X 'f^yy///f// /^^//>////.y/?>^ i'r////ym/:/2 pa/;, yr^ IVCO I. Or>el,iOTi.esu7urrQukiMPa'^ru7ASua. pa^.,jl , possximushaoberte ;"N liutrii'j l^thM/m/tkir fn*Jtm>tif THE REPUBIilC OF CICERO, TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN; AND ACCOMPANIED WITH A CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. BY G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH, Esq. FELLOW OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON ; OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY ; OF THE LYCEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, &C. &C. &C. NEW-YORK ; PUBLISHED BT G. & C. CARVILL, 108 BBO^DWAY. SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW- YORK, ss. Be it remembered, that on the 23d day of January, A. D. 1829, in the fifty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America, G. & C. Carvill, of the said district, hath deposited in this oflSce the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprie- tors, in the words following, to wit : " The Republic of Cicero, translated from the Latin ; and ac- companied with a Critical and Historical Introduction. By G. W. Featherstonliaugh, Esq., Fellow of the Geological Society of London ; of the American Philosophical Society ; of the Lyceum of Natural History of New-York, &c. &c. &c." In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, entitled, " An Act for the encouragement of leammg, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times tlierein mentioned ;" and also, to an Act, en- titled, "An Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the urts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." FRED. I. BETTS, Clerk of the Southern District of ^etc-York. ERRATA. Introduction, p. 22, line 12, dele " then." Do. p. 27, line 16, for " requires," read " require. Sleigkt & George, Printers, Jamaica, L. I. r JG, TO AW/ri RODERICK IIVTPEY MFRCHISON, Esq. F. R. S., F. G. S., &c. &c. &c. I DEDICATE these pages to you, my dear Murchison, that you may have a renewed assurance of my great esteem and friendship for you. I should have had a livelier satisfaction in doing so, if the part I have had in the production of them, were more worthy of your refined taste. I hope to offer some compensa- tion, however, in the assurance, that you will find in them many congenial opinions and principles. G. W. Featherstonhaugh. Nfw^York, Januarj' 21, 1829. 4SS3 s^^,^ PREFACE. I AM not aware that any translation of the Republic of Cicero into the English tongue has been made. Believing that it cannot but excite a deep interest with generous minds, as well on account of the high nature of the subject, the illustrious name of Cicero, as of the great motives which led him to compose this work, I venture to offer a translation of it to the public. In this extensive republic, where every individual reads, it appears peculiarly proper, that an English dress should be given to a work, of which almost every page teaches, that public happiness de- pends upon individual virtue. O PREFACE. Cicero's definition of a republic, that it is an association of the people for the defence and advancement of the common interest ; will be understood here, which may be doubtingly said of any other re- publics now in existence. A bare translation of the fragments of this mutilated work, unassisted by any commentary, could not but have been un- satisfactory. The deficiencies of the ori- ginal are somewhat compensated to us, not alone in the grandeur of thought which pervades it, but in the majesty of diction, precise, elevated, as it frequently is, and always governed by the most re- fined taste. It would be a vain efibrt to attempt the dignity of the Latin tongue, when adorned with the elegancies of the Ciceronian style. Humbly as the transla- tion may deserve to be considered, it will perhaps be deemed sufficiently faithful ; and that the translator has not altogether PREFACE. / failed in pointing out to grave and reflect- ing minds, the immediate cause of the ruin of a noble Republic. He has therefore prefixed a brief histo- rical introduction ; the which, whether it will be thought too long, or not sufficient- ly detailed, will probably depend upon the reader's historical recollections. The motive for drawing it up was to render the work more generally useful and ac- ceptable. INTRODUCTION. The imperfect manuscript, a translation of which is now presented to the American pubHc, was discovered in the Library of the Vatican, by Professor Angelo Mai ; a person of singular ingenuity in the detection of those PaHmpsests whose contents were written upon an- cient writings partially erased. A fac simile of part of the MSS. accompanies this work. The Republic of Cicero was greatly cherished by those who lived in and near his times ; of which occasional evidences are found in the writings of antiquity. But the tyranny of the emperors bridled the Romans so soon after its appear- ance, that Horace, Virgil, Seneca, Quintilian, Pliny, and even Tacitus, have not dared to praise it, lest they should bring down vengeance upon themselves. It is remarkable that while despotism was rapidly extinguish- ing philosophy and letters, and the very existence of these precious monuments of better times was scarcely thought of; the Christian religion was gradually raising up amidst the persecutions of the primitive church, new champions for truth and justice ; to whose works 2 %, > e 7- .' I!*^RODUCTi5N. we are indebted for many valuable fragments of the best writers of antiquity, and for almost all the passages of Cicero's Republic which we were jacquainted with, until the late discovery of professor Mai. It is in the works of St. Augustin iind of Lactantius that these passages most abound ; and they are appealed to by.^ ]h them as most eloquent arguments, in support of just government, and virtuous conduct. Scipio's Dream, forming the only part of the sixth book ^bich has been . preserved, and which is one of the most splendid pas- sages that has been saved from antiquity, has long had a place in the works of Macrobius, a writer at the be- ginning of the fifth century, addicted to the Pythagorean mysticisms ; and who has preserved it probably on ac- count of the occult astronomical relation of numbers contained in it. Notwithstanding the mutilated state of the MSS., the order of the books is distinctly pre- served, the general plan of the work is obvious, and we have much greater reason to rejoice at what we possess, than to regret what is wanting. The disordered state _ of the gov ernment an d the republic at large^ evidently suggested to Cicero this patri o tic and bold attempt to stenith e^ influence of bad men, and raise the falling liberties of his country. ^ this highly philoso phical i^"-- ■ — - ■ ■ #^ • ~_ --— . idiscourse he sough t to recall the Romans from the in * 1 terests of ambitious- individuals, and fix their attention INTRODUCTION. ^^^ jipon the greater interests of the country, where each man had a stake : to revive their veneration for the sim- plicity of the early institutions of Rome, and for the men who had made themselves illustrious by their vir* tues : and to guard the peo ple more effectually against 4he innovations and facti<;>n s now sncrppdinpr each o ther with so much rapidity, he invests those ancient times _ with a perfection, that the attractions of his eloquence _ alone can excuse. Of the origm.al simplicity of the government, some j evidences are afforded by this work; as where it is stated |that lands were assigned to the sovereign, and cultivated for him by the people, that he might have nothing to do but administer justice. The principal men too of the state in those early times lived in the vicinity of Rome, cultivating a small possession. The illustrious names of Fabius, Lentulus, Cicero, &c., were perhaps given to those husbandmen who excelled in tlie cultivation of those vegetables ; such was the opinion of Pliny.* The censor had the power of reprimanding those whose fields were slovenly cultivated. Many customs of those antique times are found in Cato's curious Treatise on Rural Affairs. " Our ancestors constitu- ted and ordained thus in their Laws : A thief was condemned to double restitution ; an usurer to quadru- * His. Nat. 18. 3. 1. 4 INTRODUCTION. P%*J Yo" may judge from this hovt^ much worse a citi- , zen they deemed the usurer to be tj^an the thief. And when they praised a worthy man, they spoke thus of him : * that he was a good farmer, an excellent' husbandman.' He that was commended in these terms, was thought to be praised enough."* And again speak- ing of a good husbandman, he says, f' He should part with his old cattle, his weaned calves and lambs, his wool, his skins, his old carts and woi-n out irons, his old slaves, and his sick ones ; and if he has got any thing else he does not want, let him sell it. A father of a family ought always to sell and never to buy." Dion says that a messenger summoned the patricians by name, but that the people were convened by the blcncing of a horn.'f But the splendid military goyjgrnment which soon grew up, gave both state employment and riches to that class once distinguished for their industry and jfrugality. Agriculture was abandoned to slaves, and men branded for crimes : it was no longjer deemed an honourable employment. Luxury and habits of profu- sion made it necessary for conspicuous men to acquire the means of indulging in them, at the expense of prin- ciple and patriotism. At length when sensual gratifica- tions became dearer to a majority of the Romans than * Cato de Re Rustica. Majorcs cnim nostri, &c* i Dio. 11.8. Gelliusxv. 27. INTRODUCTION. iiberly, the republic was overthrown, and military des- j potism accomplished the circle of military influence ; extinguished every spark of light and liberty ; stripped the empire of its moral and physical power, and left it unmindful of its past glorious existence, to perish in a blind and helpless old age. Marcus Tullius Cicero was born at Arpinum, a city of the Samnites, which had long enjoyed the freedom of Rome. His family was an ancient one, and of the equestrian order ; which comprehended the most re- spectable gentry of the empire, who were only inferior in rank to the patricians. Having assumed the manly gown at his sixteenth year, he immediately began to ac- quire a knowledge of the laws of his country, under the two Scsevolas, eminent persons of that day. The Marsian w^ar, and the civil broils of Marius and Sylla, the former of whom was also a native of Arpinum, occurred during the prosecution of his civil studies ; and although they gave some interruption to them, yet these violent contentions falling immediately under his observation, he became at an early period accustomed to consider the political situation of his country. These circum- stances no doubt had some influence in deciding his future career ; although the rare natural activity of his mind would perhaps have led him under any situation to the investigation of all moral and physical relations. 