DMDJUIUjllMIMCTIIlMTODIOmTOtf^ I r ■■■i 'f.i^''!&'M-flf-iifi ^|!^jj^^j^^j^}j2^^;^2 :-!?rg«%ie-:^vf-j THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Ex Libris ISAAC FOOT "" ' kU: I ^ hio^ ktyK^^^^^' THE GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY THE GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY FROM POLYBIUS TO PLUTARCH ^ V BY J. P. MAHAFFY J" FELLOW, ETC. OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN ; HON. FELLOW OF queen's COLLEGE, OXFORD; KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF THE REDEEMER; AUTHOR OF ■ PROLEGOMENA TO ANCIENT HISTORY ' ; ' KANT's PHILOSOPHY FOR ENGLISH READERS ' 'SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE'; 'RAMBLES AND STUDIES IN GREECE'; 'greek life AND THOUGHT'; 'a HISTORY OF GREEK LITERATURE,' ETC. ILontioit MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK I 890 A II rights reserved ARTHURO JACOBO BALFOUR QUEM NON IMPROBI CONVICIIS STULTI CONSILIIS ADVERSARII INSIDIIS AB INSTITUTIS, LITTERIS, LUDIS SUIS DETURBARE POTUERUNT D D D AMICUS SCRIPTOR PREFACE This volume completes another stage in the social life and the civilisation of the Greeks, and pursues my subject from the subjugation of Hellenic lands by Rome down to the accession of Hadrian, when we may fairly say that Greece recovered her ascendancy. For from that day onward there was no distinction in honour between Greek and Latin ; in fact almost all our later histories of Roman affairs are in the Greek tongue. This then is one valid reason for halting about the year 120 A.D, Moreover the Sophistical Revival is set down by all the historians of later Greek literature as commencing with Hadrian, and with the state endowment of professional teach- ing which he systematiscd, though he did not originate it. But more important than all these reasons for adopting my present limit is the fact that so far we may treat of Greek life without taking into account via PREFACE the new religion which presently invades all the Hellenistic world. Christianity had indeed been born, and was being preached ; but on the great Greek teachers of the first century it leaves hardly a trace, and so far we may discuss Hellenism with- out it. From the days of Hadrian onward, such abstraction is impossible ; and indeed, if I resume the subject in a subsequent volume, it will be my duty to begin by overlapping the present book, and tracing the obscure beginnings of the new faith which, though alive, is of no import in the society here described. This seems to me the most orderly, and therefore profitable way of unravelling the com- plicated phenomena of the first century. In deference to serious and friendly critics of my Greek Life and Thought (which may be re- garded as the forerunner of the present work), I have given many more references to authorities than was my previous custom. This change is not made from any desire to justify myself against those who accused me of not knowing the newer sources, be- cause I did not parade them ; but in addition to the advice of competent friends, it seemed to me that the evidence for the facts brought together in this volume was so scattered, so fragmentary, so dependent on inscriptions and on little known texts, that fuller PREFACE IX references were due to the reader. He will find the abbreviations in my references fully explained in the Index. These materials have not been gathered or systematised by any previous historian ; Hcrtzberg, for example, confines himself strictly to Greece proper under the Romans — a mere fraction of the history of later Hellenism, and Boissier, in his interesting book on Cicero and his friends, has never once considered the point of view taken in my Sixth Chapter on the same subject. Indeed, since I wrote the opening of this Preface I have encountered a practical illustration of the difficulty there is in including all the evidence in such a history, and of the strong probability that the increased activity of antiquarians and travellers will furnish us constantly with new facts, or with correc- tions of our former deductions. Mr. Flinders Petrie, in searching a small and insignificant necropolis at Kurob some six hours' ride from Medinet-el-Fayoum, found a number of mummies of the Ptolemaic epoch in cases of the usual appearance. They were all (he tells me) distinctly anterior in style to those of the Roman period. On examining these cases with care, he found that they were made of layers of papyrus glued together, in some cases only laid together, X PREFACE and varnished within and without. Perceivinsf that much of this papyrus showed traces of writing, he took several cases to pieces, and thus gathered a large quantity of fragments, covered with Greek and demotic writing : the Greek fragments he kindly sent to Mr, Sayce, with whom I examined them in August 1 890. We have identified fragments of the PJia;do of Plato, written in a beautiful hand, and not posterior to 250 B.C., also a considerable passage from the lost Aiitiope of Euripides, and a passage on the duties of the comrade {j^CKkjaipoi), by some rhetor earlier than Alexander's time. These texts, which we shall presently publish in HennatJiena, and which I need not now discuss, show that even under the second Ptolemy Greeks had settled in the country parts of Egypt, and had with them such plenty of books that some of them were used as waste paper. A large number of letters, dated in the reigns of the second and third Ptolemies (284-224 B.C.), and written in good Greek, but in a very difficult cursive script, attest the same conclusion perhaps even more strongly. Lastly, there were used among the waste paper what seem to be the records of the Graeco-Egyptian Probate Court at Crocodilo- polis, the capital of the nome or district called Arsinoe — drafts of wills, with the date, the name PREFACE and description of the testator, and the names and descriptions of the witnesses. In two of three cases the details of the bequests are to be made out, though in lacerated fragments. This series of docu- ments, in good Greek, and written in all sorts of hands, presents us with formulae constantly recurring, but still varied both in their place and even in their expression, so proving that they were not the work of lawyers composing them for ignorant people, but the dictation of educated men. Pending my publication of these texts, in the Bulletin de Correspondaiicc Hcllenique I cannot enter into further detail ; but this I must say, that they modify considerably the estimate I had formed of the depth and breadth of Greek ii^luences in Egypt. As the reader will see in the note to p. 202, I was already beginning to doubt the ancient view which confines Greek life (outside Alexandria) to Ptolemais and Arsinoe ; now that view seems to me completely exploded. Indeed Arsinoe, which is commonly understood to mean a town, was used as the name of a district. As I am writing these words there comes to me the just published exhaustive monograph of M. Th. Reinach on Mithridates, which I should have gladly used in discussing that king. xu PREFACE These sudden additions to our evidence and to the sifting of it are the delight and the despair of historians — the deh'ght of those who are ready to abandon accepted views and popular prejudices, the despair of those who cling to them, who pretend to give a final judgment on things but partially known, regarding a correction as merely a demon- stration that they were wrong, not as the means of escape from a cherished error, and an enlarge- ment of our common knowledge. The present scholarship both of Germany and of England has been positively vitiated by the fashion among its Professors of taking criticism as an act of hostility, and pursuing the critic with such rancour, that no quiet man. thinks it worth Jjiis while to set his neigh- bour right, or expose, however gently, a piece of literary imposture, at the cost of being annoyed and maligned for the rest of his life. As I have now acknowledged my obligations to Mr. Petrie and his important discovery, so I trust I have nowhere omitted to acknowledge my conscious obligations to previous authors ; it is impossible to do so adequately to those colleagues — Mr. Louis Purser and Mr. Bury — who have helped me with advice and correction all through the book. To appropriate the work of a colleague, or to utilise PREFACE xiu it with that scanty acknowledgment which amounts to deliberate reticence, is a form of vice not the less odious, because the culprit generally escapes with impunity. My friend Mr. Sayce has also corrected the sheets, and has made many important suggestions. Oxford, October 1890. CONTENTS CHAP. I. The Immediate Effects of the Roman Conquest UPON Hellenism II. Hellenism in the Far East .... III. Hellenism in Syria and in Egypt . IV. The Acclimatisation of Greek Philosophy in Roman Society V. The General Reaction of Hellenism upon Rome VI. The Hellenism of Cicero and his Friends . VII. The Period of the Civil War — from Cicero to Augustus VIII. Ascetic Religion in the First Century IX. Western Hellenism under the Early Roman Emperors — Colonisation .... X. The Remaining Hellenism of Italy (chiefly Magna Gr^cia) XI. Eastern Hellenism under the Early Roman Empire XII. The Condition of Greece from Augustus to Ves PASiAN — the Hellenism of the Early Emperors XIII. Plutarch and his Times — Public Life . XIV. Plutarch and his Times — Private Life XV. Eastern Hellenism under the Flavian House XVI. The Literature of the First Century Appendix Index i8 38 61 So "3 151 179 1 89 207 249 291 323 351 369 399 407 CHAPTER I Introduction the immediate effects of the roman conquest upon hellenism PoLYBius and the thoughtful Greeks who talked with him after the fall of Carthage and of Corinth must have felt that they had lived to see one of the great turning-points in the world's history. There was now no longer any doubt that all the civilised nations hitherto at variance, in opposition, distracted by reason of contrasts in population, in govern- ment, in language, in traditions, would now be directed by the will of one people, by the influence of one system of law, by the predominance of a common language. It was not the first time that this grand prospect had been held forth to the world. When Alexander was yet a young man, returning from his conquests in the far East, men must have anticipated, as very near, an empire not unlike that of Rome ; for the conquest of the West would have been no difficult matter to Alexander, with all the resources of Asia under his hand. The successes of Pyrrhus, with his small army, against the adult Rome of the third century, B 2 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. fresh from her Samnite conquests, show what would have been the successes of Alexander, with his giant genius and armaments, against the younger and feebler Republic. And if the realisation of the conqueror's dreams was hindered by his early death, most of the early Diadochi had each for many hard -fought years aspired to be his sole successor, completing his work and regenerating the distracted world by the potent influence of Hellenistic culture. A world -empire, including all the lands and nations about the Mediterranean Sea, reaching to the frozen North and the torrid South as its natural limits, exchanging the virgin ores of Spain for the long-sought spices of Araby the blest, was therefore no real novelty in imagination. But while those who had conceived it and striven for it consciously had failed, who could have imagined that it should drop almost suddenly, unexpectedly, by the force, not of genius, but of circumstances, into the hands of a people who attained it not by the direction of an Alexander or a Napoleon, or even by the successes of a Clive, but by those national qualities which had gained for Sparta pre- cedence and respect, coupled with those aggressive wars under the guise of securing ever-widening frontiers which mark the rapid strides of Macedonia ? Any political thinker who witnessed this mighty outcome of half a century might indeed feel uneasy at the result, if he were not, like most of the Stoics, a religious fatalist. There was no doubt the manifest gain of a great peace throughout the world, of the real settlement of disputes by the arbitration of an umpire with power to enforce his will, of the consequent development of wide commerce over the world, with its diffusion not only of wealth but of enlighten- ment. These materia] gains were indis])utablc, even though THE ROMANS DEGENERATING a dangerous monopoly "was being established not merely through the enormous advantages inseparable from Roman influence, but by tlie jealous destruction of all those com- mercial centres, which might have rivalled Rome by reason of favoured situation or old traditions of trade. But far more serious was the patent fact, that neither the Roman people nor their rulers had received any education to fit them for an imperial policy. Administrative ability there was in plenty, just as there had been tactical know- ledge to win battles without any strategy to plan campaigns. Higher education was confined to the 'Scipionic circle.' Hence it resulted that not only did the common people degenerate rapidly into a vulgar mob, pursuing solely its material pleasures, but the dominant classes, when vast opportunities of wealth and power were thrown into their hands, did not resist even for a generation the seductions of the world and the flesh, and became steeped in such luxury and vice as the Greeks had not reached in a decadence of centuries. Polybius and Diodorus^ speak of these things in terms almost identical. They mention the rapid rise in the prices of luxuries at Rome, how a jar of wine came to cost ICO drachmae, a jar of Euxine sardines 400, a good slave-cook 4 talents,- and worse ministrants to worse pleasures higher still. Both authors do not indeed omit to point out, that the great traditions of Roman dignity and virtue still survived. Diodorus quotes a number of instances of righteous Roman governors, and Polybius in an earlier generation speaks of the Scipios as the recognised models of civic excellence. But we feel that these good men were rare exceptions, and that the apparent peace of the Roman ^ Frag. lib. xxxvi. '^ Nearly ;^iooo. Drachmce may be counted as modern francs for convenience' sake, though slightly loss in silver weight. 4 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. world was a delusive calm, to be interrupted, if not from without, at least by violent eruptions from within. For injustice and oppression have never yet failed to bring upon themselves their due rewards. So it was that the completed conquest which Polybius saw,^ and which appeared to be a final settlement of the world, brought no contentment into the hearts of men. For while the position of the few, of the dominant class at Rome, was magnified beyond their wildest expectations, the condition of the many was not only made worse, but even became wholly intolerable. This is the key to those disturbances in the Roman world, which could not indeed shake off the yoke, but which showed the internal sores with which the mighty commonwealth was affected. The first symptom was the slave war which broke out in Sicily very few years, after the so-called pacification of the world by the ruin of Carthage and of Corinth in 146 B.C. I have endeavoured in a special monograph to explain the causes and character of this outbreak,^ and will therefore content myself with here giving the results. It was always remarked, whenever an invasion discloses to us the condition of the territory of Carthage, that nothing was more wonderful than the fertility of the farms and homesteads in that favoured land. Its natural gifts were so X enhanced by intelligent cultivation that the Italians at once saw and confessed their inferiority, and upon the fall of Carthage we hear that the Senate, probably after some delay, ordered the translation of the received handbook on agri- ^ I have given his evidence in detail in the last chapter of my Greek Life and Thought, which brings the subject up to the period treated in this book. ^ In Ilcrinathcita for 1890. MAGO ON AGRICULTURE culture long current in that state, which referred all the wisdom and experience of centuries to the authorship of the ancient Mago, the reputed founder of Punic greatness, not only in the arts of war, but also in those of peace. ^ Of this treatise we possess only stray quotations, in Varro's handbook and elsewhere,- mostly on the management of cattle and the farmyard, though we know from Cicero that it was a very voluminous work, as indeed is proved by the publication of two separate compendiums in later days. But there is one sentence, with which the book opened, that shows how far different was the spirit of the Punic farmer from his Roman imitator, and how useless the attempt to graft the African figs, which excited Cato's envy, upon the Italian thistles. ' A man who wants to farm,' said Mago, ' has no business with a town house. If he has one, let him sell it; if he be more attached to town life, what does he want with a country seat.'^ What advice to give to a Roman patrician, even such as Cato, with his thrifty husbandry ! To abandon Rome was to abandon the world, and to retire into the disgrace and the oblivion of exile. A further attempt was made, apparently in connection with the colonising efforts of Caius Gracchus, to instruct ' See the personality of this Mago discussed in Hcriiiathena, No. xvi. Our evidence for this act of the Senate is PHny, H. N. xviii. 5, the opening chapters of Columella and Varro((/iJi'v£; Rtistica,\. i, io),whomIwillquote: * All the [Greek] writers hitherto cited are surpassed in reputation by Mago the Carthaginian, who wrote in Punic, and embraced the scattered subjects of agriculture in twenty-eight books [translated into Latin, adds Pliny, by D. Silanus, and others skilled in Punic], which Cassius Dionysius of Utica translated in twenty books, and sent to the praetor Sextius, in which he inserted many things from Greek authors, and omitted eight books of Mago. Diophanes of Bithynia contracted these twenty into six, and dedicated them to king Dejotarus. ' - I have transcribed the list of fragments, op. cit. p. 30. ' Columella, i. i, iS. 6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the more cultivated settlers — for Gracchus did not send out the mere refuse of the people — by a Greek com- pendium, which contracted the twenty -eight books of the original into twenty.^ The third version, in still briefer form, was made for the use of that king Dejotarus whom Cicero mentions ^ as a most diligent farmer and grower of cattle, and shows that even in the long-civilised Asia Minor the Punic prescriptions were .valued. But quite apart from this fruitless theoretical measure to reform and improve the farming of the ever -increasing Roman domains was the practical imitation of the Punic habit of growing great tracts of wheat with the aid of slave labour. In the climate of North Africa nothing paid a higher interest ; but in the absence of all modern machinery the cultivation of wheat required many hands, and, there- fore, capital with a command of many slaves. This was the enterprise which the Romans sought to transfer to Sicily, where the land and climate permitted some hope of rivalling the waving crops of Africa. The capture of Carthage, like all such conquests in ancient days, threw an enormous number of slaves into the market, or rather there was an immense market of them immediately after the storming of the place. Not only all the slaves of the Carthaginians but the masters themselves were bought in gangs by Roman and Sicilian speculators, and carried off to till the plains of Sicily. Thus the great slave population of Carthage, mostly kidnapped or captured in eastern lands, and speaking the Greek tongue, was transferred to new masters, another soil, perhaps harsher conditions, and with no hope of liberty. This was the vast multitude which revolted about the ' See the arguments for this llieory in my article, op. cil. p. 164. 2 Pro rege Deiot. § 27 — diligentissinms agricola ei peaiariiis. CONTRASTS IN THE SLAVE WARS year 140 b.c, assumed the style and title of a Syrian state, made one of their number, who professed miraculous prophetic powers, their king, and met the Roman power in the open field. ^ If they had been assisted by the pirates, who began to infest all the seas in consequence of the Roman conquest, the result would have been very serious. But, as I have elsewhere shown, the pirates were themselves great slave dealers, and were the last people to spoil their own trade by playing the Romans false in this particular.^ What is specially to be noted about the insurrection is its Hellenistic character. The majority of these people had been subjects of the Seleucids, and this was the type of society and of government which they naturally endeavoured to set up. The state assumed by the insurgent king was a Hellenistic state. He had his peers and his household, his jester and his cook, his baker and his shampooer.^ Though the second slave war came a generation later (103- 99 B.C.), it may be well to treat it in connection with the first, so far as it serves to illustrate how the Greek elements are now being absorbed into the Roman world. After the struggle with Jugurtha had shown how corrupt the Roman oligarchy had already become, there supervened the desperate crisis of the 1 Our authority for these disturbances is the thirty-fourth book of Diodorus, preserved in copious excerpts by Photius. The first leader was Eunus, a Syrian of Apamea, whose wife was of the same city. He took the royal name of Antiochus, called his wife queen, and his followers Syrians. The other prominent leaders were Acha;us (called by Diodorus an Achoean, but perhaps taking his name from Achxus's royal house in Asia Minor) and Cleon, a Cilician, Cf the details in Ilermathena, xvi. 169. - Hcrmathena, xvi. 178. ^ TAqA. frag, xxxiv. stth. Jin. — i^eiKKvaOr) afia TeTTdpuv, nayeipov Kal dproTTOiov Kal tov rpi^ovTos ainhv ev rf Xoi'rpy Kal rerdpTov tov Trapd tovs irdrovs elwddros i/'i'xci7a)7e7c aiirbv. It is curious that Diodorus does not give the official titles ; or is it Photius that paraphrases them ? 8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Cimbric invasion. When several hosts had been swallowed up by the flood of the advancing hordes, just as the splendid army of Bajazet disappeared before the wave of the Tartars, the Senate sent to ask for auxiliaries from the Hellenistic kings in alliance, as it was called, with Rome. Nicomedes of Bithynia replied that he had no men left to send, seeing that the body of his population had been sold into slavery to satisfy the extortions of the Roman tax-gatherers.^ The reply was probably exaggerated, since it was so admirable an opportunity of making a protest against the terrible oppression of \h.t publkani ; but it awoke the Senate to the injustice and the danger of such a policy, and they set about correcting it by a new and still more obvious blunder. An order was issued forbidding any free citizen of an allied state to be kept in bondage for such debts ; and this order, which seems to have been issued for Sicily, the province whither all these eastern slaves were, as a matter of course, drafted, was the occasion of the outbreak. Crowds of slaves had come in and claimed their liberty, so much so that the terrified owners hurried to the Roman praetor, and persuaded him to suspend the order. No doubt the danger was great ; it was not likely that these long - oppressed and degraded strangers would make any good use of their liberty. But the mischief was done. Finding their one hope of liberty at the hands of the Roman Senate baulked, these unfortunate creatures were driven by fury and despair into another dreadful insurrec- tion. There were of course many horrors — awful revenge taken upon cruel masters in their isolated villas, whole- sale crucifixions of prisoners as criminals, and, after a hard struggle, a riveting of the old bonds upon the ' The history of this affair and of tlic second slave war is in tlic excerpts from Diodorus, lib. xxxvi., by Pholius. THE WAR OF ARLSTONICUS wretched remnant left from the ravages of fire and sword. In this war too, we find that the names of the leaders^ point to Hellenistic origin, and that the body of the slaves were of that kind, though it is to be noted that the style as- sumed by the leader Tryphon is not Syrian but Roman, and that he has a senate and lictors instead of peers and a royal household.^ But the use of miracle and prophecy is there; there is a strange expectation of some coming Saviour, who 1 shall redeem the poor and the afflicted from their tormentors ; ' there is a combination of the free poor with the slaves, all of which symptoms indicate a widespread feeling that injustice and oppression had attained such a height that the world's Providence must bring some relief. And this, as I pointed out, is the common feature of the second slave war with the war of Aristonicus, the illegitimate representative of the Attalids, who called his nation to arms when a will, suborned or extorted, of Attalus III, left Pergamum to the Roman people. The coast cities and the dynasts opposed him vigorously ; the slaves and the poor people in the interior supported him, and he dreamed of founding a new City of the Sun, in which his Heliopolitans would escape the oppressions of the new and terrible masters of the Hellenistic world.^ There were other outbreaks in Italy, but neither im- portant nor, so far as we know, Hellenistic in character. The shepherds and neatherds of the Italian pastures were sparse and rude, unable to plan or carry out a dangerous revolt. The only droves of slaves who could thus combine ^ At least of Athenio. But the other, Salvius, assumed a Syrian royal name, Tryphon. Cf. Hen/iathena, xvi. 175. - This appears from Diodorus, xxxvi. 535. ^ Cf. the details in my article, ^/. cil. p. iSi sq. lo GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. did in due course of time combine, and produce a desperate war. They were the gladiators under Spartacus. But though joined by a good many shepherds, their numbers were never very great ; they won battles by the high training of their bloody profession, and it is clear that this class was least of all recruited among the Greek-speaking population, which had neither the muscle nor the physical courage of the Thracian or the Spanish mountaineers.^ These wild and hopeless contests are, however, the earliest protests against the Republican conquest of the world, and indicate that here lie the forces which will overthrow it. They are, moreover, protests of the gentler, more cultivated Hellenic spirit against the iron despotism which treats en- slaved men, without regard to their original rank or educa- tion, as mere beasts of burden. There were, no doubt, dark spots on the humanity of Hellenism in this respect. The slaves in the silver mines of Laurium, in the quarries on the islands, or in the gold mines of the Ptolemies in Nubia, were treated as horribly as ever human beings were treated, and were selected, we may hope, from the criminal classes. The Egyptian tradition had certainly been to make this work a direct penal servitude, and so we find it in Pliny's letters to Trajan. ^ But still there was something hard, ' The same causes which produced these wars also produced the prevalence of highway robbery in the wilds of Italy and Greece, and still more the extraordinary prevalence of piracy, upon which we shall have much to say in the succeeding chapters. - The mines alluded to by Pliny were probably those in Pontus, for ^Strabo describes the mountain Sandaracurgion near Pompeiopolis in Pontus thus (xii. 3, § 40) : ' The mountain is hollowed out with mining, the workmen entering it by great shafts: it is managed hy piiblicani, who use as workmen slaves sold by reason of their crimes : for in addition to the hard labour the air is said to be deadly and unbearable on account \ of the odour of the soil, so that nobody lasts long there. And indeed XI this mining has often ijeen intermitted because it docs not pay, there HELLENISiM PROSTRATE relentless, cruel, in Roman ways, which must always have filled Greek servants and subjects with horror and dismay. Not only what was done, but the way in which it was done, was harsh and cold, and so I imagine the Romans to have held the place in European disfavour which the ^ middle class Englishman now holds, who knows no foreign ■ tongue, respects no foreign habit, recognises no foreign < virtue, but walks through the world assuming the English ( respectability, just as the Roman assumed his gravitas, to be | the stamp of a superior race. Hellenism, under the immediate grip of Rome, in Sicily, in Pergamum, found at once that anything was better than submission — hence the slave wars and the war of Aristonicus. The states in looser dependence were not so unfortunate, and were able to tolerate their servitude somewhat longer ; yet even they, when they found a leader, as in Mithradates, or an escape into the high seas, took up arms eagerly against their new masters. Such then was the miserable state of Hellenism, from which a gradual reaction, together with the dissensions of the Romans, only produced a slow and partial recovery. A little more than a century elapsed from the destruction of Corinth to the establishment of the Empire. There is probably no epoch of ancient history for which we have | more ample and curious materials ; yet they are all con- cerned with the Roman side of the world, and only mention being more than 200 workmen rccjuircil, who are constantly consumed by disease and death.' The Nubian gold mines will recur again in connection with the evidence of Agatharchides. No doubt all these were old-established tortures, used by Pontic dynasts, and Athenian speculators, and Egyptian kings for their selfish ends, making light of human life and suffering, as slave owners only will dare to do. X ^2 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Greeks and Asiatics in relation to their conquerors. Agitated also and eventful as these years were, we cannot say that any great new principle of government was discovered, or any but material advantages gained for the world. It was perfectly manifest 140 years before Christ that the Romans would remain masters of the Mediterranean countries, so far as force could keep them so. The only chance of escape from their sway must arise from their internal dissension, and it very soon appeared that no internal dissension was likely to produce a separation of the Roman power into parts or provinces. In fact, Rome was so distinctly the capital, that no insurgent thought himself of any account till he made good his claims there. No life was thought worth living by Roman magnates except that at Rome. I suppose that the Latin and Samnite subjects, had they conquered in the great social war at the opening of the first century B.C., would simply have demanded their share, greater or less, in the spoils of the rest of the world, and continued the same kind of empire which the Romans had established at their cost, and with their blood. To escape then from the military power of Italy seemed hopeless, even when her soldiers became debauched and her generals corrupt. But the internal dissensions which began to rend the great commonwealth must have given intelligent Greeks an early prospect that the abominable oligarchy which ravaged the provinces in the guise of governors and commanders must soon be overthrown. It was impossible that such plundering should continue with impunity from the gods, or at least from those Romans who felt excluded from the privilege. And whenever a very lucrative privilege can be f assailed on the score of justice and mercy, it will very soon I be abolished by those who can combine the zeal of private I THE RETROGRADE SCHEME OF SYLLA 13 interest with the dignity of sound arguments. Any wise !'*« political philosopher might have foretold that the oligarchy would fall at the hands of the masses. He might also have known, both from reading Aristotle and from observ- ing the mob of Rome, that this new democracy must inevit- ably fall into the net of desjjotism. The first leader who could combine military genius with political insight was sure to command the situation. A very strange phenomenon delayed for a generation the fulfilment of this inevitable cycle in the life of ancient — perhaps of all — states. The first man who overthrew all his foes and made himself master of Rome was an aristo- crat and an oligarch, Sylla. He undertook to restore the old domination of the Senate, and turn back the course of history one hundred years. He massacred or outlawed all his opponents ; no scruples restrained him ; he was one of those rare examples in history of an unselfish despot, who swept away his enemies for a principle, and who restored the old order of things in the interest of the aristocracy rather than his own. When his work was done he even resigned, and was able to contemplate the establishment of all his political ideas. It is one of the most instructive lessons in all history \ that this restored aristocracy, this realisation of the wildest ) • of Tory dreams, fell to pieces in a few years, in spite of all ' its author's safeguards and protections, in spite of the massacre of all his adversaries, in spite also of the fact that no great genius started up at once to destroy it. The \ Syllan constitution fell to pieces of itself, because it con- , tradicted the spirit of the times, and when the natural ■ overthrower of the republic — the Liberal politician, Cresar — -■ came into the arena, it was practically gone, though it had ;j been established but twenty years. ' 14 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. It was only with the advent of an intelligent despot that the Greek- speaking provinces might fairly anticipate some relief from the systematic rapacity and injustice of the nobles, whom he would subdue and keep in check. The political side of this period of Hellenism (up to the establishment of Cffisar) must therefore have been unutter- ably sad and dreary. The only alternative the subject states saw before them was whether a Licinius or a Cornelius was to plunder them, not to speak of the occa- sions when a civil war among the possessors of the world imposed upon the wretched provinces requisi- tions from both sides. Thus the Hellenic peninsula was made the theatre of three vast and devastating conflicts, two of which were civil wars among Romans, in which Greece had no concern. Far more interesting to the historian than the actual provinces, with their uniformity of management under Roman praetors, and their small contrasts of so-called free cities and actual subjects, are the outlying fragments of Hellenism which had not yet fallen under Rome at the close of the century before us, and were only gradually absorbed by the conquests of Lucullus and Pompey, or by the rise of the Parthian power. I say fragments of Hellenism, because not only were the Hellenistic empires either shattered or decayed, but there had been growing for some time a distinct reaction of oriental or separate nationalities against the adventitious culture imported by the conquests of Alexander. The enormous area then to be civilised, and the indelible type of old Greek culture, made it necessary that the form of spreading Hellenism should be by planting cities (strictly speaking city-polities) in the midst of the foreign populations, cities more or less I CONQUERING RACES COMPARED 15 densely or sparsely sown over a large area, but always separate loci of Greek culture, surrounded by a rural population excluded from the city privileges, or at least possessing none of their own.^ In Syria, for example, these cities were very numerous, in Egypt very few, and so in India and the far East. But everywhere beyond the im- mediate coasts of the ^gean they were marked by their language, which remained foreign to the country people, and which, though learned by vast numbers of Semites, never became the native tongue or vernacular of any tract of country not long since peopled by Hellenes. Subse- quently, the Arab conquest of the East, like the Roman of the West, imposed not only its culture but its language upon the vanquished ; it is plain, then, that Hellenism did not lay the same hold upon the nations which it subdued and occupied. One reason of this difference was undoubtedly the isola- tion of Hellenistic towns by special privileges, which their country neighbours could not freely obtain ; another may have been the generic difference between Greek and Semitic languages, while both Romans and Arabs imposed their speech mainly upon cognate tongues. Still the Arabs did far more than that. But both these races of conquerors had more time than the Greeks to produce their full effects upon the world. Hellenism as a dominant power ^ The country people lived KUfx-q^ov in contrast to the city, which was technically called ir6\is oIkov/jl^vt], a constituted city, e.g. by Xenophon [Anabasis, i. 2) several times, and Strabo says (iii. 4, § 13), dypioi yap oi Kara Kui/xas oLKovvres. To reduce the population to village life was to destroy the city, avdaraTOv iroieTv rrjv irb\Lv, or aolKrp-ov, which does not imply the massacre of the population any more than the Roman capitis diinimitio implies execution. It is characteristic of this form of civilisa- tion that Cicero tells us the distinctive inferiority and barbarism of Sardinia was shown by its not possessing a single free city [pro Scauro, § 44), for this is what he means by arnica pop. Rom. et libera civitas. X i6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. did not last more than two centuries. Would the Romans or Arabs have imposed their languages per- manently in that space of time ? It is more than doubtful. How soon, for example, Britain lost her acquired Latin when other conquerors intervened ? According, therefore, as the eastern nationalities became stronger, the Hellenistic towns became more and more isolated, more and more foreign, settled in a strange country, and most of them would have gradually reverted to, or been absorbed by, their non-Hellenic surroundings, had not the Romans maintained them everywhere as Greek cities in their settlement of the East. Thus arose a new phase, which I may call Roman Helle^iism, and which, like the Corinthian order so universally adopted by Roman builders, produced some splendid results. But this Roman Hellenism is not yet before us. What we have to consider is the decaying life of the cities of the Diadochi founded all over the empire of Alexander. For the close of the second century b.c. is marked in the East by a strong and widespread reaction of national feeling against Hellenistic domination. It is shown clearest in the breaking away of whole provinces under national leaders, who brought back the national religion and language as symbols of their patriotism, in Parthia and India ; it is shown also in the gradual estrangement of the provinces left under indigenous princes, such as Cappadocia and Armenia ; in the growing importance of Arab chiefs, such as Aretas and Sampsiceramus : it is further shown by the many obstinate insurrections in Egypt, the revival of old Egyptian cults, the disappearance of Greeks from court, and the substitution of Jews as the advisers of the Ptolemies ; we may perhaps see an echo of this great oriental reaction in the character of the slave wars just de- I HELLENISM ORIENTALLSED 17 scribed — I mean the prominence of Syrian wonder-work- ing and Syrian religion even in the Greek - speaking slave population of Sicily.^ This is the great field over which we must range to find the action and reaction of the Greek spirit upon the other nationalities of the ancient world. ^ Cf. on these points U. Stark's Gaza, p. 480. v CHAPTER II HELLENISM IN THE FAR EAST Perhaps the period after the collapse of Hellenism, as a political system, under the rising power of Rome, is the most favourable for considering the remote and obscure provinces of its influence. While Greece and Macedonia were reduced to the absolute silence resulting from a sanguinary military conquest and a reorganisation as Roman provinces — while the kingdoms of the nearer East were lapsing into the anarchy of disputed successions or the decay of an effete culture — there were still able and ambitious rulers holding aloft the torch of Hellenistic civilisation in the far East, and extending their influence far beyond the limits attained even by Alexander the Great. We know that the first Seleucus attempted to penetrate beyond the Indus, but during the confusion of the wars which followed the death of Alexander, his loyal satrap, the Indian Porus, had been murdered by the Macedonian Eudcmus, and then a revolt of the Indian natives had brought to the surface an able adventurer, Chandragupta (in Greek Sandracottus), who not only conquered all the Indian province of Alexander, but even extended his sway to the valley of the Ganges, and founded the greatest empire CHANDRAGUPTA 19 which had yet been known beyond the Indus. It was with this king that Seleucus waged war, as soon as he had estabhshed himself firmly in the possession of the Syrian and Persian provinces. AVe do not know w^hether Seleucus found his adversary too strong to attack, or whether he was actually defeated in battle, or whether (what I think most likely) he found the complications of the West, and the threatening power of Antigonus and his son Demetrius, so urgent a danger, that he was ready to conclude his Indian campaign upon easy terms. Certain it is, that he not only made peace and a marriage alliance with Sandracottus, but ceded to him the lands immediately west of the Indus, so making the Hindukush and the great Persian desert the new boundaries which separated the Hellenistic world from the farther East. But Sandracottus, on the other hand, seems to have paid him for the provinces not only with treasure but with those 500 elephants which turned the scale at Ipsus,^ and made Seleucus master of the world. Sandracottus's friendly relations, moreover, with Seleucus were maintained, and so it was that a Greek envoy, Megasthenes, was sent to the Indian court at Palimbothra, the Indian Pataliputra, a great city on the Ganges near the site of the present Patna, but all swept away in the course of centuries by the changing floods of the great river. It was from the work composed by INIegasthenes, his Indica, that the Hellenistic world first obtained a distinct account of the wealth and wonders of this land of fable. Not that Megasthenes, any more than Marco Polo or Sir John Mandeville, escaped the snare of credulousness as to monstrous animals and strange phenomena. But in spite of this the large extracts quoted in Strabo's geography, which are worked together into an able sketch in Lassen's ^ Cf. Greek Life and Thought, jx 37. 20 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. great work,^ show us that the Indica were genuine studies, which are corroborated by our other evidences of old Indian life and habits, and that we have lost in them an inestimable source of information. Sandracottus, after a prosperous reign of some twenty- five years, bequeathed his great kingdom to his son Vindusara, known to the Greeks by one of his titles as Amitrochates. We hear that this king also kept up friendly relations with the West, and that the second Ptolemy sent an ambassador called Dionysius to his court, probably to promote trade relations from the Indus by coasting to the Red Sea. The next king, Vindusara's youngest son — known to us commonly as A^oka — though he came to the throne by the oriental method of murdering his brethren, and began life with cruelty and violence, not only extended his kingdom to the mouth of the Ganges as well as of the Indus, and over a large part of the Deccan, but, owing to his conversion to Buddhism and his great missionary efforts, introduced the most splendid epoch in all Indian history. The monuments and inscriptions which still survive from his long and brilliant reign exceed in interest anything else in the archaeology of the country. Before we proceed to question these remains for the traces they show of Hellenistic influence, we must revert to the history of those eastern provinces which were still claimed by the Syrian kings. The reign of the second Antiochus (Theos), whose accession (261 b.c) followed shortly upon that of A^oka, marks the moment when these outlying provinces began to revolt and assert their inde- pendence. The great satrapy of Bactria led the way, together with Sogdiana, which Alexander had found so difficult to subdue, and where he had established many ^ Indische Allcjihtiinsktinde, vol. ii. AgOKA'S REIGN Greek cities as outposts for protection and for trade. Diodotus, the satrap of that country, declared himself an independent sovran. The reader must not take his notions of Bactria from modern maps, which represent Balkh and Samarcand as lying on the border of the steppes, a land of sand and of barrenness, only fit for nomad shepherds. Bactria was, and indeed still is, a province of great natural wealth, once fertile in all the produce, except olives, valued by civilised men — cattle, corn, and wine, and, moreover, the natural centre-point in which the caravans from China and from India met on their way by the Caspian and Caucasus into Europe. When Darius was defeated, it was the satrap of this province, then Spitamenes of Sogdiana, who took the lead, and the country possessed a wealthy aristocracy dweUing in strong castles, and going out to war with their retainers — an aristocracy proud enough to furnish a suitable queen to the great conqueror himself. Here then, somewhere about 250 B.C., Diodotus established himself as king of Bactria. His example was followed by the satrap of Areia, the next province to the south, and indeed by other satraps, whose exact dominions within Bactria, Sogdiana, and Areia we cannot distinguish. It seems quite certain that the great synod of Buddhists which Agoka held in the thirteenth year of his reign, and in which the doctrines of the faith were revived and purified, took place before the revolt of these provinces from Antiochus Theos. For Agoka mentions in the inscriptions which he ordered to be inscribed in stone, and set up all through his kingdom in both full and abbreviated texts, that he sent out his missionaries with cures of herbs for men and beasts as far as Antiyaka (Antiochus II), Turamaya I (Ptolemy II), Maga (of Cyrene), and Alissandra (of Epirus), [ 22 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. and that they also Hstened favourably to the preaching of the Buddhist gospel.^ He therefore had friendly relations so far with the kings of the West, though it is highly im- probable that his envoys reached Cyrene and Epirus — nay, even that the two kings mentioned, who died about 258 B.C., were alive at the time of his mission, which took place about that very year. If, therefore, Diodotus had been established as king at Bactria, it seems certain that Agoka would have mentioned him, seeing that he enumerates all the neighbouring states and nations as having received his missionaries. Nevertheless this great and brilliant reign of Agoka, and the extraordinary spread of the Buddhist religion, did more than anything else to stop the eastward progress of Hellenism. Though Agoka boasts that in accordance with his faith he was tolerant of all other creeds, and only sought the moral and spiritual regeneration of mankind, it is quite certain that the dogma, the miracles, the monasticism, the relic- worship, the abnegation of the new gospel, were not only quite strange to Hellenistic feeling, but established a strong national Indian feeling, which could resist all encroachment of foreign fashions. This, I think, accounts for the fact that though all the extant remains of antiquity in North- western India begin with Agoka, — there is nothing earlier known, — and though we have from his day various monu- ments, there is no trace of Hellenistic influence at that date. The rise of Diodotus in Bactria was followed by the revolt of Arsaces in Parthia (to the west of Bactria), and the establishment of that kingdom, afterwards so famous, as a ^ He was commonly supposed to have asserted their conversion, but the recent careful analysis of Senart — in \.\\e Journal asiaiiqiie ior 18S5, p. 290 sq. — tends to show that the king speaks positively only of his remedies being accepted, and quite generally of the courteous receptions of his religion, without asserting any further consequences. II THE INDO-GREEK KINGDOM 23 distinct protest of the native population against the Mace- donian sway. The Arsacids were for a long time weaker than their Bactrian neighbours. The Parthian was only able to withstand Seleucus Callinicus, but fled away when Antiochus the Great made his victorious campaign into the East.^ The Bactrian house of Diodotus had been already displaced by another line, but the opponent whom Antiochus found there, with whom he made peace and a treaty, was Euthy- demus, whose kingdom seems to have spread from Areia northward into Bactria. Presently the Parthians grew stronger and seized most of Bactria, so making a great barrier between the eastern and western Hellenism of Asia. But the new Greek kingdom extended itself to the South and East. After the death of A(;oka and his son their great kingdom began to decay, and Strabo tells us that the Indo-Greek king IMenander owned 1000 cities in India. 'So popular,' says Plutarch (;r/}^. ger. prcec. 28), 'was this king, that when during a campaign he died in his camp his obsequies were celebrated by all his cities in common, and there ensued a quarrel for the possession of his remains, which they with difificulty settled by dividing his ashes, of which each carrying home its share set up in every city a monument to the king.' This reminds us of the contest over the remains of Alexander, which Ptolemy secured for Egypt.- We know too of a Eucrates, who in truly Hellenistic fashion founded a new capital, Eucratideia. This Gra2co-Indian kingdom, which -j- lasted through the second century B.C., was the kingdom which seems to have influenced India far more than the earlier Grceco-Bactrian monarchy. The existence of both, asserted by Strabo and Justin, has of recent years been \ further established by the discovery of a vast number of \ 1 Creek Life ami T/wuglit, p. 39S. ^ ji,jj_ p_ j^y. 24 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. coins, purely Greek in the case of Diodotus, Euthydemus, and the earher sovrans, and of the best workmanship, then gradually debased in artistic value, adopting Indian script beside the Greek, and finally lapsing back again into purely oriental work. These coins have excited the liveliest interest, and able numismatists have sought to reconstitute the proper series and the relations of the many kings — at least twelve are known — from the workmanship and the titles on these medals. I am loth to say one word against these acute and patient inquirers, who have certainly taught us a great deal; but still I cannot accept many of their hypotheses, which seem to me wanting in a sound perception of the nature of evidence. Thus when Lassen argues, as he often does, that a certain king must have reigned a short time, because his now extant coins are very few, he surely argues from what may be the mere accident of non-discovery as if it were a positive fact. It seems to me also that the beautiful coinage of these kings has been too readily taken as evidence of general Hellenistic culture in their dominions.^ It may have been an almost isolated Hellenistic feature. We know that the Arsacids for a long time to come had their coinage struck by the Greek cities which they tolerated as Hellenistic islands in their thoroughly oriental constitution. Seleucia on the Tigris, for example, which entitles one of them Philhellene on account of his favours, was no specimen of the rest of Parthia, nor could these kings have laid claim to much else than their coinage as a proof that they were influenced by Alexander's conquests. Had wc no further evidence than coins, the case of Euthydemus and Eucratcs might not be much stronger. ^ Tlie history of these Creeks and the Arsacid reaction will Ije found in Straljo, xi. 9. n STONE-BUILDING IN INDIA 25 But the summary of Strabo from ApoUodorus of Artemita, in addition to the collections of coins just mentioned, and the distinct traces of Hellenistic influence in architectural remains throughout the Punjab, make the existence of a Grceco-Indian culture indisputable. According to the English antiquarians, who have spent years in studying these remains, Alexander's conquest pro- duced a perfect revolution in Indian architecture, for till that day the people on the Indus and the Ganges had not known the use of stone in building ! This theory seems to me to have been established on the authority of the architect Fergusson, who maintained it not only in his general History but in a special work on Indian building. It is the sudden appearance of stone pillars carved with Agoka's inscriptions in many parts of India, together with the total absence of any earlier dated building or carving in stone, which has determined Fergusson and his school. On the other hand, Rajendralala Mitra,^ in contesting this view, has asserted the far greater antiquity of some of the cave-dwellings, in which the natural features are much modified both by cutting and by ornament, and has urged the great improbability that any old and advanced culture, such as that of India, should exist without this obvious discovery. The author also extracts from early Indian books, such as the Mahabhdrata, allusions to stone-building and sculpture. But whether this epic is indeed from the sixth century b.c, and not posterior to Agoka, is a matter of dispute. It is, indeed, true that the early stone - buildings found and described by Fergusson showed clear imitations of wooden structure, such as we might expect from the earliest attempts in stone ; but Rajendralala shows that quite recent buildings in Mohammedan times, even down to our fifteenth and ' In his work on the antiquities of Oriss.i. 26 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. sixteenth centuries, show the same close imitation of wood- Y work, so that this feature is no proof, in India, of the novelty of the art. Let me add that the argument from the absence of evi- dence is very weak when applied to a far-gone time, for we can show astonishing gaps of tradition in even recent centuries ; and there are nations who consider the destruction of earher work not only natural, but even a proper assertion of a new faith and a new civilisation. The spreading of Buddhism by Agoka, the grandson of the Sandracottus (Chandragupta) whom Megasthenes visited, was no doubt a great epoch in ' Indian history, and the multiplication of his stone records i quite a novelty ; but to postulate that this ready and apparently familiar use of a very hard material was a foreign importation seems hardly reasonable. (^ The advocates on either side seem not to have thought , of examining the evidence of Megasthenes, where both might have found curious support. For in the first place » his statement that the walls of Palimbothra were made of wood, with apertures for shooting at the enemy,^ seems to imply that stone walls were not used. But the valley of the Ganges about Patna isj/ery devoid of stone, and it is quite possible that the floods of the river, which seem to have carried away every trace of this ancient capital, made it desirable to have some light and pervious or even remov- able fortification. On the other hand Megasthenes notes ^ the philotechnia or mechanical talent of the race in imitating what they found novel among the invading Macedonians — how they manu- factured imitation sponges, and adopted the strigil and oil- flask of the Greeks. Is it likely that when mentioning such ' ^vXivov Trepi^oXov t'xouffa;'. Meg. in SUabo, xv. i, § 36. - Stralx), XV. i, § 67. % II HELLENISM IN INDIAN ART 27 facts he would have omitted noticing the adoption of so all- important a novelty as the use of stone-building ? I can hardly think so, and, though unable to bring any further light to bear upon the question, incline to agree with the patriotic view of the Indian scholar, who naturally desires to ascribe to his country the most complete early civilisation. If, however, there was, as Cunningham asserts, a sudden development of stone architecture about the middle of the third century i^.c, which degenerated rapidly in about 300 years into oriental barbarism, what are the evidences of this decadence ? It is likely enough that many designs are set down as Hellenistic which are really indigenous in concep- tion. Thus there are festive scenes set down as Dionysiac which need have no other origin than the delight in revelry and its connection with religion which we find in many di- verse races.^ Thus again when we are told- that the figures of Surya (the sun) with four horses point to a Greek original, I should like to see it proven that the Indians never drove four horses abreast, and could not have originated that design.^ The Tritons and spearmen to be seen on Anoka's railings at Buddha Gaya are interpreted by Cunningham in the same way,* but I will allow only this much to his argument, that a multiplication of these analogies gradually produces the conviction of their value as evidence. Far more definite, however, than argument from sculptural 1 Cf. on this point F. S. Growse, in Journal oj Asiatic Soc. of Bengal {ox 1875, p. 213. " Cunningham's Archccological Siirvcy, iii. 97. ^ He quotes the Vedas to show that seven was the Indian number ■ of these horses. But when carving in stone the artists may have been content to give four, as the representation of seven would offer great technical difficulties as well as difficulties of design. ■' Op. cit. p. 100. 28 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. types are the lessons to be learned from the use of Greek forms in the bases and capitals of pillars. Unfortunately the extant specimens are not very early ; they belong not to the first days of Hellenism, but to the epoch treated in the present volume, their dates ranging from about 40 B.C. to 100 A.D — that is to say, after the splendours of Menander and Eucrates were gone by, and the national reaction was reducing everything to its oriental level. We have, how- ever, specimens of Greek capitals during this epoch, which Cunningham classifies ^ as Indo- Doric (in Kashmir) ; Indo-Ionic (at Taxila) ; Indo-Corinthian (in the Kabul valley). Of these the first is represented by some specimens so late and so barbarous as to have little weight in the discussion. The very simple form of the Doric pillar and capital is easily developed from the mere practical conditions of making a stone support, and as I do not think the well-known examples at Beni-Hassan (in Egypt) of such primitive pillars prove any connection with the Greek Doric, so I think in these examples from Kashmir that the re- semblances may be merely accidental." It is not so with the Ionic capital discovered at Taxila (Shah-dheri, north of Lahore), and now preserved in the Museum of Lahore. This no doubt belongs to the temple described in the very mendacious life of ApoUonius of Tyana as being of great size with a complete peristyle, but having the walls covered with metal reliefs in gold, silver, orichalcum, bronze, and iron, representing the wars of ' Cf. Arch. Survey, iii. jireface, p. v. ; v. 69, 85, and Appendix A, with the plates of illustration — a most interesting collection of materials. ^ The example given in the plates at the end of the volume I am now citing is indeed very suggestive of a Greek origin, cs]3ecially in its fluting, with sharp arrises. The capital is considerably modified, but on the whole some far-off echo of Greek style is probable. II IXDO-CORINTI-IIAN CAPITALS 29 Alexander with Porus.^ But if the temple had indeed been a rich Hellenistic temple covered with ornament, how can we account for the extremely simple and archaic character of the capital in question, which might indeed be fairly used to prove that the Ionic order originated in the far East, and was derived by the lonians from oriental models ? I can only argue from the careful description and illustration of this temple by Cunningham, ^ for neither a photograph nor any illustrated catalogue of the objects in the Museum ^tl^ Lahore is to be obtained in Europe.^ What is still more I puzzling concerning this temple is its late date, for under the foundation was discovered a formal deposit of coins of k ing Azas, d ating from about 80 B.C. So then these apparently Hellenistic influences were surviving long after the acknowledged decay of all Greek domination in the East. This is eminently the case with the beautiful specimens of Corinthian pillars and pilasters given in the same volume.^ These, while showing a masterly application of the acanthus leaf ornament, introduce figures in the capital, a perfectly , free and original treatment of the feature derived from Greek architecture.^ But these also date from the first ' century, and may possibly have been the work of artists who had visited the Gra;co-Roman world. It is more likely, however, that they are directly due to the influence of the older Indo-Greek civilisation, and so we can trace with ^ Philostratus, lYfa ApoU. ii. 20. - Arch. Surz'ey, v. 69 sq. ^ Even the kind solicitations made by high officials on my behalf V^ have failed to procure me this catalogue. ■* Cf. op. cit. Appendix A. ^ These highly ornamental pillars, with their very wide -spreading capitals, seem to have stood alone, with a figure or figures set up upon them. This too is a Greek, or a GrKCo-Roman fashion. 30 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. considerable evidence a collateral action of western culture corroborating the inferences from the coins. We are told by the geographers that in far later days the old Indo-Greek coins were still current in commerce with nations at the mouth of the Indus,^ and Strabo preserves for us from Nicolaus Damascenus (a very respectable authority) the following remarkable proof of the persistence even of the Greek language as the organ of diplomacy up to the Christian era. ' He said that at Antioch he had met with the Indian ambassadors who had been sent to Caesar Augustus. Most of them had been killed or laid up by the length of the journey, three only had reached Antioch, with a missive written in Greek on a leather skin ' (parchment) ' containing polite messages from Porus ' (as the Indian king was entitled), 'with sundry presents, among which was a , creature called Hermas, from his resemblance to the pillars ' of that name, his arms having been taken off at the shoulder.' This person Strabo himself saw at Rome. Thus then as regards material civilisation the Greeks had done not a little in the far East. They had founded kingdoms, built cities, coined money, dedicated temples, and showed to the natives of the Indus and Upper Ganges a culture widely different from that of the eastern Aryans. q But the genius of these nations was too different in kind , from that of Europe for any permanent assimilation. Superficial imitations were possible, and they were many ; we cannot point to a single spiritual legacy left by the q successors of Alexander to these remote conquests, unless • it be the drama. And here we come upon a most interest- ing, but a very difficult literary problem. ^ The author of the Pcriplus (probably in the second century a.d.) says : — d(^ oD yu^XP' ^^'" ^^ BapDYclfois TraXatai Trpox<^povcn 5paxp-a.l ypdfxfiacnv EWrjvLKois eyKexo-po^yfJ-^vai tTrlcrrjfxa tQv /ner' 'AX^^avdpov /3e/3a(n\ei;/c6rwj' 'AttoWoSotoii kuI Meydvdpov. II THE INDIAN DRAMA 31 The principal plays in Indian literature have been translated by the late Professor H. H. Wilson,^ with a very instructive preface upon the rules and precedents of this peculiar drama. Their Poetics had been elaborated with the usual love of intricacy shown by oriental scholars, so that there is a luxury of directions quite grotesque to the European reader. Thus the types of the chief character, according to the emotions he is to portray, are divided and subdivided till they reach 144 varieties !- Tragedy and comedy are not very clearly distinguished, as a happy ending is prescribed even to the most serious pieces, so that the modern melodrama is our nearest parallel. Indeed, as Wilson has shown clearly enough,^ there are analogies to be found both to the Greek, the French, and the English drama, and he very naturally ascribes these to the uniformity of the conditions required by any stage, and the certainty that all civilised men will endeavour to solve similar problems by similar devices. The wide divergences, therefore, of the Indian drama from the Greek, in many details, combined with its close resemblances to the modern European plays which owe least to classic sources, have persuaded Wilson that he has before him a perfectly original and independent development. Christian Lassen also, a far higher authority, pointing to the fact that the habit of attending plays is implied in the oldest Buddhistic writings, evidently attri- butes the origin of the Indian drama to an age prior to all Hellenistic influences, which he formally rejects.'^ He ^ Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, 2 vols., 2d ed., London, 1835. - Op. cit. introduction, p. Ixiv. •* Op. cit. preface. * Ind. AUerthumskunde, ii. 507. ^ 32 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. considers it to have arisen out of dances and songs to the gods, quite in the manner of the Greek drama. I know not how much either author may have known of the Hellenistic drama and its diffusion through the East ; how much either may have underrated the importance and long persistence of Indo-Greek culture in the kingdoms of Euthydemus and of Eucrates. But to us who have recovered t many more traces of this culture than were known in 1/ Wilson's day, the filiation of these plays from Greek patterns will appear almost certain. We have indeed a gap between the decay of Greek civilisation in the second century and the composition of the extant Indian plays, which may not be of earlier date than what we should call the Middle Ages. The particular examples which Wilson cites, though he evidently believes their antiquity exaggerated, do not profess to be older than the first century B.C., and very few even of that age. It is much more likely that none of them arose till the habit of hearing Greek plays had died out, which could hardly have been the case till the second century a.d.^ But the majority are probably far more recent. While this long interval makes it quite reasonable to expect wide variations and new ^ developments from any Greek original, we must note, on the other hand, that the whole tone of the Indian drama is archaic ; the language of the principal characters being Sanskrit, the speaking of which was long since extinct among men ; the language even of the inferior parts being a Prakrit or vulgar dialect far removed from ordinary life, and highly artificial.- Thus these plays can never have been easily understood, and required much commentary, ' This is the date assigned to the oldest of them, the Alrikkakatika, by Lassen, /nd. Alt. ii. 512. * Wilson, op. cit. p. Ixiii. sqq. II GREEK PLAYS IN INDIA 33 which was added by way of prologue to the performance, even for those grandees and their households before whom they were produced. This use of a non-vernacular language either points to an orig in of vast antiquity, which no Indian scholar ever Q "^aiAi*^] suggests, or else — and I think very distinctly — to the copying ' ' ' of those Greek plays which were long in vogue at the , j t_ U Indian courts by strolling companies of Dionysiac players for the amusement of princes, who were, or posed as, ' Greeks, while the majority of their retinue must have found the dialogue quite incomprehensible. In the well known case of Euripides's Bacchce, acted at the Parthian court, when the head of Crassus was brought in, we have an example of the model which native poets would emulate. It was the fashion to hear plays, in a foreign language, and a time came when that language was an archaic foreign language, which those of the former generation had understood better than those of to-day. There were no Greek theatres built in India, but an extempore stage was constructed in the court of a palace by these strolling companies. At the same time they were not like the strolling players of modern times, often mountebanks or paupers, trying to earn a miserable livelihood, and treated with contempt, but guilds , in the service of Dionysus, of much wealth and importance, and a necessary adjunct to every Hellenistic feast, or founding of a city. All these features are carefully repro- duced in the Indian drama, ^ and what could be more ^ ' Companies of actors in India must have been common at an early date [Wilson appears to know nothing of the Greek strolling companies], V and must have been reputable, for the "inductions" often refer to the poets as their personal friends, and a poet of tolerable merit in India, under the ancient regime, was the friend and associate of sages and kings. ' The Hindu actors were apparently never classed with vagabonds or D 34 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. natural than to compose plays in a purely literary form of Indian speech, when the habit of hearing Greek plays died out for want of either players to act them or princes to patronise them ? The number of extant Indian plays is only about sixty, and no author is credited with more than c] three — another evidence that this drama is neither very old ' nor really national. It appears to me nothing more than an attempt to keep alive a foreign drama by means of indigenous talent, successful to a certain extent, and giving rise to much theory and commentary, as might be expected in a very subtle metaphysical society of scholars, but in reality the last echo of the Hellenistic kingdoms, which once had promised to subdue the regions of the East to western language and western civilisation. This view of the question has been adopted by eminent recent Indianists, Weber, Brandes, and Windisch, the last of whom has given an excellent summary of the arguments y in a special tract.^ These scholars do not indeed maintain that the Indian drama owes its orighi to the Greek, but I rather that some rude mimic representations of earlier^ays I ; were transformed by Hellenistic contact into the sort of play now extant. It appears that the worship of (^iva was near enough in character to that of Dionysus to allow of a transference, and that the Indian plays were produced at the menials. ... As to theatrical edifices, the manners of the people and the nature of the climate were adverse to their existence, and the spacious open courts of the dwellings of persons of consequence were adapted to the purposes of dramatic representation. We should never forget that the Hindu drama was not exhibited as an ordinary occur- I rencc, or an amusement of the people, but that it was part of an occasional celebration of some solemn or religious festival ' (Wilson, op. cit. p. Ixvi.) One might use these very words to descril)c the per- formances of the Hellenistic Dionysiac troupes in the East. j^^^ ■• Der griech. EiiiJJnss iin IiuUsclicn Drama. Berlin, 1882. II HELLENISTIC FEATURES 35 spring feasts of that Indian god. Windisch has gone seriatitn through the characters of the Greek drama, and has shown that in the earhest extant Indian play, which he takes to be the Toy-cart (translated in Wilson's first volume), the stock figures of the new Attic comedy, reproduced in % the Roman comedy, are distinctly to be traced. He notes that the whole idea of representing ordinary life, with .41 l jLf courtesans, parasites, etc, is so opposed to what w^e know of I '^''^ ^ old Indian literature as to point strongly to a foreign in- * A /, fluence. The number and arrangement of the actors, the ^^ disposition of acts and scenes, are all analogous to those in ^ Plautus and Terence, though not without many changes ^ required by Indian life and habits. It can surely be no accident that the curtain which concealed the green room , behind the scene, and so formed the background, is called yavanika, the Greek curtain. In the Toy-cart the rais- ing of the virtuous courtesan to a rank of respectability by her marriage in the end of the play, is a feature foreign 1^ i(}\;/^aTtcras \ikv <^i\k\\i]v)^ but in his conquest of Itursea compelled all the inhabitants either to migrate or adopt Jewish rites. Upon his death the widow Salome, called by the Greeks Alexandra, takes as usual a prominent part, and sets up as king Jannaeus Alexander, who completes the policy of the dynasty by subduing the strong Greek cities of the coast. The long war about the coast fortress Ptolemais, in which Ptolemy Lathyrus of Egypt, his regent mother Cleopatra (Cocce), with her Jewish generals Chalcias and Ananias, and others, took part, ended in the complete ^ Joscphus, Antjqq. x. 6, 7. - iKdvT\v yap 'TpKavb^ tCjv 6\wv KVplav KaTe\e\o[ir€i, Josephus, xi. I. See also Jos. xiii. 16, § 6, on the character of Alexandra. He speaks similarly of Tryphncna, .Selene, and others. Ill THE CONQUESTS OF IIYRCANUS 45 devastation of the coast. The destruction of Gaza, a regular Greek city of very considerable importance, was a deathblow to Hellenistic civilisation in that part of the world.