas in my mind. 
 
 I received orders to take the command of 
 a brigade of infantry which occupied the ex- 
 
18 
 
 tremity of the Faubourg Saint- Antoine, and 
 which was to muster at Vincennes at ten 
 o'clock at night*. 
 
 As my legion of gendarmerie was close to 
 this corps (occupying the Arsenal), I had been 
 ordered to watch whether any attempt was 
 made to seduce the men from their duty ; that 
 is, my legion was to watch, for I was mostly 
 absent. The discovery of Georges' conspiracy, 
 in which Moreau was implicated, had made the 
 government solicitous about the most trifling 
 circumstances. 
 
 The gendarmerie (Telite, of which I was 
 colonel, did not at that period form part of the 
 guard ; it belonged to the garrison of Paris, 
 and was composed of a small battalion and 
 four squadrons of cavalry, chosen from the 
 whole corps of gendarmerie. It had received 
 orders, from the governor of Paris, to send the 
 infantry and a strong detachment of cavalry to 
 keep garrison at Vincennes, and the duplicate 
 of this order had been forwarded to me. 
 
 Towards eight in the evening I myself re- 
 
 * There were several other brigades, which at this pe- 
 riod had been drawn near Paris without exciting any no- 
 tice. They were mostly troops in bad condition, which the 
 First Consul sent for, clothed, equipped, and forwarded to 
 Boulogne. On this occasion the brigade in question had 
 been placed under arms. 
 
19 
 
 paired to the spot, to muster the brigade.* I 
 was engaged in stationing this corps and the 
 gendarmerie at the outlets of the place, when 
 the members of the military commission arrived. 
 Up to the moment when I was informed, at 
 Vincennes, that the Duke d'Enghien had ar- 
 rived there from Strasburg at four in the even- 
 ing, I firmly believed that he had been found in 
 some place of concealment in Paris, in the 
 same manner as the companions of Georges ; 
 so little attention had I paid to what was said 
 to be known from the telegraphic dispatches. 
 These circumstances could not fail to excite 
 
 * This brigade was composed of about 600 men ; most of 
 them had been Serjeants and serjeants-major in the army. I 
 felt all the regard for them which brave men ought to excite, 
 and I had no greater pleasure than that of making use of the 
 advantages of my situation to promote their welfare. The 
 tokens of their attachment to me enabled me to support all 
 the calumnies and machinations to which I was exposed by 
 a command envied by many. I communicated to these men 
 all the zeal by which I was myself inspired ; and it is my 
 duty to say, in the face of the world, that 1 never knew a 
 single individual amongst them to whom any man would 
 have dared to propose an equivocal commission ; and that, if 
 such a thing had taken place, the person selected would in- 
 stantly have been removed from the corps. Many unjusti- 
 fiable and calumnious things have been said of the gendar- 
 merie d 'elite ; but no one has ventured to insult them, because 
 it was well known how such an attempt would have been 
 received. 
 
20 
 
 my most eager curiosity. I was impatient to 
 learn the particulars of so extraordinary an 
 affair. A commission might easily have been 
 formed of men of exalted station ; but this, it 
 is universally known, was composed of the dif- 
 ferent colonels whose regiments constituted the 
 garrison of Paris, and the general commanding 
 the place naturally became its president. This 
 commission was entirely ignorant of the dis- 
 coveries which had been made by Georges' 
 people respecting the unknown personage ; 
 and had no other document for the basis of 
 their proceedings than the report of the officer 
 of gendarmerie sent to Ettenheim, and the 
 papers transmitted by the prefect, M. She"e. 
 The members were not men of extravagant 
 principles ; they were, like all France, indig- 
 nant at a plot for assassinating the First Consul : 
 they were satisfied, like every one else, that 
 Georges only acted under the direction of a 
 prince interested in the success of the enter- 
 prise, who, in all probability, either was then 
 at Paris, or was to repair thither when his pre- 
 sence should be necessary. There appeared 
 to be nobody but the Duke d'Enghien who 
 was in a situation to perform this principal 
 part. Such were the colours in which he was 
 represented. 
 
 The commission met in the great hall of the 
 
21 
 
 inhabited part of the chateau : their session 
 was not secret, as several pamphlets have as- 
 serted ; they had been convoked, not by an 
 order from the First Consul alone, but by virtue 
 of a decree of the government countersigned 
 by the Secretary of State and addressed to the 
 Governor of Paris, who transmitted it to the 
 President. 
 
 Each of the members composing this com- 
 mission had received, separately, his nomina- 
 tion, previously to proceeding to Vincennes, 
 and without having seen any person ; for there 
 had been no time to tamper with them, even if 
 their personal characters had not been sufficient 
 to set aside all idea of such an attempt. 
 
 The doors of the hall were open, and afforded 
 free access to all who could attend it at that 
 hour ; it was even so crowded, that I, who 
 arrived late, found it difficult to make my way 
 to the back of the president's seat, where I at 
 length stationed myself, impatient to hear the 
 proceedings of this trial. 
 
 I was not in time to see the Prince brought 
 in. The discussion had already commenced, 
 and was proceeding with much warmth. The 
 Duke d'Enghien indignantly repelled the im- 
 putation of being an accomplice in an intended 
 assassination ; and, according to the informa- 
 tion I collected on the spot, he had just ac- 
 
22 
 
 knowledged that he was not to have returned 
 into France, except in arms. By the warmth 
 with which he addressed his judges, it was 
 easy to perceive that he had no idea of the 
 probable result of this trial. 
 
 The commission allowed him to speak as 
 long as he pleased ; and when he concluded, 
 it was observed to him that he must either be 
 unconscious of the situation in which he stood, 
 or determined not to answer the questions pro- 
 posed to him ; that he seemed to rely on his 
 birth and the glory of his ancestors, but that 
 he had better adopt a different system of de- 
 fence. It was added, that the commission did 
 not wish to take advantage of his situation ; 
 but that it was not probable that he could be 
 so completely ignorant as he pretended of 
 what was passing in France, when not only the 
 place he inhabited, but France and all Europe, 
 were intent on these events ; that he would 
 never be able to persuade people that he could 
 be indifferent to transactions, all the results of 
 which were to be advantageous to himself; 
 that the improbability of such a supposition 
 was so evident, that they could not but point 
 it out to him ; that they advised him to reflect 
 on it, and to consider that serious consequences 
 might ensue. 
 
23 
 
 The Duke d'Enghien, after a moment's silence, 
 replied in a solemn tone : 
 
 " I perfectly comprehend your meaning, 
 " Sir. It was not my intention to remain in- 
 " different. I had solicited service in the 
 " English armies, and had been informed, in 
 " answer, by the British government, that it 
 " could not employ me, but that I had better 
 " remain on the Rhine, where I should speed- 
 " ily have a part to perform ; and I was wait- 
 " ing accordingly. I have, Sir, nothing farther 
 " to state."* 
 
 Such was precisely the Prince's answer. I 
 immediately committed it to writing : I now 
 cite it from memory, but it was so profoundly 
 engraved on my mind, that I do not think I 
 have forgotten a single syllable. Besides, it 
 ought to be found amongst the proceedings on 
 
 * On leaving the Bellerophon in Plymouth roads, in 
 1815, I was removed on board the Eurotas frigate, to be 
 carried as a prisoner to Malta. Captain L com- 
 manded this frigate. During the voyage he informed me 
 that he had been employed under Mr. Drake, on the banks 
 of the Rhine ; that he had been sent to all the petty 
 German courts, to Offenburg, and to the Duke d'Enghien 
 at Ettenheim. He still exclaimed bitterly against Mehee, 
 who had, he said, cheated them in the most infamous 
 manner. 
 
24 
 
 the trial; and if not there, it must certainly 
 have been intentionally removed.* 
 
 These last words decided the fate of the 
 Duke d'Enghien. He had already mentioned 
 the pecuniary assistance he received from the 
 court of London a pension allowed him by 
 England ; but he had expressed himself in such 
 a manner as to induce the belief that, instead 
 of a pension for his support, this money might 
 be a bribe, destined, like that furnished to 
 Georges, to pay conspirators ; and none of 
 his judges being acquainted with his financial 
 affairs, this circumstance added greatly to the 
 prejudices already conceived against him. 
 This Prince was impelled by a fatality. 
 
 The commission, conceiving that sufficient 
 
 * During my ministry, I ascertained that the proceed- 
 ings of the criminal trial on which the daring condemna- 
 tion of the Queen of France was founded, had been carried 
 off from the archives of the Palace of Justice so com- 
 pletely, that the papers relating to this trial are reduced 
 to a few ridiculous scraps ; and I know that immediately 
 after the restoration of 1814, one of M. de Talleyrand's 
 secretaries was for several days constantly employed in 
 making searches in the archives under the gallery of the 
 Museum. I received this information from the person to 
 whom the order to admit the secretary was addressed. Simi- 
 lar measures were pursued at the War Depot with respect 
 to the records of the trial of the Duke d'Enghien, of which 
 nothing but the sentence remains. 
 
25 
 
 evidence had been obtained, closed the dis- 
 cussion, and caused the hall to be cleared for 
 the purpose of deliberating in secret. I re- 
 tired with the officers of my corps, who had 
 also attended the debates, and rejoined the 
 troops who were on the esplanade of the 
 castle. 
 
 The deliberations of the commission lasted 
 a considerable time ; the sentence was not 
 known until two hours after the clearing of 
 the hall. 
 
 The officer who commanded the infantry of 
 my legion * came to me, and with the deepest 
 emotion, told me that he had been applied 
 to for a piquet to execute the sentence of the 
 military commission. " Give it," I replied, 
 " But where must I place it ?" " Where you 
 may be sure not to wound any one," for the 
 people of Paris were already on the roads, 
 proceeding to the different markets. 
 
 After a careful examination of the place, 
 the officer selected the ditch as the safest spot, 
 to avoid wounding any person ; there was no 
 other motive for this choice. The Duke 
 d'Enghien was conducted thither by the stair- 
 case of the entrance tower on the park side, 
 
 * I think it was M. Delga, who was afterwards killed at 
 Wagram. 
 
 E 
 
26 
 
 where he heard his sentence, which was then 
 executed.* 
 
 To what trials fortune often delights to ex- 
 pose us, whether we command or obey ! I 
 have now related all the particulars of this 
 fatal event ; and, as far as it concerns me, I 
 have not withheld a single word. A hundred 
 witnesses can attest the truth of what I have 
 stated ; for although nineteen years have 
 elapsed, death has not swept away all. Let 
 all those who are now living speak, and if I 
 am guilty, let them rise up as my accusers ; 
 let them declare whether I did any thing more 
 than I have here stated. And yet there are 
 people who have indulged themselves in heap- 
 ing the most odious imputations on my head ; 
 they have held me up as a mark to public 
 hatred, which I never merited ; acts have been 
 imputed to me which it never was in my 
 power to commit, had I been inclined ; but 
 which would have been totally repugnant to 
 my character the object of these calumnies. 
 None but men who would themselves be ca- 
 pable of perpetrating such deeds, would be 
 base enough to impute them to others. Let 
 us examine these slanders. 
 
 * Between the sentence and its execution, a grave had 
 been dug ; from this circumstance it has been falsely stated 
 that it was dug before the judgment was pronounced. 
 
27 
 
 I have been accused of having fastened a 
 lantern to the Duke's breast ; and some exe- 
 crable wretches have even spread the absurd 
 story that I seized upon his spoils as a trophy, 
 decked myself with his watch, and delighted 
 to exhibit it. 
 
 I shall answer these infamous imputations 
 by a few plain questions, addressed to my 
 accusers. At what period, in what month, on 
 what day, did the trial of the Duke d'Enghien 
 take place? In 1804, in March, on the 21st 
 of that month. At what hour did the exe- 
 cution of this fatal sentence take place ? At 
 six in the morning, as indisputable documents 
 certify. At what hour does the sun rise at that 
 time of the year ? At six o'clock. Well 
 then, was there any occasion for a lantern, at 
 sun-rise, in the open air, in order to see a man 
 at the distance of six paces ? (I do not mean 
 to say that the sun was bright and unclouded ; 
 a small rain had fallen throughout the night, 
 and there still remained a damp mist which 
 delayed the sun's appearance.) But farther, 
 who saw me in the ditch ? Was that my 
 place ? Was I elsewhere than at the head 
 of the troops, on the esplanade, where the 
 polygon of the artillery now stands ? 
 
 Was it possible for me, when the Prince was 
 shot, to take my share of the spoil, to seize his 
 
28 
 
 watch, or any other article belonging to him ? 
 Was ever such a base action laid to the 
 charge of a superior officer? Could such a 
 thought even occur to me ? But I will state a 
 fact which is a complete answer to the whole 
 accusation, and which it is my duty to mention 
 for the honour of the gendarmes, rather than 
 mine. The body of the Duke d'Enghien was 
 afterwards disinterred ; a proch-verbal of the 
 transaction was drawn up ; and this proces- 
 verbal proves that the remains of his watch and 
 the links of the chain belonging to it were found; 
 thus no such scandalous act was committed at 
 all, and the gendarmes composing the piquet 
 did nothing more than their duty. 
 
 To facts like these, what answer can be 
 given ? But I have farther particulars to make 
 known. The Duke d'Enghien, on his arrival 
 at Vincennes, was placed in the custody of an 
 officer of gendarmerie d'elite, of the name of 
 Noirot. This officer had formerly served in 
 the Royal Navarre cavalry regiment, then com- 
 manded by colonel the Count de Crussol, 
 whom the Duke d'Enghien occasionally visited. 
 In the course of conversation, M. Noirot men- 
 tioned several circumstances to the Prince, 
 which related to himself personally; whence 
 the latter conceived a great degree of conii- 
 
29 
 
 dence in him ; he entreated him not to leave 
 him ; and at the place of execution entrusted 
 t6 him several rings and other pledges of affec- 
 tion to be delivered to Madame de R. R. The 
 next day this officer came to consult me, and 
 to request my permission to deliver them, 
 which he was very sure to obtain. 
 
 M. Noirot is, I believe, still living ; he enjoys 
 the esteem and respect of all who are acquainted 
 with him. He can state whether any cruel 
 hand fastened a lantern on the breast of the 
 Duke d'Enghien ; whether any one took away 
 his watch, or any other article he wore. He 
 would never have suffered it ; neither would the 
 other officers present at that distressing moment. 
 
 But how many falsehoods have been in- 
 vented to cover this transaction with odium ! 
 It has been asserted that the Prince, in his last 
 moments, solicited the consolations of religion, 
 which were denied him. I know nothing of 
 this circumstance. No one in the world ever 
 mentioned it to me , but even if it be true, I 
 was not the person to whom such a request 
 was to be addressed ; I had no authority either 
 to grant or refuse it. 
 
 Let every one, I say again, take upon him- 
 self his own share in this affair. I have stated 
 mine. If the Prince invoked the aid of reli- 
 
30 
 
 gion, it ought to have been allowed him. I 
 only know that ecclesiastics were, even at that 
 period, seldom to be met with ; and that it 
 would probably have been impossible to find a 
 priest at Vincennes or in its neighbourhood. 
 
 In the army I have seen several of the Duke 
 d'Enghien's judges; they all assured me that 
 his confessions ruined him ; without which they 
 could never have found, in the documents 
 submitted to them, sufficient grounds for his 
 condemnation. 
 
 The captain-reporter has several times since 
 written to me: " May I be present in a hun- 
 dred battles, rather than at one trial !" 
 
 I commanded the troops whose attendance 
 was judged necessary at Vincennes. It was a 
 piquet of this corps that was charged with 
 the execution of the sentence. This is all that 
 can be said against them or me. Let those 
 who accuse me as criminal in this affair, state 
 what means of saving the Duke d'Enghien 
 were in my power. Admitting that I had 
 thought of such a thing, it would have been 
 necessary to urge the troops to revolt and 
 betray their duty ; that is, in all probability, 
 to have got myself shot, without saving the 
 Duke d'Enghien. I appeal on this point to all 
 military men of all countries. 
 
31 
 
 But did the piquet act without a regular 
 requisition ? Had not the sentence been pro- 
 nounced by a tribunal ? Did it belong to me 
 to examine into the competency of the court, 
 and the validity of the sentence ? 
 
 Military commissions are tribunals acknow- 
 ledged by the laws. There is not a single go- 
 vernment in Europe which would not make 
 an example of an officer who should consti- 
 tute himself a judge over judges. Responsi- 
 bility never attaches to him who executes, but 
 always to him who gives the order. What I 
 did was neither more nor less than what any 
 other officer would have done under the same 
 circumstances. 
 
 Was not Marshal Moncey committed as a 
 prisoner to the Castle of Ham, for having re- 
 fused to preside at the council of war at which 
 it was intended to try Marshal Ney ? 
 
 Had the governor of Paris, when Marshal 
 Ney was capitally condemned, refused to fur- 
 nish a piquet for the execution of the sentence, 
 would he not himself have incurred the penalty 
 prescribed by the laws ? 
 
 Marshal Ney had numerous partisans in the 
 armies ; yet no one ever offered the slightest 
 reproach on this subject to the Vicomte de 
 Rochechouart. 
 
32 
 
 Let us never depart from established prin- 
 ciples. Whenever the armed force begins to 
 deliberate, the safety of the state is at an end. 
 
 After the execution of the sentence, I sent 
 the troops back to their respective barracks 
 and cantonments. I myself returned towards 
 Paris. As I approached the barrier, I met M. 
 Real, who was proceeding to Vincennes in the 
 dress of a counsellor of state. 
 
 I stopped to ask him whither he was going. 
 " To Vincennes/' said he : " I received orders 
 last night to proceed thither to interrogate the 
 Duke d'Enghien." 
 
 I related to him exactly what had passed ; 
 and he appeared as much astonished at what I 
 said, as I was by the information he had given 
 me. 
 
 I began to meditate : I recollected meeting 
 the Minister of Foreign Relations at General 
 Murat's ; and I began to entertain doubts whe- 
 ther the death of the Duke d'Enghien had been 
 the act of the First Consul. 
 
 M. Real returned to Paris, and I went to 
 Malmaison to render an account of what I had 
 seen to the First Consul. I arrived there at 
 eleven o'clock*. 
 
 * I think I wrote to the First Consul, after the execu- 
 tion, that I should come to Malmaison to report what I 
 
The First Consul could scarcely believe that 
 the trial could have taken place before the arrival 
 of the counsellor Real ; he looked earnestly 
 at me, with his lynx-eyes, and exclaimed : 
 " There is something in this which I do not 
 " understand. I am not surprised that the com- 
 " mission gave judgment on the confessions 
 " of the Duke d'Enghien; but they could not 
 " have those confessions before they began 
 " the trial, and the trial was not to commence 
 " until after the Duke had been interrogated 
 " by M. Real, on a point which it was im- 
 " portant to clear up." 
 
 " There is something in this business that I 
 " cannot fathom," he repeated; " this is a 
 " crime which produces nothing, and can only 
 " tend to render me odious." 
 
 In fact, no sooner did the news of what had 
 occurred begin to spread in Paris, than a 
 general cry of indignation arose from every 
 quarter. The trial was called an assassina- 
 tion; even the most moderate people said, 
 " How can the destruction of an innocent man 
 add to the power of the First Consul ?" Public 
 opinion was every day more and more openly 
 expressed. 
 
 had witnessed ; and that it was this circumstance of meeting 
 M. Real which induced me to hasten thither immediately, 
 without stopping at my own house at Paris. 
 