2* » INTRODUCTION. Prompted by this impulse, he now began the study of Orecian philosophy under the learned Athenians who fled to Rome from the persecutions of Mithridates, and afterwards perfected himself in it under Molo the Rhodian ; a man so distinguished, that he was permit- ted to address the Roman Senate in the Greek tongue without an interpreter. About the age of twenty-six, with his mind filled with all the knowledge taught at that period, he first began to plead at the Forum. His cele- brated successful defence of S. Roscius was made soon after, in which he braved, what the other Roman orators had not dared to do, the resentment of Sylla. By this bold measure, the generosity of his character, as wellv as the force of his talents, were developed, and his re- putation estabUshed as the most powerful orator of Rome. He visited Athens not long after this period, partly to avoid the displeasure of Sylla, and partly to renew the study of philosophy, which he here pursued with great ardour. His friend Atticus, who was at Athens at the same time, had embraced the Epicurean doctrines ; but Cicero appears at this early period to have believed in a future state ; a doctrine which at a later period he has most eloquently recorded in his cele- brated Dream of Scipio. At the end of two years, he returned to Rome, greatly improved by his intercourse with the philosopliers and orators of Greece and Asia. r INTRODUCTION, In his thirty-first year, and not long after his mar- riage, he was elected to the qusestorship, which opened his way to the Senate. One of the provinces of Sicily fell to him by lot, and he exercised his qusestorial func- tions with such moderation and ability, as to induce the Sicilians to confer extraordinary honours upon him at the termination of his year ; when he returned to Rome, determined henceforward to withdraw himself as little as possible from the eyes of the Roman people. In his thirty-seventh year he received the unanimous suffrages of all the tribes for the edileship, which introduced him into the magistracy. The exhibition of the shows and games, which was the province of the ediles, was con- ducted by Cicero with great satisfaction to the people, and without injuring materially his own private fortune. In this he achieved a difficult point, which marks his great prudence and address. So great had the affec- tion of the people now become for him, that at three different elections for prjetor, he was each time placed at the head of the Hst by the unanimous vote of all the centuries. In his forty-third year, having been very diligent in strengthening his interest, he became a can- didate for the consulship with others ; among whom were L. Sergius Cataline : but such was his popularity that he was saluted consul by acclamation of the peo- ple before the votes were counted. He received also a , o INTRdDUCTION. Strong support from the patricians, who had uniformly been opposed to his advancement ; but Cicero's reputa- tion for knowledge and probity was so great, and the times were becoming so critical, that they deemed the government safe in his hands. The patricians at this time were of the faction of Sylla, to which also Cata- iine belonged : and the Tribunes and the people were of the Marian faction ; at the head of which was Julius Caesar, a near relation to Marius. Although Caesar, and Cicero were both on the popular side, yet they were not united upon any common principles of order. Caesar was always individually opposed to him : and when Cicero being consul, was endeavouring in the senate to bring the associates of Cataline to punishment; Caesar defended them, and even indirectly encouraged their cause, by declaring his disbelief in the immor- tality of the soul. The suppression of this conspiracy of Cataline, Cethegus, Lentulus and many others, among whom Caesar was generally numbered, raised the reputation of Cicero to the greatest height. By his incessant vigilance, Rome was saved from the horrors of a general massacre and pillage. The greatest ho- nours were paidhim by the senate and equestrian order: and for the first time the sublime epithet of *' Father of his Country" was addressed to a Roman citizen in the INTRODUCTION. » senate, in the person of Cicero.* This great action of his life he most feehngly alludes to in the introduction to his first book of the Republic. '* Nor is my name forgotten," &c. The feelings too which the circum- stances attending the verj last act of his consulship ex- cited in him, are eloquently pourtrayed in a passage im- mediately following. It was the custom for the consul at the expiration of his office, to make a speech in the assembly of the people, and to swear that he had exe- cuted his duties with fidelity. When he was already in the rostra, and was about to address the whole people assembled on this interesting occasion ; Metellus, a new tribune, prompted by the officious spirit of popular authority, which often delights to mortify the great and good, forbade the consul to address the people, alleging that Cicero having caused Lentulus and the rest to suffer death without being heard in their defence, did not deserve to be heard himself. Whereat with an enthusiastic presence of mind peculiar' to himself, ho swore with a loud voice that he had saved the repubHc : and the multitude moved by a generous feeling which the demagogues had no time to tamper with, more than atoned to him for the intended affiont from their tribune, by a simultaneous shout that he had sworn * Roma patrem patriae Ciceronem libera dixit, Juy. 8, iO INTRODUCTION. nothing but the truth,* and by accompanying him from the Forum to his own house. In this most glorious year of his life, and at the very time when he was occupied in saving his country, Octa- vius Csesar was born ; by whose arts and influence Cicero, as well as the republic, were not more than twenty years after destroyed. And although he had acted so noble a part toward his country, which under his government had been saved from the most profligate attempt that had yet been made upon its hberties ; and enjoyed the highest rank in the senate, and the first consideration from all good men ; corruption had now reached such a height, that pre-eminence in virtue, shi- ning forth in so active a citizen as Cicero, who was con- stantly thwarting the designs of bad men, served but to unite their efforts against him. He became hencefor- ward the object of their hatred and vengeance. Caesar, who did not believe in a future state, and who conse- quently *had no principle to restrain him, was constantly plotting means to usurp the government. Pompey, in whose interest Cicero had always been, and who at the close of the Mithridatic war had become the most pow- erful man in the Republic, was afraid to disoblige the numerous enemies of Cjcefo, and declined even to ♦ Magna Voce me vere jurassc juravit. Ep« fam. 5. 2. INTRODtrCTION. 11 Strengthen him by a public approbation of the measures he had taken to suppress the conspiracy of CatiHne. The luxurious and the qorrupt, who far outnumbered the rest, were willing to sell the republic and themselves to the highest bidders. The people were as usual the tools of demagogues. Every thing conspired to acce- lerate the downfall of the republic. In the face of these fearful odds stood Cicero, a large majority of the senate, and of the equestrian order, which comprehendeid the independent landholders and gentry of the Roman na- tion : and with but little other support than the satisfac- tion of being engaged in the noblest of causes, the maintenance of regular government. It is most pain- ful to look back upon the history of the degradation of such a people ; corrupted and ruined by their blind ad- miration of that falsest of all idols, military glory. An event occurred the year after his consulate, which brought him into a new conflict with some of the worst of these men. P. Clodius, at this time a quaestor, a vicious and debauched young man of family, and who possessed many personal advantages, had an intrigue with Caesar's wife Pompeia. Satiated with ordinary voluptuousness, he disguised himself as a woman, and entered the house of Pompeia in the night time, when she with other distinguished Roman matrons, was cele- brating the mysteries of the Bona Dea, or Patroness of 12 INTRODUCTION. Chastity. He was discovered and fled. Such was the respect in which these mysteries, at which women alone officiated, were held, that the profanation excited the utmost indignation throughout the city. Even Caesar found it necessary to put away his wife. The senate directed the consuls to prepare a law for the trial of Clodius before the people, which was resisted by one of the tribunes friendly to Clodius. At length it was agreed that a law should be passed to try him before the praetor and a select number of judges. Clodius rested his defence upon an alibi, which he endeavoured to sus- tain by witnesses. When Cicero was called to give his deposition, he was, insulted by the mob which adhered to Clodius ; but such was the veneration in which he was held, that the judges stood up, and received him with great honour. He testified that Clodius had been with him in his house in Rome on the very day of the pollution. Caesar who was also called, said that he was ignorant of the whole affair ; although it occurred in his ,own house, and in the presence of his mother and sis- ter, who had deposed to the truth of the accusation. Being asked, why then he had put away his wife ? he answered, " Because those who are connected with me, must be as free from suspicion as from crime."* * Quoniam, inquit, meos tarn suspicione quamcriraine judicocarere oportere. Suet. J. C»3. 74. INTRODUCTION. 13 That the wife of Cgesar must be free even from sus- picion, is a saying that has passed down to our days : yet too many who have heard it are ignorant of the circumstances attending its origin. We read the com- mentaries of Caesar at school, and are fired with admi- ration at his talents and successes. We are thus pre- pared to pity his death and the manner of it. But the military and political glories of Caesar, can never fur- nish an apology for a profligate private life ; and a me- morable saying is stripped of every attraction, when we know that it was uttered by the lips of a perjured atheist. In a letter to Atticus, Cicero draws a curious picture of the judges selected to try this famous cause ; a ma- jority of whom appears to have been packed from the outcasts of all the orders, and to have been paid for the occasion. Clodius was acquitted by a majority of thir- ty»one voices over twenty-five. Upon their appoint- ment some of them had requested a guard from the senate to protect them from the mob. Upon which occasion, Catulus a distinguished member of the senate, very facetiously asked one of the judges, " why they wanted a guard, and whether it was to protect the money which Clodius had bribed them with ?" After his acquittal, Clodius was wont to attempt to throw ridicule upon Cicero in the senate, finding it vain to encounter him in argument, and hoping to divert in 3 14 INTRODUCTIOW. some degree the force of his attacks. " So the judges'- said Clodius, '* would give no credit to your oath." " Twenty-five of them did," rephed Cicero : " the rest would give you none it seems, but made you pay before- hand." After the return of Pompey to Rome, as well as of Caesar from Spain, a triumvirate of interests was form- ed between these two and Crassus: each having his own ascendancy in view. Caesar, to make the interest it was thus intended to direct against the independence of the republic, still stronger, made overtures to Cicero, who declined connecting himself with them. At length Caesar openly declared against him, and favoured the election of Clodius to the tribunate, in the which he succeeded. Being now in authority, he brought forward the law, that whoever had taken away the life of a Roman citizen, uncondemned, should be inter- dicted bread and water. This was directed against Cicero, in relation to his consular acts respecting the conspirators ; and affected him so much, that although the law was in general terms, and his name was not mentioned in it, he changed his garments, and appeared abroad sordidly dressed to attract the compassion of the people. The young Romans of liberal character, to the number of twenty thousand also changed their dress, and accompanied him ; soliciting the favour of INTRODUCTION. 