trrfj<*]~ -fir ia PEOPLE'S EDITION, AND ONLY COMPLETE EDITION OF MOORE'S IRISH MELODIES. WITH THE MUSIC. lily, MOORE'S IRISH MELODIES, WITH . PIANOFORTE. PEOPLE'S EDITION, IN SMALL QUARTO. i ' M ; "M Loml< Li >N< M i -. C< >. V.DDISON and CO. goj 5 THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES M- 1NNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. LONDON : Si 01 TISWOODES and SHAW, New-itrcet-Square. INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN, IN AN ATTEMPT TO TRACE THE CHIEF LINES OF COMMUNICATION ACROSS THAT CONTINENT SOUTH OF THE EQUATOR: WITH THE ROUTES TO THE MUROPUE AND THE CAZEMBE, MOENEMOEZI AND LAKE NYASSA ; THE JOURNEYS OF THE REV. DR. KRAPF AND THE REV. J. REBMANN ON THE EASTERN COAST, AND THE DISCOVERIES OF MESSRS. OSWELL AND LIVINGSTONE IN THE HEART OF THE CONTINENT. 4 BY WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY. LONDON: LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 1852. rrr PREFACE. THE following pages were originally written for the purpose of elucidating and justifying a map, drawn on a large scale and exhibiting in the fullest manner the authentic details of that portion of Africa, which lies between the equator and the southern tropic. The utility of such a disclosure of detail is obvious, for in weighing the credibility of statements, it is of the utmost importance to consider the copiousness and harmony of the accompanying particulars. The map in question was drawn above a year ago, and was placed early in November (1851), in the hands of Mr. John Arrowsmith, at his own desire, to be engraved and published. He received it free from any stipulation or condition but that of publication within a reasonable time, and voluntarily engaged to complete the work in two months. As circumstances beyond my control, however, now forbid my reckoning on the completion of that map, and as the value of every comment or suggestion, connected with progressive discovery, is liable to continual change, it seems best to publish the Memoir without further delay, notwithstanding the disadvantage under which it must appear when 13841O5 VI PREFACE. separated from the work which determined its form and was calculated to reflect on it a natural and appropriate light : for as the Memoir was written to justify the map, so the map would have explained the motives of the Memoir, and vindicated its attention to particular details. The small map now prefixed to the work will suffice for the illustration of general views, and show the range and scope of the inquiry. Though it differs materially from the ordinary maps of the same portion of the earth, the attentive reader will soon perceive that it has not been incautiously compiled, and that its title to dis- tinction is founded not on originality nor fulness (which latter indeed would be impossible in so small a space), so much as on superior authenticity. W. D. C. 26th July, 1852. CONTENTS. Object proposed, 1. Commendable Blanks in D'Anville's Map, 2. Missionary Authorities, 3. Position of Pungo Andongo, 5. Ex- aggerations reduced, 7. First Communication across, 9. Position of Mucari, 10. Course of the Pombeiros, 11. Titles of Bomba, 12. Valley of the Luliia, 13. The Alua, 15. The Muropiie's Embassy, 16. The Lualaba, 18. Quigila Salt Marsh, 19. Louvar, Loval or Lobale, 20. The Luapiila, 24. Lucenda, 25. Lacerda's Expedition, 26. The River Aruangoa, 27. Country of the Moviza, 28. The New Zambeze, 29. Arrival at Luceuda, 30. Astro- nomical Observations, 31. Concurrent Testimonies, 33. Distance from Tete, 34. The Cazembe's Conduct, 35. His Treasures, 36. The Arunda, 37. Height of the Country, 38. History of the Cazembe, 39. Extent of his Dominion, 41. Points established, 42. Douville's Muata Yanvo, 43. Dr. H. Berghaus and Douville, 44. Palpable Blunders, 45. Fabricated Vocabulary, 46. A bad Map by Berghaus, 50. Route from Kilwa to the Lake, 51. From Mosambique to the Lake, 52. Routes to Moenemoezi, 54. From Buromaji to Mardra, 55. Thence to Oha, 56. The River Lufiji, 57. Its supposed Connection with Kilwa, 58. The Mucaranga, 59. Why so called, 60. The Mucomango, 61. Position of Oha, 62. Early Accounts of Moenemoezi, 63. Early Mention of the Lake, 65. Zambre from Zambeze, 66. Lopez knew but one Central Lake, 69. Its Magnitude, 70. Recent Accounts, 71. Only one Lake now known, 73. First Mention of the Pangani and Kilima Njaro, 75. Krapfs Journey to Usambara, 75. Vuga and Sala, 76. His Rate of March, 78. His Mistake respecting the Ruvii, 79. Its Consequences, 80. Journey to Kilima, 81. View of the Interior, 84. Kilima Njaro, 86. Chaga, 88. Perpetual Snow, 89. Unknown to the Natives, 92. Journey to Majame, 94. Defective Evidence, 96. Snow in the rainy Season, 98. Wrong Bearings, 100. Journey to Ukamba, 102. The River Adi, 105. Mount Vlll CONTENTS. Kc-nia, 107. River Dana, 109. River Quilimanci, 111. Coast of Mali IK la. 113. Sources of the Rivers, 115. The Lake Baringo, 117. The Webbe, 119. No Mountains of the Moon, 120. True Position of Kitui, 121. The Zingian Languages, 122. Scanty Information, 123. Points established, 124. Krapfs Geographical Ambition, 125. The Ethiopic Olympus, 127. Abutiia, 128. Lake Ngami, 129. Rivers Chobe and Sesheke, 130. Native Accounts of an Inland Sea, 131. The River Tobatsi, 132. The Batletle, 133. Basin of the Zambeze distinct, 134. Portuguese Statements, 135. Waters wasted, 137. The Zaire and Tobatsi, 138. Native Inform- ation, 139. The Boers on the Manisa, 140. First Impulse towards these Discoveries, 141. Recapitulation, 141. Inland Trade of Kilwa, 145. INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. THE interior of Africa, south of the equator, still remains in our best maps a blank ; yet our informa- tion respecting that portion of the earth, scanty as it may appear, is sufficient, when aptly analysed and combined, to shed a flood of light on a very in- teresting region. The chief physical features of that hitherto dark interior, and those most likely to ope- rate on the social condition of mankind, may be made to shine forth with incontrovertible evidence. To collect and duly concentrate every scattered ray of light is the task herein undertaken. If success- fully performed, it will invest with an authentic character much that is now involved in doubt and uncertainty ; and, at the same time, it cannot fail to augment our knowledge with the consequences that follow on clear views. The first attempt of this kind was made in the " Memoir on the Geography of Nyassi," which appeared in the "Journal of the Royal Geographical Society," vol. xv., 1845. The novelty, extent, and intrinsic importance of the field therein opened to inquiry, would fully justify the repetition of 2 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. its survey, even within the same limits. But we now resume its investigation with a wider scope, increased resources, and with a reasonable expectation of being able to dispel much of the obscurity which still hangs over the geography of Africa. The discoveries re- cently made in Eastern Africa by the missionaries settled near Mombas, will be also found here, reduced to an authentic shape and in their just proportions. The attempt to penetrate and examine that which is less known in geography, is often marred by mis- conception of that which is better known, arising chiefly from the vague language of travellers, and their exaggerated estimates of distances. Before we venture, therefore, to proceed into the interior, we must endeavour to ascertain the position of our start- ing point. In the map drawn by D' Anville for Labat's " Relation Historique de 1'Ethiopie Occidentale," at- tention is called by that judicious geographer to the blank space in the interior, the unusual extent of which, he observes, is attributable, not to increased distance between the coasts, but simply to reduction of the exaggerated extent given to the known region on both sides. In all maps of Africa anterior to the 18th century, and in many of later date, the king- doms of Abessinia, Monomotapa, and Congo, meet in the middle of the continent, where, consequently, they leave no void or blank. Errors of this kind, per- vading nearly all our geographical materials, are hard to be got rid of ; and it is curious to observe, that in the map by D' Anville, above referred to, the Abessinian name Bagamidr still adheres to the upper course of DEFECTS OF MISSIONARY ACCOUNTS. 6 the Quango. It cannot be said that there was an ab- solute want of information respecting the countries comprised in that map, namely, the Portuguese settle- ments on both sides of Africa, with the adjoining coun- tries, or, in other words, Congo, Angola, Benguela, and Monomotapa. To confine ourselves at present to the Western side, there were, besides the accounts of Lopez as given by Pigafetta ; of Battell, who spent some years in Angola ; of Braun, Barbot, and others who visited the coasts; the narratives of the mis- sionaries Merolla, Guattini and Caiii, Biondi, Romano, Pellicer de Tovar, Zucchelli, and Cavazzi de Monte- cuccolo. The last named writer, when compiling his " Istorica Descrittione de Tre Regni, &c.," had before him the accumulated missionary information of more than a century. Yet all these volumes together would hardly furnish twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence, resting on actual observation, and free from exaggeration. Cavazzi's work was translated by Labat, but not faithfully, the translator often taking unwarrantable liberties with his author. Thus, when Cavazzi states that Sundi (the town) is " six leagues from the great cataract of the Bancari, where it joins the Zaire towards the South," his translator merely says " six leagues from the falls of the Zaire. There is no ground for supposing that Labat was in these matters better in- formed than his author ; and it must be inferred, there- fore, that, in favour of his own views, he perverted the statements which Cavazzi had probably derived from the original testimony, and which are rendered at the B 2 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. present day doubly interesting by the consideration, that, if they be true, Tuckey's expedition, which seems to have explored the Zaire nearly as far as the mis- sionaries had ever penetrated, turned back when just on the point of making interesting discoveries. The exaggeration of distance affecting nearly all accounts of missionary travels, are palpable only when the routes terminate near the sea coast ; otherwise it eludes detection. The charts show that the distance between Sonho, within the Zaire, near its mouth, and Loanda, which the missionaries repeatedly estimate at 200 leagues, is hardly so many miles. But towards the interior, up the Zaire, exaggeration was unchecked. The Anziko, a nation occupying the hills opposite to Sundi, and extending downwards to Emboma below the falls, were placed 200 or 300 leagues, or perhaps three times their true distance, from the sea ; and that mistake remains to this day unconnected. When we read Cavazzi's account of Father Girolamo de Monte- sarchio's journey to Cancobella, a town on the Zaire, tributary to the Micoco or the king of the Anziko, we find nothing in it that indicates a long journey.* He is silent respecting the distance between the two places, though the missionaries are habitually unreserved in describing their toils. When the Friar fell sick at Cancobella, he was at once carried back to Sundi, whence it may be inferred that these places were at the utmost twenty or thirty miles asunder. Yet, in maps of our own day, Cancobella has been placed * Cavazzi de Montecuccolo, Istorica Relattione de Tre Regni. &c., Milan, 1690, p. 408., &c. TRUE DISTANCE OF PUNGO ANUONGO. 5 500 miles from the sea ; and Monsol, the supposed capital of the Anziko, was set by D'Anville himself in long. 26 20' E., close to the equator, or probably 700 miles from its true position. It is curious to reflect on the magnitude of these errors and on their sources ; and to think how wretchedly imperfect at this day is our knowledge of countries which have been peram- bulated more or less for three centuries by Christian missionaries. We know that Masingano (the Meeting of the Waters) in Angola, is situate about forty leagues up the Quanza, or probably less than 100 nautical miles from the sea in a straight line, just above the junction of this river and the Lucala, It is ordinarily reached in six days from Loanda ; five of them up the Quanza, against the stream. The fort of Cambambe is ten leagues from Masingano by land, or two days by water, the river making here a wide circuit ; and again above or E. of Cambambe, two days distant, is the Presidio das Pedras, otherwise called the Rocks of Maopongo, or Pungo Andongo.* Thus the distance from Loanda to Pungo Andongo is ten days, going partly by water ; but the direct route by land, through Emba~ca on the Lucala, is a day or two shorter. The ordinary day's journey in Angola is fifteen or sixteen miles, and with trained bearers, carrying the Tipoia or suspended hammock, on a good road, it varies little. The Em- * Guerreiro (Relaam Annual, 1611, vol.i. fol. 127.) sets the native capital of Angola (Cabezzo, on the Rocks) 13 leagues E. of Cambambe. The Portuguese league of route may be here taken as 2 miles of protracted distance. B 3 6 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. pacasseiros, or native couriers, run from Loanda to Pungo Andongo in six days.* From all this we are justified in concluding that the distance between these places cannot exceed 150 miles. When we look at the missionaries' mode of travelling in this quarter, we find that they usually embarked on the Quanza about seven leagues S. by E. from Loanda, and thence ascended to Masingano in twelve or thirteen days. Thence they went up the Lucala to Embaca in seven or eight days, and in as many more reached Pungo Andongo, so that their journey to this place occupied an entire month. From these de- tails and much more of the same kind, it may be inferred, with perfect certainty, that the ordinary day's journey of the missionaries never exceeded six geogra- phical miles projected in a straight line ; on rare occa- sions, and with effort, it may have extended to ten miles. Now Cavazzi travelled from Embaca to Polongolo, the capital of the Jaga Casange, in eighteen or twenty days; and other missionaries from Loanda reached the same place in a month ; whence it is manifest that Polong61o cannot be above 250 miles from the sea.f When the deficiency of details and the gross ex- aggeration with which D' Anville had to do, are fairly * Memorias contendo a Biographia do Vice Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres, &c., by J. C. Feo Cardozo de Castelbranco, &c., p. 354. Pungo a Ndongo (as the name ought to have been written) signifies the crest or impending height of Ndongo (the interior of Angola). Had the missionaries ever perceived the meaning of the word Pungo, they would doubtless have analysed and explained the Congoese name for the Deity, Zambi-a-npungo, the Spirit above, or on high. t Istorica Descrittione, c., pp. 649. 657. EXAGGERATIONS REDUCED. 7 considered, we must admire the general sagacity of his innovations, and his resolute reduction of itinerary distances. At the present day we may venture a little further, in correcting excessive estimates of distance, as will appear from the following table : Geog. Miles. Geog. Miles. D'ANVILLE. AMENDED. From the mouth of the Quanza to Masingano 115 100 From Loanda to Embaca 165 130 Pungo Andongo 213 150 Polongolo 330 250 In order to understand the importance of having the concurrence of so great an authority as D'Anville in our wish to explode exaggerations, it must be remembered that there still exists in geographical works a strong inclination to prefer statements de- rived from, or designed to gratify, the imagination. M. Douville, who still has followers, placed Masin- gano 210 miles, Embaca 275 miles, and the capital of Casange 665 miles E. of Loanda ! Bowdich states gravely that the Portuguese fair in Casange is 700 miles inland ; nay, the missionary Cannecattim in- creases this distance to 500 (Portuguese) leagues, or 1660 geographical miles, which exceeds the whole breadth of the continent in the latitude of Angola ! The Portuguese markets or fairs in Angola are inva- riably within a short distance of forts. Unprotected, indeed, they would be useless. The fair of Donde, the chief slave market in the colony, is two leagues from Cambambe, down the river. The fair of Casange was probably near Pungo Andongo to the N. or N. E., in which quarter, and bordering on Embaca, there is a Jaga B 4 8 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. chief dependent on the Portuguese. And here it may be remarked, that had D' Anville consulted the original authorities, instead of allowing himself to be misled by Labat, he would have perceived that Matamba is but a little way E. of Pungo Andongo, near the Quanza, while Casange lies further off to the N. E. or N. N. E. Embaca lay on the road (which was doubt- less circuitous) between those two places ; the royal village in Matamba being a week's, that of Polon- g61o a three weeks' journey distant. Having thus ascertained approximately the internal limits of Angola and of the Portuguese settlements therein, we may now proceed to review the attempts made to explore the remote interior. In 1802, Francisco Honorato Da Costa, superintendent of the fair or factory of Casange, sent two Pombeiros, or native mercantile travellers, into the interior, with instructions to cross the continent, if possible, to the Zambeze.* But a principal object of their mission was to endeavour to establish relations of amity and inter- course with the Muropue or king of the Moluas (as they are called by the Portuguese), who was known to dwell beyond Casange towards the N. E. or N. N. E. The wily Jaga or Chief of Casange, it appeared, was adverse to such direct intercourse, and had hitherto prevented the Moluas from visiting the coast, by representing the Portuguese as cannibals, risen from the sea. But as this engrossing, obstructive, or protective policy prevails universally in Africa, it was * Pombeiro is the Portuguese derivative from the Bunda or Angolan word Pambu, a route or journey. FIKST COMMUNICATION ACROSS. 9 to be feared that the Muropue would not allow the Pombeiros to pass eastwards or southwards through his dominions. They were instructed, therefore, to lay aside their mercantile character, and to represent themselves as envoys of Mueneputo (the king of Portugal), seeking their chief's brother, who had travelled into the interior some years before, and had not been since heard of. The person thus alluded to was Dr. Lacerda, who in 1798 conducted an expedition from Tete on the Zambeze, to Lucenda the residence of the Cazeinbe, where he died soon after his arrival.* The Pombeiros executed their undertaking, but experienced delays that showed its difficulty. At a distance of only eight days from the Portuguese limits they met with obstruction from a petty chief. They pushed on, however, to Bomba, who effectually detained them above two years. Ransomed by Da Costa, they were allowed to depart ; and after paying another ransom to a chief named Moshico, they at length reached the Muropue, or Muata ya Kvo or ya Mbo, in 1805. By him they appear to have been kindly treated ; and continuing their journey without mishap, they arrived at Lucenda, the residence of the Cazembe, on the last day of 1806. Here they remained four years, prevented by wars from" proceeding to Tete. At last however, on the 2nd of February 1811, they entered that town, were ill received by the Portuguese authorities, and, with very inadequate means, started on their return to Angola, where they arrived in 1815. * Annaes Mari times e Coloniaes, 1843, p. 236. 10 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. In attempting to follow the details of their march, we must begin with ascertaining their starting point. They left Mucari or the Factory of Casange, in November 1802. The word Mucari, means the estate or domain (of the Portuguese), that is, the land conceded for the purpose of a market. That the fair or factory in question was near Pungo Andongo, may be inferred from the terms of a de- spatch announcing the arrival in Loanda, in 1839, of a letter written in Lucenda, in 1832, by Major Monteiro. The despatch says, " The ensign or cadet (of the Company of Pungo Andongo) could not explain the route of the Pombeiro from Pungo Andongo to Lucenda a route frequently travelled by their native agents ; but he let it be seen that the course is along the river Quanza, leaving Casange to the left. If there were a strong settlement in Pungo Andongo or in Duque de Braganza (the latter superior as further in), all difficulties would be vanquished." Now the Angolan province named Duque de Braganza did not exist in 1802, at which time Pungo Andongo was the most advanced post, and, as we may infer from the despatch, the only point whence the traders' emissaries could have gone forth.* The starting point of the Pombeiros, then, was the Mucari, or domain containing the factory for Casange, within a day's journey probably of Pungo Andongo, in about lat. 9 30' S., long. 15 34' E. Nearly 14 degrees * Annaes Maritimos, 1843, p. 539. The province of Duque de Braganza was formed in 1837 ; Omboni, Viaggi in Africa Occi- dentale, p. 392. THE CHIEF BOMBA AND HIS TITLES. 