^ The inhabitants became bandits, mercenaries, and pirates, and the trade of the Eastern Mediterranean must have suffered terribly till Pompey pacified the East. ' For then, since there were so many and continuous simultaneous wars, and many cities were cleared of their inhabitants, and even those who had escaped from them were outlaws, so that they were nowhere safe, many men turned to a life of rapine. Now robbery on land, as it was within the observation of settled societies, and left its traces manifest, was sure to be stopped. But piracy became rampant. For the Romans being otherwise engaged, it had time to spread widely over the seas, and become organised.'^ The list of the cities which Hyrcanus conquered is given by Josephus ; ^ it includes many of the Greek cities of the interior, such as Scythopolis and Pella, which he destroyed because they absolutely refused to adopt Jewish customs. This then was a great and serious blow to Hellenism, perhaps more lasting than was dealt any- where else in the world, for after all in other anti-Hellenic conquests the Hellenistic sentiment was dominant, whereas in Jud?ea it was overruled in the kings by the narrow and zealous sect of the Pharisees. It was owing to this wholesale subjugation and even de- struction of the Syrian Hellenistic cities that not only the Arabs or Bedouin, who have always infested the inner country, appear now as an important military power in- 1 Ascalon saved itself by timely and complete submission. Ptolemais, the stronghold of the queen Selene, was not taken by Tigranes till just before the advent of Lucullus. - Dion Cassius, xxxvi. 3. 3 Antiq,]. xiii. 15, § 4- 46 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. vading Syria and Palestine, but also that Tigranes and the Parthians were actually able to subdue and hold Syria. It was, in fact, the advent of the Romans and the recon- stitution of these cities by Pompey, and afterwards by Herod, as free Greek cities, which reintroduced a certain spurious kind of Hellenism — Roman Hellenism — into the once well cultivated and civilised regions of Ccele-Syria, Sidon, and Phihstia.i We may judge from the fragments of Posidonius - that there had been not only great wealth but great luxury in these cities. ' On account of the fertility of the country, and the absence of any necessity for toil, they had frequent meetings at which they feasted, using their gymnasia as baths, anointing themselves with rich oil and unguents, and dwelling in their schools' (so they called their public dining-halls) 'as if in houses, surfeiting themselves there with meats and wines, and even carrying away much ; listen- ing to the music of the loud lyre, so that whole cities re- ^ The accurate determination of the Hellenistic and Aramaic cities respectively is not easy, and has been attempted by B. Stark in his learned and careful book on Gaza and the Philistine Coast, p. 447 sq. , as well as by Schiirer in his more recent History of Israel about the Christian Era. The first point of interest is to separate the Egyptian from the Syrian foundations. Names ending with 7r6Xts point to a usual formation in Grreco-Egyptian foundations, and of course the Egyptians would naturally establish cities on the coast, while the lords of Antioch would occupy Cccle-Syria and the inner country. The Seleucida; also adopted old Greek names, such as Anthedon, Arethusa, instead of the composite Egyptian formations or adaptations of Ptolemaic names. The several cities, or rather the principal men chosen in each for that pur- pose, arranged the imposts and duties of the town with the royal officers, called ^irapxoi or TdwapxoL, who raised from the country people and non- Greek inhabitants not only taxes on crops (the third part) and fruit trees (half the produce), but a capitation tax never levied on the Greeks. - Midler, FHG iii. 256 sq. The tone of the epigrams composed in these cities, to which I shall revert hereafter, points to the same conclusion. Ill MANNERS AND MORALS 47 echoed with these sounds.' ^^'e might imagine that it was from Tyre and Sidon, as Ezekiel describes them, that these habits were derived ; possibly even the famous prophecy against Tyre may have come to the knowledge of the Stoic historian : ' They shall make a spoil of thy riches, and make a prey of thy merchandise; and they shall break down thy walls, and destroy thy pleasant houses ; and they shall lay thy stones, and thy timber, and thy dust, in the midst of the water. And I will cause the noise of thy songs to cease ; and the sound of thy harps shall be no more heard. And I will make thee a bare rock : thou shalt be a j)lace for the spread- ing of nets.'^ The whole description which follows of the trade of Tyre may be fairly applied to the coast cities which succeeded to her rnercantile position after her destruction by Alexander. We may also imagine their morals and manners as not better, being largely affected by the troops of rich and pampered mercenaries from Crete, Rhodes, Spain, Galatia, as well as from Greece, a motley crowd in their streets, who spent their ill-gotten wealth in luxury and wantonness. If we turn to the Egypt of this period we find the same confusion in the royal succession, the same interminable conflicts between mother and son, between rival brothers ; and at Alexandria we observe a distinct decay of Greek to- gether with a rise of Jewish influence, especially since two Jews, Chalcias and Ananias, undertook to manage the affairs of Queen Cleopatra Cocce, and refused to attack Pales- tine when she desired it. The Museum was therefore languishing, and Ammonius, who had succeeded to Aris- tarchus, was far from sustaining a reputation equal to that of his great predecessor. The chief interest which appears in the literature, or ' Ezek. xxvi. 12 sq. 48 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. fragments of literature of this period, is the interest in geo- graphy, both as science and as exploration. The scientific side belongs to another kind of history,^ but the adventurous may here occupy us for a short time. The remains of Posidonius show with what interest a Stoic of that day could view the outskirts of the world. It is to this period that I am also disposed to attribute many of the geo- graphical vagaries in the Life of Alexander, which became in fact the Alexandrian popular fairy book, like the me- diaeval Cairene collection known as the Arabian Nights. But the account of Eudoxus, the explorer, given us at some length by Strabo, is too instructive not to be related in full. Luckily Strabo has thought fit to tell us the whole story in spite of his unbelief Posidonius related that in the days of the second Euergetes (Physcon) there came a certain Eudoxus from Cyzicus to Egypt on an embassy concerning a treaty, and to attend the festival of Persephone, and that he discoursed with the king and his court, particularly about the ascent of the Nile, as he was curious concerning peculiarities of climate, and was an educated man. Now it happened that at this time there was sent up to the king by those that guarded the mouth of the Red Sea an Indian, who was found half-dead in a boat alone, and they could not tell who or whence he was, as they did not understand his speech; so the king ordered him to be taught Greek. When the Indian had ^ The great name of Ilipparchus, the foremost astronomer in antiquity, marks the period now before us, as he died towards the end of the second century B.C. To treat of his discoveries would be to enter upon the history of Greek science — a formidable study, seeing that we have a very large quantity of Greek mathematics surviving, written in technical language. Cf. the catalogue of the many autliors and their writings in Munk, Gesck. der Griech. Literatur, ii. 501 sqq., and Mr. Gow's I/isloiy of Mathematics in Alexandria. Ill ADVENTURES OF EUDOXUS 49 learned it he told them that, sailing from India, he had been driven out of his course, and had lost all his comrades by starvation ; he also undertook to show the way to the Indies to those appointed by the king, among whom was Eudoxus. They set out provided with presents, and brought back as an exchange-cargo spices and i)recious stones — some of which come down the rivers with pebbles, some are dug out of the ground, apparently solidified from moisture, like our crystals. But Eudoxus was cheated of his expectations, for the king took away from him the whole of the cargo. The king's death supervening, his widow Cleopatra assumed the power, and by her Eudoxus was again sent out with ampler means. On his way he was carried by winds beyond Ethiopia, and conciliated the natives whom he reached with gifts of corn and wine and sweet cakes, which they did not possess, and they allowed him in return a supply of water, and directed his course for him ; he also wrote down some words of their language. Moreover, finding on the shore a wooden figure-head with a horse carved on it, he learned that it was the wreck of a ship with people who had come from the west, and he brought this figure-head home with him. When he got back to Egypt it was no longer Cleopatra but her son who reigned, and again his whole cargo was seized ; for he was convicted of having abstracted a great deal after his former voyage. The figure-head he brought down to the merchant harbour in Alexandria, where it was at once recognised as belonging to Gades, where the greater mer- chants fit out large ships, the poorer small ones, which they call horses^ from the form of the figure-head ; and these sail as far as the river Lixus to fish on the coast of Mauretania. Some of the skippers at Alexandria pronounced this figure- head to belong to one of these ships, which had gone too far along the coast, and had never returned. E so GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. When Eudoxus drew from this the conclusion that Libya must be circumnavigable, he went home, and reahsed all his property to stake it upon this venture. And first he went to Dic£earchia (Puteoli), then to Massilia (Marseilles), and then along the coast as far as Gades (Cadiz), making careful inquiries everywhere, and at last succeeded in fitting out one large vessel and two smaller of the nature of piratical barks, in which he embarked slaves trained in music, and physicians and other artists, and set sail for the Indies across the high seas with a steady west wind. But when his crews were weary with voyaging he was obliged to put in to the shore, which he greatly feared on account of the flux and reflux of the tides. And the very thing he anticipated really occurred. His big ship grounded, but quietly, so that it did not go to pieces until all the cargo and most of the timber were carried on shore. Out of the latter they constructed a new boat in the shape of a pente- conter, and then sailed onward till he came to people speak- ing the same tongue of which he had already (as has been told) written down words. Accordingly he discovered that these people were akin to the former Ethiopians he had met, and that they were neighbours to the kingdom of Bogos. He then abandoned the journey to the Indies and turned homeward, and as he went along noted an island, well watered and wooded, that was not inhabited. When he got back to Maurusia (Western Mauretania), getting rid of his ships he crossed by land to Bogos, and advised the king to take up the enterprise, but the king's counsellors pre- vailed against the traveller by showing the danger of attacks from any outside people, upon the kingdom, when the way was discovered. So when Eudoxus found out that they were going to send him out nominally in command of the proposed expedition, but that the real design was to leave Ill STRABO'S CRITICISM 51 him on some desert island, he escaped into the Roman province, and thence crossed to Iberia. Having again provided himself with a merchant ship and a long pin- nace, so that he could keep at sea in the one and make expeditions along the shore with the other, he set out on the same journey, carrying with him farming utensils, and seeds, and masons, with this intention, that if delayed on the voyage he could winter on the island he had already observed, and having taken out a crop could use this supply to complete the expedition on which he was determined. So far, said Posidonius, I can go in the narrative about Eudoxus, but what happened afterwards, I suppose the people of Gades and from Iberia would know. This whole narrative, so profoundly interesting in dis- closing to us a character wath the boundless resource and ambition of a Columbus, and like him misled by under- rating the size of the earth, strikes Strabo as a mere string of lies, either invented by Posidonius, or told him by the inventor. As regards Posidonius himself, he was a man of high character, a Stoic philosopher, and as worthy of credit as Strabo himself; nor is it likely that, being a good traveller, and a much experienced man, he would be taken in by any such stories. We may therefore be sure that there was considerable foundation for the whole account, however inaccurately the details may have been reported. Here are the main points of Strabo's criticism. How could any Indian be cast upon the shore of the Red Sea, for this sea is very narrow at the mouth, and therefore landing would be easy outside? How could a single survivor manage a considerable ship ? How did he learn Greek so quickly as to persuade the king to carry out his plan ? How could Euergetes want information from such a guide, seeing that 52 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the road to India was already well known ? How was it that a stranger from Cyzicus should first be entrusted with such an expedition, then deprived of all he brought back, and then again trusted with another command ? Why was he surprised at the figure-head, seeing he himself must have come from the coast ? How could he return home, for nobody was allowed to leave Alexandria without a passport, and this man had appropriated royal property ? ' Nor could he sail out secretly, the harbour and all other exits being carefully guarded by custom-house officers, who even now remain, as I know from having lived some time at Alexandria, though things are much relaxed since the Roman sway ; then the royal guards were far more strict,' etc. etc. He concludes by saying that if each of these details is not in itself impossible, their combined occurrence is out of the question. So far as the first part of the critique goes, it is simply upset by supposing that the solitary ' Indian ' was driven not from the East, but from the South, and that he really belonged to the African coast, or to Madagascar. The rest of Strabo's objections seem to me so foolish as not to require any answer. The account of Eudoxus's difficulties, and especially of his turning about when he had got a long way on his first journey, is no doubt incomplete ; but either want of provisions or a mutiny among his crew is a natural and adequate cause for such a failure, even in an en- thusiast, as he seems to have been. The date of these adventures is very well defined by the death of Ptolemy VII and the regency of his widow, with whom her son was associated shortly after ; they must lie within 1 20-1 12 b.c. Even the enthusiasm of remarkable individuals arises out of the circumstances of their generation, and we have ample evidence remaining to show that in this case an Ill GEOGRAPHICAL LITERATURE 53 educated man might find plenty of books to excite his imagination and fire his ambition for discovery. The unity of the Roman sway must have tended to increase the know- ledge of, and stimulate the interest in, outlying countries. For the same armies now fought with Spaniards on the far coast of Spain, with the wild tribes of Africa beyond the bounds of Numidia, with the savage Cimbri and Teutones of the north, with the Illyrians of the Balkan peninsula ; while the southern regions of the Red Sea, — the Nubians, Abys- sinians, and Troglodytes had been long since a subject of interest to the Ptolemies. The great geographical stimulus given to the world by Alexander seems now in some sense renewed, for from the authors of the day we can select no inconsiderable number who devoted them- selves to descriptive geography, especially noting the paradoxa or strange phenomena, which the traveller ought to witness in each i)rovince of the world. The first man who got the title of Ile/DD^yj/T/y? (which may be best translated as guide) was Polemo, early in the second century p,.c., and he wrote tracts on all the special art-centres of Greece, as well as on marvels — apparently a series of handbooks which were the earliest fore- runners of our Murrays and Baedekers. Long before his time there had been local ci'cerones, who explained to such travellers as Herodotus or the elder Scylax the curiosities of their respective native towns. But now, with the in- creased solidarity of the world, and the great growth of travelling, both for trade and for amusement, educated people wanted some safer and more cultivated director, especially on the antiquities of historic cities. In the last quarter of the second century B.C. we have Mnaseas of Patrce, Agatharchides of Cnidos, Metrodorus of Scepsis, Artemidorus of Ephesus, Demetrius Callatianus, Diophan- 54 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. tus, Basilis,^ and within the next twenty years Alexander Polyhistor and the so-called Scymnus of Chios, all com- posing this sort of book. It is remarkable also that most of them made epitomes from their own, as well as from earlier works, showing that they lived not only in an age of reading but an age of hurry, when men wanted knowledge packed together in the smallest compass. Of two of these authors enough has survived to give us a good idea of the kind of work popular at the epoch which is now before us. The five books of Agatharchides on the Red Sea, under which he includes all the seas washing Arabia, were used by Diodorus so freely in his third book, and excerpted so copiously by Photius, that we seem to possess them almost complete. The author speaks of himself as an old man placed in the onerous and responsible position of tutor to a young king of Egypt, whom most critics take to be Ptolemy VIII (called Soter II and Lathyrus).^ The most striking passage in the book, as we have it, is the description of the terrible slavery endured in the Nubian gold-mines, where a whole population of condemned people, with women and children, laboured night and day under the lash to hack out quartz rock in veins deep under the earth, to bring this quartz to the surface, and then to crush it and extract the gold. The details of the ' hewers ' with their lamps tied round their heads, the 'shifters,' the 'under- viewers' superintending, the children used for carrying, — - all this reminds one strongly of the process to be seen any ^ Cf. Miiller's Gcog. Gnvci. i. p. Iviii. ^ There are not wanting reasons whicli induced Nicljuhr, and since his day Droysen and Ililier {Jahti's Jahrbiich. 1867, p. 597), to ascribe this ]jassage to Aristonienes, the well-known tutor and regent of Ptolemy V (Epiphanes). Even if this be the case, it is probably an extract from Aristomenes quoted by Agatharchides. Ill AFRICAN EXPLORATIONS 55 day in the English coal-mines.^ This mining with convict labour, now carried out so diligently by the Ptolemies, was a mere inheritance from the Pharaohs, whose despotism had been exercised for many centuries upon their subjects in many terrible ways, but in none more awful than this sustained cruelty in the sleepless search for gold within the bowels of the earth. The African shore of the Red Sea was studded all the way down to its mouth with stations established by the earlier Ptolemies, for they had soon discovered that it was far easier to bring up the treasures of the South, especially elephants, by coasting vessels than by the Nile, where the cataracts made unshipping necessary, and where in any case the Nile voyage was long and did not admit of large ships. The names of these stations, which were almost all called after Egyptian captains and explorers, — we know some thirty of them,- — show us that such voyages were at first voyages of discovery, where the names given are naturally derived from the circumstances of the moment. The peculiarities of the Troglodytes are given with con- siderable detail, and so are the varieties of the customs in different tribes. Thus those that kill elephants — they used huge bows and arrows, which were worked by three men to- gether, two holding the bow planted in the ground, and the ^ C. Miiller, Geog. Graci.'x. I24.ri/., who gives both Diodorus's(iii. 12,13) and Photius's excerpts from Agatharchides. The evidence on these hard- ships is quite uniform. From the Digest (viii. 19, 28) Mr. L. C. Purser quotes to me : proxima morti porna vietallicoercitio, which agrees perfectly with the words of Diodorus : ' There is no pity of remission of labour whatever for the feeble, or the maimed, or the aged, or for the weaker sex ; all are forced with stripes to slave at their work, till they die of their hardships. Wherefore these wretched people look to the coming day as worse than the present, by reason of the exceeding greatness of their punishment, and accept death as a blessed escape from life.' " QX. Miiller, Geog. Grtsci. i. p. Ix. 56 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. third drawing the string — would not desist from their stupid waste of these precious animals, which they massacred (as the American Red Indians did the buffaloes), though Ptolemy ^ king of Egypt offered them all kinds of wonderful inducements to desist. On the other hand, there were savages who risked their lives and lost some men in captur- ing a huge snake for Ptolemy Philadelphus, as they knew the king's desire to have such things in his Zoological Gardens. They ultimately drove it into an enormous wicker trap (lobster pot) prepared for the purpose, and this snake was tamed, and was for a long time on show at Alexandria.^ The navigation of the Red Sea is very carefully described, with all its dangers, which the Ptolemies sought to diminish by leaving wrecked ships where they had stranded by way of warning. This was a royal Trpoa-ray/xa. The result of all this was to turn the once peaceful inhabitants of the Arabian coast into pirates,^ who became as bad as the Tauric people in the Euxine, and had to be checked by the severest punishments, being apparently drowned whenever they were caught on the sea. I'he wealth of the Sab^ans on account of their spices is de- scribed as most extraordinary, and on the coast adjoining their territory were to be seen at anchor ships from the farthest East as well as from Greek Egypt, all trafficking for this unique luxury. I have given these details, culled from a vast array of facts, in order to show what sort of knowledge had become interesting to the Hellenistic world of that day. The metrical geography, commonly entitled the Tr€pi.;'iyi](ri.'; of Scymnus of Chios, is a specimen of another kind of 1 Probal)ly Plcilcniy II, according to llie 'stone of I'itlioni,' recently discovered and exjilained l)y Mr. Flinders Petrie and Mr. Naville. - O/. (it. jip. 162-164. ■'• Op. lit. p. 179. I Ill SCYMNUS'S PREFACE 57 popular book in these after-days of culture. It was a metrical handbook, giving a compendium of the accredited researches of older authors on geography, and professing no originality. It belongs, therefore, to that large class of abbreviated books, which were at this time brought out to suit the hurry and the superficiality of the age. Such, for example, was the abridgment of Mago's twenty -eight books on husbandry, reduced to six, and dedicated to king Dcjotarus, probably within the same generation as the work before us.^ What remains to us is about 1000 verses, in iambic metre, but with the licenses of comic iambics. The existing portion refers altogether to Europe, including the shores of the Euxine, and is valuable to us now in giving the dates of a good many early Greek colonies, such as ISIassilia, which we should not otherwise have known. The author begins with a sort of dedicatory epistle (135 lines), which is so characteristic and so un- known among ordinary scholars that I shall here give a free translation of it. May it please your sacred majesty, Nicomedes. Comedy has this most desirable virtue, that it tells everything tersely and clearly, and delights every sane critic. Wherefore, having proved the persuasiveness of its diction, I formed the ambition to approach you through it in a brief discourse, and to offer you this handy and useful compendium, as through you I shall make it of public service to all those who seek information. As I desire therefore at the outset to expound to you the method of the whole treatise, I beg you will allow me a few words by way of preface ; I am resolved to speak laconically — very little upon very large subjects. Here is what I have to say. For the use of the kings of Pergamum, \\hose glory, though they are gone, yet lives on amongst us for ever, one of the genuine Attic philologers (Apollodorus) having been a hearer ' Aliove, p. 6. 58 GREEK ^YORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. of Diogenes the Stoic, and a long time at school with Aris- tarchus, composed a chronograpliy reaching from the capture of Troy to the present day. He expounded a period of 1040 years, recounting the taking of cities, the expeditions of armies, the wanderings of nations, the incursions of barbarians, the course of naval operations, public games, treaties, battles, the acts of kings and other celebrated men, the removal of tyrants — an epitome of all that is told diffusely ; and he preferred to set it forth in metre, and chose the comic,^ for the sake of clearness, and seeing that it would thus be most easily com- mitted to memory. He takes an illustration from life. If a man wants to carry a number of logs, he could not do it unless he tied them together, so a metrical stoiy has its advantage over prose. He then having gathered the chronicle of time into this summary, paid the compliment of dedicating it to king Philadelphus, which becoming known all over the world conferred immortal glory on that Attalus whose name appeared in the dedication. But I, hearing that you alone of present kings show royal graciousness, thought I would make trial of it myself, and present myself to see what a king is like, that I might have it to tell to others. Wherefore I chose for a supporter of my project him who both established your father in his kingdom, as we hear, and who is truly in all respects honoured by you also — I mean Apollo the Didyrna^an, the prophet and leader of the Muses. Trusting in him I come to your hearth, which is well-nigh free to all literary men, and may he help my undertaking ! For from the scattered materials in various histories I have written for you in epitome the colonisations and foundings of cities, and the ways by sea and land over all the earth. Passing over the obvious things briefly, I have dwelt upon the less known, so that you may have, O king, a short description of the whole habitable earth, the peculiarities of great rivers, and the situation of the two continents ; also what are the Greek cities in each, who founded them, and when, who the surrounding barbarians are — nomadic, or tame, and of their manners and customs, which of them are the most inhospitable and savage ; the amount of populations, and their various laws and habits, and the richest trading marts, ' So Strabo snys, p. 677 HIS DKTMCATION 59 as also the islands, [and so on] ; so that he who hears [it read] will not only be diverted, but will get, if nothing else, this useful information, to know where he is, and where his own country lies, and from what mother city it received its inhabitants. To sum it all up, without undertaking the wanderings of Ulysses told in story, but remaining comfortably at home, he may learn not only the life of foreign races, but the cities and the laws of all nations. But my book receiving you as its illustrious sponsor and benevolent patron, will pass through the labour of its birth into life, and will herald your glory, O king, to all, carrying your good report from place to place e\'en to the ends of the world. And now at the outset I will enumerate the authors on whose authority I have made my statements. I place most reliance in Eratosthenes, the most eminent of geographers, as to climate and configuration of lands, in Ephorus and Dionysius of Chalcis on the founding of cities, in Demetrius Callatianus, the Sicilian Cleon and Timosthenes [then the MS. is mutilated and illegible for some lines] Timasus, and what Herodotus has said. In other cases I have brought my own diligent inquiiy and personal observation to bear, having seen not only the cities in Greece and Asia, but knowing the regions of Adria and the Ionian Sea, and having travelled as far as Tyrrhenia and Sicily to the west, as well as through most of Libya and Carthage. He then proceeds at once to his description of Europe. A scrap of the following part (on Asia) is also preserved. The very curious and instructive [)assage above translated shows us that we are dealing with a society more like that of the last century than any that went before. Literary men were seeking out noble patrons, and carefully informing them that their patronage was not only profitable to the recipient, but honourable to themselves. Under these circumstances we may be sure that the flattery of the Hellenistic authors did not fall short of the exhibitions to be seen in the dedications of the eighteenth century. Nevertheless in the present instance commentators justly, I think, refuse to believe that our author would have addressed Nicomedes H 6o GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY ciiAr. in in these terms, seeing that this Nicomedes had put to death his father Prusias, a monster of iniquity.-^ This parricide, however palUated by the circumstances of the case, would have afforded a curious commentary on the poet's allusions to Apollo as the patron of both father and son. It is indeed novel, nay, positively comical, to find the authors of 'handy guide-books' dedicating them to kings, and speaking of the celebrity which this would confer. In our day the compiler is neither so ambitious nor so self-important. But we must imagine Scymnus writing not for an old and settled society, like that of Athens or Argos, but for those new and outlying kingdoms, where many Syrians, Gauls, Armenians, Jews, entered Greek cities, got civic rights, and desired to acquire Greek civilisation in a hurry. To these people compendious short-cuts to knowledge would be as important as they now are to the Americans who make rapid fortunes in new western cities of the States. These rough-and- ready business people find themselves suddenly with wealth enough to live cultivated lives, but no antecedents to enable them to do it. And so they must strive to attain by the shortest route manners and ideas foreign to their birth and breeding.- Here then compendiums are in high favour, and many a millionaire would be very proud to accept such a dedication as that which I have just transcribed. I have been so long studying the outskirts of Hellenism and the surface of its culture, that it is high time to turn back to its centres, old and new, and to the deeper aspects of its thinking, and consider what progress was made both in Greece and in Rome by the philosophy of the age. I See the whole story of his revolt (aided by Aristomenes) told in Appian, Jlltth. 3 sq. Mommsen decides in favour of Nicomedes III. '^ The reader to whom this most interesting phase of modern society is not familiar may study it in Mr. Howell's Kise 0/ Silas Latham. CHAPTER IV THE ACCLIMATISATION OF GREEK PHILOSOPHY IN ROMAN SOCIETY Nothing is more remarkable in the history of Greek philo- sophy than its diffusion and vitality in the period before us, in spite of the insignificance of the men who were then the recognised leaders of the schools. The succession of the various scholarchs has been a subject of curiosity ever since the Christian era, and has given rise to many tracts, down to the famous essay of Zumpt.^ But in almost every case we now find a mere name sustaining the responsibility or at least occupying the place of a Chrysip- pus or an Epicurus. Perhaps the first thing that strikes us when we scan the list of these names in Diogenes, in the columns of Clinton, or in the labyrinthine footnotes of Zeller, is that they hail from all i)arts of the Hellenistic world. It is hard to say that any portion of Alexander's empire was more prolific in philosophers than the rest. My impression is that perhaps Greece proper was some- what poorer and Syria somewhat richer than the average, but I will not venture to assert this positively. The coast of Cilicia was perhaps more likely to produce Stoics, owing to * Ubcr dot Besta]id dcr philos. Schulcii^ etc. Berlin, 1S43 ( 7/-iz;/i. of the Berlin Academy). 62 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the causes adduced in a previous volume of this social history ; ^ but certain it is that Babylon, Seleucia on the Tigris, Tyre, Sidon, Gadara, Apamea, Antioch, Soli, Alex- andria, Tarsus, Cyzicus, Heraclea, and a hundred other cities, sent philosophers into the world, who, while they settled at Rome or Athens or Rhodes, nevertheless did not belie their origin, and were known as the glory of their native cities. But though these men were acute or laborious enough to gain reputation by their books, or even to rise to the posi- tion of head of an Athenian school, we cannot find that they made any permanent advance in real thinking, with one notable exception. The fact is that most of the scholarchs mentioned are remarkable for the number of their years, so that the schools must have been usually presided over by old men. The natural tendency of this condition of things is, first, to make the teaching conservative, clinging to the traditions of former days and revolving round the ideas acquired in the pro- fessor's youth ; second, to make it timid, not daring to face new problems, or even to defend the startling paradoxes, the extreme views, which had been boldly asserted in the rejuvenescence of Greek philosophy. This timidity often took the form of contracting the outworks, and sacrificing the points most liable to attack — nay, even of conceding to the opponents that they were in some respects right, or to the sceptics that, after all, nothing was certain. It may, therefore, be said of the second century b. c. that it was the period when the schools were very strictly preserved, but when the sceptical school of Pyrrho, which had been blown ^ Greek Life and TItoiight, p. 142. If tlie edict referred to above (p. 40) was really issued by Anliochus Sidctes against young men learning philosophy, this may be another reason why so many Syrians appear as philosophers at Athens and in the West in this and the next generation. CARNEADES 63 to the winds in the days of great original thinkers and of profound convictions, saw its seed taking root in other schools, and producing not only a general distrust of all dogmatic philosophy, but a distinct development of negative and destructive thinking. Hence we find this sceptical tendency showing itself in Arcesilaus, who belongs to the earlier years of the second century, but patent in the one man whom I have already called a brilliant exception — Carneades, the founder of what was called the New Academy, which was in reality no develop- ment of Plato's doctrine, but rather a sceptical onslaught on the only system which still put forward any bold claims to preaching absolute truth — I mean of course the Stoic. We know a great deal about the personality of Carneades, though he left no writings, as he was the founder of the only new school of note since the third century, and as we have in Cicero a full account of the doctrines of his successor, Antiochus. The scepticism of Carneades was very keen and brilliant, but he had no great trouble in overthrowing the physical and logical positions of the dogmatists of those days — in fact, the means of attack, both in arms and in argument, were then far stronger than the means of defence. But Carneades was not content with merely refuting the Stoics ; he was perhaps the first to elaborate a doctrine of probability, which to a sceptic like him was the only guide of life, and which he applied specially to ethics, as the practical side of philosophy immediately concerned with human happiness and misery. The logical outcome of this systematic refutation of all absolute dogmas and the substitution in their place of prob- able truths was clearly eclecticism — the selecting from various systems their strongest and most practical conclusions, and making this selection the guide of life. This accord- 64 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. ingly, as we shall see, became the prevalent fashion of the schools in the commencement of the first century B.C. But in addition to the home forces which urged philosophy in this direction, there was an important external factor — the influence of Roman life and the demands of Roman society. This is, therefore, what we must trace through the second century before we can speak of the eclecticism which took possession of Greek thinkers, till deeper wants brought out the deeper convictions of Neo-Platonism. The first essays at introducing Greek wisdom to Rome — I mean abstract wisdom — are so spasmodic that they are rather interesting than instructive. We have no information about the motives of Ennius in reproducing the impious fables of Euemerus in Latin. The work had been long dis- credited in the Greek world as a conglomerate of lies and blasphemy, having some loose connection with the Epicurean notions of religion, in that it asserted the gods to be mere glorified men who had done good to the human race in old times. But not even the shabbiest Epicurean would have accepted it in the second century as an exposition of his views. Seeing, therefore, that Ennius was attached to particular Roman nobles, such as the Fulvius whom he accompanied to /Etolia in 189 B.C., I suppose it was merely to please some individual that the poet tran- scribed the Messenian's rude assault upon faith and credibility into Latin. It does not appear to have had much success, though it is likely that the Epicurean system, from its simplicity and vulgarity, would most easily attract the Romans who were first let loose upon the East. It must have been within a few years of Ennius's per- formance — for we arc now to speak of the year 181 B.C. — that a bold attem})t was made to pass off Greek dogmas under the a:gis of Numa's name. The story is told by I THE ' BOOKS OF NUiMA' 65 Livy (xl. 29) as follows : ' In that year the labourers on the farm of L. Petilius the scribe, under the Janiculum, digging somewhat deeper than usual, found two stone chests, about eight feet by four each, their lids being fastened down with lead. The chests were inscribed with Latin and Greek letters [respectively], to the effect that in the one Numa Pompilius, son of Pomponius, king of Rome, was buried, in the other were contained the books of Numa. When after consulting with his friends the owner of the farm had opened these chests, that which had the title of the buried king was found empty, without trace of human remains or anything else, all being gone with the decay of centuries. In the other were two bundles containing seven books each, not only undamaged but perfectly new in appearance. The seven Latin were on pontifical law, the seven Greek on the theory of wisdom, which might have belonged to that age. Valerius Antias [the historian] adds that these latter were Pythagorean books, the vulgar belief that Numa was a disciple of Pythagoras having evidently suggested this plausible fiction. The books were first read by the friends who were there when they were opened ; presently when they were becoming common property according as more people got access to them, Q. Petilius, then prcetor urbaniis, borrowed them from L. Petilius in order to read them ; and this was a common practice of his, as when qurestor he had chosen Lucius as secretary into his decuria. When a cursory study had shown him that most of the contents would tend to upset existing religious ser- vices, he told Lucius that he was going to throw the books into the fire, but that before he did so, he would let Lucius try whether by action at law or in any other way he could make good his claim to recover them ; and that if he did so the praetor would regard it merely as a friendly suit. The F 66 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. scribe appealed to the tribunes of the plebs, who referred it to the Senate. The praetor offered to take an oath that in his opinion these books should not be read or preserved. The Senate decreed that it was satisfied with the praetor's oath, that the books should be burned in the comitium as soon as possible ; that damages should be paid for them to the owners, according to a price fixed by the prsetor and the majority of the tribunes. This money the scribe refused to accept. The books were accordingly publicly burned in the comitium, in a fire made by the victimarii.' That some deliberate fraud was here at work is almost certain. But in whose interest was it attempted? The alarm of the praetor and Senate is easily to be accounted for when we remember that only five years before there had been literally a state panic about the Bacchanalia, which were forbidden by law and numerous adherents punished with death. ^ We may even suppose that the documents were in some way connected with this superstition, and hidden away under ground, when the searching and bloody inquiry of the year i86 was going on. This is far more likely than the suggestion that sober Greek doctrines were promoted by such sensational tricks. But we have no facts left to help us, except the clear evidence that novelties in religion and philosophy attracted the Roman public, and alarmed the Roman government. If so, we are not surprised that in 173 B.C. they expelled from Rome two obscure Epicurean teachers, Alcius and Philiscus, because they were corrupting the Roman youth. ^ The next step of the Senate was taken in 161 B.C., and ' Livy, xxxix. 8 sqq. ^ Our authority is here Athen. xii. 547, who mentions L. Postumius as consul. This gives us our choice between 173 and 155 E.G., but I prefer the former, for had this interference with tlic Epicureans taken IV THE GREEKS INTERNED IN ITALY 67 affected both (ircck philosophers and rhetors; I beheve it to have been mainly directed against the rhetors, who under- took to teach the Roman youth the art of persuasion, and were accordingly expelled from the city.^ It is quite possible that this decree is to be brought into connection with the importation of all the Greek and Macedonian exiles after the victory of 168 B.C. I have elsewhere observed " how completely these educated exiles disappear from notice when once interned in Italy, and I therefore disagree with Zeller,-^ who assumes that many of them lived, like Polybius, in daily intercourse with great Roman nobles. I consider Polybius to have been quite an exception, and that the tribe of Greeks flooding Rome, which he himself mentions contemptuously to young Scipio,'* were people of a totally different rank of life and character. But still the enormous number of Greek- speaking and Greek-educated men reduced to misery in Italy must have contained many anxious to earn their bread even by the humblest kind of teaching, and it was plainly the policy of the Senate to have them interned in obscure towns of Italy, not at Rome, where they might do mischief. But as in the case of Scipio, so the story went that .'iMiiilius PauUus had already, after his victory over Perseus, asked the place in 155 B.C., the very year after the embassy of the three philosophers from Athens to Rome, we may be sure that Cato would have been mentioned as a mover in the matter, and it would also have been men- tioned in connection with that embassy. ^ These expulsions of philosophers were not, as we have seen, confined to Rome. The decree of Antiochus Sidetes (above, p. 40), which I have quoted from Athenxus, might have been penned by Cato himself. It refers, too, specially to the young. We hear of the Epicureans being expelled from Messene, at what time we know not (Suidas, suh. voc, 'Ett/koi'/jos). - Greek Life and Thought, p. 562. ^ Gcsch. dcr Phil. iii. i, 532, note. •• Polyb. xxxii. 10. 68 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Athenians for a good painter and a sound philosopher, and that they sent him Metrodorus, who excelled in both.^ There may have been other isolated cases. But when Cicero ^ argues that there must have been many leading Romans devoted to Greek philosophy at this time, for otherwise the Athenians would not have rooted out from their scholastic seclusion three philosophers to plead their cause in Rome, he is clearly wrong. For more than 150 1 This story, told by Pliny [H. N. xxxv. 135), seems to me inconsistent with the famous narrative of Polybius (xxxii. 9, 10), which implies distinctly that there was no rival Greek educator in the house. The latter says in fact expressly that if Scipio wants mere instruction, there is a whole tribe of such Greeks pouring into Rome, whom he can easily employ. This either means that there was no Metrodorus in the house, or that Polybius chose deliberately to ignore him as an impostor. For the alleged invita- tion of PauHus and the settlement of Polybius in his mansion must be proximate in date, both having happened shortly after the battle of Pydna. The general statement of Plutarch [/Em. PauUns, 6) that not only gram- marians and sophists and rhetors, but also sculptors and painters and dog- and horse- trainers and teachers of hunting — all Greeks — were kept about his children, seems to me also vague, and not consistent with Polybius. It is a question, and perhaps a grave one, whether the Greek historian has not exaggerated his own influence in the education of Scipio /Emilianus. This suspicion is greatly strengthened in my mind by the utter silence of Polybius concerning Panaetius, who was certainly another Greek friend and adviser of Scipio. It is hardly possible that Pancetius did not come into the house till Polybius had returned to Greece after 146 B.C. But this may be the explanation. Yet Cicero [de Repub. i. 21) speaks of Panffitius and Polybius being together with Scipio. Had he any further evidence than we have ? 2 Tusc. Qucest. iv. 3. — Sapienticr stiidiiim vet us id qitidcm in fwsfris ; sed tainen ante Lcelii (ctatevi et Scipionis non repej-io, quos appellare passim nominatim. Quibus adolescentibus, Stoicnm Diogejiem et Acadeviicnm Carneadevi video ad senatum ab Atheniensibns tnissos esse legates, qui qiium reipubliac nullam unqtiam partem attigissent, essetque eorum alter Cyrenatts, alter Babylonius, nunquam profecto scholis essent excitati, neque ad illud munus electi, nisi ifi quibusdam principibus temporibus illis fuissent studia doctrifnv. He might as well argue that Alexander's regent Antipater studied philosophy because Xenocrates was selected to go before him at a critical moment. IV SCHOLASTIC AMBASSADORS AT ROME 69 years it had been the fashion in any grave crisis to ask the scholarchs, the grave and solemn philosophers, who took no direct part in politics, to represent states on embassies, just as the bishops in the early Middle Ages did, or as the heads of colleges now go on a deputation of importance to the Prime Minister in London.^ This mission, however, of the three heads of the prin- cipal schools of Athens — Critolaus the Peripatetic, Diogenes the Stoic, and Carneades the Academic — marks an epoch, slightly earlier indeed than the period we are discussing, but still convenient as the new starting-point, when Greek philosophy began to assert itself openly at Rome. The mission in question took place in 156-155 b.c, and the case to be argued by the three envoys was a very bad one. They wished to obtain the remission of a fine of 500 talents im- posed by arbitration on the Athenians for violating the territory and plundering the property of the people of Oropus. It turned out that their ofiicial mission was the least important side of the visit. After their first audience with the Senate, at which C. Acilius acted as interpreter, there appears to have been intentional delay, in order that the famous teachers might give some public lectures at Rome. This they did, with considerable effect. But doubtless the results would have been much greater had not two of the ambassadors, Critolaus and Diogenes, been very old men, and evidently past doing this kind of work effectively. I have above commented on this weakness in the Greek schools and its results at home. Critolaus is indeed left out in many of our accounts,- simply I fancy for this reason. • I have already commented on this practice, Greek Life and Thought, p. 132. ^ Cf. the passage from Cicero quoted above. 70 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Nor did Diogenes make anything like the impression pro- duced, in spite of a less popular doctrine, by Carneades. Even he too was not young, probably not less than fifty-five years old, but from the fact that he lived twenty-seven years longer, and taught during most of- them, we may infer that his vigour was not yet decayed. He entertained the Roman youth with brilliant sceptical discourses, especially with a refutation of the current arguments for political justice, and with an implied vindication of all the Roman foreign con- quests.^ It was in fact the new Anaxarchus preaching to the new Alexander.- We are not therefore surprised to hear from Plutarch^ that old Cato, the personification of the Roman gravitas, urged the decision of the Senate concerning Oropus, with the object of dismissing the three professors as soon, and as politely as possible, from the the city. Of course our old friend, Aulus Postumius,'* and his rivals were disappointed at this. They now had a grand opportunity of airing their Greek, and displaying their hioiia/iitks while showing the philosophers the curiosities of the city.^ Yet we cannot but be amused at the want of ^ Cicero {de Repiib. iii. 5-8) says he discoursed one day before Galba, Cato, and other dignitaries in a conservative spirit, rehearsing and enforcing all the old Platonic arguments for justice ; the next day he proceeded to refute them all from his own sceptical point of view. ^ Greek Life and Thought, p. 132. ■* Cato »iaj. 22. ■* Greek Life and Thought, p. 567. ® Cic. Acad, prior, ii. 45, for an anecdote. It is very probable that numbers pfetended to enjoy the discourses of Carneades whose knowledge of Greek was quite inadequate to follow his impetuous delivery, just as numbers of people would go in London to ]\L Renan's ILibbert Lectures who could not understand the greater part of them. But we must remember in mitigation of this carping conjecture that Greek was not taught at Rome by Romans, who could not speak it, out of grammars, but always liy Greek-speaking masters, just as English is tauglit to the Russian nobility. 1 lence any knowledge there was of IV POSITION OF THE EPICUREANS 71 thoroughness in old Cato, and his zeal for strict Roman morals, when we reflect that in these days, while he was railing against the occasional visits of the philosophers, the comedies of Diphilus and Menander, now ten years old at Rome in Terence's versions, were spreading not Greek theories of speculative ethics, but Greek pictures of the lowest practical morals, through Roman society. And this Menandrian comedy was but a fresh outburst, some- what more refined, of the flagrant immoralities of the Plautine stage. ^ Here was a philosophy being taught openly, and in Latin, which the Athenians would not have ventured to put forward in their embassy. For Epicureanism, though a very popular religion, and represented by a fixed school with fixed traditions, was at this time never recognised by states in the Hellenistic world as of the same respectability and condition as the rest. The scholarch of this sect at Athens was now ApoUodorus, surnamed the Tyrant of the Garden {Ki)iroTvpavvoit, etc. IV PHILOSOl'llICAL COMPROMISES 75 system which is as difficult and abstract as metaphysic can well be, both in the tenth book of Diogenes Laertius and in the great poem of Lucretius, who by the way boasts that he is the first to expound these principles in Latin poetry. These books, no doubt, omitted all the physical and cosmo- logical speculations, and were satisfied with the ordinary stuff which was current among the Greek idlers of the market- place. It is possible that they contained something about friendship being a pleasure in itself, but the researches of Zeller and others have proved clearly, that whatever omis- sions they may have permitted, none of them ever belied the theory of their great master. In fact, that school, like no other Greek school, never had a second master, never had a second independent thinker, who could assert himself by developing further consequences, or asserting new principles. It remained once and for all the school of Epicurus, and of Epicurus alone. The case was very different with the Stoics, who from the moment of Chrysippus's death, began to question some of the physical theories till then received, and gradually to approximate in their views to the Peripatetics. This is specially recorded of his immediate successor Zeno of Tarsus, then more positively of Boethus of Sidon, the pupil and contemporary of the Diogenes of the embassy. ^Ve hear that most of them rejected the theory that the world would ultimately perish by fire, and maintained, with Aristotle's school, its eternity. But these men do not here interest us except as links in the chain which leads to PanKtius, who not only adopted their views, but went much further in his disagreement, and, though distinctly a Stoic, was nevertheless the founder of almost a new school — of that Roman Stoicism which plays so prominent a part in the history of the Empire. He came 76 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. from Rhodes, and was a pupil of Diogenes at Athens. The most important part of his Ufa was, however, spent at Rome, in the house of Scipio ^mihanus,^ the centre of the Scipionic circle, where he trained up a number of Roman nobles to understand and to adopt his views. He seems to have taken the place of Polybius, and to have accompanied Scipio in his tour to the East (143 b.c.) He died as head of the Stoic school in Athens about no b.c. This was the man who, under the influence of the age, really modified the rigid tenets of his sect to make it the practical rule of life for statesmen, politicians, magnates, who had no time to sit all day and dispute, but who required something better than effete polytheism to give them dignity in their leisure, and steadfastness in the day of trial. He denied, indeed, with his teachers the eternity of the world, but also with the Epicureans the immortality of the soul, as we know from Cicero's refutation. His main work, however, was the teaching of practical duties, — those per- fections falling short of the Stoic perfection, — which Cicero reproduces in his treatise de officiis. In theology he, like Polybius, regarded the traditional gods as a mere political convenience, and he ridiculed the divines, in the style of Carneades. With the pupils of Pan?etius begins the long roll of Roman Stoics — Lcelius ; his son-in-law Q. Mucins Scsevola ; Q. Tubero, the nephew of Scipio, to whom Pantetius dedicated his work on Duties ; Rutilius Rufus, the just administrator of Asia, whom the publicani exiled for his protection of the Asiatic province from their extortions ; and many others to whom Cicero refers. But as yet I do not wish to cross the threshold of the first century B.C., so I forbear. * Cp. aljove, p. 67. RUTILIUS RUFUS 77 Here then, after all the dissolute and disintegrating influences of Hellenism, — its cornxdia palUata, its parasites, its panders, its minions, its chicanery, its mendacity — had produced their terrible effect, came an antidote which, above all the human influences we know, purified and ennobled the world. It affected, unfortunately, only the higher classes ^ at Rome ; and even among them, as among any of the lower classes that speculated at all, it had as a dangerous rival that cheap and vulgar Epicureanism, which puffs up common natures with the belief that their trivial and coarse reflections have some philosophic basis, and can be defended with subtle arguments. But among the best of the Romans Hellenism produced a type seldom excelled in the world's history, a type as superior to the old Roman model as the nobleman is to the burgher in most countries — a type we see in Rutilius Rufus, as compared with the elder Cato. Whoever reads Plutarch's Life of this latter person will see that he was in many senses a worthy man, an able man, an educated man, but he was no gentleman. Rutilius conducted his life, and performed his public duties, as Cato had done, with a purity exceptional in any society ; but when sentenced to exile by a decision so flagrant that it convulsed the public mind with disgust, he bore his misfortune not only with refined calmness and cheerfulness, but spent a happy and honoured 1 And wlicn I say higher classes, I do not confine the word to the conservative patricians. Tiberius Gracchus, whose whole education had been entrusted to Greeks (as Cicero tells us), was advised and probably incited in his radical schemes by Blossius of Cumce, no doubt a very inferior teacher to Pana;tius, but a far more dangerous enthusiast. This man left Rome after Tiberius's death, and joined Aristonicus in his war against Rome for the kingdom of Pergamum. When the pretender was defeated, Blossius committed suicide. There may have been a deep anti-Roman feeling stimulating this philosopher's theories of political reform. 78 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. retirement at Smyrna, where Cato would have been miser- able, and offensive to the provincials. Everything we hear of Rutilius shows not only his high principle, but his perfect temper and his large culture. It is, indeed, to be regretted that his Memoirs are not preserved. We know him through the many allusions of Cicero, Seneca, and others.^ It was in this way that Hellenistic philosophy made itself a home in Italy, and acquired pupils who in the next generation became masters in their way, and showed in Cicero and Lucretius no mean rivals of the contemporary Greek. Lucretius is so essentially a Roman figure, and his poem so Roman a poem, that I will not turn aside to criticise it at any length. But as the author himself tells us, his philosophical masters were Democritus and Epicurus, his poetical masters Empedocles and Ennius, so that he only claims originality for having been the first to treat this Greek system of philosophy in Latin — perhaps in Latin poetry. Even here his claim is made doubtful by what Cicero says of Amafinius, and the vulgar herd who repro- duced Epicurus in Latin prose. Yet, still, there is far more originality in Lucretius than he claims for himself. In the first place he recasts the ostentatiously slipshod writing of Epicurus into a noble poem, and for his model he selects not the fashionable Alexandrian poets, as his contemporary Catullus did, but a famous old master, of real Hellenic purity.'^ And to reproduce the effect of this old Epic speech, he goes back to the archaic Ennius, and resuscitates forms which were antiquated and forgotten by the fashionable literati of his day. This bold attempt, executed with undoubted genius, was perhaps too original to meet with general favour 1 Cf. Zeller, op. cit. p. 536. " Cf. on Empedocles my Class. Greek Li/, i. 124 S(j. LUCRETIUS 79 from the advocates of the new school, though it influenced the best of them, Catullus and Virgil, very considerably. But however little he may have been appreciated by his compeers, posterity has recognised the first great success in reproducing Greek thought and Greek artistic style in a Roman dress. The poem of Lucretius stands beside the prose of Epicurus as superior in literary form as the poetry of Virgil beside that of Apollonius Rhodius, or the English Bible beside the Greek. The Romans were indeed imitators and pupils ; but what pupils ! ^ ^ The attempt of Pub. Nigidius Figulus, whom Mommsen rates so ex- traordinarily {A\ G. iii. 573), chiefly on the authority, too, of that Cicero whom he derides and despises, I shall consider in connection with the new Pythagoreanism of Alexandria and the East at this period — the most curious of all the philosophic developments of the century before Augustus. CHAPTER V THE GENERAL REACTION OF HELLENISM UPON ROME I HAVE chosen for our first and most serious consideration the settlement of Greek philosophy at Rome, because there was no purer or more distinctly Greek product, and one which kept its individual character and language so long. Till the poem of Lucretius and the works of Cicero, we may say nothing in Latin worth reading existed on the subject. Whoever wanted to study philosophy, therefore, down to that time (60 b.c.) studied it in Greek. Nearly the same thing may be said of the arts of architecture, painting, and sculpture. There were indeed distinctly Roman features in architecture, but they were mere matters of building, and whatever was done in the way of design, in the way of adding beauty to strength, was done wholly under the advice and direction of Greeks. The subservience to Hellenism in the way of internal household ornament was even more complete. No paint- ing or sculpture from native artists would now be tolerated at Rome. Extravagant j^rices were paid for statues and pictures from Greece, also for silver plate and for Greek marbles, though there were precious quarries lying idle in Italy. 'I'he prices then paid for old silver — twenty to thirty I GREEK FASHIONS AT ROME times the price of the metal — rival those lavished in our own day on ' Queen Anne ' plate. And with the ornaments of the house, the proper serving of the house, especially the more delicate departments — the cooking of state dinners, the attendance upon guests, the care of the great man's in- timate comforts — could only be done fashionably by Greek slaves. The outburst of Hellenistic fashions of this sort at Rome must have far exceeded the outburst of French fashions in England after the peace of 1815, when England with all her great wealth and European prestige had been practically excluded from the progress of material civilisation in France for a whole generation, and suddenly awoke to the fact that in many respects she was still rude and barbarous. But of course these lower sides of Hellenism had no more potent effect in civilising Rome than the employing of French cooks and valets and the purchase of French ornaments and furniture had in improving our grandfathers. Much more serious was the acknowledged supremacy of the Greeks in literature of all kinds, and still more their insistence that this superiority depended mainly upon a careful system of in- tellectual education. A self-taught xn^xn—cmtodidaktos — or even the man who learned late — opsimathes — was in the Greek world always considered a man of imperfect breeding, and wanting in real refinement. This is the point where Polybius, after his seventeen years' experience of Roman life, finds the capital flaw in the conduct of public affairs. In every Hellenistic state, he says, nothing engrosses the attention of legislators more than the question of education, whereas at Rome a most moral and serious government leaves the training of the young to the mistakes and hazards of private enterprise. That this was a grave blunder as regards the lower classes is probably true. The Roman mob during the next few G 82 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. generations showed all the vices and violences of an ignorant populace entrusted with the affairs of a mighty empire. If, therefore, the almost universal assumption be really true, that the mob of any nation can be educated out of passion and folly into a reasonable crowd, then the Senate is liable to a crime of omission which brought upon the government terrible punishment. But as regards the upper classes, whose educa- tion the Senate did no doubt carefully consider, the Roman theory held that home education was the only education worth having, and that the unpaid interest taken in the young by parents and parents' friends was the proper influence to be brought upon the rising generation. So long as the requirements of the day were small, and consisted chiefly of practical good sense in the management of household affairs or civic duties, this theory did not show its weakness. But when Rome grew from a city controlling Italy to an empire directing the world, such men as ^milius Paullus saw plainly that they must do something more to fit their children for the splendid position they had themselves attained, and so they were obliged to keep foreign teachers of literature and art in their houses as private tutors. The highest class of these private tutors was that of the philosophers, whom we have considered, and while the State set itself against their public establishments, great men in the State openly encouraged them and kept them in their houses. Cicero says that he treated his literary slave Diony- sius better than Scipio treated Panaetius ; and the jibe of Lucilius, that his horse and groom were worth more to him than his philosopher, seems to corroborate this.^ But still, so far as philosophy was concerned, the Romans could hardly say anything reasonable to depreciate the Greeks. No Roman of that day could produce anything beyond the ^ Cf. Mommsen, R. G. ii. 425. V TERENCE AND LUCILIUS 83 obscure and probably contemptible Latin Epicureanism of Ennius and Amafinius. As regards literature, however, in the close of the second century B.C. a change was visible, which announced the new and marvellous results of the first. The Romans had begun with translating as best they could Greek masterpieces, then had attempted national poems like those of Nsevius. But according as the best judges began to appreciate the Greek originals and use them with greater ease, these early versions became ridiculous and were despised. We have before us only one large example of this change in critical taste — the versions of Greek comedy we find in Plautus and Terence respectively. The refined diction of Terence shows us what was the taste of the younger Scipio and Lselius, and what they required in a translation as compared with the rude attempts of the older days. Still more remarkable is it that this brilliant success was not popular with the masses, and that it led to no further attempts in the same direction. Terence, far the most perfect, is also the last in the long series of early Roman translations from the Greek. Nor are the causes far to seek. In the first place, this clearer and deeper comprehension of the great originals led to two conclusions — that the grace and beauty of Greek poetry were unattainable in Latin, and that they were in any case far above the enjoyment of the masses. In the second, the refinement attained in the style of Terence suggested that the Latin tongue had after all a future of its own, and was destined to pursue an independent course in litera- ture. This latter expectation was realised by the rise of Lucilius, the first original Latin poet, whose medleys on life and manners were not only popular within the circle which patronised and supported Terence, but among that far larger public which could not or would not appreciate 84 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the refined vices of Menander in Roman speech. The attempt of Naevius to create a national poetry had failed, for the time was not ripe. The attempt of Lucilius succeeded, as the long line of Roman satirists abundantly proves. But the reaction in prose literature is still more remark- able. There were circulated during these days at least two specimens of Latin prose writing which were essen- tially Roman, and yet in no wise lacking either force or purity. These were the speeches of Caius Gracchus — of which fragments remain — and the letters of his mother Cornelia. Such books showed that Latin eloquence had powers of its own, and need not build entirely upon Greek rhetoric. Accordingly Crassus and Antonius, the famous orators at the end of this century, whom Cicero has glorified in his treatise de Oratore, though far from ignorant in Greek lore, were distinctly national, and founded the great school of Latin eloquence suggested by, but not derived from, its Greek sister. There is even abroad a spirit of antagonism to Greek rhetoric, as a school of subtlety and of unpractical discussion, a spirit manifested not only in the traditions of these early orators, but in the edict against the Latin pedants who imitated the Greek professors (92 B.C.) Accordingly even in grammar, which Dionysius Thrax had been teaching at his school in Rome since 107 b.c, there arose a Latin school, of which the founder was L. yl^^lius Stilo, who taught Roman youths gratuitously, as the great jurisconsults did, by way of advice as a friend, and who based his lessons on Latin grammar and style upon a study of the older Latin models. The fashion of writing for posterity in Greek began to wane, and a Roman literature, solid and founded upon rational study, supplanted the exotic growths so long fashionable. Thus even in letters Roman culture began to take V ROMAN HELLENISM CHECKED 85 its place beside Greek, and the whole civilised world was divided into those who knew Greek letters and those who knew Roman only. There was no antagonism in spirit between them, for the Romans never ceased to venerate Greek letters or to prize a knowledge of that language. But of course there were great domains in the West beyond the influence of the most western Greeks, even of Massilia, where the first higher civilisation introduced was with the Roman legions and traders, and where culture assumed permanently a Latin form. In the East, though the Romans asserted themselves as conquerors, they always condescended to use Greek, and there were praetors proud to give their decisions at Roman assize courts in that language. Hence there might have been fairly anticipated a peaceful development of both under the Roman sway, and a long period of prosperity for Hellenism of the material and moral, though not of the political kind. The injustice of governors and traders who presumed on Roman domination was indeed a pressing evil. Yet the development of higher culture at Rome, the spread of Stoic philosophy, the occur- rence of men like the Gracchi, the Scipios, and Rutilius point to an improvement not only in the rulers but in public opinion, and a growing disposition to hear the com- plaints of provincials and in time to redress them. But the great internal troubles of Rome supervened and cast into the shade all this higher development. While the select few were really advancing on the higher paths, the bulk of the nobility and the populace were involved not only in the Gracchan troubles, and by and by in the shocking violences of Cinna and Marius, but also in the Jugurthan war, in the great Cimbric tumult, and then in the revolt of the Italian subjects. So it is that wars and rumours of wars fill the pages of the historian to the exclusion of social and 86 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. spiritual life. And so it is with the Greek world now under the domination of Rome. Here too the days of reform in provincial administration were too long delayed, and the great catastrophe of a new unsuccessful revolt came upon the larger and better portion of Hellenism. When Mithradates, an oriental despot merely varnished with culture, created his kingdom round the shores of the Euxine, and came into collision with the Romans, the cruelties and oppressions of the publicani and praetors had been such, that the great body of Greeks in Asia and Hellas rose with him against their tormentors. The nations which are our special study thus suddenly move again into the foreground of history, and the events in Greece and Asia Minor become suddenly as important as the annals of the capital. This prominence was, however, purchased at a terrible cost ; the reprisals and confiscations of the conquerors exhausted the Hellenistic world for generations. Far worse, too, than even this was the renewed estrangement between Greek and Roman, which the events of the last fifty years had been tending to efface. The friends of the 100,000 Italians massacred in Asia and at Delos must have made up their minds that after all there was a national antipathy which nothing could allay ; they must have felt that henceforth the only safe policy was to cripple completely an empire of subjects who, after all the public favour bestowed in the way of internal liberty and public respect, were ready to join any barbarian invader against the Republic of the West. The wars of Mithradates with Sylla and then with Lucullus are a matter of ordinary Roman history, here again profoundly interesting because we have, besides Appian, the inestimable Plutarch, whose lives of Sylla, Sertorius, and Lucullus lead up to those of Pompcy and Caesar. AVhat we V THE CRIMEAN GREEKS 87 have to do is to search the events of this momentous epoch for evidences of the progress or decay of Hellenism in the world. And first of all let me turn to a very outlying province, which might easily be mistaken for a province of Hellenism in the technical sense, but which is really of quite a different type — I mean the civilisation which the generals of Mithra- dates found and protected on the north of the Euxine, in the Crimean kingdom. This outlying portion of the Greek world had been planted centuries before by the Milesians and Megarians for the purpose of trade, and a number of cities had been built along the strait which forms the outlet of the Sea of Asov. The country on the east side of that sea was productive in corn and cattle. The shallow sea was peculiarly rich in fish, and with the gradual rise of population in Greece, and of luxury in Greek cities, this Cimmerian Bosphorus obtained an un- limited market for wheat, salt-fish, and hides. So its wealth and importance increased, and though always threatened by the nomad hordes of the North, the Greeks managed, either by building strong cities and walls across the isthmus, or by treaties and intermarriages with barbarians, to maintain themselves in wealth and culture. There were important free cities, and there were despots^ ruling over the inner country. One of these despots, Leucon, is mentioned by Demosthenes - as having obtained for himself and his heirs the freedom of the city of Athens, in requital for the gifts of corn he had bestowed on the Athenians in a time of scarcity. The tombs of these despots, which were still unrifled in our time, have yielded treasures to the Museum of Kertch (sacked in the Crimean war by the French and English) and to that ^ (KaXovvTO 5^ TvpavvoL KaLinp oi TrXcioi/s eTLUKth yeyovhres (Strabo, vii. 4. 