15 all in authority, and of the people, against the passage of this law. But the combination of bad men proved too strong against him, and Pompey having refused his protection, Cicero was induced by the advice of his friends, to withdraw himself into a temporary exile from Rome. This humiliating event took place in his forty- ninth year. Duringj his absence his residences both in town and country, which were upon a scale commensu- rate with his dignity, were despoiled ; and together with the furniture appropriated by the consuls and by Clo- dius. At length the daring insolence of that tribune, and the perpetual broils he occasioned, began to indis- pose all men against him, except his immediate profli- gate retainers. Advantage was taken of this to propose in the senate the recall of Cicero ; which finally pre- vailed at a very numerous convocation of the senators and magistrates ; Clodius alone giving a dissenting voice. At its final passage into a law by the Roman people, the field of Mars was crowded with their assem- bled centuries. Such was the public veneration for him, that voters from every town in Italy were present to in- sure the passage of a law which restored so great a benefactor to his country. All the centuries concurred in an act thus most solemnly passed by the whole Ro- man people. In anticipation of the event, he left Dyr- rhachium in Macedonia, and soon after his arrival at 16 INTRODUCTION. Brundisium, where his daughter TulHa had come to meet him, he received the welcome news from Rome. His journey was a continued triumph, and he was recei- ved on his arrival at the city in the most enthusiastic manner. An insufficient sum of money was voted to him to rebuild his mansions. When he had almost finished his palatine house, it was attacked by one of Clodius' mobs, and destroyed. Broils and slaughters were now so common in the streets of Rome, that gladiators were retained to assist in these feuds ; in which the consuls of the same year were sometimes opposed to each other. Cicero who had now reached his fifty-first year, was again made to feel how unremit- ting is the hatred of enemies, and uncertain the sup- port of friends. Public virtue appeared to him to have no longer any value in the eyes of the Romans. He saw that every man attended more to his private safety and advancement, than to the public peace and dignity of the city ; and perceiving the necessity of a powerful protector for himself and family in his old age, he ap- pears from one of his letters to have determined to conform himself in every thing to the pleasure of Pom- pey. We also see him from time to time engaged in agreeable secvices to Cffisar, with whom Pompey was yet connected. Experience and persecution appear to have induced him to adopt a course foreign to the cha* INTRODUCTION. 17 U racter of the perfect citizen he has pourtrayed in his repubUc. In his fourth epistle to Atticus, he says* "If they will not be friendly to me who possess no power, / I must endeavour to make those like me who have the power of being useful. * I told you so long ago,' you will say ; I know that you did, and I was an ass for not taking your advice." The opinion too of his friend Caelius, would have great weight with most men, in such > disturbed times. " It cannot have escaped you, that the duty of men amidst domestic dissensions, is to es- 'v pouse the honestest side, as long as the contention is of a civil nature, and force is not used. But when it * comes to wars and camps, they should take the strong- / est side, and consider that the best which is the most safe."t ^The influence of Caesar was now becoming very con- spicuous. His military career in Gaul, his generosity, and the universality of his talents, gave him at length a pre-eminence over Pompey in the public estimation. Pompey and Crassus had entered into the consulship with Httle observance of constitutional forms ; and, with as little deference to^the senate, had caused pro- vinces to be assigned to them for five years. Spain and Africa to Pompey. Syria and the fatal Parthian * Sed quoniam qui nihil possunt, &c. t Ep. fam. 8. 14. s* 18 INTRODUCTION. war to Crassus. This triumvirate had now almost the whole Roman military force at their command. It was in the spring of the next year, that Cicero at his Cuman villa, began his famous work on government. He was now advancing into his fifty-fourth j^ear, and it appears that he had completed his work before he enter- ed upon his command in Cilicia. His military career ^vas distinguished by great activity and judgment. He was saluted emperor by the army upon one of his mili- tary successes, and returned gladly to Rome at the end of the year. During the remainder of his eventful life, he appears to have found comfort only in the cultivation of philosophy and letters. The corruption of the Ro- mans, the ruin of the republic, the death of his beloved daughter, and his separation from the wife he had lived with thirty years, embittered his days. He was too conspicuous a man not to be affected by all the political changes which took place. Crassus perished in the Parthian war ; and Caesar, as soon as he felt himself strong enough, crossed the Rubicon, which was the limit of his miUtary command, and marched upon Rome, from which Pompey and the senate ingloriously fled. Cicero at length felt himself also constrained to follow the fortunes of Pompey, because he believed the dignity of the Roman name was alone to be found under his banners. And when the battle of Pharsalia left Casar INTRODUCTION. l9 , sole master of the Roman world, he submitted to Cae- sar, because there was no other government to submit to. But he rejoiced in his death, of which he was a spectator, and to the last, gave all the aid in his power to the patriots who sought to raise the liberties of his country. In his latter days, he showed an invincible spirit, defying the profligate Anthony in the plenitude of his power. And when the assassins of the second and more bloody triumvirate surprised him, he ordered his servants to set down the Utter in which they were carry- ing him, and forbade them to defend him. Then un- dauntedly stretching out his neck, he bade his execution- ers do their pleasure ; happy to escape from so much misery, to the immortahty he had always believed in. This occurred when he was just entering his sixty-fourth year. This rapid sketch of the transactions of Cicero's times, will, it is hoped, not be deemed impertinent, but may rather be considered as assisting the general reader to form an adequate estimate of the great object which Cicero had in view, when he drew up this celebrated treatise, which was to revive the veneration of the ! Roman people for their ancient iastitutions, now in dan- V ger from the machinations of lawless men, at the head of whom was Caesar, who denying in the senate a future existence, expressed his contempt for all religion. But / 20 iNTRODtJCTlON. it has been objected to Cicero that he was insincerci and that he called upon his countrymen to venerate what was often the object of his ridicule. The leading.gien of Rome who formed the sacerdotal order, from the earliest periods and under all circumstances maintained their influence over the people, chiefly by that religion they had been brought up in the veneration of, £uid especially by the observance of auspices. But in time the credulity of the Romans began to relax. Men like Cicero had for their religion the glorious doctrine of the immortality of the soul, and a great majority of his en- lightened equals no doubt entertained his opinions. Others, and among them was his brother Quintus, from various motives, as has always been the case in the history of superstitions, persevered in the prejudices they had received from education. Prejudices acquired in infancy from our earhest and dearest protectors, and to relinquish which, seems to require the relinquishment of all reverence for those we most venerate. When therefore Cicero ridicules the religious observances of his times, it is to enlightened men he sometimes ad- dresses himself ; just as men have in all times laughed' at absurdities they do not care publicly to assail : and at other times he may have used his ridicule to expose the most stupid superstitions indiscriminately to all^ When in bis Republic ho praises the iostitutioQ oP r INTRODUCTION. 21 auspices, however he may be charged with inconsis- tency, it was done from great and pubhc motives, and not from selfish ones. Ther^ is no hypocrisy in this conduct, as we understand the word ; and if we examine the whole bearing of Cicero's life, the policy which the circumstances of it, sometimes obliged him to, will not offend liberal minds. In estimating therefore the character of Cicero, it is well to remember Dlr. Middle- ton's remark in his preface *' and in every thing es- pecially that relates to Cicero, I would recommend the reader to contemplate the whole character, before he thinks himself quaUfied to judge of its separate parts, on which the whole will always be found the surest com- ment." The first book is the most complete of the whole six : the opening however is imperfect. Cicero in his own person enters into a discussion whether governments should be administered by contemplative philosophers, or by active practical men. He recapitulates the ar- guments on both sides of the question, often discussed by the ancients, and decides the question in consonance with those feelings which had governed his very active ?ife. The eloquence and force of some of the passages are inimitable. They will be applicable to all times as long as civil government exists among men. But in this country where the experiment of a popular govern- 22 INTRODUCTIOl^ ment is trying upon so comprehensive a scale, the gran- deur of the sentiments deserves the attention of every man. As where he states as an argument of those who shun active occupations, that it is dangerous to meddle with public affairs in turbulent times, and disgraceful to associate with the low and disreputable men who are conspicuous at those periods ; that it is vain to hope to restrain the mad violence of the vulgar, or to withdraw from such a contest without injury ; *' As if," he adds with a generous enthusiasm, " there could be a more just cause for good and firm men, endowed with noble minds, then to stand forth in aid of their country, than that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic to be lacerated by them, before the desire of saving it may come too late." After disposing of this question, he proceeds with great address to open the plan of his work, and presents in all the beautiful simplicity of the times, Scipio, his friend Laelius, with some of their most accomplished coteraporaries, seated, not in the gorgeous saloon of a Lucullus or Crassus, but in the sunny part, because it was the winter season, of the lawn of Scipio's country place ; where they had convened to pass the Latin holi- days in discussing philosophical questions. Here, upon an inquiry being instituted into the cause of two suns reported to have been seen in the heavens, occasion is INTRODUCTION. 