11 further E., and in the same parallel, stands Lucenda, the Cazembe's capital. Between these two points we have to arrange a route of 150 days' march, made by experienced travellers, who halted often and long for rest, and whose daily route may be taken at ten miles. Imperfect as is the narrative of the journey, which offers few indications of course or distance, we still think it practicable, trusting in the coherence of truth, and guided by various considerations which arise as we proceed, to lay down the route, without such an amount of error as would detract materially from its geographical value. In making this attempt, we shall certainly represent some truth, and that, we hope, sufficiently comprehensive to palliate accom- panying defects. The first portion of the narrative, containing the march from Mucari to Muata ya Nvo, is the least satisfactory, and presents nothing but a list of the stages or halting places, seventy-six in all. As this was the portion of the route in which the travellers experienced most hindrance and delay, it is likely that their brief abstract of day's marches on it was drawn merely from memory, their journal having been interrupted. We know that, in order to avoid Casange on the left, they went along the right bank of the Quanza which rises in Bihe, at a distance of fifteen days S. E., perhaps, from Pungo Andongo. They thus came to the estates of Bomba between the rivers Quanza and Quango, which are said to be but seven days asunder. The titles of this chief are thus enumerated by Francisco Honorato : " Seculo Bomba, Cambambi, 12 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. Camasaca, and Mujumbo Acalunga, Ruler and Lord of all the Songo and passage to the interior." * In Mujumbo Acalunga may be easily recognised the Muzumbo Acalunga of Delisle, who translates it " Mouth of the Sea." This was a plausible version of a mistaken title. Risumbu, in fact, signifies the mouth, and the plural Masiimbu the lips : but in a language assigning the most important functions to the initial syllable, these words must not be con- founded with Muzumbo, which is probably but a misreading for Mujumbo ; and this seems to be a per- sonal noun derived from Jumbo, the name of a river in Bomba's territory.f A-calunga certainly means " of the sea," and refers possibly to the broad waters of the Quango. Delisle places his Muzumbo Acalunga nearly in the same longitude as our Bomba, but much more widely spread, and, as a consequence of ex- aggerated distance (the geographer's information being derived from the missionaries in Angola), much further to the south. Bomba is said to be known to the Ovaherero south of Benguela; but the fact is doubtful, since that name, or one like it, is very frequent in those countries. The Pombeiros, whose account is here provokingly obscure, appear to have entered the territory of Bomba, when they crossed the river * Ann. Mar. 1843, p. 236. ) Perhaps jumbo means a ferry ; in that case mjurabo would mean the ferryman, and " mjumbo a calunga " the ferryman of the sea, or great water. The Portuguese in Lucenda were informed that it was a month's journey to the Chumbo (jumbo ?) on the Lualaba. In Sawahili jumbo means any utensil ; but it also signifies properly a large boat, the Arab dow (dau). THE MUATA YA NVO. 13 Jumbo on the twelfth day of their march. On the 22nd they arrived at the town of the Seculo, or, as the Portuguese would say, the Duke Bomba. At a dis- tance of four days from this they came to Pepumdi ( ?) Son go, also on a river Jumbo, and in three days more (29 in all) crossed the Quango. Five days beyond the Quango, the travellers crossed a desert nine or ten days in extent to the town of Cabungi*, on the frontier of the Muata ya Nvo. The desert here mentioned, in which four rivers were met with, the road going along one of them (the Quihubue) for three days, extends probably over the dividing ridge between the valley of the Quango and that of the great rivers whereon lie the dominions of the Muata ya Nvo. Nine days from Cabungi, they passed through a village forming part of the estates of Luconque'sa, the queen-mother, and two days after- wards crossed the great river Casais (more probably Casezi) in a canoe. Again, in ten days, traversing another dividing ridge marked by a two days' desert, they crossed the Luliia also, the chief river of this region, as will be seen further on, in a canoe. In twelve days more they arrived at the residence of the Muata ya Nvo, or Muropiie. This town is accordingly seventy-six days distant from Mucari, forty-eight from the Quango, and thirty-four from the southern * In the Portuguese account this name is written Chacabungi. But in this and several like instances we have rejected the cha, considering it as a prefixed particle remaining from the expression 'quilolo or quiriri cha- Cabungi,' the officer or the place of Ca- bungi. 14 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. limit of the Muropiie's kingdom. It is manifest that from Bomba situate up the Quanza, N. E. of Ben- guela, to the Muropue, described as being beyond Casange to the north, the direction of the route must have been chiefly northwards. From the residence of the Muata ya Nvo onwards to Lucenda, the narrative of the Pombeiros is more satisfactory, assuming the form of a journal, of which there are two copies, differing but three or four days in the account of time, and also in dialect. The sovereign called the Muata Yanvo in the one, is always styled the Muropue in the other. Leaving the town of this chief, at the end of May 1806, on their way to the Cazembe, they tell us that they had the sun (rising) full on the left side, which implies a course about two points east of south, and in this course they persisted for about thirty-seven days. The frequent mention of rain in this part of the journal (from May to September) shows that the wet season had set in. The rivers were numerous, and many of them waist-deep. The chief were, the Izabuigi, the Calalimo, Roando, Rova, Gazelle, the Caginrigi crossed in a canoe, the Reu, Ropoege, and Lubiiri, eighty yards wide, forded on the thirty-fourth day, and where the Muropue's dominion terminates. These rivers, together with other and large streams further on to a distance of twelve days, all flow into the Luliia. It is obvious that the greater part of the route just described lies in or along the valley of the Lultia. The Pombeiros entered that valley as they descended VALLEY OF THE LULUA. 15 from the nine-days desert to the town of Cabungi. Thence to the Luliia they crossed but five rivers, one of them not fordable. But on the eastern side of the valley, from the capital to the river Bacasacala, the last expressly named as an affluent of the Luliia, a distance of forty -five days, they crossed, great and small, in round numbers, 120 rivers. Their route southwards went over rising ground, often ascending valleys, and at length attained apparently a considerable elevation. On both sides of the valley the Muropue's empire extends thirty-four days from the capital ; but this measure has undoubtedly, in the journal of the Pombeiros, a greater value on the eastern side. Luconquesa, the queen-mother's estate, which is probably continuous, occurs on the left side of the valley, at a distance of twenty-four days from the capital ; on the right side, at a distance of sixteen days, near the banks of the Caginrigi. There can be no doubt as to the radical relation of the names Luliia and Mliia, respectively denoting the river and the inhabitant of its valley. The latter is ordinarily written by the Portuguese Molua, and in the plural Moluas. The missionary Cannecattim, however, has thought fit to adopt Milua for the plural, intimating merely that the word is originally pure Bunda. Whatever respect for this author's opinion may be inspired by a sight of his grammar and dictionary of the Bunda language, a careful study of these works will be sure to dispel it.* He has failed * Collec9ao de Observasoes Grammaticaes sobre a Lingua Bunda, Lisbon, 1805, por Fr. B. M. de Cannecattim, p. xiv. The great 16 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. to perceive that the distinction between Bunda nouns in respect of declension, is founded in nature, though not rigorously carried out according to the first design, for language, in its growth is moulded as much by rhetoric as by logic ; and hence he has united in one declension (in his grammar, the First) two totally distinct classes of nouns. In consequence of this confusion, he assigns to a nation a name (Milua) which wants the indispensable characteristic of the personal and gentile form. That characteristic is the letter a in the first syllable of the plural. The true name, in the plural, is probably Alua, which we shall henceforth adopt. The position of the capital of the Muata ya Nvo, forty-eight days from the Quango, a length of journey which would allow it to go further north than we have placed it, is more immediately and effectively controlled by the route connecting it with Lucenda, to which we shall turn presently. The visit of the Pombeiros, bearing fine presents, among which were a scarlet coat with gilt buttons, difficulty of the Bunda and cognate tongues, lies in the system of symphonious concord, which is entirely omitted by Cannecattim, as is, indeed, the structure of a sentence also. He is in all respects an unsafe and unsatisfactory writer. It is to be observed that the nominal prefix lu, frequent in the language of Congo, and admitted in Bunda by Pedro de Dias (Arte da lingoa de Angola, 1697.), is excluded from the latter language by Cannecattim. How then can Lulua be a Bunda word ? But in the Congoese, doubtless, it occurs. Tuckey mentions the brook Looloo, and also the Sooloo looanzaza, which ought to be written Sululu a nzaza. (Voyage to explore the River Zaire, pp. 204. 220.) The final vowel of lulua is easily lost on a European ear. Nzaza means a canoe. THE MUROPUE'S EMBASSY. 1 ? made a favourable impression on the Muata ya Nvo, who despatched, in consequence, an embassy to Mue- neputo (king of Portugal). His ambassadors not being allowed to cross the territory of Casange, took the circuitous route by Bomba, and reached Loanda in the beginning of 1808. They bore presents, con- sisting of slaves, skins of apes and zebras, mats, rush baskets, two bars of copper, and one sample of salt. They were fine-looking men, with long beards, their arms and legs loaded with copper rings, and heads adorned with parrots' feathers.* The Pombeiros, who conducted them to Loanda, described in advantageous terms the power and civilization of the Aliia, and the size and opulence of their capital. They also stated that the queen resided at a distance of thirty or forty leagues from the king, with a separate jurisdiction ; one member of the embassy, indeed, was appointed by her majesty. This story, which has little likelihood (though it supplied M. Douville with an adventure), originated probably in the separate estate of the queen-mother, Luconquesa; and again, the respect paid to a female of the royal family, seems to indicate that among the Aliia the inheritance of the crown passes, not in lineal succession, but to the sister's son. On crossing the Luburi the Pombeiros entered the territory of Muginga Mucenda, lord of the fron- tier, whose office it is to supply the wants of tra- vellers on this most difficult part of the road between the Muropiie and the Cazembe. Four days further * Memorias, &c. by Feo Cardozo, p. 301. C 18 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. on, the general direction of the march changed, and the rising sun, which had been hitherto on the left side, was henceforward (from the llth September) constantly in front ; the course had therefore turned to the east. The country now became undulating, the bare ridges taking a greenish hue from the copper ores, while numerous fine streams, the Lufiila among the chief, hurried down to the Lualttba. Half a day was spent in wading across the marsh or lagoon of Quibonda. A visit was paid to Muire, the lord of the copper mines, who, with another chief named Cambembe, manufactures all the copper bars exported from this district to both sides of the continent. In former days these chiefs were independent ; now they are vassals of the Cazembe, and pay their tribute of bars to their neighbour and superior in rank, Quibiiri, the Cazembe's immediate representative. Having forded the Luigila, which forms at its junction with the Lualdba, the famous salt marsh of Quigila, our travellers crossed, on the forty-third day, the Lualaba itself, 100 yards wide, in a canoe, and entered the hospitable hamlet of Quiburi, the lord of the salt marsh. The fact that the Quil61o (captain) Quiburi takes his title from the river (the Lubiiri) which separates his territory from that of the Muropiie, seems to in- dicate his original dependence on that sovereign. But his allegiance is now transferred to the Cazembe, and the bond of duty has been strengthened by matri- monial alliance. From the Lubiiri to the furthest point eastward to which we can trace his authority, QUIBURI AND HIS COUNTRY. 19 five days from the Lualaba, is a distance of sixteen days' journey. This appears to be a bare, elevated tract, partially covered with extensive marshes. The people of this country, we are told, do not cultivate the ground, because it never was the custom to do so, but buy cassava, millet, and other food, and grass cloth for apparel, with salt and copper, the only pro- ducts of the land. A custom such as this, evidently implies an ancient and uninterrupted trade ; for stop- page in such a case would be extinction. The elevated country abounds with game ; the rivers and lakes with fish. The native traders met with by the Pombeiros throughout their journey were laden with nothing but manioca, venison, fish, salt, copper bars, and green stones or copper ores, probably for ornaments. The salt of Quigila is said to be obtained by the evapo- ration of a lye made by washing the ashes of the plants that grow in the marsh. The demand for salt so impure can be accounted for only by the want of better. Yet rock-salt also (sal de Pedras) is said to be carried from Quigila. The district of the salt and copper mines, which constitute the main-spring of the internal trade of the continent, is well known to all the nations around. Francisco Honorato, relating his negotiations with Bomba for permission to pass through to the interior, says, <: The chief of Son go promised to allow me a passage through his country, and to send my slaves with his, to a country called Louvar, wherein reigns Luinhame (Lualaba), with whom he is in friendly correspondence. The country is said to be west of 20 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. the Luambege (Zambeze), which I believe runs to the east coast, The chief is a relative and subject of the Cazembe." * The country here called Lou- var is evidently that of Quiburi, then brother-in- law of the Cazembe, the chief being named in this instance not from the Luburi, but from the Lua- laba, near which he resided. In other reports it is called Levar. But the best account of it is given by Alexandre de Silva Texeira, who, in 1795, ac- companied Jose d'Assumpgao, a native of Bahia, on the third visit of the latter to Loval, as he writes the name.f From Benguela, by Quisange, Quibuila, Bailundo, and Bihe, to the Quanza, they reckoned 148 leagues. Crossing that river, and taking a bye-path through the woods to avoid certain .chiefs who were supposed to be adverse to their passing through, they came to the small river Cutia, twenty-four yards broad, and a little further on, to the Cice, of equal breadth, which latter they ascended seventeen leagues to its source. Thus it would appear that they travelled along the northern slope of elevated ground. Thence they counted thirteen leagues to the river Munhango, twenty-eight more to the head of the Luena, and thirty-five to the frontier of Loval, governed by the Soveta or petty chief, Caquinga. From this place a march of fifty leagues (191 from the Quanza) termi- nated at the Libata grande, or chief -town of the Sova Quinhame, on the border of the province. The name Quinhame, it must be observed, bears the same * Annaes Maritimos, 1843, p. 236. f Ann. Marit. 1844, p. 159. LOVAL OR LOBALE. 21 relation to Luinhame (Lualaba), as Quiburi to Luburi. In Benguela, this chief is named from the river on which he actually dwells ; in his own country, from that on which were probably reared the seeds of the principality. Further east, in the immediate domi- nion of the Cazembe, the name Quiburi is changed into Shibiiri. Loval, according to Texeira, is sixty leagues long and ten wide. It has in front (on the east) the Sovas Luy and Amboella; on the right hand, Amboella, Bunda, and Canunga ; on the left, the vassals of the great king of the Moluas (Aliia) ; and in the rear, Quiboque and Bunda. The people of Loval were friendly and hospitable. The Rios de Sena (the Zambeze) were said to be not far off. But these last words, it must be remarked, convey not the statement of the natives, but only an interpre- tation of it. Dr. Krapf relates, that on the coast opposite to Zanzibar he met and conversed with some natives of Moenemoezi, " several of whom had travelled to the western coast of Africa ; and one of them asserted that he had been in the country Sofala in quest of copper. He mentioned the name of this country without any allusion having been made to it."* Thanks are due to Dr. Krapf for this piece of in- formation, the meaning of which, however, he has totally mistaken. The word Sofalah, lowland, is pure Arabic, and fitly describes an alluvial maritime tract so depressed and level, that the land itself is not * Missionary Intelligencer, Vol. III. p. 88., 1852. c 3 22 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. seen from ships at anchor in the roadstead a league distant from it. The country so called had commer- cial importance while Monomotapa flourished, and the gold mines of Manisa were active. Its celebrity, in- deed, rested wholly on the gold dust which passed through it, from a country far to the W. S. W. ; but it never had copper, and the name given to it by foreign seamen cannot be supposed to have been known gene- rally among the natives. It is very unlikely that people habitually resorting to Kilwa and Zanzibar should ever cross the country of the Makiia tribes, or the Maravi, to visit Sofalah, and least of all for copper, which is not to be found there. It was not Sofalah, then, that was spontaneously named by the native of Moenemoezi, but Zavale, as Lovale is called further east (just as we have Zambeze for Luambege) ; and the account was, that he travelled to the western coast, and at Zavale, on the way, procured copper. In the south, the Bachuana tribes, inhabiting the remarkable land of rivers lately discovered by Messrs. Oswell and Livingstone, in about long. 26 E., lat. 18 S., and who are acquainted with the valleys of their chief rivers towards the N. or N.W. to a distance of 400 miles, all agree in pointing out Lobale as the prin- cipal source of their great waters. From that central height, then, flows, northwestward, the great river Lulua, the valley of which we have traced for nearly 400 miles, and which is obviously the main branch of the Zaire ; southward, descends the river of Sesheke, which, with numerous other streams, inundating the country, forms at times a great inland sea ; east- THE LUAMBEGE. 23 wards, the same heights send down the Luviri and other streams to the Luapula, which runs into Nyassa. Lobale, according to these people, is a land of morasses and dangerous bogs, in which incautious way-farers often perish. Its name signifies, in Sichu- ana, an extensive plain without trees, and so describes, probably with truth, the naked wilds around the Lualaba ; but it is worth while to consider whether the wide-spread name Lovar, Loval, Lobale, or Zavale, be not radically connected with the word "bare," which, in the Mucaranga language (of Mono- motapa), signifies a mine.* When the natives of Lobale tell their visitors from Benguela, that " beyond them is the Luambege, which is supposed to flow to the eastern sea," are w r e to suppose that they speak of the Old Zambeze or Cuama ? Is this river really so important in their eyes, that they should overlook in favour of it all the intervening rivers ? This supposition is far from natural. Do they then mean the New Zambeze ? The magnitude and importance of this river are at least equally doubtful. But may they not have in view that great river (the river of Sesheke), which rising in their own hills, and flowing into a course directly opposite to that of the Luliia, inundates an immense extent of country, so as to form a great sea, and then disappears in the S. E. after it has taken the name of Zambeze? This appears to be the obvious and more natural interpretation of their words. * Ann. Marit. 