 F 
 
34 
 
 The Government merely published in the 
 Moniteur the sentence of the military commis- 
 sion, abstaining from any other explanation, 
 whether through pride, or apprehension of the 
 consequences of informing Europe, on the eve 
 of a war, that the sparks of discord were not 
 yet extinguished in France, and were still 
 capable of affording restless spirits the means 
 of disturbing her internal tranquillity. I have 
 reason to think that this was the prevailing 
 motive : it was, however, an error, because it 
 furnished a pretext to the malevolent, and 
 enabled them to do the government more in- 
 jury, than all the consequences of the greatest 
 publicity could have produced. 
 
 I myself long entertained the general opinion. 
 But when I was minister, in 1810, I requested 
 M. Real to explain this enigma, the meaning 
 of which I had never been able to discover. 
 He then unfolded to me the whole clue of this 
 affair, explaining how, in the course of the 
 proceedings, the track of Georges had been 
 abandoned for that of the Duke d'Enghien, who 
 had not been named by any one. 
 
 He it was who informed me of what I have 
 already stated respecting the depositions of 
 the two agents of Georges. It was from him 
 that I heard of the unknown personage who 
 used to resort to Georges' residence in a mys- 
 
35 
 
 terious manner, of the respect paid to him, the 
 conjectures formed respecting him, and the 
 resolution adopted to seize the Duked'Enghien. 
 It was intended to have confronted him with 
 the agents of Georges, and to have ascertained 
 whether he was in reality the personage who 
 used to hold meetings with this arch- conspira- 
 tor. He was not to have been tried unless he 
 had been recognized. M. Real himself sus- 
 pected an intrigue, and seemed inclined to 
 think that the catastrophe had been hastened 
 for the sole purpose of preventing the discovery 
 of the truth. 
 
 " General Pichegru," said he, " was not 
 " thought of, until it was discovered that the 
 " little lame general, who accompanied Mo- 
 " reau to the rendezvous on the Boulevard, 
 " was General Lajollais. He was arrested, 
 " and confronted with one of Georges' servants, 
 " who recognized him. From a word that 
 " he dropped, respecting the house at which 
 " he had alighted, the presence of Pichegru in 
 " Paris was discovered. Steps were immedi- 
 " ately taken to apprehend him ; 100,000 francs 
 " promised to the person who should deliver 
 " him up, speedily converted a friend into a 
 " traitor. Twenty days had elapsed after his 
 " arrest, when the Duke d'Enghien was seized : 
 " some time being requisite to collect mate- 
 
36 
 
 " rials against General Piehegru, whose name 
 " had not previously been mentioned. He 
 " was at first interrogated alone ; and as he 
 " enveloped himself in a system of absolute 
 " denial, it was resolved to confront him suc- 
 " cessively with all the individuals implicated 
 " in the same affair. It was in one of these 
 " confrontations that he was recognized as the 
 " mysterious personage who used to resort to 
 " Georges' every ten or twelve days, and 
 " before whom every body assumed a respect- 
 " ful attitude." 
 
 On learning these facts, M. Real was struck 
 with consternation. He instantly went to 
 communicate them to the First Consul, who at 
 first seemed lost in thought. After a few 
 moments' silence he exclaimed, " Ah ! wretch- 
 " ed T , what hast thou made me do ?" 
 
 But it was too late : the Duke d'Enghien had 
 fallen a victim to this mistake. Secrecy was, 
 however, enjoined ; it could hardly have been 
 otherwise. 
 
 It has been pretended that the First Consul 
 persisted obstinately in committing this crime, 
 in spite of the tears of the Empress Josephine 
 (then Madame Bonaparte); it has been affirmed 
 that she threw herself at his feet to obtain 
 the pardon of the Duke d'Enghien; but all 
 these stories were only invented to render him 
 odious. Madame Bonaparte knew nothing of 
 
37 
 
 the judgment of the military commission ; she 
 had no means of hearing of it until my return 
 to Malmaison, and then it was too late to ask 
 for mercy. 
 
 Tt is possible that Madame Bonaparte, being 
 informed of the danger that threatened the 
 Duke d'Enghien, may have sought to excite 
 her husband's compassion beforehand ; and 
 this supposition is perfectly in accordance with 
 the well-known goodness of her heart. But I 
 think myself warranted in saying, that such 
 was her perseverance in good actions of this 
 kind, that she would never have desisted from 
 her entreaties until she had obtained what she 
 solicited. 
 
 As to the First Consul, when his share in 
 this tragical event is calmly considered, it is 
 impossible to withstand the force of considera- 
 tions which greatly diminish the odium at- 
 tempted to be cast on him. 
 
 Was it he who first carried his suspicions 
 beyond the Rhine, and fixed them on the un- 
 fortunate Duke d'Enghien? No; he scarcely 
 knew of the existence of such a person, and 
 was totally ignorant of the place of his resi- 
 dence. 
 
 Who, then, could have directed his views 
 to that quarter ? The minister charged with 
 the department of foreign intelligence, the 
 minister of exterior relations. 
 
38 
 
 Did the First Consul make use of any pri- 
 vate means for obtaining information respect- 
 ing the Duke d'Enghien ? No ; he had re- 
 course solely to the public functionaries en- 
 trusted with the superintendence of all that 
 concerned public safety. 
 
 Did he garble or falsify the depositions or 
 examinations, or alter any of the documents 
 on which the accusation was founded ? No ; 
 the originals were delivered to the military 
 commission. 
 
 Had the First Consul entertained the guilty 
 intention of ridding himself of the Duke 
 d'Enghien, was there any necessity to carry 
 him off from his residence, to preface his death 
 with the form of a trial, to give him up to a 
 commission which might have frustrated his 
 object ? Might he not have justified himself, 
 by the example of his adversaries, in resorting 
 to more prompt and certain means ? Is there 
 ever any want of villains to strike at the heart 
 of an enemy ? And when a man is capable of 
 a murder, will he commit it in broad daylight, 
 in the presence of numbers of witnesses, rather 
 than strike his blow in the dark, and retain 
 the power of denying the crime, or delivering 
 up its perpetrator ? 
 
 On the other hand, separating the Duke 
 d'Enghien from the conspiracy of Georges, 
 
39 
 
 of what importance was his life to the First 
 Consul ? He was not the heir to the throne ; 
 nor could he, in any event, be called to it. 
 In order, therefore, to fix the attention of the 
 First Consul, and make him enter into the 
 views that were entertained, it was necessary 
 to operate on his mind by considerations of a 
 different nature, to compromise the Duke 
 d'Enghien by connecting him with the con- 
 spiracy of Georges. 
 
 I have stated, and I am convinced, that the 
 First Consul never thought of the Duke 
 d'Enghien ; that he was ignorant of his descent, 
 as well as of his place of residence* ; and that 
 
 * In the course of my administration, I had often an op- 
 portunity of hearing it said that a certain Baron d'Al .... 
 was no stranger to this catastrophe, but contributed to it by 
 means of the official reports which he made at that time to 
 the minister of exterior relations, who probably became his 
 dupe. 
 
 This M. d'Al . . . ., a foreigner of an intriguing, restless 
 character, found his own country too little for him, and 
 sought to connect himself with the fortunes of France. The 
 minister appropriated him wholly to himself, and so entirely, 
 that it became necessary to take him into the service of France, 
 to enable him to find a country once more. If the Emperor, 
 who was much displeased with him in 1813, did not make 
 an example of him, it was because he remembered his for- 
 mer connexion with the line of policy he was then pursuing. 
 
40 
 
 his first ideas on this subject were suggested 
 by intriguing courtiers, who hesitate at no- 
 thing when there is an opportunity to make 
 a profit by the appearance of devotedness : 
 and at this period the struggle was, who 
 should first discover the true leader in the 
 conspiracy of Georges. Had the First Con- 
 sul wished to destroy the Duke d'Enghien 
 on the very day of his arrival, he would 
 not have given M. Real orders to go 
 and interrogate him; and that he did give 
 such orders, is an indisputable fact. So 
 far was the First Consul from being inte- 
 rested in hastening the catastrophe, that it 
 was, on the contrary, of immense importance 
 to him that the Duke d'Enghien should live at 
 least eight days longer. Had he been recog- 
 nized as the mysterious personage who used 
 to go to Georges', his doom would undoubt- 
 edly have been certain. The mission of the 
 counsellor of state Real to Vincennes is an 
 irrefragable proof that the proceedings ought 
 to have commenced with the verification of 
 this fact. 
 
 The examination of the Prince's papers was 
 also an indispensable preparatory step ; for it 
 was of great importance to ascertain whether 
 there was any intelligence kept up between 
 him and the officers of the troops remaining on 
 
41 
 
 the Rhine, and the Prince's explanations on 
 this subject might have been necessary. But 
 intrigue had formed a different calculation : it 
 was feared that if the Duke d'Enghien should 
 not be recognized as the leader of the party, 
 he would escape. He would then have known 
 the circumstances and the authors of his 
 seizure ; disagreeable consequences might have 
 ensued ; to avoid which, and to enjoy the 
 fruits of an odious zeal in security, they 
 precipitated him into the grave. Such has 
 always been the opinion of those who, like 
 me, witnessed this lamentable trial. They 
 have constantly said, that some considerable 
 person must have interposed between the First 
 Consul and the Governor of Paris, to induce 
 the latter to act promptly, and to persuade 
 him that the First Consul was unwilling to give 
 the precise order for despatching the Duke 
 d'Enghien, but that he would be highly satis- 
 fied when the deed should be done. 
 
 Why, then, did public opinion ever deviate 
 from this track ? How came it to fix on per- 
 sons who are strangers, both by character and 
 situation, to all such artifices and intrigues ? 
 If the First Consul thought he had occasion for 
 me in this affair, if he believed me more ca- 
 pable than others of seconding his views, why 
 did he not have me nominated on the military 
 
 G 
 
42 
 
 commission ? I might even have presided 
 over it, holding the same rank as the officer 
 who performed that duty. 
 
 I have reflected a thousand times on the 
 circumstances of this fatal business, and 1 am 
 more and more confirmed in the opinion, that 
 the minister of exterior relations was the 
 only person who could explain how and for 
 what reason the military commission gave 
 judgment, and caused its sentence to be ex- 
 ecuted, before M. Real could fulfil the mission 
 entrusted to him. It is to be observed that 
 none of the judges, nor even the President, 
 had the least idea that M. Real was coming to 
 Vincennes. 
 
 I have been purposely allowed to be calum- 
 niated in assemblies whose language was pre- 
 scribed to them. But it is time for every 
 man to father his own works. I have shewn 
 what share I had in this sanguinary tragedy ; 
 I do not choose to have any other portion 
 ascribed to me ; nor will I endure the burthen 
 of odious prejudices, whilst the real criminals 
 are proudly strutting in all the pomp of the 
 highest dignities. 
 
 Here ends the narrative which I wrote at 
 Malta in 1815 ; and I shall now examine the 
 imputations which might be derived from the 
 
manner in which the " Memorial de Sainte- 
 IM&ne" mentions this grand question. 
 
 I therefore proceed to the article which ori- 
 ginally gave rise to this discussion. In naming 
 individuals, I am not actuated by malevolence 
 or resentment. I follow the path traced by the 
 Journal with respect to the facts. The author 
 refers to the works of Mr. O'Meara and Mr. 
 Warden, declaring that he could only have 
 repeated the information they have given, his 
 own being derived from the same source. 
 
 Count Las Cases has no accusation to repel, 
 in which respect I am less fortunate ; but I 
 shall merely refer to existing statements, 
 and quote authorities, without accusing any 
 one ; and were I not persuaded that the person 
 designated by Mr. O'Meara and Mr. Warden 
 possesses all possible means of defence, I 
 would not even repeat the assertions of those 
 authors, notwithstanding the high authority 
 by which they support them, and although 
 they are corroborated by the circumstance 
 that Count Las Cases refers to them. I now 
 come to the narrative of M. de Las Cases, in 
 his " Memorial de Sainte-H61&ne." 
 
 " To us, in the intimacy of private conver- 
 " sation, the Emperor would say, that the 
 -' blame, in France, might be ascribed to an ex- 
 " cess of zeal in those who surrounded him; or to 
 
44 
 
 " private views, or, finally, to mysterious in- 
 " trigues*" 
 
 Let us investigate each of these alleged mo- 
 tives separately. 
 
 First, To an excess of zeal. This might ap- 
 ply to several of those who surrounded the 
 First Consul, for there were many zealous in- 
 dividuals amongst them ; but could mine be 
 the zeal in question ? No, certainly, for I had 
 been absent upwards of two months ; and two 
 days had scarcely elapsed after my return, 
 when the Duke d'Enghien was brought to 
 Paris. I was ignorant both of the seizure of 
 this prince, and of the order in council by 
 virtue of which it had been effected. Even 
 on the day of his trial, I was unacquainted 
 with all particulars relating to it. It is not, 
 therefore, to my excessive zeal, that the house 
 of Cond has to impute its misfortune. 
 
 Secondly, To private views. To whom can 
 this insinuation relate ? To those who were in- 
 terested in identifying the First Consul so com- 
 pletely with the revolutionary system, as to ren- 
 der it impossible for him ever to separate from 
 it; to those who filled civil and administrative 
 offices about the First Consul; for we military 
 
 * Journal of the Private Life and Conversations of the 
 Emperor Napoleon at Saint-Helena, vol. iv. page 272. 
 
45 
 
 men had nothing to do with political man- 
 oeuvres, calculations deep and dark, or minis- 
 terial ambition. My private views could be 
 no other than to do my duty to the ruler of 
 the state, at the head of the corps which 
 he had placed under my command : a soldier 
 seldom has any private views but such as these. 
 I cannot, therefore, be the person alluded to 
 in what the Emperor says about private views. 
 
 Thirdly, Or lastly, to mysterious intrigues. 
 These words are themselves in some degree 
 mysterious. Let us try to discover their 
 meaning. 
 
 Although the First Consul was indebted to 
 the revolution for his own elevation, although 
 in the commencement of his military fortune 
 he often affected its language, and sometimes 
 its principles, it was nevertheless well known 
 that he hated the demagogue system, and held 
 in detestation those principles of liberty and 
 equality upon which it is impossible to con- 
 stitute a state ; he was sensible that it was 
 necessary to reduce the revolution to order, 
 and to construct out of it a single and power- 
 ful authority, able to crush and silence faction. 
 
 The royalists, ever indulging the most chi- 
 merical hopes, now flattered themselves that 
 the Consul would one day make terms with 
 the legitimate king ; and, if it should prove to 
 
46 
 
 be his interest, replace in his hands his long- 
 lost sceptre. Although these ideas were to- 
 tally unfounded, there were persons in whom 
 they excited much anxiety. Multitudes shud- 
 dered at the very thoughts of the restoration 
 of the Bourbons. They consented to raise the 
 First Consul to the throne, but not to allow 
 him to transfer it to another ; and to prevent 
 his ever forming such a resolution, they wish- 
 ed to implicate him so deeply in the revolu- 
 tion, to raise such a deadly enmity between 
 him and the legitimate dynasty, as to render 
 peace between them impossible. The blood 
 of a Bourbon seemed the most certain means 
 of cementing this alliance between the revolu- 
 tion and Napoleon. They therefore cast their 
 eyes on the Duke d'Enghien, the only one of 
 the family within their reach. But whilst the 
 First Consul assented to all these proposals, 
 he required that forms should be observed ; 
 that the guilt of the Duke d'Enghien should 
 be clearly proved, in order that if he should 
 perish in this unfortunate affair, the First Con- 
 sul might at least justify himself in the eyes 
 of Europe. But it was not impossible that 
 the Prince might prove his innocence ; and 
 this chance was incompatible with the schemes 
 of those who were engaged in mysterious in- 
 trigues. It was, therefore, necessary to hurry 
 

 47 
 
 on the catastrophe, and to guard against those 
 principles of justice which might have saved 
 the devoted victim. There is no other way of 
 explaining the expressions of the First Consul. 
 His observations to me, on learning the par- 
 ticulars of the Duke's execution, the astonish- 
 ment he expressed to M. Real on the occasion, 
 and that remarkable exclamation, " Wretched 
 
 T. , what hast thou made me do?" all these 
 
 circumstances together, appear to me to afford 
 a complete solution of the enigma; and in 
 this explanation there is not a word applica- 
 ble to me. 
 
 I have already said I had nothing to do with 
 the revolution ; I was then twenty-eight years 
 of age ; I had no interest in connecting the 
 First Consul with the revolutionary interests ; 
 it was more agreeable to him to hate them 
 than to favour them ; but other persons who 
 surrounded the First Consul were less happily 
 situated. 
 
 I continue the narrative of M. de Las Cases. 
 
 " The Emperor said he had been unexpect- 
 " edly urged on ; his ideas had been, as it were, 
 " taken by surprise ; his measures precipitated, his 
 " determinations fettered." 
 
 These words are rather vague, and do not 
 convey any precise ideas ; but let us take them 
 as they are given. The First Consul's ideas 
 
48 
 
 could not be surprised by me, for I was not at 
 Paris when the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien 
 was determined on ; in less than two days 
 after my arrival, he was brought to Paris and 
 tried. 
 
 I could not possibly precipitate his measures : 
 I did not then belong to his privy council ; I 
 was not a member of his administration ; I had 
 not been named on the military commission ; 
 I neither advised nor commanded ; I merely 
 obeyed. 
 
 His determinations fettered. It was not in my 
 power to fetter or thwart him in any thing. I 
 was not initiated into the views of the First 
 Consul, nor had I any interest in deviating 
 from them. I was not a creature of the prin- 
 ciples of the revolution, as I have already said : 
 I had no remorse, no reflections, no fears to 
 disturb my mind. Accordingly I have hitherto 
 met with nothing in M. de Las Cases' recital 
 applicable to myself. Let us see if the re- 
 mainder contain any thing in which I am more 
 seriously implicated. 
 
 " Every thing had been foreseen and pre- 
 " pared ; the different orders were already drawn 
 " up, there was nothing to do but to sign them.' 9 
 
 Nothing to do but to sign them! Who had 
 drawn up these orders beforehand? who had 
 prepared every thing ? Could I have done it ; 
 
49 
 
 I, a colonel in the cavalry, who had been ab- 
 sent two months ? Had I any concern with 
 deliberations in council, and state papers? 
 Could I have any papers to present to the 
 First Consul for his signature, relative to this 
 business. Surely these functions belonged to 
 some other than me. 
 
 But here is something yet more decisive. 
 The Emperor, after having spoken of the mo- 
 tives that were attributed to him, denies them, 
 and says : " These motives may perhaps have ex- 
 " isted in the minds and with reference to the par- 
 " ticidar views of the subaltern agents who con- 
 " curred in this event. On my part there was 
 " nothing but the simple nature of the fact and 
 " the energy of my character." He after- 
 wards adds : " Assuredly, had I been in- 
 " formed in time of certain particulars con- 
 " cerning the opinions of the Prince and his 
 " disposition ; above all, had I seen the letter he 
 " wrote to me, and which was not put into my 
 " hands (God knmvs from what motive) until he 
 " was no more ; most certainly I would have 
 " granted a pardon." 
 
 This passage presents two parts very dis- 
 tinct : the one rather ambiguous, relative to 
 the motives which the First Consul imputes 
 to the subaltern agents who contributed to this 
 catastrophe ; the other sufficiently clear, re- 
 
50 
 
 ferring to the letter written by the Duke 
 cTEnghien, and withheld by some one. 
 
 I believe I have sufficiently explained the 
 motives of the subaltern agents. They are 
 naturally found in the interest they had in 
 making the First Consul give pledges of his 
 being identified with the revolution. This 
 sense is the only one that can be given to the 
 words of the First Consul. 
 