4). ^ In Leptinem, §§ 30-40. 88 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. of S. Petersburg, which have been reproduced in splendid coloured plates by the Russian government.^ These orna- ments not only show that large quantities of gold must have been brought to these Greek cities fr'om the Ural, but that they possessed artists of the highest quality there to work it into beautiful and rich designs. The Macedonian conquest seriously affected the pros- perity of the Crimean Greeks. The decay of Greece, not to speak of the rival wealth of Egypt, spoiled their long-estab- lished market. When the political centre of gravity moved westward Africa and outer Spain could supply both wheat and salt-fish better and cheaper than the Sea of Asov, for the Mediterranean is not comparable to the Atlantic fish, and how could the climate of Scythia compete with Sicily and Africa — a climate where it was possible indeed to grow vines, but necessary to cover them completely with earth every winter ; - a climate, moreover, where a great battle could be fought and won upon the ice, a feat which one of Mithradates's generals actually performed.^ The whole progress of Alexander's conquest neglected the Cimmerian Bosphorus and its Chersonese as of no import- ance, and this decay of prominence meant of course decay of power, and hence growing inability to meet or resist the demands of the nomads, who expected the southerners to cultivate the land, but to pay a heavy tax or black-mail for this privilege. And this tax was determined by the strength and rapacity of those who demanded it. So there was repeated a history like that of Byzantium which I have already told in my Greek Life and TJiougJii.^ ^ Autiqititcs dit Bosphore a'/iiDicrien, giving the remains found in the tumuhis of Koul-Olja, near Kertch. - Strabo, ii. i, § i6. The practice still exists in Hungary, and I suppose elsewhere in those parts of Europe which have a severe winter. =' J bid. ■» r. 348 s,^. CAMPAIGNS OF DIOPHANTUS The details of this Crimean history, and the results in the time of Mithradates, which were till recently only known from Strabo's summary,^ are now confirmed and enlarged by the long inscription in honour of Diophantus," which tells us that he was a Sinopean, solicited by the king to undertake this command, and that he repeatedly won victories for the king over the Scythians hitherto deemed invincible.-' The generals of Mithradates brought a small army of disciplined troops to the aid of the distressed Greeks, whose last king, Parisades, consented to pay a tribute of 200 talents and a vast amount of wheat to the Pontic sovran on condition of being saved from the Scythian marauders. The battles which took place were famous as demonstrating again the absolute superiority of discipline and of better arms over any numerical majority of savages. Diophantus with 6000 men defeated and almost annihilated a host alleged to be 50,000 strong. I am always suspicious of the numbers in ancient histories ; but the general statement is to be accepted, and is all the more interesting as we now attribute our superiority to Zulus and Arabs wholly to our arms of precision, which are generally different in kind from those of savages, and not, as the arms of Diophantus's army, merely better ^ vii. 4, § 17, probably taken from Posidonius. ^ Which may be most easily read in Dittcnberger's Syllogc, No. 252. ■* Tohs dvuTTOcraTODS doKOui'Ta^ elfxev '^Kvdas Tpe\p6.fJ.evo% Trpwrov iiv avrCiv eirh-qae ^aaCKia M((?. Ei'Trar. rpoTratov dvaaTaaaL kt\. The titles of the city authorities at Chersonesus, where the inscription was set up, also inform us that in spite of titular /;mn's,, who were no more real kings than tlie rex sacrifuultts at Rome, the constitution was democratic, and manifestly modelled from the old arrangements of Megara, which had founded Heraclea, the immediate mother - city of Chersonesus. Even the kings as religious officers, chosen by lot, occur in old inscrip- tions of Megara, as well as at Chios ; and the eponymous officer at Calymnai was called fi6vapxos down to the first century a.d. (cf. Bk//. de corresp. hell. viii. 30 ; ix. 286). 90 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN S\YAY chap. swords, shields, and spears. No doubt the field artillery must have been even more important then than it is now, and must have astonished the Scythians as it did the Thracians when attacked by Alexander.^ The protection of Mithradates lasted but a short time, and was exchanged for that of the Romans, who during all the century before us were occupied with domestic struggles, and were in any case culpably lax and careless about their outlying subjects. So then the overthrow of the Pontic power was probably a heavy blow to these cities.- But the point to be noticed is this, that they never had formed part of any Hellenistic kingdom, nor had they been directly affected by any of the new influences which so deeply modified Hellenedom. Hence we shall find them under the Roman Empire a curious remnant of old-world culture, differ- ing toto cceIo from the newer settlements of Syria and inner Asia ; but we must leave our further consideration of them till they again emerge in the pages of Dion Chrysostom.^ As regards the real regions of Hellenism, Egypt was altogether unconcerned in the Mithradatic struggles, and firmly but politely refused to aid Sylla when he sent his lieutenant, the famous LucuUus, to beg for ships. The young king (Ptolemy Alexander) entertained the Roman with great splendour, but sent him away without help. The Syrian cities were now under Tigranes, whom they hated ; but Tigranes was not implicated in the first war of his brother- in-law. It was in fact only Asia Minor and Greece (apart ^ Cf. my Alexanders Empire, chap. i. - There is a Latin inscription as late as the reign of Domitian laud- ing Ti. Plant. Silv. /Elianus, legate /r^ pnvtore, of Ma'sia (58-69 A. D. ), for saving the town of Cherson from a siege by a Scythian king, and so enabling a large quantity of corn to be sent to Rome (cf. CIL iii. 781, and BiiUetin de corresp. hell. {BCH) ix. 275). ^ Below, chap. xi. Note there Pliny's letter on the subject. V THE CARIAN LEAGUE 91 from the Crimean (1 reeks) which appeared in the struggle with Sylla. Here we may note first of all the greater predominance and importance of Asia. The primacy seems reversed, and whereas of old Ionia had been long insignificant as compared with the European states, now there is hardly any account taken of the latter except Athens, the Asiatic cities showing not only a far larger number of inhabitants, especially foreigners, but also greater inde- pendence in their policy. Though the majority join the invader and massacre the hated Italic residents, several isolated members of this great society of towns hold firm in their allegiance to Rome, and even withstand the victorious armies of the Cappadocian. Of course there were many more who turned upon the king as soon as they found the Roman power was likely to overcome him. Of this we have an interesting case in the Ephesians, whose decree of recantation and of loyalty to the Romans may now be read at Oxford.^ Far more honest was the Carian League, headed by the town of Stratoniceia, which from the first boldly resisted the Pontic invader, and in consequence received great rewards and favours fiom Sylla. There has been recently found at Lagina, which represents the site of Stratoniceia, a now famous inscription containing a letter from Sylla, and a senatiis consHltum, which tlie dictator got passed in the year 80 B.C., confirming to the inhabitants all the privileges he had bestowed upon them — remission of taxes, increase of territory, right of priority in consulting the Senate, and, above all, the right of asylum for their famous temple of Hecate, which had been acknowledged generally by the Greek world." ' Cf. Hicks, Ma>i. of In scrips, p. 352. - BCH ix. 437 sq. To this document I sluill revert. 92 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. We can easily understand this philo- Romanism, even apart from long-sighted policy, such as we might have anticipated in the Rhodians. For oppressive as were the Italians, the Pontic king was worse,^ and was distinctly a barbarian, in spite of his knowledge of Greek, his Greek mercenary generals, and his fine promises to the Greek world. Appian, in describing his character," says he studied Greek culture, honoured Greek temples, and was fond of Greek music. He was also a collector of antique works of art ; ^ but his harem, and his utter dependence on eunuchs, which indeed was the main cause of his final overthrow, show his oriental side plainly enough. His armies, too, though commanded by Greeks, were distinctly armies of barbarians. If the Romans had indeed been expelled from the East, the cause of Hellenism would certainly have suffered more even than it did from their exactions. For the best Romans were already, or were daily becoming, real members of the Hellenistic world, and we can see from the policy of Sylla, Lucullus, and Pompey how even the manifest dislike and treachery of the Greeks, and their enthusiastic reception of the murderer of 100,000 Italians, had not unsettled the fixed idea that Greeks were one thing, and all the rest of the East another ; that Greeks had the ' His anoekisui of the Chians— a ruthless piece of cruelty — is to be paralleled by the proceeding of Tigranes mentioned by Strabo (xi. 14, 15), when he was founding his new capital, Tigranoccrta, from twelve Greek cities emptied for the purpose. This policy was frustrated in time by the conquest of Lucullus. 2 Mith. 112. ■* Ibid. 115, sub. fin. .Strabo also (x. 4, 10), in a digression upon his own ancestors and their relations to Cnossus in Crete, speaks of the intimacy of both Mithradates Euergetcs and his son Eupator with the Greek family of Dorylaos, professor of military tactics. The younger Dorylaos (nephew of the elder) was brought up as an intimate with the great Pontic king. V ROMAN EXACTIONS 93 monopoly of culture, and that the rest were only fit to serve them and the Romans. The gross ingratitude of the Greeks of Asia, who, in spite of this profoundly sentimental, theoretical admiration, took practical extortion and cruelty so much to heart as to massacre their admirers wholesale, was not indeed forgotten by the Romans ; ^ but in the moment of victory the cynical and relentless Sylla only punished them with an immense war indemnity, and his successor, Lucullus, sought to save them from the financial ruin which threatened them in con- sequence. The wealth of the free cities in Asia Minor seems to have been so great, that not even the levying of five years' taxes in advance would have ruined them, had they not been induced or constrained to borrow from the Roman specu- lators, who treated them in the same way as Verres after- wards treated the Sicilians. The usurers took care to make all escape from their clutches impossible. We hear of no parallel exactions from Greece, though the resistance of Athens and the Pirseus was to Sylla a far more serious offence than the mere massacre of Italian traders. Indeed, Sylla specially gives up, in his argument with Mithradates," the defence of M. Aquillius's character, and concedes that his greed for gold and dishonesty in selling provinces had been an important factor in the war. This admission would of course apply also to the inferior extor- tioners who infested the province of Asia. But Athens and the Pirreus really blocked the way, and made Sylla run imminent risk of losing everything; and ■* Wliat was even worse, the massacre and loss of property caused a financial crisis at Rome, an important fact omitted in the modern histories (cf. Cic. pro lege Man. § 19). Nam turn, qtiuiii in Asia res magnas periindti aiiiiscranf, sci/iius Ronue, sohttione impedita, Jidein concidisse. ^ Appian, Milh. 156, 157, no doubt taken from Sylla's own Memoirs. 94 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY CHAP. though the latter was held by a foreign army under a foreign general, Archelaus, Athens had put itself under the direc- tion of a mere impostor, and permitted him, while bringing the city into great misery by his selfish cruelty, to insult and delay Sylla. The story of this Aristion is very interesting, as it shows us a prominent example of the curious class so widespread in that age — I mean the impostor in philosophy. The story is copied by Athenaeus from Posidonius, who was a contem- porary authority, and there is no reason to question.the main facts. ^ This Aristion was son, by an Egyptian slave mother, to an Athenian who was a long time a pupil in the Peripatetic school of Erymneus (scholarch about i lo B.C.) He succeeded to the goods of his father, who had apparently no legitimate son, and so he got himself enrolled as an Athenian citizen. We may imagine that in these decayed times any man with some money, who could show an Athenian father, found little ^ Athen. v. 48 sq., 212. Appian {Mith. 28) differs in many details. Athenseus calls him Athenion, but is wrong, as is proved not only by other writers, but by the existence of a coin of Athens, with the names of Mithradates and Aristion on it. It is reproduced in Duruy's Hist, of Rome, ii. 660, 661. Plutarch has the name right, reip. gub. prac. 14. On a set of coins found in 1881 at Athens, which had evidently been buried at the moment of Sylla's invasion, we find a gold coin (which is unusual, as only military conquerors seem lo have made them) not only with Mt^paoarTjs BacrtXei's, and under it Aristion (as his satrap), but even with Mithradates's ' cognisance,' a winged Pegasus drinking at a fountain (cf. Revue des iliiiks grecques, ii. 145). In an able article on Athens and Mithradates suggested l)y this evidence, R. Weil {Mittliciliingen des deiilsch. Inst, in Athen, vi. 314 j(;r.) argues that the story in the text, being derived from the Stoic Posidonius, is coloured by the strong prejudices of scholastic rivalry. Indeed the schools now took opposite sides, the Academics and Stoics holding with the Romans, the Peripatetics with the Pontic king. It may have been that Posidonius calls the man Athenion to assert his illegitimacy, by which name he would have been known Init for his success in foisting himself on an Athenian tribe. The details must, therefore, be accepted with caution. V ARISTION AND THE ATHENIANS 95 difficulty in accomplishing this. He then married a pretty slave girl, and adopted the profession of sophist, touting for youths who wanted education.^ So having practised both at Messene and at Larissa in Thessaly, and having made a "good deal of money, he came to Athens. Such wandering sophists were to be found all over the world. Thus a few years later, during the war of LucuUus with Tigranes, we hear of one, Amphicrates, who, flying from Athens arrived at Seleucia on the Tigris, where the people besought him, as being an Athenian, to establish himself as a sophist. But he said he would not be a triton among minnows,^ and went off to the queen of Tigranes, Mithradates's sister, where he obtained enough influence to be suspected of cabals with the Greeks of Parthia, and was put to death. In the same way Aristion was ambitious of figuring at court, and got himself nominated as ambassador from Athens to Mithradates. Pontus and Cappadocia had old relations with Athens. Sinope and Amisus especially, close to Eupatoria, the royal residence, were full of old Attic settlers since the days of Perikles, and both religious rites and names record this connection. It seems, however, that the moving force which drove Athens to take this disastrous step was anger and jealousy at the Roman and Phoenician traders, who had settled in crowds at Delos, and had ousted the Athenian citizens, to whom the island now formally belonged, from all their business. No doubt the Italians were not only overreaching but self-asserting, and rode roughshod over the rights of the Delian merchants. ' Aristion was sent out to Pontus, and here he was eminently suc- ' yi]fj.as T€ vai.Siui>. - riutnrcli, LticuUus, 22. His joke was really nuich more insolent, seeing how great a city this Seleucia was — (is oi. 527. 136- GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. regards them as a man of rank would now regard a respectable lodging-house keeper.^ Many of them are freedmen, some of them traders with whom he and his friends had invested money. The real feeling towards all these people comes out in the last of the series, which commends Democritus of Sicyon. ' He is not only my host,' says Cicero, ' but what seldom happens, especially among Greeks, very intimate with me. You will find him the principal man, not only of his city, but perhaps of all Acheea.' It was evidently of the last importance to these Greeks to be well recommended by a Roman of distinction to the incoming praetors or pro- consuls, and we may be sure Cicero's letters were anxiously solicited. But though they were requitals for hospitalities received, they were not real or deep expressions of genuine friendship or respect. The views of Cicero come out in many other places. In writing to his favourite freedman and secretary Tiro, who was ill, and to whom he uses almost extravagant words of affection, he says - of the very Lyso whom he had strongly recommended among the people above mentioned : ' I fear our Lyso is rather negligent, firsts because all Greeks are so ; next, because he did not answer my letters.' He says of the boy's tutor Dionysius, who had not shown any loyalty to them w^hen their party was overthrown by Caesar : ' But I don't expect such qualities in a Greek.' ^ He says the ebul- lition of public feeling at Naples when Pompey recovered from his illness was ineptum sane negoiiuni et Gnecuhim,^ and he sums up all these judgments in the famous letter to his brother Quintus on the duties of a provincial governor,'' 1 The special letters in point are ad Fain. xiii. i, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 28 b, 32, 34, 36, 37, 48, 52, S3, 54, 67, 70, 78. 2 Ad Fain. xvi. 4. '^ Ad. Att. vii. 18. * Tttsc. Disp. i. § 86. ^ Ad Q. Fratrem, i. 1, § 16 .f*^. VI HIS INSINCERE POLITENESS 137 where he warns him against intimacies with the Greeks, of whom but few are still worthy of ancient Hellas. Most of them are fickle and deceitful, and through long slavery trained to excessive complaisance. They should all be treated liberally, and the best of them even admitted to your house and friendship. But too great intimacy with them is not safe, for they dare not oppose our wishes, and they envy not only us, but one another. . . . Be therefore very cautious and careful in making friendships with provincials and Greeks. He adds in another place ^ a candidly dishonest apology for his own apparent violation of these precepts. ' I now come to answer your letter in which you complain that I strongly recommended to you Zeuxis of Blandus (in Phrygia), an undoubted matricide. Concerning this case, and all others like it, if you should wonder at my courting popularity so strongly among Greeks, pray observe what foUow^s. Perceiving that the com- plaints of the Greeks have more influence than is right, owing to their natural habit of exaggerating, I soothed in any way I could all such as I heard were complaining about you. First I mollified the people of Dionysopolis, who were strongly against me, whose chief man Hermippus I muzzled not only by talking to him, but by admitting him to my inti- macy. Hephaestus of Apamea, Megaristus of Antandrus, a worthless person, Nicias of Smyrna— the most trivial crea- tures, I compassed with all my affability, even Nympho of Colophon. I did all this, not that such men, or even their whole nation, delight me; I am sick of their want of character {levitas), their obsequiousness, their devotion not to principle, but to the profit of the hour.' He then goes into very interesting details concerning these cases. At last, then, the Romans were beginning to assert them- 1 Aci Q. i. 2, § 4. 138 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. selves, not only against Italian provincials, whom they despised as speaking Latin with a bad accent and in rustic phrase,-^ but against all their subjects, barbarian and even Greek. The opening of the Tuscidan Dispjitations is a noble and eloquent assertion of this Roman dignity. The deep severance between barbarians — Africans, Spaniards, Gauls — and Greeks is indeed still felt,- but the fierce pro- secution of Ligarius by Tubero is justly called by the orator a foreign thing. ' No Roman citizen ever did it. Externi isti sunt mores. The hatred of either fickle Greeks or savage barbarians is wont to demand blood.' ^ Nor is this remark- able phrase solitary. In the tenth Philippic he speaks of exterce nationes a prima ora Grcecice usque ad ^gyptum. Thus we have the Romans at last repudiating or for- getting their ancient anxiety to pose as an offshoot of the Hellenes, and coming to regard the Greek as only a superior kind of outsider, worse than the Roman in moral principles, worse even in manners owing to his fickleness, and also to his ungovernable excitability, which caused many extra- '. I am not here concerned with the Latin subjects, but call attention to the passage, de Oi-at. iii. § 42, on this question. Just as the commonest Athenian far surpasses the most learned Asiatic in the tone and sweetness of his accent, so the most ignorant Roman speaks better than the most learned of the Latins, though they study literature far more closely than Romans do. He reverts to this subject of accent in his Brutus (§171 sqq. ) in discussing the learning and ability of provincials. Even the orator himself turns aside in his speech /ro Sulla (§ 22 sq.), to answer the taunt that he is ?i peregrinus because he came from Arpinum. We have no parallel to this, however an Irishman or Scotchman may be twitted for his provincialism, for Ireland and Scotland are far stronger in regard to England than the Italian provinces were to Rome. All this does not prevent Cicero from recognising even in Roman Latin a vulgar and low way of speaking — oppidano quodam et incoudito genere dicendi, as opposed to the urbanum genus. On the Spanish brogue of Corduba, cf. pro Arch. § 26. ^ Ad. Q. Fratrem, i. i, §§ 28, t,i. ^ Pro Ligario, § il. VI CICERO ON SICILIAN ART 139 .vagances painful to a calm and self-possessed aristocracy. It is quite consistent with this that we should find another mark of the foreign manners in the over-gesticulation of the Greeks, which Cicero censured when they were giving evidence in court. They seasoned their replies with raising of eyebrows and shrugging of shoulders. We could imagine him an English critic censuring French or Italian witnesses.^ There were perhaps only two points in which the supremacy of the Greeks was still acknowledged — art and philosophy. I have put art first, as we shall dispose of philosophy in very few words. There is a whole speech of Cicero against Verres {de Signis) devoted to art questions, for Verres pretended to be an art critic, and many of his worst thefts were of works of art. Hence Cicero can give us much information both on the nature and on the number of the precious objects preserved and valued by the Sicilians and other Greeks irt these days. For as Verres's robberies were not confined to Sicily, so we hear stray facts concerning the artistic condition of other provinces. But Cicero almost ostentatiously repeats to the jury that he himself is no art critic, and that what he says on this point is derived from the judgment of the Greeks — paramount masters in this branch of culture, and whom even Verres must keep beside him as advisers upon the value of anti- quities. Cicero ^ gives an account of two miscreants who had to fly from their home at Cibyra, where they had been workers in terra cotta, and who took refuge with Verres to perform the duty of revising his judgments on art. But ' Dixcritnt hie modo nohisiiiiii ad here subsellia, quilms superciliis renuentes hiiic deecm milliuin criviini? lam nostis insulsitatem Grcceoruin ; htimen's gestuiii agebaiU {pro Rabirio, § 36). 2 In Verr. ii. 4, § 30. I40 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. for all that they did not save him from atrocities in taste, as well as in life and morals.- We are astonished, in the first place, that in a province so long subject to Rome, after the devastations of the slave wars, of publicani, and of praetors, so many art treasures should still have survived in Sicily. But such seems really to have been the case. Not only were the temples adorned with statues by the greatest Greek artists — statues which had been carried to Carthage and formally restored by Scipio when he conquered that city, but there were rich private indi- viduals who possessed such treasures, which were the pride of their cities, and were most liberally shown to all Roman visitors by the owners. The opening case in the speech, that of Heius of Messina, is a case in point. He had in a private chapel four chcfs-cfceuvre, which Verres plundered under pretence of a sale for the ludicrous sum of 6500 sesterces (^^40) — a Cupid of Praxiteles for 1600 ! whereas, says Cicero, we have often seen 40,000 given at an auction for a small bronze.^ The only work of art left to Heius by his plunderer was an archaic wooden statue of Fortune, probably because the taste for antiquities, as such, did not yet exist among Romans of this class. Cicero repeatedly declines all responsibility for the judgments pronounced upon these things ; he says he has seen many of them, indeed they were the first thing shown to visitors in any Greek town, and that by a special class called mystagogi} He mentions in other houses cups of Boethus, chased work of Mentor ; gems and medallions which Verres tore from their settings in cups and vases. In fact there was hardly a respectable house in ^ § 14- ^ How disgusted he would h.ivc been Iiad lie foreseen that in after ages this profession should be called Ciccroues ! VI ROBBERY OF TEMPLE STATUES 141 Sicily which did not retain at least a remnant of old luxury in platters, or censers of old plate, used in the family devo- tions, and prized above all else.^ These were the articles which Verres everywhere sought and carried off from the people. And, indeed, what wonder, when he had robbed the young king Antiochus (son of Selene), who visited him when returning from Rome to Asia, and who was unsuspecting enough to show him his splendid plate. The details of this shameless robbery are well-nigh incredible (§§ 61-72). There were also famous historical paintings, the battles of Agathocles, portraits of the old kings and tyrants ; there were splendid double doors wrought of gold and ivory, generally dedicated to temples, just as our treasures of mediaeval painting and carving are almost all to be found in old churches. All such things Verres ruthlessly carried off. But what Cicero represents as the worst of all was the rape of the gods themselves from their shrines, and this under the constant pretext that the authorities of each city had sold them. ' Do you think, gentlemen, that this despoiling of their temples affected them with any ordinary grief? Not so, verily, first because all men have religious feelings and think that their paternal gods, handed down from their ancestors, are to be sedulously preserved and honoured ; secondly, because these treasures, these works of art, statues, pictures, delight the Greeks beyond measure. And thus from their complaints we can gather that these losses are to them most bitter, which may perhaps seem to us trifling and of little account. Believe me, gentlemen, of all the calamities and injustices suffered during late years by our allies and foreign nations, none have the Greeks felt, or do they feel, worse than this plundering of temples and shrines. Let Verres ' §46. 142 • GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. pretend he bought them as much as he hkes ; beheve me, no polity in the whole of Greece or Asia ever did sell of its own accord to anybody any statue, picture, or public orna- ment.^ . . . Know then that this alleged sale is far more offensive to the cities than if he had carried away their treasures by force. They deem it the lowest turpitude for a city to be induced by money to part with the public heir- looms handed down to them from their ancestors. For remember that the Greeks delight marvellously in things which we despise. And so our ancestors suffered all these things to remain among their allies, that they might be as prosperous as possible under our empire ; and to those whom they made tributary they left them, in order that they who delight in things which we despise, might have them to beguile and solace their servitude. What do you think the people of Rhegium would take for their marble Venus ? or the Tarentines, to lose their Europa sitting on the bull, or their Satyr in the temple of Vesta? or the Thespians, for their Cupid, the sole attraction of Thespise? or the Cnidians, for their marble, or the Coans for their painted, Venus ? What the Ephesians for their Alexander, or they of Cyzicus for their Ajax or their Medea? What the Rhodians, for their lalysos? What the Athenians, for their marble lacchus, or painted Paralus, or the bronze cow of Myron ? It is tedious and unnecessary for me to ^ It seems, nevertheless, that the town of Sicyon parted with its famous pictures a very few years later to liquidate a public debt to Cicero's friend, the banker and money-lender Atticus (cf. Pliny, A^. H. XXXV. II, 127). Nor do I imagine that this was the only case. I sup- pose these city heirlooms were not more sacred or more precious than the private heirlooms of great English nobles — pictures, plate, china, books, which we see coming into auction-rooms every year. The mansions of these people will presently resemble the unfortunate and degraded Greek cities, with their empty temples, their deserted senate houses, and their auctioned gods. VI MISERIES OF ROMAN SUBJECTS 143 enumerate all the treasures which are to be seen in each city of Greece and Asia. I mention them that you may realise the grief which is felt when such things are carried off' (§ 132 sqq) How deeply significant is all this passage as to the altered relations of Rome to Hellenism ! What was true of Sicily was certainly true, in a greater degree perhaps, of Asia. The wealth in art and antiquities was even greater, the excesses of Roman governors — Verres, Piso, Gabinius,^ Flaccus whom Cicero defended — fully as odious. The love of art in the Greek cities, and its close identification with religion, were actually coming to be despised by serious Romans, who associated this fancy with levity of character. But there was a lower stratum of Romans who took up the fashion of art, ignorantly and without the smallest religion^ and these were the most odious scourge of the subject nations. For there appears to have been no im- provement since the condition of things described in a former chapter. Nay, rather, since the revolution of C. Gracchus, who had handed over the trials for provincial peculation to juries of Roman knights, from whom the tax- gatherers were also drawn, convictions were usually to be obtained only against such governors as Rutilius Rufus, who protected the provincials. Nothing is more affecting than Cicero's pictures of the misery of these subjects, and yet it is almost a rhetorical commonplace with him. Here are some characteristic passages. When speaking of Pompey's high qualities,- ' consider his temperance ! no avarice, no lust, the beauty of no city seduced him to in- dulgence, its historic fame to sight-seeing ; finally, the statues and pictures and the adornments of Greek cities, which others regarded as plunder, he would not even look at.' ^ Cic. pro Sestio, §§ 93, 94. " Pro lege Man. § 40. 144 GREEK AYORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. This was by contrast to such men as Piso, who was called the Vulture of the Provinces} Cicero states ~ that as soon as he himself held assize courts in his province of Cilicia, he freed many towns from the most savage tributes, the most oppressive usury, and fictitious debts. His advices to Quintus on provincial government imply the same state of things, and his public letter to the Seriate as re- gards the threatened Parthian war ^ sums up the natural results : ' For the auxiliary forces of our allies are either so weak, owing to the severity and injustice of our rule, that they cannot help us much, or so disaffected that nothing can be expected from them, far less entrusted to them. It is hard to express, Quirites, how hated we are among foreign nations, owing to the lust and injustice of those whom we sent to govern them during these years. '^ At the opening of his oration de provhiciis consularibus, he draws a picture of the state of the eastern provinces as shocking as that of Sicily under Verres, and recounts the atrocities perpetrated in Macedonia, in the city of Byzantium, in Achoea, and in Syria. I need not quote from the opening chapters details closely analogous to what has already been given. We can, therefore, hardly call his rhetorical outburst in the Verrines ^ exaggerated : Lugent onnies provincice^ querutitur ofiines liber i populi ; regna denique jam omnia de nostris aipidi- tatibus et injuriis exposttdant : locus intra oceamunjam nullus est, neque tarn longinquus neque tarn reconditus, quo non per hcec tempora nostrorum homimwi libido i?iiquitasque perz'aserit. Susiinere jam populus Roma7ius omnium nationnm non vim, ^ lit Pis. §§ 37, 38. Cf. oXso pro Flacco, % 18. — Mirandum vera est, homines eos, quilnis odio stmt nostra: secures, no7nen acerbitati, scriptnra, deaimcE, portoria 7uorti, libentes arripere facidtatetn kcdendi, qucEamque detiir, " Ad Fain. xv. 4. ^ Ibid. XV. I. •* Pro lege Man. § 65. '^ ii. 3, § 207. VI GREEK DECREES OF THE SENATE 145 fion arma, non bci/iu/i, sed luctum^ lacrimas, qiierinionias non potest. This evidence, so constant, so uniform, cannot but be regarded as proving the proposition laid down early in this work, that the officers of the Roman Republic were the worst tyrants whom the world had yet seen, and that any agent able to overthrow them would be justly hailed as the deliverer of mankind. I say the officers of the Republic were tyrants, for if nothing remained but the official decrees of the State, we should no more suspect the real state of things than we should from the decisions of the Inquisition, which hand over the victim to the civil power to be punished citra sanguinis effusionein. As the name of the dictator Sylla appears in several recently recovered inscriptions, so the name of Marcus (MaapKos) Tullius Cicero Cornelia (of the Cornelian tribe) turns up as one of the senatorial witnesses to a senatus-consultum sent to the town of Oropus in Boeotia, and engraved on marble by that grateful polity. This is one of a score of documents of the kind recovered in their Greek version from various parts of the Greek world. I am not concerned with these decrees in their Roman, but in their Greek aspect, and I cite them in the same way as Josephus cites them, as evidence of the consideration in which the dependencies of Rome stood to the ruling powers. The earliest of these documents which come within the period of this book (there is one as early as 189 B.C.) follows closely upon the Roman pacification of Greece, but I have reserved it till this moment, when the whole group can be conveniently discussed.^ It is the decision of the Senate in an old dispute concerning 1 Cf. Latichew in BCH vi. 364 J'/. L 146 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. boundaries between the towns of Narthakion and Melite in Thessaly, which had been decided in favour of Narthakion by Flamininus, in his settlement of northern Greece.^ Not content with his verdict, the Mehtsans had appealed to external Greek arbitrators — a common practice, as numerous inscriptions prove — but the Samians, Colophonians, and Asiatic Magnesians had given it against them. At last they appealed to the Senate, when C. Host. Mancinus is named as praetor, and they received from it a decision confirming the previous adverse sentences. The facts of the case, with a special reference to Flamininus, and the decree, were set up in an inscription at Narthakion, on the site of which it was recently found. The other two which I shall here specify ^ are those from the days of Cicero, shortly after the conquest of the East by Sylla. One of them confirms all the privileges accorded by the dictator as plenipotentiary-general to Stratoniceia in Caria, which at the head of Carian cities stoutly resisted Mithradates, and incurred great danger and loss. Its date must be 8i B.C.; and in answer to eight petitions of the Carians the Senate (under Sylla's direction) gives eight con- firmatory rephes. The third is known as the senatus consultum of Oropus, which has been commented on by Mommsen {Hermes^ xx. 262 sq^ It is the answer of the Senate to an appeal from Oropus against the publicani, who insisted upon taxing the lands about the temple of Amphiaraus. Sylla had declared that the property of the gods should be exempt. The publicani declared that Amphiaraus was not a god. Cicero was ^ Cf. Livy, xxxvi. 51. " There are at least seventeen now recovered in inscriptions, of which a partial list is given by Cousin and Dcschamps, DC II xi. 225. \'iercck's sermo gmcus, etc. , is the most complete tract on this question (Gbttengen, 1888). VI CREEK DECREES OF THE SENATE 147 present at the discussion, and his name, as I have already told, is appended as a witness. The case remained in his memory, for he alludes plainly to it years after in his tract on the Nature of the Gods.^ An Amphiaraus sit dens ct Trophonius ? Nostri (juideiii publicani^ cum essent agri in Boeotia deoriun i//uiiortaiium excepti lege censoria, negahant esse immortales ullos qui aliquando homines fuissent. But this scepticism, prompted by greed, the Senate would not accept. Quite apart from the tenor of these documents, which ex- hibit the reasonable and just side of Roman rule — I mean the public and responsible acts of the Senate as opposed to the injustices of individuals invested with arbitrary powers — the form of them is interesting as giving not only the order of procedure, but the style and composition of these Greek documents. Foucart was the first to perceive that they were translations from the Latin originals, made at Rome, and sent to the provincials without the Latin text. They are written in the vulgar ' common dialect ' of the Greek world, with stock translations, and bad ones, of Latin terms. There are also gross Latinisms, which show that such men as Cicero could hardly have revised them.- So careless had the Senate now become of the appearances of culture, which were so studiously put forth in earlier days. Nevertheless, this contemptuous tyranny, and perhaps still more contemptuous justice towards the Greeks, had not yet eradicated the old Roman weakness of copying their greater refinement. We cited above the habit of wearing Greek costume (p. 115); we hear of many Romans on their travels soliciting the ' freedom ' of their cities from 1 iii. 18, § 49. 2 Cf. Cousin and Diehl in BCH ix. 37 for a list of these defects. Pro tnagnanimitate sua is virlp /j.eya\o4>poi7vv7]s ; Suus appears as Idios ; ex/ra ordinem as iKrhi tou (ttixoO ; integer is '6.-^vo%, and so on (cf. Viereck, op. cit. 59 sq.) This must be the work of some inferior clerk. 148 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the Greeks, though, as Cicero explains,^ such a privilege was inconsistent with Roman citizenship, which was exchisive, in contrast to Greek citizenships, which could be multiplied, and did not exclude any foreign privileges. 'And so we see in the Greek states, e.g. at Athens, Rhodians, Lacedae- monians, etc., enrolled, and the same men citizens of many cities. Misled by this, I see some uneducated persons, citizens of ours, enrolled at Athens among the jurymen and Areopagites, named as to tribe and number ; whereas they ought to know, that if they obtained that citizenship, they must ipso facto have lost ours, unless they recovered it by the process called postluninium.^ In the case of Roman exiles in Greece, this Greek adoption was almost the rule, but when the punishment was over, the legal fiction Cicero names should have been necessary, strictly speaking, before the Roman could return to his home. But there were still many Romans who not only affected Greek citizenship ; they affected the Greek language ; they professed fancies as to Greek prose, some rejecting Demos- thenes for the simplicity and antique grace of Lysias, others pretending to admire Thucydides, whom they could not understand, above Xenophon, whom they could. ^ These are the people whom Lucilius ridiculed in the person of Albucius, their coryphaeus in this generation, and who coupled this admiration of Greek with contempt of Latin orators and poets. '^ To turn from art to philosophy, they adopted too, with Epicurean tenets, other Greek practices. Cicero describes to Paetus"* a dinner party to which he went at the house of a Volumnius called Eutrapelos, or 'the Versatile^ in Greek, where were his friend Atticus and ' Pro L. C. Balbo, § 28 stjq. - Cicero, Orator, §§ 23, 30. ^ De Fill. i. § 9 ; il^ui- § 4 sq. ■* Ad Fain. ix. 26. VI PHILOSOPHIC FASHIONS AT ROME 149 Others, and a Greek courtesan (the host's mistress) named Cytheris. He anticipates Paetus's surprise, and says he did not know that she would be present. But he excuses himself with a remark from Aristippus. Possibly this company also condescended to dance, a horrible opprobrium to a Roman gentleman, as Cicero admits when refuting the charge brought by Cato against Murena.^ There were again others who actually professed Pytha- goreanism, Uke Nig. Figulus and the wretched Vatinius,- and there were the famous Roman Stoics, though in some of them, such as Tubero, we hear of traits which seem a stupid parody of Stoic principles. He served his share in the funeral feast to his uncle, Scipio Africanus, upon the commonest ware, and with the rudest appointments, as if the cynic Diogenes and not the splendid Africanus were to be honoured. The public were justly indignant.^ So then, among the Roman nobles, who almost all sub- mitted to the tyrannous fashion of learning something of Greek philosophy, there were all the grades of intelligence, from that of L. Gellius to that of Cicero. ' L. Gellius,"^ when he had come as proconsul after his praetorship into Greece, summoned all the philosophers then at Athens to meet together, and advised them seriously to make an end of their controversies. If they were really minded not 1 Pro Mur. § 13. - In Vat. § 14. ^ Pro Mtirena, § 75. — Fiiit codem ex studio vir ernditus apud paircs nostras, et honesttts homo et tiobilis, Q. Tubero. Is quum epidum Q. RIaximiis Africani patriii siii nomine popjih Pom. daret, 7-ogatus est a Maximo, ut triclinium sterneret, quum esset Tubero ejusdem Africani sororis filius. Atque ille, hof?io eruditissimus ac Stoicus, stravit pelli- culis hcrdinis lectulos Punicanos et exposuit vasa Samia, quasi vero esset Diogenes Cynicus morluus, et Jion divini Jiominis Africani mors honestaretur. . . . Hujus in morte celebranda graviter tulit populus Rom. hanc pei-versam sapicntiam Tuberonis. •» Cic. de Legg i. § 53. I50 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, vi to spend their lives in disputes, agreement was surely possible, and he promised them his assistance (as umpire) if they would strive to effect it ! ' Cicero, on the other hand, protests against his teachers, Philo and others, not insisting upon their differences from their rivals, and regards their attempts at any mediation among systems as a sign of weakness.^ Philosophy had, in fact, become at Athens what it now is in our universities, no longer a rule of life, but a means of education in acuteness and in the practice of logical controversy. 1 De Nat. Dear. i. § i6. CHAPTER VII THE PERIOD OF THE CIVIL WAR — FROM CICERO TO AUGUSTUS Plutarch's Life of Cimon opens with a strange story, which will serve us as a text for the cruel days which are the subject of the present chapter. It is a bit of local history, which the biographer tells about his native place. There was an ancient family descended from the seer Peripoltas, who had come with the first settlers from Thessaly, which had furnished many eminent members who fought and died in the Persian and Galatian wars. The hero of our story was, however, the last scion, an orphan, called Damon Peripoltas (as if he had a family name), excelling the rest of the youth in beauty and vigour ; but uneducated, and gloomy in temper. This youth was tempted by a Roman commander, who was wintering with his troops in Chreronea, and who did not disguise that he would use force when he failed with persuasion ; our paternal city, adds Plutarch, being then in a bad way, and despised for its smallness and poverty. Damon, therefore, feeling outraged and dreading the results, made a conspiracy against this man with a few of his own fellows. The whole number, amounting to sixteen, blackened their faces with soot one 152 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. night, and having taken unmixed wine, fell upon the Roman at break of day as he was sacrificing in the agora, and having slain him and a good many of those about him, left the city. In the excitement that supervened the Senate of the Chseroneans came together and condemned the whole party to death, by way of an apology from the city to the Romans. But that evening as the magistrates, according to custom, were dining together, Damon's party rushed into the town-hall and slew them, and fled away again. Now it happened that about this very time L. Lucullus was passing through with an army on some expedition. As the occurrence was quite fresh he stopped his march, and having made inquiry into the facts, found that the city had rather suffered than done wrong ; so he simply with- drew the garrison and took it with him. But when Damon kept plundering their territory by constant raids and rob- beries, and persecuted the city, the citizens induced him with friendly embassies and public resolutions to return, and made him gymnasiarch ; but as he was anointing himself in the bathroom they murdered him. For a long time after, as our fathers tell us, he haunted the place, till they built up the door of the room ; and even now the neighbours believe they hear and see him at times. Those of his race that yet remain (particularly about Steiris in Phocis, speaking ^olic dialect) they call the sooty (dor/SoXwixei'ovs), on account of Damon having blackened his face with soot when he was going to commit the murder. But the neighbouring people of Orchomenos, who had a quarrel with the Choeroneans, hired a Roman sycophant, and he, treating the city as a single defendant, brought against it a charge of murdering those slain by Damon. The court was that of the praetor of Macedonia (for at that time there was not yet a prcetor of Achaia), at which DEPOPULATION 153 the counsel for the city appealed to the evidence of Lucullus, who replied to the praetor's letter, telling the whole truth, and thus saving the city from the most serious danger. Ac- cordingly a statue of Lucullus was set up in Chreronea, which suggested to Plutarch this story. We have here a sort of combination of what happens in Ireland and what has happened in Greece in our own times. Most murders have been committed in Ireland with blackened faces, and under the stimulus of strong drink; the habit of taking to the mountains to escape the law, and appealing to the sympathy of other outlaws, and victims of what is considered tyrannous authority, is hardly yet out of fashion in most parts of southern Europe. The events we have just related probably took place in 75-74, B.C., when the third Mithradatic war was commencing. It was a period when all the coasts were being devastated by Corsairs, almost under the eyes of the very Lucullus just mentioned, the first Roman commander that attempted with any success to combat this scourge of the civilised world. The long and bloody war in Crete, carried on by Metellus in spite of the objections and resistance of Pompey, ended in the partial depopulation of that island and the subjugation of the last fragment of independent Hellenism. Many of the pirates were indeed settled in the deserted Dyme, and about Patras in Achaia, but no such artificial and sporadic renewals of population could compensate for the heavier losses from war, from emigration, and from increasing poverty, which sapped the life-blood of most Hellenistic lands. The stray anecdotes preserved to us show that the more vigorous part of the population did not seek to reconquer the land gone out of cultivation, but rather to live by plunder, cursing their fate and regarding the laws which 154 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. restrained them as made unjustly to oppress the poor and the unfortunate. The details given by Cicero in his oration for the Manih'an Law, a measure which put all the coasts and islands under the autocratic power of Pompey, show that there was not wanting a feeling of race hatred in these pirates, together with the ordinary love of plunder and lawlessness. In very many cases it was the Greek man revenging the loss of home and property upon his Roman conqueror. This may have been specially the case wnth the ravaging of Delos, now practically a great Roman mart in the ^gean. For not only was it plundered, but the temples were destroyed and the warehouses razed, although such ravages were no part of a pirate's policy, nay, even in- consistent with it. We must also remember that great as was the success of Pompey in restoring peace and security upon the seas,^ every disturbance in the Roman world was followed by a new outburst of piracy. As highwaymen infested the roads, so the lately settled pirates of Dyme abandoned the dulness of an agricultural life, and left the vintage of their hills for the ' unvintagable brine,' as Homer called it, upon which they knew how to reap a plentiful harvest. The many extant allusions make it certain that the Cilicians bore away the palm for daring and adroitness in this traffic of violence and cruelty ; and, as has already been explained, the ruin of the Hellenistic cities on the Syrian, and the decline of Rhodes ^ It seems to me that he treated these marauders with too much clemency, probably with the short-sighted policy of obtaining new glory through the astonishing promptness of his great results. His pacifica- tion was accordingly complete at the moment, but not thorough ; for the peaceable subjects were left without any recognition of their passive virtues, while the pirates were rewarded for abandoning their crimes. Cicero {de Off. iii. ii) expresses the cause of public discontent when he says : Piratas jiin/nines, soa'os vectigales hahcmus. GREEK PIRACY 155 upon the Carian, coasts, gave the pirates ample recruits from both these seaboards. Yet it is hard to say that any people have ever been more ingrained pirates than the Greeks proper, whose serrated coast, rocky islands, and unexpected harbours, whose lofty promontories and sea- side fortresses invite every lawless member of the community to try his luck in this adventurous game. From Homer to Byron this natural instinct never died out, not even in the palmy days of the pax Romana and the general security of the world. Nor do I believe it would now be extinct, but for the invention of steamers, which are too costly for the pirates to fit out, and which make the capture of their sailing boats a certainty. I believe the Malay Archipelago presents, or presented lately, an aspect of insecurity very like that of the Levant in Grceco-Roman days. Had the settlement of Pompey been followed by a century of calm, it is possible that this deep-seated Greek vice might have been eradicated. But before twenty years had elapsed all the East was in commotion at the tremendous conflict between C?esarians and Pompeians, and every Greek must declare himself upon one side or other — most of them did so for each party in turn, according as the fortunes of war oscillated. Four times within the century (including the invasion of Mithradates) was the Greek peninsula racked by these colossal conflicts, in which the Greeks were of no moment except to furnish a few soldiers and enormous requisitions, to amuse the victorious leaders with their plentiful wit and wisdom, their gushing laudations, their pompous decrees ; to feed them with their scanty provisions, and to work for them like beasts of burden. It is the business of the historian of wars and of policy to follow out the details of this wretched period, which did IS6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. more than any other down to medigeval times for the de- gradation and disintegration of Hellenistic life. Its effects reached not only all the peninsula but the nearer portions of Asia Minor and the islands, where Roman leaders demanded the advance of ten years' taxes, sacked towns, burnt fleets, and carried off sacred treasures. In their interludes these same men enjoyed themselves in the fashionable delights of Greek culture. Athens in particular was the scene of popular demonstrations which remind us of the days of Demetrius the Thunderbolt} In the first Roman struggle, that of Caesar and Pompey, it is remarkable that Athens was not the residence of either chief The sympathies of Pompey lay further to the East, and his main support came from Asia. His philosopher- guide, Theophanes, came from Mytilene, and may have been jealous of the possible influence of Athenian rivals, if Pompey came within the fascination of that eternal city. Caesar on the other hand, though he had spent much of his youth in the East, and like all the Roman leaders knew the Hellenistic world well, is the first of them who dispensed with Greek private chaplains and panegyrists, and trusted to himself both for wisdom to act and literary power to chronicle his deeds. His Memoirs seem to me a calm and noble protest from the Roman magnate against the flattery, the tinsel, the unreality of the Greek rhetorician. His philosophy, so far as he professed any, was Epicurean, and that school did not usually afford tutors and counsellors to kings. But his real Roman sense revolted against the Hellenistic sentimentality of his rival, and this probably gave him weight and dignity with many serious Romans — • the more so, as he was able to make good with his own pen any supposed deficiency, and compose an account of 1 Cf. GreeJi Life and Tlwuglit, p. %6. VII SENTIMENTALITY OF BRUTUS 157 his doings with a simplicity and gravity quite novel to the then world of letters. This contempt for what I will call sentimental Hellenism, combined with the large measures of relief and justice which he accorded to the maltreated Greeks,^ as soon as his power was assured, is one of the most remarkable, though little noticed, features in the character and policy of the great Dictator. But if neither Cresar nor Pompey dallied in Greece, as the eastern invaders had ever been prone to do, it was a very different thing with the sentimental Brutus and the luxurious Antony. Brutus spent the whole winter after the murder of Caesar at Athens in organising the senatorial party from the remains of the Pompeians left in Macedonia, from the resources of the now loudly anti-Coesarian Greeks, and from the legions and stores already in transit for the East, when Caesar's plans had been arrested by his death. But we are told that Brutus's leisure hours were spent in discourse with the philosophers, who no doubt ransacked history to fortify his doubtful conscience with examples of virtuous tyranni- cides. They even set up his statue beside those of Harmodius and Aristogiton, the imaginary founders of Athenian liberty. ^ Thus he inchided 500 Greeks, probably of those resident in Italy, among the 5000 Roman colonists whom he sent with full citizen rights to his new foundation at Como ; cf. Strabo (v. r, § 6), who says these Greeks were the most distinguished of the townspeople. On the other hand, his foundation of the Roman colony at Corinth settled a Roman public, and not of the best sort, in Greece, and from this town such customs as gladiatorial shows were introduced into Greece. I infer the character of these people from the remark of Strabo (viii. 6, § 23), who tells us that on finding bronzes and ancient pottery in some of the tombs they ransacked every one they could find, and sold both bronzes and pottery (veKpoKoplvOia) for great prices at Rome till the fashion changed. There is also an epigram ascribed to Crinagoras (No. 32, ed. Rubensohn) which complains bitterly of the class of men — twice sold slaves — who now walked upon the ashes of the Bacchiadrc. iS8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Unfortunately, we have very few details of Greek life beyond these generalities, during this agitated period. We hear that when Cassar's legate, Calenus, stormed Megara, after the battle of Pharsalia, the Pompeians let loose against him the lions which were then on their way to the Roman amphitheatre, and that they attacked both sides indis- criminately. They were in fact as impartial in their emnity as their Greek keepers were in their- flattery towards the Romans.^ We also hear that Dolabella on his way to Asia stopped at Argos to purchase a horse, which was descended from the horses of the Thracian Diomede, for which he paid 100,000 sesterces, but which brought all its successive owners fatal ill-luck.^ Far more interesting than these stray trifles is it to pause a moment before the character of Brutus, ' the noblest Roman of them all,' in the judgment of most of his con- temporaries, but in that of history a very mischievous doctrinaire, who for the sake of a bug-bear of his own — his artificial horror of tyranny — inflicted perhaps the greatest mischief any one man ever inflicted upon his generation. In exact contrast to the practical directness of Caesar, Brutus was constitutionally sentimental, as for example when he went to Naples to persuade Greek players to come to Rome, and asked his friends to secure for him in the same way a special actor, as it was wrong to coerce any Greek. ^ He con- stantly saved and pardoned his bitterest enemies in the Civil war, yet he urged Cicero, as we know from the sixth book of the Letters to Atticns, to use his pro-consular authority in Cyprus on behalf of a villainous money-lender called Scaptius, who had tried to extract 48 per cent from the Salaminians, ^ These lions had been purchased by Cassius for display at his cedile- ship. Plutarch {Brutus, 8) repeats an absurd story that it was their loss which set Cassius against Caisar. - Aul. Cell. iii. 9, i. ^ Plut. Brut. 21. VII BRUTUS AND CATO 159 together with compound interest, and had locked up the Senate of Salamis in their council chamber, till five of them died of hunger. This villain was acting with the knowledge of Brutus, and yet he protected and encouraged him, possibly for his own interest. After the first battle of Philippi, when he found his victorious army encumbered with a crowd of captives, in face of the enemy, he ordered all the slaves among the prisoners to be massacred, while he liberated with polite speeches the free men — a proceeding which Plutarch men- tions without comment. ]]ut the same biographer relates with indignation that he promised his soldiers the sack of Thessalonica and Sparta if they were victorious. And yet he rode up and down crying and ringing his hands before the town of Xanthus, where the inhabitants, to avoid capture and sacking by his troops, allowed their city to take fire, and committed suicide e7i masse. He offered rewards for the saving of their lives. For he was in theory a humane man, and a philosopher, but distinctly of the Roman Stoic type, always talking philosophy in Greek, but not apparently attached to any Greek sect, not even to the Stoics, who were clearly the people he should have joined. Plutarch specially^ calls him a follower of Cato, and so far as he was definite, a follower of the older Academy from Plato to Antiochus. He mentions ^ that at Athens he sought the company of Theomnestus the Academic, and Cratippus the Peripatetic, not of the Stoic school. All this points to his Roman eclecticism, even though he knew Greek perhaps better than any of his contemporaries. Both the philosophy and the Hellenism of Brutus have a close resemblance to those of his model, the younger Cato. A comparison of the lives of both in Plutarch will, ^ Cap. 2. - Cap. 24. i6o GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. however, show that Cato was by far the stricter and more consistent Stoic, even to the verge of that coarse simphcity which parades meanness or indecency. His appointing of parsley crowns instead of the usual money prizes, when sedile, reminds us of the absurdity of Tubero,^ and the account of his reception of the Egyptian Ptolemy at Rhodes savours rather of the vulgarest cynic than of a Roman gentleman.^ He was trained by Antipater of Tyre, and afterwards took great pains to go and seek out Atheno- dorus at Pergamum and take him into his household.^ But we must admit that he won his position at Rome by long-tried virtue rather than by one signal crime. While his curiosity in visiting the East shows an educated taste, and his honesty and economy among the provincials were in all respects honourable, the simplicity of his appointments, and his habit of walking when all the rest rode, have a certain theatrical air about them which is even more obtru- sive in the circumstances of his suicide. He too, in con- trast to Ceesar, had all his nearer intimates Greeks, so had Brutus, and so had Antony, so that these, and not Roman nobles, were the companions of each in his last moments. Cato made his great mistake in attempting to carry on the politics of this corrupt and violent time on Stoic principles. The tyrannicide idea, which Brutus was always parading with such ostentation, was not prominent in Cato's conversa- tion, because he must have felt very clearly that if C?esar was assassinated, Pompey would remain actual master of the state — probably a far worse autocrat. But these tyrannicide notions were imported from the writings of Greek aristocrats into the talk of Roman aristocrats, and were really the outcry against the loss of j)rivilcges and of license among nobles, rather than the genuine assertion of political liberty among 1 Above, p. 149. - Cat. 35. ' Ibid. c. x. vii CASSIUS i6i the mass of the free population. This latter principle was put forward as a pretence and a cloak; what both Greek and Roman tyrannicides really resented was the rule of one man over the privileged classes, whom he levelled down to the inferior people. Thus when the tyrannicide Cassius, who shared with Brutus all the sentimental horrors of the republican against despotism, came to control and plunder Syria, he quickly forgot his vaunted principles. Josephus tells us of a certain Marion, whom Cassius had left as master over the Syrians ; this man divided Syria into distinct tyrannies and so controlled it !^ But in philosophy Cassius was a declared Epicurean, who (according to Plutarch) aired his notions in opposition to Brutus. His physical explanation of the tragic apparition of Brutus's evil genius is a curious piece of bathos. But the more serious differences of the two philosophical murderers were soothed by a third kind of dilettante, Marcus Favorinus, a passionate follower of Cato, ' who did not philosophise by study so much as by some kind of impulse and mad passion.' Brutus called him a mere Cynic and a sham one.- On one point they all seem to have agreed — on plunder- ing the Greeks for the sake of their own civil war. Cassius especially acted with violence and cruelty. When the Rhodians resisted he stormed their island town after defeat- ing their fleet, and we hear that he robbed them of some ^2,000,000 of our money, nearly all of it private pro- perty ; ^ and this gives us some notion of the comparative wealth of Rhodes and Athens at this period. Athens could only send a fleet of three ships to aid Antony at the battle of ^ xiv. 12. — Tvpavvi'ji yap Si.a\al3ui> Trjv '^vpiai' ovtos 6 dvrjp ifppovprjfft, - Cf. Pint. BntL 34-37 for the details. * Scxx) talents from requisition, 500 more from the public funds (I'lut. Brii/. 32). M i62 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Actium. The plunder of Asia and the islands was so great that Brutus was able to lavish money on his troops during the final campaign, and it is quite possible that this frightful crisis, followed within ten years by the still more monstrous requisitions of Antony, inflicted a financial blow never re- covered by the Greeks of Hellas and the islands. We have in Antony the old and vulgar style of phil-Hel- lene, who liked Greek life for its pleasures, and Greek society for the keener imagination of that people in providing en- tertainments, as well as for the more piquant flattery in which they were acknowledged masters. Plutarch justly brings Antony's joieuse entree into Ephesus-^ and his debauches at Athens into comparison with the extravagances of king Demetrius the Besieger, which we have already noticed in a previous volume. At the same time he did not scruple to use any of them as slaves, to carry burdens like mules, or to perform the most menial work. He stole three colossal statues by Myron from the Samians, of which Augustus restored^ two. There was little Hellenistic culture in the man, though he liked Hellenistic pleasures. Plutarch notices that he particularly favoured the Asianic style of rhetoric,^ at that time very fashionable, and having a great analogy to his own life.'* It is very interesting to find ' Anton, cap. xxiv. - Cf. MDI'w. 260. ^ Ant. 2. This is corroborated by Suetonius [Octav. 86) when speaking of Augustus's purism. '71/. quidcni Antoniitm lit insaniu)i increpat, quasi ea scribentein, quae mirentur potiits homines, quam intelligant. Deinde htdens malum et inconstans in cligcndo gcnere dicendi ingenium ejus addit Jiacc : , . . an potius Asiaticorum oratorum inanis senlcntiis vcrboruin voluhilitas in nostrum sermonem transfercnda ? ' Tliis shows that Antony's Greek studies had affected his Latin. Strabo (p. 523) mentions Dellius as the special historiographer of Antonius's Parthian war, therefore prol^ably in Greek. •* KOfJ-wuidT] Kal (jipvay/xarlav 6vra Kal kcvoO yavpidfiaros /cat (piXoTLfMlas dvufxdXov ixecrrbv (l)ombastic and frotliy, and full of vain boasting and capricious ambition). M. ANTONY 163 in one of his ofificial letters to the Jews, cited by Josephus,^ a passage wliich thoroughly corroborates Plutarch. Antony recites his recent victory at Thilippi in these words, the effects of which can hardly be rendered in a transla- tion : tjfieli, W5 ov)(^ virep t,8iov fxovov dywvos, uAA vTrep airoivTOiv KOIVOV, TOl'S UtTlOl'S KUl TlOV €IS avOpiOTTOVS TTapaVOjltdv Koi TWV et's Beov6at SoKovpev, 05 K'a6 avTos a?/Sw> eVetSe to tTrt KatVapt pvcros. AAAol Kal Ta5 eTrifSovkas avTon' ras ^eo/xa^oi'?, as vireSe^uTO tj MttKeSoi'ta, Kaddtrep tSios avrois nov dvo(TLO)v TuXpijimTOiV di]p, Kal TijV (Ti'y)^v(TLV Tiji ijp.ipdvovs KaKoi'jdo)'; yudpy^, r}v Kara 'I'tAtTTTrocs rvy^ MaKeSova/.', (TweKpoTOVi', kuI t6~ovs evcpvels KaraXapfiavop.evoL P'^XP'' ^"Autt»/s aTrorereti^Kr/xevoi'S opeai, (OS TTuA?