1845, pp. 401, 479. c 4 24 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. But we must now proceed eastwards with the Pom- beiros. Three days from the Lualaba, they forded the Bacasacdla, which runs into the former, and conse- quently belongs to the basin of the Lulua. Ten or eleven days further on they crossed in a canoe the Luviri, twenty-four yards wide, and joining the Lua- pula, which was now on the right hand, or to the south. As to the streams met with in the interval, we know not to what basin they belong. Passing for four days over the mountain of Conda Irungo, the road descended along the river Lutipiica, which forms at its junction with the Luapiila, a marsh of great extent and periodi- cally dry ; when seen by our travellers, it was covered with wild animals of many kinds. On the twenty- fifth day from the Lualaba, the Pombeiros crossed the Luapiila, 112 yards wide, and lodged with Tambo Aquilala, the lord of the port or ferry. With respect to the river, they only remark that they know not whither it goes. Thus far from the river Catomta their course had been eastwards, but they now turned a point or two north-eastwards, and had, in December, the sun on the right hand. Continuing their route down the right bank of the Luapula, they came in a day to the village of Pemba, the Cazembe's sister, where they were hospitably regaled with fish and pombe or beer. Messengers dispatched to the capital to announce the arrival of the strangers, returned in a few days with the prince's welcome, and a present consisting of a goat, some cassava, fresh fish, and a slave girl. They then resumed their march, and in three days reached Lucenda, the town of the Cazembe. LUCENDA. 25 This town stands at a short distance from the Luapiila, on the northern bank of a broad marsh or lagoon called the Mouva, which receives the waters of several small streams, the Canegoa, Lunda, &c., and is connected with the Luapiila a little further down to the N. E. Being nearly surrounded by rivers and marshes, it enjoys security from sudden attack, but is extremely unhealthy, on which account its site has been changed more than once, but never so as to re- move it effectually beyond the reach of the pestilent in fluence. Though this place has been visited by two Portuguese expeditions, one conducted by Lacerda in 1799, the other under Major Monteiro in 1831, the former remaining nine, the latter, four months in the country, yet we have acquired no exact geographical information respecting it. The accounts of those ex- peditions, so far as any are published, barely allude to the Nhanja, or sea on the east, but they furnish no particulars in relation to the sea, or to the communi- cations with it ; nor do they speak of the course of the Luapiila below Lucenda, nor of the nations north of, or beyond that river. In short, they are strongly characterized by ignorance and indifference to the in- terests of science. Lacerda, who seems to have been animated by a better spirit, died unfortunately just as he reached his journey's end. The Angolan Pombeiros, or, at least, one of them, Pedro Joao Baptists, continued the route from Lucenda to Tete on the Zambeze, and the journal also, in a uniform manner. The details furnished by this journal need not be formally recounted, since being 26 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. no longer the sole source of information, it holds but a secondary rank ; yet it is highly important, as fur- nishing proof of the perfectly equal rates of march of the Pombeiro and of the Portuguese traveller, whose journey we now proceed to relate. The Portuguese government selected for the task of exploring the road from Tete to the Cazembe, Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida, who, during his travels in the interior of Brazil, had shown himself to be a good ob- server, and well acquainted with the use of instru- ments. To facilitate his preparations, he was appointed governor of the Rios de Sena. On the 3rd July, 1798, Lucerda started with a very large retinue from the northern bank of the Zambeze, opposite to Tete, and passing for two days through the estates of the Portuguese crown, entered the country of the Maravis, or independent native chiefs.* The fifth day brought him to Mashinga, in lat. 15 19' 15" S. On the seventh he arrived at Lupata, or the defile, where the district of Bive terminates. On the tenth, which brought him to Java, he twice crossed the Aruangoa, which, he remarks, is a great river, but he says nothing of its course or destination. On the 7th August, the four- teenth day, he halted near the town of Mocanda, a chief of the Mutumbtica, having crossed the rivers Riii and Biie, running eastwards to the Shire. On the banks of the Uzere"ze, another affluent of the Shire, he met with natives whose traffic extended to Mozambique. Here it deserves to be specially * Annaes Marit. 1844, p. 338. LACERDA'S EXPEDITION. "11 noted, that Lacerda had so far marched but fourteen days out of thirty-six, yet his followers, it seems, were horrified at the thought of inarching ordinarily 2^ (Portuguese) leagues, or about 9i statute miles a day. This is a weighty comment on the long marches fre- quently introduced into African itineraries. The country gone over was generally dry, and the water in the village wells as white as milk. The soil seemed poor, though it supplied the natives with a sufficiency of millet, yams, and batatas. The direction of the route, which had been hitherto N.N.W., now turned more westward. The town of Mocanda's son, Caperamera, reached on the nine- teenth day, was large and populous, and thronged with Moviza, driven southwards by famine. The twenty-first march was over hills, the highest yet met with, ranging generally W.N.W. and E.S.E. These hills separate Caperamera (the Mutumbiica) from Masse (Muaza). The rugged tract being crossed, the march went over the territory of Mazavamba, and on the twenty-sixth day (the fifty- fourth, halts included) ended at the river Aruangoa. This river was now, in the dry season, about 3J feet deep and 35 yards wide, though owing to the mouldering banks, its width seemed very variable. On its northern bank, close to the water, grew large trees, the first seen on the journey. Many traces were found of Moviza hunters, who kill the hippopotamus for food. Lacerda had intended to send a party down this river in a canoe, but found on examination that it is not navigable in the drv season. *.J / He also remarks that this was the third river which 28 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. he knew of, named Aruangoa ; one being to the S. of the Zambe"ze ; another a few days N. of it. Beyond the Aruangoa, the tracks of elephants grew frequent. On the thirtieth day (the fourth from the river) the route led over the Serra Muchingue, which is said to extend from the Shire to Zumbo (on the Zam- be*ze), or, in other words, to follow the left bank of the Aruangoa. This part of the journey was extremely harassing. Trees and bogs hindered the march ; the country was dreary, the nights very cold, the day burning hot. When we are told that there was no change in the face of the country from Tete, we must understand that rugged bush and low thicket con- tinued to be its chief features ; that there was no large timber, no smiling or luxuriant landscape. On the thirty-first day a spacious valley was entered, filled with villages of Moviza, clad in cloth of bark, and with frizzled heads well powdered with a bright red dust, derived from wood. The millet harvest being just ended, the people were all intoxicated with the newly made pombe or beer ; but the villages generally bore marks of poverty and wretchedness, the country having suffered from famine. Here Lacerda repeats the remark which he had previously made, that there is no salt in these countries. The Moviza procure their salt either from Tete, or from the Cazembe. After pass- ing over a succession of ridges, alternating with narrow swampy plains, our traveller reached on the thirty- ninth day (the thirteenth from the Aruangoa) the (New) Zambeze. " Here," he says, "end the famished territories of those frizzled and periwigged people THE NEW ZAMBEZE. 29 (the Moviza)." The Zambeze, flowing to the left, was fifty yards broad and four or five feet deep. The Musociima in the camp, when asked where this river goes to, replied, that it joins the river (the Luapula) which runs close by the Zimboe (Zimbawe, royal re- sidence) of the Cazembe. The Musociima dwell on the shores of the Nhanja or Lake.* A little beyond the New Zambeze, a narrow but deep affluent of that river was forded, the name of which we find written, Rucurue (ru9urue or risuro).f And now the look of the country was totally changed. The hills which had confined the view from Tete to the New Zambe'ze, were at an end, and a nearly level plain extended to the horizon. The first night beyond the river was spent in the large town of Chimimba Campeze, where some Movizas were met with, who were engaged in conveying the Cazembe's ivory to the east coast. After wading through a wide marsh, the expedition arrived on the forty- second day at the town of the Fumo Chipaco, a subject of the Cazembe. This was the largest and most populous town seen as yet. The chief courte- ously assured the strangers that all that he possessed was at their disposal. After a day's rest, the march was continued, through an undulating tract, succeeded by a low plain overspread with stagnant waters. On * Ann. Marit. 1845, pp. Ill, 115. | The name Eisuro, used by Lacerda more than once, and written Rucurue, Rucuro, &c., is a Mucamango word, meaning waters or river. The streams, called by him Risuro, are named by the native travellers, the Angolan Pombeiro and the Cazembe's ambassador, Luena or Ruena, which has the same meaning. 30 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. the forty-seventh day, the expedition, crossing the river Ruanzeze, arrived at the town of Mouro Achinto, where the district of Chipaco terminates- Here Lacerda learned that "towards the N., and between the Musociima, who are on the banks of the Shire or Nhanja, and the Moviza, are the Auemba, who, as well as the Musocurna, are enemies of the Cazembe. The Arambes or Ambos, to the S., are his friends." The country was now covered with large trees, which reminded Lacerda of the forests of Brazil. Elephants appeared numerous. From Mouro Achinto the Portuguese were obliged to make a forced march of seven days to Lucenda, over a country for the most part desolate. They soon came to a small hamlet, where they tasted some delicious sura or palni wine, and learned that its inhabitants were bound to deliver at the Cazembe's dwelling, every third day, fresh sura, made of the wild palm called Uchinda. A tract of undulating ground, rugged and stony, but not very elevated, interrupted for nearly a day the wide swampy plain. On the fiftieth day, a native remarked, that on the left was the Great lagoon which he and Manoel Caetano (the Creole trader who first drew attention to this country) had crossed in their last journey. Further on, the villages were found to be deserted on account of the lions. At length, on the 2nd October, the fifty-fourth day of the inarch (the ninety-second from starting), the expedition arrived at Lucenda, but its entry into the town was forbidden until the Cazembe should have gone through certain propitiatory ceremonies. LACERDA'S OBSERVATIONS. 31 As the selection of Lacerda for the command of this expedition was due chiefly to his reputation as a scien- tific traveller, and as the importance to be attached to his route depends much on his observations connected with it, it appears expedient to give here the short list of those observations, with some comparative data, and a few remarks. LACERDA. CHARTS. Lat. S. Long. E. Lat. Long. Tangalane Point (mouth of the Cuama) - Quilimane - Chupanga (on the south bank of / // 18 18 17 54 24 1 II 36 34 3 / // 18 1 4 1 II 37 1 5 the Zambeze) - Sena - 18 18 17 39 50 35 15 18 34 45 4 18 18 17 30 35 15 Island of Mosam- bique (in Lu- pata) Mashinga (the hill) Mazavamba 16 30 58 15 19 15 12 33 32 18 18 Mouro Achinto 10 20 35 30 1 48 The first point that strikes us is, that Lacerda places Chupanga, on the southern bank of the river, nearly 18' further S. than recent observers. But here it must be remarked, that the discrepancy in question might have originated in a slight clerical error, or editorial oversight, by confounding 18' with 18"; nor is it easy to say positively which party is in the right, since there is no absurdity in supposing the river to wind much to the S. The latitude of Sena in Owen's 32 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. charts, 17 30' S., rests merely on estimated distances, for Lieut. Browne made in fact no observations in Sena. The long. 35 15' E., in the same charts, is like- wise an estimate, founded apparently on Portuguese data, and increasing to 106 miles, the distance between Quilimane and Sena, which Lieut. Browne concluded to be only ninety miles. Consequently, though Lacerda's observations near the coast have not been confirmed, neither have they been satisfactorily con- victed of error. In fact, the position of Sena was not determined by Lieut. Browne in any respect, and is still uncertain. In ascending to Tete, we find the commencement of Lupata, or the Narrows, at the little island of Mosambique, in lat. 16 30' S., which shows that the course of the river here is more from the N. than has been supposed. Respecting the position of Te'te, Lacerda has unfortunately left no observation. We have shown elsewhere that this place cannot be further from Sena by the river than the latter place is from Quilimane.* By means of this distance, therefore, the latitude of Mosambique on the way, and the latitude of Mashinga, five or six days N. of Tete, we can place it, without risk of great error, in lat. 16 15' S., long. 33 42' E. At Maza- vamba and Mouro Achinto, Lacorda observed occul- tations of Jupiter's satellites, and the longitudes deduced from those observations are here adopted without change. Their correctness must depend * Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xv. 1845, p. 229. CONCURRENT TESTIMONY. 33 mainly on the going of his chronometer and the vigilance exercised in rating it ; and as he travelled under circumstances very unfavourable for scientific pursuits, exhausted with fever, and worried by a crowd of turbulent followers, his work was pro- bably not faultless ; still, his observations cannot be so incorrect as not to prove valuable approximations in a region where we have no other guidance. At all events, we must not allow them to be swept away to make room for gross fabrications. Lacerda began the preparations for his journey by collecting and arranging the information of Manoel Caetano Pereira, the Creole trader who first ventured to visit the Cazembe. This journey northwards had occupied ninety-five days, halts of course included. In February, 1798, an Embassy from the Cazembe arrived at Tete and was cordially received by Lacerda. The African Prince urged the Portuguese to build a town on the Aruangoa and to plant manioca, that they might be able to deal with him on a larger scale, and to send their goods, not by single traders at a time, but in caravans. Catara, the intelligent chief of the Embassy, gave a circumstantial account of his route, which he had performed in thirty-five days to Java, ten days (on Lacerda's march) from Tete. This was the fast travelling of natives unencumbered by baggage. These accounts of the route, compared with that of Lacerda, illustrate it often and confirm it throughout. But we have, besides, the journal of the Angolan Pombeiro, who, travelling in the rainy season, spent fifty-seven days on the road which Lacerda, in D 34 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. the dry season, had gone over in fifty-four. This journal coincides perfectly, in important particulars, with that of Lacerda. Their occasional apparent variance in names or descriptions, arising from dif- ference of dialect, of season, or of the mode of viewing objects, is always explicable and often instructive. With these materials before us, Lacerda's observations included, we feel justified in affirming that, in re- lation to the general Map of Africa, the route from Tete to Lucenda is established on perfectly satis- factory evidence, and must be considered henceforth as belonging to authentic geography. Its length measured on our map is 560 geographical miles, so that Lacerda marched at the rate of ten and one- third geographical, or twelve statute, miles a day. Lacerda's successor in the command of the expedition estimated the whole distance travelled at 270 leagues (eighteen to the degree) ; Major Monteiro, in 1831, with whose course we are unacquainted, increases the distance to 302 leagues. The former estimate accords well with our map, for we have uniformly found that the Portuguese league of route, reduced to pro- tracted distance, makes two geographical miles. The expedition arrived at Lucenda on the 2nd of October, and Lacerda, worn out with fever, died on the 18th. The command then devolved on the chap- lain Father Francisco Joao Pinto, whose want of authority, however, soon became apparent in the in- trigues and insubordination of his followers. The Cazembe, being vexed at the delay of his present, sent to draw two of Father Francisco's teeth ; but this was THE CAZEMBE. 35 intended only as a hint, and the message was not even formally delivered. His subsequent treatment of the strangers was invariably mild and considerate, not- withstanding their frequent misconduct. They en- tered the fields and gardens and helped themselves ; he, therefore, put them on rations of cassava : they insulted the women ; he refused to punish them, as he had warned his people to guard against such occurrences. When he was dangerously ill, fearing the probable consequences of the licence that prevails at the sovereign's death, he sent to request his people not on any account to hurt the white men, but to respect them as merchants and strangers. Their re- quest, however, to be allowed to proceed westwards to Angola, he parried by every means short of direct refusal. He assented at last to the proposal that two soldiers should be left behind, to await an oppor- tunity of travelling westwards. These men were still in Lucenda when the Pombeiros arrived there in 1810. At an entertainment given by the Cazembe on his recovery, the chief performers in the dance were, besides the king himself (guarded by four armed men), his son, Prince Mueneputo (king of Portugal), and Shiburi or Shibuiri, Lord of the Salt-mines, who, having killed some strangers at the Lualaba, had sought refuge from the consequences of his misdeed at tne court of his relative. * The Cazembe exhibited to the Muzungos or white men (properly wise men), soon after their arrival, and * Annaes Maritimos, 1845, p. 200. D 2 36 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. evidently with a view to obtain information, the various contents of his private treasury. These were stuffs of several kinds, silk, velvet, woollen, and cotton, including some " printed calicoes of the North," pro- bably Manchester goods; glass, porcelain, and pack- ages of tea. Most of these articles had reached him from the eastern coast, the Banyans, as Lacerda fre- quently observes, being, in reality, the merchants of these countries. He had also a few muskets. The ex- ports of the Cazembe are, slaves, ivory, skins of wild animals (leopard, macaco ape, zebra, &c.), copper bars, green stones, and salt. These are carried southwards by the Moviza, and probably reach Kilwa through lao or are carried across the lake to the Mucaranga. To the foreign goods imported in return through the same channels, the Moviza add a good deal of grass or bark cloth of their own manufacture. From the share which these people take in the inland traffic, it seems not unlikely that it is their country which bears the significant name of " Tanga," that is, cloth or mo- ney.* Among the curiosities shown to the Portuguese by the Cazembe, was a pig brought from Angola (the west), but in 1810 the Pombeiro saw in Lucenda several which had come from Tanga. The Cazembe possessed a herd of cattle, which were running wild and turned to no account. He would not eat their flesh, because he conceived that horned cattle were Fumos, i. e. nobility, like himself, nor would he give * The tanga was worth in the time of Joao dos Santos about 4d. (Ethiopia Oriental, 1609, liv. i. fol. 53.) In most of the Zingian languages, from east to west, cutanga signifies to reckon. THE ARUNDA. o7 away living kine, because he required all their blood for his medicines. His favourites sometimes feast on beef, but cows' milk and butter are luxuries still un- known to them. The Cazembe's people, the Arunda or Alunda ( in the singular M'runda), are described as tall, vigorous, and quite black.