 But the letter, that letter which was not 
 put into the hands of the First Consul till 
 after the death of the Duke d'Enghien, to 
 whom was it addressed ? Could it be to me, 
 through the channel of the officer of gendar- 
 merie of whom I have already spoken ? Here 
 I stand in need of other proofs than mere 
 denials ; I require something more than rea- 
 soning ; I must produce facts ; I am about to 
 do so. I declare, in the first place, that I 
 never heard of this letter but through the 
 Memorial de Sainte-Httene. 
 
 I was never near the Duke d'Enghien ; I had 
 no intercourse with him ; I remained during and 
 subsequently to the deliberation of the military 
 commission,at the head of the corps I command- 
 ed : that is a notorious and incontestable fact. 
 I know not whether the Duke d'Enghien ob- 
 tained permission to write, at Vincennes, either 
 before or after his trial ; 1 have reason to pre- 
 
51 
 
 sume that he did not : but, in any case, I here 
 appeal to the veracity and honour of M. Noirot; 
 let him say if he did any thing more than con- 
 sult me, and ask my permission ; let him state 
 if he delivered any note to me whatever. I 
 might at once, then, on the simple testimony of 
 this respectable officer, affirm that it was not to 
 me that the letter in question was given; but 
 here are more specific proofs, more peremptory 
 arguments, than all that I could say. 
 
 M. de Las Cases, in relating the event in 
 question, refers for the facts to the work of 
 Doctor O'Meara, and to that of Doctor War- 
 den : I have followed his directions, and have 
 subjoined what I find there. I begin with 
 O'Meara's book. 
 
 " I now asked Napoleon if it were true that 
 "Talleyrand* had retained a letter written 
 " by the Duke d'Enghien to him (Napoleon) 
 " until two days after the Duke's execution ? 
 "Napoleon's reply -was, ' It is true; the 
 " Duke had written a letter, offering his ser- 
 " vices, and asking a command in the army 
 "from me; which that scelerato Talleyrand 
 " did not make known until two days after 
 " his execution.'" (Vol. I. p. 335.) 
 
 * In the French edition this name is indicated by a T 
 only. 
 
52 
 
 I pass on to page 454, and read : *' When 
 " before the tribunal, he (the Duke) behaved 
 " with great bravery. When he arrived at 
 " Strasburg, he wrote a letter to me * * * * *. 
 " This letter was delivered to Talleyrand, who 
 " concealed it until after his execution." 
 
 This passage contains two remarkable facts. 
 The letter, it seems, was written, not at Vin- 
 cennes, but at Strasburg. It was addressed, 
 not to me, but to a person whose name begins 
 with T. Now, mine at that time began with 
 S. It was not to me, then, that it was given ; it 
 was not I who intercepted it. Indeed, to whom 
 would the Duke d'Enghien on his arrival at 
 Strasburg have applied, to get his letter deli- 
 vered to the First Consul? Would it have 
 been to me, whom he did not know, or to M. 
 
 de T , Minister for Foreign Affairs, the 
 
 bearer of a great name, and known throughout 
 Europe? But perhaps Doctor O'Meara may 
 be deceived. 
 
 Let us, then, consult another authority. I 
 have here the collection of Authentic Pieces 
 relative to the captive of Saint-Helena, written 
 by Generals Gourgaud and Montholon, and 
 Doctor Warden; and I find, vol. ii. page 226: 
 
 " My minister represented strongly the ne- 
 " cessity of seizing the Duke d'Enghien, 
 " though he was in a neutral territory. But I 
 
53 
 
 " still hesitated, and the Prince of Benevento 
 " twice brought the order for his arrest, for me 
 " to sign. It was not however till I was fully 
 " convinced of the urgency of such a measure, 
 " that I decided on signing it." 
 
 The light now begins to break in upon us : 
 " My minister ;" I was not minister, and I was 
 absent. " The Prince of Benevento" The Prince 
 of Benevento is sufficiently known to render 
 it unnecessary for me to say that I am not that 
 person : all this paragraph, then, can have no 
 reference to me. 
 
 I cannot therefore be the culprit denoted in 
 this statement. If he who is there pointed out 
 be the victim of a black calumny, he will doubt- 
 less take measures against the calumniator. As 
 for me, I have given a simple statement ; I have 
 cited my authorities ; it was a duty which my 
 situation imposed on me. I was deeply inte- 
 rested in shewing that the catastrophe of the 
 Duke d'Enghien could never be imputed to 
 me ; I feel it of importance to prove that my 
 name was never mentioned by the Emperor in 
 the confidential conversations he had on that 
 subject. 
 
 Whatever historical monuments I consult, I 
 see certain names uniformly indicated, and 
 these names are not mine ; neither the Chrono- 
 logical Review of the History of France during the 
 
54 
 
 Revolution, nor the Correspondant de Hambourg, 
 nor the Courrier de Leyde, nor any other put> 
 lication, names me ; and yet in France I have 
 been incessantly coupled with this transaction. 
 
 " The Minister for Foreign Affairs, T alley - 
 " rand, "says the Revue Chronologique, " inform- 
 " ed the Minister of the Elector of Baden of 
 " this arrest, by a letter dated the llth."- 
 (See the Correspondant de Hambourg and the 
 Courrier de Leyde.) 
 
 " The First Consul," says the French Minis- 
 ter, " has felt it necessary to give orders to 
 " certain detachments to repair to Offenburg 
 " and Ettenheim, to seize the instigators of the 
 " monstrous conspiracies which, by their na- 
 " ture, put all those who have clearly taken 
 " part in them out of the law of nations." 
 
 It is after long deliberation that I lay before 
 the public this part of my Memoirs ; I felt 
 that I could not fully clear myself without 
 transferring to others the stains which it has 
 been sought to attach to me ; and this necessity, 
 unimpeachable as it is, was repugnant to my 
 character. It required a decided provocation 
 to make me break silence, and cease to rest 
 satisfied in the testimony of my own con- 
 science. 
 
 But at length, since the author of the Me- 
 morial de Sainte-Helene has left things in the 
 

 55 
 
 state they previously stood in, since in conse- 
 quence of this Memorial the false rumours with 
 which I have been incessantly assailed have 
 been publicly renewed, why should I have 
 still hesitated to give my explanations ? What 
 delicacy, what respect do I owe to those who 
 have had none for me ? All the circumstances 
 of this tragic event have been intentionally 
 distorted to give it the character of an assassi- 
 nation, committed in a den of robbers. 
 
 Powerful as I afterwards became, I might 
 have avenged myself; but I preferred the re- 
 spect due to my own character ; and if I now 
 without scruple lift the veil that covers that 
 scene of horror, it is because I was tired of 
 finding myself constantly accused, and it was 
 no longer possible or proper for me to remain 
 silent. 
 
 I owed it to my family, to my countrymen, 
 and to my friends, to make this public state- 
 ment ; I was resolved to shew them that it was 
 not by crime that I had raised myself; and that 
 if my star had in aught availed me in my career, 
 the greatest favour I have to acknowledge from 
 it is, that it has led me to participate in a 
 hundred battles, and not in one trial. 
 
 Now, having exhausted all I had to say on 
 this subject, I shall mention it no more. Let 
 every one make up his mind as he pleases ; it 
 
5G 
 
 can certainly never be concluded that if, in- 
 stead of being myself the author of my for- 
 tune, I had received with my birth all the ad- 
 vantages of an illustrious name, I should, in the 
 whole course of my life, have been found to 
 tarnish it in a single instance. I shall give no 
 farther explanation on this matter; I could, 
 indeed, only repeat what I have already said. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 LONDON : 
 PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 
 
MEMOIR 
 
 OF 
 
 COUNT HUL1N 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE 
 
 MILITARY COMMISSION APPOINTED IN THE YEAR XII. 
 BY THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT, 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 TRIAL OF THE DUKE D'ENGHIEN. 
 
 LONDON: 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN AND CO. 
 
 1823. 
 
LOMDON : 
 riUNTED BY S. AN1> 11. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 
 
EXPLANATIONS 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE 
 
 MILITARY COMMISSION INSTITUTED IN THE YEAR XII. 
 FOR THE 
 
 TRIAL OF THE DUKE D'ENGHIEN; 
 
 SUBMITTED TO ALL IMPARTIAL MEN, 
 
 BY COUNT HULIN. 
 
 THE unfortunate affair of the DUKE D'EN- 
 GHIEN has now cost me nearly twenty years of 
 profound regret ! 
 
 In my present advanced age, afflicted as I 
 am with blindness, withdrawn from the world, 
 and possessing no consolation but the atten- 
 tions of my family, my sorrows have received 
 an addition, by finding recalled into notoriety 
 scenes which, though not to be obliterated 
 from remembrance, were still not the object of 
 public discussion. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the shock at first occa- 
 sioned, I afterwards blessed Divine Providence, 
 on perceiving that it thus offered me the oppor- 
 tunity, hitherto unattained, of giving explana- 
 tions to my countrymen without being charge- 
 able with an infringement of prudence and 
 discretion. 
 
 2 A 2 
 
2 
 
 Let not my intentions be mistaken. I do 
 not write through fear, since my person is pro- 
 tected by laws emanating from the throne itself; 
 and, whilst under the government of a just 
 king, I have nothing to apprehend from arbi- 
 trary violence. I write in compliance with the 
 call of my conscience, and the interests of my 
 family, towards which I have duties to fulfil ; 
 I write to tell the truth, even in what may be 
 to my own detriment! I pretend not, then, 
 to justify either the form or the matter of the 
 judgment; but I wish to shew under what a 
 powerful union of circumstances it was award- 
 ed ; I wish to throw off from myself and my 
 colleagues the imputation of having acted as 
 party men. If we are still to receive blame, I 
 hope that we shall also be pitied, and that it 
 may be said of us : " They were most unfortu- 
 " nateT 
 
 On the 29th Ventose, year XII.* at seven in 
 the evening, I received notice to repair imme- 
 diately to the Governor of Paris, General 
 Murat : by him I was ordered to proceed, with 
 the least possible delay, to the chateau of 
 Vincennes, in the capacity of President of a 
 Commission which was to be formed there ; 
 and, on my observing that I required a written 
 
 * 20th March, 1804- 
 
order from him, he added, " That order will 
 " be sent to you, together with the decree of 
 " the government, as soon as you arrive at Vin- 
 " cennes. Depart quickly ; you will scarcely 
 " have reached the place, when those papers 
 " will be put into your hands." These were 
 his own expressions. 
 
 I was entirely ignorant of the purpose of 
 this commission, and continued so for a long 
 time after my arrival at Vincennes. The mem- 
 bers who were to compose it, with myself, 
 arrived in succession at the several hours en- 
 joined them in the orders they had separately 
 received. When asked by them, whether I 
 knew wherefore we were called together, I replied, 
 that I was as little informed of it as themselves. 
 Even the commandant of the chateau of Vin- 
 cennes, M. Harel, replied to my enquiry on 
 the subject, that he knew nothing of it ; adding, 
 when he perceived my surprise, What can I 
 say ? I am nobody here now ; every thing is done 
 without my orders or participation. It is another 
 person who has the authority. 
 
 In fact, the gendarmes d? elite were now 
 filling the chateau ; they occupied every post 
 belonging to it, and maintained such rigorous 
 guard, that one of the members of the com- 
 mission remained upwards of half an hour at 
 the wicket before he could make himself known. 
 
Another, who had been ordered to repair 
 directly to Vincennes, without farther expla- 
 nation, imagined that he was sent thither to be 
 imprisoned. 
 
 Thus were we about to act as judges in a 
 cause unhappily too celebrated, without any 
 preparation whatever ! Towards ten o'clock 
 in the evening, we were extricated from our 
 uncertainty, by the communication to me of 
 the following documents, by authority, from 
 General Murat. They were the papers of 
 which I have already spoken : 
 
 1. The decree of the government, dated 
 29 Ventose, year XII. (20th March, 1804), set- 
 ting forth the charges against the accused. 
 
 2. An order from the General-in-Chief Mu- 
 rat, Governor of Paris, naming the members 
 of the commission. 
 
 T should remark, with respect to the for- 
 mation of this commission, that there was 
 nothing extraordinary in it. It consisted of 
 colonels commanding the different corps then 
 in garrison in Paris. The measure itself was 
 of a general nature, and we all have to attri- 
 bute to the accident of our being in that city, 
 our selection for this purpose. 
 
 The presidency belonged, of right, to the 
 highest in rank. For this reason I became 
 the President. 
 
It was directed, by the order of the Go- 
 vernor of Paris, that the commission should 
 meet immediately and give judgment without 
 separating : but as it was not found possible 
 to conclude the interrogatories commenced by 
 the reporter until near midnight, it was not 
 until that hour that the commission opened its 
 sitting. 
 
 I ought to notice that my colleagues and I 
 were entire strangers to legal knowledge. 
 Each had obtained his distinction on the 
 field of battle ; none had the least notion of 
 judicial matters ; and what was still worse, 
 the reporter and the clerk had no more ex- 
 perience than ourselves. 
 
 The reading of the documents gave rise to 
 an incident. We observed, that at the close 
 of the interrogatory had before the captain- 
 reporter, the Prince, before signing, wrote 
 with his own hand some lines, in which he 
 expressed a wish to have an explanation with 
 the First Consul. A member proposed to 
 transmit this request to the government. The 
 commission postponed it; but at the same 
 moment General .,.,*.., who came and stood 
 behind my chair, represented to us that this 
 request was inopportune. Besides, we found 
 no provision in the law that could authorise 
 us to suspend the business. The commis- 
 sion then proceeded, proposing 1 to satisfy 
 
the wishes of the accused after the close of the 
 discussion. 
 
 Several documents were added to the pro- 
 ceedings ; some intercepted letters, a corre- 
 spondence of M. She"e, then prefect of the 
 Lower Rhine ; and in particular, a long report 
 of Real, counsellor of state, wherein the whole 
 affair, with its ramifications, was represented 
 as affecting the welfare of the State, and the 
 very existence of the government : in a word, 
 this report contained every thing that was 
 calculated to impress on our minds the belief 
 that the safety of the State depended on the 
 sentence which was to be given. 
 
 T proceeded to interrogate the accused, and 
 I must say that he appeared before us with a 
 noble confidence ; he rejected with indignation 
 the charge of being directly or indirectly con- 
 cerned in a plot to assassinate the First Con- 
 sul, but avowed at the same time his having 
 borne arms against France ; adding, with a 
 courage and firmness that baffled all our at- 
 tempts to make him waver on this point, for 
 his own sake, that he had supported the rights 
 of his family, and that a Conde" could never 
 re-enter France without arms in his hands. 
 My birth and sentiments, said he, make me 
 for ever the enemy of your government. 
 
 His resolute confessions distressed his 
 
ndges to the utmost. Ten times did we en- 
 deavour to prevail on him to retract; but he 
 was immoveable. " I perceive," said he, 
 '* the honourable intentions of the members 
 of the commission, but I cannot avail myself 
 of the terms they offer me." Being told that 
 military commissions decided without appeal, 
 " I know it," he replied to me, " and I am 
 aware of the danger I am in. I only desire to 
 have an interview with the First Consul." 
 
 What could the members of the commission 
 do ? Let the circumstances of that period be 
 considered. We were bound by our oaths to 
 the government then existing. Appointed as 
 judges, we were constrained to become judges, 
 under pain of being tried ourselves. Thus 
 forced to administer laws we had not made, and 
 of which we were unhappily constituted the 
 organs, wherefore did those laws, when con- 
 sulted by us, point only, in reply, to a cruel 
 punishment which they afforded us no means 
 of mitigating ? 
 
 We should have declared ourselves incom- 
 petent, it is said. To have done so, that mea- 
 sure should have been proposed to us. We 
 were not lawyers ; competence seemed to 
 us to result from the single fact that a de- 
 cree of the government commanded us to try 
 the accused. 
 
 2 B 
 
f " There should at least have been a legal 
 defender assigned to him ; for then, all that you 
 declare yourselves to have been ignorant of, 
 would have been pleaded on behalf of the 
 Prince .'"--This excessive remissness on the 
 part of the captain-reporter would have been 
 remedied on mine ; but the Prince never de- 
 manded a counsellor, and I was not reminded 
 of this duty by any one of the members. The 
 same observations apply to the irregularity in 
 the conduct of the trial, and the flaws objected 
 to in the form of the judgment. 
 
 I shall observe, with respect to the double 
 minute, that the estimable author of the Dis- 
 cussion des Actes de la Commission Militaire was 
 ignorant of one fact not contained in the docu- 
 ments. 
 
 The bundle of papers communicated to him, 
 and which he could not have obtained but 
 through the person I had entrusted with them 
 in 1815, were my private documents, and not 
 the official ones of government, which must 
 exist in the archives either of the War or Po- 
 lice department, together with the Report of 
 the Counsellor of State Real and the other 
 documents, unless they have been stolen. 
 
 Many forms of judgment were attempted, 
 among others that which has been published 
 as a proceeding in the trial ; but after it was 
 
9 
 
 signed, it did not appear to us regular, and -we 
 made the clerk draw it up in a new form, 
 founded principally on the report of the Coun- 
 sellor of State R6al, and the answers of the 
 Prince. 
 
 This second form, which constituted the 
 real minute, is the only one that ought to exist. 
 The other should have been immediately de- 
 stroyed. If it has not, the omission arose from 
 forgetfulness on my part. Such is the exact truth. 
 
 Besides, there cannot in either case be any 
 ground for reproach against us, and we admit 
 willingly the dilemma proposed by the Journal 
 des Debats. It is this, that at any rate the sen- 
 tence could not legally be executed immedi- 
 ately after judgment. The first minute could 
 not be acted upon, for it was incomplete though 
 signed by us. It contained blanks not filled 
 up, and was not signed by the clerk. The 
 reporter, therefore, and the officer charged with 
 the execution, could not conscientiously have 
 considered this a true judgment. As to the 
 second, the only true one, as it did not con- 
 vey an order for immediate execution, but merely 
 to read forthwith the sentence to the con- 
 demned, the immediate execution could not 
 have been the act of the Commission, but solely 
 of those who, upon their own responsibility, 
 hastened the fatal execution. 
 
10 
 
 Alas! we had far different thoughts. Hardly 
 was the sentence signed when 1 began a letter, 
 with the unanimous consent of the Commis- 
 sion, to inform the First Consul of the desire 
 expressed by the Prince to have an interview 
 with him, and to conjure him to remit a 
 punishment, which the difficulty of our situa- 
 tion did not permit us to elude. 
 
 It was at this moment that a man who had 
 remained all the time in the Council Hall, and 
 whom I would instantly name, did I not con- 
 sider that, in defending myself, I ought not to 
 become an accuser, approached me, and said, 
 " What are you doing there ?" I am writing, 
 said I, to the First Consul, to inform him of 
 the wishes of the Council and of the condemn- 
 ed. " Your business is done," said he, taking 
 the pen : " the rest belongs to me." I protest 
 it was my conviction, and that of many of my 
 colleagues, that he meant to say: It is my 
 business to inform the First Consul. 
 
 The reply, understood in this sense, per- 
 mitted us the hope that the representation 
 would not be withheld. I remember only the 
 feeling of vexation that I experienced, on see- 
 ing myself thus deprived by another of the 
 best privilege belonging to an office that is 
 always so painful. And how could the idea 
 possibly have occurred to us, that any of those 
 
II 
 
 around us might have been ordered to omit 
 the formalities prescribed by the law ? 
 