^ pi-a Tijv TrdpoSov rapuva-aa-Qai, rcur Oewv outoi's tVt Tots dSLKOi I\[uller, I'lIG iii. 350. " Antt. Jml xv. 9, 5. N 1 78 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, vii shadow of the Roman Empire, and close to the origin of that great rehgion which made Greek its expression and its vehicle throughout the civilised world. Thus another epoch in our subject opens before us, and we must pause before entering upon this fresh and no less arduous task. CHAPTER VIII ASCETIC RELIGION IN THE FIRST CENTURY It will be a proper introduction to the great spiritual re- generation which took place in the next century, as well as an antidote to the worldly, immoral, and superficial Hellenism of Herod, if we consider that development of mystic asceticism which invaded the whole Hellenist-Roman world in the first century before Christ, and showed itself prominently not only in numerous writings but in distinct societies, and in the ordinances of a higher spiritual life. I allude chiefly to the Pythagoreans and their rivals the Essenes. The habit of turning from the worn-out artificialised systems of latter days to the fresher, vaguer, more poetical guesses of older thinkers had long since been adopted by Hellenistic philosophers. The Stoics and Epicureans turned away from Plato and Aristotle, and went back to the enigmas of Heracleitus and the assumptions of Democritus for their physics. They seemed to have no more ability to frame a new system than modern architects have to design a new style. No field seems to remain for the originality of either profession, save to borrow from some model more iSo GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. obsolete than the rest, or to combine the ideas of various older schools in some novel way. In the century we have been studying, the Stoic, Epicurean, and Academic systems had become as threadbare as were the older rational systems of Plato and Aristotle in the third century B.C. Positive scepticism had been administered plentifully as a cure for both dogmatism and doubt, and, as usual, had proved at first attractive, then tedious, at last disgusting, like some new and piquant food, wherewith one might try to sup- plant that plain vulgar bread of ordinary life, which lasts through fashions and tastes, and remains the support of man in preference to anything seasoned or sweetened by artifice. Nothing, therefore, remained but to return to some other ancient system, either of religion or of philosophy, which had satisfied the men of other days and other lands, and see whether sustenance could there be found for the spiritual hunger of mankind. Oriental religions, as we know, came much into fashion, and among the Greeks those orgiastic worships were sought out which savoured most of mystery and of inspiration. The worship of the Phrygian Cybele, with her cymbals and her shawms, her orgies and revivals, replaced the sober offering and quiet prayer to Hera or Athene. Recent researches into the inscriptions at Delos and at Samothrace, the great homes of Hellenic religion in the ^gean, have put this growth of oriental influences beyond all doubt. I will not set down as certain the theory of M. Foucart, that every private religious association among the Greeks, all those opyewre? and ^tWot of Dionysiasfs, and other -asts which recur so frequently in the inscriptions, were under the protection of a Deity really imported from the East, even though frequently disguised under a Hellenic RELIGIOUS MYSTICISM name.^ But from the days when Corinth was destroyed and Delos rose to be a great commercial, as well as religious centre, the number of dedications by Eastern princes, such as those of Pontus, Cappadocia, and even the Parthian Arsaces, as well as allusions to strange oriental gods in offerings and vows, increases so rapidly that we feel our- selves hardly in a Hellenic place of worship. The same change is said to be noticeable in the votive offerings and dedications recovered in Samothrace.^ It was the same spirit in the more cultivated minds of the day which led them back to the theological, mystical, supra- sensible doctrine of Pythagoras, with its vague conceptions of harmony as a law of the universe, its worship of order, its spirituality in conceiving the Godhead, its asceticism as the highest of earthly conditions. The original teaching of the sage of Samos was indeed almost completely lost ; there survived but scanty and vague traditions,^ which served as sparks to rekindle the flame of this higher light. And, perhaps, such faintness of tradition was even favourable to the preachers of the revived truth, for they were enabled not only to supply from Plato and the Stoics many concep- tions undeveloped or unrecognised by the real Pythagoras, — they were also able to produce them under the guise of ancient lore, recovered from oblivion in the fragments of Archytas, Ocellus, and other venerable names. There was a whole library of such literature, beginning with the first century B.C., from which fragments of some ninety authors are still extant. They preach the unity and pure spirituality of the Highest, who contains within Himself ^ Cf. Foucart, Associations rcligieuses chez les Grccs, p. 109, a book of great learning and judgment. - Cf. S. Reinach in BCII vii. 348 ; and Foucart, ibid. p. 467. ^ (^'uiTTvpa &TTa Trdvv d/j-vSpa Kal dvadrjpaTa, is the expression of lam- blichus usually quoted (cf. Zcller, F/jt/. Jcr Gricchcii, iii. 2, 112). 1 82 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the seeds of the universe, of which the world and the stars are the lesser gods, with a life of their own derived from His substance. The laws of numbers are the principles upon which all the order and beauty of existence are based. Whether the absolute spirituality of God could be reconciled with His diffusion through every element of the universe as its living principle did not trouble them. They taught both doctrines, perhaps, in turn, helping man to form some inadequate notion of His perfections. For this was their main object — to supply the wearied age not with a system more logical and consecutive than those that went before, but rather with nobler emotions, with deeper comfort, with higher aspirations. They maintained the eternity of the world, and consequently of the human species, whose souls were but a lower grade of intelligence, above which the demons or genii, inhabiting the air, formed the link uniting them to the astral gods. To these demons was entrusted the detail of the government of our world. But far more interesting to us than their physics is their practical philosophy. In direct contrast to the ela- borate reasoning, the minute controversy, the subtle dis- tinctions of the other schools, these Pythagoreans and their kindred sects believed first of all in purity and soberness of life, as the proper training for that deeper insight which is the appanage of goodness. It was by doing the will of God that they would learn to know His doctrine. And this knowledge was not a logically reasoned-out conclusion, but a moral insight, a higher intuition, which told them not only the right way, but even attained to a prophetic fore- sight of future events. Exceptional holiness produced exceptional wisdom, and the demons who governed the world were willing to reveal hidden things to such admir- a])le obedience. VIII THE PYTHAGOREAN IDEAL 183 From this came the ascetic aspect of life, — attributed freely to the original Pythagoras in the later documents of this age, — the institution of an almost monastic brotherhood, which refused to take oaths, perhaps also to sacrifice animals or eat them, to drink wine, or in other ways to pander to the lusts of the flesh. It is further to be observed that the main preaching of this doctrine is not in the formal tracts which have been preserved (at least in copious ex- tracts), but in the portraits of the ideal men, Pythagoras, and afterwards Apollonius of Tyana. The official descrip- tions of the Pythagorean theory contain very little that is original, and are only an eclectic combination of well- known Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic views. Even among these Aristotle is at least as prominent as Plato. ^ To set up for imitation the picture of a perfect life seems to have been the real teaching of this school. Not only the clear separation from the ordinary world, but the high prin- ciples of serving God with the spirit, and not with sacrifice ; of self-examination, and of justice, positive as well as negative, to our neighbour; of silent contemplation of the perfec- tions of God and His world — these were the attributes of the Pythagorean ideal, which was not, like the Stoic Wise Man, an abstraction, but realised in more than one definite his- torical figure. In giving this general description of the doctrine which marks the first century B.C., I have as yet said nothing of the particular part of the world in which it arose, and it may be thought doubtful whether it really belongs to the history of Hellenism. There seem at first sight very un-Greek, very oriental, features about it, and two of its centres, so far as we know them, were on the outskirts of the Greek world. Nevertheless, Pythagoras himself, what- ' Cf. the discussion in Zellcr, iii. 2, 127 sq. i84 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. ever his education may have been, was a Hellene of the Hellenes, and taught Greeks in Greek ; and he was truly a more tangible model for the new school than any oriental sage known to us. Moreover, all the evidence we have concerning this school is either in Greek or taken from Greek sources; so that there can be no doubt of the Hellenistic complexion of this new face in the Avorld's thinking. Our evidence points to two actual homes of the neo- Pythagorean faith — Italy and Judaea, and we know from very good internal evidence that the former, if not the latter, must have learned it from Alexandria, which was still the real centre of the world's deeper thinking. For though Cicero, probably with justice, speaks of his friend P. Nigidius Figulus as the reviver of Pythagoreanism in Italy,^ w^e can say with certainty that no new school could have originated at Rome without Greek lessons, and the numerous frag- ments quoted by Stob^us and others from Greek books of this age show plainly enough whence came the new inspiration. We hear also from Philo of a sect settled on Lake Mareotis, called Therapeutre, who professed in general the principles of cenobitic life, and we know that they had before them earlier Egyptian practices of the same kind. There is extant a petition to Ptolemy Philometor from a man who had voluntarily confined himself for years in the Serapeum at Memphis — men and women seeking to purify themselves by avoiding the temptations of the world." We do not hear of any such practical working out of this ^ He used to say that all the successful acts of his consulship were done under the emulation and with the advice of this ll'ythagorean philosopher (Plut. an seni, 27 sub. fin., and also Cicero's letter to him, ad Fain. iv. 3). Cf. the account in Zeller, Phil, dcr Griech. iii. 2, 93 sq. " Cf. the account given in Delaunay's Moines d Sibyllcs, p. 17 sq. THE ESSENKS 185 new faith at Rome.^ Probably it was confined to a few enthusiasts Hke Nigidius, who took up the prophetic and wonder-working side of it; or to sceptics hke Varro, who only learned it as a matter of speculative curiosity. But in the very different climate and spiritual atmosphere of Judcca there arose a movement, the Essene, so analgous to the Egyptian that it still remains a matter of controversy whether it may not be traced directly to the influence of Greek ideas on Jewish religion. The information we have is almost ex- clusively from Josephus, who does not give us any account of the dawn or growth of this school — that of the Essenes — but speaks of it as in full development at the end of the second century b.c. He has turned aside from his narrative twice to describe pretty fully this remarkable heresy among his people. I call it a heresy, for the Essenes objected on principle (like the Pythagoreans) to bloody sacrifices, and were accordingly excluded by the orthodox Jews from the temple at Jerusalem. But even this stigma does not seem to have deterred them from forming a schismatic society on the inner slopes of the mountains near Hebron, where they dwelt together to the number of 4000. The fullest account which we possess is in the History of the Jewish IVar^- and I cannot but feel that Josephus wrote this account with the view of magnifying the philosophic genius of his nation. Though he compares the Essene belief in a happy elysium for the souls of good men to the Islands of the Blest in Greek mythology, though he says that these sectaries were most diligent in searching out the lore of ancient writings, he implies clearly that these were not ancient Mosaic books, but others which were carefully kept from the outer public. These books, in fact, and the names ^ The very limited school of the Sexlii may be a ciualificil exception (cf. Zellcr, Phil, dcr Griechen, iii. i, 677 sq.) - ii. 8. i86 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. of the angels, were among their chief mysteries. His account of their practical life of piety, charity, and community of goods is so closely analogous to the life of the first Christian church at Jerusalem, that we can hardly conceive the two systems to be mutually independent. But the Essene rever- ence for the sun, before whose rising, which they saluted with some kind of adoration, they would undertake no kind of work, and their concealment of their sacred books, point in my mind clearly to a foreign source. So do the abhor- rence of oil, which they regarded as polluting, and the aversion to bloody sacrifices. The latter was, no doubt, to be found in the old Pythagoreanism of Greece, but what shall we say to the hatred of oil ? These, and other points which would require too long a discussion, incline me to take the side of those who in this difficult controversy assume that direct influences from the East produced this remarkable Jewish asceticism. We know that the Buddhists in their early inscriptions claim to have preached their gospel to Antiochus, Antigonus, and Ptolemy.-^ It may, therefore, be assumed as certain that Buddhist missionaries had come as early as the third century into Syria. Whether they founded some sort of school in Galilee or the mountains of Jud?ea, which gave the tone to the after developments of religion in this home of creeds, will, perhaps, for ever remain a matter of surmise ; but surely the probabilities are in its favour. Josephus, of course, desires either to magnify the originality of his people, or to show that they had anticipated the philo- sophical discoveries of the Greeks. We may, therefore, suspect that the neo-Pythagorean features of Essenism are not given in faint colours, but rather brought out more prominently than the facts warranted. Yet even so, there ^ Cf. above, p. 21. VIII SERIOUSNESS OF HELLENISM 187 is much in his account not easy to reconcile with the Alexandrian origin, which Zeller inclines to adopt, nor do I think that national Jewish features can account for the non-Pythagorean side of the system. It is not within the province of this book to enter into the oriental side of these sects. What has been said is sufficient at least to vindicate for Hellenism at this moment a deep and striking practical development. In the face of those who repeat the statement that the Greek mind was always spiritually superficial and thoughtless, we must insist upon this : that in these latter days it eagerly took up the solemn ideas developed by the world's experience ; and that if the Stoics had indeed received some stimulus from the East, it was no new or peculiar effect, seeing that Pythagoras either exhibits an original Greek development of what is considered the Semitic tone, or else illustrates the suitability of Eastern to Greek thought even in very ancient times. Need I add the long roll of serious and noble Greeks — Hel- lenes of the Hellenes — who were pure without the pro- fession of purity, and lofty without the clouds of mystery, Anaxagoras, Xenocrates, Cleanthes, pi-imi inter pares ? The present age, however, made Roman -Greek men acquainted with sundry ideas which long afterwards came to dominate the world. First of all, there is the teaching of morality by holding up the life and acts of an ideal person as more effective than repeating precepts and expounding dogmas. Secondly, the notion of separation from the world, from the society of average human beings, for the purpose of living a stricter and holier life, and hence the notion of a spiritual aristocracy, of which the old Pythagorean brother- hood in Magna GrKcia seems to have been the earliest model. Thirdly, we find the belief coming in that logic, discursive thinking, debate and controversy, which had long been 1 88 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, viii thought the only path to higher knowledge, were after all but clumsy methods, which killed the inner life of religion by dissecting its organism. Moral purity, ascetic contempla- tion, direct spiritual intuition, gave the clearest and highest knowledge of the mysteries of God and of the human soul. It will, perhaps, be urged that these profound novelties must indeed be foreign to Hellenism, as they took no root at Athens or at Rhodes, the real foci of its culture. Such an inference, however, does not seem to me warranted. Old universities with fixed chairs professing traditional know- ledge are the very last to adopt new ideas. Every estab- lished church regards -novelties of doctrine as dissent and schism from the truth. It seems proved by the researches of Matter^ that even at Alexandria, the hot-bed of new and semi-Hellenistic creeds, the Museum or University was not the field for these speculations ; they were probably dis- countenanced and even opposed by the Fellows and Professors of that ancient and respectable seat of learning. Aristotelian science, aggrandised by many noble develop- ments in astronomy and physics, was still the knowledge expounded by the accredited men of learning, and the last persons likely to join the Therapeutte would have been the Dons of the Museum. The revelation, as usual, was to babes, not to the wise and prudent. And the revelation was sporadic, accepted indeed with enthusiasm by scattered sections of serious people through the world, but scorned and neglected by the majority, and by those who clung to the teaching of the schools. Such was the condition of the thinking world at the opening of that great period of rest and peace, called the Augustan age, but in the provinces rather the Imperial age, which established good order in the world for 200 years. ^ Ecole iV Akxaiidric, vol. iii. p. 272. CHAPTER IX WESTERN HELLENISM UNDER THE EARLY ROMAN EMPERORS — COLONISATION We now arrive at a period where materials of a certain kind come freely to hand, but unfortunately not the sort of materials we require. The Augustan age has a great reputation in the world as an age of peace and of culture, but rather of Roman culture than of Greek, and not only of peace, but of political and literary stagnation in the pro- vinces. There were, of course, literary men left, and we have from them some of the longest and most important of our Greek books, but these men are isolated, generally wanderers over the world, making at Rome their principal sojourn, at Alexandria their second — in fact citizens of the world, while they still take care to name and to love their birthplace. Such are Diodorus the Sicilian, and Strabo the Cappadocian, whose encyclopaedic works exhibit strongly both the merits and the defects of the prose writing of that age. Diodorus tells us very little about himself, and his work is so strictly a compilation from older books that there is seldom any personal experience to be found in his remains, such as the anecdote already quoted.^ Strabo is ^ Above, p. 164. I go GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. more communicative, and tells us of his family, of their intimate relations to the kings of Pontus, of which he is proud, of his own studies and travels, and also of his opinions on various literary questions. From his book we may, therefore, draw a picture of what a learned Greek in those days could attain, and what was the world in which he moved. His life extended to at least twenty years after our era, and from several internal data in his geography, we may take him to have lived at least thirty years on either side of the birth of Christ. Diodorus was about a generation older, but so far as we can infer, lived in a world very similar in social aspects, though disturbed by the last great civil wars of the Republic. To Strabo the great feature of his world is the tranquillity and order imposed by Augustus, and the safety of the ways by sea and land. But with this blessed change the spirit of speculation and adventure had been checked, and with it any exuberance of imagination that may have lingered here and there among the irrecon- cilables in the Hellenistic world. But we must not dally with generalities ; let us proceed to details. Before I enter upon this task, I must warn the reader that a great part of Strabo's accounts ^ are confessedly borrowed from much older authors, even so far back as Polybius, and not perhaps in any case more recent than three generations before his own time. Such are Apollo- dorus of Artemita, on Mesopotamia; Artemidorus, above all Eratosthenes, and Agatharchides on the Red Sea; on India no writer newer than Megasthenes. In other words, the outlying parts of the world as described by Strabo are in the Hellenistic, not in the Roman period. I will go ' I cjuote uniformly from the marginal pages preserved in every good edition of Strabo. IX STRABO S TRAVELS 191 even further and say that ahiiost the whole of his account of Greece proper is taken not from autopsy, but from older authors, and I have come to the conclusion that he never made any travels through Greece, not even to Athens, the capital of Hellenistic sentiment. This novel conclusion is based upon the following argu- ments. He gives in general terms ^ the extent of his travels, from the Euxine (Pontus) to the borders of Ethiopia (Syene), and from Armenia to the west coast of Etruria, opposite Corsica. He says this was a wider range than had been traversed by almost any previous writer on geography, which I quite believe, as we know the Greeks to have been very much addicted to copying from older books, and even to passing off this second-hand knowledge as personal experi- ence. But Strabo in this statement takes care not to specify any details, or name the order or amount of his travels within these extreme limits. Whether this vagueness has any dishonest intent I leave the reader to determine. For in contrast to it he does not fail to record carefully his personal observations whenever he had really visited any country. Thus his descriptions of Asia Minor — Comana, Tralles, Nysa etc. — are interspersed with frequent statements of what he personally saw, and for this reason his Asia Minor is the most valuable section of all his geography. So also his Egypt, as he resided at Alexandria, and as he ascended to Syene in the retinue of his friend ^lius Gallus, is full of personal reminiscences. But on the other parts of the world we find him usually repeating older writers with his (fiaai, and when we question his text closely we can only be sure that he sailed along the coast of Africa, on his way to Rome ; that he knew Rome and some parts of Italy well ; and that on the route to Asia he stopped at Corinth and at Gyaros. ' P. 117. 192 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. I can find no trace of his personal experience anywhere in Greece except at the places just named, and think this silence, in contrast to his constant habit of telling his re- miniscences about Asia Minor and Eg}'pt, to be conclusive that he only knew Greece from books. His account of Athens^ in particular is that of a man encumbered with written descriptions lying before him, and with no personal observations or recollections to help him in his selection. The fact was that in these days Greece proper, with the exception of Nicopolis, Patrse, Corinth, and Athens, was really the least important part of the Hellenistic world, and in miserable decay. But even his many statements of its depopulation seem to me borrowed from older books, I which date from the close of the second century b.c. The result is this : where Strabo states his own observa- tions, we have pictures of the Hellenistic world about the time of Christ ; where he does not, we may take for granted that the evidence is of older days, and therefore rather be- longing to the times described in earlier chapters, or in my previous volume on Greek Life and Thought} Returning from this digression, we shall take the Roman world in Strabo's order, thus beginning with Spain, of which his account is perhaps the freshest part of the book. For though he had never seen it, he corrects his authorities by constant references to its improved condition in his own day, which he evidently learned at Rome from Romans familiar with the country. Spain can, indeed, hardly be included within the limits of Hellenism in the sense now accepted 1 r. 396. 2 I must here call attention to the procedure of Theodor Mommsen, who generally uses the statements in the geographer not only for the Augustan, but even for the later condition of the Roman wt)rld ? I cannot but think this a doubtful basis for many inferences in the famous fifth volume of his Roman History. IX EMPORLE AND GADES I93 among scholars, for whatever still survived of Greek settle- ments and Greek culture cither dated from a time long anterior to Alexander's, or was the creation of Massilia, which must be called a Hellenic rather than a Hellenistic town. But as I noticed already the old Greek culture of the Sea of Asov, and shall return to it again, so I may say a word about Spain in relation to the settlements of Massilia down the Spanish coast from Anipurias (Emporice) to Car- thagena, which, though not reaching outside the Straits to the strange mart of Gades, must nevertheless have had much influence even on the exclusive Phoenicians. Strabo speaks of the settlement of Emporins as typical of these distant colonies. ' The Greeks of Empori?e first settled upon an outlying island, still (that is, when Artemidorus or Posidonius wrote) called the old city, but now they dwell on the mainland in a city cut in twain by a wall, having formerly some indigenous people, who, though under a separate polity, were nevertheless desirous to dwell within the same surrounding wall as the Greeks, for safety's sake ; but it was divided across the middle by the other wall already mentioned. In time they coalesced into the one city with mixed customs, Greek and barbarian, a thing which has happened in the case of other such cities.'^ We are told elsewhere in the book that the remains of an old Phoenician settlement looked quite different, but the details are not specified. Of the old Phoenician towns which still flourished, by far the most remarkable was Gades, which exhibits what we should call a thoroughly Phoenician character, had we not modern analogies in non-Semitic settlements. Strabo relates with wonder how a little barren island, with no territory (till the Roman conqueror Balbus ceded to it a strip of coast), 1 P. 1 60. o 194 CxREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. not only covered the trading lines of the Mediterranean with ships, but maintained in them a population inferior to no city but Rome.^ A few of them dwelt at home, many more as commercial agents in Rome, where in a census during Strabo's sojourn 500 of them were assessed at equestrian in- comes, a catalogue of wealth to be matched in Patavium only. The population lived upon the sea, and made great fortunes in trade. Can any one fail to see the curious analogy between all this and the condition of Hydra before the peace of 181 5, when a similar barren island owned a great and rich popula- tion, and only maintained it by keeping it on sea?- The Gaditani had profited chiefly by the tin trade with the Cas- siterides, or tin islands, which they had kept so completely to themselves that even Strabo's authorities thought them to be situate in the high seas far north of Spain. ^ But even without the Cassiterides Gades had a splendid trade in the salt-fish of the Atlantic, which is so superior to that of the Mediter- ranean, and still more in commanding the mouth of the Bsetis, which ran its upper course through a country rocky and barren,'* but full of gold, silver, copper, and tin ore. I Such mineral wealth was not known in any other part of ' the ancient world ; and no sooner did the river leave this poor soil, with its auriferous and argentiferous rocks, than it entered a vale of such agricultural wealth as was equally without parallel. So careful was the breeding of sheep there, that a talent (^^240) was paid for a first-rate ram. The only plague in that blessed country — for there were hardly any noxious beasts or reptiles — was the predominance of rabbits, which did great harm to agriculture (Strabo thinks 1 P. 168. - Cf. my Rambles and StiiJies, p. 367. ^ They were probably the small islands in Vigo Bay, not the Scilly K Isles (cf. Elton, Origiits of Eng. Hist. p. 24). * Strabo, p. 142. IX EFFECTS ON HELLENISM 195 by cutting the roots of trees and crops underground), and were at that time infesting all the south-west of Europe as far as Massilia, including the islands, such as Corsica and the Balearic Isles, whose inhabitants, probably those lately im- ported by the Romans, besought the Senate to grant them another territory free from this plague.^ The Spaniards had devised various remedies for this serious evil, among others the domestication of the 'African weasel,' ' which they muzzle and send into the holes, when it cither pulls out the rabbit with its nails (?) or makes it bolt for the men and dogs standing ready.' - The natural produce of Spain in minerals, cattle, wool, salt-fish, etc., was so enormous that Rome was supplied by this and the province of Africa in about equal shares, to judge from the relative importance of the merchant shipping of Ostia the Spanish, and Puteoli the African, marts. And this fact, though not within Hellenistic limits, must have had a considerable effect in depressing the condition of the Hel- lenic peninsula, ^^'hat use was there in mining deep and laboriously at Laurium for a small and uncertain profit, when one Spanish mine (Carthagena) out of many could employ 40,000 hands, and could yield ;^iooo of our money daily? ■ It required 200 years of fighting and negotiating and colonising for the Romans to civilise Spain, and that not completely, for in Strabo's day (if we may trust his informa- tion as here fresh Roman and not obsolete Greek) there were still savage Cantabri, who dwelt not in cities (TroAets), » P. 144- ' The fact that this widely extended plague has completely dis- appeared from Spain, France, and the islands, suggests that in Australia too the day will come when natural causes will accomplish what seems too vast for human ingenuity. I am not aware that we hear of these rabbits in later classical authorities, so I suppose they must have been disappearing even in Strabo's time. 196 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. like civilised men, but in villages (kwii-i]86v), or even in forests, and only submitted slowly and unwillingly to the Roman peace. These were the people who, when staying as allies in a Roman camp, saw the Roman officers walking up and down the main avenues for exercise, and laid hold of them to bring them to their tents, thinking they must be mad,'^ for no savage understands exercise as such without some motive, such as hunting or fighting. The language of Horace^ proves, I think, that what Strabo says is here true of his own time. Here then the greatest contrast between barbarism and civilisation was to be found. The region, again, on both sides of the Baetis up to Corduba, the highest navigable point of the river, above which the rugged mining country began, was full of rich homesteads, orchards, and pastures dotted with sheep and cattle. Corduba was full of Roman citizens, as well as of naturalised natives, so that Strabo concludes his account of this province " by saying : ' With the wealth of the country the Turdetani have naturally become tame and civilised;^ this habit prevails also among the (Spanish) Celts, either because of their proximity, or, as Polybius says, their kinship with the others ; but in a less degree, for they mostly live in villages (kw//7/Soi'). But the Turdetani, especially on the Baetis, are completely Romanised, and have even forgotten their old language. Most of them have become (politically) Latins, and have received Roman colonists, so that they are nearly all to be counted as Romans. The cities now established, Paxanguita (Badajos) among the Celts, Augusta Emerita (Merida) among the Turduli, Caesar Augusta (Sara- gossa), and some other colonies, mark this change in the above-named people. And as many of the Spaniards as ' Straljo, iii. 4, 16. - Oi/cs, ii. 6. i. * I'. 151. ■• rjjxepov Kal ttoXitikov. IX HELLENIC COLONLSATION 197 have adopted this course are called togati, and among these are the Celtiberians, once thought the most savage.' I have entered on these details about Spain, not for their intrinsic interest, great as it is, but in order to bring before the reader a large example of the Roman treatment of a conquered race, in order that I may compare it with the Hellenistic solution of the same problem. Nor can we avoid saying a word in this connection concerning the older Hellenic colonisation which preceded both. Though the subject has often been handled, and with great ability, I think I can put the facts from a fresh point of view, for most historians have only thought of contrasting the Hellenic, and not the Hellenistic, practice with that of the Romans. And yet the two former were widely different. Alexander inaugurated a policy new and unprecedented in Europe. There can be no doubt that the Phoenicians were the teachers of the old Greeks, and that apart from the very early national migration to Asia Minor, which may perhaps be paralleled by the foundation of Carthage, most Greek colonies were trading marts, just like the Phoenician, worked upon the same principles, and producing about the same effect on the surrounding barbarians. It is commonly said that the old Greeks were more insinuating and had more talent for assimilating foreigners than the Semite traders, and this is one of those general statements for which a good deal of evidence may be adduced. But unfortunately the Phoenician side is not represented in the remains of our classical hterature, and if we take the case best known to us, that of Sicily, which was occupied by both races, we shall hesitate to say that the inhabiting Greeks with all their as- similating genius laid a greater hold upon the island than the mere trading Carthaginians. So also when Hamilcar saw that to contend with success acrainst the Romans he igS GREEK WORED UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. must procure a more numerous and a better infantry than that of Libyans and Hellenistic mercenaries, the facility with which his Carthaginians made an empire in Spain shows an ability for conciliating barbarians as remarkable as any similar case in the history of the Greeks. There were, indeed, many deep contrasts between these colonising races, but they are not so obvious as the re- semblances. Both nations brought their gods with them, and paid little honour to the local deities ; neither seems to have been proficient in learning the native language of its new abodes. Both almost invariably settled on a seaboard, and trusted to the 'wet ways' to keep up their communications with one another and with the mother country. If the Greeks succeeded ultimately in ousting their rivals from most of the Mediterranean trade, it was not, I think, on account of their superior genius but on account of their superior numbers ; they drew from a home population — counting all the cities and coasts and islands round the Levant — many hundred times greater than the population of Phcenicia. As regards seamanship it is probable that the Phoenicians were always superior ; Xenophon certainly alludes to a big Phoenician ship in the harbour of Corinth as a special sight to see, on account of its decided superiority in order, neat- ness, and marine resources.^ But in this feature both kinds of colonies were alike, that though possessing, by means of ships, an easy communication with their mother-lands, they were expected to take care of themselves, and except in the rarest cases received from tlie old home no material support in their difficulties. In fact their relations with that home were oftener strained l)y commercial jealousies than strengthened by mutual sympathy in misfortunes. 1 Cf. my Social Life ill Greece, p. 419. IX ALEXANDER'S COLONIES 199 As regards their nearer relations with the surrounding natives it is, I think, generally assumed that the Phcenicians did not fuse by marriage with their neighbours, and that the Greeks did. The traces of old Phoenician settlements at Athens, Thebes, and Corinth, which, as the local religions of these cities show, did not always terminate with the expulsion of the Semites as enemies, ai)pear to contradict this assump- tion, at least as regards very old times. It is not unlikely that the known exclusiveness of the Jews in the diaspora ^ has inclined historians to ascribe a similar spirit to the Phoenicians, though these latter had no capital like Jerusalem, with its unique worship of Jehovah, for their ideal rallying- point. If Strabo had told us what the difference was in the aspect of Phoenician and Greek coast settlements,- we might know more of their respective treatment of the natives. The case of Emporiic, which he there olescribes, shows how slow and tentative was the native amalgamation with the Greeks ; and the general inability of the Italiot cities, rich and old as they were, to effect any peaceable settlement with the Apu- lians anol Samnites, speaks little for Greek colonising ability. With Alexander the Great begins a very different system, carried out on Asiatic principles, which is very unfortunately called by the same name. Macedonia was in its essential features an inland and not a naval power, and the conqueror sought to annex provinces, not to found mere trading marls. He desired to embrace in one empire widely-scattered and various domains, and he sought to establish his power by founding many local centres of Grasco-Macedonian influence along the old high roads, and on the exposed frontiers of his conquests. We must remember that he had his great 1 thoroughfares prepared for him by the Persian monarchs. y ' Cf. Greek Life and Thought, p. 469. * Cf. above, p. 193, and Strabo, iii. 4, 2. 200 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. High roads and posts were an old institution through Asia, so far as he penetrated. So were mihtary colonies in remote provinces to hold the natives in check. ^ His primary object was to secure these roads both for commerce and for ad- ministration, to protect exposed frontiers, and to impose upon his new subjects visible signs of the power and unity of the Macedonian Empire. He also desired to endow his veterans with lands, and create garrisons with a vital interest in defending their fortresses. His foundation of Alexandria is, to my mind, quite a different thing. It was from the first intended as a capital or centre for his empire, and though it is possible that Babylon would have supplanted it, when he found himself master of all the far East, yet from first to last Alexandria was far more than a colony in any sense of the word. But the many towns of the same name founded in Upper Asia, / of which Candahar ^ and Secunderabad still remain, .were distinctly military colonies of the Asiatic type, in which his veterans and other Macedonian or Greek immigrants received grants of land or full civic rights, while the sur- rounding population remained in an inferior condition. But if these settlements were threatened from without they had, theoretically at least, the whole power of the Empire at their back, and were not thrown loose from, far less per- mitted to act in opposition to, the mother country, in any such sense as the old Greek or Phoenician colonies so often were. If the Romans wanted a model for their ' occupying ' colonies, it was surely there that they found it. They did ' Cf. Straljo (xiii. 4, 13), who thus explains the geographical names Hyi-canian Plain and Cyrils' Plain, close to Mount Tmolus in Asia Minor. \^ ^ From Iskandar, the Eastern form of Alexander, which Semitic l)eople understood as if al was an article, hence the apparently divergent j from. Mr. Sayce tells me the old Assyrian colonies were the model Xi co))ied hy all the later contjuerors of Asia. THE HELLENISTIC SYSTEM not, indeed, find roads ready as Alexander did ; they had to make them for themselves; but their insistence upon this very task looks very like a servile copying of his policy. Thus they fought for eighty years to secure a high road along i the Riviera to the mouth of the Rhone, whereas they had all the time ample naval power to keep up their communi- cations by sea. They settled their outposts in some fruitful valley, like that of Corduba or Lugdunum, and so made centres for Roman settlers to promote both agriculture and commerce. The gradations by which the Romans proposed to bring the natives gradually into the Imperial system were more definite than those usual in the Hellenistic kingdoms ; but the fact that we still dispute whether the Jews of Antioch and Alexandria had equal civic rights with the Greeks shows that such admissions were perfectly recog- nised at that time. There can be no doubt that by inter- marriages and by performing public benefits the native men of importance obtained promotion to full Hellenistic rights. But the complication which affected all the colonies of Alexander in Asia, so far as it was civilised, was the occur- rence of free Greek cities in Asia Minor, whose privileges he respected, and whose communal independence he secured to them as soon as he had broken their very light Persian yoke. This condition of being a free city, managing its own affairs, and not tolerating a Macedonian governor, was |l the favoured stage to which all the new Grreco-Macedonian colonies constantly aspired. As soon as the central power grew weak this right was demanded with no uncertain sound, and this was the so-called 'liberty of the Greeks' which | makes such a figure in the politics of the great wars after , Alexander.^ The power of Macedon was too well con- solidated to tolerate such cities within its proper limits ; the ^ Cf. my Greek Life and TItought, p. 79. 202 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Ptolemies, who had Egypt thoroughly organised as a royal property, only founded Ptolemais in the Thebaid and Arsinoe in the Fayouni, which had special privileges, but in no sense autonomy.^ It was in Syria and Palestine that the numerous Hellenistic foundations, originally controlled by Seleucid governors, asserted and received this modified independence, which they marked by distinct coinage and by commencing the era of their history from the date of their charters. Similar special jDrivileges were continued to towns in inner Asia by the Arsacids, who, for example, gave Seleucia on the Tigris various immunities in return for its allegiance. These so-called free Greek cities were a great source of weakness to the Seleucid Empire, as may be amply verified by reading the Histories of Polybius or of Josephus. It is remarkable that in this detail also Roman provincial administration copied its Hellenistic forerunners. There were free cities in nominal alliance with Rome wherever there were important outlying Hellenic foundations, such as Massilia, several towns in Sicily, many in Asia Minor, etc. But I need hardly add that these cities never had the same power for mischief that we find them exercising in the Seleucid Empire. Massilia indeed had for a moment distinct import- ance in the opposition to Ccesar, — Alexandria was then still outside the Roman dominions,— but otherwise they were quite insignificant as opponents of the Empire. Nor were ^ Perhaps there were more, but their number was certainly small. We know from inscriptions the title Hellcnojiicviphitcs ; on Thebes (cf. above, p. i68). We have from Pa-khem in the Thebaic! (the Greek Pano- polis), a piece of leather with this inscription : ie/)6s eiVeXeuo-Ti/cos oiKov/jiePiKbs dXi'/xTTiKbi dyQu ll^pcnus ovpaviov tuv fxeydXcou llaveiuv, show- ing a Greek festival there in Roman days, and this too not a merely local festival. Maspcro thinks {T^ev. dcs etudes grccqttes, ii. 164) that this Perseus was probaljly the Egyptian deity worship})etl in the place as Pahrison. IX FOUNDATIONS IN FOREIGN LANDS 203 they the really important civilisers under Rome. The tirbcs /ogahe, if I may so call them — Carthage, Narbo, Caesar- Augusta, and the rest — were now the real leaven which brought new and as yet uncivilised races under the fascina- tion of letters and of art. Lut ai)art from this difference, not of principle but of circumstances, all the main features of Roman colonisation had been long recognised in the Hellenistic world. There was even one curious application of it frequent under the Seleucids and Ptolemies, of which the Romans had no need — I mean the founding of a city as an acknowledged royal foundation in territory beyond the sovran's control and the bounds of his dominion. That the Ptolemies should do this in the Troglodyte country only means that they established trading marts among the outlying savages ; but what shall we say to such towns as Lysimachia and Arsinoe, founded by kings Lysimachus and Ptolemy II respectively in .-Etolia, the refounding of Patara in Lycia as Arsinoe by the latter, and of Attalia in Pamphylia by Attalus Phila- delphus ? That these settlements were intended to extend the influence of their founders is certain, but in what manner? I will here advance a conjecture as to the ^tolian and Lycian foundations at all events. Both these territories were at the time under the poUtical condition of free leagues, in which each city had a vote. Probably it was not considered constitutional among the free cities, or digni- fied for a Ptolemy or a Lysimachus, that a great king should be a formal member of such a league as the ^toHan, and yet in matters of restitution, especially of piratical spoils, such membership was very valuable.^ Hence by the means of a special foundation these kings may have acquired a vote and voice in the league, and secured themselves against its ^ Cf. my Greek Life and Tlioiighl, p. 366. 204 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. hostility. The other instance is equally in the country of a league — the Lycian — which may have extended into Pam- phylia. By this device then Hellenistic kings could acquire diplomatic rights as well as personal popularity beyond the bounds of their dominions. Whether there were such cases elsewhere I do not know. The more we recede from the ^^'est the more we come within the reach of mixed influences, old Hellenic and recent Roman, upon the inferior races. I say inferior, in the sense of development, for the inhabitants of Northern Europe have since shown that they waxed slower indeed, but not to a less perfection. The great bodies of the British youths whom Strabo saw in Rome were ungainly in his eyes ; so was their mental condition ; but in the words of Tacitus, sera atque idco inexJiausta juvcntas. The account given of Massilia, no longer indeed a colony, but really a metropolis with her own settlements along the Ligurian and Spanish coasts, is among the most interesting passages in Strabo.^ When her naval power and real independence were gone she became by her ancient and pure Hellenic culture a favoured seat of higher Roman education.- 1 I'p. 179-181. - Since, he says, the surrounding barbarians have been tamed, and have turned to city life and husbandry owing to the Roman sway, the MassiHots no longer require to attend to their military and naval power. This their present condition proves : irdfTes yap 01 xa/)ieyres Trpbs TO Xeyeiy TpiTrovTai. Kal (pCKoaocpetv, &ad' 57 7r6Xts fxiKpbv fiev Trporepov Tols ^ap^dpOLS dvuTO naidevrripiov, Kal (piX^W-qvas KareffKevaie toi)s FaXdras, ibare Kal to. av/j.(36\ai.a EiWTjvKTTi ypdcpeif' eV 5e ry irapovTi Kal Tovs yvupiixwrdrovs 'Viijfj.aiwv TreireiKep, dvrl ttjs els 'AOrjfas diro8r]nias Uvai iKeiae, (piXofxadeh 6vTas, In imitation of this the Gauls have taken to these studies not only individually, but as public affairs, for they hire ' sophists ' not only privately but even as public officers, in the same way that cities hire doctors. It is a great pity these interesting texts are so seldom read by scholars. MASSILIA 205 I think it very remarkable that this Hellenic influence was comparatively powerless till protected by Roman energy and arms. It was the foundation of Aqua2 Sextiae as a military post among the tribes threatening that coast which first freed Massilia from constant apprehensions of Gallic tumults. So also it was the eighty years' determined conflict which the Romans waged with the Ligurians, to assert and maintain the security of the Riviera coast, which relieved Massilia from the cost of protecting all her traders against the pirates of that dangerous route. But let it be remembered, that this was one of the most perfect specimens of Hellenic, as distinguished from Hellenistic colonisation. If the truth be told, the effects it produced in six centuries, despite its excellent internal government, its thrift, its energy, were singularly small. The Massiliots could tell Scipio yEmilianus nothing about Britain, nor could they tell Strabo.^ Even their traders therefore stuck to the Mediterranean, and seldom ventured round Spain or across the plains of Gaul to the Atlantic. ^^'hat was true of Massilia must have been true in even a higher degree of the inferior trading settlements of the Hellenes. It was not till the Romans became the pupils of the Massiliots that Hellenic fashions really 'took' among the inhabitants of Gaul, but it was not merely that they copied the fashion of their new masters ; their old occupa- tions were gone, and were thus replaced. I will cite a modern though remote parallel. No doubt the culture of the Persians has been of late so superior to that of the Turkomans of the Steppes that these barbarians adopted from them many improvements ; but it is only since the strong domination of the Russians has compelled them to lay aside their ancestral habit of raiding and man-stealing 1 P. 190. 2o6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, ix that they are adopting the agricultural habits of their weaker southern neighbours. Whatever other ambitions Russia may foster within her secret counsels, this has been her great and very important mission in Upper Asia. But I must leave these western lands, which are not within the scope of this inquiry. Still the separating lines which distinguish Hellendom from Hellenism are now again becoming effaced, so that the consideration of any Greek communities under the Empire can hardly be foreign to our studies. CHAPTER X THE REMAINING HELLENISM OF ITALY (CHIEFLY MAGNA GRi'ECIA) Let us now pass to Italy and Sicily, on which our geographer deserves a close examination. And here if any- where we should have expected personal notes of value, seeing that he certainly lived long at Rome, and must have been in the middle of good society in that great capital. Yet apart from the general description of the splendours of the city, and its contrast to Greek towns both in the inferiority of the site, and its superiority in the building of roadways, drains, and in its splendid water supply, he really tells us nothing beyond these two facts — that he saw a Sicilian bandit torn to pieces by beasts at a gladiatorial show, the criminal being dropped into a cage full of them, and that he heard the grammarian Tyrannio. Strabo belonged to that important class of literary men who now made Rome their permanent home or their frequent residence, and to whom is mainly due the earnest attempt to revive old style and strict taste in Greek letters. I am afraid we cannot include in this worthy class the many epigrammatists whom we shall consider presently. But as regards prose we have not only such solid works as those of Strabo and Nico- 2o8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. laus in actual history and geography — we have a consider- able literature in grammar and rhetoric, and more especially essays on aesthetic taste, such as those of the so-called Longinus, and also of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who cer- tainly did more than any man ever did to disseminate sound views upon the real excellences of the old Greek masters. To him the advent of Caesar is an age of gold, not only for the political world but for the literature of Greece. During his twenty-two years' residence he had lived to see the change coming, and heralds it in a remarkable passage,^ where he says Rome is the active cause, in that her great- ness forces every city to look to her ; and her rulers, being educated and just men, have promoted the sound elements in her population and compelled folly and ignorance to hold their peace. Hence have already arisen many refined works on history and philosophy, and no doubt many more are yet i to come. Apart from Rome there were three different loci of old Greek influence still recognised in Italy — the tract round- Ravenna, the southern Campanian coast, and the remains of the old Magna Grsecia from Tarentum to Croton. Ravenna, which Strabo describes (from his authorities) much as we should describe Venice now — a city with more canals than streets, was once inferior to the neighbouring Spina, which enjoyed, as did the Etrurian C^re, the dignity of possessing a special treasure-house at Delphi. But all the country round had now gone into pasture land, and Cisalpine Gaul, as it was called, that is to say, Italy north of the Apennines and reach- ing down on the east coast to Ravenna, was now supplying Rome with beef and pork. The Greek settlements made from Sicily in the days of the tyrant Dionysius were least of all affected by the Hellenistic wave. Their trade was ' De oratt. antiqq. 2. SOUTHERN ITALY 209 probably ruined by the lllyrian pirates of the opposite coast long before the Romans subdued that country, so that their greatness and influence was but a waning tradition saved from oblivion by Strabo. As his information about Spina was from books, so he draws his account of Magna Gra^cia, of Sicily, and of the Liparrean islands from Antiochus, from Polybius, in fact from very old literary sources, nor can I find tliat he anywhere does more than verify their statements by the accounts of occasional eye-witnesses. We may likewise feel sure that when he describes the decay and desolation of Lucania and Calabria, which had gone back into wild pasture land, studded with occasional villages, he represents what was told him by some of his Roman friends who had traversed the country. The Roman rule over these once rich and thriving coasts seems to have been little better than king Bomba's management.^ Still we should have been thankful for some personal notes, instead of being put off with long antiquarian disquisitions about the mythical founders of the Hellenic colonies in the West. Tarentum was still alive, and Brundusium, on account of its import- ance as a starting-point for the East, which has recently again revived ; and Tarentum — as we may infer from its later history, its colossi,"'^ its condottieri — did partake of Hellenistic ideas, and was, therefore, with Syracuse, perhaps the main representative of this modern kind of Greek life in the ' Two SiciUes.' But all the coast and its inner country were gone in importance, decayed in population, the cities ^ Thus Strabo, speaking of the whole country once called Magna GrKcia, says (p. 252) : vvvl 5^ ttXtjc Tdpavros Kal'Pi]ylov Kai l^eawdXeu)! tK^e^ap^apuxrOai avfi^e^riKev diravra, Kai ra fxev AevKavovs Kal BpeTTi'oi/j KaTexet-f, to. 5i Ka/jLirdvoi'i, Kal tovtovs X(j7V, t6 d'aXijOis 'Pw/nofoi's' Kai yap avTol 'Vw/xaioi yeySvaaiv. ' Cf. Strabo, vi. 3, 2, on a colossus transferred to Rome. P 210 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. reduced to villages, the villages to single farmsteads, nor was there any part of the Roman Empire which showed more melancholy decay from its ancient splendour. The one spot in Italy which still represented Greek man- ners and Greek feeling was the northern arm of the Bay of Naples. There had been a very ancient Greek city — Cumge — settled near it in almost pre-historic times.^ This city was to the north of the promontory which runs out towards Procida, and lay in an exceedingly volcanic country — evi- dently the centre of disturbance previous to the historic out- break of Vesuvius. These Greeks had afterwards founded both DicEearchia and Neapolis in the shelter of the bay. Of these Naples had in earlier times been obliged to admit Samnites (or Campanians, as Strabo calls them) to its privileges, and was so far not a purely Greek town, but had in consequence obtained immunity from the attacks which ruined Elea, Posidonia, and the other coast cities. But in the days which are now under our consideration a curious change had taken place. Naples had remained stationary, had in fact become quiet and old fashioned, and was now thought essentially Greek. Strabo agrees precisely with Cicero " when he says that elderly or delicate Romans liked living there in retire- ment, and adopting Greek dress and manners.^ I have already quoted, in connection with the orator, the geo- grapher's account of the Hellenic dress and customs main- /tained there, as well as of the feasts, both old and new, which attracted companies of Uionysiac players from Greece ^ Probaljly in tlie ciglith century B.C. Not of course at the ridiculous date 1050 B.C., which was set down by Ephorus (of Kyme) to glorify his native city and her colonies. Nothing has misled simple modern , scholars, both German and English, more than this very common kind of mendacity, which Greek historians considered a sort of duty, or at I least a very laudable patriotism. - AIjovc, p. 115 ; cL also/zv Balbo, § 55. ^ 1'. 246. X PUTEOLI 211 and Asia Minor.^ Strabo goes on to describe the tunnel on the road leading to Puteoli. Naples had also hot springs and arrangements for baths. The two towns lying seaward, Puteoli and Baire, though still within the sheltering arm of the headland, had absorbed the business and the fashion of that part of the world. The whole coast of Campania was indeed covered with sumptuous Roman villas — palaces (/?a(rtAetu) Strabo repeatedly calls them, and Persian palaces — as well as with pleasure grounds, but as a fashionable public watering- place Baice exceeded all the rest. This resort was, how- ever, more distinctly Roman ; the great Hellenistic port for all the eastern trade of Rome was the neighbouring Dicrearchia, renamed Puteoli (Pozzuoli). This place had long since been established as the open port for Alexandrian ships, at a time when the Romans would have been very jealous of allowing foreigners to enter the Tiber at Ostia ; and so it always remained the mart of Rome with the East. If you did not land at Brundusium and come through Tarentum and Apulia, you came to Puteoli. For heavy merchandise the long and mountainous land journey was expensive and unsuitable ; we may even assume that at Puteoli the more cumbrous articles were reshipped into coast- ing vessels and brought to the Tiber. But from Puteoli there were at least no mountains to be crossed on the way to Rome. As the railway now winds through the spurs of the Abruzzi which approach the coast about Ceprano and Gaeta, so the old high road could avoid all difficult passes ; and these were days when any land journey might be safer than the perils of the sea from pirates. Such were the reasons which made Puteoli the channel ' We shall hear of these players again in discussing tlic Hellenism of Brutus. 212 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. of that Hellenistic influence which is so manifest in the remains of Herculaneum and Pompeii. We have in these curious and affecting relics of the great catastrophe of 79 a.d., both upon the spot and in the great Museum of Naples, the clearest possible evidence of that fusion of Hellenistic taste with Roman life which was the type of the civilisation of Strabo's age. In this part, therefore, of his survey we can supplement the geographer's account by the numerous Greek inscriptions now collected in the Corpus^ as well as by the splendid collection of art and household objects in the Museum of Naples, not to speak of the unique impres- sion produced by walking about the deserted streets of the once gay and lively Pompeii. As regards Naples, the evidence of the inscriptions shows clearly that it was, as Strabo and Cicero tell us, far the most distinctly Greek town remaining on the Campanian coast. For Cumge, a purely Greek foundation, had so decayed that the body of its population had migrated to Neapohs.^ The remainder even begged the Roman Senate (180 B.C.) to allow them puhlice Latine loqui, and so to assimilate them- selves to the Roman municipia.^ The Neapolitans, on the other hand, profited so much from their reputation among Roman fashionables as a Greek centre, especially from their right of harbouring Roman exiles of distinction,^ that they hesitated to accept higher political privileges from Rome, and at last did so only under the condition that they were not to use Latin in their public acts.'* Thus we have Roman names with Greek official titles commemorated in Greek ^ Wliich, in this case, Mommsen rightly conjectures {CIL x. 170), implies no Palx'opolis except Cumre, there being no evidence either from inscriptions or coins of any other forerunner to Neapolis. ^ Livy, xl. 42. — Cunianis pctentilms permissiivt, ut publicc Latine loquerentitr et prti:conUnis Latine vendendi jus esset. ^ Polyb. vi. 14, 8. * Cf. Mommsen's account of this, C/Z x. 172. { X PUTEOLT 213 inscriptions. We know that the Dionysiac artists made it their favourite resort ; we find a regular Greek four-years' feast with artistic and athletic contests established there under the title 'IraAtKo, 'Poj/^ara Se^ao-rd 'lo-oXi'/xTria/ which served as an epoch from the year 2 a.d. ; and numerous bilingual inscriptions — nay, even some in a jumble of Greek and Latin - — attest the general knowledge and use of Greek at Naples down to the fourth century a.d. There are many obvious reasons why the greater and more stirring port of Puteoli should not show in its inscrip- tions so thoroughly Greek a flavour. The trade relations with Rome, and perhaps the rivalries of many nationalities represented by guilds of trading agents, would make a closer approach to Roman municipal arrangements more con- venient. It was the business place, not the fashionable resort, like Baia;, or the refined literary retreat like Naples. And so the inscriptions show us a far more systematic use of Latin, though the absorption of all that has been found in these regions into the Museum of Naples makes it hard to pass a positive judgment in such matters. Until the locus of each inscription is carefully recorded there will * CIG 5805. At these games Alexandrians frequently appear. In 5804 — T) ^L\o(T^^acTTOs Kal (pL\opd)ixaios 'AXe^avdp^wf irepL7ro\i(rTiKa €ii(Te^r]s auvoSos honour an Alexandrian Zosimus for his victories. * Here is one from Sorrento {C/G 5870) in Greek characters, as follows :— ^_ E jj ATPriAI0T2 INnETrAT0T2 B. K. M. BEISIT ANO [2]* H MHZE2 2 AEI N KOZOT ZIMBEIA EIPHNA MAPITO BENE MEPENTI. IN. [H] KET As a specimen of a bilingual inscription I give No. 5876 : — AECnOINII NEMECEI KAI CTXNAOICI GEOICIN APPIANOC BfiMON TONAE KAGEIAPTCATO Justitiiv iiciiies! Am quain voverat aratn Nwnina sancta colcns Cammarius posuit. This is a very free translation, cf further Nos. 5820, 5821. 214 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. always remain great difficulty in deciding such questions. Perhaps the most interesting of all those collected in Boeckh's Corpus is that recording the complaint of the Tyrian Com- pany at Puteoli, who sent a formal statement to their mother city that the wTiole expense of keeping up the Tyrian cults at Puteoli devolved upon them, while the Tyrians settled at Rome, who made far greater profits on the goods imported through Puteoli, did not contribute to this burden. The reply from Tyre follows, ordaining that the Tyrians at Rome should bear their share in this duty.^ The fact that these old and famous Semite traders recorded their corporate but purely national affairs in Greek gives us evidence perhaps more striking than any usually cited to prove the adoption of the Hellenistic idiom as the language of the civilised world. '\^^hen we come to Pompeii the case is again different. In the first place Pompeii was not a Greek but an Oscan foundation, though even here we find the principal temple to be a very old construction, in the Doric style of its great extant neighbour at Paestum, and possibly dating from the sixth century b.c.^ Then came a period of .Sabellian influ- ence, concluded by Sylla's sending a colony of veterans to settle there, to whom the older inhabitants were obliged to cede one-third of their lands. Here, then, we have a town neither in origin nor in circumstances very liable to Hellen- istic influences, if we except the fact that it was the near neighbour of Hellenic and Hellenistic populations. Accordingly we find from the numerous inscriptions ' CfG 5853, the most interesting of all the Puteolan inscriptions ; but as it dates from the reign of the Emperor Marc. Aurelius (174 A.D ) I forbear to quote it. - It is now so com]ileteIy ruined that I cannot think this inference from its remnants quite conclusive, and suspect it may possibly have been a later copy of these great models. But the art critics, such as Overbeck, who have examined it, seem to feel no doubts on the point. X POMPEII 215 yielded by its walls and monuments that CI reek was not the usual or even frequent language of its people, though this language was taught in its schools, for the children have left us numerous specimens of the Greek alphabet scratched upon the walls on their way through the streets. And yet when we turn from the inscriptions to the actual houses and their contents, there is hardly any corner of the life and ways of the inhabitants which does not show clear traces of Hellenistic influence — Hellenistic, I say, and not Hellenic ; for with the exception of a very few bronzes which may possibly go back to originals as early as Praxiteles — I mean the famous dancing Faun and the Narcissus — all the statues, paintings, mosaics, vases, bronze and silver ornaments, as well as the designs of the houses and public buildings, are distinctly modelled on Alexandrian ideas. ^ A great part of the unearthed town can be referred to the work of a very few years, 63-79 ^•^- > ^o^ i'"* ^^^ former of these Vesuvius gave the first premonitory sign of the horrors that were to come by an earthquake with sub- terranean noises, which destroyed most of the town. So grave was the case that the Roman government even debated whether the site should not at once be abandoned, and many citizens are said to have left the place. Never- theless the rebuilding was actively resumed, just as the people of Casamicciola are now rebuilding their town over another quasi-extinct volcano at Ischia, which may presently cause a similar tragedy. But it would be a great mistake to compare a second-rate town in the first century with a second-rate town in modern Italy. Though Pompeii was no doubt vastly inferior to Naples and Puteoli, the elegance and wealth of some of the houses show that people of large means and high culture resided there. The interior of ' Cf. Th. Schreiher in A/////1. dcs t/a/hr/i. Inst. (JW/), x. 399. 2i6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. several of these mansions would satisfy the most fastidious modern magnate in everything but the size of the rooms. All this elegance was in design and probably in execution Greek work. The researches of Helbig have established what he calls an osco-Roman character in some of the rudest and worst of the paintings, but all the subjects of the better class are from Greek mythology, unless it be that Alexandrian habits have suggested a few Egyptian subjects,^ which seem to hold the place in this epoch that Chinese designs have assumed in western decoration. On the other hand, the decoration of this generation was not genuine Greek work, but surface imitation. The whole new town was a town of stucco. Overbeck has well ex- plained - that though the use of stucco to cover rough stone surfaces for the purpose of painting them is quite legitimate and commonly found in the best Greek architecture, the en- largement of this use into the imitation of stone forms, such as architraves, mouldings, etc., thus adding sham members to the real structure, is a proof of decaying taste. This no doubt is true, though both the Saracens in their mosques and the Renaissance decorators in their ceilings have pro- duced wonderful effects with stucco additions to the real structure. But what shall we say to the occurrence in Pompeii of a colonnade turned from the Doric into the Corinthian order by the addition of stucco capitals laid ' The temi:)le of Isis, of which considerable portions still remain, and vvliich was decorated throughout with Egyptian figures or in Egyptian style, must have given a model for tliis sort of ornament. Even a hieroglyphic tablet was set up in it, which had no reference to the tenijjle. Cf. the full description of tliis building in Overbeck 's Pompeii, p. I02 sq. We know from CIG 5793 that the statues even of Greek gods, such as Apollo, were dedicated in temples of Isis. I le appears in a triad with Tlorus and Ilarpocrates. - Ponipcii, pp. 439, 467, 469. X POMPEII 217 round the original echinus? In the same style is the- constant effort to imitate variegated marbles by painting, and other devices intended to suggest materials more precious than those actually employed.^ The recent researches of the French school at Delos have also led to the discovery of private houses, one of them not ruined beyond recognition. A comparison with the house -building of Pompeii is obviously suggested, as the houses at Delos were evidently ruined in the first century (either by Mithradates or the pirates), and because Delos then contained, like Pompeii, a Grseco-Roman population. In an article- by M. Paris there is a plan of such a house, with many interesting details. The outcome is this : that while there was much less decoration by painting, and while the Delian householder was content with plain panels upon his wall with no ornament, the materials of his pillars and the general construction were far superior to the very shoddy building of Pompeii. We have before us, therefore, in Pompeii a civilisation recognising a certain kind of culture, both external and internal, as so tyrannically the fashion, that those who cannot afford to live up to it in reality will rather content themselves with cheaj) imitations than adopt any other simpler and truer life. Witli these defects and drawbacks we have, nevertheless, before us in this buried town the picture of a graceful and cheery life, with much that was really beautiful and refined, and with less of grossness or immorality than would be hereafter found in most of our modern towns were they now suddenly sealed up for the inspection of future generations. Herculaneum was covered with lava (not with ashes), ^ Pompeii, p. 464. This too was a very old Egjptian device, as Mr. Sayce informs me. - BCII viii. 473. 