* They do not file their teeth, nor tattoo, nor mark themselves with scars. Their ordi- nary dress is a wrapper from the waist to the knee, fastened with a leathern belt. Their feet are covered with strung shells and polished stones, arid their heads adorned with handsome feathers. On great occasions they wear a kind of very full shirt, with a tricoloured border and gathered in front, which is said to make a fine appearance. Occupying a very fertile country, where the rains are regular and abundant, they enjoy plenty without much labour. Their husbandry is ob- viously in the lowest condition, a few goats and fowls being their only stock. That their inattention to pas- toral resources is attributable only to ignorance and ancestral habits, and not to the nature of their coun- try, is evident from the increase of the Cazembe's herd. Their lakes and rivers supply a great abun- dance of fine fish, but they have not the art of salting it, which is the more remarkable, since fish, often quite fetid, is a very important article of the inland trade. The Portuguese recognised sea fish, of different * A M'runda may of course be also called Mucarunda (native M'runda), written Micrunda in the Annaes Maritimos, 1845, p. 156. It is not improbable that this name signifies moun- taineer ; the Arunda have in fact come from the highlands. n 3 38 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. kinds, iii the markets of Lucenda, and were told on in- quiry that they were brought from the Nhanzamputo or Sea of Portugal in the west. The staple food of the Arunda is cassava, or manioca, which is eaten at every meal and enters into every dish. They have also bananas of various kinds and yams, with other fruits and grains. The labours of the field, left wholly to the women, have no further object than the supply of actual wants. This glance at the fields and gardens of Lucenda leads us to a topic which lies more properly within our scope. Since a boat can ascend the Zambeze against the current to Tete, a distance of less than 400 miles, we cannot reasonably suppose the river at that point to have an absolute elevation exceeding 600 feet. From the Zambeze to the Aruangoa, the country, though hilly, does not seem to present any steep or continual ascent. It does not appear that Lacerda, on reaching the Aruangoa, abandoned the idea of its being navigable down to the Zambeze in the rains, which it could hardly be if it had a fall of 1000 feet. Beyond the Aruangoa rise the Muchingue Mountains ; and at double the distance of that river from the di- viding ridge flows the New Zambeze, which rises probably in the same heights as the Aruangoa, and, being at the place where it was crossed further from the ridge, may be naturally presumed to be at a lower level. Beyond the New Zambeze succeeds that sea-like level the noble trees and luxuriant vegetation of which reminded Lacerda of the forests of Brazil. This rapid sketch of a section of the country suggests that HEIGHT OF THE COUNTRY. 39 the plains of the Cazembe have but a moderate ele- vation, and their vegetable productions warrant the same conclusion. For, to say nothing of the banana, of which only one or two species pass the limit of 3000 feet, while many kinds are said to grow wild round Lucenda, the manioca never succeeds above the abso- lute height of 3000 feet. But where it constitutes the staple article of food, where, with the other produce of the field, it is sowed and gathered at all seasons of the year, and the custom is, when a stem is pulled, to plant another immediately in its stead, it is manifest that we must suppose it growing under the most ge- nial circumstances and far below its extreme limit. Add to this, the excellence of the Sura or palm wine, which also indicates a low situation. From these considerations it may be concluded that the plains south of the Luapiila, do not exceed, but probably fall short of, an absolute elevation of 1500 feet. It was in the early half of the last century (1740 ?), according to native traditions, that Ganga Abilonda, the son of a slave (officer) of the Muropiie, being appointed Lord of Quigila or the Salt-marsh, carried his arms eastwards, and occupied Quichinga, which he now possesses, having driven out its original occu- pants, the Vacira.* The title of Cazembe, assumed * The names Vacira and Vavua appear, in the narratives before us, to come from the mouths of Arunda, who, it might be there- fore concluded, form their gentile plurals by prefixing va, or perhaps the Sawahili wa. But it is still more likely that these names have received from the narrators the form of the Mucaranga spoken at Tete. The Angolan Pombeiro, conforming to the usage of his own language, and also, we believe, of that spoken in Lucenda, makes the gentile plural in a, as in Arunda, Akosa. 40 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. by the conqueror, appears to signify Viceroy. The Cazembe is now wholly independent, yet he still affects to acknowledge the superiority of the Muropiie, whom, in submissive language, he styles Father. It exemplifies the looseness of the social and political fabric in Africa, that a vassal should be able not only to found for himself an independent sovereignty without regard to the authority of his superior, but that he should even carry off and annex to his new dominion the provinces entrusted to his care; and this, without any appeal to arms, or attempt to vindicate ancient rights. The Cazembe is now the sovereign of the mines of salt and copper, which appear to have been taken from the Muropue without a struggle. This event, strange as it may appear, admits of a natural explanation. For if we suppose that Ganga Abilonda (Ganga means a priest or wizard) was a bold adventurer, versed in the super- stitious arts which take a hold on the ignorant, and that he aspired to independence, the peculiar cir- cumstances of his country on the Lualaba were calculated to prompt and direct his ambition. There lie, beside the fountains of the great rivers, the sources of African commerce also, and the advantage was obvious of seizing the well-developed channel lower down, where the commerce divides into several branches. But this step made, the retention of the paramount authority over the mines followed as a matter of course, for in those countries there is no obedience beyond the reach of coercion ; vassals at a distance are virtually independent ; but the Lords of THE CAZEMBE'S DOMINION. 41 the Mines preferred the new Eastern Chief to their ancient superior in the North, because, by virtue of his position, he was their chief customer. The dominion of the Cazembe in its widest sense extends 40 days westwards to the Luburi ; south-eastwards it reaches the New Zambeze, a distance of 20 days ; but, at both extremes, it is probable that the local chief is rather to be called a tributary than a subject. It does not appear that his authority extends north of the Luapula, below its junction with the Luviri. On the east, his enemies, the Musociima and Auemba, occupy the country between him and the lake. Re- specting the country to the S. and S. W we have no information, but suspect that it embraces a great extent of marshy wilderness. In conclusion, since the Arunda have no pastoral and little agricul- tural industry, but still cling to the ancient habits of the mining districts, they cannot be suspected of emigrating and conquering merely for the sake of territorial possessions. Their object has evidently been to get possession of the channels of trade, and perhaps we shall not err much, if we suppose that the Cazembe's actual dominion extends but little from the beaten road of traffic, which, from the Lualaba to Lucenda, and thence to the New Zambeze, has a length of about 500 miles. In the progress of geography there is a wide interval between the process of creating a blank in a map by reducing exaggeration, and that of filling the same blank with exact details, scientifically established. We cannot expect to pass at a single bound from the preliminary step to absolute completeness. Our map 42 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. exemplifies an intermediate condition. All that a geographer can undertake in regard to unknown or little known countries, is to represent fully and truly their general relations in bearing and extent as far as research and sagacity can detect them. Now the po- sition assigned in our map to Lucenda, lat. 9 29' S., long. 29 16' E., is not indeed incontestable, derived as it is from single astronomical observations, not themselves absolutely conclusive ; yet it Avould be ridiculous to maintain that the error involved in that position can be such as to falsify seriously the repre- sentation of a country so little known. Considering the immense extent which we have to fill with par- ticulars, arranged chiefly on probable and conjectural grounds, the approximation to certainty, in the case of that point, may be considered as fortunate. Re- tracing the route from Lucenda up the Luapula, we perceive that it bends to the right on leaving the valley of that river, so as to ascend the highland nearly due west. In this course, we arrive at the Lualaba, and continue on for a few days to the Catomta, where the road again bends to the right. But this district, Loval or Lobale, between the rivers Lubiiri and Lualaba, is remarkable alike from its position and productions. It stands at the head of two great valleys, those of the Lulua and Luapula, descending in different directions, and along which passes, and probably always has passed, the main line of communication across the continent. At the same time, it supplies the highly prized minerals which quicken the traffic along that line. Features so POINTS ESTABLISHED. 43 strongly marked are not easily missed, and, besides, this well-known land is distinctly pointed out to us from the east, the south, and the west. Its position, therefore, in the map is not likely to be affected by such an amount of error as can derogate materially from the essential truth of the representation. From the Luburi, a journey of thirty-seven days reaches the capital of the Muropue or Muata ya Nvo, which is again connected with the Quango and Bomba's country, by a route respecting the uncertainty of which we have already spoken and need say no more. But whatever obscurity may hang over the western routes of the Pombeiros, this is manifest, that the nation of the Alua and the Muropiie's kingdom occupy the great valley of the Lukia, and that the map in which that fact figures preserves the essential truth. Here it will be necessary to apprise the reader, that the town of the Muata ya Nvo, which stands in our map in lat. 5 50' S., long. 19 55' E., is placed by M. Douville in the very heart of the continent, in the me- ridian of 25E. of Paris (long. 27 2 1'E. of Greenwich), and close to the equator. It is true that his pretended lunar observation at the city which he calls Yanvo, fell on a day of new moon, and that his journey into the interior has been fully demonstrated to be a rank imposture. Yet, after a twenty years' acquiescence of the learned world in Douville's condemnation, Dr. Heinrich Berghaus steps forward to vindicate the charlatan, and to foist his fables on geography,* The . * Berghaus, Geographisches Jahrbuch, 1850, p. 8. 44 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. association of the names Douville and Berghaus is itself surprising, and but for the respect which we have habitually entertained for the advocate, we should hardly deign to resume our strictures on his client. It appears that Dr. Berghaus himself, while the facts were fresh in his memory, admitted that Douville was an impostor ; but then he alleges, forsooth, that " he never gave it as his own opinion that Douville had never been in Africa, and that his travels were all a fiction, as Cooley says, in so many words." It is with pain and astonishment that we find an ex- perienced writer blundering in terms at once so flip- pant and emphatic. The reviewer, after recounting Douville's first journey from Loanda, which was con- fined to the countries immediately adjoining, and in alliance with, the Portuguese colony, and which occupies two-thirds of the whole work, proceeds in these words : " We do not mean to deny altogether the authenticity of this portion of M. Douville's narrative, but we feel convinced that there runs through the entire web a certain tissue of falsehood, which we shall hereafter endeavour to point out. His first journey we admit, was really performed," &c. &c. Thus it appears that the reviewer did not deny that Douville had been in Africa ; nay more, he hinted a suspicion that Douville had gone thither from Brazil on a slaving excursion a suspicion which subsequently ripened into certainty. Since that time we have had opportunities of learning the opinion of merchants of Loanda, and other Portuguese well acquainted with Angola, on the point in dispute, BERGHAUS AND DOUV1LLE. 45 and we are in consequence obliged to retract the admission, that " Douville's first journey was really performed." In truth, he never went beyond the limits of the colony ; perhaps not beyond the fair of Donde, near Cambambe, where he might easily have collected from the Pombeiros or native agents the materials of his fiction. It cannot be supposed that he visited Pungo Andongo, for the Roman Catholic missionaries describe that remarkable locality as an almost inaccessible mass of volcanic rocks, twenty-seven miles in circuit, and with thirty-two vil- lages scattered over its surface ; whereas, Douville reduces it to a ring of granite half a league in cir- cuit. It is needless to return to the refutation of Douville's discoveries, or to show how little in- genuity or penetration he evinced in the treatment of his story. He does not appear to have ever even caught a glimpse of the truth. The important chief Bomba, whose seat lies southward, up the Coanza, is transferred by the romancing Frenchman to the opposite quarter, and figures in 2 N. of the equator. The vocabulary of the Bomba language, in which the words all end in x or z, is a transparent fraud ; but we confess that we enjoy the sly humour with which its author inserted the exceptional words, emugi, king, and namugi, queen, evidently with an eye to the disputed orthography of the name Monoemugi.* * It was Malte-Brun who, mentioning Mono-emugi, unfortu- nately added (Geogr. Univers. torn. v. p. 104.), " ou. selon une or- thographe plusauthentique, Mou-nimougi." For this, when it was written, there was no authority whatever, but Douville kindly pre- pared its confirmation. In Douville's first journey, he visited, he says (Voyage, &c. torn. iii. p. 131.), the state and town of Nano. There 46 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. But this topic leads us to a remark of some import- ance. While the learned world have agreed in rejecting Douville's narrative, they have, with unac- countable thoughtlessness, admitted the authenticity of his vocabulary of the Molua language. Now, there exists no direct intercourse between Angola and the Aliia ; and if Douville did not visit the latter people, how could he have learned their language ? He pretends to have been master of it, to have conversed familiarly in it with the Muata ya Nvo, and to have made his fruitless inquiries of the Cazembe and Quilimane envoys (!) through a Molua interpreter; yet he says not a word of the peculiar character of that language, and indeed his utter ignorance of it is sufficiently manifest. It would have been no difficult task to collect from Angolan Pombeiros specimens of a dozen kindred dialects ; but M. Douville was at no trouble about the matter. He jumped to the conclu- sion that the Bunda or Angolan language and the Molua are closely related (which we believe to be in- correct), and so he framed a vocabulary of the one language from the other by certain arbitrary changes.* Take the following example : a soldier, he tells us, is, in the Bunda, empacasseiro, in the Moluan language capacassero. Now the prefixed ca is, in these is no such state. Namno is the general name of the elevated country, occupied, in the part to which he refers, by the Quilen- gues. * The history of the Jagas of Angola, given by the missionaries, is all fable. There is no reason to believe that they came from the interior. The frequent occurrence of the prefix lu in Moluan names, as Lulua, Luiza, Luconquesa, Luburi, Lualaba, &c., shows an affinity with the Congo rather than the Bunda language. A FABRICATED VOCABULARY. 47 languages, the characteristic of diminutives, and is here obviously misplaced. Besides, the word empacas- seiro is not genuine Bunda, but a Portuguese derivative from mpacasse, a large species of antelope (the Gnu ?), and signifies properly not a soldier, but a hunter. We may rest assured, therefore, that the word capa- cassero is unknown to the Aliia. Those who have given any attention to the Angolan and cognate tongues, must perceive at once that the second word of the royal title, Muata Yanvo or Yambo, is a sub- stantive with the prefixed particle ia or yf perpetual congelation, but not the well-marked forms beneath it. He fixes his eyes on abstractions, and closes them against realities. His snow wants the essential attri- butes of matter extension and figure. Of the natural and necessary proportions of a rocky pile crowned with perpetual snow in equatorial latitudes, he seems to have ridiculously inadequate ideas. And will it be believed that the few meagre passages from his journal, quoted in the preceding pages, contain every tittle of the information relating to the physical character of so interesting and remarkable a locality, furnished by one who spent at least three months at the foot of Kilima Njaro, in Chaga or Majdme ? He * In these notes the language is Dr. Krapf's, and not Mr. Reb- mann's ; we hear of Kilimanjaro, not of Kilima-dja-aro. H 3 102 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. was there in the middle of the dry season ; and again he was there during the rains ; yet he does not vouch- safe a single remark on the altered scene, or on the varying phases of those snows which seemed to have engrossed all his faculties. Between the region where the ripe and decomposing bananas lay in such pro- fusion as to taint the air, and the perpetual snow, there was doubtless much to be seen ; rocks, forests, and verdant lawns, a grand and varied landscape. Mr. Rebmann saw nothing of it. In Africa, generally, the most populous districts, and those in which social life is most advanced, are found on the high grounds, near the sources of the rivers, and the herbaceous pastures. The heights of Kilima Njaro, a mountain mass covering at least 150 square miles, might well be the abode of a secure and flourishing community. But Mr. Rebmann's enquiries apparently never reached so far. He heard nothing of the minerals which have made the mountain famous on the coast ; but, on the other hand, he discovered what is quite unknown on the coast, the " eternal snows." On the 1st November, 1849, Dr. Krapf set forward from Rabe mpia, on his journey to Ukamba, the country of the Wakamba, a tribe dwelling in the in- terior N.W. of Mombas.* Early on the 9th, after two days' rest, he reached Maiingu, a hill a little to the N. of Kadiaro, and certainly not much above fifty miles from the coast. On his return he went over the same ground in three days, or less than half * Missionary Intelligencer, vol. i. p. 398. JOURNEY TO UKAMBA. 