 I was conversing on what had just passed, 
 in the porch adjoining the hall where the pro- 
 ceedings had been held : separate conversa- 
 tions were going forward : I was waiting for 
 my carriage, which, as it could not come inio 
 the interior court, anymore than those of other 
 members, occasioned my stay as well as theirs. 
 We were closed in so that no person could 
 communicate from without, when an explosion 
 was heard a horrible sound, which filled us 
 with terror and affright. 
 
 Yes, I swear, in the name of all my col- 
 leagues, this execution was not authorised by 
 us. Our judgment purported that a copy of 
 it should be sent to the Minister at War, the 
 Grand Judge, the Minister of Justice, theGene- 
 ral-in- chief, and the Governor of Paris. The 
 order for execution could only be properly 
 given by the last. Copies of the judgment 
 had not yet been despatched. They could not 
 have been completed before the lapse of some 
 part of the day. On my return to Paris, I 
 should have waited on the Governor and the 
 
 First Consul ; perhaps But suddenly 
 
 a dreadful sound informs us that the Prince is 
 no more ! 
 
 We know not whether he who so cruelly 
 
12 
 
 precipitated the execution, acted in pursuance 
 of orders, or not. If not, he alone is respon- 
 sible ; and if by orders, still the Commission, 
 unacquainted with those orders, assembled by 
 private summons, and earnestly desirous to 
 save the Prince, could not prevent their being 
 carried into effect. They are not chargeable 
 with the result. 
 
 Again I repeat, how hard is my lot ! The 
 lapse of twenty years has not allayed the bit- 
 terness of my regret ! My avowal is not the re- 
 sult of weakness. It would lose its whole value 
 if destitute of all dignity. Let me be accused 
 of ignorance or of error I acquiesce. Let me 
 be reproached with a submission, from which 
 1 should now well know how to release myself 
 under similar circumstances with my attach- 
 ment to a man whom I thought destined to 
 effect the happiness of my country with my 
 fidelity to a Government which I then thought 
 legitimate, and to which I was bound by my 
 
 oaths ; but, let allowance be made both 
 
 to me and my colleagues, for the fatal circum- 
 stances under which we were summoned to 
 decide : let it be said of us, They were most 
 unfortunate ! 
 
MEMOIR 
 
 OF 
 
 M. D U P T N. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Preface . 1 
 
 I. Illegality of the Arrest of the Duke d'Enghien . 7 
 II. Incompetence of the Military Tribunal . . 12 
 
 III. Irregularities in the Trial . . . .14 
 
 IV. Defects in the Judgment . . . .18 
 V. The Execution 25 
 
 VI. Occurrences after the Execution . . .26 
 VII. General Reflections 32 
 
 2c 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 I WAS but twenty years of age when the 
 news of the death of the Duke d'Enghien be- 
 came known in Paris. This event made the 
 deepest impression upon me. I supposed the 
 judgment to be regular ; T nevertheless pitied 
 the fate of the victim, although he was unknown 
 to me. 
 
 A few years afterwards, in 1809, having 
 composed a little work entitled History of the 
 Roman Law, at a period when the undisguised 
 despotism of the new Emperor resembled in 
 more than one respect that of the masters of 
 Ancient Rome, the remembrance of the Duke 
 d'Enghien occurred to my mind, and as I 
 brought my work down to the reign of the 
 successor of Augustus, I said of that monarch, 
 " He at first made use of policy and circum- 
 " spection ; and as long as he had reason to 
 
" fear Germanicus, uncertain of his own power 
 " (ambiguus imperandi), he made no law with- 
 " out consulting the Senate, or without veiling 
 " his acts under the tribunitian authority. But 
 " when once he had stained his hands with the 
 " blood of that young prince, whose virtues, noble 
 " qualities, and popularity in Rome, rendered him 
 " formidable, a total change took place in his con- 
 " duct. His device was, Let me be hated, 
 " provided I am feared : oderint dum metuant." 
 Government did not think fit to overlook this 
 passage : I was summoned before the police, 
 and it was undeniably proved to me, that 
 Germanicus meant the Duke d'Enghien, and 
 that the censure I passed on the Roman Em- 
 peror was a reflection on the Emperor of the 
 French. My book was seized at my house and 
 at the printer's the edition was suppressed. 
 I was not, however, personally prosecuted, be- 
 cause books rather than authors were then the 
 obnoxious objects ; and it was thought more 
 advisable to stifle thought in silence, than to 
 excite notice by bringing it before the tri- 
 bunals. 
 
 At a subsequent period, happening to see 
 the proceedings in this trial, they powerfully 
 excited my curiosity ; and the examination of 
 them suggested to me the reflections contained 
 in the following pages. 
 
The manuscript remained in my portfolio ; 
 for every one has his own. I communicated it 
 to very few persons,* and I should never have 
 taken upon myself to recall the attention of 
 the public to this distressing subject, had not 
 others led the way. 
 
 But since the fate of the Duke d'Enghien 
 is now become the subject of new discus- 
 sions ; and as these discussions appear very 
 likely to mislead the public, because every 
 disputant takes it for granted that the pro- 
 ceedings on the trial are irretrievably lost ; 
 as it is in my power to make known the truth, 
 it is my duty to do so, without party-spirit, 
 without mingling in a quarrel I am not con- 
 cerned in ; but at the same time declaring, as 
 every honest man ought to do, my personal 
 disapprobation of an action which morality 
 reprobates, which no motive, not even a poli- 
 tical one, can be found to palliate or to justify; 
 and the recital of which ought not to pass 
 down to posterity without the execration it 
 merits. 
 
 It will, perhaps, be objected to me, "you 
 are criticizing a trial : you forget the autho- 
 rity of a judgment given" With deference to 
 
 * It is quoted in the Annals of the French Bar (Modern), 
 vol. v. p. 607. 
 
the friends of all judgments thus given, they 
 can neither deprive the historian nor the law- 
 yer of the right of examining such acts. Never, 
 never can the august character of a real judg- 
 ment given, which is to be reputed the truth 
 itself, be applied to a political condemnation, 
 of which the injustice and the illegality are 
 demonstrated with equal clearness : in such 
 cases, he who gives judgment must afterwards 
 submit to receive it. 
 
EXAMINATION 
 
 OF THE ACTS OP THE MILITARY COMMISSION APPOINTED 
 IN THE YEAR XII, BY THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT, 
 FOR THE TRIAL OF THE DUKE D^ENGHIKN. 
 
 THE death of the unfortunate Duke d'En- 
 ghien was one of the most afflicting events that 
 ever befel the French nation it was a dis- 
 grace to the French Government. 
 
 A young Prince, in the flower of his age, 
 surprised by treachery, in a foreign land, 
 where he slept in peace under the pro- 
 tection of the law of nations ; dragged by 
 violence into France ; brought before the pre- 
 tended judges, who could in no case be his 
 judges; accused of imaginary crimes ; denied 
 the assistance of counsel ; interrogated and 
 condemned with closed doors ; put to death 
 in the night in the ditch of the castle that was 
 used as a state- prison : so many virtues dis- 
 regarded, such hopeful talents destroyed, will 
 for ever stamp this catastrophe as one of the 
 
most revolting acts that an absolute Govern- 
 ment ever ventured to commit. 
 
 The semblance of judicial forms, even had 
 they been punctually observed, would not 
 diminish the frightful iniquity of the judgment. 
 Had the laws of that period authorized such a 
 condemnation, they would be a disgrace to the 
 legislature which had made them ; and the 
 judges, had they even possessed the power of 
 pronouncing sentence, would still have been 
 abandoned to everlasting remorse for having 
 sacrificed the innocent. 
 
 But if, in fact, no form was respected if the 
 judges were incompetent if they did not 
 even take the trouble to state in their decision 
 the laws on which they affected to ground this 
 cruel condemnation; if the unfortunate Duke 
 d'Enghien was shot by virtue of a sentence 
 signed in blank, and which was not completed 
 until after the execution ! the case is not 
 that of an innocent victim of judicial error; 
 but assumes its true name a detestable assas- 
 sination. 
 
 Can there be any occasion to prove this 
 assertion ? The glory of the Duke d'Enghien 
 certainly requires no evidence. But France, 
 which deplored the loss of that young hero, 
 which saw in him the worthy heir of that illus- 
 trious name of Cond6, to which our arms are 
 indebted for so much glory ; France will feel 
 
 
it some consolation to learn, that the death of 
 the Duke d'Enghien was the crime of a few 
 individuals, and not that of the laws ! The 
 French will see new reasons to rejoice in the 
 abolition of the military government ; and to 
 respect and cherish the institutions which, un- 
 der the constitutional monarchy, guarantee the 
 honour, the life, and liberty of every citizen. 
 
 I. 
 
 Illegality of the Arrest of the Duke d'Enghien. 
 
 The Duke d'Enghien relates the circum- 
 stances of his arrest in a journal in his own 
 hand-writing, of which a copy was left amongst 
 the papers relating to the trial, in the following 
 terms. The simplicity of this narration is 
 interesting : 
 
 " On Thursday the 15th, at Ettenheim, my 
 " house was surrounded by a detachment of 
 " dragoons, and by piquets of gendarmerie, 
 " in all about 200 men, the colonel of the 
 " dragoons, and Colonel Chariot of the gen- 
 " darmerie of Strasburg, at five o'clock in 
 " the morning. At half-past five the doors 
 " were broken open, and I was carried off to 
 " the mill near the tile manufactory. My 
 " papers seized, and sealed up. Conducted 
 " in a cart between two rows of fusileers as 
 " far as the Rhine. Embarked for Rhisnau. 
 
 2 D 
 
8 
 
 " Landed and marched on foot to Pfofsheim. 
 " Breakfasted at the Inn. Got into a coach 
 " with Colonel Chariot, the quarter-master of 
 " gendarmes, a gendarme on the box, and 
 " Grunstein. Arrived at Strasburg, at Colonel 
 " Chariot's, about half-past five. Removed 
 " half an hour after, in a fiacre, to the citadel." 
 
 The law of the 28th of March, 1793, art. 74, 
 and that of th e 25th Brumaire, year III, title 
 5, sect. 1, article 7, decreed that the emigrants 
 who, having borne arms against France, should 
 be arrested, either in France, or in any hostile or 
 conquered country, should be tried within twenty- 
 four hours, by a commission of Jive members* ap- 
 pointed by the officer at the head of the staff of the 
 division of the army in whose district they should 
 be seized. 
 
 The law of the 19th of Fructidor, year V, 
 had extended this measure to all the emigrants 
 who should be arrested within the territory of 
 the republic; but it was provided, by article 17, 
 that the military commission for their trial 
 should be composed of seven members, ap- 
 pointed by the general commanding the divi- 
 sion, and occupying the district in which they 
 should be taken. 
 
 * This number was afterwards, by other laws, increased to 
 seven. 
 
9 
 
 But there are three observations to be made 
 on this subject. 
 
 In the first place, the Duke d'Enghien could 
 not be ranked simply amongst the emigrants : 
 in his quality of a French prince, he was in a 
 separate class. In the language of the laws, 
 those persons were called emigrants, whose 
 absence had been merely voluntary, and who 
 could return on obtaining the erasure of their 
 names from the list. But the Bourbons had 
 not this privilege : it had been declared by an 
 insolent decree, that no French princes should in 
 future be acknowledged; and that they were for 
 ever banished from the territory. 
 
 Secondly, the Senatus-Consultus of the 
 year X. had been promulgated two years 
 before the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien, and 
 more humane measures (under the too often 
 deceitful name of amnesty} had mitigated the 
 laws relating to the emigrants. The manners 
 of the nation, which had laid aside the revolu- 
 tionary fury and begun to assume its natural 
 gentleness, had even done more ; as we find 
 by the writings of a man who is not suspected 
 of partiality to the emigrants. The editor of 
 the Nouveau Repertoire de Jurisprudence, under 
 the word Commission, sect. 1. 5. No. 1. 
 after reciting the laws of the 28th of March, 
 1793, 25th Brumaire, year III, and 19th 
 
10 
 
 Fructidor, year V, expresses himself in the 
 following terms : " These laws, in strictness, 
 " would still be applicable to the emigrants 
 " who have not availed themselves of, or who 
 " are excepted from the amnesty proclaimed 
 " by the Senatus-Consultus of the year X ; 
 " but the government always confines itself to 
 " causing such of them as have been taken in the 
 " French territories to be deported out of them." 
 The government, then, had relinquished the 
 ferocious right of putting them to death. 
 
 And thirdly, even if the title of emigrant 
 could have been lawfully applied to the Duke 
 d'Eughieri ; even if the sanguinary laws en- 
 acted against the emigrants had been in full 
 vigour ; it is still incontestable that they could 
 only be applicable to such of them as should 
 be arrested in the territory of the Republic, 
 according to the tenor of the law of the 19th 
 of Fructidor, year V ; or, if we go back to 
 the laws of 1793 and of year III, to those who, 
 having borne arms against France, should be 
 arrested either in France, or in any enemy's or 
 conquered country. 
 
 Now, the Duke d'Enghien was not arrested 
 in France; he resided in a foreign state, which 
 was neither an enemy s country nor a conquered 
 country. The chateau of Ettenheim, where the 
 Duke d'Enghien was attacked, situate four 
 
11 
 
 leagues from Strasburg, on the right bank of 
 the Rhine, belonged to the Elector of Baden, a 
 sovereign prince with whom France was at peace. 
 The Duke d'Enghien had long resided at 
 Ettenheim in perfect confidence of safety ; 
 which confidence was strengthened by the cir- 
 cumstance that the electoral court, careful to 
 avoid every pretext for a rupture with its for- 
 midable neighbour, had consulted the consular 
 government with respect to the propriety of 
 allowing the Duke to reside at Ettenheim, 
 before it authorized him to do so. 
 
 The arrest of the Duke d'Enghien was, 
 therefore, contrary to the faith of treaties, in 
 formal opposition to the law of nations, which 
 proclaims the independence of sovereignties, 
 and the inviolability of territories, (except in 
 the case of war lawfully declared) ; and his 
 Majesty the King of Prussia was justified in 
 saying, in his manifesto of the 9th of October, 
 1806 : " The independence of the German territory 
 " has been violated, in the midst of peace, in a 
 " manner insulting to the honour of the nation. 
 " The Germans have not avenged the death of 
 " the Duke d'Enghien; but never will that 
 " crime be effaced from their memory." 
 
 Consequently, the person of the Duke d'En- 
 ghien did not come into the hands of his enemies 
 in a legal manner. He was not a prisoner of 
 
12 
 
 war, for he was not taken in arms, but in time 
 of peace ; he was not a prisoner by any civil 
 right, for he had not been summoned to appear, 
 It was a mere violent seizure of his person, 
 which may be compared to the captures made 
 by the pirates of Tunis and Algiers; an in- 
 road made by robbers, incursio latronum. 
 Such an arrest could not, therefore, subject the 
 party arrested to trial by any French tribunal. 
 
 II. 
 
 Incompetence of the Military Commission. 
 
 This commission was assembled by virtue 
 of a decree of the First Consul, dated the 29th 
 Ventose, year XII, (20th March, 1804,) for 
 the trial of the Duke d'Enghien, accused of 
 having borne arms against the republic, of 
 having been, and of being still, in the pay of 
 England ; and of being concerned in the plots 
 contrived by the said power against the internal 
 and external safety of the republic. (No 2.) * 
 
 By an order signed the same day by Murat, 
 the governor of Paris, (No. 3,) the members 
 of the commission are appointed and ordered 
 to assemble forthwith to try (pour juger) the 
 accused " on the charges set forth in the de- 
 cree issued by government," (above mentioned.) 
 
 It will, hereafter, certainly appear very ex- 
 
 * See the Appendix of Document*. 
 
13 
 
 traordinary, that the heads oj' the condemnation 
 are not the same as the heads of the accusation : 
 but for the present, looking only at the text of 
 the warrant, it will be seen that the Duke 
 d'Enghien is accused of plots contrived against 
 the internal and external safety of the republic. 
 
 Now the cognizance of such plots was never 
 vested in military commissions, but was al- 
 ways reserved to the ordinary tribunals. Had 
 the military commission even been competent 
 to take cognizance of the other charges, it 
 could never, even under the pretext of its con- 
 nexion with them, take cognizance of the ac- 
 cusation of a plot against the safety of the 
 state : it ought, at all events, to have declared 
 itself incompetent in this respect. This point of 
 jurisprudence was recognized and avowed by 
 the minister of justice, in his report of the 4th 
 Ventose, year V, * on the affair of Dunan, 
 Brottier, and De la Villeurnoy ; a report which 
 was inserted in the bulletin of the laws, (2d 
 series, No. 1021,) with the sanction of the 
 Directory. 
 
 This incompetence of the military commis- 
 sion, which appears on the very face of the 
 accusation, vitiates in the outset any judgment 
 
 * In this report, the minister has the hardihood to treat 
 Louis XVIII. as a rebel. " What is this pretended Louis 
 XVIII," says he, "but * rebel?' 
 
14 
 
 it could pronounce : for it must have given 
 judgment without power to do so ; than which 
 there is no greater defect. Nullus major defec- 
 tus quam potestatis. 
 
 III. 
 
 Irregularities in the Trial. 
 
 The primary characteristic of this infernal 
 proceeding is, that every thing was done by 
 night. 
 
 " In the twelfth year of the French republic, 
 " this present 29th of Ventose, at twelve o'clock 
 " at night, I, captain-major, &"c." says the inter- 
 rogatory (No. 4.) 
 
 Thus it was at midnight that the examina- 
 tions commenced ! 
 
 Now it is a general rule that all proceedings 
 should be carried on in the day-time. " Jus- 
 " tice and execution thereof ought to take 
 " place in the day-time," says Loysel in his 
 Opuscules, p. 155. 
 
 At midnight, then, the captain-reporter in- 
 troduced himself into the chamber in which the 
 Duke d'Enghien lay, awakened him,* and 
 began his interrogations ! 
 
 " What rank did you hold in Cond6's army ?" 
 " I commanded the van in 1796," replied 
 
 * Thus the great Conde slept quietly on the eve of the 
 battle of Rocroy. 
 
15 
 
 the hero. " And afterwards ?" " Always in 
 " the vanguard." 
 
 The rest of his answers shew the same great- 
 ness ; a frankness that was by no means rough, 
 a kind of haughty modesty. 
 
 He had only served under the command of 
 his grandfather. 
 
 He was not in the pay of England ; he re- 
 ceived an allowance for his maintenance from 
 that power. He needed it. " / have nothing 
 " else to live upon," said the descendant of 
 twenty kings ! 
 
 He had, moreover, kept up no correspond- 
 ence, except with his grandfather and his 
 father. The latter he had not seen since 1796. 
 
 He had never seen General Pichegru ; and 
 had no correspondence with him, or with 
 Dumouriez, whom, likewise, he had never 
 seen. 
 
 He insisted that he had never kept up any 
 such correspondence in the interior of France, 
 as was imputed to him. 
 
 The interrogatory concludes with these 
 words : " Previously to signing the present 
 " proces-verbal, I earnestly request a private 
 " audience of the First Consul. My name, my 
 " rank, my known way of thinking, and my 
 " dreadful situation, induce me to hope that he 
 " will not refuse my request." 
 2 E 
 
16 
 
 Vain hope! the lofty mind of the Prince 
 supposed his enemies to be possessed of mag- 
 nanimity ! Far other resolutions had been 
 formed far other orders had been given. 
 