2i8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY CHAr. and therefore its excavation has been more troublesome and far less complete. But the library found in one of the mansions, doubtless that of a Roman noble, is curiously significant in its defects. In the first place, among the 250 rolls unravelled and deciphered there is an ex- ceedingly small proportion of Latin. In the next place, all the Greek rolls as yet published are Epicurean tracts, and of these almost all are either documents of the master, or treatises by Philodemus, a very tenth-rate pupil whom we have already met in the course of this book. So far, not a single masterpiece of Greek literature, not a single work on history, nothing of general interest, has been discovered. I cannot but think that among the many charred rolls still lying in the Naples Museum some few may contain a text of higher interest ; those, however, who have spent most time upon them seem not to have much hope. If then the only library we have yet found in this corner of Roman Hellenism, whether by accident or not, indicates but a poor attempt at culture, and shows that the owner either read nothing or was limited to one very narrow subject in his choice, it is perhaps more likely that his Greek confidant, whether it was Philodemus or not, collected his books for him, and that the studies of the host were simply dictated to him by his household professor. This verification in sundry details of the general indica- tions in Strabo, vague and scanty as they are, makes us long for some similar help in the case of other Hellenistic districts of Italy. But we have every reason to believe his I statement that there was, except in Campania, general decay and depopulation. He does not notice the fact that Sicily was even ceasing to be the corn granary of Rome, owing to the superior productiveness and the carliness of the African soil and climate. But he does say that this country also was X AFRICAN HELLENISM 219 in his day abandoned to shepherds, neat-herds, and horse- 1 breeders,^ which was certainly not its condition when Cicero went there to gather evidence against Verres; and it was a ' Sicilian bandit who infested these wilds who was publicly executed at Rome. Strabo also gives an interesting descrip- tion of Mount .'Etna, derived as he tells us from the accounts of recent tourists there,^ and implies that the town of ^tna lived on the new trade of providing for these tourists, who were now very numerous. Unfortunately he endeavours to supply his want of further information, not by an even superficial personal visit, but by antiquarian lore taken from Dionysius of Syracuse, Polybius, and other old books. The same is the case with the African coast — Carthage and Cyrene, which latter he merely saw from the sea^ as he was sailing to and from Alexandria. He can give us no clear account of the restored Carthage, or of Cirta, both of which must have had many Hellenistic elements, for he tells us that king Micipsa, the father of Jugurtha, known to us through Sallust, settled many Greeks in tlie latter, and made it a great capital. Here then was an outlying centre of Greek culture. In the days now before us king Juba had married the daughter of Antony and Cleopatra, and having lived a life of literary labour, which indicates high civilisation, had left his kingdom of Mauretania to his son Ptolemy, a late survival of this royal name and line. This Juba probably reigned at Cirta, and had a seaport which he enlarged and called C^sarea. Utica had been from the second Punic war the centre of Roman influence. ^ rrjv ovv iprqixiav KaravorjcrauTf? ol 'Pufiaioi, KaraKTrjcrdfievoi rd re 6pr} Kal tCov ireSlwu to. TrXtiara iiriroipop^ots Kal (3oi'a.'6Xo£S kuI troifi^cri Trap^doaav (p. 273). " 1'. 274 ; oi 5' oi'v I'fwcrri dva^avres Strjyoi'i'To vfuv. 3 xvii. 3, § 20. 220 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. The extant inscriptions from the five towns of the Cyrenaica show us that there too survived a great deal of Greek Ufe which would have been worth a visit, had Strabo taken the trouble. A very interesting text now preserved in Provence, but brought from Berenice in that district, shows us an arrangement clearly copied from Alexandria and Antioch, by which the Jews there formed a separate polity under their own officers, distinct from the ordinary citizens. This community records the virtues and gentle manners of a Roman prsetor, Titius, significantly too in the Greek language, and with the intention of being set up in a conspicuous place in the amphitheatre.^ Unfortunately, inscriptions seldom give the kind of in- formation of which we are in search. We get lists of victors at games, or public officers ; catalogues of property or of expenses ; on the tombs many records of sincere grief, no doubt also of affected lamentation — the latter in metrical epigrams of more or less grace or correctness. But these, even when heartfelt and simple, only reiterate the universal sorrows of every age and clime, the sense of bereavement, the feeling of gratitude for the kindnesses of the departed, the feeling of rebellion against death, which takes not only the old and ripe, but the young and the strong, before they have tasted the sweets of life and love, or rewarded by their success the anxious cares and hopes of their parents, who protest against this injustice with unavailing earnestness. ' CTG 5361. — e'Tret M. TtTi6s (his public functions follow) 01^ iibvov hi if TovTois a^aprj iavrhv Trap^crxv^^h a^^ct Kal roh ivrvyxdvovai ruv iroKiTuiv ^TL dl Kal tois fK rov TroKiTei'i/naros rj/nQp 'lovdaioLS Kal kolvt) Kal Kar' ISiav fvxpr)0'Tov TrpoffTaalav irotot'ifMevos ov BiaXelTrei, ^do^e toIs S.pxov BepevlKrj 'lovSaluv iwaiviaai /cat (Trecpavovv, etc. It was set up in the amphitheatre, and its date is probably 13 B.C. This document is very important in giving us evidence that the Jews did not count among the ordinary Greek citizens in Hellenistic towns. EriTAPIIS ON GOOD MANNERS 'I'his frame of mind is perhaps the chief pecuUarity which these sepulchral inscriptions disclose, as compared with later texts commemorating Christian grief. There is perhaps another peculiarity in the mention by civic authorities how hard it was to bring any consola- tion to bear on the afflicted, whose dead the city honours in pompous praises, or rather phrases, by way of balm to heal the gaping wounds in the hearts of the survivors.^ These things are worth a passing mention, but give us little towards a distinctive picture of the peculiar race and age we are sketching. There remains yet another feature, which strikes me as far more characteristic. Any one who will take the trouble to wade through the Greek inscriptions in any collection, or to watch the new additions to the great Corpus^ recorded in the current journals of epigraphy, cannot but be stuck with the recurrence on almost every page of good mamiers as the quality in men and women which earns their grateful recognition during their life and affectionate remembrance from posterity. The text just cited is one of a thousand which state that ' because such an one has not only performed his duties, general or special, but also has been courteous to those whom he met in daily intercourse,'^ — therefore he is honoured with a statue, an inscription, civic immunities, citizenship, as the case may be. Nor are these laudations confined to men of high official station, whose urbanity or the reverse was of real importance to their ^ Such phrases as TrapafivOdaOai Koivrj oOs dvcrx^P^^ f'""'"' Trapap-vducrOaL {C/G 5S38) are common. This subjectivity m post Diortcm laudations is very characteristic. - Here is a charming instance {BCH xii. 32S) : one Tyrannus, a freedman of the emperor Claudius, who returned to his native town, Magnesia (Meandri), as a fashionable physician is publicly commended for having behaved wcrre /iTjSeVa v-k 'ai)roO ■wapa. ttjv d^iav tou /ca^' iavrbf H^yiOovs iwifiejiaprjcrOai. 222 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, x companions. They are adjudged to horse-doctors, corn- dealers, foreigners residing for pleasure in a city — in fact to people so many and so various that we wonder how these honorary inscriptions can have been regarded as an honour.^ Nevertheless they have put it on record that in the Hellen- istic world good manners were regarded as having a serious- ness and an importance quite foreign to modern civilisation. Perhaps the Germanic elements in England and Prussia, with their rudeness in virtue, and their almost suspicion of good manners, have caused this change. I have indeed, in an Irish epitaph, which I have elsewhere quoted,^ seen a man praised for being an affable superior arid a polished equal. But this, which would have been a matter-of-course eulogy on a Hellenistic tombstone, strikes the modern observer as grotesque, if not indecent. The grave is too solemn and the question of the future life too serious to admit of super- ficial considerations. But in Hellenistic days they were not superficial ; human society was then the great object of life, and whatever tended to improve and refine it was a real virtue, and a solid recommendation to the world. Thus we may explain this marked contrast in two conditions of the world which present so many striking resemblances. 1 Indeed Cicero {pro Flacco, g§ 75, 76) ridicules them as meaningless. Domestic virtues often obtained this public recognition, and not unfre- quently those of women, e.g. CIG 1433 on a Spartan woman whose only claim seems to have been sixty years of respectable married life. So youths of Tralles {BCH v. 340) are praised not only for athletic victories, but (piXoTrovias, evra^ias, eve^las eVf^a. ^ Art op Conversation, p. 60. CHAPTER XI EASTERN HELLENISM UNDER THE EARLY ROMAN EMPIRE. In "passing from West to East, from the newer acquisi- tions to the proper seat of the Greek life inaugurated by Alexander, we feel that we are provided with surer evidence and more details to guide us. In the first place the indications of Strabo, which were hitherto (except for Rome and some spots in Italy) based upon hearsay, or upon the books of far older authors, and which even for Greece itself seem to rest upon second-hand knowledge, are upon Asia Minor and Egypt full and personal. Our author tells us frequently what he has himself seen, not what he has copied from others. In the next place we have, for the times of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, not only the fabulous life and acts of Apollonius of Tyana — a most characteristic figure, but the orations of Dion Chrysostom, which give us many valuable details upon the city life of those days. The inscriptions from these parts of the Empire are also very numerous, and agree in suggesting that here rather than in Greece proper should we now look for the spiritual life of the Greeks. The prosperity of Asia remained, while tliat of Greece was ruined ; a dozen cities in the former were richer and 224 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. more populous than either of the famous old Greek capitals. The final settlement of Roman Asia was practically that of Pompey; the great battles of the civil war were not fought out on Asiatic soil, and the considerate conduct of Augustus and Tiberius soon healed the wounds caused by the tyranny and the exactions of Brutus, Cassius, and Antony. Tiberius, indeed, was called upon to aid in a far different misfortune. The early years of his reign are marked in history as one of those periods when volcanic activity has been peculiarly mischievous. Many great cities were riven with earthquakes, and Strabo describes the whole rich region about Philadelphia as so disturbed and devastated with eruptions that the inhabitants had taken to the open country, and were afraid to trust themselves under any building. In our own day the island of Chio has been subject to like visitations. There is still preserved the copy of a monument set up by twelve great cities of Asia to Tiberius for his large and charitable subventions when they were subject to this calamity in various years from 17 to 29 a.d.^ The copy was set up at Puteoli, and is a valuable specimen of the art notions of the period, for the cities are personified and represented in relief.- But well might the cities set up memorials to Augustus and Tiberius ; these rulers had saved the Hellenistic East from far worse than earthquakes — from the rapacities of the leaders in civil wars, and of the Roman nobles and knights who preyed as governors and capitalists upon the ' Tac. Ann. ii. 47 ; CIL No. 1624 (vol. x. i, 159). 2 From this point of view it has been reproduced and discussed by Overbeck {Griech. Plastik, ii. 435 sq.) We have now a corroborating inscription from Magnesia, dated by the thirty-third potestas trib. of the emperor, and so of the year 31 A. D. , which calls him ktictttj^ ivl KnipQ dwSfKa ir6\€wv (cf. BCII xi. 70). ROYAL PRIESTHOODS subjects of the Emi)ire. This was indeed the Roman peace, which, if it turned many parts of Italy and Greece into a soHtudc, produced in Asia a prosperity greater than had ever been attained in that most populous and prosperous home of the Hellenic race. For the old Greek civilisation east of the ^gean had been a mere fringe on the coast, not reaching inland save in a few isolated spots. Now the whole heart of the peninsula was settled in great and flourishing polities— free cities with their territories, dynasts of more or less moderation under Roman supervision, and what is perhaps more curious, religious polities, under the sovranty of a high priest either hereditary, or appointed by the local king from his immediate family. These things remind us at once of mediaeval parallels. The abbot of Monte Cassino, with his large territory and enormous wealth, was not unfrequently the brother of the Norman king of Apulia and Sicily. There were in modern Germany even in the present century prince - bishops, at Salzburg, Fulda, ^Viirzburg, with similar secular powers, and this was so to some extent with our Bishop of Durham. Such was Pessinus, then a great mart for trade, and still ruled by priests who had been dynasts under the Attalid kings, and whose temple had been adorned by these kings in Hellenistic splendour. Such was Comana,^ the great entrepot for Armenian goods, to which all the Asiatic world streamed together when the goddess was brought out in solemn procession. Strabo speaks of it as another Corinth, with its luxurious life, its crowds of temple slaves living ' by their bodies.' Such were to a lesser extent Zela and Mylasa, each with their high priest ruling in sacrosanct dignity. Such, as we now know, was the famous sanctuary and asylum of Hecate at Stratoniceia in Caria, which was a ' Strabo, xii. 3, § 36. Q 226 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. separate community, with its own population and precincts, under a ruling high priest, though close beside the city.^ Strabo even mentions in his own day a certain Cleon,- who was a bandit chief, at first useful to Pompey, then siding with Antony and Labienus, who changed over so cleverly at the critical moment before Actium as to receive great rewards and consideration from the Octavian party ; so he dropped the bandit trade and turned dynast, using as his cloak of respectability the fact that he was priest of the Abrettene Zeus, a Mysian god. At last he was promoted to the priesthood of Comana, which he had only held a month when he died, people said as a visitation for bringing swine's flesh into the priest's residence — an abomination as great there as it was to the Jews. These sanctuaries seem all to have promoted trade and to have injured morals, even if we make some allowance for the naturalism sanctioned by many Asiatic cults. For the deities worshipped were in all cases Asiatic, even when called by Greek names, and their worship was of that orgiastic character which is called nature -worship, and is generally opposed to those civilised cults, which recoil from this conception of religion. The Romans did not interfere with such things more frequently than we do with the rites and cults of our Indian subjects, and yet they kept as much control over the dynasts, priests, and free cities as we do in India. Thus with a great deal of communal freedom, and the survival of dignities and emoluments, as well as even of titular sovranty, there was a certain solidarity attained ^ Cf. BCH x\. 156. It was ravaged by Labienus and the Parthians. We have lists {op. cit. p. 35) of great sacerdotal families, members of whom, including women, had enjoyed one year's high priesthood, which was tlie culmination of a series of lesser priesthoods. Here then the title Jf/3eiys e'^ iep^wu means >io/>/('. - xii. 8, § 9. XI THE EVIDENCE OF DION 227 under the headship of Rome which was eminently useful in obviating border wars, privateering, and the other evils of multiplied independencies. We shall do well to verify these general statements by some of the details to be found in our two authorities. For we may now quote Dion Chrysostom as well as Strabo, seeing that there was no serious change in life or society, though Dion's life and work in Asia Minor were two genera- tions later than those of the geographer. The volcanoes had indeed subsided, and some emperors had supervened not so wise as Tiberius, but on the whole the management of the provinces was little altered, and the evidence of Dion, so far as we can judge, may be used in our sketch of this period.^ Dion was also a traveller, indeed a far greater traveller than Strabo, and went about not only profes- sionally, but also to see the world and its social curiosities. Like Strabo, he was a native of northern Asia Minor, of Prusa in Bithynia, and his many orations to Asiatic cities concerning his and their affairs show an intimacy with the same lands which Strabo knew personally. The informa- tion we obtain from Dion is fortunately of a different kind from that supplied by the geographer; it concerns the inner life, the jealousies, the quarrels of such rivals as Nicsea and Nicomedia ; the disturbances at Apamea ; the peculiarities of life in Rhodes, Tarsus, Alexandria. It is evidence to be supplemented, not only by the invaluable letters of Pliny from Bithynia, which sometimes tell the very same facts from an official point of view, but by the allusions in the Ads of the Apostles, and the Epistles of S. Paul, which date from about the same period. ' In ihe same way we may say that, socially at least, the Greece of Plutarch had changed but little even from the Greece of Polybius, hardly at all from the Greece of the end of the first century B.C. But this inference may yet be considerably modified by further discoveries. 228 GREEK \YORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. It is only recently that explorers such as Messrs. Ramsay, Sterrett, Hogarth, and Fabricius, have begun to go through this country, and gather what still remains of inscriptions, in addition to those of the older travellers collected in Bceckh's Corpus and Le Bas's Voyage. We may therefore expect to have our knowledge of this great and rich civilisation considerably enlarged as time goes on. The new Ilium of the Roman period, for example, was not recognised till the brilliant discoveries of Dr. Schliemann showed that the ancient and venerable site had received a new and handsome city upon the foundations of so many older settlements, and that it was even the head of a local confederation ; we only knew that it was unusually favoured by the Romans for sentimental reasons, though this did not prevent Fimbria from devastating it in the Syllan time, and Agrippa from imposing upon the inhabitants an enormous fine for a mis- adventure to a Roman princess, which they could hardly have averted,^ and which was remitted at the intercession of Herod the Great. We may give some account of these important centres of Hellenistic life, beginning from the north-east, the home of our authorities, and culling from them what still has some interest for the historian of social life. But we shall not tie ourselves to geographical lines, when we can find any stronger affinities to guide us. For there were cities which affected to be old, which were strictly conservative, boasting their mythical descent from Argos or Sparta, or even from a founding by Heracles or Dionysus,- and again those ^ Nicolaus Damasc. dc vita sua, frag. 3 (in Miiller's FUG iii. 353). - So Dion, speaking at Nicrea (ii. 87), invokes ' Dionysus, ancestor of this city, and Heracles its founder, and Zeus Polieus and Athene and Aphrodite,' etc., etc. It is highly characteristic that while the cities claimed this remote origin, Dion says elsewhere it is not the right thing I XI STATE OF ASIA MINOR 229 which were confessedly the foundations of Antigonus, Lysi- machus, or the AttaHds. Even these latter in many cases (notably that of Pergamum) invented some pre-existence in another condition to make themselves respectable. But all the genealogical trees of the Pergamenes could not make men believe that this upstart city was of such nobility as, for example, Miletus, where certain families still retained the name and the social dignity of royalty, owing to their descent from the Neleids, who led the first Ionic migration from Greece.^ It is difficult for the modern traveller who ventures into the heart of Asia Minor, and finds nothing but rude Kurds and Turkish peasants living among mountains and wild past- ures, not connected even by ordinary roads, to imagine the splendour and rich cultivation of this vast country, with its brilliant cities and its teeming population. The two districts most praised by Strabo for fertility are the inner slope of the Caucasus, the present Georgia, and the slopes of Cappadocia descending to the Euxine.- Since the rise of Hellenism civilisation had spread into the interior, which now vies with the coast, and perhaps has more to show of peculiar and distinctive life. It was probably the great- ness of Mithradates and of his predecessors that raised Pontus and Cappadocia into the first rank among the Asianic districts. Nicomcdes of Bithynia^' had founded for llic citizens to go back more than two steps in personal genealogies, for if you do, no one will Ijc able to show that he belonged originally to any city. — ii. 102 : to yap dtnor^pu} dvoiu ^adfio'iy i^riTelv t6 yivos ovSafiios tTTieiK^s. oi'Sets yap ovtw t6 ye dXrjd^s ef oi'defiids evpeOrjiieTai. woXeujs. ^ The antiquities of Ionia in this respect are given in detail in the opening chapters of Pausanias's seventh book (the Achaica). ■ xii. 3> § 15- " Strabo does not profess to know which Nicomcdes. But it must have been the first, for Polybius implies that Prusias I., his grandson, resided there. 230 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Nicomedia, and there was already the older foundation of Nictea^ in the same country. Sinope had been the capital of Mithradates's power, and no doubt an addi- tional reason for the increased importance of the Pontic towns was the stimulus he and others gave to the Armenian and Indian trade, which came by the Caspian up the valley of the Cyrus, and so by the Black Sea to the west. The older Cappadocian dynasty of Ariarathes had evi- dently pursued a different policy, for their capital Mazaca, concerning which I have elsewhere spoken,^ was in the very heart of the country, rather nearer the Pisidian coast. Strabo tells a strange story of one of these kings, named Ariarathes, who made himself a great artificial lake by damming up in this inner country one of the affluents of the upper Euphrates. The water broke loose and flooded the Cappadocian and Galatian country, causing such devastation that the king was obliged to pay his subjects, according to the arbitra- tion of the Romans, 300 talents for damages (;^73,ooo). And yet when this dynasty died out, and the Romans offered Cappadocia ' freedom and autonomy,' that people, to the astonishment of all the sentimental doctrinaires, begged to be excused from accepting these great privileges, and asked for a king.'^ The Bithynian cities, Nicrea, Nicomedia, and Apamea, — the names recur often in other provinces, as if the founder desired thus to stamp his creations, — are those which Dion Chrysostom in particular exhorts to lay aside their jealous rivalries, and agree to live in harmony and ^ Originally the Antigoneia of Antigonus, founded in 316 B.C., but refoundcd and renamed by king Lysimachus. " Greek Life and Thought, ji. 462. ^ xii. 2, § II. XI DION ON CEL/EN/E 231 good fcllowsliip/ He tells us that these cities maintained an attitude of mutual enmity, not for any solid reason, but concerning the nominal primacy, to which each of them laid claim. In Strabo it is clearly Nicsea which is called the metropolis, but Nicomedia had been the old capital of Prusias, and therefore for a time superior.- Though Dion will not allow that there is anything beyond a quarrel of etiquette in this matter, he tells us elsewhere ^ that the right of having the Roman assizes held in a town gathered a great population into it, not only of lawyers and clients, but of idlers, artists, jl and worse people, all of whom spent money. The other! attraction a city could possess was a great religious /fl'^c^'m (the modern Kermesse), to which all the world streamed | together, as they still do to such feasts in the Greek islands.* ! This was the real importance of the ecclesiastical cities with their high priests. Here is, for example, what Dion says about Celaente in Phrygia — a town of no prominence in j history, and yet at this time great, populous, and wealthy:''' ' ' I see this city now second to none, and I congratulate it. ' For ye inhabit both the strongest and richest site on the continent, and have ample water and fertile land bearing ten -thousand fold, with many flocks too and herds. The greatest and most profitable rivers have here their source, ' These very jealousies form the leading topic of Pliny's letters to Trajan, to which I shall revert in chap. xiv. " Cf. Mr. Hardy's instructive note on the relations of these two cities in his edition oi Pliny's Correspondence with Trajan, p. 127. The term irpuTT) irdXis was left to the Niccx^ans, but Nicomedia became the /jL-qrpdwoXLS, the residence of the proconsul, and the scat of the provincial council. The greater antiquity of Nicaja must have made her citizens peculiarly jealous of this. •^ ii. 44, 98. I quote uniformly from tlie Teubner text, which is the only handy and critical one (ed. Dindorf, 1857). ■* Cf. the interesting chapter on the existing festival at Tino in Mr. Theodore Bent's Cyclades. ° ii. 43. ^ 232 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chai>. the Orbas, the Marsyas, flowing through your city, and the Mseander. You command in situation Phrygia, Lydia, and Caria. Besides this, populous nations surround you, Cap- padocians, PamphyUans, and Pisidians, to all of whom you afford a market and a meeting-place. You have also as subjects many cities without name, and many rich villages. But the greatest proof of your power is the amount of your tribute. ' Besides all this the (Roman) assizes are held every second year {jvap eros) with you, and there comes together a countless crowd of people, plaintiffs, defendants, lawyers, officers, attendants, slaves, panders, jockeys, traders, cour- tesans, and artificers, so that whatever you have to sell obtains the highest price, and nothing lies idle in the city, neither carriages nor houses nor women. This is no small subvention. For wherever the greatest crowd collects, there necessarily most money is found, and the place is likely to prosper ; and as I suppose the place where most sheep are penned is most improved for agriculture by their dung, and men request shepherds to keep sheep upon their land for- this purpose, so the assizes are held to contribute most of all to a city's importance, and there is nothing sought after with such eagerness.^ The principal cities obtain this privilege year about. But now they say the assizes will be changed at longer intervals, for that people will not tolerate being continually bustled about in all directions. You have also a share in the religious festivals of Asia, and receive as much of the outlay for them as the cities where the actual ceremonies take place.' I cite this interesting passage, which may have been ^ Tliis picture of an assize town— citlicr Saiclis or E]ilicsiis — is cor- roboraled by a parallel passage at the close of Plutarch's tract comparing the passions of the soul and of the Ijody. XI THE RIGHT OF PUBLIC MEETING 233 written in the reign of the tyrannous Nero, or Domitian, as well as under Vespasian or Trajan, to show what the liberty and comfort of the Asiatic world was in the early iMiipire. Even the administration of the humane Cicero during the Republic, not to say the rule of Flaccus or of Cassius,^ shows us very different features. There is then no allusion at this epoch to any undue or oppressive Roman interference, such as there must have existed a generation before the Christian era ; there is, on the contrary, in inscriptions, much evidence of fulsome flattery of Rome in the very names of tribes as well as in eulogistic decrees.- The condition of the other cities of Asia Minor — Lystra, Iconium, Derbe, Ephesus, in the Ads of the Apostles^ composed at a date between the evidence of Strabo and that of Dion — seems to be quite similar. There is no interference with the public affairs of these towns^ — nay, not even with public disturbances consequent on the ' right of public meeting,' until a serious riot takes place. Then the town authorities are held responsible by the Romans, and perhaps punished or dismissed, or else the festival, which led to the disturbance, may have been suppressed for a time by the Roman governor. An interesting inscription from Ephesus contains an appeal to the proconsul L. Mestrius Florus (83-84 A.D.) to permit the celebration of the mysteries of Demeter Thesmophorus and Carpophorus and of the Augustan gods. It says that these feasts have been sanc- tioned by kings, emperors, and yearly proconsicls, as their letters testify. Even though fragmentary, this text is an important elucidation of the fears of the ' town-clerk ' in the ^ Above, pp.133, 16 1- - Cf, MDIyXi. 176 for specimens from the inscriptions of i\\QKoivbv of Bithynia, There are tribes called Zf^aaTTjvTfi, TepfiaviKr), Tiliepiavrj 'AuTOjuiav-q, all therefore before the Flavian period, and a man is praised / for being (piXoKalaap, and ^i\opu/j.aios. 234 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Acts of the Apostles, who tells the people that they run the risk of being held accountable for any uproar. A strike of bakers at Magnesia (Maeandri) is met by a severe rescript forbidding all unions among these tradesmen, and ordering them to obey the convenience of the public.^ Tarsus stands before the rest as a remarkable centre of culture, the cradle of much of the Stoic thought, which has influenced the world from the preaching of S. Paul down to the austerities of his Puritan followers in this country. "We hear from Strabo - not only of its fair site, with the ice-cold Cydnus running through it, but that the inhabitants had such zeal for philosophy and education as to exceed Athens and Alexandria and every other place where such objects are pursued. ' But in this point they are peculiar, that the learners are all natives, and that hardly any strangers sojourn there ; nor do the natives remain at home, but seek the completion of their education abroad, and then seldom return. In the other cities I have alluded to, excepting Alexandria, the reverse is the case, for thither many strangers come for the sake of education and dwell there, while of the natives few travel for that purpose, or indeed show a love of learning at home. The Alexandrians do both. They both receive many strangers, and go abroad themselves.' In fact, as he elsewhere says, Rome was crammed with Tarsian and Alexandrian educators. This is the bright side of this peculiar and brilliant metropolis. The shadows are supplied by Dion Chrysostom 1 Cf. Acts xix. 40, and BCH i. 209. Mytilene owed its privileges, forfeited for a while by its adherence to Mithradates, first to the influence of Pompey's ancient Theophanes, who is almost deified in extant inscrip- tions of the city ; afterwards to a mission of Crinagoras and Potamon, to which I shall revert hereafter (below, p. 355). On Magnesia cf. BCH\\. 565. -■ xiv. 5, 13. CITY JEALOUSIES 235 in the two curious Orations to the Tarsians. ^^^c need hardly lay much stress on the strange lecture he gives them for their universal habit of snoring, which he says they do even when awake, ' whereas it is elsewhere exceptional even in sleepers, unless they be drunken or surfeited or lying in some awkward position.' ^ He rings the changes upon this shocking social vice through twenty pages. The really instructive picture is given in the next speech, which is an appeal to lay aside, first, their internal jealousies and discords ; secondly, their hostility and contempt towards their lesser neighbours — Mallus in particular. There was discord among the various classes of citizens, the council against the assembly, the old against the young, all against the president, whose office seems to have been peculiarly thankless. Outside all these was a large number of inhabit- ants without franchise, though born of parents and even ancestors native in Tarsus, but apparently needy labourers, . who could not produce the 500 drachmce necessary as a franchise qualification.- These people were courted or' contemned, according to the political exigencies of the moment. The orator shows that such conduct is unworthy of a civilised community with distinguished traditions ; that the quarrels with neighbouring cities are really ridiculous. ' Whether the /3''geans quarrel with you, or the Apameans with Antioch (in Pisidia), or the Smyrnceans with Ephesus, they are all, as the proverb goes, contending for the ass's shadow. For the real power and presidency lies in other hands.' ^ These utterances of the great lay preacher show us a population rich and prosperous, intellectual and cultivated, but with the vices of the Greek character un- / extinguished in their hearts. It is quite plain that were 1 ii. 12. - ii. 29. ^ ii. 37. 236 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. there not a Jupiter in their Olympus, careless perhaps and sleepy, easily imposed upon, and slow to wrath, but yet with the thunderbolt in his hands, and unapproachable in . strength, we should have had over again the civil wars and j strifes which had worn out the brilliant mother country, till it passed throug h foreign domination to hopeless decay. In a future chapter I shall revert to this subject in con- nection with the administration of Pliny under Trajan. The permanence of these features will perhaps be thus better impressed upon the reader. But before I revert to the now deserted and forlorn mother country, it will be well to give from our two authors a picture of the two greatest centres of Hellenism outside x'Vsia Minor — Rhodes and Alexandria. The account of Rhodes given by Strabo labours, I think, under the same disadvantage as his account of Athens. I can find no trace of any personal observations in his description, and I cannot but suspect that he never visited the island. He says that the Colossus was still lying broken upon the ground, and he mentions the pictures of Protogenes — the lalysos and the Resting Satyr. He says that the fortifications, the harbours, the streets, and other appoint- ments, are such that he can mention no equal, not to say superior, in the world. But there is not a word that he might not have copied from any of a dozen books, or heard from any traveller.^ The very diffuse oration of Dion (xxxi) is a far more valuable source. The orator indeed applies himself throughout to one argument — his censure of the I disgraceful habit of erasing the inscriptions on old statues, I and re-dedicating them to Roman legates. But in the course of his varied reasonings on so very obvious a matter, he mentions a great many interesting particulars about this famous city. ' Strabo, xiv. 2, § 5 S(/. M RTTODTAN HONESTY 237 He tells us that it was almost the only remaining Asiatic city where any fortifications remained, those of the rest having fallen into decay by reason of the prevailing peace and slavery. He says that the Rhodian walls were indeed no longer tested by enemies, but kept up by the taste of the citizens, as a sign of former greatness as well as of i)rcsent affluence.^ This wealth he asserts to be undoubtedly greater than that of any (Ireek city —I suppose in Hellas or Asia Minor, and he regards it as the direct result not only of their energy and good government, but more especially of that commercial honesty for which they had long been celebrated in Greece.- More especially in the dreadful times of the last Roman civil war, when the city was captured by Cassius, and nothing left to the inhabitants but their houses, they showed after his i^lunder and exactions an example of mercantile honour unique in that part of the world. Augustus thought to relieve the excessive distress of the eastern provinces by permitting an abolition of debts.^ While the other cities gladly accepted this sup- posed boon, the Rhodians steadily refused it, knowing that credit abroad was far more valuable than inunediate profit at home. So they recovered their prosperity, and being now relieved of all expense as regards their navy or war preparations, possessing merely a couple of open men- of-war to bring their officials to Corinth, they had perhaps ampler resources than ever for the remaining duties of a leading Greek city — their internal administration, their public honours to distinguished friends, their philosophic ^ i. 387. Let me add from Plutarch (Trepi (piXoirXovTias, 5) : Strat- onicus used to ridicule the extravagance of the Rhodians, saying that they built as if they were immortal, but ate as if they were creatures of a day. t" Cf. my Greek Life and Thoitght, p. 333. * Dion, i. 3^7) S'^f T^o.aw tdoOij to7^ i^ojdtv xpeCiv &(peffi^. 238 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. schools, and their yearly feasts. This made Rhodes a favourite resort for many strangers, especially Romans, all of whom were subdued and improved in manners by the strict, chaste, cultivated tone of the citizens, the order and sobriety of the thoroughfares, the artistic beauty of the temples and public monuments.^ The number of these last was quite extraordinary now, at the end of the first century ; for while Roman emperors and generals had long indulged in the habit of plundering Greek cities to adorn palaces and temples at Rome, by some extraordinary good fortune Rhodes had escaped. Nay, even Nero, who was so ruthless about this as not to refrain from the monuments of Olympia and Delphi — the holiest of shrines, and who even carried off most of the statues on the Acropolis of Athens, as well as many from Pergamum (which he considered his private property), not only left the Rhodians unplundered, but when his art-agent Acratus came round to that city and the citizens were natur- ally in dismay, this man, who had searched and plundered every village in the civilised world, astonished them by saying that he only came to see the place, from which he had no permission to remove anything.^ But the Rhodians, whose own laws as regards the defacing of a statue or inscription, the stealing of a spear or tripod from a statue's hand, were stringent unto death, were now so degraded by the slavery of former days that they thought it necessary to honour not only every emperor but every ' That this was no mere rhetorical flattery appears from the fact that Dion brings it out again in his lecture to the Alexandrians, with whom he contrasts the Rhodians most favourably : 'tare 'PoS/ous iyyt/^ 6i>Tas ovTWS v/J.u>p f'uJcTas iv t\ev$€plgL kuI fiera irdarj^ ddelas, dWa Trap' ^/ce/yots oUre rb dpafj.e'it' iv ttj 7r6\ei 5o^'e^ fxirpLOV, dXXa Kal tQv ^ivuv iimrXriTTOvai roh cIkt; [■iaolii'ovai. And on tliis he comments at length. - i- 394- ALEXANDRIA 239 Roman proetor ; and for this purpose their president (o-T/3aT>;yo'5) would simply order the inscription under some old statue to be erased, and a new dedication to be inscribed. This latter was also done in the case of ancient statues not named, as having been set up to gods or to heroes too well known for description.^ In such cases it was actually sacrilegious. But it was at least ridiculous in the case of mere portrait statues, when some old man was presented not only with a statue but with youth, a weak man with great muscles, when a sybarite who always went in his litter stood forth in bronze as a boxer in the Rhodian streets. And as actors successively undertook various parts, so these statues played various characters in turn, undoing the reputation of the city for gratitude and for an honourable adherence to its old decrees. The orator's argument shows, I think, rather a disregard of very old statues than any graver vice.- And yet Rhodian language, Rhodian eloquence, Rhodian manners, were all redolent of antiquity, and represented the most conservative society in the Greek world at this time. We turn to the vastly different city of Alexandria, described in the very next speech of Dion (xxxii), but also visited by Strabo, who here as usual leaves us in no doubt, when he has anything personal to tell us, of his actual visit. Still his description is but sketchy and partial, and makes us long that we had even such a traveller as Pausanias to give us his impressions. Unfortunately what is very well 1 riiilo {Legal, in Caiii/n, § 20) describes the mob of Alexandria hurrying an old battered bronze eqiiestj-ian statue from the g)'mnasium, and setting it up in the jirincipal synagogue as a statue of Caligula. It had been dedicated by the first Cleopatra. - P. 347. He hints very jilainly that most people now thought all the various gods really modifications of the same Being, so that a change of dedication, if confined to gods, was of little import. 240 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. known is often least talked about in any book intended for contemporaries, and many interesting and important things in every age are passed over in silence by those who spend time and labour upon obscure and trifling oddities. There is not a step in our inquiry into social life where we have not this very inconvenient fact suggested by our constant perplexities. Let us turn then to the account of Strabo,^ from which I cull various details not strictly Hellenistic, to give the reader an impression of what a cultivated tourist at this time thought worthy of notice. There is something curiously modern about his travels in this land of wonders. There was of course a vast number of splendid buildings and tombs which have now disappeared, and there were still large and populous cities on the site of Memphis and at Ptolemais in the Thebaid. But taking Cairo now to represent the former, there was perhaps only one more large city in Egypt then than now, and the account he gives of Thebes, inhabited in separate villages (k-oj/-a?;8oV), with only its ruined temples to tell of its ancient splendour, might almost be written by any of the tourists who now visit Luxor. He was in the train of ^lius Callus, the Roman prefect, and mentions how with a large retinue they went to hear the music of the statue of Memnon. At dawn he indeed heard the sound, but will not affirm that it really proceeded from the statue ; he evidently thinks it was produced by some of the many natives or priests who were crowding round the feet and had even climbed up on its knees. As is now settled by the researches of Letronne,- it was the earthquake of 27 b.c. which broke the statue, and exposed the heart of the stone to the air — a cause sufficient to produce a crackling sound upon sudden changes of temperature. The many inscriptions — Latin ' xvii. I, § 6 s<]. - La Statue vocale de Alciinwii. XI STRABO IN EGYPT 241 and Greek — of tourists who say they did, or did not, hear the sound, reach down to the days of Septimius Severus, who repaired the broken part with rude masonry, and silenced for ever the mysterious voice. This was the sort of thing Straho and his Roman patron went to see. They watched the feeding of the sacred crocodiles, whose mouths were pulled open by the attendants, and their food stufled in, and he tells of a similar exhibition of crocodiles at Rome. He notes that the Egyptian priests had forgotten all their knowledge, and ridicules one Cha:;remon,^ who was with them at Heli- opolis, and who pretended to interpret the hieroglyphics. He is very explicit on the labyrinth, and lake Mceris, which are now gone, but at Aswan and Philre he saw hardly more than we see, and was most interested by the natives shooting the cataracts in their boats, which they then did, as they now do, for money. But when he says that on the drive from Aswan to Phil^ he saw pieces of diorite lying about, he is hardly to be believed, for he makes the wonderful statement that the third pyramid — that of Menkara, which we still see covered with slabs of red granite from Syene, was made of black diorite ! Nor does he mention the great sphinx at all, though he comments on avenues of sphinxes at Memphis, partly covered up with sand. He describes the population as we now should, a very industrious and numerous peasantry, bringing up all their children (instead of exposing them), but wholly un- warlike, inasmuch as nine cohorts of Roman infantry, with a few troops of cavalry, were perfectly able to keep the ^ Not to be confounded with the Chcercmon who was Librarian at Alexandria till 40 A. n. , when he went to Rome as tutor to Nero. He was also a iepoypa/x/xarei'S, and really understood the hieroglyphics, as we may infer from his fragments in Midler's FJ/G vol. iii. (cf. also BC/I i. 122). R 242 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. country quiet. Of these one-third was on the southern frontier (Syene), one third was required for Alexandria alone. For the rest of Egypt, as Dion says/ was a mere body provided for Alexandria to use, or rather a mere appendage to it. I have given in a former volume ^ the details known to us about this great city in earlier days ; what is now to be added should be compared with what I have there said, and need not here repeat. The government of the city, as indeed of all Egypt, had hardly been altered by the Romans. The Lord -Lieutenant of Augustus controlled the old Ptolemaic officers, who in their turn controlled the native officers, found by Ptolemy in the old native system of government, which he did not change in any important principle. The city had from the outset been peopled with many races, and nevertheless preserved a very constant and peculiar character, though we are told that the Greek ele- ment had been almost exterminated by the seventh Ptolemy, and though we may be sure that the Macedonian element now gave little but its ancient and once glorious name to the dominant classes. The Jews had no doubt increased in number and importance here and all through Egypt. ^ \Ve must also never forget the strange power possessed by ^ T] yap AiyvjTTOs, ttjXlkovtov idvos, crw/xct Trjs ttuXews tan, fxaWov de Trpoa6rjK7] (i. 412). " Greek Life and Thought, p. 160 sqq. ^ Strabo says that the papyrus growers of the Delta were in his day emulating the Jewish policy of limiting the culture of balm in Gilead, that the price might increase and a monopoly be created ; and here he suggests the beginning of that regrettable neglect or mismanagement, which permitted the total disappearance of this precious product from the land of Egypt. The only papyrus now growing wild in any country known to me is that in the Anapus near Syracuse. Pnit Ijoth lotus and papyrus, and the great Egyptian bean from whicli tlie natives made cups, seem gone for ever from the Delta. XI THE ALEXANDRIANS 243 every land, especially so peculiarly uniform and unchangeable ■ a land as Egypt, of assimilating foreigners by making their children gradually conform to the national type. Of this we have signal examples in the assimilation of hordes of Slavs and Albanians into the (ireek people ; in the assimilation of < hordes of northmen and English settlers into the Irish type. Thus though the language of Alexandria was principally Greek, though all the foundations of the Ptolemies were professedly Greek (and it is noted as remarkable in Cleopatra that she could even speak the old Egyptian language), nevertheless the city and its population became gradually less and less Hellenistic, and reverted to the Egyp- tian, or to an Egyptian type. There was a certain orgiastic uncontrolled love of noisy and reckless pleasure, especially in feasts and competitions, combined with fierce superstition and strong faith in the supernatural quite foreign to Greek character.^ There was bound up with much bonhomie^ with much love of sarcasm and ridicule, with much levity under injustice and oppression, a vein of iron determination to resist at a certain point, of horrible cruelty in wreaking revenge, which is only to be paralleled in very few cities, ancient or modern. The Alexandrian love of pleasure was not keener than their love of business ; their immorality not more shocking than their superstition ; their barbarism not more pronounced than their culture — a strange public, sometimes deadly to play with, sometimes easy to oppress, with a temper never safe to forecast, and at times as resolute in resistance as if they had been all Jews or Carthaginians. ^ There seems, ihcrcfore, to be truth in the expression of Philo {Leg. % 18), who calls them 6 'AXe^a^'Spe'cj;' /j.€ya$ Kai (7Vfj.Tre(popr]fxeyos oxXoy, and accuses them indiscriminately of beast worship (§ zosiib.fui.), tliough this is the testimony of a bitter hater of the Greeks as enemies of his Own nation. 244 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. In the myriad quarrels of their own Ptolemaic dynasty they always took a strong and even violent, though not always a consistent part ; when the Romans succeeded to the dominion we find the Alexandrians in every case siding with the East against the West — with Pompey, the hero of the East, against CiEsar ; with Antony, who made himself one with their fascinating queen and her interests, against Augustus. Nowhere did the great Julius meet so obstinate and dangerous a national resistance ; and though Augustus encountered no such difficulties upon his arrival in pursuit of Antony, he marked his successful landing and defeat of the national party by founding another Nicopolis close to Alexandria, as he had done near the promontory of Actium. The jealous care with which the emperor excluded all important senators from Egypt, and kept it a close domain under his own immediate servants, must have arisen from what he saw of the dangers of Alexandria and its terrible mob ; for everybody must have told him how completely pacific and docile was the population of the rest of Egypt. Since the ruin of Thebes, in the days of Auletes, we never hear of an internal disturbance. Nor can the modern traveller conceive such a thing possible. The Fellahs are, indeed, to use the words of Plautus, paticntls- shinini i^eniis Jiominuin} Put not so the ancient Alexan- drians. The great series of palaces built by successive Ptolemies which Strabo saw, the dockyards, tlie arsenals, were indeed empty ; but the parks and colonnades, the ' Unless they were inli.iliitanls of tlie tlirce or four Clreek cities in Egypt tlicy could never attain the freedom of Alexandria. Unless they had obtained this latter privilege they were considered ineligible for Roman citizenship by the emperors. This appears from an interesting corre- spondence between Trajan and Pliny concerning a certain liarpocras, whom the emperor, at Pliny's instance, had ignorantly made a Roman citizen in violation of this rule (cf. Plin. Epp, v.-viii. ad Trajanutn). I XI DION S PREACHING 245 gymnasia and temples with their grounds, the Sana witli its Alexander, now cased in glass instead of gold, the Museum with its Fellows meeting in the common hall — all these Hellenistic features remained intact. Its streets were full of life, of business, and pleasure, and it ranked without question as the second city of the world both to Strabo and to Dion.^ Dion begins his very severe lecture or sermon to the Alexandrians by describing their extraordinary frivolity, their devotion to sport and laughter, their complete want of seriousness. Yet we know that in the first trading city of the East there must have been many diligent and serious people, not to mention the professors and students at the Museum. But through the whole of the speech he never directly mentions these richly-endowed college dons either for good or evil. Naturally the itinerant preacher in his worn cloak, whose presence was mean and his speech nothing extraordinary," would feel a certain jealousy or dislike for these endowed officials. The following passage ^ seems to me to do more than ignore them. He is asking his audience not to interrupt him, or call out iftipatiently : when will the juggler (or some other worthless amusement) begin : ' l''or these you have always with you, and there is no fear of their failing you, but such discourses as will profit the city, and make men wiser and better, you seldom hear — I will not say never. This indeed is not your fault, as you will show by listening to me to-day ; it rather lies with the so-called philosophers ; for some of them never go near the public, and will not make the venture, perhaps despair- 1 Cf. Dion, Oratt. i. 412. - iyu) Si dvdpujiros ovSeh ovda/jLoOev iv rpt^wi'tw (pavXui fJ-r^re ddeiv ipus 1/ arire ixei^ov er^pov (f>9eyy6fXfvos (i. 407). Vol flsowheie he confesses that he was called //ic iiig/iliiigale of sophists. ^ P. 402. 246 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. ing of improving the crowd, while those in the so-called public lecture rooms make a mere display of voice (^wvacr- Kovaiv), admitting only hearers bound by fixed conditions and tame to their hand. But of those called Cynics there is no small number in the city, an influx of them having taken place as of other things — men who have no know- ledge, not even of the most vulgar kind, but merely seek a living ; these in the crossways and lanes and gateways of temples collect and impose upon children and sailors and such like with jokes and buffoonery and answering riddles. Wherefore these people instead of good do the greatest harm, teaching the thoughtless to despise philosophers, as if one were to teach children to despise their masters. But of those who come before you as educated men, some make oratorical displays, and some compose poems which they sing to you, knowing that you love music. If these people pose as rhetors or poets it does no harm, but if they pose as philosophers, for the sake of lucre and vainglory, and not for your benefit, then they are indeed mischievous. It is as if a physician called in to see the sick were to disregard their symptoms and bring them garlands, and courtesans, and unguents.' I suppose that at the opening of this passage he must have had the professors of the Museum in his mind. His main object is, however, to contrast himself not with these, but with those other itinerant teachers, who were, as I have elsewhere remarked, like the begging Franciscrm monks in the Europe of the last century.^ The crowd which they addressed included women and children, for these, as was remarked by observers two centuries earlier, were constantly in the streets, and added vastly to any public disturbance. The whole town lived, Dion says, for ex- ' Greei Life and Thought^ p. 373. XI CONCERTS AND HORSE-RACES 247 citement, and when the manifestation of the god (Apis) took place all Alexandria went fairly mad with concerts and horse-races. When doing their ordinary work they were apparently sane, but the instant they entered the theatre or the race-course they appeared as if poisoned by some intoxi- cating drug, so that they no longer knew or cared what they said or did. And this was the case even with women and children, so that when the show was over, and the first madness past, all the streets and byways were seething with excitement for days, like the swell after a storm. The strange point is that Persians and Bactrians, who must ride for the sake of their liberty or their wars, have no such madness ; but the Alexandrians, who never ride or touch a horse, go mad over races, like lame men contending about foot-races. All this reminds us strongly of the similar mania in Byzantium when the Blues and the Greens were im- portant factors in state revolutions and successions.^ The same unmannerly excitement took place w^hen they went to hear singers or actors, the whole audience hanging upon their words or notes, as if felicity were acquired through the ears, and calling some wretched professional their god and saviour because he satisfied their craving. It is curious that all this excitement was derived from singing with the cithara, not the flute, for accompaniment. What would have happened had this more exciting instrument been used it is hard to say. For the humours of this maddened crowd often proceeded to murder, and no one who thwarted them for a moment ^ Cf. Mr. Biiry's Later Roman Empire, i. 33S. In Suetonius {Caligula, 55) the prasina factio already appears ; and {Nero, 22) ^ queroitibtis domiiiis factionuni.^ Mr. L. C. Purser gives me as even earlier instances Plinj-, H.N. vii. 186 (perhaps 20 B.C.), and Ovid, Am. iii. 2, 76. 248 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, xi was safe. I spoke in a former chapter of the Roman who was 'lynched' because he killed a cat. The same thing would no doubt have happened a century later, for Juvenal tells of the atrocities which occurred in a local quarrel between Ombi and Tentyra {Satir. xv.), and the picture of that Roman Swift cannot be wholly imaginary. Dion, indeed, admits particularly (p. 404) the very religious character of the people. But he tells them plainly that , while their religion consists in violent emotions, in miracles, ' in omens, in strange providences, in a multiplicity of gods, true religion consists in rational views, in ordinary provi- dence, in the conduct of everyday life ; not in madness and in mystery. The deeper religion of the day must be reserved for another place, and so must the opposition between the Jewish and the Hellenistic spirit, which was so prominent in Alexandria. There is but one common feature belonging to the two cities we have contrasted — their political insignificance. To the Rhodians the orator can hold out no higher ambition than the giving of splendid feasts, which (like the Exhibitions in our capitals) would bring together visitors, and spread the popularity of the city, and thus its wealth and social influence. To the Alexandrians the highest hope he protends is a possible visit from the emperor himself, if he hears of their good conduct.^ We know from Philo that they had been grievously disappointed by the death of Caligula, who had determined upon a state visit of this kind. Yet when Hadrian came, a generation later, the result was not mutual satisfaction, but estrangement. ' i. 39S, 433- CHAPTER XII THE CONDITION OF GREECE FROM AUGUSTUS TO VESPASIAN — THE HELLENISM OF THE EARLY EMPERORS We come back to the true home of Greek Hfe, the inmost hearth from which the sacred fire of Greek culture has often been carried with such copious hands as to leave scarce a spark to illumine the old country. Yet over and over again, after brilliant centuries of Asiatic or western Hellenedom or Hellenism, the old rough nurse of liberty, of art, and of refinement has reasserted her pre-eminence and proved that no other land can ever appropriate her title to be the foster-mother, if not the mother, of European culture. Were we to trust implicitly the eloquence of Dion ad- dressed to the Rhodians, this decadence of Greece had reached its nadir in his day. He refuses to take the ex- ample of Athens as any precedent: 'Athens, which has hailed as Olympian some nobody, not even a born citizen, but a Phoenician, and not even from Tyre and Sidon, but from some inland village ; which has not only set up in bronze, but beside Menander, some cheap poet, who exhibited here before you. This may well be cited in pity for the condi- tion into which the whilome leaders of the Greeks have now fallen.' ^ And again : ' Formerly the reputation of Greece 250 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. was sustained by many — the Athenians, Spartans, Thebans, nay, Corinthians and Argives in turn. But now they are all gone — some actually destroyed, while others are dis- graced by the acts you hear of, and are ruining their ancient fame, thinking this a luxury, poor souls, and a gain, if no one prevents them from degrading themselves. So far as these are concerned, there is no reason that the Greeks were not long since below the level of Phrygians and Thracians. There is nothing but the stones and the ruins of their buildings to show the old splendour of Greece, since even the Mysians would repudiate the present inhabitants and politicians as their descendants. Hence it is that I even consider the totally destroyed cities as the most fortunate, since our memories of them at least are safe and not soiled by recent events ; for is it not better that the bodies of the dead should be buried out of our sight than that they should putrefy before our eyes ? ' ^ And with this agrees the letter of Apollonius of Tyana, in which he writes to the Museum of Alexandria : ' I have become barbarised, not by staying away from, but by staying in, Greece.' - In estimating these texts we must, however, make considerable allowance for the desire at the moment to extol Rhodes, and indeed Asiatic Hellenism, at the expense of the ancient capitals of Hellenic life. For there is considerable reason to think that the days of Dion were by no means the worst which Greece had seen, but that a considerable revival had taken place since its complete exhaustion after the great civil wars with their terrible requisitions upon life and property. It is true, and very remarkable, that Asia Minor revived, and recovered her ^ i- 397- " Epp. 34. — t^apl3apu)6riv ov xp^vios Cov u(f EWciSos dWa ^^pii'tos i^v if 'EX\d5(. XII CONDITION OF GREECE 251 commercial prosperity with promptitude and lasting success, 1 y^ whereas that of Greece can hardly ever be called flourishing 1 again till the trade in silk and in currants made some stir 1 in Justinian's time. Still there were always certain articles of export which, in other days and with other habits, would have employed much industry. Morses from the now ex- tended pastures of the depopulated country, oil from other provinces as well as Attica, honey from the slopes of Mount Hymettus, were always prized. Far more profitable to labour was the production — no longer as a fine art, but as a trade — of statues at Athens and elsewhere for the adorn- 1, ment of Asiatic and Italian temples ; ^ so were the famous ' marble quarries of the Cyclades, which seem, however, like the gold and silver mines, to have been often a monopoly of the Roman fiscus, and thus less productive than might be expected. - But the effect of this trade is only seen in scattered and special localities, such as Corinth, Patras, Tithorea, and Hypata ; the last two described by Plutarch ^ and Apuleius (if we can believe him) as flourishing, evidently owing to recent and special causes. In most parts of Greece landed ^ property had passed into the hands of large proprietors ; the ) Lafifinid/'a, which had long since destroyed the yeomanry of Italy, had done the same in the Hellenic peninsula; the general influx of the pauper rural population into the towns, ^ Cf. the curious chapter in Philostratus {Vita ApolL v. 20). Phit- arch tells us {Life of Pitblicola, 17) that the pillars for the restored Capitol under Domitian were made at Athens of Pentelic marble, and of admirable proportions, but were spoilt by repolishing at Rome, which made them too slight for their height. - Prince Victor of Ilohenlohe, who has tried several specimens of Parian marble for his statues, tells me that the old Greeks seem to have exhausted the sound parts of that quarry. All the pieces brought to him had cracks or flaws, which made them useless. * Sylla, 15, and the opening of the Metamorphoses of Apuleius. 252 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. upon which I wrote in a former volume/ had increased the evil ; and we now find a population which appears to do no- thing but assemble in sham political unions, or attend public feasts and games, to enjoy the amusements provided for them by the liberality either of the State or of wealthy individuals, to pass resolutions and decrees of gratitude and of deifica- tion to those who satisfied their sordid wants, and occasion- ally to riot for amusement or some trivial cause of offence. The only serious disputes of this age seem to be about boundaries of territory, and yet each such dispute of which we hear seems to have occupied years of litigation and arbitration. Such was a dispute between the community of Daulis and one of its rich citizens as to the boundaries of an estate he had acquired, as it bordered on or in- vaded the public land of the commune.^ But what was this quarrel of perhaps ten years, which we could easily match with a chancery suit, compared with the ancient feud between Sparta and Messene, which took the form of a claim of both for the ager Dc7ithdiatcs on the west slope of Taygetus ? After many decisions and reversals of decisions the affair was apparently settled by Tiberius and the Senate, after hearing all the claims and counterclaims since the first Messenian war, in favour of Messene.^ A very similar case between Delphi on the one hand and Amphissa and Anticyra ■^ Greek Life and Thought, p. 326 sq. ^ Cf. Hertzberg, ii. 152, who gives the details from an inscription in Boeckh's C/G No. 1739. Other cases in S. Rcinach's Epigmphie, p. 44. ^ Tac. Ann. iv. 43. Cf. the other evidence cited by Hertzberg (ii. 31 sq.) Since his book appeared there have been found eight coins of Thuria in that district marked AA, which indicate that the dispute was not even then over (in Trajan's time), but had recently been again settled by reverting to the decision of Augustus in favour of Sparta, to which Pausanias (in the second century) refers — so interminaljle was this dispute. Cf the article by Weil in RIDI \\\. 21 1 sq., who also cites a dis- pute at Delphi settled in the same reign by Nigrinus (C/Z iii. No. 567). XII TIIIC GREECE OF AUGUSTUS 253 on the other only went back some 250 years to the settle- ment of M. Acilius Glabrio in 191 B.C., and was decided, after careful examination of the boundaries, by a legate of Claudius.^ The whole impression produced by the life of Greece during the first two generations of this century is so curiously emi)ty and vai)id — id)llic is Ilertzberg's strange epithet — that I can only cite as a parallel in our modern Europe the nionks of Mount Athos, whom I found living the same sort of existence, — attending with care and ceremony to feasts and fasts, maintaining with rigid conservatism the old traditions of their religion, but lost to all newer and more living interests; employed in perpetual litigation about their boundaries, waiting anxiously in their retirement for some new thing as a subject of gossip ; agreeable, hospitable, dignified, trivial — a fossil society feeding upon its traditions, petrified beyond the hope of renovation or healthy growth. Indeed, if I had not seen and studied this now unique society 1 should feel wholly at a loss to comprehend the picture of Greece which the many inscriptions and few authors of the period of Augustus have disclosed to us. It is hard to blame the policy of the emperors for this melancholy senility, though we may safely say that the enactments of Augustus were well adapted to maintain it ; they were the enactments of a narrow and pedantic mind, unable to think out any large or serious remedies for the national decay, and yet, from a certain traditional respect for Greece, anxious to do what was possible to amuse and satisfy the Greeks. The tyrannical establishment of Nico- polis to commemorate his victory, with its Actian games,- * Op. cii. ii. 44, and CIG No. 171 1. " The temple of Apollo at Aclium had been the old sanctuary of the Koicof of Acarnania. 254 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. its amphictyony, its many privileges, was clearly an imita- tion of the old Hellenistic habit of copying Alexander, whom Augustus evidently considered his only rival in fame. The neighbouring /Etolia, Thessaly, and x\carnania were de- • populated for this purpose, and their old Kowd abolished, just as Tigranes had depopulated tracts of Asia Minor to fill his new capital Tigranocerta.^ For a generation or two this mushroom foundation outshone Athens, Argos, and the other venerable seats of Greek culture, and was rivalled only by the Roman Corinth and the hardly less Roman Patrse. The assembly or conclave of cities which met at Argos and passed shadowy resolutions and complimentary decrees, did perhaps less harm but no good. We cannot even imagine any serious Greeks satisfied with such a mockery of old republican institutions. For Augustus, though well instructed, like Julius Csesar, in Greek letters, though he interlarded his epistles and his talk with Greek phrases," perhaps in imitation of Cicero, was, like Cresar, a thorough Roman, who used the Greeks for his service and his amusements, but never dreamt of them as his social equals.^ 1 Above, p. 92, and BCH x. 166. " Cf. the specimens quoted by Suetonius [Tiberius, 21 ; Claudius, 4), and the general account of his Greek education in Octavian, 89. Ne Gracarum quideiii disciplinanun Icviore studio tencbatur. In quibus et ipsis prastabat largiter, magistro dicendi iisiis Apollodoro Pergavieno, quern jai)i grandein natu Apolloniam quoque scettni ab urhe juveiiis aa hoc eduxerat, deinde erudilioiie ctiam varia repletus per Arxi piii/osop/n fiHoruDique ejus Dionysi et Nicanoris contuberuiuin ; uon tamcii ut aut loqtieretur expedite aut coinponcre aliquid audcrct, nam si quid res exigeret, Latine forniabat vertenduinqiie alii dabat. This last was the received practice of the Roman Senate, in their decrees concerning the Greek world, as I explained above. ■* I do not feel that this remark needs qualification from the story of Plutarch {Reip. gub. prar, 18), that he entered Alexandria holding the philosopher Areus by the hand, and telling the people that he spared XII HELLENISM OF THE EMPERORS 255 The same is true of Tiberius, whose very pedantic purism in rejecting every Greek word throughout all the solemn records of the Roman State shows clearly how in- ferior he thought his Greek associates. 1 do not think we need be misled in either case by such distinct outings in the life of each as the assumption of Greek habits by Augustus at Puteoli and Naples, in return lor the compliments of Alexandrian sailors, or the life of Tiberius at Rhodes, which became more decidedly Greek the more he wished to avoid the notice and the jealousy of Augustus.' It is hard to say anything certain about Caligula's notions, seeing that he was little better than a raving lunatic. But he seems to have felt that the worship of his own divinity and other ceremonies were better performed by Greeks, and so im- ported from the province of Asia choristers for this purpose. - But after the dreadful interlude of Caligula's insanity we arrive with Claudius at quite a different condition of things. Claudius had lived most of his life in a private station, and was occu[)ied, like every private gentleman of education at Rome, with Greek letters. He was too old to change his habits on the throne, and sat there as a literary, and therefore as the first the city for this his friend's sake. Nor do I lay the same stress that the Germans do upon the mission of Crinagoras, the Mytilencean, and its success owing to this man's intimacy witli the imperial household, for he was probaljly the Greek tutor of Marcellus, and apparently a person of consequence at home, perhaps because of this very position. Cf. Cichorius's tract, J\oi/i iind Mytilciic, and Rubensohn's edition of the Epigra>/is of Crinagoras, ^ Suetonius says {Octav. 98) of Augustus : lege proposita, tit Roiiiani Gntco, Gneci Romano habitu et serinone jcterentiii; and that he spent days with the ephebi of Caprea;. This passage by itself would assimilate Augustus as a Hellenist with Claudius and lead to serious mistakes. So also Tiber. 11, 12 on Tiberius's life at Rhodes. When in great fear of Augustus's displeasure, 7-edegit se, deposito patrio habitu, ad pallium et crepidas. - Jos. Antiqq. xix. I, § l^. 