103 the time; so that we cannot help thinking that his estimate of thirty-three miles for his sixth day's march, is far in excess. No natives, carrying burdens, could be brought to make such a march. His esti- mates of other forced marches made further on by his party, in which were women and children, require to be much abridged. It appears, that from the summit of Maiingu, which is probably visible, like Kadiaro, from Rabe mpia, the Chaga group of moun- tains may be seen above those of Teita. Dr. Krapf thus describes the view : " About 8 o'clock in the morning I had a fine view of the snow-capped mountain Kilimanjaro in Jagga. Even at this great distance I could immediately judge that the white matter I observed on and around the mountain's head could be nothing but snow, as Mr. Rebmann rightly judged, on his first journey to Jagga. That point of the snow mountain which I saw, towered over the high mountains Bura and Ndara; which fact clearly shows that the height of Kilimanjaro must be such as to reach the snowy region." The logical justness of this last inference we deny totally. But Dr. Krapf does well in using the word " judge" in this case; for the " d priori reasonings, written in the cabinet," which he thinks to refute, questioned Mr. Rebmann's judgment only, and not his veracity. From Maiingu, the road turned N. or N.E., and then W. round the northern end of the Teita moun- tains. The dry bed of the W6i was crossed on the 12th ; and after two more long marches the Tsavo 104 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. was reached, a fine river twenty feet wide, and two and a half deep, flowing tranquilly from Kilima Njaro -eastwards in a bed of fine red sand. A little further Mount Theuka rose over the western bank of the river. This mountain was deserted by its inhabitants a few years ago, in consequence of violent subter- ranean explosions heard in its neighbourhood which terrified them. " There is no doubt," observes Dr. Krapf, " that the whole country round the river Tsavo has, in former ages, undergone great changes by volcanic action." Indeed, he marched subsequently over a stratum of black porous stones, which he sup- posed to be burnt lava (Tufa). Under the date of the 16th November, we find the following entry in the Journal: " When the sky was clear to the westward, I saw the whole region of Jagga very distinctly. The Mount Kilimanjaro seemed to be distant only four or five days' journey. I saw its dome-like head glitter- ing from a matter of transparent whiteness .... The Kilimanjaro has at some points deep ravines or incisions, as it were, which stretch from its lofty summit downwards to its base. In other places I observed very steep avenues leading to the summit ; they appeared to me like perpendicular walls of rocks towering up as far as the mount's head. There, of course, the snow could remain as little as it could rest on the walls of a building." Controversy sharpened the sight of Dr. Krapf, and in the course of this journey he seems to have had constantly before his eyes, that Kilirna Njaro which, THE RIVER ADI. 105 according to Mr. Rebinann, " is generally enveloped in clouds." But, notwithstanding his keenness of vision, the lower border of " the white matter," which lie is so ready to convert into snow, still eludes his observation, nor does he say what share of the moun- tain the white matter occupies. A simple, unaffected, and unreserved description in the first instance, of the object in question, would have disarmed mistrust, and saved a world of argument. The transparency of the whiteness, as well as its evanescence elsewhere alluded to, is less characteristic of snow, which, taken in the mass, radiates rather than reflects the light, than of pure white quartz, as it is seen in the Cradock Mountains, at the Cape of Good Hope, or as it shines forth conspicuous among the snows of Altai. On the 20th November, the fifteenth day of march, the road turned northwards; and on the following day our traveller descended to the river Adi, which forms, as he supposes, the south-western boundary of Ukamba. This river was then (in the dry season) about sixty feet wide, and eighteen inches deep. Its banks, twenty or twenty-five feet high, were adorned with large trees. It flows at the foot of a ridge or bank of earth, which seems to be the result of a great fracture and partial subsidence of the earth's crust, extending from near Mombas, some hundred and odd miles, irregularly north-westwards into the interior. This ridge is called by Dr. Krapf Ndungiini, which is, however, merely a local name, given to the spot where the ridge is crossed near Mombas, and improperly applied to it in its whole 103 INXER AFRICA LAID OPEN. extent. The ridge was ascended in a north-eastward direction to the plain of Yata, whence, on the follow- lowing day, the road led down to the wilderness of Tangai, through which the river Tiwa flows in the rainy season to join the Adi. The direct road from Mombas to Ukamba formerly passed through Tangdi ; but the frequent incursions of the Gallas, who occupy the hills near the coast, having interrupted the com- munication, it was found necessary to beat the cir- cuitous path travelled by Dr. Krapf. From this low plain the snowy Kilima Njaro (for the snow is never forgotten) was again seen towering above all the moun- tains to the westward of the route. On the 26th No- vember, the twentieth day of march, the road having reached the conspicuous rock called Nsambani, turned due north, for " whereas," adds Dr. Krapf, " we had for several days travelled north-east." The territory of Kitui was now reached, and in a short time our traveller entered the hamlet of the same name, where he was well received by Kivoi, the chief. The com- municative chief gave interesting intelligence, which is thus related by Dr. Krapf. " In my second interview with Kivoi, I made mention of the snow mountain Kilimanjaro, in Jagga. Kivoi said that he had been in most countries of Jagga, and had seen the white matter on the Kilima ja Jeu (Mountain of Whiteness), but that there was a second and still larger Kilima ja Jeu between the countries Kikiiyu, Mbe, and Uimbu, and that the river Dana rises from that mountain of whiteness. This being great news to me, I pressed Kivoi for MOUNT KENIA. 107 further information. He said, ' You will see both mountains at some distance from my hamlet, when there shall be a clear sky. It is ten days' journey from here to the White Mountain in Jagga, but only six to that of Kikiiyu.' Afterwards, I went a few hundred yards from the hamlet to a somewhat ele- vated place, where I clearly saw the Kilimanjaro, the sky being clear in that direction. It lay south-west from the hamlet. But I could not see the new ' snow mountain' of which Kivoi had told me, although I observed something like a white stripe in a northern direction, in which the Wakamba who stood around me requested me to turn my eyes." How provokingly Dr. Krapf eludes every oppor- tunity of settling the point in dispute ! He speaks often and confidently enough of the snow of Kilima Njaro, yet when he meets with an intelligent native chief, whose language has a name for snow, he adopts a cautious phraseology, and talks of " the white matter." Why did he not ask Kivoi whether he knew the nature of that white matter ? Then, as to the expression Kilima ja Jeu (cha Che'u), we do not believe it ever came from Kivoi's mouth. Kilima does not mean a mountain ; mountain of whiteness for white mountain is a piece of affectation, of which we believe the honest African incapable ; and though the word cheu, white, wanting in the languages around Ukamba, may be found in the Sichuana, yet the ex- pression Kilima cha Cheu is evidently deficient in genuine grammar. But let us hasten forward to get a view of the new snow mountain Kenia, " as the 108 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. natives call the mountain and the white matter seen on it," wondering, by the way, why the Wakamba, in whose language kibd means snow, should call the ** white matter" kenia. Dr. Krapf, departing from Kitui, relates as follows: " After a walk of 3 or 4 miles, we arrived at an elevated spot, where I enjoyed the great pleasure of distinctly seeing the Ke"nia. The sky being clear, I got a full sight of this snow mountain, which I had been told by Kivoi is situated between Kikuyu and Uimbu.* It stretches from E. to N.W. by W. It appeared to be like a gigantic wall, on whose summit I observed two gigantic towers or horns, as you may call them. These horns or towers, which are at a short distance from each other, give the mountain a grand and majestic appearance, which raised in my mind overwhelming feelings. The Kilimanjaro in Jagga has a dome-like summit, but the Kenia has the form of a gigantic roof, over which its horns rise like two mighty pillars, which I have no doubt are seen by the inhabitants of the countries bordering on the northern latitudes of the equator. Still less do I doubt that the volume of water which the Kenia issues to the N. runs toward the basin of the White Nile." Here the reader will observe there is no mention whatever of the snow on Kenia, bating the pre-con- ceived title "snow mountain," which begs the question. There is no description of the snow as to depth and * Missionary Intelligencer, vol. i. p. 470. THE KIVEK DANA. 109 distribution. We are not told whether the two peaks or horns are covered with snow or naked, nor whether the line of perpetual snow (for doubtless Dr. Krapf's snows are all "eternal") be on the wall-like ridge beneath the horns. The wretchedly jejune account just quoted is all that is told us of the gigantic mountain by one who viewed it from a distance of a six days' journey (sixty geographical miles). But Dr. Krapf returned again to Kitui ; went three days further N., and therefore within three days of Kenia, and spent two or three months in Ukamba, and yet we hear not a word more from him respecting the great mountain to the north. He calls it by a title to him familiar, " snow mountain ;" the editorial echo repeats " stupendous snow mountain ; " and the voice of echo spreads far and wide. But to return to the native accounts, Dr. Krapf's journal thus con- tinues : " In another interview which I had with Kivoi, he expressed a wish that the Governor of Mombas would send his boats up the river Dana, and fetch his (Kivoi's) ivory by water, as by this means the trouble of the cafila going through the Wanika country might be avoided. On my asking him how deep the river was, and whether there were any rocks in it, he stated that there were no rocks at all, and that the water reached a man's neck in the dry season, whereas, during the rains the river was im- passable. He further stated that its ordinary breadth was about 200 yards, and that it was the privilege of the people of Mbe to carry strangers, proceed- 110 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. ing to Kikiiyu, or other countries, from one bank to the other.* This information gratified me much indeed, since I had long ago conceived the idea of penetrating the interior by that river, which is on the maps called Quilimancy, but should properly be written Kilimansi (Kilima, 'mountain;' mansi, * water;') mountain- water, referring, as it seems to me, to the snow-mountain Kenia, as the natives call the mountain and the white matter seen on it of Kikuyu, where the river Dana takes its rise, according to the universal report of the natives." We wish Dr. Krapf had pointed out more par- ticularly the river by which he thought of pene- trating to the interior, for his design must of course have had reference to some river of the coast. No maps of the present day of any value mark a river Quilimancy on the eastern coast of Africa, because there is no river there so called. But, says our learned missionary, it should properly be written Kilimansi. Properly, indeed ! How can propriety be affirmed of a name formed by crushing two African words in a German mould. The expression " Mountain- water " exemplifies Teutonic idiom ; but Kilima-mansi, or Kilima da mansi, undipped and uncrushed, would sound as ridiculous and barbarous to an African, as mons-aqua to a Roman ear. We doubt whether mansi (for maji, water,) be used on * Mbe is apparently a general term for strangers. The word ulu, also, which often occurs in Dr. KrapPs journal is not a proper name, but signifies above, higher up, beyond ; kahi means between, intervening. THE RIVER QUILIMANCI. Ill the coast anywhere north of the Makiia; but the decisive point is, that Kilima does not signify a mountain, in the sense assumed by Dr. Krapf, but a hill or rising ground of the humblest kind, as is evident from the name Kirima-ni or Kilima-ni given to places of very moderate elevation.* But can we not decide which was the river called Quilimanci by early Geographers ? Certainly we can. If it were not that geography, as a popular study, often falls into the hands of the ignorant and pre- sumptuous, no dispute could have ever arisen on the subject. The first writer who mentions this name, and who is copied, with little variation, by most of those who follow him, is the Portuguese historian, Joao de Barros. According to him, the river Oby (Webbe), the Rhaptus of Ptolemy, rising in the mountains of Graro (Gara means mountain in Galla), in Adea (the Somali country, adjacent to Abessinia on the S. E.), enters the sea near a village named Quilimanci, whence the people on the coast gave it this name.f He errs greatly when he places the mouth of this river in lat. 9 N. ; yet this error de- termines his meaning and reveals some acquaintance with the course of the Webbe. Furthermore he informs us that this river separates Ajan on the N. from Zanguebar on the S. From all this it is evident * Whence comes it that Dr. Krapf, in his "Vocabulary of Six East-African Languages" (Tubingen, 1850), gives for hill, m'rima mdogo, little mountain, and not the regular and usual diminutive, kirima, or kilima. f Decade I. viii. p. 154. 112 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. that he had in view the Webbe, Nile of Makadisho, river of Doara, Dokho, or, as some now call it, Haines's river, which he supposed to receive the Jubah ; or in other words, his river of Quilimanci was that which is now called the river of Jubah, the Govind or Vumbu, 15 minutes S. of the line. It is true that he speaks of an expedition sent to examine " a branch of the Oby which enters the sea at Culimanja, about a league from Melinde." But this sentence can em- barrass those only who are not acquainted with the peculiar geographical language of the 1 6th century. We know certainly, that there is no river whatever within a mile of the site of Malinda ; that the Por- tuguese, within a few years after doubling the Cape of Good Hope, had seized and ransacked every place of importance between Kilwa and Pata; that they had searched every creek and cranny on the coast, particularly near Malinda ; and that in the ample records remaining of their proceedings, there is no mention whatever of a town or river named Quili- manci. On the other hand we know that a long tract of Eastern Africa bore the name of Costa da Melinde, or briefly, Melinde: undefined southwards towards Kilwa, it is made almost always to terminate in the north at the equator. Jarric indeed in the 18th century, states that the coast from Mosambique to Guardafuni u is all Abex (Habesh or Abessinia), though the Portuguese call it Melinde." Pigafetta, at an earlier date, employs more definite language. COAST OF MALINDA. 113 He says that " Melinde extends northwards to the Chimanci (Chilimanci), which is navigable 100 miles up to the lake Calice (the Arabic Khalij);"* the meaning of this expression needs not to be here discussed. It will be sufficient to remark, that, when he proceeds to describe the people on the sea-side (presso il mare), and along the river (lungo la ripa), his description exactly represents the Bajiina, north of the line, between the Webbe and the coast. His Chimanci, therefore, is evidently the Oby of De Barros ; its mouth, that of the Jubah ; while his lake Calice or Khalij is the creek marking the ancient and perhaps still the occasional junction of the two rivers. When De Barros, therefore, speaks of the mouth of the Oby, at Culimanja or Quilimanci, a league from Melinde, he merely means to say that the village so named (possibly Jubah) was a league north of the river, the coast of Malinda commencing on the south. Thus was he understood by Livio Sanuto, who writes: " Quilimanci is a place in this kingdom (Adea in Abessinia, supposed to extend down to Makadisho), at the mouth of the Oby, near the kingdom of Melinde." One author, Alonso de Sandoval, in copying the text of De Barros, ventures also to suggest a correction, for he writes " Quilimane or Quilimangi," and doubtless the first of these is the true expression. f Nor is it hard to explain why no navigator ever found the village indicated by De Barros, for the historian or his informant probably * Pigafetta, Relatione del Reame di Congo, p. 76. j" Historia de Ethiopia, 1646, p. 235. I 114 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. mistook the word, used in its general acceptation, for a proper name ; and, in fact, Kilima-ni (literally, " on the bank"), in the mouth of a Sawahili pilot, often signifies simply " on shore." Faria de Sousa, an in- different geographer, and swayed doubtless by the reports connecting the rivers of Kilwa (the Kuavi and Lufiji) with the great lake of the interior, sets the Quilimanci in lat. 9 S., that is, at Kilwa; but in so doing he stands alone. Some charts of the 17th century placed a Quelimani between Malinda and Kilifi, and this circumstance no doubt induced D'Anville to lead his Quilimanci to the same point, where there is not in fact any river.* Dr. Krapf says, in a tone of triumph, " We know now that the Pangani and Sabaki rise from the snow mountain Kilimanjaro, and that the Dana and the Osi spring from the Ke'nia." Now the truth is, that we know nothing whatever on these points but Dr. Krapfs conjectures, which appear to be without authority, if not actually against it. He himself tells us that the rivers which he supposes to run from Kilima Njaro into the Pangani or Ruvii (for he confounds these two streams), are said by the natives to join the Ozi. The Sabaki, the true position of which on the coast he mistakes, is a small river, entering, not the " Bay of Malinda " (an obsolete and incorrect expression), but Pamarnba or Hippopotamus (commonly called Formosa) Bay.f It takes its name, * Livro do Estado da India Oriental, 1646 ; Sloane MSS., Brit. Mus. No. 197. t Mamba is the hippopotamus. The prefix p always refers to mahali or pahali, place. THE RIVER DANA. 115 doubtless, from the town of Sabaki, which stands on a hill visible to the north-west from Malinda, and is said to be near the Ozi, fifteen days up this river.* This circumstance, together with Khamis ben Othman's opinion, that the Sabaki is a branch of the Ozi, leads to the conclusion that the Ozi flows under the hills in which the Sabaki has its sources, and that the Tsavo (Chavo) and Adi, which really do derive their waters, wholly or in part, from Kilima Njaro, run into or form the Ozi. In truth, the word Adi appears to us to be identical with Ozi, and to differ from it only through that dialectic peculiarity of pronunciation which has made Dr. Krapf write Dana also for Zana, the Poc6mo word for river. We see no reason to believe the Ozi to be a great river, and certainly it owes but little to " plenteous snow stores." During the rains it pours down immense floods, the copiousness of which, at the close of the season, is obviously attributable to the draining of a wide extent of inundated country; but, in the dry season, it is so shallow on the bar, that it may be waded over, the water barely reaching the knee. At Kao, twenty miles up, it is not so wide but that people on its banks may easily hold conversation with those on the island. Sultan Fomalut of Kao, who went a two months' voyage (200 or 300 miles) up the river, to explore it, reported that it flowed through a great extent of low country with mangrove thickets, and that, where he turned back, there was no appear- * Owen, Capt. W. F. W., Narrative of Voyages, &c. vol. i. p. 396. i 2 116 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. ance of its termination, but that the navigation was much hindered by the boughs of trees hanging over the river. From all this we may conclude that, at the furthest point reached by him, the river was still flowing through the plain, and that its breadth could not have much exceeded 100 feet. With respect to the Dana, which Dr. Krapf identifies with the Ozi, without alleging any authority for so doing, for the fact that both names have the same meaning, river, tends rather to mislead than inform we have nothing to guide us in determining its outlet on the coast. But it is well to bear in mind that there is a considerable river behind Pata Island, and that a stream or two enter the sea between Shamba and Port Durnford, where the break in the coral forma- tion indicates the action of fresh water. The geographical information collected by Dr. Krapf in Ukamba is scanty enough, considering that he spent two or three months in that country, and it is, at the same time, so confused and indefinite as to be nearly valueless ; so far as it calls for our notice, it is all contained in the following paragraph : " I made acquaintance with a merchant from Uembu, a country which is two days' journey north-east from the river Dana. This man gave me much important information ; viz. that at the foot of the snow mountain Ndurkenia, or Kirenia, was a lake, from which the Dana, the Tumbiri, and the Nsaraddi rivers do flow. The Dana and Tumbiri rivers, he said, flowed into the east sea, that is, the Indian Ocean ; but that the Nsaraddi takes its course towards a still ZAMBURU. 117 larger lake, called Baringo, the end of which could not be reached under very many (even 100) days' journey. He said it was five days from Uembu to Kirenia, and thence nine days' journey to Baringo, which means as much as Great Sea. And now we know almost for certain where the sources of the Nile are to be looked for, viz. in the lake Ndurkenia, from which flows the Nsaraddi, this again flowing through Baringo."* It is amusing to observe with what confidence Dr. Krapf sets about solving that ancient and, we think, overvalued geographical problem, of the sources of the Nile, without ever fixing, or attempting to fix, with exactness, the position of the locality which he selects for them. He is nearly certain that the sources of the Nile are in Ndurkenia; and where is Ndurkenia? It is 200 geographical miles, at least, east of the place assigned to it in Dr. Krapf's map and imagination. In his map is to be found the name Usambiro, on the north-eastern side of what he calls Uniamesi. This name was thought by some to be the original of Zambre ; but it was undoubtedly only another form of Tsamburu, which figures in the same map in a very different position north of Kenia. A third form of the name, Zamburu, hovers between both : sometimes it seems to settle on Kenia, and Dr. Krapf sallies forth to travel through " Ukamba, Mbellete, Zamburu, and Kikiiyu " ; again, we are told, " Zamburu lies near the sources of the White River. * Missionary Intelligencer, vol. iii, p. 37. ; comp. 77 i 3 118 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. It is probably the same with Dambaro, near Kaffa." Thus he makes the White Nile flow, at one moment, from a common source with the Chadda and Kilimani (Zambdze) ; at another, he derives it from the neigh- bourhood of Kaffa ; and now, again, he sets its sources in Ndurkenia, in long. 38 30' E., whence it flows north-eastwards ! The account of the three rivers issuing from the one lake must of course be rejected; absurd in itself, it is also irreconcileable with the distinct ac- count, elsewhere given, of the course of the Dana. Respecting the Tumbiri (perhaps the Tsamburu already alluded to), represented, in the loosest man- ner, as flowing through the country of the Wakuavi to the Indian Ocean, we can offer nothing in ex- planation except the remark, that, between Pata and the Jubah, three rivers reach the sea, at Port Durnford, Shamba, and Tula. The Nsaradi is probably the Govind or river of Jubah, which the Uembu merchant traces down for nine days to the Baringo (evidently resolved into Bahri-nku) or Great Sea. Now, when Kivoi, on some occasion, told Dr. Krapf of a great bahr north of Kikuyu, the latter inclined to believe that it was a river, and not a sea or lake, which his informant had in view ; and why might not this great bahr, which " has no end, although one should travel 100 days to see the end," be a river also ? The native information may there- fore be thus interpreted: The Khalij, or wide creek in the Govind (Nsaradi), which at least indicates and leads to the lower end of the Webbe or Nile of THE BARINGO. 