 The interrogatory was closed, and signed by 
 the Duke, the captain-reporter, and the clerk. 
 But the omission of two substantial formalities 
 is remarkable in it. In the first place it is not 
 mentioned that the prisoner was allowed to 
 read it ; although the 17th article of the law of 
 the 13th Brumaire, year V,* imperiously pre- 
 scribes this formality. 
 
 " The interrogatory being finished, the ac- 
 " cused shall be allowed to read it, in order 
 " to declare whether his answers have been 
 " faithfully minuted, whether they contain the 
 " truth, and whether he persists therein, in 
 " which case he shall sign, &c." This form was 
 the more essential in the present case, because 
 there were no documents or witnesses against 
 the Duke, and the commissioners seem to have 
 decided merely upon conclusions drawn from 
 this interrogatory. 
 
 Secondly, The same law, article XIX, con- 
 
 * The law of the 13th of Brumaire, year V, regulating the 
 mode of proceeding in Councils of War, has been declared 
 applicable to military commissions. See the work entitled 
 Guide des Juges Militaires, page 93, and the opinion of the 
 Council of State, 7th Ventose, year XIII. 
 
17 
 
 lains the following provision : " After having 
 " closed the interrogatory, the reporter shall 
 " direct the accused to make choice of a friend 
 " to defend him. The accused shall be at 
 " liberty to select this defender from amongst the 
 " citizens of all classes present on the spot ; 
 " should he declare that he cannot make this 
 " choice, the reporter shall do it for him." 
 
 Alas ! the Prince had no friends amongst 
 those who surrounded him : this fact was 
 cruelly declared to him by one of the abettors 
 of this horrible scene ! Why were we not pre- 
 sent ? why was not the Prince allowed to make 
 an appeal to the bar of Paris ? There he would 
 have found friends and defenders ; supporters 
 of his rights; advocates who, like their pre- 
 decessors and successors, would have shewn 
 themselves emulous of the honour of offending 
 despotism, and fearless of its resentment ! 
 
 The Duke was alone! but let us speak only 
 of the law : it was disregarded in this essential 
 point ; the notification which, even for form's sake 
 ought to have been given, was not given : no 
 defender was officially assigned to the Prince, 
 on his having omitted to choose one himself; 
 in short, he was not defended at all! Now a per- 
 son accused, without a defender, is nothing 
 but a victim abandoned to the errors and pas- 
 sions of his judge ; and he who condemns a 
 
18 
 
 man without defence, is not armed with the 
 sword of the law, but with the dagger of an 
 assassin. 
 
 IV. 
 Defects of the Judgment. 
 
 The interrogatory took place on the 29th 
 Ventose, at midnight. 
 
 On the 30th Ventose, at two o'clock in the 
 morning,* the Duke d'Enghiea was introduced 
 before the military commission. What horri- 
 ble precipitation ! 
 
 The minute of the judgment states, that the 
 council was assembled " for the purpose of 
 " trying the ci-devant Duke d'Enghien on the 
 " charges set forth in the decree thereinbefore 
 " referred to (that of the 29th Ventose) ; " and 
 consequently, on the accusation of plots against 
 the safety of the state ; an accusation respecting 
 which, as we have shewn already, the com- 
 mission ought to have declared its absolute 
 incompetence. 
 
 The President caused the accused to be 
 
 * See No. 5, the minute of the Judgment, containing 
 these words, " This day the 30th of Ventose, in the Xllth 
 year of the republic, at two o'clock in the Morning." These 
 words two o'clock in the morning, which were only introduced 
 because that was, in fact, the hour, are effaced from the 
 minute, but no other indication has been substituted in their 
 place. Lifura tamtn extat. 
 
19 
 
 brought in, and ordered the captain-reporter 
 to produce the documents both for the charge 
 and defence, one in number (that is to say, the 
 decree by which the affair was referred to the 
 commission.) 
 
 This assertion is false, as it regards docu- 
 ments for the defence : there were none, there- 
 fore none could be produced or read. This 
 was an empty formula. It may even be as- 
 serted, that there were no documents for the 
 charge; for the only paper that was read, 
 namely, the decree for the trial, was neither 
 for the prosecution nor for the defence, it was 
 a mere authority to proceed, a foundation of 
 the trial, which left the question just as it 
 stood, to be judged according to the charges 
 and justifications that should be produced. 
 
 Not a single witness was produced or heard 
 against the accused. 
 
 The interrogatory alone remained ; but even 
 supposing that interrogatory regular, and to 
 have contained the most formal confession of 
 all the facts charged in the accusation, it could 
 never have sufficed, alone, to establish a proof 
 of guilt against the accused, sufficient to jus- 
 tify a condemnation, and particularly a capital 
 sentence ! This is a constant maxim amongst 
 the professors of criminal jurisprudence. 
 
 The omission in the interrogatory relative to 
 
20 
 
 the choice of counsel, was not rectified on the 
 trial. 
 
 Finally, as to the judgment itself, we sub- 
 join a copy of it, literally transcribed from 
 the minute. (See No. 5,) 
 
 " The Commission, after having allowed the 
 " accused a reading of his declarations, by 
 " means of the President, asked him whether 
 " he had any thing to add to his defence ; he 
 " replied that he had nothing more to offer, 
 " and persisted in that declaration. The Pre- 
 " sident caused the accused to withdraw. 
 " The council deliberating with closed doors, 
 " the President collected the votes, beginning 
 " with the junior in rank, the President having 
 " given his vote last : the unanimity of votes 
 " declared the prisoner guilty, and applied to 
 
 " him the - - article of the law of 
 
 " conceived in these terms (all in blank) ; and 
 " has consequently condemned him to death." 
 
 What a monstrous form of giving judgment! 
 Never, perhaps, was the contempt of all forms 
 carried so far ! 
 
 The accused is declared guilty ! Guilty of 
 what ? The judgment does not inform us. 
 
 The abovementioned law (of the 13th Bru- 
 maire, year V.) enacts (Article 30,) "The 
 " President shall put the questions in the fol- 
 " lowing manner : N , accused of having com- 
 * mitted such an offence, is he guilty ?" Now 
 
21 
 
 in this judgment, the original of which I 
 have seen, held in my hand, and literally 
 copied, no question is stated to have been put. 
 In penal matters it is an invariable principle, 
 that every judgment pronouncing a penalty, 
 ought to contain a reference to the law by 
 virtue of which such penalty is inflicted. 
 
 In particular, the 25th article of the law of 
 the 3d Brumaire, year V, says, " The Presi- 
 " dent shall cause to be brought and laid 
 " before him, on the bureau, a copy of the 
 "law;* the proces-verbal shall mention this 
 " formality." 
 
 Again, article 35 provides, that " The Pre- 
 " sident, after having pronounced aloud, and 
 " caused to be inscribed in the proces-verbal, 
 " the decision of the council on the guilt of 
 " the accused, shall read the text of the 
 " law, and apply the penalty pronounced by 
 " council." 
 
 In the present case, not one of these forms 
 was complied with ! There is not a word in 
 the proces-verbal to shew that the commission- 
 ers had a copy of the law before their eyes ; 
 there is nothing to prove that the President 
 read the text of the law before he applied it 
 to the accused. On the contrary, the very 
 
 1 We can readily conceive that the Bulletin des Lois was 
 not in the library of the dungeon of Vincennes. 
 
22 
 
 form of the judgment affords proof, that the 
 commissioners pronounced condemnation with- 
 out knowing either the date or the tenor of 
 the law ; for, in the minute of the sentence 
 they have left in blank the date of the law, 
 the number of the article, and the place in 
 which the precise words should have been 
 quoted. 
 
 And yet the noblest blood was shed by exe- 
 cutioners, upon no better authority than the 
 minute of a sentence in which there were all 
 these imperfections ! 
 
 But let us continue the examination of this 
 dismal monument of ignorance and infamy., 
 
 The deliberation ought to be secret, but 
 the judgment ought to be pronounced in 
 public. The law tells us : " The opinions 
 " having been thus collected, the President 
 " is to cause the doors of the council-chamber 
 et to be re-opened." (Law of the 13th Bru- 
 maire, year V. art. 34.) Now the judgment 
 of the 30th Ventose says, indeed, " The coun- 
 cil deliberating with closed doors," &c. But 
 it does not mention that the doors were 
 opened again, or give any intimation that the 
 result of the deliberation was pronounced in 
 public sitting. And if it had said so, who would 
 believe it ? A public sitting at two o'clock in 
 the morning at the dungeon of Vincennes ! 
 when all the outlets of the castle were 
 
23 
 
 guarded by gendarmes rfdite ! But the fact is, 
 not even the precaution of a lie was used ; 
 the judgment is silent on this point. 
 
 This judgment is signed by the president and 
 the other six commissioners, including the 
 reporter ; but it is to be remarked, that the 
 minute is not signed by the clerk, whose con- 
 currence was, however, necessary to give it 
 authenticity. " The clerk (says the 36th ar- 
 ticle of the above-mentioned law) shall write 
 down the judgment, with its grounds, at the foot 
 of the proces-verbal, which shall then be 
 closed and signed by all the members of the coun- 
 cil, by the reporter, and by the said clerk." 
 
 Thus the sentence pronounced against the 
 Duke d'Enghien, from one end to the other, 
 in every part, exhibits the most scandalous 
 violation of all forms. It has nothing of a 
 judgment but the name ! 
 
 It concludes, however, by this terrible for- 
 mula : " Orders that the present sentence 
 " shall be immediately executed, under the care 
 " of the captain-reporter." 
 
 IMMEDIATELY! words of despair, the work 
 of the judges themselves! immediately! al- 
 though an express law, that of the 15th Bru- 
 maire, year VI, granted an appeal for revision 
 against all military judgments ! and the law 
 of the 27th Ventose, year VIII, likewise gave 
 
 2 F 
 
24 
 
 the privilege of applying for a cassation of any 
 military judgment, on the ground of inconir 
 petence or excess of power *. 
 
 The decree of the 17th Messidor, year XII, 
 which decided that the judgments of special 
 military commissions should not be impugned 
 by recourse to any other tribunal, was not 
 then in force ; and, besides, this decree, severe 
 as it was, did not ordain that the sentences 
 should be executed immediately, but " shall 
 " be executed within twenty-four hours after 
 " they shall be pronounced/' And lastly, the 
 judges were not ignorant that the prisoner, 
 at the close of his interrogatory, had earnestly 
 requested to speak to the First Consul. Why 
 then those unusual words " shall be executed 
 immediately' ? 
 
 It was two o'clock in the morning; day was 
 about to appear ; and the head of the govern- 
 ment, without whose positive orders no one 
 would have dared to dispose of such a prisoner 
 as the Duke d'Enghien, was not willing that 
 the people of Paris should find, on awaking, 
 that a Prince of the house of Bourbon was in 
 
 * " If there were an appeal of this nature, we think that 
 " after the sentence of the military commission, the judges 
 " might suspend the execution of the judgment, and wait 
 " until the supreme tribunal of the empire should reject or 
 " admit the appeal." Le Guide des Juges Militaires, p. 93. 
 
25 
 
 existence, so near the capital, in the dungeon 
 of Vincennes. 
 
 V. 
 
 The Execution. 
 
 The Duke d'Enghien, after being interroga- 
 ted by night, and tried by night, was put to 
 death by night : it was not fit that day-light 
 should witness so atrocious a crime ! 
 
 This horrible sacrifice was to be consum- 
 mated in darkness, in order that it might be 
 said that all laws had been infringed ; all, even 
 those which direct the publicity of executions, 
 as a last security to misfortune against illegal 
 and barbarous punishments.* 
 
 On descending into the fosse", the Duke 
 d'Enghien was desired to kneel down. " A 
 " Bourbon," replied he, " bends his knee to 
 " none but God." He was denied the conso- 
 lations of religion. 
 
 In the Biographic des Contemporams, a work 
 printed at Brussels in 1818, although it is ge- 
 nerally written in a spirit highly favourable to 
 Bonapartism, the following appears under the 
 article Enghien : " The night being very dark, 
 
 * Penal Code of 1791, art. 5 ; code of Brumaire, year 
 IV, art. 445 ; decree of the 16th of August, 1793, which, 
 while it directs an exception, sanctions the principle- 
 
26 
 
 " a lantern was fastened on his breast, to serve 
 " as a mark for the soldiers to aim at* ; he 
 " was afterwards thrown, dressed as he was, 
 " into a grave, which had been dug the pre- 
 " ceding evening whilst he was at supper." 
 The grave of a person accused dug before his 
 trial ! Such were the proceedings in the case 
 of the Duke d'Enghien ! 
 
 The Biographic des Contemporains, is, how- 
 ever, mistaken in saying that the Prince was 
 shot by soldiers. " The truth of history re- 
 quires it to be stated, that this crime was 
 perpetrated by gendarmes d 1 Elite. "f 
 
 VI. 
 
 Occurrences after the Execution. 
 
 The death of the Duke d'Enghien became 
 known in the capital at the same time as the 
 prosecution against him. The impression it 
 made was terrible. The First Consul himself 
 
 * According to another account, the Duke d'Enghien 
 himself took this lantern and held it with a firm hand, to the 
 moment of the discharge ; all accounts, however, agree in 
 this, that it was found necessary to have a lantern to effect 
 this horrible execution by. The variations in the deposi- 
 tions arise from the circumstance that all the witnesses were 
 not equally well situated for distinguishing objects in the 
 dark. 
 
 t Biographic Universelle, printed by Michaud. 
 
27 
 
 was dismayed. Perhaps he thought his chosen 
 servants had too punctually executed his or- 
 ders ! But the deed was done, the crime con- 
 summated ; all that remained was to justify it, 
 if possible, in the eyes of the people and the 
 senate. 
 
 It was thus that Caracalla, after embruing 
 his hands in the blood of Geta, wanted to em- 
 ploy the jurisconsult Papinian to justify this 
 parricide before the senators. Papinian re- 
 fused, saying that it was easier to commit a 
 crime, than to find an excuse, for it ; and on the 
 tyrant's urging his request, Papinian replied, 
 that to accuse an innocent man after having 
 put him to death, was committing a second 
 parricide. 
 
 The instruments of the First Consul were 
 not all so courageous as Papinian.* 
 
 They seemed to second his views with the 
 utmost zeal, and in a manner to legalize as- 
 sassination, by adding to the sentence, which 
 it was found necessary to publish, motives 
 and forms intended to justify the condemna- 
 tion. 
 
 * Some opposition was, however, offered to the death of 
 the Duke d'Enghien ; the voice of the public has pro- 
 claimed the entreaties of Josephine, Cambacores, &c. ; but 
 at that time all were silenced by a " Such is my will:" 
 Sic volo, sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas. 
 
28 
 
 The counsellor of state specially charged with 
 the examination and prosecution of all cases con- 
 cerning the tranquillity and internal safety of the 
 republic, wrote to the president the same day, 
 requesting him to send him the judgment pro- 
 nounced that morning against the Duke d'En- 
 ghien. (See No. 6.) 
 
 The same counsellor of state also wrote a 
 second letter, on the same day, in which he 
 says " I am waiting for the judgment and in- 
 terrogations of the ex-Duke d'Enghien, in 
 order to proceed to Malmaison, to wait on the 
 First Consul." (No. 7.) 
 
 The following day Murat, who had proceed- 
 ed from the commission at Vincennes, where he 
 had directed the condemnation of the Duke 
 d'Enghien, to Paris, to expedite the trial of 
 other persons accused, who had, about the 
 same period, been brought before the special 
 criminal tribunal of the Seine. Murat, I say, 
 wrote to the general who had acted as pre- 
 sident of the commission, " My dear Hullin, 
 " send me, I beg, a copy of the interrogatory 
 " upon which the ci-devant Duke d'Enghien 
 " was examined. It may be useful to citizen 
 " Thuriot." Citizen Thuript, who was at that 
 period preferring the charges against Pichegru 
 and his companions ! 
 
 Thus the judgment pronounced against the 
 
29 
 
 Duke d'Enghien seems to have been remo- 
 delled, and put into a new form, with more 
 deliberation than at first, merely to take ad- 
 vantage of it in another trial, and to render it 
 more fit to be presented to the public. 
 
 In fact, in the bundle of papers communi- 
 cated to me, and from which I faithfully copied 
 every document, independently of the original 
 minute of the judgment, of which I have given 
 an account in section IV, and which alone bears 
 the signatures of all the members of the com- 
 mission, except that of the clerk ; there was 
 another sheet signed only by the president 
 and reporter; and which, although entitled 
 copy of the judgment, is, in fact, drawn up in a 
 form totally different from that of the true 
 minute signed by all the members. 
 
 In this copy, or rather in this second judg- 
 ment, drawn up at leisure, the Duke d'En- 
 ghien is not only accused on the heads of in- 
 culpation set forth in the consular decree of 
 the 29th Ventose, but he is accused and de- 
 clared attainted and convicted of six different 
 crimes, amongst which there appears one of 
 which the great soul of the Duke d'Enghien 
 was particularly incapable, but which was 
 chiefly relied upon for the purpose of exciting 
 popular indignation, and giving a colour to the 
 condemnation : the charge of being one of the 
 
30 
 
 abettors and accomplices of the conspiracy formed 
 by the English AGAINST THE LIFE OF THE 
 FIRST CONSUL. 
 
 Had Bonaparte listened to more generous 
 councils, yielded to the wish expressed by the 
 Prince, and not feared to look him in the face, 
 he might easily have convinced himself that 
 the descendant of the great Conde', although 
 disposed to encounter him in the field of battle, 
 was incapable of engaging in a plot to murder 
 him. 
 
 In the second edition of the judgment, 
 the laws are referred to, and the blanks are 
 filled up: it is even stated, towards the end, 
 that judgment was pronounced in public sitting ; 
 but even in this second copy there are still 
 many irregularities which could not be got 
 rid of. 
 
 Thus, in this new judgment, as well as in the 
 former, 
 
 1st. There are no witnesses against the ac- 
 cused ; no papers in support of the charges ; 
 the proceeding is founded solely on the an- 
 swers contained in an interrogatory, which is 
 void, because it does not state that the accused 
 had it read to him. 
 
 2dly. Upon this interrogatory, judgment is 
 given, and the Duke d'Enghien is condemned 
 on facts and grounds which formed no part 
 
31 
 
 either of the reference to the commission, or 
 of the substance of this interrogatory, and 
 could not, for the same reason, support a con- 
 demnation. 
 
 3dly. The commission, notwithstanding the 
 new form of the judgment, still remained in- 
 competent, for the reasons already stated. 
 
 4thly. It still appeared that the accused had 
 neither been assisted by counsel, nor warned 
 to make choice of a legal advocate. 
 
 5thly. Notwithstanding the phrase public 
 sitting, inserted at the end of the new judg- 
 ment, it is certain that the examination and 
 the trial were begun and ended in the course 
 of three hours, at night, in a prison at the 
 corner of a wood, in the absence of the public, 
 and consequently without publicity. 
 
 6thly. In short, the tardy substitution of a 
 second form of judgment apparently more 
 regular than the former (although equally un- 
 just), is no palliation of the infamy of having 
 put the Duke d'Enghien to death by virtue of 
 a rough draft of a judgment, hastily signed, 
 and not even signed by all the requisite 
 parties. 
 
 At least it is to be hoped that the last wishes 
 
 of the unfortunate Prince were complied with. 
 
 He left some hair, a gold ring, and a letter, 
 
 requesting that they might be transmitted to 
 
 2 G 
 
32 
 
 the Princess de Rohan. By a letter amongst 
 the papers relating to the trial, it appears only 
 that General Hulin forwarded these sad tokens 
 to the counsellor of state Real. What is be- 
 come of them ? (No. 9.) 
 