256 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chai". Hellenistic, emperor. The favours he heaped upon Greece itself, the public use he made of Greek in the Senate house, the elevation of his Greek freedmen to the position of state ministers and privy councillors, speak plainly of this change ; and if we remember how the fashion of the Roman court dominated the world, we shall date from this reign the first symptoms of recovery in Greece, the first steps towards that new and real fusion of Greek and Roman life which cul- minated in the removal of the seat of government from Rome to Byzantium. The Hellenism of Claudius was carried still further by Nero, whose hideous crimes and follies have almost all this foreign stamp about them. His exhibitions were Greek, his Neronia more Graco^ his expedition to the Olympian and other games, his plundering of art treasures, every vagary and out- rage of his almost incredible life, had this aspect. I think, therefore, the story told by Apollonius of Tyana " that in his day he found a Roman governor at Corinth who knew no Greek and could not be understood by the people, so that his council sold justice and did what they liked, is either false or must be referred to some other reign. The pompous de- claration of the freedom of all the Greeks at the Isthmian games of 67 a.d. seems to have been purely mischievous. The actual text has recently been discovered on an inscrip- tion at AcrKphice in Baotia, and published by M. HoUeaux in the Bulktin de Correspondance helleniqiie for 1888. I here give this curious text. The emperor Caesar says : ' Desiring to requite the most noble Hellas for her goodwill towards me, and her piety, I invite as many as possible from this province to be present at Corinth the 4th day before the Calends of December.' ' Cf. the whole account in Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 14 sq. - In I'hilustratus's Life, v. 36. NERO'S SrEECII 257 When the multitude assembled in the ecdesia he ad- dressed them at follows : 'With an unexpected gift, men of Hellas, do I favour you, even though nothing be surprising from my generosity — a gift such as ye would not even ask. Do ye now, all Greeks who inhabit Acha;a and what was hitherto called Peloponnesus, receive liberty free of all tribute, a thing which not even in your most prosperous days did all of you enjoy, for ye were slaves either to foreigners or to one another. Would that I might have granted this gift when Hellas was in her strength, in order that many more might enjoy my favour ; wherefore I owe Time a grudge, as it has forestalled me in taking from the greatness of this boon. But now not through pity but through goodwill do I benefit you, and requite your gods, whose good Providence I have ex- perienced both by land and sea, in that they vouchsafed me to do so great a good work. For other rulers have freed cities : Nero has freed a whole province.' ^ This harangue speaks plainly enough the vanity and folly of its author. There are traces, in the scanty evidence which remains, that local feuds and violences broke out immediately upon the recovery of this autonomy. Moreover it fostered even in respectable Greeks false hopes, and when the prudent Vespasian interfered, and restored the order which was necessary to sound administration, he caused un- reasonable discontent. The ostentatious clemency of Nero did not prevent his ruthlessly invading the sacred Altis of Olympia by building a palace for himself and a new entrance to the enclosure, as has been shown by recent excavations." ' Then follows an honorary decree, proposed by Epaminondas, to whom we shall presently revert. The text is quite complete, save that the name of Nero has been carefully erased in all but two places on the stone (cf. op. cit. p. 510 sq., and Appendix A for the Greek text). - Cf. Dorpfeld in i1/Z)/xiii. 331. S 258 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. I repeat, then, that Hellenistic fashions maintained by two successive despots of the world and lasting for a whole generation — nearly thirty years — moulded all the courtiers, all the officials, all the soldiers who sought high place, into the once despised culture. Even the rude Sabine Vespasian, who had been obliged to accompany Nero to his performances, and had not been able to conceal his emiia\ yet betrayed by his recreations, when an emperor, that he had studied Greek in a manner new and strange for a bluff Roman soldier, and his sons were distinctly of the Neronian not of the older Roman type. I say this of Vespasian's recreations, for his serious measures were of a different kind — first, his abolishing the so-called liberties of all the Greek lands round the Levant and reducing them to provinces;^ secondly, his governmental endowment of professors. 2 The Capitoline games, established by Domitian, show plainly how this ruler conceived the relation of Rome to Greek culture. For the whole account of Suetonius shows us the Greek complexion of the feast. It was threefold — musicum, equestre, gymniciun. There were prose (recitation) contests in Greek and Latin ; there were chorocitharista and psilocitharistce. He presided in thoroughly Greek dress — crcpidatus, purpureaque amidus toga Graca7iica. I quote this passage because the historian afterwards ^ says that he neglected higher studies at the opening of his reign, except 1 Suet. Vesp. 8. " Ibid. 1 8. Pyimus e fisco Latiin's Gnvcisqtie rhetoribus annua cat- icna coustituil ; pncstantes foe/as, nee non artifiees insigni eongiario j/iagnaque mereede donavit. On his amusements, ibid. 23, uleba/ur versibus Grereis tempestive satis, with specimens wliich justify Suetonius's ]3revious remark : Erat enim dicaeitaiis phiriuta, ct sic seiirri/is ct sordidic, lit nc prectcxtatis qiiidcm verbis abstineret. ' Doniiliau, 4, 20, XII IIEROD AND KURVCLES 259 that he repaired very carefully the loss of Roman libraries by fire ; for he sent to Alexandria and had new copies of the lost books supplied. This brief review justifies what I said above, that the first generation of this century was the lowest moment for Greece, the moment at which it was most neglected and despised, and that with Claudius began the period of its revival, which culminated with Hadrian. Even Trajan, who spent his life in wars, affected or felt such an admiration for the Greek Dion, that he took the rhetor publicly about in his chariot, though he naively declared that he could not understand one word of Dion's talk in philosophy. But, as I have already said, we are strangely ill-supplied with Greek authors of this time, while at its close Dion, Plutarch, and in Latin Apuleius spring up to tell us many things about the social and intellectual condition of Greek-speaking people. Still the seeds were germinating which produced the phil-Hellenism of Hadrian. Not that there were wanting rich men and powerful men in Greece. We hear of the Spartan Eurycles, the intimate of Herod and, like him, a sort of dynast bequeathing his power, who was even connected with some of the direst tragedies in that tyrant's life. For if we are to credit Josephus ^ it was Eurycles who fomented the suspicions of Herod against his sons and caused their execution. At home he was not only rich and powerful, but owned the island of Cythera, and spent large sums on public buildings and on the establish- ment of games at Sparta.^ We hear also of a new Epami- ^ Antiqq. Jiid. xvi. 10, § I. 2 CIG Nos. 1378, 1389 mention games called Eiiryclcia in Sparta, and speak of their profits to the city (cf. Hertzberg, i. 523). As these Euryclcia arc coupled with ' the great Cresarian games ' at Sparta, and; as another inscription (at Mistra, CIG No. 1299) tells us of Agrippcastir, a guild in honour of Agrippa, we may conclude this Eury- 26o GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. nondas, whose benefactions to his country were very different from those of his great namesake, but not, I fear, the less suited to the times in which he lived. He is lauded in extant inscriptions for having represented Boeotia in the embassy of congratulation to Caligula (37 a.d.), and also for defraying all the expenses of a great public festival at Ptoon, at which he provided feasting for the Boeotian public, in addition to prizes for artists and athletes.-^ Such texts occur in every collection ; they are found upon every site, and force upon us two questions : First, How is it that the Greeks seem never tired not only of attending ,j the existing festivals, but of establishing new contests? There appears to have been quite a traffic in embassies going from one city to another, inviting each kolvov to acknowledge a new or newly-organised festival in various cles to have been a friend of the Romans and popular with them Hke Herod. Cf. the article on Eurycles and his son, J. Cresar Lacon, by R. Weil, in Mitth. deittsch. histit. {MDI) vi. 1 1 sq. It is here shown that Eurjxles was a far more important man than Josephus would lead us to suspect. The author even calls Josephus's account a caricature. Eurycles was the man who pursued Antony so ostentatiously after the battle of Actium (Plut. Ant. 67). His public buildings are mentioned by Pausanias (ii. 3, 5 ; iii. 14, 6). His Etirycleia and their cost are referred to in Wescher, laser, de Dclphes, p. 436. We hear of his having influence in Cappadocia also, so that this dynast reminds us in many ways of Herod, and his wide connections with the Hellenistic world. ^ The details are given by Hertzberg (ii. 64) from the long inscrip- tion CIG No. 1625, and from Keil's studies of Boeotian inscriptions. Other similar cases of belauding citizens for undertaking showy embassies to Rome, for establishing feasts, for squandering money in presents to the idle populace, are quite common (cf. op. cit. ii. 202, 203). Hertz- berg notes that after the pompous laudations of Epaminondas for useless squandering, his reopening of the old drains to lower the Copaic Lake, a really useful pubhc work, is hurried over with the briefest mention. There is now a more complete copy of the inscription in BCH xii. 309. He brought back from Caligula aTroKpi/xa irpbs rb idvos ira C/G iv. 585 si/., where Jewish inscriptions from Athens, /l-Igina, etc., are quoted. 270 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. by theologians. There are controversies enough in the field before us without turning aside to join in the undying strife over New Testament history. Passing on then from Athens, about which the Acfs tell us nothing which we could not take or infer from other sources, we come to Corinth, where the ajoostle spent much time and laboured with great success. Indeed his second epistle is addressed not only to the Corinthians but to the saints throughout the whole of Achaia, a term then including northern Greece as well as the Peloponnesus. But most unfortunately for us, he does not seem to have visited the other two places, where there was a mixed population of Jews, Greeks, and Romans, such as those known to us through his letters. These remaining towns were Patrae and Nicopolis, — each owing its present prosperity to Roman favour, each in the rank of colonies, and Patrse, moreover, a great trading place like Corinth. I do not think we are warranted in describing all the splendour of Corinth detailed in Philostratus, Lucian and Aristides as belonging to this period, though this course has been adopted by Hertzberg,^ for we may be certain that after the earthquake in Vespasian's time (about 76 a.d.), his and other emperors' benevolences made the restored town much more magnificent than the old foundation of Julius Caesar had been. All the descriptions to which I refer date from the days after Hadrian's astonishing display of architecture and engineering over the world. But without doubt Corinth was even in S. Paul's day, and before the visit of Nero, a thriving and beautiful city, less Greek, however, except- ing Nicopolis and Patrae, than any other town in the peninsula, and no doubt the most cosmopolitan of all. People from all parts of the world came there ; the costumes ^ 0/>. cit. ii. 239 sq. XII GLADIATORS IN GREECE 271 and the tongues of all nations might be found in its streets. Here, if anywhere, the miraculous gift of tongues, had it ])cen intended for missionary purposes, would have found ample scope for its exercise.^ Nero's folly and ostentation prompted him to undertake the cutting of the Isthmus — a project well- nigh accomplished a few years ago, and suspended, like Nero's work, from want of funds.- When he under- took this work, and all manner of people were pressed in to help in the digging, there must have been a moment of strange activity in this thoroughfare.^ We are told that at Corinth also, in accordance with its Roman character, gladiatorial combats, repugnant to the good taste and humanity of the Greeks, were first introduced, and Dion notices with horror and disgust that these barbarities had from thence penetrated to Athens, where a stone balustrade round the orchestra (pit) of the theatre of Dionysus shows too plainly the bloody nature of the exhibitions to which that splendid palace of art was degraded. ' But now there is nothing which happens there (in Greece) at which a man would not be ashamed. To give an obvious example, as regards gladiatorial combats, the Athenians have been so anxious to rival the Corinthians, or rather have so far exceeded both them and others in degradation, that while the Corinthians witness these exhibitions outside their town in a ravine able to contain a crowd, but otherwise so rough ' It is very remarkable that it is to this very church that S. Paul writes in a manner precluding altogether the vulgar supposition that this gift enabled men to preach in foreign languages to the nations of the world. Cf. I Corinth, cap. xvi. - The project is now, or ought to be, antiquated. Steamers can double Cape Malea without danger or delay, and the railway from Patras to Athens has forestalled any possible passenger traffic. * Philostratus {'vita Apoll. v. 19), whatever his authority is worth, says that the philosopher Musonius was forced to labour, and tells anecdotes how both he and Apollonius ' imjirovcd the occasion.' 272 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. and neglected that no one would even bury a free man in it, the Athenians witness this delightful spectacle under the very acropolis, where they have set Dionysus over the orchestra, so that often a man is butchered among the very marble seats, where the hierophant and other priests have their seats.' ^ Perhaps the extant balustrade is later in date than Dion's speech, and was suggested by it. Let me add a pathetic touch from Plutarch : ^ ' I notice among gladiators, if they be not utter barbarians, but Greeks, that when the hour of the show approaches, and a splendid feast is set before them, they prefer to settle their affairs, to entrust their wives to trusty friends, and free their personal attend- ants.' The wilder races evidently went into the arena after a reckless feast. There is evidence of ' amphitheatre sports ' in many other parts of Greece, and in some actually of gladiatorial combats, but I do not think all the instances collected by the learned are trustworthy, and am inclined to think that this non-Hellenic pastime was only adopted in special imitation of the Romans, and where either many Romans or many ostentatious philo- Romans had their homes. •'^ The only actual traces of an amphitheatre are said to be at Corinth, and even there they appeared to me so faint as to be very doubtful. We must not wonder at what may be called this illogical sentimentalism on the part of a nation who systematically ^ i. 385. 2 2^071 posse siiaviter, 17. ^ Cf. Hertzberg, ii. 253, note ; Friedlander, Sitieiigeschichte, ii. 383 sq. The latter thinks it was only the dregs of the people who liked these cruelties, because Plutarch, Demonax, Lucian, etc., condemn them as barbarous in every sense. lie forgets that Romans as good as Trajan and Hadrian openly favoured them, and that probably the re- maining wealthy people in Greece were far more likely to be led by the fashion of the Roman court than the philosophy of the Chceronean sage. XII DION ON THE EUXINE CITIES 273 approved of torture in judicial ijrocecdings, and who, moreover, for the last three centuries had been ac- customed to the semi -oriental punishments inflicted by Hellenistic kings. Such inconsistencies are common in all societies, and the line drawn between the tolerable and the intolerable in public taste can be determined by no logical reason, but rather by the weight and force of a number of conflicting traditions, which together make up that curi- ously inconsistent thing — a national character. In no case known to me is the composition of this character so complex and therefore so difficult to estimate as in the case of the Hellenistic Greeks. I can give no better example than to turn to the simple and old fashioned life of the period as described in the works of Dion. The first is the picture he gives ^ of life at Borysthenes, a Greek settlement at the mouth of the Dnieper on the north coast of the Euxine, whose inhabitants had long been severed from their mother country, and surrounded with Scythian barbarians far more intractable to civilisation than Parthians or even Celts. The introduction to this speech, which is really an essay on monarchy, as suggested by Monotheism, or monarchy among the gods, is like the scenery of the oration on Poverty^ which w^e shall presently discuss, and therefore I cannot but suspect the former, as I suspect the latter, of being mere dramatic invention. Thus in discussing with the Borysthenites the Platonic view that the rule of one man is best, he never once alludes to the fact that the 'Bosporan kingdom,' which included the Crimea and the Greek marts on either side of it, had now been for a long time under the control of kings^ — the last kings tolerated within the Roman sway, a nominal kingdom till the reign of Constantinc. In Dion's time Pliny mentions a messenger ^ Or. xxxvi. T 274 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. from king Sauromates coming to Nicaea.^ If it be, however, true that the town of Olbia (the other name for Borysthenes) was left independent, it would still be more odd that he should discuss with a ' free people ' the propriety of monarchy without the smallest allusion to the practical bearing of the question. Still, as he repeats in his Olympica that he had visited this outlying region from curiosity, I think we may, in this case, accept the sophist's picture as historical. He begins with a very graphic description of the city lying on a tongue of land where the great rivers Borys- thenes and Tanais meet, and thence continue their course to the sea over vast shallows studded with lofty reeds, which appear like a forest of masts to approaching mariners. Here was the great factory for preparing salt which supplied all the barbarians of the interior. The city itself he found greatly shrunken away by suc- cessive stormings of the surrounding barbarians, with whom it had been for centuries at war — the last great reverse being the conquest by the Gette of the whole coast as far as ApoUonia about 120 b.c. From this the Greek cities had never recovered, some being wholly de- serted, others rebuilt on a small scale, and obliged to admit barbarians as occupiers.^ Borysthenes, however, was settled again, to serve as a mart for the Scythians with the Greeks, who would otherwise have abandoned altogether any attempt to deal with the barbarians. Yet even in its restored state the houses were mean and the area of the city contracted. It was attached, so to speak, to part of the old circuit wall, with a few towers remaining of the old size and strength. ^ E]i. 63 ad. Traj. with Air. Hardy's note. ^ This statement is now corroljorated by an inscription of Odessus (Varna), giving a hst of priests who had officiated yuerd Tr\v Ka068ov, after the return of the Greeks to their devastated town (cf. MDI y\. 201). XII THE TEOPLE OF BORYSTIIENES 275 The new wall, which joins the arc of the old circuit, is low and weak, and the area within only partially occupied by houses. There are solitary towers still standing out in the country far apart from the present town.^ Another sign of its old disaster is that not a single statue in the shrines is intact, but all are mutilated, as are also those on the other monuments of the city. Such was the town which Dion was observing with interest on a summer forenoon from the suburb along the river. Some of the townsmen joined him, and there comes up on horseback a fine young man, who dismounts and gives his horse to an attendant. Under his short light black Greek cloak (black in imitation of the Scythians) he had a huge sword and trousers, and in fact Scythian dress. This Callistratus was reputed equally formidable in battle and zealous in philosophy. Indeed the whole population is so devoted to Homer and to the worship of his Achilles (whose temple is on a neighbouring island), that though they talk very bad and barbarised Greek, most of them have Homer off by heart ; a few go so far as to study Plato. Dion then quotes to them a saw of Phocylides, whose name they do not know, and makes some disparaging remark on Homer and his many details of Achilles's jumping and shout- ing, while the Gnomic poet gathers much ethical wisdom into a couplet. They tell Dion that but for their extreme respect and liking for him, no citizen of the place would have tolerated any aspersion upon the divine Achilles and the well-nigh divine Homer. But they are ready to hear what Dion has to say, even though they run some risk in discoursing with him outside the city. ' For yesterday at noon the Scythians surprised our sentries, slaying some, ^ Tliis curious phenomenon may slill ])c seen at the Messene of Epa- minondas (cf. my Rambles and Studies, p. 391). 276 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. and taking others alive, as we did not know which way they had fled, and could not help them, and even then the gates had been shut, and the war signal was flying from the walls. Yet so keen were they that they all came down armed to hear him.' Dion then proposes not to discourse on the promenade, but to go inside the city, and they gather at the public place in front of the temple of Zeus — the magistrates and elders sitting round upon stone steps, and the crowd standing behind them. The sight was delightful to a philosopher, to see these people dressed in antique fashion with long hair and beards, one of them only being cropped and shaven, much to their disgust and contempt. For he was supposed to be obsequious to the Romans, and to have adopted their fashion accordingly. I need not go into Dion's discourse, which is most politely interrupted by one who tells him how scarce is a decent visitor in these parts. ' For most of the Greeks who come are more barbarous than we are, traders and hucksters, bringing in worthless rags and bad wine and getting nothing better in exchange.' Starting from a query about Plato, Dion then discourses in favour of an intelligent monarchy. Let us now turn to a very different picture — that ot primitive rural life in his seventh oration.^ ' This,' he opens, ' I am going to narrate from my own experience, not from hearsay. For perhaps loquacity and the diffi- culty of dropping a subject are not only features of old age — they may also be the characteristics bred by a roving life, probably because in each case there are many experi- ences which men recall with pleasure. 1 am now going to tell what men and manners I stumbled upon, I may say, in the midst of Hellas. ^ Entitled ev^oiKbs ■^ Kivriybs, and even more properly irepl Trec/as, which is the serious sul)ject uf the oration. XII DION AND THE HUNTSMAN 277 ' I happened to be crossing from Chios with some fishermen in a very Uttle boat, not in the summer season. A great storm rose, and with difficulty wc escaped into the "hollows of Euboea." There they smashed the boat, running her ashore on a rough shingle beach under the cliffs, and they went off to some purple-shell fishers at anchor inside the nearest claw of land, intending to work with them and remain there. So I was left behind alone, with no place of refuge, and I was wandering at random along the shore, on chance of meeting some ship at anchor or sailing by. After a long walk, during which I did not meet a soul, I came upon a buck which had just fallen from the cliff down to the very edge of the water, still gasping as it was being touched by the waves. And presently I thought I heard the baying of dogs far above me, indis- tinctly by reason of the roar of the sea. Proceeding there- fore, and climbing up with great difficulty to the height above me, I found the dogs beating about, which I con- cluded had forced the game to spring over the cliff, and presently I came upon a man, whose look and dress implied a hunter, of healthy complexion, wearing his hair long behind in no unmanly fashion, but like the Eubceans whom Homer describes coming to Troy. And he hailed mc : " Stranger, have you seen a buck coming this way ? " to which I answered : " There he is, in the wash of the sea ; " and I brought him down to his game. So he drew the buck back from the water, and skinned him with his knife, I helping as well as I could, and then he took the haunches with the skin, and proceeded to carry them away. He invited me too to follow and eat a share of the venison, as his dwelling was not far off. " When you have rested the night with us you can come back to the sea, since at present sailing is impossible ; nor need you apprehend that there will be a 278 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. change while you are resting, for I should be glad to think the storm would subside within the next five days, but it is not likely, so long as you see the mountain tops capped with clouds as they now are." He went on to ask whence I came, and how I got there, and whether my boat was not wrecked. " It was a very small one," I answered, " belonging to fishermen, who were crossing, and I, being pressed for time, was their only passenger, but we were wrecked upon the shore." " Very naturally^look how wild the coast is. This is what they call the ' hollows ' of Euboea, and a ship driven in here hardly ever gets out again. Even the crews are generally lost, unless they are in very light boats, like yours. But come with me, and don't fear. First get over your fatigues, and to-morrow we shall consult what to do to send you on safe, as we have now made acquaintance with you. For you seem to me some city person, not a sailor or a mechanic, and to have worn down your body by some other kind of hardship than theirs." I of course went with him gladly, for I never was afraid of being robbed, having nothing with me but a shabby cloak — so hallowed and sacrosanct a thing have I found poverty, which men violate more rarely even than they would a herald with his insignia. ' On the way he told me how he lived with his wife and children. " There are two of us living in the same place ; we have married sisters, and both have sons and daughters. We live mostly by the chase, with the help of a little farming. For the land is not ours, but our fathers were poor and free like ourselves, earning their bread by herding cattle for one of the rich men of this island, who possessed many droves of horses and oxen, many flocks of sheep, many broad acres, and much other wealth ; in fact, all the mountains you sec around you. But when he died, and his property was con- fiscated — they say he was put to death by the emperor A HUNTER'S LIFE 279 (/?aortAe(os) for the sake of his wealth — his herds were at once driven. away, and with them some of our few poor beasts, and nobody thought of paying our wages. So we had to remain where we were with what cattle we had left, setting up some tents, and a courtyard fenced with paling, not large but secure, on account of the calves, for our summer use. For in winter we grazed the plains, where we had plenty of grass, and made hay. In the summer we go off to the mountains." ' The orator proceeds to describe in detail the beautiful situation of these hunters' home, on a slope close to running water, with fruitful patches of land well manured from their stable, and fair trees giving ample shade. And as they had spare time they turned from herding to hunting with their dogs ; for when the cattle were all driven away, two of the dogs who went with them, missing the herdsmen, turned back after some time to their accustomed home. These dogs followed the herdsmen, and only gradually learned to pursue game,^ being originally mere watch-dogs to keep off wolves. ' But when winter came on, our parents had no out-of-door work, and they never went down to the city or any village ; so they made their huts and courtyards water-tight and comfortable, and took into cultivation the land about them, and found hunting far easier in the winter. For tracks are clearer in the wet soil, and snow shows the game far off, and leaves tracks as clear as a high road.' So they settled there, and were content. The two original settlers were now dead, having lived out a hale and vigorous old age. One of their widows still remained. It was her son whom Dion had met. ' The other man [his cousin] has never been to the city, though now fifty years old, but I twice only — once with ^ He adds a satirical touch : Kal airi^riaav avrl ^ovkoXojv toiovtoI Tii'ej dxl/ifiaOel^ Kal ^padurepoi drjpevTai. 28o GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. my father when we kept the great man's herds, and again when a man came asking us for money, as if we had any, and commanding us to follow him to the city. We swore we had none, for we would have given it to him at once if we had. So we entertained him as best we could, and gave him two buckskins, and then I went with him to the city [probably Carystos, though Dion takes care to leave it so vague that Chalcis would suit as well]. For he said one of us must go and tell all about it. So I saw again many great houses and a strong wall round them, with square towers in it, and many ships lying in the harbour, as if in an inland lake. We have nothing like it here, where you landed ; that is why the ships get lost. These things I saw and a great crowd gathered together and much confusion and shouting, so that I thought there was a general fight going on. ' The man then brought me to the magistrates, and said laughing : " This is the man you sent me for, but he owns nothing except his back hair and a hut of very strong sticks." Then the magistrates went to the theatre, and I along with them.' The hunter here describes the theatre, adding, ' Perhaps you are laughing at me for telling you what you know quite well. For some time the mob was engaged at other things, at times shouting in good humour and ap- plauding, at times the very reverse. This, their anger, was dangerous, and they terrified the men at whom they shouted, so that some went round supplicating, and some threw off their cloaks in dread, for the sound was like a sudden wave, or thunder. Indeed I myself was almost knocked down by the shout. And various people got up to address the assembly from the midst of it, or from the stage; some with few words, others with many. Some they listened to for a long time, others they would not stand from the outset, or allow them to utter a syllable. XII A PUBLIC MEETINC; 2S1 ' At last they put me forward also. And one spoke as follows : " This, gentlemen, is one of those who till the public land these many years, not only himself, but his father before him, and they graze our mountains, and farm and hunt and build them many houses, and plant vines, and have many comforts, neither paying any rent nor having a grant from this people. And why, indeed, should they ? for holding our lands and becoming rich they never bear the expenses of any public service, or pay any tax on their profits, but live free and without burdens, as if they were public benefactors of our city. Indeed, I suppose they never came here before." Whereat I shook my head, and the crowd that saw me burst out laughing. Then the speaker got angry, and became abusive. "Well, then," he went on, "if you approve of this why don't we all proceed to plunder the public property, whether money or land, if you allow these brutes to own for nothing more than 1000 plethra of land, which would give you three measures of wheat per man ? " And I burst out laughing as loud as I could, but the mob no longer laughed but made a noise. Then the speaking man got angry, and scowling at me, said: " Look at the dis- sembling and insolence of the brute — how he brazens it out and laughs, whom I can hardly refrain from having sum- marily executed along with his accomplice. For I understand that there are two of them, the ringleaders of the gang who have seized the whole mountain. Indeed I think they are not innocent of wrecking what is driven upon their shore, living as they do near the promontory of Caphereus. How else could they have amassed such wealth in villages and cattle ? Don't be misled by his coming here in rags like a beggar. Indeed I shuddered as he seemed to me the traditional Nauplios of the myths coming from Caphereus. Like that person, I doubt not that he shows light from the cliffs in 282 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. order to decoy ships upon the rocks." When all this and much more had been said the crowd was much excited, and I was in suspense, fearing they would do me some harm. ' Then there rose up another, a respectable man, to judge from his words and dress, and asked for a hearing. He argued that those who occupied and tilled idle land did no harm, but good, and that those only ought to be punished who do it harm ; for see now, he added, " how two-thirds of our terri- tory are deserted through neglect and want of population. I too possess many acres, both in the uplands and in the plain, which if any man will till, I shall not only allow it gratis, but even pay him money to do it. For of course it will become more valuable to me, and waste land is not only useless but a miserable and pitiful sight, showing some misfortune in its owners. You should therefore encourage every occupation of such public land, both by people of means and by the poor, in order that the country may be worked and the people better disposed, when your citizens escape from two crying evils — laziness and penury. Let any of them have it free for ten years, and then pay a small tax on their produce, not on their catde. Let even a stranger have it for five years, and then a double tax. Who- ever tills 200 plethra let him be made a citizen. Since now even the land without the gates is wild and horrid like a remote wilderness, and not the suburb of a city ; and most of what is inside the walls is now in crops and grass. And yet these sycophants attack men who are working hard at our extremest bounds, while they say nothing about those who plough up the gymnasium and graze in the agora. Look yourselves, I pray you, at your gymnasium turned into a corn-field, so that Heracles and the other statues, even those of the gods, are hidden by the XII A PUBLIC MEETING 283 crops ; the sheep of the last speaker graze every day in the agora round the old public offices, so that every stranger first derides and then pities this city." 'At this the mob was very angry. "Yet he proposes to punish these poor men, so that no one else shall follow their example, but cither turn brigands outside or thieves within the city. Let them off, I tell you, with a small tax for the future, or let them buy their land on cheaper terms than you would give it to others." Then followed an angry alterca- tion. At last they told me to say what I chose. "About what?" said I. "In answer to the speeches," said one of those sitting by. [I must abridge the speech that here follows.] " I say then that my accuser told a pack of lies about broad acres and villages. We have nothing of the kind, and would that we had, for we should willingly give them to you and ourselves be fortunate. But take anything we have, if you like, for we can procure other such." At this there was applause, and the magistrate asked me what we could give the people, and I said, " Four very fine buckskins." Then the crowd laughed, but the magistrate grew angry. "The bearskins," I proceeded, "are hard and the goatskins not very good; but take them if you wish." Then he told me I was an absolute boor (aypoiKos). " Here you are, said I, talking again of fields (aypo}s), which we don't possess." But he asked me if each of us would give an Attic talent. To which I answered : "We do not weigh out our meat, but will give what we have, dry or salted " [he understands talent to mean a weight for meat]. The magistrate then questions him in detail about wheat, wine, etc., all of which he is ready to give, such as they have, if they will send a man with a vessel to hold them ; and he gives a simple inventory of their rustic goods — eight she-goats, a cow and calf, four sickles, four spades, three spears and a knife each to fight 284 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the wild beasts, earthen pots, and a wife and children each. They are ready to give up all, provided they are not treated with violence, and are given an empty house in the city, where there are many. But as it is, he suggests that they are innocent citizens, bringing up sons who will fight for the city better than the scolding politicians. ' " But I had well-nigh forgotten," he adds, " the thing I ought to have said first of all. Which of you could believe us guilty of such shocking impiety as wrecking, especially on a coast where nothing comes ashore but splinters. Indeed, the baskets I once found on the shore I pinned up to the sacred oak by the sea. May I never, O Zeus, profit by the misfortune of others ! ^ But many a time have I pitied the shipwrecked, and brought them home, and escorted them safely out of the wilds. But as I don't know who they were, I cannot now cite them as witnesses. May none of you ever fall into such a plight as to do me this service." ' Thereupon a man started up from the midst and ex- claimed : " Long since I thought I recognised him, but was uncertain. But now that I know him, I should be an impious villain not to stand up and speak in his behalf. I, and this man beside me (who then stood up), are, as you know, citizens, and we happened to sail in the ship of Socles two years ago. We were wrecked at Caphareus, and most of us lost. We two made our way up the cliffs with great difficulty and well-nigh naked, hoping to find some shelter with a shepherd, before we died of hunger and thirst. At last we came to some huts, and shouted to those ' I fear the modern inhabitants of the wild coasts of Europe, even of Scotland and Ireland, entertain very different feelings. All of us know stories of wrecking, and Mr. Purser calls my attention to notes II and I appended to Scott's Pirate, as giving the attitude imputed by the demagogue to the innocent rustic. PUBLIC HONOURS 285 within, wlicreupon this man came out and brought us in, and Ht a fire, and he and his wife rubbed us with lard, for they had no oil, and then with hot water. Then they fed us and gave us wine, and kept us for three days. And as we departed they gave each of us meat and a fine skin. And seeing me still suffering he took the tunic off his daughter and put it on me, and she had to wear some other rag. This I gave back to him when he had brought us as far as the village. Thus, under providence, do we own our safety to this man." Then I remembered them and said, Hail Sotades, and went up and kissed both him and his friend, at which the crowd laughed loudly. So I discovered that in cities people don't kiss any more.' ^ So his former defender got up and proposed that for these merits he should be asked to dine in the council house, he should get a new tunic and cloak, have his land free, and be given one hundred drachma; to stock it, which the speaker offered to contribute himself All this was carried by acclamation, and the clothes and money brought to the theatre. ' And I wanted not to take them, but they said : " You cannot possibly go to dinner in a leather jerkin." For he had been invited to dine with the magistrates. " Well then," said I, "I will do without dinner to-day." But they insisted on putting me into the clothes, and I wanted to put on the jerkin outside, but they would not stand that. The money I refused absolutely, and said : " Give it to the politician who attacked me, that he may bury it ; for he plainly knows how to do that." ' ^ So tlic conlcniporary I'lutarch says {Cotijiig. pnccepta, 13): 'Cato expelled from the Senate a man who kissed his wife in presence of his daughter. This is perhaps going too far ; but if it be shameful {aiaxpov), as it really is, to be embracing and kissing in the presence of others, how much worse is it to quarrel in their presence? All signs of affection to your wife should therefore be in secret,' etc. 286 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. Meanwhile they had approached the hut, and found about it a fair garden full of fruit-trees and vegetables. 'There we proceeded to feast for the rest of the day, sitting upon leaves and skins on a raised bench, the man's wife sitting beside him. But a grown-up daughter waited upon us, and brought us sweet red wine to drink.' ^ We pass by the reflections of the orator concerning this simple but perfect happiness. But then follows an idyllic scene too charming and exceptional in Greek prose literature to be here omitted. ' When we had now well feasted the neighbour came in, and with him his son, a comely youth, carrying a hare. He blushed as he came in, and while his father was saluting us he kissed the girl and gave her the hare. Then the girl ceased serving and sat down by her mother, and the youth attended instead. And I asked mine host : " Is this the girl whose tunic you gave to the shipwrecked man ?" and he answered smiling : " No, that one has been married long since to a rich man in the village, and already has big children." "Well then," said I, "they help you when you require it." " We want nothing," said the mother, " but they get their share of our hunting or grapes or vegetables. For they have no garden. Last year we got from them some wheat for seed, but gave it back after our reaping." "And are you going," said I, " to give this girl to another rich man, that he too may lend you seed upon usury?" Where- upon I saw both the youth and the maiden blushing. " No," replied the father, " she will have a poor man, a hunter like ourselves," and he looked kindly towards the youth. " Then why don't you get her married?" said I; " are you waiting for him to come from the village?" " Indeed he is not far off, but here present, and we will have the marriage when we 1 Cf. Plato, Kc/'. ii. 372. A RUSTIC IDYLL 287 can find a suitable day." "^Vhat do you mean by that ?" " When the moon is full," said he, " for the air must be pure and the sky clear." " Is he really a good sportsman ?" said I. "Well," said the youth, " I can hunt down a deer, and stand up to a boar ; you may come and see yourself, stranger, to-morrow, if you like." " Did you run down this hare ?" " No," said he smiling; " I took it in a net by night, for the sky is beautifully clear and the moon bigger than I ever saw it." Then the two elder men laughed, and he was ashamed and silent. ' Thereupon the girl's father said, " I am making no delay, but your father is waiting until he can go and buy a proper sacrifice. For we must offer our dues to the gods." Where- upon a young brother of the girl broke in : " But this boy has long since got his sacrifice ready, and it is being fattened to a fine size here behind the hut." And they asked the youth, *' Is this so ? " and he confessed it. " But where did you get it?" "When we came upon the wild sow with the young ones, all the rest escaped ; indeed they were fleeter than hares ; but one I knocked over with a stone, and threw my jerkin over it ; this I exchanged in the village for a porker, and kept it in a sty I made for it behind the other pig-sty." " So this," said his father, " is why your mother kept laughing when I noticed the noise of pigs, and this is how you used up the grain. Let us see it." So he and the children rushed out in high glee. Meanwhile the girl went out and brought from her store winter apples and fine grapes and other dainties, wiping the table with leaves, and putting fresh ferns under the fruit. Then they brought in the pig with great laughter and jokes. And there came in with them the mother of the youth and two of his little brothers, bringing white bread and boiled eggs and vegetables. She embraced her relations, and sitting down by her husband 288 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. said : " This is the victim, which he has long been preparing for his marriage : and we have everything else we want, except perhaps a little wine, which we can easily get from the village." And her son stood behind her and watched our host, who said : " Perhaps he wants to wait till he fattens his pig." The lad answered that it was ready to burst with fat. ' " Take care," said I, desirous to back him up, "that while your pig gets fat your boy doesn't get lean." "Indeed the stranger is right," said his mother; " the boy has not been at all like himself, and I noticed him the other night sleepless and walking about outside the hut." "The dogs were bark- ing," said he, "and I went out to see." "Not you," she answered, " but you were wandering about distraught. Let us not distress him any longer ;" and she put her arms about the girl's mother. So the latter said to her husband : " Let it be as they desire," and they fixed the day after the morrow for the wedding, inviting me to wait for it. This I was de- lighted to do, reflecting at the time how different is the life of the rich in this as well as in all else, with their intermediaries, and their inquiries into property and family, with their dowries and presents and promises and deceits, with their bonds and settlements, and often in the end their reproaches and feuds at the very wedding.' The orator proceeds after this preamble to discuss the prevailing poverty and depopulation of Greek cities, and to recommend the wholesome country life of peasants to the indigent idlers through the towns. He notices, among other points, that at Thebes all but the Cadmea was in ruins, with but a small population, and that there too, as in his picture of the city just drawn, a votive Hermes, set up for some victory in flute-playing, still stood up out of weeds among the ruins in the ancient agora. This then is the XII RUSTIC LIFE AFFECTED 289 kind of reality to be sought in his story, nor need we he duped into taking it for sober history, because he opens with the traditional falsehood of all good story-tellers, that the thing actually happened to himself. I notice that none of his ancient critics ever dreams of regarding the whole speech as anything but a clever piece of rhetoric. Yet as dramatic poetry is declared to be truer than history, so I take this remarkable sketch of the extreme contrasts of town and country to embody a general truth, though I am disposed to think that most neatherds and goatherds in the wilds of Greece were more like the rustics dressed up by Theocritus than like those of Dion. Both authors drew from their poetical imagination ; both testify that in the later days of Hellenism, and in the Alexandria which had gone through all its stages in a single generation, there was a growing respect and attraction towards country life, a wholesome reaction against the opposite tendency, so prevalent in the first days of Hellenism.^ There were even ridiculous exaggerations of this return to nature, this living in the freedom of the woods, this con- tempt of athletic sports as compared with field sports and the life of a hunter. Hertzberg has cited " from Plutarch, Apuleius, and Philostratus cases of wild men of the woods imitating the life of Herakles, which was always an ideal with the Cynics, and even posing among the country people as the sons of deified heroes. These personages — we know of at least two — despised every form of culture. But surely the naturalism of such life is likely to be more prominent than its simplicity. Among the inscriptions collected at Naples is the following : ^ ' We love thickets and caves ; 1 Cf. Greek Life and Thought, p. 307. " Gesch. Griech. ii. 2S6. '" CIG No. 5814 : dpvfiovs Kal avrpa (pL\ov/J.ef, acppovri^ Kai (pL\oTifxias dveu 6 if I'Xais ^ios. iv rah OXais iXevdepla TrepivoLeiTai /cat dfdTrai'Xa iTOiud^erai.. U 290 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, xii without care or ambition is life in the woods. In the woods freedom is attained and rest prepared.' But the emblems on the tessera which contains these simple words are phallic, and it is very plain that the unreserve of forest life is the prominent idea in the writer's mind. We have now come to the end of the lowest and poorest epoch to be found hitherto in the history of Greece. Let us close our chapter, and begin afresh with the gradual rise of Greece, together with all the Empire, under the reformed rule of the Flavian dynasty and their immediate successors. CHAPTER XIII PLUTARCH AND HIS TIMES — PUBLIC LIFE As our principal authority in the last chapter has been Dion, whose activity reached from Greece eastward, so now we shall endeavour to extract what we can from Plutarch, whose experience is mainly from Greece west- ward. Dion too is plainly an Asiatic Hellenist who looks with contempt on the degradation of the mother -land, while Plutarch regards it with true affection as his home, which he will not abandon lest it may lose even a single honest citizen. In a former chapter we sought to learn the temper of the most cultivated Roman society by searching the works of Cicero, and making his personality the centre round which we grouped our details ; it will be convenient to adopt the same plan now, and make the sage of Cha^ronea the spokesman of the better life which still survived in Greece and the Greek world, in the ' Martinmas summer ' of its history. The great biographer is not without his faults. As a stylist he is inferior to Lucian, though with better opportunities, and it is only recently and timidly that modern scholarship is reintro- ducing his Lives into the Grecian studies of the young. He is garrulous too, often repeating his little anecdotes, 292 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. and urging again his old arguments, wanting perhaps in that humour which is so inestimable a safeguard against twaddle and platitude. But he is very eloquent withal, and very happy in the illustrations he borrows or invents. Thus, to cite an example or two, he calls the sun the first great prototype of nomad life, seeing that he wanders in his chariot through the pastures of the sky.^ In the same dialogue he is comparing the relation of God to the soul with that of the soul to the body; ''for the body is the instrument of the soul, as the soul is of God, answering to His touch, as to the Scythian does his bow, or to the Greek his lyre.' He calls sleep the 'lesser mysteries' (the initiation to the great mystery) of death. Again, he says : ' The soul is as it were en- closed in the body like an oyster in its shell, because it re- members not from what honour or wealth it has been exiled — not from Sardis to Athens, not from Corinth to Lemnos or Syros, but taking this poor earth in exchange for heaven and the moon ; and yet if it be moved here but a Httle way from place to place, it frets and feels strange, like a poor growth that will not bear transplantation without withering.' - There are also pathetic traits of very modern aspect, as when he describes the Thracian and Celtic gladiators preparing for the combat by eating and drinking the rich banquet given to these doomed men, while those of Greek blood spend these precious moments in taking leave of their families and giving advices to those who will hear them no more.'^ Another very touching passage is that in which he notes the fact that no infant ever smiles in the waking moments of its first few weeks, but ' This is in the mouth of the Scythian Anacharsis Sept. Sap. Coiiv. 12. - De exilio. sub. fin. ^ jVon posse snaviter, etc. 1 7. XIII IMPURITY OF HELLENISM 293 only when it falls asleep. This he explains by the Platonic doctrine that the transplanted soul is disturbed and terrified by the aspect of this world, which it regards with displeasure, while in sleep it recalls its happier state with God and smiles at the glorious vision.^ Had Wordsworth known this passage we should probably now have it in a splendid poetical form. Still more eloquent than these specimens of rhetoric is that moral dignity which he has given to great historical characters, so that the leading men of the world from that day to our own have been more influenced by the ParaUel Lives than by any other book we could name, even from the most classical period, and of the most classical purity. We feel him, as we feel Sir Walter Scott, not only the originator- of an inestimably instructive form of historio- graphy, but also essentially a gentleman — a man of honour and of kindliness, the best type of the best men of his day. He lived indeed in times very different as to taste from the times of Scott, and in a widely different society. Though far more modern and developed in many respects, the world of Plutarch, with all its art, its literature, its criticism, had features still clinging to it which we cannot but regard as revolting. These terrible stains on the polished surface of Hellenism Plutarch and his fellows censured and deplored, but not in the language of disgust and horror which would burst from the lips of any ordinary reader to whom I should dare to present the details. The naturalisvi of the Greek was not extinguished by any amount of refinement, and so we find the amiable and pure-minded sage implying as a ' Trept "^vxh^i f'- ij- - There were of course previous biographers, as there were previous novelists, but neither are worth mentioning in comparison with the two great masters. 294 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. matter of course in his advices that a wife must be prepared to overlook her husband's infidehties, provided they are committed away from home ; that growing boys will be shown pictures which they must be taught to regard as mere art to prevent their learning lessons in immorality. So also we find him in a discourse upon the worship of Isis, ad- dressed to Klea, a distinguished priestess of a guild at Delphi, discussing the exhibitions of the generative principle in nature with an unreserve which we should not tolerate in conversation, not to say in a published missive to a lady. The fact that these things occur casually in his writings persuades me to treat them as evidence far more valuable than the often rhetorical generalities with which he introduces a moral subject, as when, for example, he pre- faces his tract on Brotherly Love with the stock-complaint that this with the other virtues is disappearing from among men, and that now its occurrence is regarded with the same surprise as its absence was in simpler days.^ There were pure affections, strong attachments, lasting friendships then as in every epoch of extended culture. But while every student of Hellenism during this time of Roman influence must admit certain unpleasant features, I protest against employing as historical evidence another writer, largely cited by all the German authorities who have discussed the morals of waning Greece. Both Friedliinder in his monumental Sittengeschkhte and Hertzberg in his meritorious History, as well as Goll and others who are mere essayists, make large use of the novel of Apuleius, called his Metamorphoses, as giving a fair picture of Northern Greece and its society in tl>c generation now before us. 1 Hertzberg (ii. 283) quotes this statement just as other German critics quote the famous reflections in Thucydides's third book, without any suspicion or any feeling of their exaggeration. XIII APULEIUS' METAMORniOSES 295 It tells the adventures of one Lucius, who narrates in the first person that his family on the father's side had its ancestors in Athens, Sparta, and Corinth, while his mother's relations are to be found in Thessaly. The father's pedi- gree has all the appearance of a clumsy attempt to assert re- spectability among the ignorant by parading a catalogue of famous city names. The mother's connection was required by the plot of the book, for Lucius must be brought to Thessaly to stumble upon the witchcraft and witches whom the poets had long since located there, and a great Thes- salian lady, who is his maternal aunt, plays a prominent part for some chapters. The mother, however, of this Attico- Corintho-Spartan youth, who herself hails from Thessaly, is called in good Latin Salvia, and his aunt Byrrhsena. He says he was nurtured as a boy at Athens, and learned Latin at Rome with diiificulty, and this he makes an excuse for his style. Rut if his style has faults, if it has a Greek and an artificial flavour, it is surely not from late or imperfect knowledge of Latin. No author of the period is richer in vocabulary, more profuse in rhetoric, more various in idiom. Exuber- ance is the main characteristic of his style. The danger which he felt arose from another cause. He was translating , and adapting from Greek stories, and says it plainly enough in his opening words. He calls his novel a Gnrcanica fabula. He interlards it perpetually with digressive tales very like in character to those of the Decamero7ie. These were the 'Milesian Tales' which he utilised, and which we find worked up into the later Greek novels of Xenophon Ephesius, Achilles Tatius, and others.^ He is in fact re- peating Greek fairy tales or robber stories, and placing them in a geography of his own. ^ Tlicy are collected in the Scriptorcs Erotici Gneci, published in the Teubner scries, and edited by Ilercher. 296 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY CHAr. He begins, as I have said, in Thessaly, for he desired to dilate upon witchcraft and describe the transformation of his hero by these arts into an ass. But where is the 7wbilissima chn'tas, the renowned city of Hypata, where his hero begins his adventures ? It is not known to Strabo in his careful survey of the Thessalian towns. It never appeared pro- minently, except only in one long-past campaign, that of the Romans against Antiochus the Great and the y^iltolians,^ though Thessaly was so often ' Mars's orchestra.' During most of the succeeding adventures and wanderings of the transformed hero with his various masters, the author confines himself to the formula, devcjiinnis m aliam quandam nobilem cirifatcm, 'we come to another distinguished city,' and it is well, for when he does attempt closer precision and describes an assault of robbers upon Thebes, he regards this city as upon the sea-coast ! The robbers, being beaten off with the loss of two of their leaders, think it best to bury them in the sea before retiring to the neighbouring Plataea ! And here a rich citizen was preparing to give a great enter- ^ The only literary occurrence of the name I can find is in Livy xxxvi. 16-30, where he copies from Polybius the details of this war, and Hypata is the usual meeting-place for negotiations between the Roman Lucius and the ^^tolians. It is called there a town of Thessaly, but was really the central town of the ^nianes on the northern slopes of Mount Oita. Strabo (ix. 4, §11) says they were completely ruined by the /Etolians and the Athamanians under king Amynander. He mentions no town on the north slope of CEta, and seems to have little information about the district. Had Hypata then been of the smallest note it could not possibly have escaped him. I will add that Hertzberg (ii. 19, note) cites from Ross an inscription mentioning the friendship of a citizen of Hypata with Germanicus, and CIL iii. 586 alludes to a quarrel between Hypata and Lamia. There are a few Greek inscrip- tions in which the name occurs, CIG 17 17, 1774, etc., and another in BCH \. 120. Pliny (//. N. xxv. 5, 49) alludes to its hellebore. Hertzberg only expresses a faint doubt about the splendour of this Hypata (ii. 209). XIII THE GEOGRAPHY OF APULEIUS 297 tainment in the way of a gladiatorial show with numbers of wild beasts to his fellow-citizens — at Platoia ! Wc know indeed from Pausanias that the old temples still stood there, and that yearly and five-yearly feasts were still celebrated in honour of the ancient victories over the Persian. But if every indication we have both in Pausanias and Strabo be not false, Plata:a was like all its neighbours a decayed and empty village, living upon the tourists who came to see its antiquities, and only waking up annually to receive those who gathered to celebrate its venerable feasts. The whole geography of the book is, therefore, either from ignorance or deliberate carelessness unreal, and full of such violations of fact as the author could have avoided by any superficial acquaintance with Northern Greece. His account of Corinth, on the other hand, speaks of clear per- sonal knowledge. He knows the new and brilliant city ; he knows its harbours, and the feasts celebrated there to Isis and other deities. But here it is that he portrays to us such a state of public morals that I refuse to accept his evidence for the social condition of even the Greek towns which he knew. He not only describes the most monstrous immoralities as being committed by women of wealth and position with impunity, but when they become known, preparations being actually made to repeat these hideous violations of all natural decency in the public theatre for the amusement of the populace. It is impossible for me to repeat a single detail in the story. But I am convinced that very Roman as was the complexion of New Corinth, very immoral as was the atmosphere of that city at all times, very extravagant as may have been the license of the many oriental traders who resorted thither — and we know what the sport of orientals is from the Arabian Nights — no such exhibition could ever have been tolerated in any civilised 298 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. city of the first century save only at Rome, and at the court of Nero in Rome. Suetonius — and is he credible ? — tells us of similar bestialities performed before Nero,^ and it is here only that our author could have found the facts, which he adapted to another scene. If such things ever were thought of at Corinth, it was in imitation of the orgies of Nero. I suggest, therefore, that the strange book of Apuleius, with its mixture of extravagant obscenity, enthusiastic ritualism, gross naturalism culminating in the strictest piety, was written with a strong Roman flavour by a Roman, for the depraved society of Nero's court, and that the crimes piled up upon the Greeks of Thessaly and Bceotia are partly the gross inventions of the Milesian fablers, partly the de- praved imaginings of that emperor's intimates. We might as well charge all society in France with being addicted to one form of vice, because recent French fiction occupies itself almost exclusively with this as the material for its plots. The society /c/- zvhkh such books are written must have shown that they are to its taste ; the society 7C'/iich such books portray may be wholly different, and grossly libelled by being made to reflect the vices of the author and his readers. The whole problem is complicated by the fact that a novel attributed to Lucian, called TJie Ass, but now rejected from his works by critical editors, gives the same story in a much briefer form, with close similarity of details, but omit- ting many of the irrelevant digressions of Apuleius, as well as his pious conclusion. It is perfectly plain that either author has copied the other, unless both have copied from a common source. The now prevalent theory seems to be that Apuleius copied and enlarged Lucian's story ; but there is this grave difficulty, ^ Nero, cap. 12. Cf. Tac. A/in. xv. 37. LUCIUS OF PATR.^ 299 that both writers were about contemporary ; indeed I am not sure that we can prove Lucian the senior. Internal evidences are to me still more destructive of the theory. I ask any man of common sense, is it more likely that a superstitious and enthusiastic writer should have taken for his model a scurrilous and sceptical story and grafted his piety on this stock, or that a sceptic should have taken from a verbose and ample original, full of superstition and de- votion, the substance for a more compendious satire upon such old wives' fables ? The date of both authors, however, being clearly beyond the limits of this volume — for they lived under Hadrian and the Antonines — I should not have entered upon this discussion were it not that both, in my opinion, borrowed from an older Greek original, T/ie ]\h'tai)iorpJioses of Lucius of Pafrae, which the patriarch Photius ^ read along with the story of Lucian, and then expresses his hesitation which of the two was the original. He decides very sensibly that Lucius is the prior, because he is much fuller and because he writes in a credulous and naive spirit. These are the very features which dis- tinguish the version of Apuleius from that of Lucian, so that the inference seems obvious that we have in Apuleius's work a more faithful copy of the (now lost) original which Lucian, or some brother sceptic, reduced in length, tra- duced in si)irit, and brought out independently of the Latin version. This Lucius of Patron then must have lived within the first century (probably under Nero), if his work became, early in the next, the model of an African and of a Syrian author, both of whom probably learned to know it during their early studies at Athens. But the arguments above urged against the historical value of Apuleius's copy still lie against the citizen of Patrce. ^ Cod. 129, 300 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. The introduction concerning his journey and the company on the way, with stories interlarded somewhat in Chaucer's fashion, gives us a real picture of what a citizen of the Roman colony of Patrse, a Greek with a Roman name, would know familiarly. But his deliberate intention is to be fabulous, and to assert the powers of magic and the violations of nature to be leading facts in our daily life. These are the reasons which forbid me to follow the example of Hertz- berg,^ and to entertain my readers with marvellous tales of robbers, and of the wealth and refinement of country towns in Thessaly, Such simplicity in a critic is no doubt refresh- ing to the reader, but only instructive as a psychological reflex of the mind which displays it. Let us return to the soberer Plutarch. The general effect produced by the many pictures, allu- sions, references, illustrations he takes from the Greek world of his times shows clearly that romantic adventures, great passions, monstrous crimes were foreign to the small and shabby gentility of Roman Greece. The highest rewards he can set before the keenest ambition are no better than if we should now fire our youths' imaginations with the pros- pect of becoming parish beadles, vestrymen, or even town councillors. He confesses honestly that a rescript from the Roman governor brooks no delay in obedience, and that all attempts to stir up a spirit of real independence are worse than futile. This was what drove sterner and stronger spirits into the refuge of philosophy, the Cynic's cloak and beard, the Stoic's contempt of worldly goods, the Epicurean's patronising smile at the tea-cup storms of local rivalries. But Plutarch was a man who abhorred extremes. He loved compromises. In philosophy his adherence to the Academy was loose even for that very broad and undogmatic ' Gcsch. Gn'cih. ii. 2S1 sq. XIII PLUTARCH'S COMPROMISES 301 school. It would be hard to say whether the number of Stoic dogmas which he rejects exceeds that which he quotes with approval. While he inculcates submission to the powers that be, he is always advocating a spirit of dignified independence almost inconsistent with that sub- mission. While he teaches monotheism and the spirit- uality of (iod in words of splendour, and while he feels the strength and comfort of religion pure and undefiled, he will not abandon the old temples and their sacrifices. Even the vulgar prose responses of the rustic Pythia and her prole- tarian priests, interpreting the advice of Apollo upon ques- tions too trivial to deserve a literary reply — even this he defends with his conservative spirit because the oracle is old, because it was once highly honoured and is still morally useful; he also devises many subtle and plausible arguments to support his opinion. He will not adopt with Plato the equality of the sexes, or with the Stoics the injustice of slavery, or with the Pythagoreans the rights of the lower animals to justice at the hands of men, yet he goes a long way with all three — magnifying the position and the dignity of the house-mother both by example and precept, inculcat- ing everywhere kindness and consideration to slaves, adopt- ing even vegetarian doctrines in some of his earlier treatises, and upholding with satire and with paradox the superior in- sight and intelligence of the animals we patronise or oppress. His leading feature, and he lets us see that he is both conscious and proud of it, is sympathy with all his fellows ; his leading ambition is in consequence to act as adviser and director to all that need it — from the king on his throne and the councillor in his ripe old age to the giddy youth and reckless child. We have in every society instances of that amiable vanity, which is indeed not uncommon in advanced age among those who love their fellows, and think that the 302 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. lapse of years has of necessity brought wisdom in the wake of ample experience. We may notice that this general direction of con- sciences assumed by Plutarch is very much confined to Greek life and habits, and only applicable in a general way to Romans. He dedicates indeed many of his treatises to Sossius Senecio, and other distinguished persons at Rome, where he had delivered public lectures when a young man.^ The atmosphere of Rome, however, seems to have been distasteful to him, and he spent all his mature life in Ch^ronea, perhaps as distinctly the last of the Greeks as his contemporaries Juvenal and Tacitus are ' the last of the Romans.' Let us develop into detail some of these general state- ments. We must remember, when weighing Plutarch's statements concerning the politics still possible for an ambitious Greek that, whether from the influence of the great master of his school, Plato, or from a practical view of things similar to that of Polybius — indeed of all the literary classes in all ages of Greek life — he was strongly opposed to democracy in the modern sense. He regarded the lowering of the franchise to include free paupers as idle and mischievous. He thinks that monarchy is ideally the most perfect state ; - he is perhaps alone among literary ^ De curios. 15. — 'Once when I was lecturing at Rome, and that Rusticus whom Domitian afterwards put to death from envy of his reputa- tion was among the audience, an orderly came right through the room and handed him a missive from Cresar. So when there was silence, as I paused that he might read the letter, he would not have it so, and refused to open it till my lecture was over and tlie audience dismissed.' An interesting glimpse into a Greek lecture-room at Rome. - De Monarch, etc. 4. In the various definitions of a democracy put into the mouths of the seven sages, if that dialogue be genuine {Sept. Sap. Conviv. 11), the will of the majority is never once mentioned as a mark. Mil GOVERNMENT BY PARTY 303 Greeks in aclmilling the justice and the usefulness of many tyrants ; ^ he holds that the liberties still accorded to the Greek towns are as much as they can bear. What they have lost, he thinks, is counterbalanced by the peace and security afforded through Roman sway. 'For see ^ that if we enumerate the greatest blessings which polities ^ enjoy — peace, liberty, material prosperity, populousness, harmony — as far as peace is concerned the communities have nothing to desire from their politicians ; every Greek, every barbarian war has departed from us and vanished ; ^ as regards liberty they have as much as the rulers accord to such communities, and perhaps as much as is good for them.'' Good seasons and populousness are blessings to be sought from the gods.'