23^ found to introduce in a very pleasing manner, the astro- iXQmical knowledge of the day-,-which Cicero was well versed in. Scipio is made here to deliver a magnificent passage, beginning at the 17th section. "Who can perceive any grandeur in human affairs," &c.* This inquiry about celestial phenomena, which appeared so foreign to a philosophical investigation on the principles of government, is admirably closed and without the abruptness being perceived, by Lselius asking how it can interest him that Scipio should be solicitous about the two suns, " when he does not inquire the cause why two senates, and almost two people exist in one repub- lic." At the general request Scipio consents to deliver his opinion of government. He defines a republic to be the " public thing," or common interest of all : and he shews most satisfactorily that human beings congre- gate not on account of their weakness, but that they are led thereto by the social principle, which is innate in man, and leads him even in the midst of the greatest abundance to seek his fellow. He successively exa- mines the dospotic, the aristocratic, and democratic forms of government : their advantages and disadvan- tages ; and concludes that a fourth kind of government, moderated and compounded from those three is most to^ * " Quid porro aut prxclarum putet in rebus humanis." Lib. 1. XTii. 24 INTRODUCTION. be approved. This is subsequently recurred to and en- larged upon. Many persons will be surprised that the balanced representative form of government, which has but in modern times received the sanction of the wisest nations, should have been shadowed forth in an appa- rently speculative opinion, two thousand years ago. We must however remember, that in the numerous small independent states of Greece ; their various forms of government, the tyranny of their kings, the oppression of the aristocracies, and the violence of the people, had produced many discussions among their writers. Few of these have come down to us. Yet Cicero was famihar with them, and it is evident that his plan of a mixed government was drawn from this source. There is a passage to this effect preserved in the Anthology of Stobseus, of Hyppodamus. He says that jyvaltv , which *® ^ C0|^ of divinity, is insufficient, on account of the degeneracy of human nature. That it must be limited by an aristocracy, where the principle of emulation leads men to excel each other : and that the citizen also should be admitted into that mixed government as of right : but cautiously, as the people are apt to fall into disorders. These opinions also flattered the Romans, for in fact it was substantially their own form of govern- ment, which consisted of consuls, patricians, and the people and their tribunes. INTRODUCTION. 25 Scipio in the 43d section, gives an eloquent passage trom Plato, where the excesses of the multitude are painted in the strongest language ; a passage which might well have been inspired by the French revolu- \JtlOB, Scipio opens the second book with the origin of the Roman people, adopting the received opinions con- cerning the early history of Rome, of Romulus, and the succeeding kings. These opinions have of late, been much controverted. Niebuhr whose erudition ap- pears to be inimitable, whatever success he may be thought to have had in shaking them, has substitued no- thing satisfactory in their place, at least as far as ' we may gather from his first volume. One thing may be safely asserted, that Cicero might well present in his repubhc, those traditions of the times, ns the real his- tory of his country, because the Roman people werfe acquainted with no other. He could not call upon them to venerate the founders of Rome and their insti- tutions, and tell them at the same time they had never existed. Niebuhr himself strengthens the account given at section 19, Book II., of the Greek descent of the first Tarquin, by observing that the clay vases made at Tarquinii were painted, and resembled in colour and drawing some discovered near Corinth. He says they are found only in the district of Tarquinii, an(T 4 26 INTRODUCTION* that the circumstance implies a peculiar intercourse between Corinth and Tarquinii. In the 22d section of the 2d Book, is another pas- sage with which Niebuhr is not satisfied, and which even Professor Mai terms " vexatissimum locum.'* Cicero says the Roman people were distributed by Ser- vius into six classes, whose entire elective force was one hundred and ninety-three centuries. To give the landed proprietors who were rated in the first class, a majority of this number, or ninety-seven votes, three centuries of horse with six suffrages, meaning those in- scribed in the great census or register, in contradistinc- tion to the horsemen set apart from the mass of the whole people ; the century of carpenters, and the first class, constituted together eighty- nine centuries. Eiflfht more centuries taken from the other five classes and added to this number, made ninety-seven, being a majority of one over ninety-six, and thus in Cicero's words " Confecta est vis, populi universa." The un- wearied erudition of Niebuhr, to which great deference is due, is not satisfied with the simplicity of this state- ment of the Roman Constitution, but assails it with an unusual bitterness of critical spirit. He supposes tjtie passage from its genuine state to have been corrupted by successive transcribers and commentators, to the order in ^vhich Professor Mai has thought proper to ,'» 28 II^ROPUCTION. or votes. The first class consisting of men of. rank and property, with the centuries of horse, had ninety- six votes ; leaving ninety-seven votes to the other five classes. In order, however, to give the ascendancy to the first class in the least offensive way, the century of blacksmiths and carpenters was added to the first class, under pretence of their great utility to the city ; but really because they were dependent upon the first class and the cavalry for employment, and could be relied upon. In this manner the first class secured a majority of ninety-seyea votes. The second bc)ok closes with a declaration from Scipio, that unless the most perfbct justice is observed, no government can prosper. The t^lf\ i };^ boo k opens with a philosophical analysis of the faculties of man, introductory to the great prin- ciple "Bf the immutable^'tiafujK^of jusUce, which it ap- pears was fully discussed, in this book, of which so small a portion is preserved. . A splendid picture is drawn in the second section of aij accomplished states- man, such as Cicero himself had aimed to be, and which from a passage in one of his letters to Atticus, appears to have been farther elaborated in the sixth book. It relates to a triumph about which he felt some anxiety after his government of Cilicia. " If this idea of a triumph which even you approve, had not been infused into me, you would not have had to look far for V. INTRODUCTION. ^ 29 the perfect citizen described in the sixth book."* Phi- lus is called upon to defend the cause of injustice after the manner of Carneades the Greek sophist. The pow- erful passage contained in the seventeenth section is de- livered by him. It was reserved for LaeHus to close the discussion as the advocate of justice. Scarce any part of his discourse is preserved. Some fragments have, however, been collected by Professor Mai, preserved by Nonius the Philologist, and by Lactantius. In •the one, Laelius is made to declare, that the Roman youth ought not to be permitted to listen to Carneades, who if he thought as he spoke, was a bad man ; and if he was not, as he preferred to believe, his discourse was nevertheless detestable. One of the passages from Lanctantius is that well known exposition of eter- j nal right, or natural law of justice of which conscience is the voice. \ " There is indeed a law, right reason, which is in ac- cordance with nature ; existing in all, unchangeable, eternal. Commanding us to do what is right, forbid- " ding us to do what is wrong. It has dominion over good men, but possesses no influence over bad ones. No other law can be substituted for it, no part of it can be taken away, nor can it be abrogated altogether. Neither the people or the senate can absolve tr,s from * Let. to Att. vii. \% 4* 30 INTRODUCTION. it. It \ wants no commentator or interpreter. It is not I one thing at Rome, and another thing at Athens : one I thing to-day, and another thing to-morrow ; but it is a |*4gy eternal and immutable for all nations and for all » I i time. Gqd^^tbe sole? Ruler, and universal Lord, has framed end proclaimed this law. He who does not obey it, renounces himself, and is false to his own na.- , ' ture : he brings upon himself the direst tortures, evefi when he escapes human punishments."* The fourt bjbook of which a mere fragment is pre-, served, appears to have treated of domestic mannefji, the education of youth, and of Roman life, public and private. We have lost here many fine pictures\^of the simpUcity of Roman manners, at that flourishing period of the republic, as well as of the progress of luxury, which was not inconsiderable. A fragment of this book is preserved in Nonius, where Scipio opposes the collection of a revenue, necessary perhaps to make good those deficiencies which extravagance had produ-* ced. " Ndlo enim eundem populum imperatorem et portitorem esse terrarum. Optimum autem et in priva- tis familiis et in republica vectigal duco esse parsimo- niam." " I am not willing that the same people should be the sovereigns and the toll-gatherers of the world. * Lact. Inst. vi. S. INTRODUCTION. 