 Lastly. On the 22d of Germinal,* and not 
 before, the Minister at War acknowledges hav- 
 ing received from the general who was pre- 
 sident of the commission, the copy of this 
 judgment pronounced on the 30th of Ventosef, 
 and so urgently pressed for on the following 
 day, by Real and Murat. But some time 
 had been requisite for settling the form of 
 it. (No. 11.) 
 
 VII. 
 
 General Reflections. 
 
 No glaring piece of injustice can ever be 
 committed without trampling principles, forms, 
 and laws under foot. 
 
 Hence it is the first care of all despotic go- 
 vernments, of those who wish to crush all who 
 stand in their way, oppress all who displease 
 them, and annihilate all who resist them, to sub- 
 stitute arbitrary and precipitate measures for 
 the salutary developement of those forms, the 
 principal object of whose deliberate progress is 
 
 * 12th April. f 21st March. 
 
33 
 
 to give the passions time to subside, and truth 
 an opportunity of obtaining a hearing. 
 
 We never see governments or judges viola- 
 ting forms, when the fate of a robber, a mur- 
 derer, or a bigamist is the matter in question. 
 The prosecution against them occupies a con- 
 siderable time ; they are allowed the free 
 choice of counsel and defenders; they are pa- 
 tiently heard, calmly interrogated, and impar- 
 tially tried ; they really enjoy the full pro- 
 tection of the law. 
 
 But in a political prosecution, all is changed. 
 Power entrusts nothing to the laws but the 
 care of inflicting its vengeance. It changes the 
 order of jurisdictions ; looks out for judges de- 
 voted to its will ; it exerts constraint or in- 
 fluence over their consciences ; it dispenses 
 with forms ; it shortens delays ; it asks them 
 not for justice, but for blood ! and blood they 
 give. 
 
 Wash thy hands, Pilate ! They are stained 
 with the blood of the innocent! Thou didst 
 sacrifice him through weakness ; but thy guilt 
 is no less than if thou hadst sacrificed him 
 through malice ! 
 
 Iniquitous judges of all ages, of all countries, 
 of all governments ; all you who have had the 
 dreadful misfortune to pass judgment without 
 authority, without forms, and without laws ; 
 
34 
 
 convenient instruments of the revenge of power, 
 of the ambition of a chief, or the retaliations of 
 a party ; may infamy pursue you throughout 
 all future ages ! May posterity detest you as a 
 fearful example to those who may be tempted 
 to imitate you ! Such is the duty and interest 
 of aft generations ! and such are my private 
 sentiments ! 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS 
 
 RELATIVE TO 
 
 LOUIS ANTOINE HENRI DE BOURBON, 
 
 DUKE D'ENGHIEN. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 No. I. Journal of the Duke d'Enghien, from the moment 
 
 of his Arrest, written by himself 39 
 
 II. The Decree consigning the Duke to a Military Com- 
 mission 41 
 
 III. The Order containing the appointment of the Mem- 
 bers of the Commission 42 
 
 IV. Examination of the Duke d'Enghien 43 
 
 V. Original Minute of the Judgment 47 
 
 VI. & VII. Letters of Real demanding the Judgment 49, 50 
 
 VIII. Murat's Letter to the same effect 50 
 
 IX. Real's Letter, acknowledging receipt of the Hair, 
 the Ring, and the Letter of the Duke d'Enghien to 
 
 the Princess of Rohan 50 
 
 X. Another form of Judgment 51 
 
 XI. The Minister at War acknowledges the receipt of 
 
 the Copy of the above . 56 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 No. I. Letter from the First Consul to the Minister at 
 War 57 
 
 II. Copy of the Report made by Citizen Chariot, Chief 
 of the 38th squadron of National Gendarmerie, to 
 General Moncey, First Inspector-general of the Gen- 
 darmerie 59 
 
 Note. There is a Document of equal importance the 
 proces-ierbal of the disinterment ; which, however, it has 
 not been judged necessary to publish, for the present. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 JOURNAL of the DUKE D'ENGHIEN, written by himself, the 
 Original of which was delivered to the First Consul, the 
 1st Germinal, year XII. 
 
 Thursday, the 15th, Ettenheim. My house surrounded by 
 a detachment of gendarmerie, dragoons, and piquets, amount- 
 ing to about two hundred men, having two generals, the 
 colonel of dragoons, and Colonel Chariot of the Strasburg 
 gendarmerie at five o'clock. At half-past five, the doors 
 forced open myself taken to the mill, near the tile-kiln 
 my papers seized and sealed my person conveyed in a cart, 
 between two files of fusileers, as far as the Rhine. Embark- 
 ed for Rhisnau. Landed, and marched on foot to Pfofsheim 
 breakfasted at the Tavern. Proceeded in a coach with Colo- 
 nel Chariot, the quarter-master of the gendarmerie, a gend- 
 arme on the box, and Grunstein. Arrived at Strasburg, at 
 the house of Colonel Chariot, towards half-past five re- 
 moved half an hour afterwards to the citadel, in a fiacre. 
 My companions in misfortune brought from Pfofsheim to 
 Strasburg, in a cart drawn by farmers' horses they reached 
 the Citadel at the same time with myself. Were all set down 
 at the house of the commanding officer, and lodged for the 
 night in his hall, on mattrasses upon the floor. Gendarmes 
 on guard in the adjoining room two sentinels in our apart- 
 ment, and one at the door. Slept ill. 
 
 2 H 
 
40 
 
 Friday, 16th. Informed that my quarters were to be 
 changed, provisions to be at my own charge, and probably 
 fire and fuel. General Leval, commander of the division, 
 accompanied by General Ferion, one of those who have carried 
 me away, came to visit me. Their behaviour very cold. I am 
 removed to the Pavilion on the right of the Square in coming 
 from the City. I can have communication with the apart- 
 ments of Messieurs de Thumery, Jacques, and Schmitt, by 
 private staircases ; but neither myself nor my people are 
 suffered to go out : I am told, however, that I shall have 
 permission to walk in a little garden attached to a court- 
 yard behind the Pavilion. A guard of twelve men, with an 
 officer, is at my door. After dinner, they separate Grun- 
 stein from me, and place him in a solitary room on the 
 other side of the court. This separation is a fresh ad- 
 dition to my misery. Have written this morning to the 
 Princess. Have sent my letter, through the commanding 
 officer, to General Leval, but have no answer. I requested 
 him to send one of my attendants to Est ; but every thing 
 will, doubtless, be denied me. Extreme precautions are used 
 on all sides lest I should communicate with any one whom- 
 soever. Should this situation continue, I think despair will 
 gain hold upon me. At half-past four, they come to examine 
 my papers, which are opened in my presence by Colonel 
 Chariot, attended by a commissary of safety. They are 
 cursorily read, and made into separate parcels ; and I am 
 given to understand that they are to be sent to Paris. I shall 
 be compelled, then, to languish for weeks, perhaps months. 
 My grief increases whilst I reflect on my cruel condition. I 
 lay down at eleven o'clock ; am worn out, and cannot sleep. 
 The major of this place, M. Machim, is very civil ; he 
 comes to see me in my bed-room, and tries to console me 
 by obliging expressions. 
 
 Saturday, the 17th. I can hear nothing about my letter. I 
 
41 
 
 tremble for the health of the Princess ; a word by my hand 
 would relieve her. I am very wretched. I am now called 
 on to sign the proces-verbal for the opening of my papers. I 
 request, and am permitted to add an explanatory note, in 
 proof that I have never had any intentions beyond acting 
 on military service. In the evening, am told that I shall be 
 allowed to walk in the garden, and even in the court, attended 
 by the officer on guard, as well as my companions in misfor- 
 tune ; and also, that my papers are despatched to Paris by a 
 courier extraordinary. I took my supper, and went to bed 
 more at ease. 
 
 Sunday, the 18th. Am hurried away at half-past one in the 
 morning ; they only allow me time to dress myself: I em- 
 brace my unfortunate companions, my attendants ; I depart 
 without them, in charge of two officers and two gendarmes. 
 Colonel Chariot has signified to me, that we are proceeding 
 to meet the general of division, who has received orders from 
 Paris. Instead of this, I find a coach with six post-horses, 
 on the Place de I'Eglise. I am placed inside it. Lieutenant 
 Petermasin gets in by my side ; the Quarter-master Bliters- 
 dorff on the box, with two gendarmes, one inside, the other 
 on the outside. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 LIBERTY EQUALIT Y . 
 
 Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of the 
 Republican Consuls. 
 
 Paris, 29th Ventose (March 20) . 
 
 Twelfth Year of the Republic one and indivisible. 
 The Government of the Republic decrees as follows: 
 Article I. The ex-Duke d'Enghien, accused of having 
 borne arms against the Republic, of having been and still 
 being in the pay of England, of having participated in the 
 
42 
 
 plots devised by the latter power against the internal and 
 external safety of the Republic, shall be delivered up to a 
 Military Commission, composed of seven members, named 
 by the General, Governor of Paris, and who shall assemble 
 at Vincennes. 
 
 Article II. The Grand Judge, the Minister of War, and 
 the General, Governor of Paris, are charged with the execu- 
 tion of the present decree. 
 
 The First Consul, 
 
 (Signed) BONAPARTE. 
 
 By the First Consul, 
 
 (Signed) HUGUES MARET. 
 For an authentic Copy, 
 The General-in-Chief, Governor of Paris, 
 
 (Signed) MURAT. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 To the Municipal Government of Paris. 
 
 29th Ventose, Year 12 of the Republic. 
 THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, GOVERNOR OF PARIS. 
 
 In execution of the decree of the Government, bearing date 
 this day, importing that the ex-Duke d'Enghien shall be 
 brought before a Military Commission, composed of seven 
 members, to be named by the General, Governor of Paris, 
 he has appointed and appoints, to form the said Commission, 
 the seven military officers whose names are subjoined : 
 
 General Hullin, Commander of the Foot Grenadiers of 
 the Consular Guard, President. 
 
 Colonel Guitton, Commander of the 1st regiment of 
 Cuirassiers. 
 
 Colonel Bazancourt, Commander of the 4th regiment of 
 Light Infantry. 
 
 Colonel Ravier, Commander of the 18th regiment of In- 
 fantry of the line. 
 
43 
 
 Colonel Barrois, Commander of the 96th regiment of the 
 Infantry of the line. 
 
 Colonel Rabbe, Commander of the 2d regiment of the 
 Municipal Guard of Paris. 
 
 Citizen Dautancourt, Major of the Light Gendarmie, who 
 is to discharge the duties of Captain Reporter. 
 
 This Commission will assemble immediately, at the Castle 
 of Vincennes, to sit there in judgment on the accused with- 
 out adjournment, upon the charges announced in the decree 
 of the Government, a copy of which shall be sent to the 
 President. 
 
 J. MURAT. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 12th Year of the French Republic. 
 
 This day, 29th Ventose, 12 o'clock at night, I, the Cap- 
 tain Major of the Light Gendarmerie, went, according to the 
 orders of the General commanding the corps, to the house 
 of the General-in-Chief, Murat, Governor of Paris, who 
 ordered me to proceed to the Castle of Vincennes, there to 
 wait the farther orders of General Hullin, commanding the 
 grenadiers of the Consular Guard. 
 
 Arrived at the Castle of Vincennes, General Hullin com- 
 municated to me, 1st, A duplicate of the decree of the 
 Government, dated the 29th Ventose, this month, stating 
 that the ex-Duke d'Enghien was to be brought before a 
 military commission, composed of seven members, named 
 by the General, Governor of Paris ; 2d, The order of the 
 General-in-Chief, Governor of Paris, of this day, containing 
 the nomination of the members of the military commission, 
 in execution of the foregoing decree. These are as follows : 
 
 Citizens Hullin, General of the Grenadiers of the Guard; 
 Guitton, Colonel of the 1st Cuirassiers ; Bazancourt, Com- 
 mander of the 4th regiment of light Infantry ; Ravier, 
 
44 
 
 Commander of the 18th Infantry of the line; Barrois, Com- 
 mander of the 96th ditto ; and Rabbe, Commander of the 
 2d regiment of the Guard of Paris. 
 
 And the decree farther states, that the undersigned Captain- 
 Major is to discharge at this military commission the duties 
 of Captain Reporter. The same order farther states that this 
 commission will assemble immediately at the Castle of Vin- 
 cennes, to sit in judgment there, without adjourning, on 
 the accused, upon the charges announced in the decree of 
 the Government aforesaid. 
 
 In execution of these arrangements, and in virtue of the 
 orders of General Hullin, the President of the Commission, 
 the undersigned Captain proceeded to the chamber where the 
 Duke d'Enghien slept, accompanied by the Chief of Squadron 
 Jacquin, of the Legion d'Elite, and the foot gendarmes of the 
 same corps, named Lerva and Tharsis, in addition to citizen 
 Niorot, Lieutenant in the same corps. The undersigned 
 Captain Reporter afterwards received the following answers 
 upon each of the interrogatories propounded, being assisted 
 by citizen Molin, Captain in the 18th regiment, appointed 
 clerk to the commission, by the Reporter. 
 
 The accused was asked his name and surname, age, and 
 place of birth ? 
 
 He answered, that his name was Louis-Antoine-Henri de 
 Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien, born on the 2d of August, 1772, 
 at Chantilly. 
 
 He was asked at what period he quitted France ? 
 
 He answered, " I cannot say precisely ; but I think it was 
 "on the 16th of July, 1789." That he had set out with the 
 Prince de Conde, his grandfather, his father, the Count 
 d'Artois, and the children of the Count d'Artois. 
 
 He was asked where he had resided since his departure 
 from France? 
 
 He answered, " On leaving France I passed with my 
 
45 
 
 " parents, whom I always followed, through Mons and Brus- 
 " sels ; thence we went to Turin, to the King of Sardinia, 
 " where we remained nearly 16 months." Thence, still with 
 his parents, he went to Worms, and about the banks of the 
 Rhine. " Afterwards the corps of Conde was formed, and 
 " I served the whole campaign. I had before served in the 
 " campaign of 1792 in Brabant, with the Bourbon corps and 
 " the army of Duke Albert." 
 
 He was asked where he had retired after the peace made 
 between the French Republic and the Emperor ? 
 
 He answered, " We closed the last campaign in the vicinity 
 " of Gratz ; it was there that the corps of Conde, which was 
 " in the pay of England, was disbanded that is to say, at 
 " Wendisch Faestrictz, in Styria." That he afterwards re- 
 mained for his amusement in Gratz, or the vicinity, almost 
 eight or nine months, waiting intelligence from his grand- 
 father, the Prince of Conde, who had gone to England, and 
 who was to let him know the reception which that power 
 would give him, a matter not yet certain. " In this interval 
 " I asked permission of Cardinal de Rohan to proceed to his 
 " country to Ettenheim, in the Brisgaw, formerly the bishop- 
 " rick of Strasburg." That for the last two years and a half 
 he has sojourned in that country. Since the death of the 
 Cardinal, he has asked permission of the Elector of Baden 
 officially, to take up his abode in this country, which has 
 been granted to him, not being willing to remain without the 
 Elector's consent. 
 
 He was asked if he had not gone to England, and if that 
 power did not always afford him support ? 
 
 He answered, that he had never gone there ; that England 
 always supported him, for that he had nothing to live on. 
 
 He requested to add, that as the reasons which induced 
 him to remain at Ettenheim no longer existed, he proposed 
 to settle himself at Fribourg, in the Brisgaw, a town much 
 
46 
 
 less agreeable than Ettenheim, where he had stayed only in 
 expectation of the Elector allowing him the liberty of hunt- 
 ing, of which he was very fond. 
 
 He was asked if he kept up a correspondence with the 
 French Princes in retirement in London ; if he^had seen 
 them for some time ? 
 
 He answered, that naturally he kept up a correspondence 
 with his grandfather since he had left Vienna, where he had 
 been to accompany him, since the disbanding of the corps ; 
 that he equally kept up a correspondence with his father ; 
 that he had not seen him, as well as he could recollect, since 
 1794 or 1795. 
 
 He was asked what rank he held in the army of Conde ? 
 
 He answered, Commander of the advance guard before 
 the year 1796. Before that campaign he ranked as a volun- 
 teer at the head-quarters of his grandfather, and always 
 since 1796 as Commander of the vanguard; observing, 
 that after the army of Conde marched into Russia, it 
 was mustered into two corps, the one of infantry, and the 
 other of dragoons, of which he was made Colonel by the 
 Emperor ; and that it was in that capacity he joined the 
 armies of the Rhine. 
 
 He was asked if he knew General Pichegru ; if he had 
 had any transactions with him ? 
 
 He answered, "I have never, I believe, seen him. I have 
 " not had any transactions with him. I know he wished to 
 " see me : I take credit to myself for not having known him, 
 " after the vile means by which they say he wished to effect 
 " his purpose, if the fact be true." 
 
 He was asked if he knew the ex-General Dumouriez, and 
 if he had had any transactions with him ? 
 
 He answered, " Not at all ; I have never seen him." 
 
 He was asked if, since the peace, he had not kept up a 
 correspondence in the interior of the republic ? 
 
47 
 
 He answered, tl I have written to some friends, wbo are 
 *' still attached to me, who have been in the war with me, 
 " concerning their affairs and my own." 
 
 This correspondence he was imagined to speak of rather 
 unwillingly. 
 
 These presents were thereupon drawn up and signed by the 
 Duke d'Enghien, the Chief of Squadron Jacquin, Lieutenant 
 Niorot, the two Gendarmes, and the Captain Reporter. 
 
 " Before signing this proces verbal) I earnestly demand to 
 " have a private audience with the First Consul. My name, 
 " my rank, my mode of thinking, and the horror of my situa- 
 " tion, make me hope that he will not refuse my demand." 
 (Signed) L. A. H. DE BOURBON. 
 
 And lower down, NIOROT, Lieutenant ; and 
 
 JACQUIN. 
 
 For an authentic copy, the Captain discharging the duties 
 of Reporter, DAUTANCOURT, 
 
 MOLIN, Captain Clerk. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 This day, 30th Ventose, Year XII. of the Republic. 
 The Military Commission formed in pursuance of the de- 
 cree of Government, bearing date the 29th inst., composed of 
 the citizens Hulin, General Commandant of the grenadiers 
 of the Consular Guard, President ; Guitton, Colonel of the 
 1st regiment of Cuirassiers ; Bazancourt, Colonel of the 4th 
 regiment of Light Infantry; Ravier, Colonel of the 18th 
 regiment of the line ; Barrois, Colonel of the 96th ; Rabbe, 
 Colonel of the 2d regiment of the Paris Guard ; the Citizen 
 Dautancourt, acting as Captain Reporter, assisted by 
 Citizen Molin, Captain of the 18th regiment of the Infantry 
 of the line, chosen as Clerk ; all appointed by the General- 
 in-Chief, Governor of Paris, 
 
48 
 
 Did assemble at the castle of Vincennes, in order to pro- 
 nounce judgment on the quondam Duke d'Enghien, upon 
 the charges contained in the above-mentioned decree. 
 
 The President caused the accused to be brought up free, 
 and without irons, and ordered the Captain Reporter to com- 
 municate to him the documents in support and denial of the 
 charge. 
 
 After having read to him the decree, the President asked 
 him the following question : 
 
 Your name, age, and place of birth ? 
 
 He answered, that his name was Louis Antoine Henri de 
 Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien, born at Chantilly, Aug. 2, 1772. 
 
 He asked him if he had taken up arms against France ? 
 
 He answered, that he had taken part in the whole war, and 
 that he persisted in the declaration which he had made to 
 the Captain Reporter, and which he had signed. He more- 
 over added, that he was ready to make war, and wished to 
 be employed in the new war which England declared against 
 France. 
 