** But while he goes on to advise against discord^ which can only be allayed by the skill and good temper of local leaders, it is very interesting that he feels, almost like Edmund Burke," the value of parties in each state. ^ De sera mini. 6-8. " Reip. ger. pnvc. 32. ■* I think it best to use this old-fashioned word to describe that sort of community which is a single city and yet counts as a separate state, the Greek TrdXix, of which Monaco, San Marino, and Hamburg are or were up to our own generation the only modern examples. * See a parallel passage on the safety and comfort of life at this time, de traiiijuill. ii. ® iXevOepias oi, ocov oi KparovvTes vifxovcFi. tois orj/xoiS, fxirecFTi, Kai to Tr\(ov iaus ovK S-fxavov. ^ The rest of this important passage I shall quote in the sequel (pp. 305, 306). Here is another casual piece of evidence. A friend gallops out on horseback to announce to the company talking together at Helicon (Thespice) that aTair widow in Thebes has just kidnapped a youth whom she desires to marry. The excited rider introduces his news thus : ' Ye Gods, what will be the end of this liberty, which is upsetting our polity? For now matters have passed through autonomy into lawlessness ' (anomy — a pun). ^ Cf. W. H. Lecky, Hist, of Eng. in the EightecutJi Century, iii. 196 sqq. for a masterly statement of the uses and abuses of party government. 304 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. His examples are indeed derived from the political days of Greece, but the passage is very interesting.^ Since every public is ill-natured and censorious towards its politicians, and suspects that whatever is done without opposition and debate is managed by a sort of conspiracy (for which reason political clubs and brotherhoods are in such bad repute), no just cause for hatred and variance must be allow-ed. We should act like Onomademus, demagogue of the Chians, who when he got the upper hand in a political struggle would not allow all his opponents to be banished, 'lest we begin to quarrel with our friends when no enemies are left us.' This was perhaps silly, adds Plutarch, and then, with his usual habit of compromise : ' But when the crowd is suspicious of some great and salutary measure, it is inex- pedient that all the speakers should agree about it, as if by pre-arrangement, but two or three should dissent, and oppose in a friendly way the proposal, and then give in after some persuasion. For in this way, appearing to be con- vinced by sound arguments, they will carry with them the populace. iVlso in trifling matters it is better that members of the Government should have and express real differences of opinion, so that on vital matters their harmony shall not appear pre-concerted. It is only a finer form of the old adage attributed to Jason, the famous tyrant of Pheras : " Those who desire to do justice in great things must be unjust in small." '^ Here we have an antique example, as is usual with Plutarch, and indeed when he does illus- trate his precepts by modern cases, we find ourselves ^ Reip. ger. prac. i6. Cf. also the remark of Rlelanthius {de ami. poet. 4), that Athens was saved by the conflicts of her politicians. " Reip. ger. prcec. 24. It is the reverse of a famous observation in Machiavelli's Principe, whose great injustices are prepared by strict justice in triiles. XIII TIIK DEMAGOGUE EXTINCT 305 baulked by ignorance of all the details, as is so often the case with our reading of Aristotle's Politics. There is one famous figure in the older days whom we seek in vain throughout Plutarch's world — the demagogue who gained power and wealth by virulent political opposi- tion, whose public spirit and jjrivate ends were so interwoven that the most diverse judgments upon his honesty and policy could be equally justified. Such were men of the type of Cleon, Caius Gracchus, even Julius Cassar, to take the most brilliant exami)les. All scope for this kind of talent was now gone. If there was indeed a low, self-seeking person, whose ambition was the mainspring of action, he no longer courted the demos of his town, even were it Athens or Ephesus, but the Roman governors, or the Roman court,^ if he could contrive to go on an embassy to the capital. We hear constantly from Plutarch of this type, which seems even to have invaded social life to a degree un- known and intolerable to us.'^ The higher class of dema- gogue, the man of true political ambition, had no field whatever left for his energies. ' Nothing else remains,' he tells us in the sequel of the passage above cited, ' than this, which is not less important than any of the other blessings I have enumerated, in producing harmony and goodwill ' It is, I tliink, remarkable that all tlirough this tract on Policy Phitarch never alludes to the communal flattery of the towns which awarded divine honours not only to the emperors who claimed them (such as Caligula and Nero) but to those who repudiated them, nay, even to their female relations (Livia, Drusilla, etc.), and even to pro- vincial governors like Lucullus and Censorinus. This was surely the most prominent and is to us the most disgraceful flattery of the day. The tract Whether Vice suffices for Miseiy opens with an amusing account of what we call snobbery, of people who thrust themselves forward unin- vited, and submit to all manner of trouble, insult, and neglect in order to carry off some memento of tlie favour of kings. - Cf. his wiiole tract on The Flatterer and Friend. X 3o6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. among those that dwell together, and allaying all strife and variance, as one would among personal friends ; — I mean ap- proaching first the party that feel most aggrieved, identifying oneself with their griefs and repeating their complaints, then gradually soothing them, and teaching them that men who forego their victory in a quarrel are superior not only in gentleness, but in loftiness and greatness of soul ; and that a small concession will now give them a great and substantial victory. And then one should teach them both individually and collectively the weak condition of Greek polities, fit to enjoy thorough quiet and concord, if men of sense will make the best of it, since no higher prize has been left us to win by fortune. For what glory, what dominion is left for those that prevail, what power which the brief mandate of a proconsul hath not abolished or transformed, nay, even if it remain is it worth any trouble ? For as a conflagration seldom starts from temples or public buildings, but some lamp neglected in a private house, or a rubbish-heap set on fire has set up a great blaze and wrought public loss and damage, so public rivalries do not always precede a revolu- tion, but differences starting from private affairs have often broken out into public affairs, and upset the whole polity.' He proceeds to illustrate this principle by cases notorious to his hearers, but now passed into oblivion. Dion, in whom we can find parallel passages to most of Plutarch's pages, says very similar things in his forty-eighth oration, addressed to his countrymen at Prusa. He entreats them to settle their differences peaceably, now that the ex- cellent Varenus, the Roman governor, has allowed them again the right of public meeting, and above all things to make no difficulties about accounting for the public money, into which Varenus will certainly inquire, whether they like it or not. The orator describes the same condition of things XIII THE PLUTARCIIEAN CITIZEN 307 which Pliny gives us in his Letters from the Roman point of view. It is this altered state of public life which justifies Plutarch's portrait of the ideal Greek citizen, the popular man in the true sense of the word, a portrait which we cannot but suspect to be intended for his own. For the naive self-consciousness of the man appears through every part of his works. In this, as in so many other features, both of his inner spirit and his outward surroundings, does he remind us of Polybius, whose principles and policy, though adopted at the very outset of this decadence, were so closely analogous. Upon this resemblance I desire particularly to insist, for I know no more remarkable evidence of the per- sistence of the same kind of life and thinking in Greece for at least 200 years. Here is the portrait in question : First of all let him be easy of access, and the common property of all, keeping open house, as it were a harbour of refuge to all that need it ; showing his protection and his generosity not merely in cases of want and by active help, but also in sympathy with the afflicted, and rejoicing with those that rejoice ; never annoy- ing others by bringing with him a crowd of attendants to the public baths, or by securing good places at the theatre ; never notorious for his offensive luxury and lavishness, but living like the rest of his neighbours in dress and diet, in the bringing up of his children, and the appointments of his wife, as intending to be a man and a citizen on a par with the public about him. He should also be ever ready to give friendly advice and gratuitous advocacy, and offer sympathetic arbitration in differences of man and wife, of friend and friend, spending no small part of the day on the bema ^ or ^ Fiom which, as from the French tribune, councillors seem to have addressed llie assembled people. 3o8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. in the market-place, and in all his other life drawing to him, as the south wind does the clouds, wants and trusts from all sides, serving the state with his private thoughts, and not regarding politics, as many do, a troublesome business or tax upon his time, but rather a life's work. By these and all other such means he attracts and attaches to him the public, which contrasts the bastard and spurious fawning and bribing in others with this man's genuine public spirit and character.^ There had been days when such a man would have hoped for absolute sway in his city, nor do Plutarch's tirades against tyrants, copied from the commonplaces of the old dispossessed aristocrats, outweigh his distinct preference for the rule of one man, whose duty it once had been, if he were convinced of his own fitness, to assume the diadem. But now all that a popular politician could gain was the responsibility and burden of expensive honorary duties. In the tract Up07i Exile^ a very rhetorical performance, which rather makes a case than expresses a conviction, the main profit of exile is represented as the escape from these duties. ' You have no longer a father- land dragging at you, bothering you, ordering you about ; crying : pay taxes, go on an embassy to Rome, entertain the governor, undertake public festivals.'- Of these require- ments I fancy the journeys to Rome must have been the most exacting. For though very young men might greatly enjoy a trip to the capital, even with the risks of dying abroad,'' the envoys sent with formal compliments, in the hope of obtaining real benefits, were more likely to be ' Ret p. ger. prcec. 31. ^ § 8. ^ Like the youth lamented by Crinagoras who seems to have been one of the attendants on such an embassy (cf. Cichorius, Rom und Mytilene, p. 53). XIII ADDRESSES OF PUBLIC THANKS 309 elderly men ; they were not certain to find the emperor at Rome, and must follow him even to the pillars of Hercules, or at least through Italy, where the inn-keepers were notorious extortioners;^ and moreover the waiting in ante-rooms, the insolence of Roman senators and Imperial officials, must have been galling even to an obsequious Greek. We can well imagine how the public at home, who were ready to accord them statues and honorary inscriptions if they succeeded, would treat them if they returned without gaining their object — by far the most likely result. But of these failures we have not, of course, many records, and these I shall examine in due course. We have now to consider the many inscriptions which rewarded the successes of such missions. We cannot but wonder how the extraordinary pro- fusion of these latter, even among the scanty remains still extant, did not so detract from their value as to make them utterly contemptible, like the innumerable crowns to be gained at various local contests, which Plutarch calls mere rubbish (a-vpcjieTOi). Long since a Roman conqueror had refused the honour of a statue in Greece with the remark tiirmahs sibi displicere, — ' that he did not like the regiment.' - But the adherence of the Greeks to honours and occupations once dignified, and hallowed by long use, seems incapable of feeling the effects of wear and tear, the stress of weariness or the shafts of ridicule. All these pompous enumerations of civic virtues and benefits went on from generation to generation, and now became one of the main features in public life. ^ Sym/>.n. 1. — ' Worse than the Italian inn-keepers, who on the eve of a battle, when the enemy are upon them, keep an accurate account how much liquor each man who dined with them has consumed.' ^ Cic. (fe Orat. ii. 65. The argument urged above (p. 2C3) also applies in this more special case. 3IO GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. The desire of semi-Hellenistic dynasts to be thus hon- oured, and inscribed on stone as benefactors of the Greeks, was of course very natural, and we have already found in Herod a specimen of that type. The inscriptions afford us many more. Thus ^ Ariobarzanes Philopator, king of Cap- padocia late in the first century B.C., is lauded for having restored with the help of Roman builders the Odeum at Athens, burnt in the Mithradatic war. In the next number of Bceckh's collection his son Eusebes philo-Rom?eus is honoured by the Athenian people. Again ^ the last descend- ant of king Juba, Ptolemy (who was put to death by Cali- gula), is commended for adorning the statue of his ancestor, the Egyptian Ptolemy. These were kings, but there are many mere Roman citizens mentioned in the succeeding numbers, all from Athens. •' We find, moreover, constant compliments paid to citizens of other, cities in Greece. For I will add that if the centralising of the world's power at Rome had as yet failed to produce any real unity of sentiment throughout the Empire, it had at least produced, after so many abortive attempts in earlier history, a real social unity throughout Greece. I'hus Plutarch lays the scenes of his entertainments and friendly conversations almost indiscriminately through Greece, at Delphi, x\thens, Hyampolis, Elis, ^Edepsus, Thespian, Corinth, without any other feeling than that Greeks are all friends and neighbours. Apuleius, if he were to be trusted, makes the wealthy society of Hypata even quite Roman in style, and describes many specially Roman luxuries at the feast of Byrrhoena, who I CIG No. 358. - CIG No. 360. This sort of decree is preserved in hundreds of examples. •* Here is a specimen (No. 367) : 6 Stj^os k.t.X. MdpKOf 'Aprupiov evepyeffias Kal evvolcts 'iveKa. He was a physician of Augustus, drowned after the battle of Actium. XIII PLUTARCII ON RELIGION 311 behaves like a very free Roman lady, not like a Greek. I think the lists of proxoii recently discovered, informing the citizens of each place, who intended to travel, whom they would find in each city, ready to be their official friend, are very significant. We have from Narthakion in Thessaly^ even a list oi \\Yi proxeni oi other cities residing in that town, so that the stranger on liis arrival could at once find and apply to his own official host. We have also many inscriptions tell- ing us of arbitrations in local quarrels, referred to, and settled by Greek cities quite remote, and not connected by any but the general bond of Hellenism with the disputants." Plutarch shows us a greater conservative persistence in the second main department of public life, religion — ritual and festivals which were the public relaxation, as contrasted with politics, which were still the pretended business of every Greek polity. On this side of life the information our author gives us is not less explicit, and full of the same incon- sistencies. It will be understood that for the present I shall omit all account of philosophy as a school of morals, a very notable part of Greek religion in one sense, but wholly dissociated from the traditional rites and ceremonies, and the traditional theologies, of the people. It is the general effect as regards public worship in the temples and at oracles, and at the established festivals, which I seek now to derive from Plutarch. Nor is the task very easy for a man of compromises, who desires to adopt reforms and yet retain the old courses, who would be a philosopher and yet a defender of tradition. I think his real attitude is best to be gathered from the following very noble passage : ^ ' For the deity is not a thing without soul or spirit under the hand of man [he has just been censuring the use of Uemeter for 1 BCH\\. 5S7. - BCIl\\. 247. 3 Dc hide, 67. 312 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. wheat, and of Dionysus for wine], but of such material gifts have we considered the gods to be the givers, who grant them to us continuously and adequately — the gods who differ not one from the other, as barbarian and Greek, as of the south or of the north ; but if the sun and the moon and heaven, earth, and sea, are the same to all, though they be called by different names, so for the One Reason that sets all these things in order and the One Providence that controls them, and for the subordinate forces that direct each several department, various honours and titles have been established by law among divers nations, and men use hallowed symbols, here obscure, there clearer, which lead our thoughts to God, not without risk of failure ; for some have slipped altogether from the path, and fallen into superstition, while others avoiding the slough of superstition have gone over the precipice of atheism.' All the peculiarities of Plutarch's theology are here stated or implied. If he meant to uphold the many foreign rituals which had come into Hellenism from the old religions of Asia Minor and of Egypt, especially those of Isis and of Mithras, he must hold the identity of many local gods of various names, and this is the main purpose of his long treatise on Isis and Osiris — Isis, whose worship we find established in a special temple at Pompeii on a par with the Helleno-Roman gods ; Osiris, into whose worship Klea, the high priestess of the (Dionysiac) Thyiadce at Delphi, was initiated by right of heredity.^ He tries to show in myriad instances that the rituals of Egyptians and Greeks were the same in idea ; and as regards the myths, he has recourse to either of the explanatory processes which he strongly deprecates when their consequences are carried out boldly — rationalism and allegory. The former was the Epicurean, the 1 De hide, 35. XIII THE SOUL OF NERO 313 latter the Stoic device, adopted of course by other schools in their turn. Plutarch will only adopt them when they suit his convenience, and supplements them with another ' theory of evasion ' which made a great noise in the early Christian controversies. I mean his doctrine^ of demo?is, or beings intermediate between man and God, who are both beneficent and maleficent, in fact both angels and devils, and to whom are to be attributed all the polytheistic vagaries of popular mythology. The so-called immoralities of the gods, so great a stumbling-block to every sober critic, were all to be referred to the maleficent demons. But there was another and a greater difficulty, which has not yet departed from theology. I mean the explanation not of the alleged immoralities committed by the gods, but of human immoralities being permitted by them without inflicting condign punishment. This difficulty was then, and has been ever since, one of the strongest stays of atheism. Nor could Plutarch appeal like the modern apologists to a firm belief in future rewards and punish- ments as his principal support, even though he does compose a long myth at the end of his treatise, in imita- tion of the close of Plato's Republic, wherein Nero's soul appears studded with red hot nails,"- and wherein, along with the usual tortures of hell, the delights of the Elysian fields are also portrayed. But this is only an ^ Mr. Purser points out to me that Plutarch rather popularised than originated this doctrine, and himself refers it {Ibid. 25, Def. Orac. 17) to various older philosophers. Diogenes L. refers it (vii, 151) to the Stoics. Mr. Sayce tells me it came from Babylonia. ^ de sera nu)n. viud. sub. fin. He adds with curious bathos, that being of a musical turn Nero was presently to be turned into a marsh-frog, for that he had expiated part of his misdoings by his conduct towards Greece, 6(pd\€i ^^^' ^^ vXeloi' ixp^vio, TLfxuplav /xaKpOT^pav ov ftpa^vripav Tlvov(nV ovdi yrjpdo'ai'Tes eKoXdadrjcrai', dXX' iyrjpacrau Ko\a'^6fXivoL. " Op. cit. 6. XIII ANCIENT FEASTS AND GAMES 315 natural health — knowing all this, He does not apply the same punishment to all, but extirpates what is incurable forthwith from the world, as it is offensive to the rest, and most of all to Himself, to see wickedness ever in His presence. But to those whose fault arises rather from ignorance of the right than deliberate choice of the vile, He gives time for repentance ; and if they persist, them too He punishes, for with Him there is no fear lest they should escape.' I will not apologise for bringing the opinions of the sage at this length before the reader, for as they are not revolu- tionary or peculiar opinions, held by a reformer or original thinker, but essentially those of a man of practical sense and common wisdom, they express to us what I will call the religious drift of the age. It was noticed by all Roman observers, and appears clearly from the later inscriptions which form the main body of Boeckh's Corpus^ that in religious rites and usages Greece was extraordinarily conservative. So far as this regards the celebration of festivals, which were always religious meetings, it is I think partly to be explained by the popularity of these meetings among all the wealthy Roman and other visitors, who came to Greece for this purpose, not to speak of the exiles who were allowed to attend them. The Olympic, Isthmian, and Pythian festivals seem to me to have been somewhat like the Passion Play at Ammergau in attracting crowds of strangers — a play which is perhaps still a real cult, but which will certainly be kept up for financial reasons when its religious element has passed away. To the anti- quarian visitor, however, the ruder local usages, and the many local celebrations of old historic events, like the battles of Marathon and Platoea, were even more interesting, and of these there is a long catalogue.^ Even the remaining aristo- ^ Cf. Ilcrtzberg, ii. 256 sq. 3i6 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. cracy of Greece was mainly an aristocracy of religion. The list of the epyaa-TLvai, who worked the sacred peplos for Athene at Athens in 98 B.C. are all noble names, chosen from the old tribes (<^uAat).^ I have already alluded to the priestly aristocracy of Stratoniceia.^ We also know from inscriptions that the three ancient Doric tribes, the Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes existed in various Doric polities in Hellenistic days, ^ at Cos, Calymna, and at Nemea. There was still the bloody scourging of youths at Sparta, already mentioned, and other remains of gloomy rites, such as that of Orchomenos, at which a priest with a sword pursued certain daughters of the old Minys, to allay an ancient curse.^ But I think this natural conservatism was helped by meaner reasons, and I do not believe in . the very strict adherence to old dogmas of people who were so ready to admit foreign rites. The worship of Isis seems now as extended over Greece as any other, and perhaps more popular, and yet this was distinctly a novel worship as compared wuth the vener- able shrines and historic celebrations I have mentioned. Osiris too and Sarapis had their temples and their priests, and though there were not wanting many assertions of their real identity with some Hellenic god — Isis with Demeter and the others with Dionysus especially — such cults were really foreign, the people who conducted them were chiefly foreign, and not in harmony with the simple and unquestioning people which went on repeating the old services 1 AW/\-m. 61. - Above, p. 226, and BCH xi. 35. 3 BCH\\\\. 29, ix. 351. * But when, in the course of this ceremony, the priest actually per- formed the duty, and slew a woman, there was a commotion even greater than had the emperor aliolishcd the custom, and the people took from the offending priest's family this hereditary dignity (Plut. Quasi. Grccccc. 38). xiH COMPROMISES IN RELIGION 317 and consulting the old oracles.^ In the better classes we must assume an increasing carelessness for these rites, and, where spiritual wants were indeed felt, a desire to seek satisfaction either in some new revelation or in the philo- sophic life. But I can see no decided break with the old and the superstitious, unless it be among the trenchant spirits who deliberately chose to violate the decencies of religious fashion. This sort of compromise between orthodoxy and the freedom of advanced spirits was in Plutarch's day very much as it is now. The philosophers had shown endless difficulties, and had adopted a broader and more cosmopolitan concep- tion of the Deity and His relation to the world ; just as now our sceptics will not allow the exclusive claims of particular churches, or exclusive creeds, while they usually admit some general basis for them all. In respectable society and among people who read and think, but are not prepared to break with tradition, we have a public very like that of Plutarch, holding a good many of the new truths, confessing them, when pressed, to be inconsistent with the teaching of their church, and yet living on in a sort of practical com- promise, gladly hearing every defence of the old, while they read with curiosity and not without approval the assertions of the new. Perhaps the strongest objection to this comparison will be made by those who read the tract on Superstition, in which they will find not only that there are no future punishments threatened to the atheist, his belief being regarded as a vagary of thought rather regrettable than detestable, but that the fault of atheism is distinctly re- garded as less than that of superstition. Nothing shocked ^ This foreign tone was particularly strong in the religious clubs or associations in the mercantile cities, cf. above, p. iSo. 31 8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. the worthy divines of the Renaissance more than this unchristian attitude in a morahst otherwise very much akin to Christianity, and there were not wanting those who even accused him in consequence of being an atheist in disguise.^ I cannot but think that an attentive study of this tract will show it to be one of those sophistical exercises prac- tised by every one in that age — I mean the defence of a paradox with subtlety and ingenuity, taking little account of sober truth in comparison with dialectical plausibility. Plutarch opened his career by giving such lectures at Rome, and good critics have already noticed how several of his tracts have the air of mere juvenile declamations." But they have not noticed the introduction, in some of the more serious treatises, of sophistical passages intended to show the author's acuteness and education in rhetoric ; as, for example, the grotesque passage on the swallow as an inhospitable and wicked bird ; ^ the debate on the com- parative intelligence of marine and land animals ; the carefully polished argument in which one of Circe's hogs {Gjy/lus) proves to Ulysses the great moral superiority of beasts over men ; the laudation of Exile in a man of strong patriotism and attachment to his home ; and many of the silly questions proposed for discussion at his Banquet. The exaggerations and under-statements with which the tract on Superstitio7i abounds, the brief and sketchy nature of the argument, the highly -coloured picture of the terrors of superstition compared with the calmness and ease of atheism, ^ Cf. the citations in Oct. Gieard, la Morale de Phiiarqiie, p. 288 sq. and notes. ^ Greard {op. cit. p. 41) cites as examples the comparative iisefiil- iiess of water and fire, the glory of Athens, the privmm frigidum, and the Pythagorean essays on the use of /neat. All these he justly refers to the early years of Plutarch, and his declamations at Rome. ^ Sympos. viii. qu. 7, § 3. XIII WAS RELIGION REVIVING ? 319 the total absence of all mention either of the special cults which promote this vice or of the special sex which has always been subject to it — these and many other details make me regard it as a picture suggested perhaps by the popular play of Menander (the Superstitious Man), but not as describing any prevalent type in the society of his day. Perhaps the portrait of the Flatterer, to which I have already alluded, suffers from a like exaggeration. But however that may be, all our other evidence tells us that men, at least in those days, were very free from the grovelling fears and miseries here attributed to them by Plutarch. The belief in future happiness is gravely adopted by him in spite of sceptical objections in the Consolations he addressed to ApoUonius ^ and to his wife on the loss of their children ; and as future bliss seems to imply future pain, it seems very strange that nothing of the kind is held out as a danger to the deliberate atheist, who is, moreover, frequently the superstitious man tormented out of all belief ! But enough of this. The critics who adopt Plutarch's argument as based on fact must also assert a recovery of ceremonial religion among the men of that generation, and this they support by his statement that the oracle at Delphi, of late fallen into total decay, had revived its activity, and was, in Plutarch's day, again frequently consulted. They may now also cite an inscription found by Dr. Lolling on the peninsula of Methone, and belonging to the obscure town of Korope, which possessed an oracle of Apollo Koropoeus. The inscription provides in great detail for the appointment of officers to take charge of the sanctuary, to receive the inquirers and issue the responses in due order, and to plant with trees and protect from trespass the sacred ^ The genuineness of this tract is disputed by Voikmann, but I tliink needlessly. 320 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. enclosure. The distinct reason given is the benefit derived from the god through the many strangers who now visit the place.^ If Dr. Lolhng has rightly fixed the date of this interesting document as the first century b.c," it is, however, but a partial corroboration ; and I hesitate to adopt so strange a fact about religion generally from a solitary passage in a treatise, which is throughout an apologia for the decay of faith. Plutarch indeed takes personal credit for having restored and beautified Pylsea (the suburb of Delphi where the Pythian games were held), with the help of two friends and of the governor of Delphi — probably a great aid to his own popularity, but indicating no general revival of belief in oracles throughout the Greek world. Gradually the great shrine had gone down in estimation ; the priests had no longer the position and wide knowledge of their predecessors; the Pythia was a common peasant, who talked in vulgar prose ; the subjects of inquiry were domestic and trivial, only fit, he says, to be answered in common language — Am I to marry, to sail, to invest money, or in the case of cities, ques- tions about their crops, their cattle, and their sanitation ? ^ And yet for all these changes Plutarch ingeniously finds natural causes, which should content men with this decad- ence, just as he exhorts them to acquiesce in their political decay. And here I note as remarkable that the development of religion in Greece brought down the conception of provi- dential interference to the trivial affairs of everyday life, whereas our modern tendency is exactly the reverse. We now hesitate even to pray for rain or fair weather, as our fathers did, but, as it were, restrict the domain of Provi- dence to grave moral matters. ' MDI\\\. 71 s(j. ^ This is his correction in the second article {ci /7>ii/. vii. 340). 3 De lyth. 28. xm PLUTARCH'S PROVINCIALISM 321 There is much that is rcasonaljle, much that is eloquent, in the treatise ; and yet what is more singular, what more melancholy, than to sec the sage clinging to the sinking ship, or rather trying to stoj) the leak and declare her sea- worthy, while in his own country, as well as through the Hellenistic East, there had lately been preached a new faith which he never took pains to understand. He can tell us how the Jewish high-priest was clothed, but as to even Jewish dogmas he manifests the grossest ignorance.^ His collection of the placita of philosophers is superficial and jejune ; his studies in comparative religion, though his theory asserted the equal dignity and veracity of all religions, are even more superficial and careless. He professed himself a cosmopoli- tan thinker; he was really a narrow and bigoted Hellene; as narrow and exclusive as the old opponents of Alex- ander had been in their day. This ingrained bigotry was the real secret of the decay and downfall of Greece. While the Asiatic cities had learned at least something from contact with the East, Greece had remained behind, had become poor and depopulated, stagnant in thought as well as in active life. There is no more signal instance of this stagnation than the sayings and counsels of Plutarch on politics and on religion. The same may be said of his utterances on art. No new production of any merit is mentioned; old statues, old temples, old pictures were still prized. People went to be shown round Delphi by chattering cicerones ; they fre- quented picture galleries ; they admired the bloom on ancient bronzes,- the splendour of Homer or Pindar, the ^ Cf. Syiiip. iv. qu. 6, On the God of the Jeivs. This ignorance seems to prove that the many Jews now at Athens, Corinth, and elsewhere through Greece never mi.xed in good Greek society. - No setting of a dialogue was ever more appropriate or promising Y 322 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY cuAr, xiii music of the ancients, which was no longer understood. On these things Plutarch copies Plato or Aristoxenus. But though statues were set up in crowds to benefactors of their several cities, we hear that these monuments of liberality were kept in stock, often without the heads, which were added when the dedication was ascertained and the statue bought ; and even this was more tolerable than the practice above mentioned (p. 239) of erasing old dedications and renaming the effigies of ancient gods and heroes. Let us then turn to the only life still remaining — the private and domestic doings of Plutarch's friends. than that of Phitarch's on the Pythian Orach. A jDarty of visitors are being led round by the professional showmen, whom they ridicule while they follow them, interrupting their follies with serious talk on religion and art. As usual in Greek literature, the splendid natural features of the place are never mentioned. The openings of the first seventeen chapters contain interesting allusions to old treasure houses and the offerings they contained. The habit of visiting picture galleries is clearly implied by the opening sentence of the tract on the Genius of Socrates. An artist compares the visits of ignorant visitors to his gallery (ot Oedifievoi TOi;s ■yeypa/.i/.i.ei'ovf TrluaKas) to the confused applause of a crowd, those of the cultivated and critical to acquaintances who individually address him. CHAPTER XIV PLUTARCH AND HIS TIMES — PRIVATE LIFE No generation of men ever felt more keenly than Plutarch's contemporaries that they represented the old age of their country. Not only is there no outlook before them, but when discussing the treatment and education of the child, we find Plutarch dealing with the various efforts to over- come the constitutional delicacies derived from unhealthy parents, a difificulty which earlier theorists would have met with far more trenchant remedies. Exposing of children was still perhaps as common as of old, but now they were exposed from poverty,^ while Plutarch's wealthy friends, however unfit to be parents, never reflected ujDon the sin of spreading her- editary disease among their race. There were even medical courses of treatment, intended to protect children from the probable outbreak of such diseases. Plutarch uses all this as an illustration of his principle that the apparent delays of divine justice are only larger and deeper justice, and considers that the ' skipping of generations ' so often notice- able in gout and other punitive diseases arises from the insight of the Deity into the virtues of those that are spared. - ' ol ixkv yap irlvrjTes ov rpicpovai t^ kvO. k.t.\. [de amore prolis, sub. fin.) - De sera uiiiit. Ti'iid. 19-22. De lib. editc. 3. — If this tract he 324 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. In considering the treatment of children he sets himself strongly against that selfish luxury in parents which causes them to neglect personal supervision. There may Ije, indeed, excessive and injurious forcing of children, — a very modern vice in parents— but this is not so usual as its opposite.^ Beginning with the duty of the mother to nurse her own child — which, by the way, his own wife did not perform — he inveighs against the crime of economising by the selection of cheap or broken-down slaves to look after the children,- still more against the crime of allow- ing private interest or the thoughtless recommendation of friends to influence the parents' choice of teachers.^ He seems to feel all through — in this perhaps reflecting the in- fluence of Roman habits on Greek fashion — that education is no longer a state affair, but the private duty of parents. There is hardly a word, in his instructions, upon schools and schooling. But he alludes casually to the strange scenes which boys were allowed to witness — criminals dressed up with robes and crowns, and presently stripped and publicly tortured ; paintings of subjects so objectionable that we should carefully explain to the child the distinction between art as such and art as a vehicle of morals. On the other hand deportment was strictly watched : for example, not to use the left hand * unless it were to hold bread at dinner, while other food was taken with the right ; to walk in the genuine, he knows that drunken parents produce drunkards. In Philo {Leg. ad Cahtm, § 8) there is a remarkable argument put in Caligula's mouth that his ancestors were his educators in imperial qualities, in that they transmitted his training to him in his blood. 1 Op. cit. 13. ^ If a nurse be employed, let licr lie a Greek with a good accent [op. cit. 5) ; on the quality of the pcedagogue slave, cap. 7. ^ On false shame, 8. •* Cf. on the impoliteness of using the left linnd, dc Tranq. 5; Tlico- dorus's remark, de Forfntia, 5 ; J'irf. doceri posse ^ 3. XIV PLUTARCH ON EDUCATION 325 Streets without looking up; to touch salt-fish with one finger, fresh-fish, bread, meat, with two ; fo scratch yourself thus ; to fold your cloak thus.^ Not only is the necessity of early education insisted upon, but even of a library of standard books for the boy to know and enjoy ; and Plut- arch also expresses the old Greek contempt for the man of late or of self-education. If in our day science, which can be learned in mature life, were not taken into account, we should probably hold very similar views, for literary culture is not thus attainable.- If you complain that all this instruction costs more time and money than the poor can afford, Plutarch admits it, but says he is only concerned with the more refined classes. ' But some one may object that I, undertaking to give pre- scriptions on the training of the children of free citizens, apparently neglect the training of poor townsmen, and only think of instructing the rich — to which the obvious answer is : that I should desire the training I prescribe to be attainable alike by all ; but if any, through want of private means, cannot obtain it, let them blame their fortune and not their adviser. Every effort, then, must be made, even by the poor, to train their children in the best possible way, and if this is beyond them, to do it according to their means.' ^ This remark is more particularly applicable to bodily training, on which the age had attained to far greater wisdom and more modern common sense than we should have ex- pected. In the first place Plutarch sets himself against any iron rules, which make a man the slave of his body, and purchase health at the cost of accepting idleness and ' Op. cit. 9. - Cf. Syiiip. ix. fju. 14, § 3, where 6^iixaOke even more literal for euXoKpaaia, as used in this connection. 3 SepL Sap. Com'. 2. ■* v. 5. XIV NO ARISTOCRATIC SOCIETY 335 ing that tliey avoided the large and mixed parties given at the Isthmian games by Sospis, when president of the feast and Iceeping open house for both citizens and guests, but he after- wards praises^ the banquet given by the wealthy Ammonius, strategus of Athens, after an examination of the ephebi at the Diogenion. I may add that at the select party given by the former a schoolmaster (ypayu/xartKos) and a cicerone (TrepiTjyrjTyjs) figure as guests — certainly not an aristocratic pair in any modern or in a Roman sense ; indeed Plutarch introduces the self-conscious vanity of the former as part of the scene;- the man was silent and sulky because he had not gained applause in a public display. Physicians play a leading part in Plutarch's society, and evidently enjoyed a good social position now as heretofore in Greece.^ But the whole society at Ammonius's house is distinctly pro- fessional — rhetoricians, gymnastic trainers, farmers ; not a single grandee or person living idly from his estates can be found among them. The few Romans, like Sossius Senecio, who actually take part in the discussions, may perhaps count as exceptions. Simple appointments and a short menu are commended,^ as the whole feast turns upon the mental qualities of the company. But we may note that the absence of an old and wealthy aristocracy with splendid heirlooms in plate and pictures, with princely residences of long tradition, ^ ix. X. - Symp. \\. 5. ^ Cf. I lertzherg's learned note, ii. 174, 175. ^ Ilis notions of wickctl luxury are curiously subjective — snow for cooling drinks, the straining of wine, the use of wether mutton and ox- beef (instead of rams and bulls), the making fowl tender by artificial pro- cesses, the fattening of geese for their livers, and many other of the ordinary devices of civilisation are censured {Symp. lib. vi. passim). Nevertheless the art of cooking, even in Greece, had reached an advanced stage (cf. lib. iv. (|u. i, § 2). 336 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. makes Plutarch underrate the external setting of a dinner- party. The only splendour in display which he knows is that of the Jiouveau riche, the vulgar upstart, the imitator of the state of Hellenistic courts. This absence of an aris- tocracy, with recognised titles and precedence in society, seems to have also increased the difficulty of placing the guests at table, for the jealousies of human nature, which are universal, were not tempered, as they are with us, by grades of dignity universally recognised. Plutarch insists in many places on the truly democratic nature of social con- verse, where all should affect, if they do not feel, equality. He even regards it as ' oligarchical and offensive ' to come late; * democratical and polite' to be in good time.^ But the proper placing of the guests seems to him a task in strategy, no less than to manceuvre a phalanx. He even illustrates it, not without an apology, by the instance of the Divine architect ordering the world from chaos, not adding or destroying one particle of matter, but merely putting each element in its right place. The discussion which follows- is as instructive to-day as it was in the first century. If you make distinctions and fix places you are sure to cause offence. If you let things take their course you will have a random result, in which wrong people are sure to get together, and fail to enjoy themselves. Plutarch's general solution is to abandon ceremony as to rank, to hold to the democratic aspect of the feast, but to take great care about having suitable people to sit together. And this is not easy, seeing that likeness of character is sometimes a cause of conflict, as with game- cocks, sometimes a cause of friendly consorting, as with jack- daws. There are some that drink too much wine, and some water-drinkers;^ some old men with their conceit, some ^ Symp. viii. 6, § 2. - //'/(/. i. <|ii. 2. ^ Ibid. vi. qu. 4. XIV PLACING THE COMPANY 337 young with their folly. ' I advise then not to set the rich by the rich, or the young by the young, or the magistrate beside his colleague, or two intimates together; for so the conversation will have no general activity ; but rather the eager learner beside the distinguished scholar, the be- nign beside the peevish, the ingenuous youth beside the vain old talker, the reserved beside the boaster, the silent beside the passionate ; and if you have a lavish richard, draw from the obscure corner some worthy poor man, on the chance of the full cup overflowing into his empty vessel. But don't put a sophist beside a sophist, or a poet beside a poet ; separate also the captious and the litigious, insert- ing some sort of buffer between them. Whereas I should bring together athletic people and sportsmen and farmers, so also those fond of drinking and the amorous, not merely those who have fLillen in love, but those given to wine and women ; for men warmed at the same fire more readily consort, provided, by Jove, that they are not in pursuit of the same person.' He recognises, moreover, what we call grouting at a party. All the company need not be brilliant ; for as we mix water with wine to temper its strength, and as consonants are necessary between the sonants (vowels), so are silent but well-disposed listeners.^ The established custom that ladies should sit by their husbands and boys beside their parents solved that side of the difficulty. He proceeds to discuss whether the old fashion, then exploded, of having a regular sy/nposiarc/i, a master of the feast, was of advantage or not. There was much to be said on both sides, but here again it seems to me that Hellenistic society required more controlling than ours, seeing that dis- play of gifts and forwardness were certainly more common than they are with us northerners. This we may infer 1 Syiii/'. i. I, § 3. z 338 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. from a passage ^ in which he apprehends that without re- gulation the symposium will become in turn a democratic assembly, a sophist's school, a gambling-house, or a scenic stage — such was the taste for display in oratory, recitation, acting. 2 A governor of the feast will have to vary the entertainment, and as they say that a walk along the sea, and a sail along the land are the pleasantest, so he must combine earnest and jest. The table - talk left us by our author gives a large assortment of the topics suitable for agreeable conversa- tion. Any one who examines them will see how easy it is to frame theories, and how hard to satisfy practical requirements in detail. Modern and sensible as are his views, there are few of the questions raised which are not either silly, trivial, or even shocking in their naturalism to modern refinement. Here are some specimens : Why are men more greedy towards the end of autumn ? Which came first : a hen or an egg ? Why is A the first letter of the alphabet ? Why is the tear of a wild boar sweet, while that of a stag is salt? — a charming inquiry!^ Whether philosophers should wear garlands at a feast ? And yet he thinks it vulgar to talk about a feast one has enjoyed, or a procession, or to tell a dream, or a personal dispute one has had.*^ Nay, he even thinks an account of one's travels rather dull and second-rate.'' 1 Symp. i. qu. 4, § 3. - The habit of recitations in Greek had lately (he says) come into fashion at Rome, in his own day, and he discusses {Syinf. vii. qu. 8) what authors are fit for this purpose. He protests against Plato's dialogues being paraded at a dinner table, but says elsewhere [ibid. qu. 5, § 4) that Euripides, Pindar, and Menander, especially the last, are more suitable. ^ I can but refer to iii. 6, ■Kipl KaLpov avfovalas. * De red. rat. and. 3. '' Nevertheless the two travellers whom he introduces at the opening XIV THE ART OF CONVERSATION 339 Perhaps the best of all his advices is that on the proper questions to ask so that the guests may display their know- ledge, and have the pleasure of doing so ; and again, what exact place jokes and sarcasms should have in a conversa- tion ; when they will amuse without doing damage, and when they will ruffle the temper of the table-mates. Here is an abstract of this discussion,^ which is too long for quotation. I shall weave in many other parallel pass- ages. He opens his eighth book by saying that to expel philo- sophy from feasts is worse than putting out the light, for when ignorance and bad manners prevail not even the famous golden lamp of the Parthenon would make the gathering decent and orderly. To meet merely for the purpose of eating in silence, if it were possible, is swinish, whereas to take no care about the order and usefulness of the discourse is to serve up the victuals and the wine raw and unprepared, so that the best materials are disgusting. This reverts to the old and universal Greek principle that art has little to do with spontaneity, but is in every phase the result of careful training. "-^ For example, it is very im- portant to put such questions as may induce good temper and ready converse in the guests. Obviously people like to be asked what they think the rest of the company do not know, and what they themselves wish to make known. Thus those who have travelled widely by land and sea like of the tract on the Decay of the Oracles are among the most interesting figures he draws. ^ Syttip. ii. I. ^ Cf. his tract de Fort una, where he mentions (§ 4) the famous story of the painter producing the bloody froth on the war-horse's mouth as the only known case where chance gave a new resource to art. Yet we must not forget Aristotle's quotation, rix^t] tvxv" ^(^rep^e, /cot t^x^'V" TVXV- 340 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. to be asked about some distant colony, or perilous sea, or barbarian customs, and dilate upon them and describe them, accepting this as a sort of consolation for all their previous toil. And more generally, whatever we are anxious to talk about without any pressure, we like to be asked to tell, thinking we are conferring a favour in doing what we can hardly be restrained from doing even when it is a bore.-^ This is a peculiar weakness in mariners ; whereas refined people like to be asked what they want to tell, but are ashamed to volunteer, from regard to their company; as, for example, their own successes and achievements — such as in embassies and politics.^ Accordingly, jealous and ill- natured people avoid such questions, and turn off the con- versation so as to keep it from leading up naturally to such subjects, and rather take up what a man's adversaries would like to hear. Avoid therefore allusions to misfortunes, such as the loss of a suit at law, the death of a child, or mis- fortunes in trade by sea and land. Here, on the contrary, are agreeable topics. INIen delight in being repeatedly questioned about their success in a harangue, or how they were addressed by the king, or how they escaped storms or pirates, while their fellows were caught ; for they seem to enjoy the thing all over again in telling it. They like also to be asked about their children's progress in learning, and about their own inter- course or intimacy with princes. The misfortunes of their ^ In the two tracts on Loquacity and on Curiosity he adds many wise advices to those who are given to excessive talk, and those who will not refrain from prying questions. ' For it is pleasanter to associate with villains who have tact than with worthy people who are bores.' He comments too {iie Can: i8) on the loquacity permitted to slaves in Greece as compared with their training in Roman houses. At no time did the Greeks generally appreciate what he justly calls rb (refxvbv Kal t4 dyiov Kal rb /xvcTripludet t^s (TiuTrijs. * Further examples of long-winded stories are given, de Garr. 21, 22. { XIV THE ART OF CONVERSATION 341 enemies too they delight in teUing, when they are asked, hut avoid voUinteering on this subject, as it seems like spite. So you should ask a sportsman about dogs, an athlete about contests, an amorous man about beauty. But the pious man, who is given to sacrifices, and likes talking of dreams, and how he made a hit by observing omens, or victims, or by the favour of the gods, should be questioned accordingly. Old people too, though they may have nothing to say, are always pleased and set going by questions, while those who curtail their conversation, and want mere categorical answers, take away the chief plea- sure which the old have in society. To sum up : If you desire to be agreeable ask questions for which the answerer will gain not blame, but approval ; not dislike, but goodwill from the company. I will add that in another place ^ he comments on the gross impoliteness of answering a question addressed to another without waiting for his reply. It implies that he does not know, or that you know better, and says to the questioner : Why did you ask another, when I was present ; ofttimes too the question was not intended to elicit information, but merely to draw a silent or modest man into the conversation and make him feel at home. All this the chatterbox upsets by his meddlesome forwardness. Many of these points are illustrated from Homer, whose poems were to Plutarch, as to all the literary Greeks of that age, a mine not only of philosophy and religion but of good manners. There follows a long discussion on the expediency of wit or ridicule, and the great dangers of its indiscriminate use. This inquiry has its Latin parallel in Cicero's study of the same subject from the orator's point of view in the second book of his treatise de Oi'atore. Plutarch sees 1 Dc Can: 19. 342 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. clearly that ridicule is disguised censure, and that a jibe, like a barbed dart, will stick faster and hurt more than a serious reproof. Moreover, the laughter of the company is taken as assent and approval of the censure, and fills the object of it with spite against them. To joke, therefore, without hurting requires no ordinary experience and tact. If your ridicule touches a serious defect, acknowledged or even commonly suspected in its object, harm and hurt ensue. Whereas if it be ostentatiously false, and even suggests the opposite virtue, it is pleasant. You may joke a water-drinker about going home drunk, or a millionaire about his creditors, or a beauty about his plain looks, but you must not congratulate a thief on his honesty, or on having his hand in his own pocket — to use a modern phrase. The most agreeable praise is often suggested by its manifest contradiction. Thus the bitterness of a joke is removed by the joker being himself the joint object of it, as when a poor man ridicules poverty, or a low-born man low birth. In this way the harper stopped king Philip from displaying his amateur criticisms;^ for when lectured by the king upon chords and harmonies, he replied : ' I pray heaven, O king, you may never come down so far in the world as to understand these things better than I do.' Of all subjects that of love is here, as in all other respects, incommensurable. For some like being chaffed about it, while others get angry, so that you must study the particular case. For as a fire can be extinguished at the outset by the blast which afterwards feeds it, so a bud- ding passion resents being made public, whereas when once declared it is fed by allusions and receives them with laughter. You may, moreover, ridicule a lover about his passion in the presence of his beloved, but about nothing ' TT]v oipip-aOlav d/LLa Kcii Trepiepytat', Couviv. qiiast . (ii. I, 12). XIV SECONDARY GUESTS 343 else. So those who happen to be ui love with their own wives glory in being ridiculed about it when the ladies are present. Finally, let us remember that smart and biting words are justifiable as repartees, when a man is attacked and on his defence, which are inexcusable if he volunteered them without provocation.^ In all these social advices regard must be had to the varying intimacy of the guests with the host and with one another. These conditions range from the relative or the family friend — who should talk with kindly familiarity to the trusty slaves, interest himself in the wife's troubles, offer mediation in family disputes, carry about the children like his own — to the almost a stranger, who had not even a direct invitation, but came as the companion or umbra of another guest.- There is a whole chapter on the propriety of bringing such secondary guests, or of accepting such secondary invitations from guests. Plutarch apparently decides that you must allow people to take this liberty, as it is an established fashion,'' but that he will never go out himself on these terms. Moreover, if it prevail, you transfer your party into the hands of others, and may have your table unduly crowded with unsuitable guests.^ On the other side it is urged that if it be grossly vulgar to inquire beforehand from the guests what they like to eat, and what wine and unguents they prefer, it is not so to secure the most pleasant company they can have by 1 Reip. ger. pnrc. 7. " Coitv. qiurst. vii. 6, § I. — rh tuu iiriK\riTwv ^6os oOs vvv Z\-tas KoKovcri. " 5i6 KoKCiv fx^v eripovs ^5w/ca irore crKids, iVx''pa 7rohah\y fivJe rata) after the defeat of Antiochus (190 B.C.), captured by Lucullus and reduced to a stipeiidiaria (80 B.C.), made free again by I'ompey, through the influence of Theophanes, probably reduced again by Antony, restored by treaty with Augustus (about 29 B.C.) through the intervention of Crinagoras. Chios, though not a civitas fuderata, yet possessed the right usually confined to such cities of trying civil suits affecting Roman residents (cf. CIG 2222 and the commentary of Mr. Hicks's Manual of I 11 scrips, p. 356). There are no doubt many other such cases. Cf. the excellent tract of Conrad Cichorius on Mytilene (Leipzig, iSSS). - Cf. the passages from Straljo and Tacitus, the inscriptions found at Mytilene, and the coins cited by Cicliorius, Mom und Mytilene, p. 7. ^ Cf. the newly-discovered inscription of Fabricus and Cichorius, op. cit. p. 9 sq. 356 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. them for the sake of a personal friend ; if Herod acquired a great popularity by his interventions on behalf of cities like Ilium with Agrippa,^ what shall we say when such random rulers as Caligula or Claudius were in power, one of them led by the caprice of the moment, the other confessedly by his freedmen and women ? Need we wonder that the richest and most persuasive citizens were told off to go to Rome — a great burden and a great trouble — and intercede with the emperor for some preservation or increase of privileges ? Let us consider three cases, of which the first has only been made clear by recent discoveries, and which concerns Mytilene. In or about 27 B.C. the Mytilenseans sent an embassy to Rome to pray for the renewal of an old 'treaty of alliance,' which would bring them under the class liberce et imimajes. They also carried with them as a present a golden crown, and announced a series of extraordinary honours conferred upon Augustus. They found that the emperor was abroad, and they were obliged to follow him to Spain. He sent a polite reply to Mytilene, and granted their request through a decree of the vSenate. But not only do the people of Myti- lene issue the most laudatory decrees to the principal envoys, the poet Crinagoras and the grammarian Potamon, but these persons were clearly selected because the former was (as we know from his extant epigrams) an intimate of Octavia, of Marcellus, and the rest of the imperial family, while Potamon had been the instructor and was the intimate of Tiberius, the emperor's stepson, and successor. The decree of the Mytilenseans even openly thanks Julia (Livia), Augustus's wife ; Octavia, his sister ; and the children and relations of the imperial house (e.g. Til^erius, Drusus, Marcellus) for their friendly influence. So unblushing was the assertion ' Above, p. 176. XV IMl'KKIAL INTERFERENCE 357 that private influence, and not the urging of just arguments, obtained these favours. In consec|uence of such cases as this the high-road to Rome was trodden by a constant procession of embassies, carrying crowns and copies of decrees to the emperor, seek- ing either to settle some local quarrel in some one's favour^ or to obtain some privilege which a neighbour city had or ought not to have. And not only were the cities led into extravagance and the laying of heavy taxes on their wealthier citizens, for the purpose of giving and sending these honours and making these demands, but, as we shall see presently, they went into all manner of local ostentation in the way of public buildings, in order that the city of each might appear to the proconsul or the emperor, if he came there, worthy of the claims put forward for primacy or other privileges. But before we come to our evidence for this in Dion and Pliny let us consider another example of an embassy, not indeed narrated to us by the Greek side, but even more instructive ^ Historians often express surprise at the insignificance of the ques- tions referred by Pliny in Bithynia to the Emperor at Rome, but we have at least one rescript of Augustus to the authorities of Cnidos, which relates to an equally local affair. Here is his letter {BCII \\\. 63) : ' The Emperor Ca;sar, son of the God, Augustus, high-priest, elected consul for the twelfth time, in the eighteenth year of his J'o/esias trib. to the magistrates, council, and people of the Cnidians, greeting. Your am- bassadors Dionysius [etc.] had audience with me at Rome, and handed me the decree (which they l)rought) accusing Anaxandridas, already deceased, and his wife Tryphera, here present, of the death of Eubulus, son of Chrysippus. But I, having directed Callus Asinius my friend [he was proconsul of Asia] to examine by torture the slaves implicated in the affair, ascertained that Philinus, son of Chrysippus, came three suc- cessive nights to the house of Anaxandrides and Tryphera with insults, and so to speak besieged them, and on the third occasion even brought his brother Eubulus with him ; that then the proprietors, A. and T., when they were unable either by reasoning with Philinus, or by barring the house against his attacks, to enjoy safety within their own dwelling, directed 358 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. in showing us the trials and troubles of missions to such miscreants as Caligula, Nero, or Domitian. I allude to the well-known Embassy to Caligula preserved to us in the works of the Jew Philo. The antagonism of Jews and Greeks seems to have been peculiarly bitter ; perhaps because they were the two leading subject races in character and ability, and had indeed con- tended for predominance even under the Ptolemaic and Seleucid monarchies ; of this the reader will find ample evidence in my earlier volume on Hellenistic life. In the present case the ambassadors of the anti-Jewish Alexandrians could not aspire to secure such high influence as the re- lations of Caligula, if indeed those that remained could venture to approach this homicidal lunatic, but they were believed, says Philo, to have heavily bribed beforehand Helico, his favourite freedman, jester, and boon-companion. ^Ve have in Philo's very rhetorical tract on the character and policy of this emperor an account of what the writer one of their household slaves not to kill him, as perhaps others might have done in anger, and not without justification, but to check him by emptying slops upon him, and that the slave, whether intentionally or not (he has persisted in denying all intention), let the utensil go with its contents, and Eubulus succumbed to it, who less deserved this fate than his brother. I have moreover sent you the records of my investigation. ' I should be surprised that the defendants in this case so greatly ap- prehended the examination of their slaves before your court, did you not seem to me very prejudiced against them, and affected with misplaced indignation, not against those who deserved whatever they suffered, coming as they did thrice by night with insults and violence to other people's houses, and violating public security, but against those who were unfortunate, but not criminal, in defending themselves. But now you will, I think, do well to attend to my decision in this matter, and see that your public records are in agreement with it. Farewell.' This is a case of the authorities of a free town consulting the Emperor before they made their decision. But if all such local disputes came up before the Emperor, how could the Imperial Government ever gel throiigli its business? I give the Greek text in Appendix B. XV UNSUCCESSFUL EMBASSIES 359 and liis four companions had to endure during their mission to Italy. The madness of the emperor made their audience stranger and more absurd than would otherwise have been the case ; they were obliged to run about after him through various new apartments in his villas, and wait for stray observations and jokes vouchsafed to them during intervals in his inspection and direction of his appointments. The rival embassy of Alexandrian Greeks, and apparently other envoys, followed with them, for poor old Philo tells with disgust how there were cheers and clapping of hands when Caligula uttered some jibe against the Jews and their religion. Such loud expressions vexed the emperor's household, who thought a mere smile the strongest utter- ance of pleasure consistent with court-etiquette. However exaggerated Philo's story, and indeed his style, may be, the impression he produces is so thoroughly in harmony with other evidence that we may give him general credence. He tells us that ambassadors must submit to any indignities for the sake of the polities they represent, and indeed what they had to expect when they returned is told us by Dion,^ when recounting to his fellow-citizens his conduct towards them and their requital. 'But I wonder most of all at the ill-nature of some men, or rather their folly, when I remember how they began to talk about the embassy of congratulation which we sent to Rome.' It was said that the emperor did not receive the embassy court- eously, but was rather vexed with it, as if they expected him to meet us at his hall door, and to embrace those that came, and ask after those not yet arrived by name, and make incjuiries about Dick, Tom, and Harry, what they are doing, and why they did not come. Others again said that he ' Trepl ofxovoiai, ii. 92. - On either Neiva's or Trajan's accession. 36o GREEK ^YORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. was giving great gifts to Smyrna and its people, and by Jove added that if somebody had been sent to talk to him, he would have granted 10,000 councillors at this person's request, and turned a flood of gold into the city, and no end of money would have been distributed. In all of which there was not a word of truth. AVhy should we be vexed if other people obtained great gifts ? For the emperor, being the most amiable and sensible of men, granted alike to me what I asked and to others what they petitioned for.' Probably the answer made to all this was : Why then did you not ask for more ? since Uion was rather fond of parading his intimacy with Nerva. Nothing is more disappointing to foolish people than to fail in obtaining some frivolous advantage through one who professes himself of influence among the great. And this disappointment finds vent in spite against the mediator who has excited delusive hopes. Accordingly the orator tells us that having returned, when in favour at Rome and in power, to his native Prusa, after his long exile and wanderings under Domitian's tyranny, he desired to present his city with a new stoa or colonnade, which seems to have occupied the same sort of importance in these Hellenistic cities as the recent glass arcades which the Italians have built in Milan and Genoa, and for which they threaten to destroy historic buildings in Florence and Rome. It is the public lounge in bad weather for people who cannot bear rain. However, Dion proposed to build this stoa, 'seeing,' he says, 'that we were behind neigh- bouring cities in this respect.' Of course the proposal was received with applause, and ratified by votes of the council and the assembly in the theatre. ' I will not detail what I underwent, measuring and calculating, when the work began, how it might turn out handsome, and might not, like so XV UNPOPULAR IMPROVEMENTS 361 many other such buildings, fall to pieces and be of no use ; or what I underwent in journeys to the mountain (to the quarries) a thing in which I had no experience. But then there arose constant talk, though not among many, yet most disgusting, that I was demolishing the whole town, and was turning all the citizens out of their houses : that the whole place was tumbled upside down and destroyed, so that nothing remained. And there were some lamenting over somebody's smithy, and grieving that these memories of our ancient splendours should not be preserved, talking as if the Propylcea or Parthenon at Athens, or the Herseon at Samos were being disturbed, and not shabby and contemptible ruins, worse than the -hovels in which they keep sheep, which not a shepherd or even a better class dog will enter — buildings at which you blush and look the other way when the proconsul comes to see us, while your adver- saries laugh at them ; in which even the mechanics could not stand up ; which gaped and shook at every stroke of the hammer. And yet there were people grieved at the dis- appearance of this our former poverty and obscurity, who would not look at the pillars and pediments rising around them, or at the workshops built elsewhere for the dispos- sessed ; as if they cared for nothing but to keep you down to your old level. For you know well that it is by public buildings and feasts, and having your own law courts, and not having your accounts examined elsewhere, or paying taxes in common with others, that a city attains self-respect and is honoured by the strangers who reside in it, and by the Roman governors.' Before I comment further on this passage, let me conclude concerning Dion's grievances, which are further noticed in his forty-seventh oration, and corroborated by the eighty-first letter in Trajan and Pliny's Correspondence. The opposition 362 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. went so far that a certain Flavius Archippus, a philosopher, a man evidently of bad character,^ charged the orator with spending public money on his stoa without rendering ac- count of it. Dion - complains bitterly of this treatment, and calls upon his townsmen to make up their minds, and either to trust him with the work or to declare against it, in which case he will leave the city, and retire to one of the many which have elected him to honorary citizenship, and will be proud to receive him. In weighing the statements of Dion I do not feel sure that the objections to his stoa were altogether so frivolous as he represents them. There are, and always have been, in every town a minority who love the old and the dilapidated for their own sakes, and who, though unable to restrain the majority from erecting monuments of their recent and vulgar prosperity, have a great effect as grumblers, and easily persuade the jealous mob that the new plans are bad, that the contracts are jobbed, and that in fact the so-called improvements are not improvements at all, or at least nothing like what had been expected. This may have given the real backbone to the objections against Dion's liberality, not to speak of the niggard allowance made by the average man for pure patriotism and unselfish generosity in those who are his superiors, and whose motives he cannot interpret by his own. Let me add that these suspicions must have been much fortified by the general condition of the public works undertaken by the several cities, as we find them described in Pliny's Correspondence^-^ While Nicomedia and Niceea ^ This appears not only from letter 58 of the series, wliicli mentions his condemnation to the quarries for perjury, but from liis conduct in this dispute when ordered to state his case. - ii. 135. ^ Ed. Hardy, Epp. 37, 39. XV • DISHONEST CORPORATIONS 363 were quarrelling furiously about the title of primacy, which Nictea still claimed though Nicomedia was the legal metro- polis, Nicomedia had undertaken — for the purpose, no doubt, of living up to its claims — an expensive aqueduct, Nicsea a great theatre and the rebuilding of a burnt down gymnasium on an enlarged scale, both of which Pliny found unfinished, useless, and in ruins. On such undertakings the cities had lavished money which was simply thrown away. He consults Trajan whether these buildings should be finished at public cost, whether the money promised by ambitious citizens should be demanded ; he adds that a rival architect had as- sured him (apparently on false grounds) that one of these works (the gymnasium) would require complete rebuilding.