119 Makddisho, if it be not actually reached by this river in the floods, is nine days from Kirenia, and the Webbe is the Baringo or Great Water, traced upwards in the African manner, without regard to the direction of its course and current. But, indeed, it is obvious that a river which is lost in the sand, and has no outlet, and which increases as ascended for perhaps 200 miles, might, in the season of inunda- tion, with an average breadth of 4 or 5 miles, be easily mistaken for a lake. Mr. J. Studdy Leigh, who made an excursion from Bravah to that river in November, 1836, and was the first European, as far as we know, who beheld it, was told by the natives that its sources were so far off that none of their number had ever reached them. This is plainly but another version of the statement that the bahr has no end, though one should travel 100 days in search of it. The reports brought home, of late years, re- specting the Webbe, fully vindicate the importance attached to it by the natives, who have always re- garded it as the greatest of all the rivers of that region. No European has yet seen it during the floods, and we have therefore but an imperfect con- ception of its magnitude. The explanation here given of the native accounts has the effect, to be sure, of removing the Ndurkenia mountain completely from the basin of the White Nile, and thus cancelling its claim to be considered as the Mountains of the Moon. But the object of our research is Truth, not the Mountains of the Moon. We leave the care and carriage of these 120 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. mountains (and they often change place) to the head- strong partisans of what may be called by geographers the Lunatic System, and are content ourselves to trudge along patiently in the path of reason. And what is more reasonable than to suppose mountains participating in the general climate of the region in which they stand deluged in wet climates ; parched in dry? What, on the other hand, can be more para- doxical and absurd than to suppose the river Ozi, own brother of the Nile, and that snows are piled on mountains not above 150 miles from the Indian Ocean in order to fertilise Egypt, 2000 miles off, while the country around these snows pines with comparative drought ? for Dr. Krapf himself informs us that Ukainba, where he approached within three days of Ndurkenia, is a dry country, and a short way north of that mountain we arrive at the desert and the land of the camel ; indeed, Dr. Krapf speaks even of camel- dealing in Mbellete, at the northern foot of the moun- tain, and it is certain that the celebrity of the Web be is due, not so much to its magnitude, as to the circum- stance that it irrigates and fertilises a country which would otherwise be a desert. Let it be observed, also, that the White Nile emphatically disclaims any obligation to snow; for, of its many distinctions, one of the most remarkable is, that, in the dry season, it becomes, for hundreds of miles, a stagnant and putrid pool. It will be vain to contest the position which we have assigned to Dr. Krapf 's new snow mountain, or to endeavour to carry it further in. We have TKUE POSITION OF KENIA. 121 strained every point to spare the incorrectness we had to deal with. A rigorous investigation, if insisted on, will surely place Kitui, and consequently Mount Kenia or Ndurkenia, which is due north of that place, further east. This is easily demonstrated. We know, from Mr. Rebmann, that Kilima Njaro is ten days from Mombas ; we are willing to allow twelve. Now, it was on the seventh day of his march that Dr. Krapf, who fancies that he strides like a giant, reached Maiingu, exactly fifty-four miles from his starting- point. From this point he saw the Bura and Ndara mountains N. W.; and over them, consequently also .to the N. "W., Kilima Njaro. This bearing, at vari- ance with Mr. Rebmann's, betrays, as we have already shown, the author of the notes to Mr. Rebmann's account of his second journey. Here Dr. Krapf makes the following remark, which must appear very singular when compared with his map : " His (Mr. Rebmann's) direction was west by north, while my route was north by west." On the twelfth day he passed under Mount Ngolia, which Mr. Rebmann had seen on his seventh day's march, two days distant to the N. E. On his thirteenth day Dr. Krapf saw Kilima Njaro, distant four or five days due west; consequently, Kikumbuliu, where he arrived on the fourteenth or fifteenth day, was still west of that mountain. He has subsequently twice proved that this place is distant from Mombas but a nine days' journey. Soon after, the road turned N. E. ; from Tangai he again saw Kilima Njaro towering above the mountains in the west ; and, at last, on his arrival in 122 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. Kitui, the same summit rose in the S. W., at an esti- mated distance of ten days. From Kitui Dr. Krapf returned to the coast in sixteen days, and yet he reckons the distance at 400 miles; nay, including three days further to the river Dana, he reckons his whole journey at 550 miles. But we have seen that Dr. Krapf, when going parallel to the coast, never travelled above twelve and a half miles (in geogra- phical miles of projected distance, eight and a half) a day. We have made a great stretch of indul- gence, therefore, in allowing him and Mr. Rebmann sixteen statute miles for the day's march in their journeys to the interior. The circuitous route to Kitui could hardly have exceded 260, and was probably under 230 miles. Now, it may be easily demonstrated that, if Maiingu be four days west of Mombas, Kilima Njaro six days N. W. of Maiingu and ten days S. W. of Kitui, the meridian of the last-named place is but a day and a fifth west of that of Mombas ; so that, if Dr. Krapf s bearings be strictly adhered to, and the day's march be reduced to twelve and a half miles, Kitui will stand within sixty miles of the sea. Among the important discoveries claimed by Dr. Krapf, is that of a single family of languages prevail- ing throughout Africa, south of the equator. It is certain, nevertheless, that he had read, in the Memoir on the Geography of Nyassi, published in 1845, the following passage : " From the confines of the Hot- tentots in the south, to the equator on the eastern coast, and to Cameroons on the western, there is but one family of languages, which may be appropriately THE ZINGIAN LANGUAGES. 123 called the Zingian family." The merit, therefore, of announcing the radical unity of hundreds of tongues spoken far and wide, does not in truth belong to Dr. Krapf, but merely that of rejecting the title Zingian, which was derived from Zinj or Zing, plural Zeniij or Zemig, the ancient and general name given to the aboriginal tribes of Eastern Africa by the Arabs, and traceable in Ptolemy. And what but a wanton affectation of originality could have induced Dr. Krapf to prefer entitling the kindred languages of Southern Africa, Nilotic, since it is obvious that the great majority, at least, of the tribes speaking those languages are far removed from the Nile ? and, in- deed, he himself unconsciously discloses the incorrect- ness of the expression, when he informs us that he reached in Ukamba the northern boundary (in that quarter) of this family of languages ; which is as much as to say, that, as far as his knowledge goes, the Nilotic family of languages nowhere extends into the basin of the Nile. The chief, if not the only, exceptions to the uni- versality of the Zingian family of languages on the eastern side of Africa, occur in the Galla and Wa- kuavi tribes, the former near the coast, the latter wandering over the plains west and south of Ukamba. It is to be regretted that Dr. Krapf gives no account of the Wakuavi, who are evidently of Abessinian origin, probably from the left bank of the Gojeb. He does not even tell us how they call themselves. Neither does he bestow four sentences on the Wase- geju, who dwell on the coast south of Mombas. 124 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. Their clay caps attracted the notice of Malte-Brun. But these people have another claim to attention, for they have figured in history. The Mossequejos (the same people), a valiant, pastoral tribe, saved Mombas from the Zimbas in 1589 : and there is ground for suspecting that they also, though now assimilated in language and manners with their immediate neigh- bours, are originally from the borders of Abessinia. With respect to the cutlery of the Meremongao (Wa- kamba) also, which is said to be excellent, their iron, of the best possible quality, being exported to India and the Persian Gulf, Dr. Krapf is quite silent. Neither has his visit to Usambara on the Pangani thrown the least light on the reputed dense popu- lation of Kazita and Viiga. On the other hand, Dr. Krapf establishes fully, though indirectly, the important fact that there is no chain of mountains, no edge of a great table land, running parallel to the coast in Eastern Africa. All the mountains that he saw, those of Usambara, Pare, Teita, Kilima Njaro, and Kenia, are insulated groups, rising from a sea-like plain, supposed by him to reach to the heart of the continent, and which may be suspected even of sinking to some distance westward. He and Mr. Rebmann give the names of a dozen nations between Kilima Njaro and Moenemoezi. The wide distance between the last-named country and the basin of the Nile will appear from the follow- ing short narrative : "Bana Kheri said that he had made a journey of fifty days from Puge (a tribe of Uniamesi), to a country called Ujambara, in the north NO MOUNTAINS OF THE MOON. 125 of Uniamesi. Froin Ujambara he went down a river of the same name. Having sailed down on the river for the space of six days, he was seized with fever and compelled to abstain from proceeding to the west coast, as he had intended. He said his companions did actually go to the west coast." Now it is quite clear that any river flowing from east to west, fifty days north of Pughe, must either be the Nile or be south of the Nile, since the Nile cannot flow across it ; consequently, there is a distance of fifty days' journey, or 300 geographical miles, at the least, between the northernmost part of Moenemoezi and the Nile. In surveying the labours of Dr. Krapf as a tra- veller, it is impossible not to be struck with the lofti- ness of his ambition, and the resolute energy with which he aims at solving single-handed, for he repels every aid, all the great problems of African geography. He holds that, in Africa, geographical discovery must precede evangelisation, and that it will be time enough to think of cultivating a corner of the im- mense vineyard, when the whole of it shall have been explored. But the weakness of ambition is manifest in his blind attachment to grand problems, and his disinclination to relinquish the delusions connected with them. Miserably poor in facts, he is profuse of theory, his distances are exaggerated, his bearings all in disorder, his etymologies puerile, and he seems to want altogether those habits of mental accuracy without which active reason is a dangerous faculty. Discoveries and theories of so loose a texture as his 126 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. must necessarily give rise to doubt and discussion. Without such discussion, of which he appears to be impatient, what is to become of the interests of truth ? All human truths require for their recognition a certain measure and fulness of light, which we have a right to demand of their promulgators. Science owes nothing to oracles. Geography, in particular, owing to its easy accessibility and popular nature, is liable to be hindered in its progress by superficial learning, system building, and empty pretension. Discoveries are sure to come into vogue if they be only wonder- ful and novel; their authenticity is the last thing thought of. It is clear that geography can never be advanced to the rank of science unless by the con- stant application of exact, searching, and rigorous criticism. The justness of these remarks will be obvious to Dr. Krapf when he considers that geo- graphers are even now busily rearing, avowedly on his authority, chains of mountains and tablelands in Eastern Africa, where he saw nothing of the kind ; and that the most distorted and confessedly erroneous portion of his map is precisely that which has been selected as the basis of speculation. With respect to those eternal snows on the discovery of which Messrs. Krapf and Rebmann have set their hearts, they have so little of shape or substance, and appear so severed from realities, that they take quite a spectral character. No one has yet witnessed their eternity : dogmatic assertion proves nothing; of reasonable evidence of perpetual snow there is not a tittle offered. The only sentence in Mr. Rebmann's journal which ven- KILIMA NJARO FROM THE SEA. 127 tures to touch upon the fact of a fall of snow, is, as has been shown, neither genuine nor correct. We cannot help concluding, therefore, that the existence of perpetual snow in Eastern Africa has not been as yet satisfactorily established. But Kilima Njaro, even without snow, is a very lofty mountain ; and, since it is probably not above 120 miles from the sea, perhaps not much above 100, we might reasonably expect that it would be occa- sionally visible from the masthead ; and, indeed, if it be not visible from sea, it will be difficult to find the meaning of the following words of a very perspicuous and, for his age, well-informed writer, Fernandez d' Enciso, who, speaking of Mombas, says " And west of this port stands the Mount Olympus of Ethiopia which is exceedingly high, and beyond it are the Mountains of the Moon, whence are the sources of the Nile." * Here the supereminently lofty single mountain, Olympus, is clearly distinguished from the theoretical mountains of geographers. There still remains for consideration the southern, and not the least interesting, portion of our map. The Portuguese historians inform us that the empire of Monomotapa was bounded on the west by the country called Butua or Abutua, the inhabitants of which were totally distinct from the Mucaranga. In the southern part of the same empire was Manisa, an * "Y al oeste deste puerto (Mombaga) esta el monte Olimpo Etiopico, que es altissimo, y adelante del estan los Montes de Luna, a do son los nacimientos del Nilo." Suma de Geographia, 1530, fol. 54. In the first edition, 1518, the folios are not numbered. 128 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. elevated valley encircled by hills. This valley was the chief source of the gold of Sofalah. But Abutua also produced gold; the auriferous ground, always distinguishable by its extreme barrenness, was called Matiica ; its occupants were the Botonga. This, it may be observed, was the name of the people dwelling behind Inhambane, and mixed in that place with the Mucaranga, who appear to have considered them as their southern neighbours in a general sense. When the native boatmen on the Zambeze use the words Bororo and Botonga, to signify the north and south respectively, they refer, not to the shores of the river, but to distant nations. We have no information respecting the natural landmarks between Mono- motapa and Abutua ; but we are told that the latter country abounds in salt, which is wholly wanting in the former, as well as from the Zambeze northwards to Nyassa. Hence the comparatively moderate elevation of Abutua might be safely inferred. Manisa and the adjacent provinces are described as elevated, dry, and extremely cold. The people of Abutua were said to communicate frequently with the western coast.* The name Butua or Abutua is given equally to the people and to the country ; but we have little doubt that it belongs properly to the former, and that it is the word Bat6a, "people" or " nations," which in those countries is often applied to Bushmen, or to strangers, in a somewhat disparaging sense, as in our expressions Heathen and Gentiles. The name Botonga, also, would be better written Batonga. * Joao dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, 1609, fol. 55. OSWELL AND LIVINGSTONE. 129 The country of Butua, or rather of the Batoa, has been recently visited, and found to present highly interesting and unexpected features, of which, in a coherent form at least, the Portuguese seem never to have received the least intimation. In July, 1849, a party of English travellers, namely, W. Cotton Oswell, Esq., of the Madras Civil Service, the Rev. Daniel Livingstone, Missionary, and Mr. Murray, reached by great exertions the shores of Lake Xgarni, in lat. 20 20' S., long. 23 30' E.* From this lake, a river the Zouga 200 yards wide, flows E. and S. E. irregularly, about 300 miles, till it is lost in the sands. After crossing an almost waterless desert of deep sand, the travellers beheld with delight the fine river, and the lake extending out of sight to the north and west, its banks shaded with trees of great size. But they were still more pleased with the intelligence that, on the north and west, rivers flowed into the lake, communicating with other and greater rivers, and that there lay towards the N. E. a great extent of navigable waters. To the examination of these they returned the following year, and, crossing the Zouga to the northward, they drove their wagons to the banks of the Chobe, a fine navigable river, in lat. 18 23' S., long. 26 E., and thus penetrated to a distance of at least 2000 miles from Cape Town. Descending the Ch6be some distance, in a canoe, they visited Sebitoane (rather, perhaps, Sibatoani), the paramount chief of all this country, who returned * Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xx. pp. 138. 143. K 130 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. with them, and, falling sick, unfortunately died at their encampment. Leaving their wagons at the Ch6be, they proceeded on horseback about 100 miles further N.E., to the banks of the Sesheke (sand-banks), in lat. 17 28' S., and found it to be from 300 to 500 yards wide, with a great volume of water and considerable swell. The natives all agreed in stating that it comes from Lobale, above 400 miles distant, northwards or N. N. TV. About four days' journey below the point reached by the travellers, it forces its way in a contracted channel through some rocky hills, and is at length precipitated with such noise and vapour as to procure for the spot the name of Mosi wa thunya or Smoke-sounds (roaring vapours). Lower down it is joined by another river of less magnitude, the Maninchi or Bashukolompo, and the united waters then take the name of Zabeza or Zambeze. The Ch6be also flows into the Sesheke from the west, and these rivers are reported to be furthermore connected with each other, and with Lake Ngami and its rivers, by numerous tran verse canals, which make of them, in the floods at least, a single system of waters. The Sesheke, or river of Barotse (but neither of these appellations appears to be the proper name of the river), the centre of the system, and the largest of all the streams connected with it, appears to inundate the adjacent country to a distance of 15 miles from its banks. In fact, the country round the lower course of these rivers must present, in copious floods, the appearance of a sea, the limits of which are not easily assigned. The whole region, overspread and THE INLAND SEA. 131 interlaced with swamps, rivers, and tranverse canals, as represented in the map founded on native in- formation, has an extent, from east to west, of 400 or 500 miles. In the latitude of Lake Ngami, also, but from three to six degrees further east, are immense salt-pans that of Twetwe being supposed to have a length of 100 miles, which are, of course, occasionally lakes. But the filling of the salt lakes and the general inundation of the country seem to take place only occasionally, and not periodically. The climate is dry ; little rain falls, and the floods which give fertility to the soil come from a great distance. But they are sometimes delayed and deficient in quantity. Such appears to have been the case both in 1849 and 1850, so that it still remains doubtful whether the inundation of the country and its conversion into a great lake, interspersed with islands, be a frequent or a rare phenomenon. It is long since the Bachuana first made known the existence of a great inland sea, to the N. of their country. Dr. Campbell, in 1815, heard of the Lake Mampuru, i. e. the roaring of lions, which proves to be Lake Ngami. The native accounts, however, do not all point to this lake, but rather to the inundated country further N. and N. E., and which is occasionally a great sea, or to some branch of that great system of waters. One of the Sichuana names of a great lake in the N. expresses its purgative quality, and therefore indicates a salt lake. The Noka a Batletle (Hottentots' lake or river) is said to be a six weeks' journey distant K 2 132 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. from the Bamangwatu. The Amazulu call the lake Ukulu, and say that it is three months distant from their country. Others name the sea near which Sibatoani lived Macori, which perhaps means canoes.