 He was then asked if he was yet in the maintenance of 
 England ? 
 
 He answered, yes ; that he received from that power one 
 hundred and fifty guineas a month. 
 
 The Commission, after having read to the accused their 
 resolutions through their President, and having asked him if 
 he wished to add any thing by way of defence, he answered 
 that he had nothing more to say, and persisted in his decla- 
 ration. 
 
 The President caused the accused to retire : the Council 
 deliberating with closed doors, the President collected the 
 votes, commencing with the junior in rank, the President 
 giving his opinion last. He was unanimously declared Guilty, 
 and they applied to him article ... of the law of 
 
49 
 
 conceived in these terms . . . and he was in consequence 
 condemned to the punishment of death. 
 
 It is ordered that the present judgment shall be imme- 
 diately executed, under the direction of the Captain Reporter, 
 after being read to the party condemned, in the presence of 
 the different detachments of the corps of the garrison. 
 
 Done, concluded, and judgment passed, without quitting 
 the place, at Vincennes, the day, month, and year above 
 mentioned, and duly subscribed. 
 
 (Signed) 
 P. HULIN, BAZANCOURT, RABBE, BAEROIS; DAUTAN- 
 
 COURT, Reporter ; GUITTON, RAVIER. 
 Note The minute has not the signature of the Clerk Molin. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 Paris, 30th Ventose, Year XII. of the Republic, 
 (21st March, 1804.) 
 
 The Counsellor of State, especially charged with the ex- 
 amination and prosecution of all cases affecting the tran- 
 quillity and internal safety of the Republic, 
 
 To BRIGADIER-GENERAL HULIN, commanding the Grenadiers 
 
 of the Guard. 
 GENERAL, 
 
 I beg you will transmit me the judgment given this morn- 
 ing against the e-x-Duke d'Enghien, as well as his exami- 
 nation. 
 
 I shall be obliged by your delivering them to the bearer 
 of this letter, if possible. 
 
 I have the honour to salute you, 
 
 REAL. 
 
50 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 Paris, 30th Ventose, Year XII. of the Republic, 
 The Counsellor of State, &c. 
 
 To BRIGADIER-GENERAL HULIN, fyc. 
 
 GENERAL, 
 
 I am waiting for the judgment and examination of the 
 ex-Duke d'Enghien, in order to proceed to Malmaison, to 
 attend the First Consul. 
 
 Have the goodness to let me know at what hour I may 
 expect these papers. The bearer of my letter will take 
 charge of the packet, and wait till it is ready, if the engross- 
 ments are in a forward state. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 REAL, 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 From the Office of the GOVERNOR of PARIS. 
 
 1st Germittal, Year XII. of the Republic, 
 (22d March, 1804.) 
 
 THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, GOVERNOR .OF PARIS. 
 Send me, I beg, my dear Hulin, a copy of the interroga- 
 tories administered to the d-tkiant Duke d'Enghien. 
 It may be useful to Citizen Thuriot. 
 
 I salute you, 
 
 MtJRAT. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 Paris, 2d Germinal, Year XII. of the Republic, 
 
 (23d March, 1804.) 
 
 THE COUNSELLOR OF STATE, &c. &c. 
 Has received from Brigadier-General Hulin, commanding 
 the foot grenadiers of the Guard, a small parcel, containing 
 
51 
 
 some hair, a gold ring, and a letter ; the packet bearing the 
 following superscription: " To be delivered to Madame the 
 Princess de Rohan, from the ci-dei'ant Duke d'Enghien." 
 
 REAL. 
 
 No. X. 
 
 SPECIAL Military Commission appointed in the First Military 
 Division, by virtue of the Decree of Government, dated 
 29th Ventose, year XII. of the Republic, one and indi- 
 visible. 
 
 JUDGMENT 
 IN THE NAME OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 
 
 This day, the 30th of Ventose, in the 12th year of the 
 Republic, the Special Military Commission appointed in the 
 first military division, by virtue of the decree of Govern- 
 ment, dated the 20th of Ventose, in the year XII, composed 
 according to the law of the 1 9th of Fructidor in the year V. 
 of seven members, that is to say : citizens Hulin, brigadier- 
 general commanding the foot grenadiers of the guard, presi- 
 dent; Guiton, colonel, commanding the 1st regiment of 
 cuirassiers ; Bazancourt, colonel, commanding the 4th regi- 
 ment of light infantry ; Ravier, colonel, commanding the 
 18th regiment of infantry of the line ; Barrois, colonel, com- 
 manding the 96th regiment of infantry of the line ; Rabbe, 
 colonel, commanding the 2d regiment of the municipal guard 
 of Paris ; Dautancourt, captain-major of the gendarmerie 
 d'elite, acting as captain-reporter ; and Mollin, captain, in 
 the 18th regiment of infantry of the line, clerk; all nominated 
 by the General-in-chief, Murat, governor of Paris, and com- 
 manding the first military division. Which president, members, 
 captain-reporter, and clerk, are neither of kin nor affinity to 
 each other, or to the accused, within the degrees prohibited 
 by law. 
 
 The commission convoked by order of the General-in-chief 
 
52 
 
 governor of Paris, met in the castle of Vincennes, in the 
 apartments of the governor of the place, for the purpose of 
 trying the person named Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, 
 Duke d'Enghien, born at Chantilly, on the 2d of August, 
 1772; height 1 metre 705 millimetres; hair and eyebrows 
 auburn ; face oval, long, well made ; eyes grey, ap- 
 proaching to brown ; mouth middle-sized ; nose aquiline ; 
 chin somewhat pointed, well made. Accused, 1st, of having 
 borne arms against the French Republic ; 2dly, of having 
 offered his services to the English government, an enemy to 
 the French people ; 3dly, of having received and counte- 
 nanced agents of the said English government, of having 
 procured them means of establishing correspondence in 
 France, and of having conspired with them against the in- 
 ternal and external safety of the state ; 4thly, of having 
 placed himself at the head of an assemblage of French emi- 
 grants and others, in the pay of England, formed on the 
 frontiers of France, in the countries of Friburg and Baden ; 
 5thly, of having established an intelligence in the fortress of 
 Strasburg, tending to excite the surrounding departments to 
 revolt, in order to operate a diversion in favour of England ; 
 6thly, of being one of the abettors and accomplices of the 
 conspiracy formed by the English against the life of the First 
 Consul, and of having intended, in case that conspiracy had 
 succeeded, to enter France. 
 
 The sitting being opened, the president ordered the re- 
 porter to cause all the documents to be read, as well those 
 for the charge as those for the defence. The reading 
 being concluded, the president ordered the guard to bring 
 in the accused, who was introduced free and without 
 irons before the commission. Being interrogated respect- 
 ing his names, pre-names, age, place of birth and domi- 
 cile, answered that his name was Louis Antoine Henri 
 de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien, aged 32 years, born at 
 
53 
 
 Chantilly, near Paris, having left France on the 16th of July, 
 1789. After having interrogated the accused, by means of 
 the president, on all the contents of the accusation against 
 him ; heard the reporter's report and conclusions, and the 
 accused in his means of defence ; after the latter had declared 
 that he had nothing to add to his justification, the president 
 asked the members whether they had any observations to 
 make, and on their answering in the negative, and previously 
 to taking their opinions, he ordered the accused to retire. 
 The accused was reconducted to prison by his escort ; and 
 the reporter and the clerk, as well as the citizens present in 
 the auditory, withdrew at the request of the president. The 
 commission deliberating with closed doors, the president put 
 the questions as follows : Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, 
 Duke d'Enghien, accused, 1st, of having borne arms against 
 the French Republic, is he guilty ? 2dly, of having offered 
 his services to the English government, an enemy to the 
 French people, is he guilty ? 3dly, of having received and 
 countenanced agents of the said English government, of 
 having procured them means of establishing correspondences 
 in France, and of having conspired with them against the 
 internal and external safety of the state, is he guilty ? 4thly, 
 of having placed himself at the head of an assemblage of 
 French emigrants and others, in the pay of England, formed 
 on the frontiers of France in the countries of Friburg and 
 Baden, is he guilty? 5thly, of having' established an intelli- 
 gence in the fortress of Strasburg, tending to excite the 
 surrounding departments to revolt, in order to operate a 
 diversion in favour of England, is he guilty ? 6thly, of being 
 one of the abettors and accomplices of the conspiracy formed 
 by the English against the life of the First Consul, and of 
 having intended, in case that conspiracy had succeeded, 
 to enter France, is he guilty ? The votes being separately 
 collected on each of the above questions, beginning with the 
 
54 
 
 junior in rank, the president having delivered his opinion 
 last: the commission declares the person named Louis 
 Antoine Henri de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien, 1st, unani- 
 mously, guilty of having borne arms against the French Re- 
 public ; 2dly, unanimously, guilty of having offered his ser- 
 vices to the English government, an enemy to the French na- 
 tion ; 3dly, unanimously, guilty of having received and counte- 
 nanced agents of the said English government, of having pro- 
 cured them means of establishing correspondence in France, 
 and of having conspired with them against the internal and ex- 
 ternal safety of the state ; 4thly, unanimously, guilty of having 
 placed himself at the head of an assemblage of French and 
 other emigrants in the pay of England, formed on the fron- 
 tiers of France, in the countries of Friburg and Baden ; 
 5th, unanimously, guilty of having established an intelligence 
 in the fortress of Strasburg tending to excite the surround- 
 ing departments to revolt, in order to operate a diversion 
 in favour of England; Gthly, unanimously, guilty of being 
 one of the abettors and accomplices of the conspiracy formed 
 by the English against the life of the First Consul, and of 
 having intended, in case that conspiracy had succeeded, to 
 enter France. Upon which, the president put the question 
 relative to the application of the punishment; the votes 
 being again collected in the form above indicated : 
 The special military commission unanimously condemns to 
 the punishment of death the person named Louis Antoine 
 Henri de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien, in atonement of the 
 crimes of acting as a spy, of holding correspondence with 
 the enemies of the Republic, and of attacking the internal 
 and external safety of the State. The said penalty pro- 
 nounced in conformity to Articles 2, Title iv. of the Military 
 Code of offences and punishments of the 21st Brumaire, 
 year V; and 1st and 2d of Section II. of the 1st Title 
 of the Ordinary Penal Code, of the 6th of October, 1791, 
 
55 
 
 conceived as follows, that is to say: Article 2, (of the 21st 
 Brumaire, year V.) " Every individual, whatever may be 
 his rank, quality, or profession, convicted of acting as a 
 spy for the enemy, shall suffer the punishment of death." 
 Article 1st. (of the 6th of Oct. 1791.) " Every plot and en- 
 terprise against the Republic shall be punished with death." 
 Article 2d. (of the 6th of Oct. 1791.) " Every conspiracy 
 and plot, tending to disturb the state by a civil war, by 
 arming the citizens against each other, or against the exer- 
 cise of lawful authority, shall be punished with death." 
 Ordered that the captain-reporter do forthwith read this 
 judgment to the condemned in presence of the guard 
 assembled under arms. Ordered that the president and re- 
 porter be required to send copies thereof within the term 
 prescribed by law, to the minister at war, the grand judge 
 minister of justice, and the general-in-chief, governor of 
 Paris. 
 
 Adjudged and registered without separation, the day, 
 month, and year before mentioned, in public sitting ; and the 
 members of the special military commission have signed, 
 together with the reporter and clerk, the minute of the judg- 
 ment. 
 
 (Signed,) GUITON, BAZANCOURT, RAVIER, BARROIS, 
 RABBE; DAUTANCOURT, Captain-Re- 
 porter ; MOLIN, Captain Clerk, and 
 HULLIN, President. 
 
 A true 
 The President of the Special Commission, 
 
 P. HULLIN. 
 
 DAUTANCOURT, Captain-Reporter. 
 MOLIN, Captain-Clerk. 
 
 2 K 
 
56 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 Paris, 22d Germinal, year XII. of the Republic, 
 (12th April, 1804.) 
 
 The Minister at War, 
 To GENERAL HULLIN, &c. &c. 
 
 I have received, Citizen General, with your letter, a copy 
 of the judgment pronounced the 30th of Ventose last, by a 
 Military Commission, against the ex-Duke d'Enghien ; 
 lor which I have to thank you. 
 
 I salute you, 
 
 BEHTHIER. 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 EXTRACT 1'ROM THE 
 
 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON, 
 
 (Historical Miscellanies, Vol. III.) 
 
 No. I. 
 
 LETTER from the FIRST CONSUL to the MINISTER AT WAR. 
 Paris, 19th Ventose, Year XII. (March 10, 1804.) 
 
 You will please, Citizen General, to give orders to General 
 Ordener, whom I place at your disposal for this purpose, to 
 proceed post to Strasburg by night, travelling under an as- 
 sumed name, and to see the General of the division. 
 
 The object of his mission is to advance on Ettenheim, sur- 
 round that town, and bring off from thence the Duke d'En- 
 ghien, Dumouriez, an English colonel, and all other persons 
 in their suite. The general of the division and the quarter- 
 master of gendarmerie who has been to Ettenheim to re- 
 connoitre the place, will give him all necessary information. 
 
 You will direct General Ordener to send from Schelestadt 
 300 men of the 26th dragoons, who will repair to Rheinau, 
 where they will arrive at eight o'clock in the evening. 
 
 The commandant of the division will send fifteen pon- 
 tooneers to Rheinau, who will likewise reach that place by 
 eight o'clock in the evening, and who will, for that purpose, 
 set out post, or on the horses of the light artillery. Besides 
 the ferry-boat, he must previously have taken care that there 
 be four or five large boats in readiness, so that three hundred 
 horso may be carried over at a single trip. 
 
58 
 
 The troops will take sufficient bread for four days, and 
 provide themselves with cartridges. The General of divi- 
 sion will add to them a captain or officer, and a lieutenant, 
 with three or four brigades (thirty) of gendarmes. 
 
 As soon as General Ordener has passed the Rhine, he will 
 proceed straight on Ettenheim, and march directly up to the 
 houses of the Duke and Dumouriez ; after completing this 
 expedition, he will return to Strasburg. 
 
 In passing Luneville, General Ordener will order the 
 officer of carabineers, who commanded the depot at Etten- 
 heim, to repair to Strasburg, there to wait for orders. 
 
 General Ordener, on reaching Strasburg, will very secretly 
 despatch two agents either civil or military, and will make 
 arrangements with them to come to meet him. 
 
 You will give orders, that on the same day, and at the 
 same hour, 200 men of the 26th dragoons, under the com- 
 mand of General Caulaincourt (to whom you are consequently 
 to give the necessary orders) shall proceed to OfFenburg to 
 surround that town and arrest the Baroness de Reich, if she 
 has not been taken at Strasburg, and other agents of the 
 English government; respecting whom the prefect, and 
 citizen Mehee, now at Strasburg, will give him information. 
 
 From Offenburg, General Caulaincourt will direct patroles 
 on Ettenheim, until he learns that General Ordener has suc- 
 ceeded. They will afford each other mutual assistance. 
 
 At the same time the General of the division will send 
 300 cavalry to Kelh, with four pieces of light artillery, and 
 send a post of light cavalry to Willstadt, the intermediate 
 point between the two routes. 
 
 The two generals will take care that the greatest discipline 
 prevail, and that the troops require nothing from the inhabi- 
 tants; for this purpose you will cause 12,000 francs to be 
 paid them. 
 
 If it should happen that they cannot accomplish their 
 mission, but should expect to fulfil it by remaining three or 
 
59 
 
 four days and sending out patroles, they are authorized to 
 do so. 
 
 They will inform the baillies of the two towns, that if they 
 continue to afford an asylum to the enemies of France, they 
 will draw heavy calamities upon themselves. 
 
 You will order the commandant of Neuf Brisac to send 
 100 men and two pieces of cannon to the right bank. 
 
 The post of Kelh, as well as those of the right bank, will 
 be evacuated the moment the two detachments have effected 
 their return. 
 
 General Caulaincourt will have thirty gendarmes with him, 
 and will, with General Ordener and the General of division, 
 hold a council, and make such alterations in the present 
 arrangements as may be deemed advisable. 
 
 Should it happen that neither Dumouriez nor the Duke 
 d'Enghien remains at Ettenheim, an extraordinary courier is 
 to be despatched with an account of the state of affairs. 
 
 You will give orders to arrest the post-master of Kelh and 
 other individuals capable of giving information on the sub- 
 ject. 
 
 (Signed,) BONAPARTE. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Copy of the REPORT made by CITIZEN CHARLOT, Chief of 
 the thirty-eighth squadron of National Gendarmerie, to 
 GENERAL MONCEY, first Inspector-general of the Gendar- 
 merie. 
 
 24th Ventose, Year XII. (15th March, 1804. 
 GENERAL, 
 
 IT is now two hours since I returned into this town, from 
 the expedition to Ettenheim in the Electorate of Baden, 
 whence, with a detachment of gendarmerie and a party of 
 the 22d dragoons, I have, by the orders of Generals Ordener 
 and Fririon, brought off the persons whose names are as 
 follow : 
 
GO 
 
 Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghien ; 
 
 General the Marquis de Thumery ; 
 
 Colonel the Baron Grunstein ; 
 
 Lieutenant Sclimidt ; 
 
 The Abbe Wemborn, formerly proctor of the bishopric of 
 Strasburg. 
 
 The Abbe Michal, Secretary to the bishopric of Stras- 
 burg, (beyond the Rhine,) and Secretary to the Abbe Wem- 
 born: this latter is French, as Wemborn is 
 
 The Duke d'Enghien's secretary, named Jacques. 
 
 Feraud (Simon) valet de chambre to the Duke. 
 
 Poulain (Pierre) servant to the Duke. 
 
 Joseph Cannon, do. 
 
 The General Dumouriez, who was said to reside with 
 Colonel Grunstein, is no other than the Marquis de Thumery 
 above mentioned, who occupied an apartment on the ground- 
 floor, in the house inhabited by Colonel Grunstein, whom I 
 arrested at the Duke's house, where he had slept. I am 
 indebted to the colonel for the honour of writing to you 
 at this moment. The Duke being informed that his lodg- 
 ings were surrounded, seized a double-barrelled gun, and 
 levelled it at me as I was desiring several persons who 
 were at the Duke's windows to open the door to me, and 
 threatening that, if they did not, I would carry off the Duke 
 by force. Colonel Grunstein prevented him from firing by 
 saying, " My Lord, have you involved yourself?" The latter 
 having answered in the negative, " Well," said Grunstein, " all 
 " resistance is useless, for we are surrounded, and I perceive 
 " a great number of bayonets ; it appears that this is the com- 
 " manding officer. Recollect that by killing him you would 
 " ensure your own destruction and ours." I well remember 
 hearing the words This is the commanding officer ; but I was 
 far from supposing my life in such imminent danger, as the 
 Duke has since repeatedly declared to me it was. At 
 
61 
 
 the moment of the Duke's apprehension, I heard a cry of 
 fire ! (a German signal.) I immediately went to the house in 
 which I expected to arrest Dumouriez ; and on my way I 
 heard the cry of fire! repeated in several directions. I 
 stopped a person who was going towards the church, proba- 
 bly to sound the tocsin ; and at the same time I satisfied the 
 inhabitants of the place, who were running out of their 
 houses in consternation, by saying, " It is all by your sove- 
 reign's consent :" an assurance which I had already given to 
 his Master of the Hunt, who had hastened to the Duke's 
 lodgings on the first cries that were heard. On reaching the 
 house in which I expected to.seize Dumouriez, I arrested the 
 Marquis de Thumery. 1 found this house in a state of tran- 
 quillity, which removed my anxiety, and invested as I had left 
 it before 1 proceeded to the Duke's. 
 