^ Other such cases occur in these letters, where the polities seem steeped in debt, and have evidently squandered their money on pure ostentation, and that not even of a successful kind. For it seems plain from Pliny's constant requests for an architect or surveyor to be sent from Rome (though Trajan reminds him that there are clever people of the kind among the Greeks, whom they even import to Rome) that there was scandalous jobbery, that either the architects or the contractors selected by the cities were dishonest, for the work seems always unfinished or going to pieces. Pliny, it is true, never makes this moral charge ; indeed the sentence just quoted is the only one where he mentions the rivalries of the architects ; but the facts he reports, and the general character of these Greeks, as disclosed to us by Dion, make the inference inevitable. The Bithynian Greeks were mixed with the aborigines'- they were very anxious, as 1 PfiCtena anhitectus, sane ccniulus ejus a quo opus inchoatum est, adftrmat parietes quanquam XX 11. pedes latos imposita ouera sustinere non posse {op. cit. p. 139, with Mr. Hardy's notes). - This is clearly shown by the strange list of Ilian names just fountl by Dr. Schliemann, and announced in the Neue Freie Presse, 13 Aug. 1890. 364 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. appears from various allusions in Dion, to pose as pure Hel- lenes ; but without attaining the virtues of the old Greeks, they exhibited their defects with remarkable faithfulness. The Greek levity had no doubt long since been contrasted strongly by the Romans with the seriousness of the only other subject race which furnished them with remarkable men, I mean the Jews. We can hardly find any Greeks of more importance in the imperial counsels than Herod and Agrippa, his grandson ; and the jealousy of the two races as regards Roman favour was accentuated by many collisions in which the Greeks were by no means always the victors. Many Greek cities were thankful to invoke the mediation of Herod, and the great prominence given by Tacitus to the war of Titus against the Jews shows how clearly the strong Roman felt the opposing strength of another race with ineradicable traditions, and a more than Stoic contempt of pain and death. It is true that the Jews occupied but a small territory in Southern Syria encompassed with many Greek cities. But just as the strength of the Greeks lay not in their decaying peninsula, but in their diaspora — their settlements all over the world ; so the Jews were an ubiquit- ous nation, imbued at the same time with a strong affection for the one spiritual centre of the race at Jerusalem. This gave them unity and power which the Greeks did not possess. Philo, composing a very rhetorical letter as the missive sent by king Agrippa to Caligula, speaks of the spreading of the Jews as follows : ^ ' This sacred city is the metropolis not only of the one country Judrea, but of most lands, by reason of the settlements she sent out from time to time to the bordering lands of Egypt, Phoenicia, and the rest of Syria ; also into the more remote Pamphylia, Cilicia, most of Asia as far as the recesses of Pontus ; ^ Leg. ad CaiiiDi, § 36. XV JEWS AND GREEKS OPPOSED 365 likewise to Europe, Thessaly, Bojotia, Macedonia, ^tolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth, as well as most and the best parts of the Peloponnese. And not only are the continents full of Jewish settlements, but so are the most fiimous of the islands, Eubcea, Cyprus, Crete. I omit the lands beyond the Euphrates. For very nearly all Babylon and whatever other satrapies have good land, have Jewish settlers. If therefore my fatherland obtain from you benefits, not one city, but tens of thousands are put under obligation, which are settled over every latitude of the habitable world — in Europe, Asia, Libya, in continents, islands, on sea-coasts and far inland.' This then was the most important element antagonistic to Hellenism in the first century. The Greeks had the advantage in language. If the Jews desired to rival them they must submit to speak in the established lingua fratica of the Empire. And they did so with difiiiculty. Josephus says that up to his time only two or three Jews (of Palestine) had learned to speak Greek with fluency and good accent, seeing that the talking of many languages was despised among his people, being the mere accomplishment of any slave that chose to learn other than high and sacred know- ledge. He himself had laboured to learn Greek gram- matically in order to speak to the world. ^ What he has told most plainly is the ineradicable mutual hatred of Jews and Greeks. The main cause of revolt against the Herods was their adorning the Greek cities of Palestine and elsewhere with those public buildings which were essential to Roman Hellenism, while most of them were an al)omination to the Jews — theatres, circuses, temples, votive monuments with graven images.- ' King Agrippa ' Cf. the very intciestiiif;; personal epilogue, Aiitiqq, lib.xx. - Cf. Josephus, Aiitiqq. w. 9, § 4. 366 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. gave the people of Berytus at great cost a theatre for their yearly shows, and spent many myriads on distributions of corn and oil to the populace. And he adorned all the city with statues and images copied from ancient models — here we have the usual Roman copies of great Greek originals — and transferred to them well nigh all the splendour of his kingdom. Hatred therefore against him waxed strong among his people because he took away their substance to adorn a strange city.' And yet this Agrippa is repre- sented by Philo as a most zealous and patriotic Jew, risking his life with Caligula to prevent the profanation of the temple. How hateful this tampering with Greek fashions was to the Jews, and how increasing was the bitterness of feeling, appears still more clearly from the massacres of Jews by Greeks and of Greeks by Jews, mentioned in Josephus's Life. ' Those that dwelt in the cities of Syria round about, seizing the Jews that dwelt among them with their wives and children, slew them, having not a single charge against them.' ^ ' The party of (the insurgent) Jews murder all the Greeks dwelling in the king's palace (near Tiberias), even such as before the war had already been their enemies.' ^ In the opinion of Josephus it was Gessius Florus, a Greek of Clazomence, whose appointment by Nero over the Jews led to the downfall of Jerusalem.^ So also in the fragments of Nicolaus,"* which tell of the troubles after the death of Herod the Great, it appears that while both Jews and (ireek cities agreed in desiring to escape from the Asmonean ^ § 7- ' § 12. ^ Autiqq. xx. II. The first form of lliis great war, which broke out in April 66 A.D., was between the 'idvo"! of the Jews and the Greek 7r6Xeis, each of whom massacred such opponents as were in their power (Jos. B.J. ii. i8). •» Miiller, FUG m. 353. XV JEWS AT WAR WITH GREEKS 367 dominion, of which the Greek cities had hitherto been the main support, the nationalities were at deadly variance. Josephus reports an insurrection or civic conflict at Caisarea put down by Felix, Nero's governor, with military interfer- ence. It was between Greeks and Jews of this city concern- ing equal rights (a-e/jc lo-oTroAiTeta^). The Jews, relying on their wealth and consequent importance, asserted their rights on the ground that their king Herod had been the founder. The Greeks retorted that it had been a city known as Strata's Tower long before, and that of this ancient city no Jew was among the founders. The Roman governor, of course, sided with the Greeks.^ When, therefore, we are told in the Gospel ^ that certain Greeks desired to see Jesus, and forthwith He exclaims : ' The hour is come, that the Son of man should be glorified,' we must understand these Greeks to have been inhabitants of some of the surrounding and independent polities, established there in antagonism to the Jews, hostile intruders in race and religion, who stood aloof from them with hatred and contempt. To interest these people in the Gospel, to conquer such prejudices, was indeed the victory which overcame the world. If the hatred of the Jews was outspoken and intense, the hatred of the Greeks was silent and contemptuous. Though thousands of Jews were settled in Greece and in Asia, neither Dion nor Plutarch mentions them except to express con- tempt; the great Jewish books already before the world in Greek receive no attention; and when the war in Judaea ended with the destruction of Jerusalem, it may have appeared that the battle was won by the Greek, and that his ever-present, subtile, persistent rival in the mart, in the palace, in the very household of the Roman magnate, was finally defeated. But if the Greek was pre-eminent 1 Antiqq. xx. S, § 7. - S. John, xii. 20. 368 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, xv in language, the Jew was superior in what the Greek lacked — that religious fervour which not only preached a dogma but made it a principle, and so satisfied the spiritual craving of the world for some refuge against the tempests of unbelief and superstition. These great topics are, however, not within our present subject. I CHAPTER XVI THE LITERATURE OF THE FIRST CENTURY It remains for me to say something of the general char- acter of Greek literature as we know it in the first century. So poor are, indeed, its representatives, so little was done of importance between the days of Diodorus and Strabo on the one hand, and those of Dion and Plutarch on the other, that it was not worth while interrupting our in- quiries into social life to give a separate estimate of letters under the early emperors. As we progress in time, and the Hellenistic tendencies of the emperors become accentuated, there is a corresponding recovery in Greek letters, so that under Hadrian, who comes next upon the scene, a positive revival takes place. And no doubt this revival was announced in the works of Dionysius and Longinus, of Dion and Plutarch. For with the age of Hadrian comes what is called the sophistical develop- ment, to which I have so often alluded in the foregoing pages. . Every revival in literature depends upon the general conditions of the society to which it ajjpeals, and which appeals to it, for it must be the voice of the people, or a large i)art of the people, even as Dion says that Homer is 2 B 370 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. universally popular because he expresses the sentiments which are universal.^ I will therefore recapitulate briefly what is scattered through the preceding chapters concerning the literary aspects of Greek life, and add some details which have not yet found place in these pages. In the first place, the general observation holds good for this time also, that the masses of the poorer people were excluded from most of the benefits of literature. They were divided, of course, into country poor and city poor. Dion, in the sequel to the idyll which I have translated in a previous chapter, enters at length into the contrasts of these classes, and points out the miseries of the city poor, who must pay for every necessary of life, or beg for it, wliile the neediest country peasant can supply himself in kind. But while he urges upon his hearers to promote as much as possible country life, his own ideal picture shows that he did not conceive the pleasures of literature as forming any part of it. Even those who in his day professed to retire from society (for which the term anachorcte (anchorite) was already in use) could in his opinion do it adequately by that mental abstrac- tion which you may see practised in the streets of any town, ' whereas the mere search after solitude gives no more help in the long run than changing the bed of the sick. For you may see the flute-player performing or teaching his pupils on the very highway, nor does the noise or number of those that pass disturb him, and the dancer or dancing- master in the gymnasium does not mind those undressing or wrestling or idling near him, so it is also with the harpist or the painter ; nay, even those that teach children to read sit with their pupils by the wayside, and in this thoroughfare there is no impediment either to teaching or to learning. ^ Dion, Or. vii. (i, i;o). XVI CONTENTS OF CITY AND COUNTRY 371 For not unfrequently have I seen, as I passed through the hippodrome, crowds of men at various pursuits, one piping, another dancing, another exhibiting sleight of hand, another reading out a poem, another singing, anotlier reciting a history or a tale, and yet not a single one of these hindered the rest from pursuing his course. Philosophers, no doubt, and philologers demand seclusion and silence for them- selves, and will not allow a sight or sound to disturb them, like sick people trying to go asleep. Yet men who live by the sea are not troubled by far greater noise ; for they do not keep counting the waves, or noting the changes in their sound, or watching the seagulls skimming along, and floating upon the ruffled water.' ^ I have allowed myself to run on in translating this pictur- esque passage, for it leads us back to the superior condition of the city poor, as regards their chances of education. The great days of political discussion, such as those in the theatre of Athens or of Megalopolis, were gone, and from such meetings as that of which Dion has given a descrip- tion, cited above (p. 280 sq.), no good could come. But though the climate of Greek lands made the life of the country poor far pleasanter than it is with us, and though there was not, in addition to the great inducements of paved ways, and lamps, and shops, that of escaping from mud and cold, which has acted so powerfully in clearing the country people into the towns of England ; yet to the lively Greek the lively aspects and sounds of the town must have been very attractive. And if he could not, any more than his country brother, buy and read books, he at least could hear what was going on, he could listen to recitations, and to the specimens from new works read out by the booksellers ; and of course he could profit by those constant doles 01 ^ Or. XX. (i, 292). 372 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. money and those public shows \Yhich the rich citizen felt compelled to afford him. Even with extreme poverty there remained in these people no little pride ; and Dion, in discussing what trades they should pursue, is (like Plutarch) curiously fastidious in excluding not only all professional promotion of im- morality, but many skilled handicrafts, such as the orna- menting of the walls and ceilings of stately mansions, or the making of rouge or unguents, because they subserve to the luxury of the rich classes. He mentions by the way that it was habitual to cast up to people not only their actual employments but those of their parents ; if, for example, a man's mother had been a reaper or a vintager, or had been a wet-nurse for hire, or if his father had taught children, or brought them to and from school. This sort of society, vain, impatient, frivolous, which must in any case have been educated by hearing and not by reading, afforded indeed a very unpromising atmosphere for litera- ture. To such people the old masters were no doubt tedious ; the old tragedies and comedies out of date. They must have something startling, new, exciting, meant not for permanent profit but for present amusement. I think this tendency to superficiality must have been strongly promoted by the marked severance which now existed between serious philosophy and the other forms of literature — poetry and rhetoric. We can illustrate it not merely by contrasting authors, but by comparing an author with himself Thus, for example, the philosopher Philo- demus, of whom I have already spoken, has left us two kinds of work — dry prose tracts on music or on poetry, composed, as was the Epicurean fashion, with a deliberate contempt for style. The same man has left us poems on sportive or even loose subjects, filed and polished with the XVI PHILOSOPHERS UNPOPULAR 373 most minute care. He evidently regarded the two occupa- tions as totally and radically distinct. Plutarch, indeed, and Dion endeavoured to combine moral teaching with grace of style, but the professional philosophers, especially those Cynics whom the orator describes as very numerous in Alexandria,^ were, as the reader may see by looking back (p. 246), mere itinerant beggars, who collected crowds of children or sailors or idlers about them, and amused them with some performance partaking more of a mountebank's than a reformer's work. There are not wanting in our own day extravagant forms of open-air preaching not very unlike these performances. We find in an epitaph by Meleager, a century older, philosophy is even named as a kind of trade together with husbandry and shipping.- Even more solid professors of philosophy, who cor- responded in so many respects to our clergy, assumed the long hair, beard, and cloak, which were distinctly an uniform, and which were regarded with the same kind of dislike that a clerical garb encounters among the ruder and looser classes in our own day. The street boys of Asia went even further, for Dion tells us^ that though nobody minds a country yokel or a petty trader wearing any dress he finds convenient, when they see a man with long hair, wrapped in a cloak without any tunic under it, they cannot let him pass by in peace, but provoke and worry and revile him, or even pull him about, if they think him not strong or likely to be assisted, although he merely wears the received garb of a philosopher. And not only is this so, but philosophers are not rare, like Getai and Persians and Nasamones, with their strange ' i. 403- - Anlh. Pal. ed. Didot. i. p. 363, No. 470 :— ^fjjcras Sk TLva artpyLov ^lov • ov rbv apbrpov ov5k rbv (K vqQiv, rbv Sk ao(po?s ^rapov. ^ C{. Dion, ii. 39, 43. 374 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. clothes, but there are such crowds of them as exceed the cobblers or fullers or mountebanks or any other calling. Moreover, this is the usual dress in which men see the gods in temples, or ancient public benefactors, represented by the sculptors. Dion attributes this unpopularity ^ to the expressed or implied assumption of superiority in the profession — an assumption not justified by the lives of many of these teachers. Here, however, I am not further concerned with this crowd of self-constituted pastors of the people more than to insist upon their severance from literature, both poetical and prose, and hence the danger to writers in that day of neglecting the solid and permanent teaching which is £onveyed through letters, the most universal and effective of the fine arts, and attending to mere formal perfection. And again, even in literature, we have another deep gulf between the learned grammarians, the analysts of Epic and Attic diction, of metre, of rythm, and those who devoted themselves to belles-lettres. Not that the latter were wanting in even excessive learning. But serious and sportive sub- jects, were now incongruous ; the former were monopolised by prose writers ; the latter was wholly given up to that crowd of epigrammatists which is the only really prominent feature in the poetry of this long and famous epoch. The great body of this Greek poetry, now gathered, with much that is both earlier and later, in the Anthology, has received but occasional and scant attention from modern scholars, so that the workmanship of the principal poets has only been disclosed by very recent researches. It now appears that to write an epigram in strict form was no easy task, and that the niceties of cxsura and rythm must have been discussed at Alexandria, Cos, and Gadara with even ^ Or. Ixxii. on the PJiilosophic Garb. XVI THE NICETIES OF POETRY 375 more minuteness than the laws of the sonnet among modern poets. It is not the province of this book to go into such special questions ; I shall therefore content myself with giving the results gathered by Rubensohn in his recent edition of Crinagoras, where the tracts on this special subject are named, and their essence extracted. It appears that Callimachus was the father of this new and more precise method of writing elegiacs,^ according to which each verse was to begin with sedateness, and hurry towards its conclusion. Thus spondees were almost the rule at the opening of each line — the second half of the pentameter being necessarily dactylic. If the former half was dactylic, this defect was to be remedied by having at least two c^suras. The earlier and better poets adhered strictly to these rules.- Here is another law. The penta- meter must not end with an iambus in a separate word — the only two cases occurring in Callimachus being accounted for by one being a proper name and the other a rhetorical point. Crinagoras also has but two doubtful instances. Turning back to the hexameter, of which the first four feet only are variable, we find Crinagoras, out of 137 verses, writ- ing 90 in one of the following four forms : dsdd (30), dddd (22) sddd (23) and ssdd (15). Of the other twelve possible combinations two are not at all, the rest very sparingly, used. It appears further that a spondee is not allowed before the bucolic caesura (where the fourth foot ends a word), neither is the second syllable of a dactyl in that position permitted to end a word, so that a line emended by Boissonade into "A^pt T€r, d Set'Aate, k(.v(i'utiv kv k\tTi. cit. p. 20. 376 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. his hexameters uniform in caesura. He was however, very free in admitting hiatus, and in this latter point he differed from Meleager and the more careful of his school, who only admitted hiatus at the end of a foot, and generally at the end of the fourth. What is called trochaic hiatus — between the second and third syllables of a dactyl — was carefully eschewed.^ But as regards cresura the stricter epigram- matists were seldom content with that in the third foot, supplementing it with the favourite bucolic cresura, which they regarded as almost necessary if the first caesura did not occur till the fourth foot. These are but some of the subtleties which have been recently discovered by the minute patience of Kaibel, Meyer, and others, and no doubt they will be increased in number as time goes on. It appears, according to the Hellenistic poetasters, that the opening line of Homer's Iliad contains three violations of strict metrical rules." When, therefore, we wonder at the stiffness and the obscurity of many of these short poems, we should re- member that the poets put themselves under restrictions as exacting as those of the most complicated lyric poetry. Of course it did not require a poet, but a smart person, to compose these little sportive pieces, as we know from an interesting allusion in Plutarch. He tells us of a soldier who found after a long time the coins he had hidden in the half-closed hand of Demosthenes's statue at Athens, and that there was quite a competition among the Eu/Zun'sfs in composing epigrams, when so a striking subject came ^ Cf. the details in Kailjcl's P/iilodeiinis, p. 5. - CT. Rubensohn, of. cit. p. 33. Any word belonging to the first foot must not end in the second with a trochee, as does (SetSf . Then the strong cocsura must not be obtained by an iambic word like Oea. Lastly the cresuras in the third and fifth feet are not to be used in the same line ! XVI MELEAGER OE GADARA 377 before the public.^ These poems are, therefore, an evi- dence of a certain phase of social hfe, though they contains few allusions to anything distinctive in manner and customs. Nor did they help any more in educating the people — which poetry ought to do^than the writing and solving of acrostics do nowadays. To attempt any detailed review of the great group written during the period of the present book would require a volume in itself, and I think vague generalities so unfruitful, that it seems better to select two or three of the best, and say a word or two on them with some quotations. Even this task is not easy, seeing that in the wild thicket of the A?i/hohgy no attempt is made at chronological order, and the works of many centuries are jumbled together in inextricable confusion. Separate editions of single poets, such as the excellent ones above cited, are still rare, and not easily accessible. Let us begin with Meleager of Gadara, one of the best of them, who was, moreover, the first collector of a large selec- tion into what he called a garland. The poet leaves us in no doubt as to his origin. He was born in the Attic Gadara ''-founded among the Assyria7is, as these writers often call Syria ; he was brought up at Tyre ; in his old age he settled at Cos, not without travelling as far as Byzantium. All this he writes in the epitaphs he composed for his own tomb. He boasts that he combined Love, the Graces and \\'isdom, in his work. I take this wisdom to mean poetic artifice, for of philosophy I find no trace. The reader will note that just as it was remarked of ' I'lut. Deviosth. 31. — TToWot rdv tvcfyvSiv virddecnv \a^6i'T€s . . . 5L7)fjLiWui'To TOis iinypa.fi.fiaa'i. - Philodenius of Gadara, his contemporary Antipater of Sidon, and other names show that Syria was now a fruitful source of Hterature. 3/8 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap, Nicolaus,^ so here Meleager is proud of his Syrian home, for while in this and the next century it could claim more literary distinctions than belong to any other province of Hellenism — not of course including the invented myths, which gave an old Attic or Argolic origin to these really Macedonian settlements — he allows contact with Syria to tell upon his work. He twits one of his flames for being addicted to a quiet Sabbath, and says Love is feverish even on that day. He says farewell, in one of his auto-epitaphs, in Aramaic, in Phcenician, and in Greek. We may therefore regard him as the most perfect embodiment of that Hellenism which trans- fused the Eastern Empire. There is no allusion to Jewish troubles, to the conflict with the Greeks, to the settlement of Pompey, to any one of all the momentous events which happened during the poet's life. Were we to believe his epigrams, he spent all his passionate days among fair women and boys, of the most perfect beauty and the most abandoned character. But if I read aright this child of his age, we need no more credit his picture of the promiscuous amorous- ness of Helleno-Syrian society than the contrasted picture of the ideal shepherds in Dion's idyll, who knew nothing but the bond of marriage. We may even suspect this hyper- anacreontic Anacreon, with his wicked beauties and his dis- tracting ganymedes, to have been a respectable and hard- working man, labouring out his elegant conceits, polishing his lines, and seeking by the simulation of art to produce the impression of the storm and tumult of a love-tost soul.'- In three directions I hold him to have attained great per- ^ Above, p. 177. 2 Cf. what was cited above, p. 128, from Cicero, in describing his con- temporary Philodemus, whose very similar epigrams were composed to suit the taste of Roman libertines, perhaps even with disgust and con- tempt, by the dependent philosopher. MELEAGER 379 I fection, — in pathetic exclamation, in passionate soliloquy, and in a Carlylesque richness of pictorial epithets.^ And if he tells us nothing of the politics or home life of his day, he is both observant and picturesque upon natural phenomena, as when he beseeches the mosquitoes, 'shrill sounding, shameless siphons of human blood, two-winged monsters of the night,' to spare his beloved ; or again to wake her with his love message, while they leave her hus- band asleep ; as when he prays the cicada, ' the beguiler of his desire, the lyre of Nature, drunk with dew, to bring him mid-day sleep beneath the plane-tree's shade.'- His gar- lands of flowers too are composed of real spring flowers, and such as bloom together-^ — the narcissus, the crocus, smiling lilies that haunt the hills, the purple hyacinth, and the opening rose are entwined about his beloved's head.* In consonance with this is his famous hexameter poem on the spring, which has led to countless imitations, from Horace to Goethe.'' These features present to us a far more interesting personality than tliat of Crinagoras, with his stricter verse, his frequent allusions to the imperial house, his display of affectation, varied with only one single exclamation ^ Here are specimens of eacli, I quote from the Didot edition of the Anthology : — (vii. No. 476), kial, ttoO to -koOuvov kfiol ddXos ; dpiracrev "AtSas iipwaaep' CLKfiaiov 5' dvOos ^(pvpe k6vls. (xii. 117), BejiXriffdcij Kvj3os' diTTe' iropeiKTO/xai. 'Hvide T6\fJ.a. oiVo(3ap^y, riv e^x^'5 ^povriSa ; KUfidaofxai. Ku)/j.daofj.ai. ; trot, Ovfi^ '''P^'i^V ', tI 0' c'pwrt Xoyiff/xdi ; dwre TO-xo's. IToO 5' rj TrpdcrOe \6yuv /j-eX^rr) ; (v. 177), "Ecrri 5' 6 Tra^s 7Xi'Ki'5a/v/3i's det'XaXos, ukvs, drap^ri^ ai/jLO. yeXQv, TTepden vura, (paperpofpopos. - V. 151, 152 ; vii. 195, 196. * If we except the rose, which we know was artificially forced. * V. 144, 147. ' ix. 73. I have printed the full text in the Appendix C. 38o GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. from the heart in the midst of all his artificial polite- ness.^ But as this latter poet as well as Philodemus can be easily bought and read in a good and cheap edition, I shall not further discuss them, but select another of the poets credibly assigned to the first century after Christ. Philippus of Thessalonica was the second collector of a garland of epigrams, and tells a certain Camillas, to whom he dedicates it, that as Meleager has preserved the more ancient poets, he will gather the more modern, of whom he gives a list — Antipater, Crinagoras, Antiphilus, etc. He himself contributes about eighty pieces, but not by any means of the same merit as those of Meleager. Many of them are votive inscriptions on the tools of various tradespeople — fishermen, sailors, weavers, etc., who retire in old age and lay aside their work. There is hardly anything, however, personal to be found ; he mentions Actium, and Leucadia ; he is styled ' of Thessalonica ' ; he wonders at the great piers of Agrippa that made the harbour of Puteoli, at the elephants which, once a resource of war, now only serve to draw the car of Caesar. This exclusive attention to Rome and Roman affairs is in fact the only personal feature of this poet (who seems to have lived till the days of Nero), of Crinagoras and the rest in the Imperial epoch, as contrasted with the earlier Meleager and his fellows. Many Romans, even Marcellus and Germanicus, appear as contributors to Phi- lippus's volume. Unfortunately both these earlier collec- tions are mixed up with later and worse work in a confusion ^ I mean the soliloquy numbered 28 in Rubensohn's edition : — "Axp' Tev, §. deiXaLf, Keuais ^r' eV tXiricn, Ov/J-i, TTiOTrjOeis \pvxp'J^v daaoTaTU} v€(piwv, fiXXots ^XX' f tt' 6v€Lpa Siaypaxj/fii ; dtp^voio KT-qTi)v yap Oi/rjrois ov5i 'iv avrS/naTov ' Movcr^uiv dXX' tVi StDpa fxer^px^o' ravra 6' duvSpd ei'SwXa i/'i'X'}s ifKe/xaToicri fxidei. CRITICISM 3S1 I perhaps impossible to unravel. We notice in Philippus sarcastic attacks on the book-worm class, in close imitation of the men of Callimachus's day, but perhaps peculiarly suitable when learned studies had become specialised and completely separated from all polite literature. I have quoted some specimens in the Appendix D. I do not think I should add new features of interest were I to specify many other small distinctions to be found among these poets. They plainly diffused among the higher classes a taste for this sort of ingenuity, which led people into studying a kind of art, a kind of letters, a kind of artificial verse, and the learning of mythology necessary to supply them with images and allusions. It was, as I said, an amusement like that of acrostics, but more finished and more artistic in proportion as Greek letters were more polished and more artistic than those of England.^ Let us then turn for a few moments to the prose writing, which not only on the one hand rivalled the display and conceits of poetry, but on the other sought bravely to keep up purity of diction by a careful study of the great old masters in history and in eloquence. The critics of Cicero's time (as represented by his rhe- torical tracts), as well as Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the writer on the Sublime, show so perfect an appreciation of what is good and great that we wonder at the total impotence of practical men to carry out the rules so admirably discussed by the theorists, nay, even of the theorists to carry out their own principles. The highest outcome of this revival of Attic purity is the writing of Lucian, which comes in the ^ The collections of translations into Latin and Greek verse — Sabriiue corolla, Ariindines Cami, etc. — wherein the most finished scholars of our day have exhibited their ingenuity and their grace, are another similar but more slavish ' sport ' in literature. 382 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. succeeding century, and yet Cobet has amply shown how far removed he is from the masters whom he emulated. The Alexandrians studied grammar with extreme care, and with the greatest models before them, and yet we find here too that no conscious labour will replace that subtle spirit which transfuses all the minds of a certain epoch, and makes it the golden age of a nation's literature. When this moment has gone by, not even the grace of Menander, the glow of Dion, the candour of Plutarch can command it to return. We have already tasted largely of Plutarch the essayist and Dion the moral preacher ; I do not feel bound to do more than mention Nicolaus the historian, whose panegyrical history of Csesar and Augustus is extant, as well as many fragments of his historical encyclopcedia. We may suppose him to have been educated in the way which Dion recom- mends, and which I shall presently quote, as well as by his contact with Syrian and Roman courts and with divine philosophy, on which he wrote many tracts for Herod. And yet his panegyric on Julius Cresar and Augustus remains buried in the great forest of Miiller's Fragments of the Greek Historians, and will never be consulted except by specialists, or edited again for the world. There is another historian, his contemporary, nay, his model, from whom he has copied pages. I mean Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who came to Rome shortly after the battle of Actium, and lived a literary life there for twenty-two years, giving special attention to the Latin language and historical literature. We may put him with Strabo, Nicolaus, and the so-called Longinus, as the best extant specimens of that class of Romanising Hellenists to whom the spiritual reconciliation of their country and scattered people with the domination of Rome was the ideal of a literary life. He seeks consciously to carry out the work and object of Polybius ; but while that XVI THE HISTORIAN DIONYSIUS 383 great historian had chosen with practical sense the period of historic contact between Greece and Rome, with its long prepared causes in the growth of the latter power beyond the bounds of Italy, Dionysius desires to lead the student from the earliest times to the point where Polybius begins, and undertakes to show in the mythical history, the legends, the old religious usages still surviving, proofs of an ever repeated contact between Hellas and Rome. The older Roman writers, even Cato, had asserted this connection as then the only means of claiming a decent national pedigree. If not Greek in origin, you must be barbarian. But when the historic magnificence of Rome was established beyond all doubt, there seems to have been a certain solace to the vanquished in asserting that after all these conquerors of the world were derived from an asylum of thieves and fugitive slaves, as we should say, from a criminal colony or a found- ling hospital. This had been dilated on by some Hellen- istic court- historians, themselves the slaves of royal slaves, a kind of consolation which disguises spite and detraction.^ It is in reply to these anonymous persons that Dionysius writes his History of early Rome, attributing Greek manners, rites, language, to his Romulus and Remus, and putting into the mouth of the early kings discourses like the speeches of the characters in Thucydides. The appreciation of historic evidence in all this is to us grotesque, though to a classical author of any period, not to say a close student and imitator of Thucydides, speeches were the natural expression of a political situation. But how even Polybius would have laughed outright at the notion of a speech from a mythical character 1 So indeed would he have laughed at the conservative attitude in religion of this learned rhetorician, which is truly Herodotean rather than Polybian, and mcn- ^ Antiqq. Kom. i. 4, sub. fin. 384 GREEK WORLD UNDER ROMAN SWAY chap. tions as one of the peculiar advantages of Italy over other lands that it is suitable not only for all kinds of culture and human habits, but for the tastes of all classes of gods — mountains and glades for Pan, meadows and rich lands for nymphs, coasts and islands for marine deities, in fine, what- ever suits any god or daemon^ is there to be found. Indeed he often declines to give any opinion on theological difficulties, or to accept or reject the doctrine we find in Plutarch of intermediate daemons, since all this is the speciality of that class which is quite separate and peculiar, the philosophers.^ And yet this man, so inferior as a historian to his great models, inferior not only in his conception of history, which he regards as a careful collection and arrangement of legends and uses, but in his very style, which cannot lay aside rhetoric in the most incongruous situations — this Dionysius makes an epoch in his careful appreciation and criticism of the style of the old prose masters. It had been felt, ever since the days of Cicero, that Asianic flourish was no true eloquence, and that the Attic masters must be the proper models. But the Rhodian attempt to maintain this tradition was made without proper studies, and substituted the dry and jejune for the false and turgid. Under the reign of Augustus we find even the Latin poets going back from their Alexandrian models to the great masters, and the account given by Dion Chrysostom (a man far behind his ^ Aiitiijij.Rom.'i.T,^. Cf. for other specimens of the author's religious views i. 67, sub. fin., where he recoils from religious curiosity, in im- itation, I suspect, of Herodotus ; and (ii. 19, 20) his remarks on indecent Greek myths and the difficulties they cause in religion, as compared with the more staid Roman creed. '^ ii. 21. — 'AXX' virkp fiiv tovtuv tols avrb fxovov to Oe(j}prjTiKbv tTjs 4>C\oaoiei' yap Kai aAAot t^XevOepayrav yyye/txove?, [Xe/jwv 8e oA?yi' Ti)i'] eTrap^etaj'." O ap\upi.vs Twi' ^€/3a(TToJv Sia /Slov Kal Xeptyvos KAavSioi; KatVapos Se^acrrou E7rap,eti'(ov8as E7rap,eti'OJi'8ov eiTrev" Trpo/3e/3ovXevixevov eav- Tio et'i'ai Trpos re tt)!/ povX'qv Kal tuv Syfiov' eTTiSi] o Tov Trai'Tos koct/jlov KvpLos Nepojv avTO- Kpdrwp p-eyLCTTOS, 8i]napy^iKqs e^ovcrias to rpis Kttt ScKarov d7roSeS€typ,e)'09, Trariyp TrarptSos, veos HAtos e7rtAap,^as rois EAA?;o-tv'j irpoup^p-k- vos evepyereiv ti]v EAAaSa^ d/zet^o/jievos 8^ Kai evcre/3o)v tovs Oeovs rjp.{ov Trap terra voyuevoi's aiiTO) Trai'Tore €7rt irpovoia Kai crwTrjpia, T7yv aTro Trai'Tos Tou atwros ai'^tyei'?} Kat avro^j^^ova lAei;- Oepiav rrporepov dcjiaLpedetaav rwr EAA7yvwv efs Kat /Aoi'os TCrji' aTT ato^i'os avTOKpanop /xeytcrTos (juXeXXi^v yev6p.€vos [Xepcoi'] Zei'S 'EAei'6'epios eScu- KEi', e^^aptcraro, d7ro/etvat ti)v ydcrTpav [/cat] Ei'^ovAov vTroTreoretv, 8tKato 2 D 402 APPENDIX C repov av crw^evra [rov a\8eX(J30v'TreTrov(f)a 8k vixi.lv KaX a\y rjas Tcis dvaKpio-eis. Wavixa(ov 8 (iv, ttws et's Tocrov e8et(rav Trjv Trap' vfxeiv e^eracrtav twi/ 8oi'Awv oi ^[ev-j yovres rrjv 8ik')]v, el fxyj fxoL (T(fio8pa e8o^[aTe] ^aAeTTOt yeyoi'ei'at Kal Trpos to. evavTia /xt(J07rorjy[potJ, /xt) Kara tojv ct^icoi' Trav OTtow iraOelv Itt dAAo[Tptai'] OiKtav yvKTiop [leO vf^pews Kal /3tas Tpls iTr€X')]X[v66-] T(or, Kal Ti)v KOLvi]v airdvTOJv vfxojv ao"(/)aAei[av avat-j povvTMV dyavaKTOvvTe<;, aAAa Kara rwr Kal [ore ■)/-] fxvvovTO ■)']TV)(')]k6t(ov, rj8LKy]K0TWV 8e oi'SeLi']. dAAa vw 6pdo)s fxoL 8oKe'iT£ TrotTycrat tt^i e[X7]L 7r[ept tou-J Tojv yvwfMy]L Trpovoi'jcravTe'i Kal to. Iv rots 87y/u,[ocriotsJ I'/xcov op.oXoyi.iv ypdp,p,aTa. eppojaOe. APPENDIX C. (Cf. p. 379) (meleager on spring) Xet/xuTos lyve/xoei'Tos dir alBkpos ol)(pjxkvoLO, 7rop(f)vptrj fxeiSirjcre epav6eos e'iapos wp?;' Fata 8e Kvavei] ^AocpTyv ecrre^aTO Tro'tip', Kat (fivrd Oy^XycravTa reois e/co/xi/cre TrervyAots. Ot 8 (XTraAi/v TTtVorres de^icjiVTOV Spocrov Hovs Ae6/xa»V€s yeAdwcrtVj dvoLyop-evoLo p68oio. Xatpei Kttt (Tvpiyyi vo/xei's cv opeo'cri, Xiyaivcov, Ktti TToAiots eptffiois iTTLTepireTai atVoAo? atywr. HS?^ 8e TrAwovcrtv ctt evpea Ki'/xara vavTat TTVoiy airi^p^avTM Zecfivpov Xiva KoX7rio(TavTOS- H8>; 8 etid^ov(ri (fiepecTTafjjvXui Alovvhto), dvOii fooTpvoiVTOs ipi\pdp.ivoi Tpi)(a K'tcrcrou. Fipya Se re^^i/y^ei'Ta /Sorjyeveea-crL /xeAitrcrats KaAa /xeAet, Kut crt/x^Aw (.(jn'jp.evai ipyd^ovTai APPENDIX C 403 k XevKCL TroXvrpi')TOio veoppura KaAAea K7]pov. Ilai'TT^ 8 opi'idoH' yerev) ki.yvcjiLovov actSet, dAKiiovfS Trepl Kvfxa, ^eXiSove'i dp.(jjl jikXaOpa. KVKi'os eV o^9aipovXKei KatVapos ovpaviov, Eyvo) 8 €lpi]vy]s Kal 67]p xdpiv' opyava pixpas Apeos, ivvop.Li]s dvTavdyu Tvarepa. Anihol. ix. No. 285. (on agrippa's mole at puteoli) E^ei^^ EAAiyCTTTOVTOv 6 pdpfiapo'i dcfjpovL ToXfirj, Tovs Se Touoi's KafxaTovs Trdvras eAi'0"e >(poJ'os" ctAAtt At/yF npwTei's, Kat tis o IIi;yjaaA6wv ; rivwo-Kot/i ocra AevKov e^et ctti'xov' 1) 8e fxeXaiva IcTToptrj TTjKOL Tovs YlepiKaXXipid^^^ovs. Anthol. xi. No. 347. (on heras the athlete) Icrws /jI£ Aet'crortoi', ^eti'e, ravpoydcTTopa Kal (TTeppoyvLov, ws ArAavra Sevrepov, APPENDIX D 405 daixjSei's, aTTta-TiDV el /3poT€iO'S rj cf)vcrLs. AAA urOi fx Upav AaSiKrja irajijia^ov, ov ^jJivpva Kol Spvs Tlepyapov KaTe(rT€(ji€V, AeAf/iot', KopLvOos, HXls, Apyo?, A^rtov' AotTTcov S dWXwv t)v epevvr'jcrrjs Kparos, Kul Ti)r KiPva-crav e^o.piOpi'jireL'i Koviv. Anthol. xiii. No. 321. INDEX I Academy, the new, 73 Achiiea, province of, 257 Achnsus, a slave leader, 7 A9oka, 20 sq. ; his inscriptions, 21 Acratus, Nero's agent, 238 Actium, games at, 253 Acts of the Apostles, 227, 234 ^gean, the, 225 ^lius Gallus, 240 /Enianes, 296 /Etna, Mount, 219 /Etolia, cities founded by kings in, 203 Agatharchides, on the Red Sea, 54 ; on mining, ibid. Agrippa, M. V., 259 Agrippa, king, 364, 366 Alcibiades, 346 Alexander the Great, his prospects of a world Empire, i ; his new idea in colonisation, 108 Alexander Bala, 40 Alexander Zebinas, 43 Alexandria, 200 ; character of, 243 sq. Amafinius, C. (Epicurean), 74 Amitrochates (Vindusara), 20 Ammonius, scholarch at Athens, 335 Ammonius, successor to Aristarchus, 47 Amphiaraus, a doubtful God, 147 Amphicrates, sophist, 95 Analogies, modern, to Greeks and Romans, 134 Anchorite, 370 Anoekism, of the Chians, 92 Anthology, the, 129, 374 sq. Antiochus, assumed as a royal title by slave leaders, 7 Antiochus Cyzicenusand Grypus, 43 Antiochus Eusebes, 39 Antiochus Sidetes, 40, 43 Antiquarianism, 321-2 Antonius, the orator, 84, 117 Antony, M., his character and style, 162-3 Apellicon of Teos, 98 Apollodorus, Tyrant of the Garden, 71 Apollodorus of Artemita (historian), 25 Apollonius of Tyana, 183, 250, 256, 266 Apotheosis, effects of, 390-1 Appian, 86, 93-4 Appius, porch of, at Eleusis, 123 Arabs, rise in importance of, 45 Archelaus, 176 Archias, the poet, 125-6 Architect, the, in Indian theatres, 35 ; Greek, 363 Ariarathes, 230 Aristion (Athenion), tyrant of Athens, 9Asq. Aristobulus the Maccabee, 44 Aristocracy, want of, in Greece, 335 Aristomenes, tutor to Ptolemy V. , 54 Aristonicus, his war with Rome, 9, 77. "7 4o8 INDEX Aristophanes, 329 Aristotle, 329, 332, 347 Arsaces, rise of, 22 Arsacids, 202 Arsinoe (the Fayoum district), Pre- face xi, 203 Art, alleged Indo-Greek, 27 Art, Pompeian, 215 Artillery, field, 90 Arts, the, of Greece, at Rome, 80, 104 sq. Asceticism, Pythagorean, 182 sg., 187-8, 38s Asia, Greek cities in, 201, 223, 354 Asia Minor acquiesces in Roman rule, loi ; richness of, 229 Assimilation, national, 243 Assizes, the right of, 231-2 Associations, religious, 180 Assyrian colonisation, model for Persians, etc., 200 Aswan [see Syene) Asylum, right of, 91 Athenasus, on Alexander Bala, 40 ; on Antiochus Sidetes, 40 ; on Epicureans, 66 Athenodorus ravages Delos, 1 1 1 Athens, stops Sylla, 93, 98 ; its treatment by Rome, 97 ; recovers Delos, 109 ; vnsited by Antonius and Crassus, 118 ; not appreciated by Cicero, 122-3 '< ^""i Brutus, 157; naval weakness, 161; Strabo's account of, 192 ; degradation of, 249 ; S. Paul at Athens, 269 Athos, Mount, 253 Attalus III, 9 Atticus buys pictures, 142 Augustus, 355, 357 ; his Greek policy, 253 ; his education, 254-5 '< and Cnidos, 357 Aulus Postumius, 70 Autodidact, despised in Greece, 81 Azas, coins of king, 29 Babylon, 200 Bacchce of Euripides (in Parthia), 33 Bacchanalia, panic about the, 66 Bactria, revolt of, and kingdom, 20 sq. Basdeker's Greece, 123 Bastis, the river, 194, 196 Balbus conquers Spain, 193 Balearic islands plagued with rabbits, 19s Bandits in Sicily, 219 BCH [Bzdletin de correspondance hellinique), 89, 90, 91, 102, 107, 112, 145, 171, 181, 221, 222, 226, 234, 241, 256, etc., etc. Beaudouin, M., in BCH, cited, 102 Benseler, his law of hiatus, 331 Beroea, 269 Bishops, prince, 225 Bithynia, Christianity in, 349 ; Hel- lenism of, 363 Bithynians, 363 Blossius of Cumas, jj, 117 Boethus of Sidon, 75 Bogos, king of Morocco, 50 Bomba, king, 209 Borysthenes, the Greeks of, 273 sq. Bosphorus, the Cimmerian, 87 sq. Brundusium, 209 Brutus, and Athens, 157-8 ; senti- mentality of, 158-9 Buddha Gaya, remains at, 27 Buddhism spread by A9oka, 21 sq. ; in Syria, 186 Bury, Mr. J. B. , cited, 247 and Preface Byzantium, 355 CiESAR, JtTLius, a true Roman, 156; a demagogue, 305 Caesarea, 176, 367 Caligula, 255, 358, 260, 324 Callimachus, his metric, 375 Caphereus, 281 Capital, distribution of, 264 Capitals, Greek, of pillars, copied in India, 28 Cappadocia, 95, 229 Caria, the League of, 91 Carneades, 62 sq. ; his mission to Rome, 68 sq. Carthage, fertility of, 4-5 Carystos, 265, 280 Casaniicciola, 215 Cassino, Monte, compared to religi- ous foundations in Asia Minor, 225 INDEX 409 Cassiterides, the, 194 Cassius, and Brutus, 160 ; his char- acter, 161-2, 237 Cassius Dionysius, translator of Mago, 5 Cato the elder, and Carthage, 5 ; and philosophers, 67, 70 ; and Rutilius, 77 Cato the younger, and Dcjotarus, 120 ; and Brutus, 159-60 ; his character, 160 Celaenas, described, 231-2 Choeremon, 241 Chandragupta (see Sandracottus) Chastity, 345-6 ; Plutarch on, 345 Chautauqua, 72 Cheerfulness, duty of, 344-5 Chersonncsus, town of, 90 Children, exposing of, 323 ; treat- ment of infant, 324 ; education of, 324 5^. Chios, 355 ; ill-treated by Mithra- dates, 92 ; adorned by Herod, 176 Christianity, 328, 345, 349 Cicero on Dejotarus, 6 ; on Sar- dinia, 15 ; on Carneades, 63 ; on art, 139 sg. ; on Greek philosophy at Rome, 68, 70, 74 ; de officiis, 76 ; on literary servants, 82 ; on Uelos, hi; his Hellenism, 113 j^.; speaks Greek in Sicily, 116 ; his consolations, 124; his Greek friends, 135-6 ; his name on an inscription, 145 Cicero, junior, letter of, 121 Cicerones, 335 Cichorius, cited, 255, 355 CIG [corpus inscriplionum Grcrc- arutn), 221, 228, 252, 259, 310, 355. etc. CIL (corpus inscriptiont/m Latin- arum), 'cited, 90, 224, 225, etc. Cimbric invasion, crisis of the, 8 Cirta, 219 Cities, Greek, in inner Asia, 38 ; in Syria and Palestine, 39 ; of the Syrian coast, 41, 201 ; names of, 46 ; in Egypt, 202 ; old and new, 228-9 Citizenship, Roman and Greek, con- trasted by Cicero, 148 ; conditions of, 244 City, contrasted with village, 15, 195, 280 ; with country, 370-1 Civa, worship of, 34 Civil wars, Roman, their effect on Greece, 155 sq. Claudius, 259 ; Hellenism of, 255 Cleon, a bandit-priest, 226 Cleopatra, and Antony, 163 ; and Herod, 165-7; and Octavian, 167; a linguist, 243 Clitomachus of Carthage, 73 Cnidus, brawl at, 357 Cocce, Cleopatra, 44, 49 Coins, Bactrian and Indian, 22 st/., 30 ; of Aristion at Athens, 94 Collectors of art at Rome, 106 Colonies, Roman, their influence in later days, 42 ; date of, given by Scymnus, 57 ; the, of Caesar, 157 Colonisation, Hellenic and Phoeni- cian, 197-8 ; Hellenistic and Roman, 199, 202 Colonnades, 216, 360 Columella, cited on Mago, 5 Comana, 225 Comedy, Greek, at Rome, 71 Company, the placing of, 337 Confiscation, 263 Conversation, the art of, 338 sq. Cooking, Greek, 335 Corduba, 196 Corinth, 256 ; S. Paul at, 270-2 ; Apuleius on, 297 Corinthian capitals, found in Media, 29 ; used by Herod, 176 Cornelia, letters of, 84 Corporations at Delos, no Correspondents, war, 125 Cosmeta;, portraits of, 327 Crassus the orator, 84, 117 Crimea, the kingdom of, 87 sq. ; its products, 88 Crinagoras (see Krinagoras) Critolaus, philosopher, 69 Crocodiles, exhibited, 241 Crocodilopolis, Preface x Ctesiphon, the Parthian Royal Resi- dence, 38 Cumas, 2IO, 212 4IO INDEX Cunningham, General, cited, 27 sq. Cyclades, exiles on the, 352-3 Cynics, the, 246 Cyrenaica, Greek life in, 220 ; Jews at, ibid. Cythera, 259 Cyzicus, 355 Damascus, Nicolaus of, 176-7 Damon of ChjEronea, 151 sq. Daulis, dispute concerning land at, 252 Decay of nations, inevitable, 396 Deities, Asiatic, worshipped under Greek names, 226 Dejotaras, king, an agriculturist, 6 ; visited by Romans, 120 Delos, discoveries and inscriptions at, 107; history under the Romans, 109 sq. Delphi, 107, 252, 321 Delta, the 243 Demagogues, extinct, 305 Demetrius, Soter (of Syria), 39 Demons, Plutarch's theory of 313 Demosthenes cited, 87 Dentheliates agcr, dispute about, 252 Depopulation, 101-2, 192 Deputations, modern and ancient compared, 72 Diadochi, their common ambition, 2 Diaspora, the Jewish, 199, 364 Diccearchia {see Puteoli) Dignity, human, in Plutarch, 344 Dinner parties, Plutarch on, 325 j^., 333 ^1- ; places at, 336 Diodorus, on Roman luxury, 3 ; on Eunus's state, 7 ; on mining, 54-5 ; on Alexandria, 164 Diodotus, first Greek king of Bactria, 21 Diogenes, an Epicurean philosopher at Antioch, 40 Diogenes, the Stoic, at Rome, 69 Diogenes Laertius, cited, 61, 72 Dionysiac artists, 213 Dionysius, Cicero's clerk, 82 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 207, 382 sq., 387 Dionysius Thrax, 84 Dionysus, guilds of, 33, 96 Diophanes, translator of Mago, 5 Diophantus, Mithradates' general, 89 Dion Chrysostom, 223 ; compared with Strabo, 227 ; on Nicaea, 228 ; on genealogies, 229 ; on Celsenae, 231-2 ; on Tarsus, 235-6 ; on Rhodes, 237-8 ; on Alexandria, 245 sq. ; on gladiatorial combats, 271-2 ; on Borysthenes (Olbia), 274 sq. ; on Euboea, 277 sq. ; on Prusa, 359 sq. ; on poverty, 288, 370 ; on a course of reading, 385 Discipline, its power in war, 89 Dittenberger, his Sylloge cited, 89 Divine honours, 305 Dogs, 279 Doric pillars, alleged copies in India and in Egypt, 28 Dorpfeld, W. , on arsenal of Philon, 99 Dorylaos, friend of Mithradates, 92 Drama, Indian, how related to Greek, 31 sq. ; its peculiarities, 32 ; num- ber of plays, 34 Dress, Greek, worn by Romans, 115 Dublin, Italian art in, 106 Dyme, revolt at, 100; pirates settled at, 153 Earthquakes in first century, 215, 224, 271 Eastern Hellenism, 18 sq. Eclecticism, in philosophy, 63, 183, 328 Education, Roman, 82 ; of Cicero, 118-9; cost of, 325; Dion on, 385 Egypt refuses Lucullus help, 90 ; religion in, 164 Egypt, Roman Government of, 242-4 Elephants, capture of, 55 Elton, cited, 194 Embassies to Rome, 357 sq. Empires of the world compared, 15, 396 Emporiae, 193 Encyclopaidias, of Diodorus and Strabo, 189 Endurance of Greeks, 132 England, after peace of 1815, com- INDEX 411 f pared to Rome, 8r ; poverty in compared to Greek, 371 Epaminondas, 257, 260 Ephcbic institutions, 326-7 l"]phesus appeals to Florus for permissign to celebrate a feast, 233-4 Ephorus, criticised, 210 Epicureans, unpopular, 41 ; at Her- culaneum, 218 ; expelled from Rome, 66 ; not politicians, 71 ; Piso and Philodemus, as, 127 sq.\ Vatinius, as, 148-9 Epicurus, libelled, 72 ; his school at Rome, 64, 74 Eras, local, of Greek cities, 41 Essenes, sect of the, 185 sq. Euboea, Dion's idyll in, 277-88 Eucrates, Grreco-Indian king, 23 Eucratideia, his capital, 23 Eudoxus the explorer, adventures of, 48 sq. Euemerus of Messene, 64 Eunus, a slave leader, 7 Eupatoria, 95 Euphuists, 376 Euripides, the poet of society, 329-85 Eurycles, 259-60 Euthydemus, king, 24 Ezekiel, on Tyre, quoted, 47 Fabricius, M., cited, 355 Factions, the, of the Circus, 247 Feasts, Antigoneia, Euergesia, Ptole- masa, at Delos, 108 ; at Jerusalem, 175 ; in Asia, 232-3 Fellahs, the Egyptian, 244 Fergusson (architect), on the age of stone-building in India, 25 Ferrets, early use of, in Spain, 195 Festivals, Greek, 260 FHG {Fragmcnta Historicorum GrcFconim, ed. C. Miiller), 177, 228, 241, etc. Fidelity, conjugal, 328 Figulus, P. Nigidius, 79, 184 Financial crisis at Rome, 93 Flaccus, Cicero's defence of, 133 Flavian dynasty, the, and Hellenism, 351 ^'1- Foucart, M., cited, 181 Franciscans, the, compared to Cynics, 246 Freedom of cities, granted, 87 ; under the Romans, 226 ; of Hellas declared by Nero, 257 French culture in England, 81 Fulvius, patron of Ennius, 64 Gadara, 377 Gades, ships of, 49 ; Eudoxus at, 50 ; wealth of, 193-4 Gallus, /Elius, 340, 357 Garrison, the Roman, of Egypt, 241-2 Gaza, destruction of, 45 ; Stark on, 46 Gellius, L., and the schools of Athens, 149 Genealogies, in Asiatic cities, not real or long, 229 Gentlemen, deficiences of the Greek, 847 Geography, study of in second cent. B.C., 48 sq. Gessius Florus, 366 Gladiators, war of the, 10 ; in Greece, 271-2 Godhead, unity of the, 181 Gods, strange, at Delos, 110 Gospel, the, 367 ; greatness of the, 389 ; long ignored, ibid. Government, centralisation in, 391 Gracchus, C. , his speeches, 84 Gracchus, Ti., 77 ; and Blossius, 117 Gravitas, the Roman, 70 Greece, decadence of, described by Dion, 249 sq. Greek character, Cicero on, 133-4 Greek citizenship, 148 ; prose 148 ; its colonising powers, 197 ; against Jews, 364 sq. Guide books, old Greek, 53 sq. Hadrian, 248, 369 Hair, dyeing of, by Herod, 165 Hamilcar, 197 Hardy, Mr., cd. of Pliny's corre- spondence, cited, 231, 355, 363 Harpocras, the case of, 244 Hecate, temple of, at .Stratoniceia, 91, 225 412 INDEX Heius, of Messina, 14 Heliopolis, the proposed city of Arsitonicus, 9 Hellenic life in the Crimea, 36 Hellenism, its despair under Rome, II ; its form that of cities, 14; Roman, 16, 46 ; Maccabean, 43 ; reaction against, 16, 156 ; senti- mental, 15^^.; of Herod, 174 J'^'. ; at Naples, Pompeii, etc., 212; of emperors, 254 sq. ; Syrian, 378 Hellenomemphites, 202 Heraclea founds Chersonnesus, 89 Herculaneum, the papyri of, 129, 218 Hermathena, cited, 4 sq. Herod the Great and Cleopatra, 165-6 ; character of, 171 sq. ; his Memoirs, 172; and Eurycles, 259 Hertzberg, Cjeschichte Griechei! land's, cited, 252, 262, 272, 289, 296, 347 Hiatus, the law of, as a test of gen- uineness, 331 Hicks, E. L., his Manual of in- scrips., cited, 91, 391 Hieroglyphics, 241 History as conceived by Dionysius Halicarn. , 383 Holiness the source of wisdom, 183 Holleaux, M., in BCH., on Nero, 256 Hollows of Euboea, 277-8 Homer, at Olbia, 275 ; in Plutarch, 341 ; in Dion, 385 Honesty, commercial, of Rhodians, 237 Horse races at Alexandria, 247-8 Hospitality, rustic, 286 ; Dion on, 38s House architecture at Pompeii, 215-6 ; at Delos, 217 Hungary, climate of, 88 Hunter's life, Eubojan, 277 .sq. Hydra, modern analogy to Gadcs, 194 Hypata, 296 Hyrcanian Plain, the, 200 Hyrcanus, the Maccabee, 43-4, lAT.YSOS, the, of Protogcncs, 236 Ice, battle on the, 88 Ideals, philosophic, in first century, 183 Ilium sacked by Fimbria, 99, 228 Images honoured by Herod, 177 Improvements, architectural, un- popular, 360-2 Indian trade, 230 Innkeepers, Italian, 309 Inscriptions, cited on Diophantus, 89 ; on Delos, 107 sq.; Greeco- Latin, 213 ; cited on M, Titius, byjewsof Cyrenaica, 220; funeral, 220-2 ; cited on Tiberius, 224 (see BCH, MDI, CIG, CIL). Invitations, long, 333 Ionia, antiquities of, in Pausanias, 228 Ionic capitals, to be found in India, 28 Iris, temple of, at Pompeii, 216 Irish epitaph cited, 222 Ischia, 215 Iskanderovnah (Scanderoon), 200 Islands, the /Egean, 262, 352-3 Isthmia, games of, 67 B.C., 256 Italians, massacre of, in Asia, 92 Italy, theological 383-4 advantages of, Jason (tyrant), 304 Jerusalem adorned by Herod, 175 sq. ; Philo on, 364-5 Jews, influence in Egypt, 47 ; in Greece, 268, 321, 349 ; ignorance concerning, in Plutarch, 321 ; oppose Hellenism, 16, 42, 358 sq., 564 sq. ; and their diaspora, 199 Jobbing in Greek cities, 363 Jokes, Plutarch on, 342 Josephus, on discontent of Greek cities under the Parthians, 38 ; on policy of the Maccabees, 42 ; on Hyrcanus, 45 ; on Antony, 163 ; on Herod, 171 sq. ; on the Essenes, 185 ; on free Greek cities in Syria, 202 ; on Eurycles, 259 ; autobio- graphy, 365 Juba, 219 Jugurtha, 7, 219 INDEX 413 Juvenal on Egyptian cruelty, 248 Kaibel, on Philodemus, 129, 375-6 Kermesse, the modern, analogous to Grudk. panegyris, 231 Kertch, Museum of, 87 Kings in the Crimea, 273 ; titular, in free Greek cities, 89 Kissing out of fashion, 285 Koifd, various, in Greece, 102, 253-4 Krinagoras, 157, 255, 355, 379 Kurds, the, 229 Laberius, on Cicero, 113 Labienus, ravages Caria, 226 Lagina, inscription of, 91 Land question in Euboea, 282 Lassen, Indische AKerthi/mskunde, cited, 19 ; on evidence of coins, 24 ; on the Indian drama, 31, 36 Latifundia in Greece, 251 Latinisms in Greek decrees of the Senate, 147 Laudations of private people in in- scriptions, 112, 261 ; their mean- ing, 263 Lecky, W. H. cited, 303 Lectures, Greek, at Rome, 70 ; proper conduct at, 330-1, 333 Letronne cited, 240 Letter of Augustus, 357-8 Leucon, tyrant in the Crimea, 87 Levity, Greek, 132 sq., 364 Liberty of Greeks, 257, 265 ; varia- tions in the terms of, in Asiatic cities, 354-5 Libraries, 325 Liguria, struggle of Rome with, 201, 205 Lions at Megara, 158 Litigations, land, in Greece, 252 Livy, cited, 65, 296 Longinus, 385, 392 sq. Loquacity, Plutarch on, 340 sq. Love, Plutarch on, 346 Lovers, in society, 337, 342 Lucian, 332, 381 Lucilius (poet), 73, 82, 83 Lucius of Patrce, 295 sq. Lucretius, his poem, 78 Lucullus raises a fieet, 90 ; protects Asia, 93 ; saves Chaeronea, 152-3 Luxur)', Plutarch on, 335 Lycia, league of, 203 Lysias, his style, 332 Lysimachus founds a city in yEtoIia, 203 Maccabees, rise of the, 41 ; policy of the, 43 Macchiavelli, cited, 304 Macedonia, 199 ; S. Paul in, 267 Macedonian, a title in Egypt, 165, 242 Mago on agriculture, 5 sq. Manius Aquillius, 97 Manners, Plutarch on, 324 sq. ; lauded in inscriptions, 221; in epitaphs, 112 Marble, Greek trade in, 251 Mariamme, 167, 172-4 Marriages, rich and poor compared, 288 Massanassa, named at Delos, 112 Massilia, Greek centre in the West, 85 ; Hellenic not Hellenistic, 193 ; opposes Ccesar, 202, 205 Mathematics, Greek, 48 Matter, on Alexandria, 188 Mauretania explored, 50 MDI [Mittheilungen des deutschen Instituts in Athcn), 94, 98, 233, 252, 257, 260, 274, 316, etc. Medeon amalgamates with Stiris, 102 Mediation in philosophy objected to by Cicero, 150 Megara, kings at, 89 Megasthenes, his Itidica, 19 sq., 26 Melanthius, 340 Meleager (poet), 373, 377, and Ap- pendix C Memmius and the Epicureans at Athens, 123 Memnon, the statue of, 240 Memphis, 241 Menander, Indo-Greek king, 23 Menander, the poet, in Terence's versions, 71, 249 ; praised by Plutarch, 329 Messene, 252 414 INDEX Military colonies of Alexander and of Romans, 200 Mining in Pontus, 10 ; in Egypt, 10; in Nubia, 54 ; unproductive, 265 Mithradates, 86, 90, 92 sq. Mob, the city, 263, 280 Mommsen, Th. , his authority cited, 60, 82, 146, 192, 212 Monarch, a magisterial title, 89 Monarchical rule preferred by Asia- tics, lOI Monopoly in papyrus, 242 Monotheism, 273 Morality, Plutarch's, 328, 344 Mtiller, C, Fragmenta Historicorum Gr(Ecoru»i, cited, 177 Munk, quoted, 48 Museum, the Alexandrian, and Aris- totle, 188 ; and Dion, 245-6, and Apollonius, 250 Music, Philodemus on, 130 Musonius, 271 Mylasa, the city, 225 Mystagogi = cicerones, 140 Mytilene, 355-6 NiEVlUS, 83 Naples, a Greek town, 115, 210, 212 ; Museum of, 218 Nasamones, the, 373 'KeKpoKoplvdia, 157 Nero spares Rhodian art, 238 ; Hel- lenism of, 256 sq. ; speech of, pre- served, 256-7, 271, and Appendix A ; and isthmus of Corinth, 271 ; court of, 298 ; soul of, 313 Nicasa, 228, 231, 363 Nicolaus Damascenus (historian), cited on an Indian embassy, 30 ; on Herod, 176-7, 228, 377; criti- cised, 382 Nicomedes of Bithynia, his answer to the Senate, 8, 229 Nicomedes III, addressed by Scym- nus, 57-8, 60 Nicomedia, 230, 231, 363 Nicopolis, 253 Nigidius Figulus, Pub. (philosopher), 79 Northern barbarians civiUsed, by Massilia, 204 Numa, the books of, 64 sq. Oaths, not respected by Greeks, 1 33 Obscurity in Anthology, 129 Octavia, 356 Octavian party in the civil war, 226 Oeta, Mount, 296 Olbia, 274 Olympia, treasures of, stolen by Nero, 238 ; Altis of, 257 Olympia, games at, 256 ; trans- ferred, 261 Ombi, 248 Onomademus, 304 Opposition to city improvement, 361-2 Oppression, Roman, gone under the Empire, 233 Opsimathes despised in Greece, 81 Oracle, the Pythian, 321 ; decay of, 329 Oratore, de, Cicero, 118, 341 Oratory, Roman school of, 84 ; Longinus on, 392 sq. Oriental religions, their effects on Hellenism, 180 Oscan art at Pompeii, 214 Ostia, 195, 211 Overbeck on Pompeii, 214-16; on use of stucco, 216 ; on Puteolan relief, 224 Ovid copies Philodemus, 129 ; exiled, 262 ; Heroides, 388 Oxford, inscription at, 91 Palimbothra (Pataliputra), the capital of Sandracottus, 19 ; de- scribed, 26 Panastius (at Rome), 75 sq. Panopolis, festival at, 203 Papyrus, the growth of, 242, 243 Paris, M., on Delos, 217 Parisades, king of Tauric Cherson- nese, 89 Parthia, revolt of, 22 sq. Parthians invade Asia Minor, 169- 70; Hellenism of, 170 Paul, Epistles of, 227 ; in Greece, 266-8 Pausanias, 252 Peace, the Roman, 225 INDEX 415 Pergamum, kings of, praised, 57 Petilius, L., finds Pythagorean books, 65 Pctrie, Mr. F. , his discovery of Greek papyri, Preface ix sq. Phanias, 40 Philip of Thessalonica (poet), 380-1, and Appendix D PhiHppi, 267 Philo (Judaeus) on Augustus, 171 ; on Therapeuta,*, 184 ; on Alex- andria, 243 ; on exile, 353 ; mis- sion to Caligula, 358 sq. ; on Caligula, 359 sq. Philodemus of Gadara, izj sq., 218 Philosophers expelled by Antiochus Sidetes, 40 ; sent on missions, 68- 9 ; household, at Rome, 100 ; ac- company Roman generals, 102 ; compared with sophists, 327 Philosophy, Greek, at Rome, 60 sq. ; in Latin, 114; ascetic, in first century, 178 sq., 370 Philostratus, his Life of Apollonius cited, 29, 266 Phocylides, 275 Phcenician settlements differ from Greek, 193; at Athens, etc., 199 Phoenicians, their seamanship, ig8 Photius, 299 Picture galleries, 322 ne/3i7;77)TT7J (Cicerone), 53 Pirasus dismantled by Sylla, 98 Pirates, the, 153 Piso, Cicero's picture of, 127 Places at dinner, 336 Plata2a, 297 Plate, old silver, its value at Rome, 80 Plato, 332, 338, 386 Plays, Indian [see Drama) Pliny, the elder, cited, 5 ; on Me- trodorus, 68 Pliny, the younger, cited, 227 Plotius, L. , teaches Latin rhetoric, 118 Plutarch, on king Menander's death andpopularity,23; on/Em.Paullus, 68 ; on the days of Mithradates, 86 ; on Marius, 104 ; on Damon Peripoltas, 151-3 ; on Antony, 162 ; on exile, 261-2 ; on gladia- tors, 272 ; on the Jews, 321 ; on manners and education, 323 sq. ; and law of hiatus, 331 Poets thanked for praising Delos, 112 Politarchs at Thessalonica, 268 Polity, 303 Polybius, the crisis of his time, i, 4; his position, 67 ; on Roman luxury, 3 ; on Roman education, 81; compared with Dionysius Hal., 383 Pompeii, 214 sq. Pompey, settlement of the East by, 46, 224 ; character, 143 ; and the pirates, 154-5 Porus, title of Indian kings, 30 Posidonius quoted on luxury of Syrian cities, 46 ; on Aristion, 96 ; and Pompey, 103 Priesthoods, title of nobility, 226 Probability, doctrine of, in Carne- ades' teaching, 63 Prose, Latin, created by Cicero, 114 Provinces, Cicero's picture of the, 144 Provincialism derided, 138 Pscphisma, the Greek, its defects, Ptolemaea at Delos, 108 Ptolemy Lathyrus, 44, 54 Publicani, oppression of the, 8, 146 Punctuality at dinner, 336 Purser, Mr. L. C. , quoted, 55, 313 and Preface Puteoli replaces Delos, 112, 211 sq. Pyramids, Strabo on the, 241 Pyrrho, school of, 62 Pyrrhus, his successes against Rome, I Pythagoras, alleged books of, 65 ; new school of, 79, 179 sq. ; mythi- cal portrait of, 181 Queen-mothers, their importance in Seleucid and Ptolemaic history, 39. 44 Quintus Cicero, letters to, 136, 138 Rabbits, plague of, 194-5 Rabirius at the Alexandrian court 4i6 INDEX Rajendralala Mitra opposes Fergus- son on age of Indian stone build- ing, 25 sq. Ravenna, 208 Reinach, Th. , cited, 98 Religion in Greek and Phoenician colonies, 198 Renaissance, the, and stucco, 216 Revolutions, Roman, injure Hellen- ism, 85 Rhetoric, Greek, as opposed to Roman, 84 Rhodes, Strabo on, 236 sq. ; Dion on, 237, 248 Rhodians, control Delos, 109 ; con- quered by Cassias, 161 ; poverty of, 237-8 Rhone, the, 201 Riviera, the, 201 Roads, Roman, essential to their colonies, 201 Roman governor, rapacity of, 14, 143 sq. Roman gravitas compared to English, II Rome, and Alexander, i ; not edu- cated for undertaking an empire, 2-4 ; asserts superiority to Greece, 131 ; mission of, in the East, 37 ; the only capital of the world, 12 ; enforces Hellenism, 205 ; Strabo on, 206 ; policy in Asia Minor, 354 Rubensohn on Crinagoras, 376 Rudeness, Germanic, 222 Rufus, Rutilius, 76, 78, 97 Rules of verse, strict, 375 Rural life in Greece, Dion on, 276 sq., 370-2 Samaria, destroyed by Maccabees, 43 Samnites occupy Naples, 210 Sandracottus, his alliance with Seleucus, 19 Sanskrit, the language of the Indian drama, 32 Sardinia, low condition of, 15 Saviour, expected by the slaves, 9 Sayce, Prof., cited, 200, 313, and Preface Scaptius, 158 Scepsis, MSS. of Aristotle at, 99 Scepticism, failure of, 180 Schliemann, Dr., on Novum Ilium, 228, 363 Scholarchs, Athenian, 6i ; character of, in second century, 62 Schools, philosophic, and their policy, 94 Schiirer, his History of Israel quoted, 46 Scipio and Polybius, 67 ; and Panajtius, 76 Scipionic circle, 3 Scymnus of Chios, his geography, 56, 59 Scythians, 90, 274-5 Sea, the Red, 54-5 Sebaste, 176 Seleucia on the Tigris, 38 Seleucus I., his Eastern policy, 18 Senart (in Journal Asiatique for 1885) on the inscription of Afoka, 22 Senate, the Roman, missions to the, from the Maccabees, 43 ; decree on the books of Numa, 66 ; on Stratoniceia, 91 ; on Oropus, 145 ; on Narthakion, 146 Senatus-consulta, 145 sq. Senatus-consultum, of Lagina, 91 ; about Sparta and Messene, 252 Sicily, slaves in, 7 ; the Greeks of, according to Cicero, 131-2 ; Phoenicians and Greeks in, 197 ; decay of, 218-9 Silanus, D. , translator of Mago, 5 Simon, the Maccabee, 42 Sinope, 95 Slaves, Carthaginian, 6 ; their first revolt in Sicily, 7 ; its Hellenistic character, 7 ; their second revolt, 7-9 ; combine with gladiators, 10 Snake, caught for Ptolemy II, 56 Snoring of the Tarsians, 235 Sophist, the, compared with the philosopher, 327 Spain, Hellenism of, 192 sq. ; effect of, on the East, 195 Sparta, games at, 259 Spartacus, 10 INDEX 417 Stark, Professor, B., quoted on Philistia and Palestine, 41 sq. Statues, renaming of, 239 Stilo, L. ^lius, teaches Latin, 84 Stiris, 102, 152 Stoas, 360 sq. Stoics, Roman, 75-6, 85, 159, 160 ; antiquated, 180 ; affected by the East, 187 Strabo, on mining and its hardships, 10 ; quotes Megasthenes, 19 ; on king Menander, 23 ; cites Apol- lodorus, 25 ; Nicolaus, 30 ; criti- cises story of Eudoxus, 51 ; on the tyrants of the Crimean Bos- phorus, 87 ; on Mithradates, 92 ; on Aristotle's books, 99 ; on the Corinthian pottery, 157 ; general estimate of, 189-92 ; travels, 191 ; on Spain, 192 sq. ; Emporiag, 193 ; on rabbits, 195 ; on the Celts, 204 ; on Rome, 206 ; his mission, 206-7 ! on Asia, 232 sq. ; on Comana, 225-6 ; on Rhodes, 236-7 ; on Egypt, 240 sq. ; on papyrus and balm of Gilead, 242 Strategus, military, at Athens, 98 Stratoniceia, in Caria, 91, 146 Stucco, use of, 216 Style, 384, 386 ; decay of, 392 sq. Sublime, Longinus on the, 385 sq. Suetonius, on Augustus, 162 ; on Vespasian, 258 ; on Domitian, 258-9 Superstition of Sylla, 103 Sybaris, 333 Syene (Aswan) 241 Sylla turns back the stream of history, 13 ; in Caria, 91 ; his memoirs, 93-4 ; his associates, 103 ; sends veterans to Pompeii, 214 Symposiarch, the, 337-8 Syria, its vicissitudes in the second century B.C., 39; rich in pro- ducing philosophers, 61 ; under Tigranes, 90, 168 ; its Greek cities restored, 169 Table-talk of Plutarch, 338 sq. Tacitus, 256, 284 Tact, want of, in great personages, 343 Tarentum, 209 Tarsus, description of, 234 sq. Ta.xila, Hellenistic temple at, 28-9 Tenos, festival at, 231 Terence, translates Menander, 83 Theatres, Indian, 33 Thebes, Egyptian, revolt and de- struction of, 168 Thebes, BcEotian, deserted, 288 Theorists on style, 381 TherapeutiX>, sect of the, 184 Thessalonica, 267-8 Tiberius, the Emperor, restores cities in Asia, 224 ; Hellenism of, 255 Tigfranes, 90, 92 ; monarch of Syria, 168 Tigranocerta, 92 Tiro and Cicero, 135 Toparchs, 46 Tory dreams, realisation of, 11 Toy-cart, the, 35 Trade, in Greece, 250-1 Training, bodily, Plutarch on, 325-6 Trajan, 259, 263, 391 Treasures of art carried to Rome, 104 sq. ; in Sicily, 142 Troglodytes, in Nubia, 55 Trophies, set up by Herod at Jeru- salem, 175 Tryphon, a slave leader, 9 Tubero, a Stoic, 149 Turcomans, the, 205 Turdetani, the, 196 Tyrannicide, why popular, 160 Tyrannic, heard by Strabo, 206 Tyrants, in Babylon, etc., 38 ; on Syrian coast, 41 ; in the Crimea, 87 Tyrian companies at Puteoli, 214 Umbra at dinner, 343 Unhealthiness, hereditary, common, 323 Unity of the Deity preached by Pythagoreans, 181 ; by Dion, 239; by Plutarch, 311-2 Universities, 265 Unknown gods, the, 269 Unpopularity of philosophers, 374 Urbes legatee, 203 2 E 4i8 INDEX Utica, 219 Valerius Antias (historian), cited by Livy, 65 Varenus, 306 Ventidius conquers the Parthians, 170 Verres, Cicero against, 139 sq. ; his outrages, 141 Vespasian, cancels Nero's edict, 257-8, 355 ; his Hellenism, 258 Vesuvius, its eruption, 215 Vices of Longinus's age, 393-4 Viereck, on the Greek of the Senate, 147 Vigo bay, 194 Villages, 15, 195, 240 Violence, Greek, in accusation, 138 Virtues, domestic, lauded on Epitaphs, 222 Volkmann, on Plutarch, 319 ; criti- cised, 331 Weil, R., in MDI, 94 Wilson, Prof. H. 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