* The country round the lake is low, and covered with a white incrustation, doubtless the salt of Butua. The water of the lake is said to run always in the same direction, which alludes probably to the motion of the waves, and testifies to the constancy of the winds during the season of the floods. The French Protestant missionaries in the country of the Basiito heard of Lake Marabai, and supposed very erro- neously that under this name Lake Maravi was in- tended.f The chiefs' title, Maravi, is used by the Portuguese, but not by the natives, as a designation of country. The Maraba'i of Arbousset is obviously the Omaribai of Campbell ; and in the form of the latter word it is easy to recognise the dialect of the western coast, whence most of the tribes about Lake Ngami appear to be derived. The French mission- aries learned also that Lake Marabai is fed by the river Toubatsi, of which the Mogomatsi is a branch, and that it is surrounded by deep and dangerous bogs. These dangerous bogs occur frequently in the plains of Butvia and in Lobale. Toubatsi is probably the true general name of the river which Messrs. Oswell and Livingstone call the Sesheke. The name Toubatsi brings to mind the Lake Timbaze, of which * Information furnished by Dr. Andrew Smith, f Arbousset et Daumas, Narration d'un Voyage d'Exploration, &c. p. 364. NORTHERN HOTTENTOTS. 133 the Arab Mohammed ben Ahmed heard on the shores of Nyassa, as being a month distant to the W. (S.W.). The people dwelling on the shores of Lake Ngami are chiefly Batoani, a small Bechuana tribe, and the Batletle, Baclecle, or Bayeye, whose Bechuana name, derived from the unutterable qaqa, men, betrays their Hottentot origin. They are called also Bakoba or serfs. These people, who have come from the Da- rnara country, on the western coast, are the active boatmen and fishermen of the lake. Bushmen, also, of Hottentot race inhabit the desert above the Zouga ; but they are not famished or diminutive, as their desert is far from being unproductive. The country of the great waters N. and N.E. is called Linokanoka, or rivers on rivers. It is in many places difficult of access, owing to the dangerous bogs and quagmires besetting it ; yet it appears to grow populous towards the N., and the tribes enumerated as dwelling along the rivers are numerous. Eighty chief towns or vil- lages acknowledged the authority of Sibatoani, whose power has now devolved on his daughter, residing at Barotse. Her own tribe are the Makalolo. The agents of the slave trade reached this country for the first time in 1850. A party of people called Marnbari, who came from the west, bought about 200 boys in Sibatoani's towns, and induced his people to join them on a marauding expedition eastwards. The first question suggested by these interesting discoveries is : Whether the great river formed by the junction of the Sesheke and Maninchi, and which takes the name of Zabeza or Zambeze, be identical 134 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. with the Zambe'ze of Monomotapa, lower down called the Cuama. This must be answered in the negative ; for the waters of the interior are lowest in March and April, when the Cuama is quite full, and the floods are at their height in July and August, when the Cuama is hardly navigable for a boat.* This plain, unequivocal, well-determined fact sets the question completely at rest, and proves that no connection whatever exists between these two Zambezes, the sources of which respectively lie in totally different climates. The contrast between the two rivers is as strong as possible. The eastern Zambeze sinks so low in July, that the greater part of its bed is laid dry, and becomes for a time the chief road of the country. The uncovered mud banks rise twenty feet above the water, and the river is fordable a short distance above Tete ; while, at the same season, an immense flood sweeps through the plains of the interior, at a distance perhaps of 500 miles; a distance which a flood might easily descend in five days. On the other hand, when the eastern river is pouring down its torrents, the same plains are quite dry and glittering with saline incrustations. It is remarkable that the information of these well- travelled natives should have terminated at the point where their river takes the name of Zambe'ze. May they not have passed over at this point from experience to * Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, liv. 1. fol. 45. ; Botelho, Me- moria Estatistica, &c. 1835, p. 243. ; Lieutenant Browne's Voyage to Sena in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. ii. p. 138-9. THE BASIN OF THE ZAMBEZE. 135 theory ? They pointed out highlands towards the S. E. and E., in the very direction of the united waters; and if the river changes its course com- pletely, and, flowing northwards from the plain to the mountain, forces a way through the latter, it is not easy to explain how they came to omit so striking a fact. But, on the other hand, the disappearance of a great river by absorption and evaporation is a fact of a somewhat negative character, and, not falling at once within the grasp of the senses, would naturally fail to be recognised by ignorant and superficial observers.* Although the non-identity of the river of Butiia with that of Monomopata needs no further proof, yet we cannot avoid representing how incredible it is that the Portuguese should have been settled on the Zambeze, for three centuries, without ever learning its true course, or even the fact that it is still a great river above Zumbo. They have long believed, and still believe, that its sources are in Manisa and not far from those of the river Save. This opinion rests, doubtless, on the reports of the Muzimbazes or native mercantile travellers, who cross the country in all directions. But the Portuguese themselves have occasionally ventured as far as Zumbo or Manisa, and, in the middle of the last century, the latter country was explored by a well-informed naturalist, Manoel * That the Sesheke joins the Zambeze or Cuama is evidently not the statement of the natives, but only the conjecture of our travellers. See Journal of the Koyal Geographical Society, vol. xxi. p. 24. K 4 136 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. Galvao de Silva. It is worthy of remark that De- lagoa Bay owes its name to the belief, founded on native reports, that its northern river, named after- wards, by Louren9o Marques, the Espiritu Santo, and now the King George's River or Manissa of our charts, flows from a great lake ; that is to say, the early native accounts connected the floods of the Seshe'ke with the Limpopo*; hence it is obvious that, when De Barros described the great lake with populous islands, whence both the Zambe'ze and the Espiritu Santo flow round Monomotapa, so as to make it an island, he had in view the floods of the Sesheke. It is possible that Dos Santos also had the same picture before his mind when speaking, but not confidently, of the source of the Zambeze. But these writers, or De Barros at all events, in adopting the views of the natives, have furnished us indirectly with proof that these views were erroneous ; for statements of such a character and from such authorities would ne- cessarily have been believed and acted on till refuted by experience ; but, at the present day, they are not believed on the banks of the Zambeze. f * Decade I. 8. The name of the lake, Zebe, was probably learned by the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay, or Inhambane. In the Kafir language, a lake is called ichibi, which, further N., would become izibi. It is remarkable that Jacob de Bucquoi, the Dutch engineer who constructed the fort in Delagoa Bay, denies the existence of the lake, but yet the position assigned by him to the source of the Manisa nearly coincides with Lake Ngami. Aanmerkelyke Ont- moetingen in de Zestien jaarige Reize naar de Indien, &c., door J. de Bucquoi, Haarlem, 1744, p. 9. f Botelbo, Memoria Estatistica, &c., p. 126. ; Capt. Owen's Voyage, vol. I. p. 317. THE FLOODS WASTED. 137 A system of internal waters, connected by canals and intermixed with marshes and salt-pans, and spread over some thousands of square miles, must owe its existence altogether to imperfect development of the river-courses. A complete channel being once cut to the sea, the country would be quickly drained. If we view this whole system of waters in its relation to the Zambeze or Cuama and to the Limpopo, Manisa, or King George's River, we shall find the latter much more likely than the former to afford it an outlet to the sea. In fact, the south-eastern end of the Zouga is but 200 miles from the Limpopo ; and if we follow the sand-rivers, as they are called, or rills along the rocks beneath the sand, we should come very near the latter river, the intervening country being all a level plain. Yet there is no evidence that these waters reach the sea by the Limpopo ; but if, after spreading over thousands of square miles, filling extensive salt- marshes, and supplying the desert to a great distance with rivulets on the limestone beneath the sand, it wants the force to work itself a channel through the plain, straightforward to the Limpopo, how unlikely is it, that it should wheel round in its course and, leaving inundated plains in the rear, cut its way through the mountains ! The fact seems to be that the plains of Butua are much lower than Monomopata collectively : that the southern and western borders of the latter country figure as mountains in those plains, the waters of which, being spread over an, immense area, are wasted, either on the surface by evaporation, or beneath it through the sand and the fissures of the limestone rock. 138 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. When we cast a comprehensive glance at these discoveries, our notice is at once arrested by the circumstance that the Sesheke, or, we should rather say, the Toubatsi, rises in the same heights (Lobale) as the Luliia or Zaire; the two great rivers taking directly opposite courses. In Mr. Livingstone's sketch of a map, constructed from native information, is marked a large river, the Langebongo, running to the N. N. W. This is evidently the Luliia, traced, by its affluent the Luena (i. e. river), through the territories of Quiboque. When the people of Congo stated, as reported by D'Enciso, that their river (the Zaire) rises in high mountains, from which another great river flows in the opposite direction, it is evident that the Toubatsi was the river indicated. The map above alluded to contains a multitude of details, the interpretation or appreciation of which may appear to many doubtful. The central portion of it embraces a country hitherto quite unknown. On its borders are several names which we think may be explained with tolerable certainty ; and since, if our conjectures be Avell founded, the value of the whole map will be thereby enhanced, we shall proceed at once to disclose them. In the north- western angle of the map the Kuanja is clearly the Quanza ; and the Babindele, the people of Benguela. Whether by Manakazela, whose town is forty-five days N. N. W. from Barotse, is to be understood the Lord of the Salt-marsh, Quigila, we " shall not venture to decide. But here we come on firmer ground, and have no doubt that the Loval of the Benguelans is the Lobale of the Bachuana ; who call the inhabitants, NATIVE INFORMATION. 139 of course, Balobale. South of Loval, from west to east, are the Sovas or chiefs, Canunga, Bunda, and Amboella, whose names appear to us to be the roots of the gentile names, Banyenko, Bamaponda and Bamoene, in Mr. Livingstone's map. Next to Lobale, on the east, comes the dominion of the Cazembe, whose people, the Alunda or Arunda, are obviously the Balonda of the Bachuana. The Moviza, the Cazembe's neighbours, who call themselves in the singular Mbiza, are the Babisa. The river Liambae, separating the Babisafrom the Balonda, is the Luambeje of Quiburi's people, or, liquefying the j, Luambeye, that is, the (New) Zambeze : the Mambowe, south of the Balonda, are the Ambos of the Portuguese. The descriptive expression Korishibilamakoa, following the Babisa in a marginal note, probably refers to the Whiteman's Sea or Indian Ocean (in Sichuana makoa means a white man). Sebola makoa, the name supposed by Mr. Livingstone to be given to Nyassa by the Bachuana, appears to us to have been derived, from the expression just mentioned, by an erroneous ana- lysis. The Basanko of the sketch are probably the Sangas of the Portuguese, dwelling on the banks of the Aruangoa. Further south we have no hesitation in identifying the Batoka of the sketch with the Botonga of the Portuguese writers. As to the name Maninchi, given to the river which joins the Tobatsi towards its termination (its other name, Bashukolompo, is evidently that of a people), may it not be a form of Manisa ? Thus it appears that the sketch founded on native information coincides in its 140 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. outlines with our map throughout, from west by north to east, in order, coherence, and general bearing, but not in exact distance and position. Its error lies chiefly in its tendency to unite all the known rivers in one great system. There still remains a question, arising out of the narrative of these discoveries, which deserves a moment's notice : Who were the Mambari, the slave dealers from the west, who visited Sibatoani in 1850 ? We answer, they were the Mucobale, who dwell round the new Portuguese colony of Mossa- medes Bay (Little Fish Bay), in Benguela, lat. 15 12'S. The name Mucobale (native or inhabitant of Nbale) may be exchanged for the more familiar form of Mambale, which, in the interior, would probably be pronounced Mambare. The highly interesting and improveable country thus brought to light by Messrs. Oswell and Living- stone, will probably start into importance before long. The emigrant Boers are now located on the southern side or right bank of the Limpopo or Manisa, while on the opposite bank spread the plains which absorb the last drainings of the TobatsL As the Boers increase, and become well acquainted with the country, they will not fail to exercise a stirring influence on the well-watered, well-timbered region towards the north-west. A journey of 300 miles over a level plain is to them a trifle. They will also discover, before long, that they are in the immediate vicinity of those gold mines to which Sofalah owed all its ancient celebrity. The river Manisa has been said to be navigable in large boats 160 miles, up to IMPORTANCE OF THE DISCOVERY. 141 the Falls, and above these 120 miles in small boats. These distances are probably exaggerated. It is not in their results alone that discoveries are interesting ; but also in their early germination and their development, which is rarely so instan- taneous as the vulgar imagine. While enjoying in contemplation the new regions just revealed to us, we ought to remember that the expediency and probable facility of exploring the country on the left bank of the Mafiisa, and towards the sources of the Zambeze, were pointed out nineteen years ago, in a memoir, which assumed that the Mariqua and Limpopo were the head-waters of the Manisa, which now seems to be fully established.* The project then received a luke-warm support, but was eventually strangled by the parasitic schemes which fastened on it immediately. The expedition prepared to carry the design into execution was, in fact, a mere sham ; and the learned body which had adopted the design soon forgot all of it that deserved to be remembered. Those who regard geography as the handmaid of history, charged with the office of unfolding and elucidating the influential incidents of our terrestrial habitation, will recognise with pleasure the truth- fulness of the outline presented by the recapitulation of the preceding pages. A great lake is described as being situate near the line of communication across the continent. The direction of this line, though told in varying terms, is yet constant ; it goes from * Memoir on the Civilisation of the Tribes near Delagoa Bay, by W. D. Cooley, 1833. 142 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. Congo to Sofalah, or from Angola to Monornotapa, or from the Zaire to the Zambeze ; and these two rivers are said to issue from the lake. That the Zaire should be supposed to have its sources in the lake is not surprising, since the road to the lake goes for some hundreds of miles up the valley of that river. The choice of the road is equally natural, for it leads over well- watered elevated lands, crossed by a lively stream at every three miles, on an average. It is on such highlands that the indigenous civilisation of Africa is invariably found. The rank and over- powering vegetation of lowlands within the tropics defies the control of savage man, who, unable to cope with the exuberant vigour of nature, sinks into abject dependence on the frequently profuse but still casual bounty of the woods. Husbandry begins with pastoral life on the open plains, near the sources of the rivers. It is likely, therefore, that the elevated eastern side of the valley of the Lulua was soon peopled. But, for the same reason, the elevated land on the eastern side of the lake, round the sources of the rivers descending to the Indian Ocean, early became the seat of a comparatively powerful and civilised race, the Mucaranga. "Whether this name have reference to a great river, and whether the subsequent title of the empire, Moenemoezi, may not in like manner point to the collected waters on the west, are questions the discussion of which would be in this place premature and fruitless.* A branch * When we know exactly how the Moenemoezi call themselves and their country, we shall be better able to compare this name RECAPITULATION. 143 of the Mucaranga went southwards and occupied the country which was enriched at an early age by the gold mmes of Manisa arid the commerce of Sofalah. The mineral products of the central highland, at the sources of the Lulua, fed and impelled the intercourse in both directions. How far the lake served at different periods as a direct link in the communication it is hard to say. Since commerce and active navigation seem confined to its southern portion, we must conclude that further north they are discouraged by some physical or moral impediments ; by the steep, inhospitable character of the eastern shore, or by wild and jealous tribes occu- pying the marshes on the west, or by both. But this break in the communication is repaired by tribes (the Moviza, &c.) who station themselves on the hills between the New Zambeze and the Aruangoa, in the with Massi, Moza, Muaza, Moviza, or (as the Portuguese write it) Muiza, and some other similar names, and these again with the words matse, metsi, mosi, messi, magi, signifying water. These latter words are all plural. Nyassa or Nyassi might also be plural. The Mucaranga word Aruangoa, Arwanha, or Ruenia (for it is written variously by the Portuguese) undoubtedly signifies a river, and the latter form, Ruena or Lueua, extends far and wide into the Baehuana country, and to Angola. The Ovaherero say Omaronga ; the Pongue at the Gaboon, Carongo or Aruongo. The name Ranga, or, as Mariano wrote it, Ruenga, approaches closely to the Mucaranga form. But where we have to tread our way among so many varying dialects and sounds, not perhaps perfectly repre- sented in European alphabets, we must abstain from hasty conjec- tures. It is remarkable that in Monomotapa the chief officers of the king's guard were called Mucamoegi. "Was not this a title of eminence, alluding to the ancient country (Moegi or Moezi) of the Mucaranga? Man. Godinho, Vita Patris Gonz. Silverise, p. 115. 144 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. capacity of traders and carriers. They convey the ivory and copper from the Luapula to the sea-coast. They also restore the communication, once important, between the separated branches of the Mucaranga. The commercial character of their barren country is rendered visible by the numerous settlers in and near it from the southern end of Nyassa. Near the Aru- angoa we find Massi, the same name which, two cen- turies ago, occurred fifteen days up the lake. A little further north on the road is Mambo Mucanguro, i. e. the native Manguro king. Near him are the Muceba or Xiva, as the Portuguese call them, evi- dently the Muchiva, whom Khamis enumerated among the Wanyassa. Further north, near the New Zambezi, is Morunga Mambara ; the latter name being that of a great nation S. of Ido. Even Chipaco, the Ca- zembe's southern feudatory, seems to be a stranger, and is called by the native travellers Camango (Muca- mango). Finally, the Auembe have dispossessed the Moviza, doubtless not for the sake of their sterile soil, but of their commerce. These hills, which we shall still call the Moviza country, form an important and well-established point in the communication across the continent. But now we approach the Zambe'ze, which was also said to issue from the lake. Such a belief was quite in unison with the general tenor of native African geography, since the chief feeders of that river, the Aruangoa and the Shire, rise in the high- lands round the southern end of the lake. And, besides, the Mucaranga settled on its southern banks, INLAND TRADE OF KILWA. 