 The other arrests were effected without noise. I made 
 enquiries to ascertain whether Dumouriez had appeared at 
 Ettenheim, and was assured that he had not. I presume 
 the idea of his having been there must have arisen from 
 confounding his name with that of General Thumery. 
 
 To-morrow I shall look into the papers which I have 
 hastily brought off from the prisoners' houses, and shall 
 then have the honour to make my report thereon to you. 
 I cannot too highly applaud the firm and distinguished con- 
 duct of Quarter-master Pfersdorff in this affair. He is 
 the person whom I sent the day before to Ettenheim, and 
 who pointed out to me the lodgings of our prisoners : he 
 stationed all the vedettes, in my presence, at the outlets of 
 the houses they occupied, and which he had reconnoitred 
 the preceding day. At the moment when I was summoning 
 the Duke to yield himself prisoner to me, Pfersdorff, at the 
 head of several gendarmes and dragoons of the 22d regi- 
 ment, penetrated into the house by the back part, by getting 
 over the walls of the court-yard : these were the men per- 
 
62 
 
 ccived by Colonel Grunstein, at sight of whom he prevented 
 the Duke from firing at me. I solicit, General, the brevet 
 of a lieutenant for Quarter-master PfersdorfF, for which place 
 he was proposed at the last review of the Inspector-general 
 Wyrion. He is in all respects fit to be promoted to that 
 rank. Generals Ordener and Caulaincourt will mention this 
 sub-officer to you ; and what they will say to you respecting 
 him, leads me to hope that you will take into serious con- 
 sideration the favour I ask of you for him. I have to add 
 that this sub-officer has informed me that he was particularly 
 seconded by the gendarme Henne, of the brigade of Barr. 
 As PfersdorfF speaks several languages, I should hope his 
 promotion would not remove him from the squadron. 
 
 The Duke d'Enghien has assured me that Dumouriez 
 has not been at Ettenheim ; that he might possibly, never- 
 theless, have been charged to bring him instructions from 
 England ; but that he should not have received him, because 
 his rank did not allow of his holding communication with 
 such people ; that he esteemed Bonaparte as a great man, but 
 that being a prince of the house of Bourbon, he had vowed 
 an implacable hatred against him, as well as against the 
 French, with whom he would wage war on all occasions. 
 
 He is extremely fearful of being taken to Paris ; and I 
 believe that, in order to carry him thither, he must be very 
 vigilantly guarded. He expects that the First Consul will 
 confine him, and says he repents his not having fired on me, 
 as that would have decided his fate by arms. 
 
 The Chief of the 38th squadron of 
 
 National Gendarmerie, 
 (Signed,) CHARLOT. 
 
 LONDON : 
 PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 
 
'///,? day is published, in French and English, in Two Parts, 8ro. 
 with three Fac- Similes, 
 
 THE THIRD LIVRAISON OF 
 
 NAPOLEON'S MEMOIRS, 
 
 ILLUSTRATIVE of the HISTORY of EUROPE, from 1793 to 1815, 
 
 DICTATED AT SAINT-HELENA, 
 
 TO COUNTS MONTHOLON, BERTRAND, GOURGAUD, &c. 
 
 AND PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 
 CORRECTED BY HIMSELF. 
 
 N.B. The fourth and last Livraisons of this important Work are in a forward state. 
 
 IT was during the years of a dreary and hopeless exile that his mind, whose 
 element was action, whose health depended on incessant and boundless 
 exertion, left to prey upon and eat into itself, as the rust corrodes the neg- 
 lected or disused brand, sought to beguile the hours of sorrowful and bitter 
 recollection, by living for a little on the past, and dictating the Memoirs of 
 which we propose to render some account. This worlf bears impressed 
 on it the stamp of the gigantic mind from which it emanated. It is wholly 
 free from the usual vices of French composition ; depth, originality, com- 
 prehensiveness, and great energy of expression, are its prominent characteris- 
 tics. A profound and intuitive sagacity, a clear and unerring insight into 
 human character, mental resources almost preternatural, and an incredible 
 knowledge of the minutest details of every subject discussed, are exhibited 
 in almost every page : nothing escapes the observation, or transcends the 
 capacity, of the Imperial Annalist. He combines the judgment and pene- 
 tration of Tacitus, with the prodigious versatility of Caesar, and the more 
 enlarged views of modern pnilosophy and science ; policy, religion, war, 
 civil administration, statistics, art, even literature, in short, whatever he 
 touches on seems to unfold its most recondite principles to his view, and to 
 be fully comprehended and appreciated. With these qualities, his style, 
 clear, rapid, vigorous, admirably harmonizes, yet appears occasionally to 
 labour under the weight and importance of the materials of which it is the 
 vehicle : and notwithstanding the severe exclusion of every thing in the 
 shape of ornament, there are occasional flashes of that deep intellectual 
 eloquence which strikes like a thunderbolt into the soul, thrills into its 
 inmost recesses, and leaves us overmastered and subdued by its sudden and 
 irresistible impulse. It is fortunate that the impetuous exuberance of his 
 ideas forced the Emperor to have recourse to dictation ; for, in this manner, 
 his statements come warm and fresh from his powerful and original mind, 
 stamped with the innate freedom, boldness, and energy of his character, and 
 utterly divested of any symptom of painful and anxious elaboration. In the 
 same ratio in which it increases the pleasure we derive from their perusal, 
 this cannot fail to augment their value, as the living and veritable expression 
 of those prodigious faculties to which all men of all countries have been 
 compelled to render an unanimous homage. To the future historian their 
 value is incalculable : with regard to the Memoirs themselves, no history 
 can ever supersede them. Edinburgh Literary Miscellany. 
 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN CO. CONDUIT STREET, 
 & M. BOSSANGE & CO. GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 
 
IMPORTANT WORKS 
 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN & CO. CONDUIT-STREET. 
 And sold by BELL and BRADFU IE, Edinburgh ; and JOHN GUMMING, Dublin. 
 
 1. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SAMUEL PEPYS, ESQ. 
 
 Secretary to the Admiralty during the reigns of CHARLES II. and JAMES II. 
 and the intimate friend of the celebrated JOHN EVELYN. Now first deci- 
 phered from the original MSS. ; written in short-hand, and preserved in the 
 Pepysian Library. (in the press.} 
 
 The Journal commences immediately before the Restoration, when Mr. Pepys sailed 
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 interruptedly for ten years, containing much curious matter not to be found in any other 
 history of that eventful period. Independently of the naval transactions, which are de- 
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 HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND: 
 
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 the SECOND By WILLIAM GODWIN. 2 vols. 8vo. (in the press.} 
 
 *** There is no part of the history of this Island which has been so inadequately 
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 the Interregnum were, immediately after the Restoration, spoken of with horror, and 
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 begun from party-rage, has been continued from indolence. No research has been ex- 
 ercised, no public measures have been traced to their right authors ; even the succession 
 of judges, public officers, and statesmen, has been left in impenetrable confusion. It is 
 the object of the present work to remedy this defect, and to review the transactions of 
 that period with the same calmness, impartiality, and inflexible justice, as if they had 
 preceded the Universal Deluge, or had taken place in one of the remotest islands of the 
 South Sea. 
 
 3. 
 
 ^ HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE LITERATURE OF THE 
 SOUTH OF EUROPE. ByM. DE SISMONDI. Translated from the 
 Original, with NOTES. By THOMAS ROSCOE. Vols. HI. and IV. con- 
 taining the Spanish and Portuguese Writers, which complete the Work. 
 
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 Second Edition with Portrait, containing. 1. Memoir of the DUKE of ROVIGO 
 
 2. Memoir of COUNT HULIN. 3. Memoir of M. DUPIN: with the JOURNAL 
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 LIFE AND TIMES OF SALVATOR ROSA. 
 By LADY MORGAN. 
 
 "in 2 vols. 8vo. with Portrait, (in the press.) 
 
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 With several of his most intimate Friends. Now first published from the 
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 Yaxham with Welborne, in Norfolk. 2 vols. 8vo with Portraits of Cowper 
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 The King of Clubs Rhyme and Reason The Eve of Battle A Visit to Eton On 
 Youthful Friendship On the Practical Bathos Nicknames My Brother's Grave On 
 Wordsworth's Poetry Yes and No A Lapland Sacrifice Thoughts on the words 
 Turn Out Miseries of the Christmas Holidays Confession of Don Carlos Solitude in 
 a Crowd Politeness and Politesse A Windsor Ball Sir Thomas Nesbitt's Definition 
 of a Good Fellow Lovers' Vows Godiva, a Tale On the Practical Asyndeton On 
 Signs A Peep into Rawsdon Court On Hair Dressing The Coliseum Biography of 
 a Koy's Room On a Certain Age Reflections on Winter Peregrine's Scrap Book 
 Girolamo and Sylvestra On the Approach of the Holidays A Night Adventure Castles 
 in the Air What shall I do? Not at home On Silent Sorrow Reminiscences of my 
 Youth Horse Paludanas Martin Sterling on Principle On Coleridge's Poetry On 
 Charles Lamb's Poetry Le Blanc's Sober Essay on Love The Knight and the Knave 
 
 Mad, quite Mad A Saturday Evening in the Country On the Writings of Montgo- 
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 and Sigismunda The Lover's Song The Bachelor The Mistake ; or Sixes and Sevens 
 
 Sense and Sensibility Lozell's Essay on Weathercocks Changing Quarters A Coun- 
 try Sabbath The Tomb of Psammis Old Boots On the Divinities of the Ancients 
 Letters from Oxford Gog, a Poem On Prejudice The Rashleigh Letter- Bag The 
 Country Curate Michael Oakley's Objections to Wit Intellectual Liberty On the 
 Poems of Homer, and the age in which he lived The Wedding, a Roman Tale On 
 Etonian Poets Reflections on a Clerical Life The Bride of the Cave, a Ballad Nugse 
 Amatorise The Hall of my Fathers On Country Church Yard Epitaphs Surly Hall 
 
 Essay on Lions Ellen, a simple Tale Maimounc, a Poem Private Correspondence. 
 
sr 
 
 h COUNT LAS CASES' JOURNAL 
 OF THE 
 
 CONVERSATIONS OF NAPOLEON 
 
 Is now concluded, by the publication of the 1th and Sth Parts : and tlio. 
 who havt not i/ct completed their Sets, are requested to make application to 
 their respective Booksellers. 
 
 'he following are some of the interesting contents of these Volumes. 
 VOL. I. PARTS 1 and 2. 
 
 ABDICATION of Napoleon after the Battle of Waterloo. Embarkation on 
 board the Bellerophon. Determination of the English Government to con- 
 fine him at St. Helena. His Protest thereon. Voyage to St. Helena in the 
 Northumberland. Abode at Briars. Conduct of Admiral Cockburn. Re- 
 moval to Longwood. Decline of Napoleon's health. Conversations on 
 Napoleon's family, education, and first years of service. His dangerous 
 situation at different periods during the Revolution. Remarks on several of 
 the libels published against him. Anecdotes of the expedition to Egypt. 
 Overtures from the Bourbons to the First Consul. Refutation of the story 
 of his poisoning the sick at Jaffa. On the Council of State, Legislative Body, 
 and Senate. On the Empresses Josephine and Maria Louisa, the King of 
 Rome, the Royal family of Austria, and the Emperor Alexander. Napo- 
 leon's natural Children. The Infernal Machine. Treatment of the Spanish 
 Princes and the Pone when detained by Napoleon. Apology for^Ney. Na- 
 poleon's maxims ot police. His disregard of popularity. ^On Goldsmith's 
 Secret History, and other calumnies. Napoleon learns English. On the 
 battles of Marengo, Eylau, Jena, Austerlitz, &c. Death of Murat. State of 
 France. Intended invasion of England. The interview of the Sovereigns at 
 Dresden. Political confessions of Napoleon, General Bertrand, and Count 
 Las Cases. Remarks on the French expedition into Egypt. Anecdotes of 
 the Emperors of Austria and Russia, the Empresses of Austria and France, 
 the King of Saxony and his family, Ferdinand VII., Joseph and Lucien 
 Bonaparte, Eugene, Murat, Bessieres, Duroc, Augereau, Berthier, Fouche, 
 Talleyrand, &c. Napoleon's criticisms on Racine, Corneiile, Rousseau, 
 Madame de Stael, Madame de Sevigne', St. Pierre, &c. 
 
 VOL. II. PARTS 3 and 4. 
 
 Napoleon's manner of living, toilette, &c. Arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe 
 as Governor. Declaration required from Napoleon's suite. His seclusion. 
 The wooden palace. Vexatious conduct of the Governor. Arrival of the 
 foreign Commissioners. Conversations on the plots against Napoleon. 
 Georges, Cerachi, and the fanatic of Schoenbrunn. Results of the battle of 
 Waterloo. Diplomatic characters, Pozzo di Borgo, the Duke of Bassano, 
 Cambaceres, Lebrun, Fouche', and Talleyrand. On Napoleon's administra- 
 tion. His proclamations to the Mahometans. Comparison of the French 
 and English revolutions. Of Napoleon and Cromwell. On the French 
 emigrants. The French laws on marriage. Separation of Napoleon and 
 Josephine. The state of England. Dictionnaire des Giroueites. The 
 Governor's restrictions on communication with the inhabitants. Napo- 
 leon's melancholy, and alteration in health. Conversations on women. 
 Polygamy, Military schools, and Lyceums. Religion. On the Repub- 
 lican Directory. On English diplomacy. Lord Whitworth's misrepre- 
 sentations Eulogiums on Cornvvallis and Fox. On St. Domingo. On 
 the Convention. On the liberty of the press. On the affairs of Spain, 
 the Abdications of Charles IV. and Ferdinand VII. The Peninsular 
 war. On the conferences at Tilsit. Lord Castlereagh's misrepresen- 
 tations respecting French heiresses. Political history of the Court of 
 London during the emigration. On George III., the Prince of Wales, Mr. 
 Pitt, Mr. Fox, &c. Anecdotes of the Consulship of Napoleon. Revolu- 
 tionary Characters. Anecdotes of the Emperor Alexander, the King and 
 Queen of Prussia, the Turkish and Persian ambassadors, Princess Stephanie 
 of Baden, Decr^s, Junot, Murat, Lannes, Berthollet, General Paoh, Ma- 
 daine Letitia Bonaparte, &c. Criticisms on Homer, Voltaire, Rousseau, 
 Chateaubriand, Delille, Lacretelle, De Pradt, &c. 
 
VOL. III. PARTS 5 and 6. 
 
 Observations on the Act of Parliament for Napoleon's confinement. De- 
 tention of books, and other vexations by the Governor. Napoleon's ob- 
 servations on the Convention of the Allies declaring him the prisoner of 
 England. Santini prevented from assassinating the Governor. Scarcity and 
 badness of provisions. Conversations on the works at Cherburg ; on the 
 new plan of maritime war meditated by Napoleon. Etiquette at Longwood. 
 Hospitals, prisons, and charitable institutions of France. The expedition to 
 Egypt. On Cagliostro, Mesiner, Puysegur, Lavater, Gall, &c. The Empe- 
 ror's court. Convents and clergy. Marie Antoinette. Madame Campan, 
 Historical sketch of the emigrants at Coblentz. On the Turks, the Mame- 
 lukes, Sweden, Gustavus IV., Bernadotte, Russia, Catherine II., the Em- 
 peror Paul. On Napoleon's paternal mansion and vine. His nurse. Treaty 
 of Fontainebleau. General Sarrazin. The fire of Moscow. Retreat from 
 Russia. Napoleon's coronation. Berlin and Milan decrees. Observations 
 on the campaign of Waterloo, dictated by Napoleon. Political defence of 
 Napoleon. Remarks on Turenne, Cond^, and Catinat. Causes of Napo- 
 leon's return from Egypt. Benevolent actions of Napoleon. Revolutionary 
 massacres. Death of Louis XVI. On the policy of England, and resources 
 for liquidating her debt. The peace of 1815. The ladies of the Tuileries. 
 Fragment of French history by Napoleon. On Lucien Bonaparte's Charle- 
 magne ; and literary productions of Louis ; Eliza, and Paulina Bonaparte. 
 Account of Napoleon's return from Elba. Finances of France. Louis, and 
 the affairs of Holland. Public works of Napoleon. On predestination. 
 French and English codes. The Legion of Honour. Napoleon's reflections 
 on his son, and on Austria. Character of Marie Antoinette. Anecdotes of 
 Madame Grassini, Berthier, the Faubourg St. Germain, Madame de Stae'l, 
 Baron Larrey, Desaix, Sir Sidney Smith, Napoleon's court, Clarke, Sieyes, 
 &c. Critical remarks on Diderot, Laharpe, Madame de Stae'l, Beaurnar- 
 chais, Madame de Cottin, Madame de Maintenon, Madame de Sevigne, 
 Madame de Genlis. 
 
 VOL. IV. PARTS 7 and 8. 
 
 Conversations on Napoleon's views in the invasion of Russia. Official 
 instructions respecting the restoration of the kingdom of Poland. Moral 
 effects of the French revolution. On the treatment of French prisoners in 
 England, and English prisoners in France. Of the English detenus. Napo- 
 leon's great works at Antwerp, and intentions respecting that place. Mallet's 
 plot. Eulogium on his mother, brothers, and sisters. The policy and 
 resources of Russia. On the English East India Company. Monopolies 
 and Free Trade. Comparison of Pitt and Fox. The Conscription. On the 
 French navy. On placemen. The chiefs of La Vendee. Princess Charlotte 
 of Wales. Consolidation of nations according to geographical boundaries. 
 On the campaign of 1814, and Baron Fain's manuscript. Letter from Lord 
 Castlereagh to Lord Bathurst on the treaty of Fontainebleau. Portraits of 
 the English ministers. Remarks on the French ministers: on the new- 
 French nobility. Particulars of the affair of the Duke d'Enghien. Vindi- 
 cation of Napoleon. Rejection of proposals to assassinate the Bourbons. 
 Numerous characteristic anecdotes of Napoleon. Anecdotes of the cour- 
 tiers of the Tuileries Madame de Montesson of English prisoners Ma- 
 dame de T and M. Denon Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg 
 
 Madame Recamier, Moreau, Dumouriez, Poniatowski, &c. Continued 
 illness of Napoleon. Want of medicines. Arrival of a state bed from 
 England. Fortifications erected by the governor about Longwood. Arrest of 
 Count Las Cases for a clandestine attempt to forward a letter. His removal 
 from Longwood. Seizure and examination of his papers. Correspondence 
 with the Governor. Napoleon's farewell letter to the Count. Passage to the 
 Cape of Good Hope. Recapitulation of the oppressive conduct of the Go- 
 vernor towards Napoleon and his suite. Detention of Count Las Cases at 
 the Cape. Interest excited there respecting Napoleon. Observations on the 
 Manuscript from Saint Helena. Passage to Europe, arrival in the Thames, 
 seizure of papers, and removal to Ostend. Persecutions in Belgium, Prus- 
 sia, &c. Residence at Frankfort. Petition to the British Parliament, and let- 
 ters to the Sovereigns of Austria, Russia, England and Prussia; to Madame 
 Mere, Maria Louisa, &c. Transactions with Napoleon's family. Letters to 
 and from Count Bertram!. Notes by Napoleon on Sir Hudson Lowe's con- 
 duct. Death of Napoleon. Return to France. 
 
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