31- I look upon economy to be the best revenue for the re- public, and for private individuals." The fiiihilQ^k is also a mere fragment. St. Augustin has preserved some notices of it, from which it appears that it treated very much of the ancient Roman institu- Jiojljs, with a view to show the degeneracy of the times in which Cicero wrote. In the fifth section of this book, he sneaks of the comfortable enjoyment of life dependii^^Bpn legal marriages and lawful children ;, from wlHIPr perhaps we may gather the obligation which the dissolute manners of the times had laid him under, of asserting the value of these ties, as well as his own veneration for them. j} Of the ^sixth book no part whatever has come down to us with this MSS : but the important fragment on a future state preserved in Macrobius, warrants our sup- posing that he was naturally led in a treatise so highly philosophical, to pass from the consideration of human morals, to the great object which moral conduct has in view : the resisting of human weakness, for the sake of fitting the immortal part of our nature for a higher con- dition of being. The dream of Scipio, encumbered as it is by some of the pedantry of the schools, is a pro- duction of the highest order, upon this most sublime of all subjects. ^ / # CICERO'S REPUBLIC. BOOK I. I. Foi^Miout the strong feeling of patriotism, nei- ther had (jW)ueUus, Aulus Atilius or L. Metellus freed us from the terror of Carthage ; or the two Scipios ex- tinguished with their blood the rising flame of the second punic war. Quintus Maximus would not have weak- ened, nor M. Marcellus have crushed the one which was springing up with still greater strength : or P. Africa- nus turning it from the gates of this city, have borne it amid tlie walls of our enemies. Yet it was not thought unbecoming in M. Cato, an unknown and a new man, by whom all of us who emulate his course are led as a bright example of industry and virtue, to enjoy the re- pose of Tusculum, that healthy and convenient situa- tion. That insane man, however, as some have con- sidered him, preferred when urged by no necessity, to contend amid those waves and tempests to extreme old age ; rather than pass his days in the most agreeable manner, amid so much ease and tranquillity. Men with- out number I omit, each of whom were benefactors to the State, and who are not far removed from the remem- ])rance of this generation. I forbear to commemorate 34 CICERO'S REPUBLIC. them, lest any one should reproach me with neglecting to speak of himself or his immediate friends. This one truth I would mark, that nature has so strongly im- planted in man the necessity, of. virtue, and so powerful an inclination to defend the common welfare, that this principle overcomes all the blandishments of voluptuous- ness and ease. II. Yet to possess virtue, like some art, without exercising it, is insufficient. Art indeed, when not ef- fective, is still comprehended in science. J/^ efficacy of all virtue consists in its use. Its greal^Knd is the government of states, and the perfection not in words but in deeds, of those very things which are taught in the halls. For nothing is propounded by philosophers, concerning what is esteemed to be just and proper, that is not confirmed and assured by those who have legisla- ted for states. For from whence springs piety, or from whom religion 3 Whence the law, either of nations, or that which is -called civil? Whence justice, faith, equity? WTience modesty, continence, the dread ot" turpitude, the love of praise and esteem t Whence fortitude in trouble and dangers ? From those who having laid a foundation for these things in early edu- cation, have strengthened some of them by the influence of manners, and sanctioned others by the influence ot laws. Of Xenocrates, one of the noblest of philoso- phers, it is said, that when he was asked what his disci- ples learnt of him, he replied " to do that of their own choice, which the laws enjoined them to do," therefore the citizen who obliges every one by the authority and fear of the law to do that, which philosophers by reason- BOOK I. 35 ing, with difficulty persuade a few to do, is to be pre- ferred to those learned men who only dispute about these things. For which of their orations, however ex- quisite, can be compared in value to a well constituted state, to public right and to morals. Truly as great and powerful cities, as Ennius says, are as I think, to be preferred to villages and castles ; so those who stand pre-eminent in those cities, in authority and counsel, are to be esteemed far before those in wisdom, who are altogether ignorant of the conduct of public affairs. And since we are chiefly urged by a desire to increase the possessions of the human race, and seek by our counsels and labours, to surround the hfe of man with gratification and security, and are incited by the instincts of nature to these enjoyments ; let us hold the course which was always that of the best men : nor at- tend to those signals which speculative philosophers make from their retirement, to allure back those who are already far advanced. III. Against these reasons so certain and so clear, it is urged by those who are opposed to us : first, the labour to be undergone in preserving the public wel- fare ; a slight impediment to the zealous and industrious, not alone in matters of such high import, but in inferior things : whether in studies or in official stations ; and to be despised even in affairs of business. To this they add the dangers to which life is exposed, and the dread of death, which brave m^n scorn ; being wont to view it as more wretched to waste away by infirmity and old age, than to seize an occasion to devote that life to the ad- vantage of their country, which one day must be render- 3G CICERO's REPUBLIC. ed to nature. It is here however they deem themselves; most successful and eloquent, when they bring forward the calamities of eminent men, and the injuries heaped upon them by their ungrateful countrymen. Here come the instances in Grecian history. Miltiades, the conqueror and subduer of the Persians, with those wounds yet streaming, which he received in front, in the height of victory : preserved from the weapons of the enemy, to waste away his life in the chains of his countrymen. And Themistocles proscribed and driven from the country he had freed, flying, not to the har- bours of that Greece he had preserved, but to the barba- rous shores he had harrassed. Nor indeed are in- stances wanting among the Athenians of levity and cruelty towards great numbers of their citizens; in- stances which springing up repeatedly among them, are said also to have abounded too conspicuously in our city. For either the exile of Camiljus, the misfortune of Ahala, the ill will towards Nasica, or the expulsion of Lenas, or the condemnation of Opimus is remem- bered : or the flight of Metellus, the sad overthrow of C. Marius, the cutting off* of the most eminent citizens, or the destruction of many of them, which soon after followed. Nor indeed is my name forgotten. And I judge that deeming themselves to owe both life and ease to my peril and counsel, they have a more deep and tender remembrance of me. But it is not easy to explain how they who •cross the seas for the sake of observing or describing * * * [Two pages wanting.] ^ , I BOOK I. 37 lY. -^ * * * At the expiration of my consulship, when in the assembly of the Roman people, I swore that the republic had been saved by my exer- tions, which they confirmed by universal acclamation, I was requited for the cares and vexations of every in- jury. Albeit my reverses had more honour than pain attached to them, and less disquietude than glory. Greater was my pleasure at receiving the approbation of good men, than my regret at observing the satisfac- tion of the bad. But had it happened otherwise, as I said, what complaint could I make? Nothing unfore- seen could have occurred, nor more grievous than I might have expected for so many of my deeds. For I was one who could well have gathered greater fruits from ease than others, on account of the agreeable vari- ety of the studies I had pursued from my childhood ; and if any disaster had overtaken the republic, I need not have sustained a greater share of it, but have di- vided it equally with the rest. I hesitated not to oppose myself to those stormy tempests, and almost raging waves, for the sake of preserving my fellow citizens, and of accomplishing at my own risk the common safety of all. For our country has not produced us, or educated us under a law, that she is entitled to no sup- port on our part, lending herself as it were to our con- venience only ; furnishing a secure refuge,* and a tran- quil and peaceful asylum to our indolence : but rather holds as pledges to her, to be employed for her benefit, the many and great faculties of our mind, genius, and reason ; and only permits us to appropriate to our pri- vate purposes, that portion of them, of which she stands' in no need. -— ^-— ^»-^. 5 38 ClCERO's REPUBLIC. V. The pretences which are urged for the enjoy- ment of indolence are not to be hstened to. As when it is stated that the public affairs are meddled with by men worthy of no confidence, with whom it ia disgraceful to associate ; yet to contend against whom is a miserable and dangerous effort, especially when the multitude is excited. For which reason a prudent man ought not to take the reins, when he is not able to re- strain the mad and untameable violence of the vulgar : or a generous man expose himself to the lashes of contumely in a strife with low and outrageous adversa- ries : or a wise man hope to withdraw from such a con- - iest without injury. As if there could well be a more j just cause for good and firm men, endowed with noble » minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, than that ' they may not be subject to bad men ; nor suffer the re- public to be lacerated by them, before the desire of sa- ving it may come too late. VI. But who can approve of their exception, that a wise man ought not to take upon him any part of the public affairs, unless an occasion of extraordinary need should drive him to it ] as if indeed a greater necessity could ever have happened to any one, than occurred to myself. How could I have been useful then, had I not been consul? and how could I have bee^n con- suli had I not pursued that course of life from my youth, which belonging to the equestrian rank, in which I was born, enabled me to attain the first honours of the state 1 No man therefore can assume at plea- sure the ability of aiding in the public service, however urgent the danger may be, unless he stands in that rela- r BOOK I. 39--->. tion to his country, which fits him for the occasion. I And it appears to me most marvellous, that in the dis- i, course of learned men, they who declare themselves unable to steer in a calm sea, because they have never , been taught, nor have ever studied the subject, talk of taking the helm in the midst of the greatest storms. For these very men openly declare, and pride themselves greatly upon it, that they have never studied or taught the mode of establishing or protecting the public inte- rest ; which they think the exclusive province, not of learned and erudite men,^ but of those who are practised in these matters. What consistency is there then in promising to aid the republic in times of peril, when they are iacapjable of the easier task of directing it in the calmest moments ? And although, in truth, the philoso- pher is not wont of his own accord, to consider the details of state affairs, unless called upon by the times to do it, when indeed he will not decline what duty im- poses on him ; nevertheless, I judge the knowledge of state affairs is least to be neglected by a wise man ; that every thing may be familiar to him, for he cannot tell the moment, when it may be necessary for him to avail himself of his knowledge. VII. These things I have somewhat enlarged upon, because the discussion proposed and undertaken by nae in this work, was on government : and in order to prevent its being without effect, it was necessary in the first instance, to remove