145 would naturally cherish a belief connecting the river of their adopted country with their original home in the north. The traffic of these Mucaranga with the Moviza, across the country of the Maravi, completed the line of communication the only one distinctly pointed out between the eastern and western coasts of Africa. It is true that from the Lualaba to the Zambeze the route may have gone occasionally down the valley of the Sesheke, and thence eastwards to Monomotapa. But, however clear may be the allu- sion in one or two authors to the lake, or rather floods of Butiia, there is no trace of an established com- mercial intercourse in that quarter ; and it is certain that the permanent lake in the neighbourhood of the Mucaranga figures exclusively in the accounts col- lected on the populous coasts of Eastern Africa. In the neighbourhood of Kilwa, long the emporium of Eastern Africa, a great river reaches the coast from a distance of 500 miles, its numerous branches water- ing a very wide region ; and the same locality presents another spectacle, rare in Africa ; namely, that of the trade of the interior descending fully and freely to the coasts in a settled course. A little further north the river of Pangani descends from Kilima Njaro, flowing S. and E. About 200 miles N. of Pangani is the mouth of the Ozi, the river which collects the northern streams from the same mountain. The whole region embraced by those rivers is, with the excep- tion of the maritime slope, deficient in running waters, and offers a clear proof of the absence so far of any chain of mountains parallel to the coast. Then comes L 146 INNER AFRICA LAID OPEN. a group of mountains (Ke'nia or Ndur kenia), ranging at right angles to the coast. The greatest river known to the inhabitants of this mountainous country appears to be the Webbe or Nile of Makadisho. In the outline here presented, the Mountains of the Moon and the sources of the Nile make no figure ; but they have been excluded by no effort but that of adhering to sober reason and authentic evidence. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Abanhi, 65. Botonga, 60. 128. Dengareko, 58. Abessinia, 2. Bravah, 119. Donde, 7. Abutua, 127. Bue, 26. Duque de Braganza, 10. Adi, 115. Bunda, 15, 16. 21. Durnford (Port), 116. Alua, 15. Bura, 82. Dwewe, 60. Alunda, 37. Buromaji, 55. Amboella, 21. Butua, 127. Embaca, 5, 6. Ambos, 30. Embeoe, 63. Ambriz, 67. Cabungi, 12. Emboma, 4. Angola, 5. Calalimo, 14. Emgambo, 76. 78. Anzichi, Anziko, 4. 69. Calice, 113. Engerea, 77. Arambes, 30. Cambambe, 5. Aruangoa, 26. 33. Cambembe, 18. Gnaro, 82. ' Arunda, 37. Cancobella, 4. Gona, 82. Auembe, 30. Canegoa, 25. Gonja, 76. 78. Canunga, 21. Govind, 112. Babisa, 139. Caperamera, 27. Bacasacala, 15. Caquinga, 20. lao, 51. Bachuana, 22. Casange, 8. Ibe, 85. Baclecle, Batletle, 133. Casezi, 13. Izabuigi, 14. Bagamidr, 3. Catomta, 24. Bailundo, 20. Cazembe, 17. 40. Jagga, 88. 99. Bajuna, 113. Chadda, 73. Jau, 51. Bakoba, 133. Chaga, 55. 85. Java, 26. 33. Balobale, 139. Chimimba Campeze, 29. Jombo, 12. 74. 91. Balonda, 139. Chipaco, 29. Jubah, 1 12. Bamoefie, 139. Chiri, 28. Bancari, 3. Chobe, 129. Kadiaro, 82. Banyenko, 139. Chupanga, 31. Kao, 115. Bare, 23. Cice, 20. Kazita, 75. Baringo, 117. Conda Irungo, 24. Kenia, 107, 108. Barotse, 133. 138. Congo, 2. Kikuyu, 106. Basanko, 139. Couffoua, 47. Kilimani, 73. 114. Bashukolompo, 139. Cuama, 65. Kilima mansi, 110- Batoa, 128. Culimanja, 112, 113. Kilima Njaro, 75. 86. Batoani, 133. Cutia, 20. 104. 127. Batoka, 139. Kilwa, 145. Bayeye, 133. Dambaro, 118. Kingombe, 5. Bihe, 11. 20. Dana, 106. 109. Kirenia, 116. Bive, 26. Delagoa Bay, 136. Kisungo, 84. Boinba, 11. 14. 45. Dembea, 68, Kitui, 106. 122. L 2 148 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Kuale, 76. Mashinga, 26. Nigir, 68. Kuavi, 58. Masiugano, 6, 7. Nile, sources of, 117, Massi, 27. 71- 144. 118. Langebongo, 138. Matamba, 8. Njaro, Mt., 86. Limpopo, 137. Maungu, 84. Njesa, 51. Linokanoka, 133. Maurusa, 63. Noka a Batletle, 131. Livuma, 51. Mazavamba, 27. 31, 32, Nsambani, 106. Loanda, 5. Mazinga, 55. Nsaraddi, 116. 118. Lobale, 22. 130. Mbe, 106. Nugniri, 77, 78. Lomi, 80. 82. Mbellete, 120. Nyassa, 51. Lori, 52. Melinde, 112. Louvar, 19. Meremongao, 59. Oby, 111. 113. Loval, 20, 21. Meto, 52. Oha, 56. 59. Lualaba, 18. Mliia, 15. 46. Olimpo Etiopico, 127. Luambege, 20. 22, 23. Moala, 53. Omaribai, 132. 139. Mocanda, 26. Ozi, 80. 115. 145. Luapula, 23, 24. Moenemoezi, 21, 22. 59. Luburi, 14. 18. 142. Pamamba, 114. Lucala, 5. Mogomatsi, 132. Pambire, 77. Lucenda, 9, 10, 11. 20. Mombas, 75. Pangani, 75. 78. 81. 30. 34. Monemugi, 45. 64. 145. Luconquesa, 13. 15. Mongalo, 63. Pare, 85. Luena, 20. Monomotapa, 2. Pemba, 24. Luffu, 80. Monsol, 5. 69. Polongolo, 5, 6, 7. Lufiji, 55. 57. Mosambique, 31. Pombeiro, 8. Lufula, 18. Mossequeyos, 124. Powaga, 56. Luigila, 18. Mouro Achinto, 30, 31. Pughe, 59. 124. Luinkame, 19. Mouva, 25. Pungo a Ndongo, 5. Lukelingo, 51. Moviza, 27. Lulua, 13. 22. 142. Msarara, 59. Quango, 3. 11. 13. 16. Lupata, 26. Mtoni, 56. 77. Quanza, 5. 20. Lutipuca, 24. Luviri, 23, 24. Muata ya Nvo, 14. Muca lao, 52, 53. Quibonda, 18. Quiboque, 21. Luy, 21. Mucaranga, 54. 60. 142. Quibuila, 20. Lyyinde, 53. Mucari, 10. Quichinga, 39. Muchingue, 28. Quihubue, 13. Macori, 132. Muchiva, 144. Quilimane, 110. Majame, 83. 94. Mucobale, 140. Quilimanci, 110. Majisima, 55. Mucomango, 61. 144. Quinhame, 20. Makadisho, 111, Muene puto, 9. Quisange, 20. Makalolo, 133. Makoko, 4. 69. Muginga Mucenda, 17. Muire, 18. Riguro, 56. Makoa, 139. Mulila, 53. Risuro, 29. Makua, 52. Munhango, 20. Roambi, 56. Malinda, 112. Murisuro, 74. Roando, 14. Mambari, 133. 140. Muropue, 9. 17. Ropoege, 14. Mambowe, 139. Musocuma, 29, 30. Rouenga, 60. 71. Mampuru, 131. Mutumbuca, 26. Rova, 14. Manga, 61. Muzumbo a Calunga, Ruanzeze, 30. Mangozi, 56. 12. Rucurue, 29. Manguro, 144. Muzungo, 61. Rui, 26. Maninchi, 139. Ruvu, 55, 56. Manisa, 22. 127. Ndara, 84. Maopongo, 5, Ndunguni, 105. Sabaki, 114. Maraba'i, 132. Ndurkcnia, 116, 117. Sadana, 55. Maravi, 26. 71. Ngami, 129. Sagozi, 56. Mariqua, 141. Ngombo, 53. Sala, 77. Marora, 56. Nhanja, 29, 30. 72. Save, 135. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 149 Sembe, 52. Sena, 32. Sesheke, 22. 130. Shamba, 116. Sbimba, 76. Shiburi, 21. Shire, 26. 28. Siwaha, 56, 57. Sofalah, 21, 22. Sonho, 4. Suangara, 59. Sundi, 3. Tacuy, 65. Tanga, 36. Tangai, 106. Teita, 85. 100. Tete, 9. 26. 31. Timbaze, 53. Tiwa, 106. Toubatsi, 132. Tsakka, 89. Tsana, Bahr, 68. Tsavo, 103. Tula, 118. Tumbiri, 117. Ucanga, 59. Udigo, 75. Ugara, 56. Ugono, 85. Uimbu, 106. Ujambara, 124. Ukamba, 102. 105. Ukulu, 132. Umba, 76. Unangwera, 59. Uniamesi, 73. Uranga, 60. Usambara, 75. 96. Usui, 59. Uvinza, 59. Uyiyi, 59. Uzereze, 26. Vacira, 39. Vavua, 62. Vuga, 77, 79. 84. Vumbu, 112. Wadigo, 75. Wadoa, 55. "Wakamba, 59. Wakuavi, 76. 123. Wanderobo, 55. Wassin, 76. 91. Webbe, 111. Woi, 103. Yata, 106. Yombo, 91. Zabeza, 130. 133. Zaire, 65. 142. Zambeze, 28. 67. Zangaiiika, 59. Zavale, 21, 22. Zebe, 136. Zembere, 65. 67. Zingian languages, 122. Ziwa, 73. Zouga, 129. Zumbo, 28. THE END. LONDON': SPOTTISWOODES and SHAW, New-street- Square. RE-ISSUE of THE CABINET CYCLOP JEDIA, at THREE SHILLINGS and SIXPENCE per VOLUME. 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LIST of WORKS in GENERAL LITERATURE PUBLISHED BY Messrs. LONGMAN, BROWN, GKREEN, LONGMANS, and EOBEETS, 39 PATERNOSTEB BOW, 10XDOK. CLASSIFIED INDEX. Agriculture and Rural " Treasury of History - 14 .lormanby's I ear or devolution - 17 Perry's Franks - - 17 Affairs. " Natural History - - 14 Raikes's Journal - 18 Bayldon on Valuing Rents, &c. - 4 Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - I' Rinke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 22 Cecil's Stud Farm - 6 Pocket and the Stud - - - 8 Riddle's Latin Lexicon - 19 Hoskyns's Talpa - - - - 1C Pycroft's English Reading - - 19 Hngers's Essays from Edinb. Reviwl9 London's Agriculture - - 12 Reece's Medical Guide - - - 18 Rogers English Thesaurus - - 19 Low's Elements of Agriculture - IS Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 Schmiti's History of Greece - IB Morton on Landed Property - 16 Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18 Southey's Doctor - - - 21 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 Arts, Manufactures, and Architecture . Roget's English Thesauius - - 18 Rowton'j Debater - - - - 19 " Lectures on French History 21 Sydney Smith's Works - 20 '* Select Works - 22 Thomson's Interest Tables - - 23 " Lectures - - 21 Bourne on the Screw Propeller - 4 Webster's Domestic Economy - 24 " Memoirs - - 20 Brande's Dictionary of Science, 4c. 4 " Organic Chemistry- - 4 West on Children's Diseases - - 24 Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 Taylor's LoyoU - ... 21 " Wesley - - 21 Chevreul on Colour - - - 6 Wilmot's Blackstone - 24 Thirlwall's Hlstoryof Greece - 23 Cresy's Civil Engineering - - 6 Fairbairn's Informa. for Engineers < Gwilt's Encyclo. of Architecture - 8 Botany and Gardening. Thomas's Historical Notes - S Townsend's State Trials - - 23 Turkey and Christendom - - 22 Harford's Plates from M. Angelo - 8 Humphreys's Parabla Illuminated 10 Jameson'sSacred & Legendary Art 11 " Commonplace-Book - 11 Hassall's British Freshwater Alge 9 Hooker's British Flora - - - 9 " Guide to Kew Gardens - 9 Turner's Anglo-Saxons - - 23 " Middle Ages - - 23 " Sacred Hist, of the World 23 Uwins's Memoirs - - 23 Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther - 8 London's Rural Architecture - 13 MacDougall's Campaigns of Han- nibal - - - - - 13 " " Kew Museum - 9 Lindley's Introduction to Botany 13 " Theory of Horticulture- 12 London's Hortus Britannicus - 13 Vehse's Austrian Court- - - 23 Wade's England's Greatness - 21 Young's Christ of History - - 24 " Theory of War - 13 Moseley's Engineering - - - 16 " Trees and Shrubs - - 12 Geography and Atlases. Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - IT " Gardening - 15 Brewer's Historical Atlas - 4 Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18 Scoffern on Projectiles, &c. - - 19 " Plants - IS Pereira's Materia Medica - - 11 Butler's Geography and Atlases - 5 Cabinet Gazetteer - - - - 5 Scrtvenor on the Iron Trade - - 19 Rivers'. Rose- Amateur's Guide - 19 Cornwall: Its Mines, &c. - - 22 Stark's Printing - 22 Wilson's British Mosses - - 24 Durrieu's Morocco - - - 28 Steam-Engine, by the Artisan Club 4 Hughei's Australian Colonies - 22 Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - 23 Chronology. Johnston's General Gazetteer - 11 Biography. Blair's Chronological Tables - 4 Brewer's Historical Atlas - - 4 Bansen's Ancient Egypt 5 M'Cullocb's Geographical Dictionary 14 " Russia and Turkey - 22 Maunder's Treasury of Geography 15 Mayne's Arctic Discoveries - - 22 Arago's Autobiography - - 22 < Lives of Scientific Men - 3 Calendars of English State Papers 5 Haydn's Beit son's Index - - 9 Murray's Encvclo. of Geography - 16 Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 20 Bodenstedt and Wagner's Schamyl 22 Brialmont's Wellington - - 4 Bunsen's Hiopolytus - - - Jaquemet's Chronology - - 11 " Abridged Chronology- 11 Nicolas's Chronology of History - 12 Juvenile Books Capgrave's Henries - - - 6 Amy Herbert 20 Cockayne's Marshal Turenne - 22 Crosse's (Andrew) Memorials - i Forster's De Foe and Churchill - 22 Commerce and Mercantile Affairs. CleveHall ----- 20 Earl's Daughter (The) ... 20 Experience of Life - - - 20 Green's Princesses of England - 8 Harford's Life of Michael Angelo - 8 Hayward's < hesterfield and Selwyn 22 Gilbart's Treatise on Banking - 8 Lorimer's Young Master Mariner 12 Macleod's Banking - - - 14 Gertrude ----- 20 Howitt's Boy's Country Book - 10 " (Mary) Children's Year - 10 Holcroft's Memoirs - - -25 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia - 12 M'Culloch'sCommerce 4 Navigation 14 Ivors ------ 20 Katharine Ashton - - 20 Maunder'sBiographical Treasury- 14 Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 22 Mountain's (Col.) Memoirs - - 16 Parry's (Admiral) Memoirs - - li Serivenor on Iron Trade - - 19 Thomson's Interest Tables - - 23 Tooke's History of Pi ices - - 23 Laneton Parsonage - - - 20 Margaret Percivl - 20 Pycroft's Collegian's Guide - - 18 l/rsula T - - - - 20 Rogers's Life and Genius of Fuller 22 Rulsell's Memoirs of Moore - - 15 " (Dr.) Meziofanti - - 19 Criticism, History, and Memoirs. Medicine, Surgery, &c. SchimmelPenninck's (Mrs.) Life - 19 Brodie's Psychological Inquiries - 4 Sonthey's Life of Wesley - - 21 " Life and Correspondence 21 Blair's Chron. and Histor. Tablet- * Brewer's Historical Atlas - - - 4 Bull's Hints to Mothers- - - 5 " Management of Children - 5 ' Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 Strickland's Queens of England - 21 Svdnev Smith's Memoirs - - 2C Symond's (Admiral) Memoirs - 21 Bun-en's Ancient Egypt - - ( " Hippolytus - - - 5 Calendars of Engluh State Papers 5 Chapman's Gustavus Adolphus - 6 Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 Cust's Invalid's Own Book - 7 Holland's Mental Physiology - 'j " Medical Notes and Reflect. 9 Taylor's Loyola - - - - 81 Chronicles* Memorials of England 6 How to Nurse Sick Children - - 10 i " Wesley - - - - 21 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 1 Kesteven's Domestic Medicine - 11 Uwint's Memoirs - WaU-rton'B Autobiography & Essays 24 Connolly's Sappers and Miners - 6 Crowe's 'History of France - - 7 Pereira'B Materia Medica - - 17 Reece's Medical Guide - 18 Gleig's ESSAVS - . " " " .2 Richardson's Cold- Water Cure - 18 Books of General Utility. Leipsic Campaign - - 22 Gurney's Historical Sketches - t Spencer's Psychology - - - 21 West on Diseases of Infancy - - 24 Acton's Bread-Book - - - j " Cookerv Black's Treatise on Brewing- - * Hayward's Essavs ----' Herschel's Essavs and Addresses - S Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11 Kemble's Anglo-Saxons - - 11 Miscellaneous and General Literature. tt Lawyer - - - - 5 Cust's Invalid's Own Book - - 1 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 13 " History of Ecgland - 13 Bacon's (Lord) Works ... 3 Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses 22 Gilbart's Logic for the Million - S " Speeches - - - 13 Defence of Eclipse of Faith - - 7 Hints on Etiquette - - - S How to Nurse Sick Children - - 1C Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14 " Historv of England - 14 Eclipse of Faith - 7 Fischer's Bacon and Realistic Phi- Hudson's Executor's Guide - - 1C " on Making Wills - - 10 M'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 1 5 Maunder's Treasurvof History - 14 losophy ----- 7 Greathed's Letters from Delhi - 8 Kcsteven's Domestic Medicine - 11 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopsedia - 12 London's Lady's Country Compa- Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 22 Merivale's History of Rome - - 1= " Roman Republic - - 15 G reysoa's Select Correspondence - 8 Gurnev's Evening Recreations - 8 HassalVsAdult^rationsDetected,**. 9 nion - . - - - 13 Maunder'B Treasury of Knowledge 14 " Biographical Treasury 1 " Geographical Treasury 1 Milner's Church History - - 15 Moore's (Thomas) Memoirs.&c. - la Mure's Greek Literature - - Havdn's Book of Dignities - - 9 Holland's Mental Physiology - S Hooker's Kew Guides - - - 9 2 CLASSIFIED INDEX. Howitfs Rural Life of England - 10 ' Visitsto RemarkablePlacei 10 Martineau's Studies of Christianity 14 Merivale's Christian Records - 15 Rural Sports. Jameson's Commonplace-Book - 11 Last of the Old Squires - - 17 Letters of a Betrothed - 11 Milner's Church of Christ - - 16 Moore on the Use of the Body - 16 " Soul and Body - 15 Baker's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon 3 Elaine's Dictionary of Sports - 4 Cecil's Stable Practice - - - 6 Uacaulay's Speeches - 13 " 's Man and his Motives - 16 " Stud Farm 6 Mackintosh's M iscellaneous Works 14 Memoirs of a Maitre d'Armes - 22 Martineau's Miscellanies - - 14 Morning Clouds - - - -If. Neale's Closing Scene - - 17 Davy'sFishingExcnrsions,2Scries 7 Ephemera on Angling - - - 7 " 's Boot of the Salmon - 7 Printing: IU Origin, Ac. - - 22 Pattison's Earth and Word - - 17 Hawker's Young Sportsman - - 9 Pycroft's English Reading - - 18 Powell's Christianity without Ju- The Hunting-Field - 8 Raikts on Indian Revolt - - 18 daism 18 Idle's Hints on Shooting - - 11 Rees's Siege of Lucknow - - 18 Ranke's Ferdinand A Maximilian 22 Pocket and the Stud - - - 8 Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 Readings for Lent - 20 Practical Horsem 's Horse-Taming - - - 18 Gosse's Natural History of Jamaica 8 Kemp's Natural History of Creation 22 Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11 Lee's Elements of Natural History 11 Maunder's Natural History - - 14 Qatrefages' Naturalist's Rambles 18 Poetry and the Drama. Aikin's( Dr.) British Poets - - 3 Arnold's Merope 3 " Poems "- - - - 3 Baillie's (Joanna) Poetical Works 3 Kichardson's Horsemanship - 18 Stable Talk and Tal,le Talk - - 8 Stonehenge on the Dog - - 21 Stud (The) - . . . a Yonatt's The Dog - - - - 24 " The Horse - - - 24 Stonehenpe on the Dog - - 21 Turton'sShellsoftheBritishlsjands 23 Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 8 L. E. L.'s Poetical Works - 11 Van der Hoeven's Zoology - - 23 Von Tschndi's Sketches in the Alps 22 Linwood's Anthologia Oxoniensis - 12 Voyages and Travels. Waterton's Essays on Natural Hist. 24 v Yonatt's Th Dog - 24 " The Horse ... 24 Macaulay's Lavs of Ancient Rome 13 Mac Donald's Within and Without 13 Poems ... 13 Anldjo's Ascent of Mont Blanc - 22 luines's Vaudois of Piedmont - 22 Baker's Wanderings in Ceylon - 3 1-Volume Encyclopaedias Montgomery's Poetical Works - 16 Moore's Poetical Works - - 15 Barrow's Continental Tour - - 22 Earth's African Travels - . 3 and Dictionaries. " Selections (illustrated) - 16 Burton's East Africa 6 Blaine'fj Rural Sports - - - 4 " LalURookh - 16 " Medina and Mecca - - 5 Brande's Science,Literature.and Art 4 Copland 's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 Cresy's Civil Engineering - 8 Gwilt's Architecture - - - 8 " Irish Melodies - 16 " National Melodies - - 16 " Sacred Songs (tcitliXuric) 16 " Songs and Ballads - - 15 Davies's Algiers - ... 7 De Custine's Russia - - 23 Domenech's Texas 7 Eothen - - - - - 22 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11 London's Agriculture - - - 12 " Rural Architecture - IS " Gardening - - - 13 " Plants - - - - 13 Reade's Poetical Works - - 18 Shakapeare, by Bowdler - - 19 Southey's Poetical Works - - 21 Thomson's Seasons, illustrated - 23 Ferguson's Swiss Travels - - 22 Forester's Rambles in Norwav - 22 " Sardinia and Corsica - > Gironiere's Philippines - - - 22 Gregorovius's Corsica - - - 22 " Trees and Shiubs - - 13 M'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 14 Political Economy and Statistics. HmchlifTs Travels in the Alps - 9 Hope's Brittany and the Bible - 22 " DictionaryofCommerce 14 Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16 Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 20 Ure's Dictionary of Arts, Ac.- - 23 Webster's Domestic Economy - 24 Laing's Notes of a Traveller- - 22 Macleod's Political Economy - 14 M'Cullooh'sGeog.Statist.Ac.Dict. 14 DictionaryofCommerce 14 " London - - - 22 Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 Hewitt's Art-Student in Munich - id " (W.) Victoria - - - 10 Hue's Chinese Empire - - - 10 Hue and Gabet's Tartary A Thibet 22 Hudson and Kennedy's Mont Blanc - in Religious & Moral Works. Hughes's Australian Colonies - 22 Amy Herbert ... 20 Bloomfield's Greek Testament - 4 Calvert's Wife's Manual - 6 Cleve H10 Von Tempi-kv's Meiico - - 24 Humphreys'* Parable! Illuminated 10 Hunt on Light - - - - 10 Wanderings in Land of Flam - 24 Ivors ; or, the Two Cousins - 20 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia - 12 Weld's Vacations in Ireland- - 24 Jameson's Sacred Legends - - 11 Marcefs (Mrs.) Conversations - 14 " United SUtts and Canada- 24 " Monastic Legends - - 11 Legends of the Madonna 11 Morell's Elements of Psj etiology - 16 Moseley'sEngineeringAArchiUcturelG Werne's African Wanderings - 22 Wilberforce's Brazil & Klave-Trade 22 Lectures on Female Em- Ogilvie's Master- Builder's Plan - 17 Jeremy Taylor's Works - - - ll Katharine Ashton - - - 20 Owen's Lectureson Comp. Anatomy 17 Pereira on Polarised Light - - 17 Works of Fiction. Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther - 8 Peschel's Elements of Physics - 17 Cruikshank's Falslaff ... 6 Laneton Parsonage - - 20 Phillips't Fossils of Cornwall, Ac. 17 Heirs of Cheveleigh - 9 Letters to my Unknown Friends - 11 " Mineralogy - 17 Howitfs Tallangetta - - 10 " on Happiness - - - 11 Lyra Germanica - 6 Maguire's Rome - ... 14 Margaret Pcrcival - ... 20 " Guide to Geology - - 17 Portlock's Geologv of Londonderry 18 Powell's Unity of Worlds - - 18 Smee's Electro-Metallurgy - - 20 Moore's Epicurean - 15 Sir Roger De Coverlev - 20 Sketches (The), Three Tales - 20 Southey's The Doctor *c. - - 21 Martinean's Christian Life - - 14 Steam-Engine (The) ... 4 Trollope's Barchester Towers - 23 " Hvrons - - - 14 Wilson's Electric Telegraph - - 22 " Warden ... 23 ALPHABETICAL CATALOGUE of NEW WORKS and NEW EDITIONS PUBLISHED EY Messrs. LONGMAN, BEOWN, GEEBN, LONGMANS, and EGBERTS, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 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