every doubt as to the duty oft""'^ engaging in the pubhc service. Nevertheless if there » are any who are governed by the opinions of philoso- phers, let them turn their attention for a while, and lis- 4# CICEEld's REPUBLIC. ten to those who enjoy a proud pre-eminence among learned men, even when they have not borne any charge in the republic ; still whom I deem from the extent of their studies, and their writings on government, to have been invested with functions appertaining to the public interest. But those seven, whom the Greeks call wise, I perceive have almost all been greatly engaged in pub- lic affairs. For there is no one thing in which human .worth is more nearly allied to the power of the gods, than to found new states, or to preserve those already founded. VIII. Concerning which matters, since it hath hap- pened to me, to be deemed something worthy of me- mory in my administration of public affairs, and to pos- sess some talent for unfolding them ; not only in prac- tice, but being versed too in the art of speaking and teaching : while of those before me, some were perfect in debate, yet unknown by their deecjs ; others of re- spectable parts for business, without the talent of ora- tory. Still it is not my intention here to bring forAvard any new system invented by myself, but to repeat a dis- cussion, that took place at a certain period of our his- tory, among our most illustrious and wise men, whidh was related to me a long time ago in my youth, by P. Rutilius Rufus, when we were at Smyrna together : in the which I think scarce any point was omitted that be- longs to the consideration of these great matters. IX. When P. Africanus, the son of Paulus, esta- . blished Latin holidays in his gardens, during the con- sulate of Tuditanus, and Aquilius ; and his most inti- mate friends had promised to visit him frequently at BI^K I. 41 that season. On the morning of the first day, Q. Tu- bero, the eldest son of his sister, came. Pleased with his visit, and kindly addressing hirji " What ! Tubero," said he, *' is it you so early 1 I should have thought these holidays would have given you a favourable oppor- tunity of pursuing your literary inquiries." " Why in truth," replied he, " I can apply all my leisure to my books, for they are always disengaged. But to find you at leisure, is very remarkable ; especially at this time so critical for the republic." " So help me Hercules," said Scipio, " however you find me, it is more idle in appearance than in truth." *' You must now," said Tu- bero, '' relax your mind a little also, for several of us have determined if it is not inconvenient to you, to Spend some of our leisure with you." " With all my heart," repHed Scipio, " provided we may acquire some information thereby on philosophical subjects." X. " Since you invite and encourage me to it your- self," said Tubero, *' let us first converse, Africanus, before the others come, about the meaning of this dou- ble sun which has been spoken of in the senate. For those who declare that they have seen two suns, are neither few in number, nor insignificant persons : so that it appears to be of less importance to doubt the fact, than to inquire into the cause of it." *' Would that we had with us our excellent Panaetius," said Sci- pio, " who among other objects of knowledge, was so diligent an inquirer about celestial phenomena. As to myself, Tubero — for to you I will freely declare what I .think ; I am not drawn in to adopt in matters of this port, the opinions of our friend, who pronounces things 5* 42 CICERo's REPUBLIC. which are scarcely within the reach of conjecture, io he as manifest, as if he beheld them with his eyes, or could lay his hands upon them*. On which account I am ac- customed to consider Socrates much wiser, who leaves the consideration of such things aside, and teaches that the phenomena about which nature may be interrogated, are either beyond the force of human reason, or irrele- vant to the conduct of human afTairs." " I know not," rejoined Tubero, " what authority there is for the fact, that Socrates rejected all discussion upon such matters,' and confined himself to the moral conduct of human life. For what author is to be commended. as more am- ple on that head than Plato ; in whose writings^ in man)i places, it is the custom of Socrates in discussing mo- rals, the virtues, and finally public affairs ; to allude*, studiously to the science of numbers, to geometry, and to harmony, after the^ t*ythagorean mode.'' Scipio an- swered, *^ these things are as you say ; but I dare say you have heard, Tubero, that Plato after "the death o& Socrates, was carried by the love of knowledge first; into Egypt, afterwards into Italy and Sicily, that ho might obtain an insight into the discoveries of Pytha- goras. That he associated much with Archytas the Tarentine, and with Timseus of Locram. That he ac- quired the commentaries of Philolaus, and perceiving that the name of Pythagoras was at that time in great reputation in those places, he dedicated his time to the disciples of Pythagoras and to their opinions. But as he had loved Socrates alone, and wished to make all things conducive to his reputation, he interwove very, skilfully the subtlety and humour of the Socratic style, BOOK I. 43 with the mysteries of Pythagoras, and with many branches of the arts." As Scipio ceased to speak, he suddenly saw L. Furi- us approaching, and as soon as he had kindly saluted him, he took him by the hand, and placed him on his couch. And as P. Rutilius the accomplished preserver of this conversation appeared at the same time, salu- ting him also in the same manner, he bade him be seated near to Tubero. "What^re you engaged in," said Furius ; " hath our arrival broken in upon your con- versation V " Not in the least," replied Africanus, " for it is precisely about matters, such as Tubero has just been introducing, that thou art wont diHgently to inquire into, and to investigate. And indeed our friend Rutilius was in the habit occasionally of discussing things of this kind with me, when we were under the walls of Numantia." '' What is the subject you have fallen upon 1" said Philus. " These two suns," replied he, " respecting which I am desirous of hearing your opinion." XII. As he spoke this, a boy announced that Lseli- us was approaching, having already left his house ; upon which Scipio having dressed himself, left hi.s chamber, and had made but a few paces in the portico, when he saluted Laelius who was approaching, and those who were with him : Spurius Mummius, to whom he was particularly attached ; Fannius, and Quintus Scgevola, sons-in-law of Lselius, highly gifted young men of the qusestorial age. And having welcomed ihem all, he made another turn on the portico, placing licelius in the middle ; for in their friendship it was h 44 Cicero's republic. sort of law betweon them, that LaeHus did homage to Scipio as to a god, on account of his glorious pre-emi- nence in war ; while in his turn Scipio, in private life, paid to Laelius all the reverence due to a parent, on account of his superior years. And having chatted a little together in various places, Scipio, who wds very much enlivened and gratified with their arrival, was pleased to have them seated in a sunny place in a little meadow, on account of i||L being the winter season ; which as they were about to do, M. ManiHus came, a prudent and agreeable person, and very dear to them all ; who being cordially saluted by Scipio and the rest, took his seat next to Lselius. XIII. " It does not seem to me necessary," said Fhilus " that we should seek another subject of con- versation on account of those who are arrived, but that we should observe more accuracy, and say some- thing worthy of their ears." " What subject were you upon," said Laehus, ** and what discussion are we come to be present at ?" *' Scipio was inquiring of rae," replied Philus, " what my opinion was respecting the fact of two suns having been seen." Laelius. " Why truly Philus, is there no longer any thing left for us to inquire about, touching our own do- mestic affairs, or those appertaining to the republic, that we must be exploring the things that are passing in the heavens 1" " Dost thou then think," replied he^ *' that it does not concern our own mansions, to know what is passing, and what is done in that vast one, not the one surrounded by our walls, but that which consti- tutes the universe, and which the gods have given to as BOOK I. 45 for a domicile, and a common country with themselves. Especially when if we are ignorant of them, many and very high matters will be hidden from us. As to my- self, the contemplation and knowledge of these things delight me, as certainly as it does you, I^oelius, and all who are eager in the pursuit of knowledge." *' I offer no impediment," said Laelius, especially at this holiday time ; but shall we hear any thing, or are we come too late 1" Philus. " Nothing has Wen discussed yet, and as the subject is entire, I freely concede to you, Lselius, the right of expressing your sentiments first," Laelius. " Let us rather hear you, unless Manilius thinks, that some decree by way of compromise be- tween these two suns may be adjusted ; so that each may keep possession of its own part of the firmament." *' You love still to banter that science, Laelius, in which I am proud to excel," replied Manilius, " and without which no one could know his own possession from an- others. But of that by and by. Let u^ now^ listen to Philus, who I perceive has a case of greater difficulty referred to him, than ever came before me or P. Mu- cius." XIV. " I shall la}- nothing new before you,'' said Phi- lus, "nor any thing discovered or thought of by myself. I remember, however, that C. Sulpicius Gallus, a very learned man as you know ; w hen this same phenomenon was stated to have been seen, being by chance in the house of M. Marcellus, who had been in the consulate with him; ordered a sphere to be placed before him, which the ancestor of M. Marcellus had taken from the conquered Syracusans, and brought out of 46 CICERO S REPUBLIC. their wealthy and embellished city ; the only thing he had possessed himself of among so great a spoil. I had heard a great deal of this sphere, on account of the fame of Archimedes, but did not admire the construction of it so much ; for another which Archimedes also had made, and which the same Marcellus had placed in the temple of virtue, was more elegant and remarkable in the general opinion. But subsequently, when G alius began very scientifically to explain the nature of the mechanism ; the SiciliaP appeared to me to possess more genius, than human nature would seem to be ca- pable of. Gallus said, that the other solid and full sphere was an old invention, an^ was first wrought by Thales of Miletas : but afterwards was delineated over with the fixed stars in the heavens by Eudoxus, the Cnidian, a disciple of Plato. The which adorn- ed and embellished as it was by Eudoxus, Aratus who had no knowledge of astronomy, but a cer- tain poetical faculty, many years afterwards extolled in his verses. The mechanism of this sphere, however, on which the motions of the sun, moon, and those five stars which are called wandering and irregular, are shown; could not be illustrated on that, solid sphere. But what appeared very admirable in this invention of Archimedes was, that he had discovered a method of producing the unequal and various courses, with their dissimilar velocities, by one revolution. When Gallus ^ put this sphere in motion, the moon was made to suc- ceed the sun by as many revolutions of the brass circle, as it actually took days to do in the heavens. From which the same setting of the sun was produced on the sphere as in the heavens : and the moon fell on the very BOOK I. 47 point, where it met the shadow of the earth, when the sun from the region * * * * ^ [About ten pages wanting.] XV. * * * * * for he was a man I was very much attached to, and I know that my father Pau- lus esteemed and placed the highest value on him. I remember when I was but a boy, being with my father, who was then consul in Macedonia ; that while we were encamped, our army wa# struck with a religious dread, because the full and splendid moon in the sereni- ty of the night, was suddenly eclipsed. He being then our lieutenant, the year just before that in which he was declared consul, did not hesitate the following day, to pronounce openly in the camp, that it was no prodigy. And that what had then taken place, would always oc- cur in future at those particular periods, when the posi- tion of the sun was such, that its rays could not fall upon the moon. " But how could he," asked Tubero, " make men half wild, comprehend such matters, or venture to speak of them before the unenlightened ? " Scipio. " Indeed he did, and with great * * * * [About two pages wanting.] ***** there was neither a haughty osten- tation, nor any thing in his speech unbecoming a grave personage ; and he accomplished a point of great im- portance, in removing from the disturbed minds of the men, the influence of an idle and fearful superstition. XVI. There was an occurrence similar to this during the great war, which the Athenians and Lacedemonians waged against each other with so much inveteracy. 48 Cicero's republic. Darkness being suddenly produced by the obscuration of the sun, and a prodigious fear taking possession of the minds of the Athenians. Pericles, the first man in the city, in authority, in eloquence, and in council; taught the citizens what he had himself learnt from Anaxagoras, whose pupil he had been : that it was an unavoidable appearance at the particular period, when the moon had placed herself immediately before the orb of the sun : and although it did not take place every lunar period ; it could nevertheless be occasioned only by the moon's motion. Having convinced them by reasoning, he delivered the people from their apprehen- sion. For it was then a strange and unknown reason n!o give for an ecH£se, that the sun and moon were in opposition to each other, which it is said, was first ob- served by TWes the Milesian. At a later period, this had not escaped our Ennius, who wrote about the year 350 of the building of Rome, in the nones of June ; that " the moon and night stood before the sun." So great, however, is the advancement of knowledge in these matters, that from this day, which we find noted in the principal annals, and by Ennius ; the previous occultations of the sun are fixed up to that which took place in the reign of Romulus, in the nones of the fifth month. During which darkness, Romulus, whom the laws of nature indeed would have carried to the tomb, is said to have been borne by his virtue to heaven. XVII. Then .Tubero, " Dost thou not perceive Africanus, that what appeared otherwise to thee a whilr i) f^O ^ '^' tST- ■vfe -^ ^ • o. [Aliout tiro pages wanting.] BOOK I. 49 *,*****« Who can perceive any grandeur in human affairs, whose eyes are accustomed to survey the empire of the gods ? What are temporal things in the eyes of those conversant with eternal ones 1 \\ hat is there glorious to the contemplation of him, who looks at the small size of the earth ; first as to its whole ex- tent, then to that part of it which men inhabit ? And yet we, confined to so small a portion of it, unknown to most nations, hope our name will be diffused to its ut- most limits. What are lands, and houses, and flocks, and immense masses of gold and silver to him who nei- ther considers them desirable nor calls. them so: the fruition of which appears to him trifling, the use unsa- tisfactory, the possession uncertain : and which are often in the hands of the most contemptible of men? How fortunate may that man be esteemed, who alone claims a share in all things, not as the privilege of a citizen, but of a philosopher : not by civil rights, but by the common law of nature, which forbids any one to be the proprietor of aught, of the proper use of which he is ignorant ! Who considers our^^gflos-ulg^s and high offices, not to be sought after for the sake of personal advantage or glory ; not as things to be coveted, but to be undertaken as duties. The man finally who can say that of himself which my ancestor Afncanus, as Cato writes, was wont to say, " that he never was more busy than when he was doing nothing ; and that he never was less alone, than when nobody was with him." For who can deem Dionysius to have accomplished a greater thing, when by the greatest exertion he snatch- ed their liberties from the citizens, than Archimedes his 6 50 Cicero's republic/ Countryman, who appearing to be occupied in nothing; produced this sphere of which we were but now con- versing ? Are they not more alone, who find no one in the forum or in the crowd who chooses to talk with them, than those who without any witness can con- verse with themselves ; or as it were, be present at the councils of the must learned men, when they solace themselves with their discoveries and writings 1 Who in truth can imagine any one to be more rich, than the man who has no jyants, beyond the simple calls of na- ture ; or more powerful than him, who has attained the possession of al that he desires ; or more blessed than him who is freed from all anxiety of mind 1 or what man's fortune is better established than his, who can carry along with him, or out of a shipwreck as men afC wont to say, all his possessions 1 What command, what office, what kingdom can be preferred to that con- dition of mind, which looking down upon all things hu- man, and esteeming them to be the objects of an inferior wisdom, turns ever to the contemplation of those things that are diyine and eternal : persuaded that they only deserve te be called men, who are refined by the sciences of humanity? That which has been said of Pla- to, or of some other sage, appears to me therefore very excellent. Who being borne by a tempest to unknown lands, and cast on a desert shore, while his companions were apprehensive on account of their ignorance of the place, is said to have perceived geometrical fiunres de- scribed oa the sand. Which when he saw, he bade them all be of good heart, for he had seen vestiges of men. Not that he judged fco from the cultivation ol the BOOK I. 51 fields which he beheld, but from these indications of science. For all these reasons, Tubero, learning, and learned men, and these thy studies have always been pleasing to me. XVIII. Then said Lselius, " I am not bold enough, Scipio, to speak of these things : nor even to thee, or Philus, or Manilius ****** i '"' [Two pages wanting ] * * * , * in his paternal house we have had a friend, worthy to be imitated by him. " iEHus Sextus, conspicuously discreet and wise." That he was conspicuously discreet and wise, is said by Ennius, not because he sought after what he was not able to discover, but because he answered those who made inquiries of him, in a manner to solve their diffi- culties and anxieties, in whose mouth when arguing against the studies of Gaiius, were always these words of Achilles, in Iphigenia. " Astrology, its signs ; how are they read in heaven ? When goat or scorpion, or ferocious names arise. The obvious earth is shunned, to scrutinize the skies." He also said, for many times and willingly I listened to him, that Zethus the author of Pacuvius, was too great an enemy to science. The Neoptolemus of Ennius pleased him more ; who says that he likes to philoso- phize but only with a few ; not willing to give himself up to it altogether. But if the studies of the Greeks delight you so much, there are others freer and more 4^- 52 Cicero's republic. easily diftused, which we may bring to the use of lif©, or even to that of the republic. As for these arts, their vahie consists, if in any thing, in stimulating and sharpening the genius of young boys ; enabling them in this manner the better to comprehend greater things. XIX. " I do not dissent from you, IjaeUus," said Tu- bero, "but ask what you understand by greater things?" Lselius. " I will tell you in good faith, although you may somewhat despise me for it ; since it is you who are asking. Scipio about these celestial matters. As for myself, I think those things most worthy of our - attention, which lay immediately before our eyes. How can it interest me that the grandson of L. Paulus by the mother's side, born of such a noble and illustrious /^ family in this republic, should seek for reason.^ why two Mis have been seen, when he does not inquire the '^ ^ause why two senates, and almost two people exist in"^*' one republic ? For as you perceive the death of Tibe- rius Gracchus, and even before that event, the whole proceedings of his tribunate were dividing one people into two parties ; those who are the detractors of Sci- pio also, and are envious of him, urged on at first by P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, keep up notwithstand- ing their death, an opposition to us in the senate, through the influence of Metellus and P. Mucius. Nor will they suffer him to come forward, who is alone equal to so dangerous a crisis, amidst the factious and dangerous associations made under the Roman name : amidst violated compacts, and the new matters daily stirring by ^ . the seditious triunavirs, to the consternation of good and respectable men. Wherefore young men, if you will BOOK I. 5S listen to me, entertain no apprehensions about this double sun : for either it is nothing at all, or if it is a reality, as far as it has been observed, there is no- ithing injurious in it. Either we can know nothing about such matters, or even if we could know all about them, we should not be better or happier for that know- ledge. But one senate and one people we may have ; that is practicable. And if it is not done, we shall suf- fer for it. And we know it is otherwise, and that if it were effected, we should have more stability, and be happier and better." XX. Then Mucins. *' AVhat is it we have to learn, in your opinion, Laelius, that we may be able to effect what you require of us ?" Laelius. " Those sciences whose tendency is to enable us to be useful to the state ; for I deem that to be the most pre-eminent gift of wisdoiQ, as well as the noblest fruit of v^tue andjJujty. Wherefore that these holidays maybe productive of conversations in an espe- cial manner useful to the republic, let us entreat Scigio to impart to us, what he deems to be the happiest con- dition of a state. Afterwards we can consider other matters, the knowledge of which I hope will bring us to the subject before us, and will unfold the causes of the present condition of things. [Two pages wanting.] XXI. ***** not for that cause alone I wished it, but because I thought it proper that the first person in the republic should first speak on public af- fairs ; and because I remembered that you were accus- ed 54 CICERo's REPUBLIC. tomed frequently to discuss with Panaetius before Poly- $ ^^ bius, two Greeks oxtremely versed in civil affairs ; and that you had proved by various reasonings the excel- lence of that form of government, which our ancestors had transmitted to us from so distant a period. In the which matter, you, being more competent to it, will do aa agreeable thing to us all, (for I speak also for the rest,) if you will unfold to us your opinion of the^cora- monwealth." . XXII. " I cannot," he began, " say that I have been jn the habit of turning my mind more intensely and dili- gently to the consideration of any subject, than the very one which you now propose to me, Lselius. For when I perceive that every artificer who truly excels in his vocation, is filled with anxiety, care, and zeal, lest any one should surpass him in his art. I, whose chief duty, bequeathed to me by my parents and ancestors, is the conduct and administration of the republic, must ' confess myself more indolent than any artisan, if I be- stowed less attention on the greatest of arts, than he does on the most insignificant. But neither am I satis- fied with the writings on this subject which the first and wisest among the Greeks have left to us ; while I hesi- tate to establish my own conclusions in preference to theirs. Wherefore I intreat you, not to listen to me as one entirely ignorant of the affairs of the Greeks, nor as one who gives them the preference to our own wri- ters, particularly in matters of this kind ; but as one liberally brought up by the diligence of distinguished parents, and ardent in the love of Jinowledgo from hie BOOK I. 65 youth ; yet nevertheless much more formed by domes- tic experience, than by Hterary studies." XXIII. " I doubt," said Philus here, " whether any one has ever excelled you in genius. We know to what studies you have always been partial, and that in your acquaintance with the great affairs of the state, you have surpassed every one : wherefore if as you say, your mind has been particularly turned to matters which have now become almost a science : I feel very much indebted to Laelius, feeling a hope that what you will say will be more instructive, than all those things which the Greeks have written for us.^' "You are creating" replied he, " much expectation from my dis- course, which is a very great weight upon one, who is about to speak of matters of importance." " However great it may be," said Philus, " you will throw it off as you are accustomed to do ; nor is there any danger that a dissertation from you on government will be deficient in any requisite." XXIV. " I will do what you desire, as well as I am able," rejoined Scipio, " and will begin the discussion in conformity with the rule which I think ought to be observed in the examination of all things, if you would avoid error. That the n^me of Ihe subject in discus- sion being agreed upon, the meaning of the name shall be defined. If this be found to be appropriate, the matter can be entered upon at once ; for unless this be perfectly understood at first, we never can understand what we are disputing about. Wherefore since it is of the republic we are inquiring, let us first examine what tha» is we are inquiring about." Laelius having shown IC 56 CICERo's REPUBLIC. his acquiescence. " I do not intend, however," said Africanus, " in a matter so clear and familiar, to begin with the very origin of things ; the first conjunction of the sexes ; then their progeny and descendants, as some of our learned men are accustomed to do : nor shall I go into continual definitions of terms — what they are — and how many varieties of them. When I address wise men, who in war and in peace, have taken a glori- ous part in the affairs of a great republic, I shall not expose myself in such a manner, that the very thing un- der discussion shall be more intelligible, than my own explanation of it. Neither do I take upon me to pur- sue the subject in every direction, as a master would : nor can I promise to do it so effectually, that no omis- sion whatever shall escape me." " It is exactly such a discourse as you promise, that I am in expectation of," said Laelius. XXV. '* A republic or commonwealth then," said Scipio, " is the wealth or common interest of the people. Every assemblage of men however, gathered together without an object, is not the people, but only an as- semblage of the multitude associated by common con- sent, for reciprocal rights, and reciprocal usefulness. The leading cause of this congregating, is not to be ascribed so much to his weakness, as to the social prin- ciple innate with man. Our species is not a solitary and wandering one, but is so created that even when enjoying the greatest affluence * * * * [Two pages wanting.] BOOK I. 57 XXVI. * * * * rather intuitive ; for no orig:irial institution of tiie social state has been found, nor of the other moral virtues. These congregations therefore made for the purposes I have explained, es- tablished their first seat in some particular place for a residence. Which after being fortified by their labours and by its position, and fitted with temples and public squares, the re-union of dwellings constructed after this manner, they called a town or city. Every people therefore, formed by the assemblage of such a multi- tude as I have described, every city which is the settle- ment of a people, every commonwealth which as I have said, is the wealth of the people, must in order to be permanent, be governed by some authorit34. TThat authority however must alwayj h^iye a stroxi^ relatiojw to the causes from whence the cprnmoQwealth derived its origin. It may then be delegated lo one, or to some selected persons ; or it may be borne by the whole multitude of the people. When therefore authority over all things, is in the control of oj[)e_ man, we call him king ; and a commonwealth so ordered, his king- dom. When the authority is exercised by s^igcted persons, then such a state is said to be under the go- vernment of the better class. But there is also a popu- lar form of government, for so it is called, where all things are ruled by the people. And of any of these .Jthree niodes, if the chain is in any manner kept together, which at first united men into the social pact for the sake of the common interest, I would not indeed call the mode perfect, nor say that in my opinion it was the best, but that it was to be tolerated, and that one might 58 Cicero's republic. be preferable to another. For whether under a just and wise king, or chosen eminent citizens, or the people themselves, although this last is least to be approved of, setting aside the irregularities occasioned by the bad passions of some men, any one may see that a steady government might be preserved. XXVII. In kingdoms however, the governed are too much deprived ot common rights, and of power. Under the better class, the multitude can scarcely be partakers of liberty, as they are not admitted either to the public councils or offices : and when the sfovernment is conducted by the people, although it be justly and moderately administered, yet equality itself becomes injustice,, seeing that it admits of no degrees of rank. Therefore, although Cyrus the Persian, was a most just and wise king, yet such a commonwealth, (for as I said before, it is the common property,) governed by the nod of one man, does not appear to me very desirable. And although the Massilians our clients are governed with great justice, by their chosen chief men, never- theless in that condition of a people, there is something resembling slavery. And the Athenians at a certain period having abolished the Areopagus, conducted every thing by ordinances, and decrees of the people ; yet as they had no distinctions in dignity, their state was with- out its ornament. XXVIII. And this I say of these three kinds of government, not of the agitations and disturbances inci- dental to them, but of their tranquil and regular state. Those varieties are principally remarkable for the defects I have alluded to. Then they have other pernicious r BOOK T. 59 failings, for every one ot these governments is travel- ling a dangerous road, bordering on a slippery and pre- cipitous path. To a king so commendable, or if you choose, since I especially name him ; to the amiable Cyrus ; a parallel springs up m the cruel Phalaris, with all his capricious tyranny ; into whose similitude the government of one man so easily slides with a down- ward course. To the administration of the city of the Massilians by their select chiefs, may be opposed the plot and faction of the Thirty, which took place at a certain period among the Athenians. Nor need we look farther ; the very Athenian people having assumed the power over all things, and giving license to the fury of the multitude ****** [Two pages wanting.] XXIX. ****** and this great mis- chief arises whether under the rule of the better class, or under a tyrannical faction, or under the regal govern- ment ; and even frequently under the popular form. At the same time from the various forms of government of which I have spoken, something excellent is wont to emanate. For the changes and vicissitudes in public affairs, appear to move in a circle of revolutions ; which when recognized by a wise man, as soon as he beholds them i ipending, if he can moderate their course in the administration of affairs, and restrain them under his control ; he acts truly the part of a great citizen, and almost of a divine man. Therefore I think a fourth 60 CICERO's REPUBLIC. Ikind of government, moderated and mixed from those ' three of which I first spoke, is most to be approved." XXX. " I know" said Laelius, '* that such is your opinion Africanus, for I have often heard you say so. Nevertheless, unless it is troublesome to you, I should be glad to learn which you judge best of these three kinds of government. For either it will throw some light upon ****** [Two pages wanting.] XXXI. ****** every government partakes of the nature and will of him who administers it. So that in no other state, save where the power of the people predominates, has liberty any home. Liberty the sweetest of all blessings, and which if it is not equal for all, is not liberty. For what equality can there be, I do not mean in kingdoms where slavery has no doubtful character . but in those states where all are nominally free : there indeed they give their votes, con- fer commands, magistracies, and are solicited and in- treated. But in truth they only part with that, nowever repugnant it may be to them, uhich must be conferred : things which they cannot retain, which is the reason why others seek to possess them. For they are invested with no command, have no public authority, nor are called to be judges in the tribunals : privileges which belong either to ancient families, or are purchased by money. Among a free people however, as at Rhodes or Athens, there is no citizen who ***** [Two pages wanting.] A4e t I BOOK 1. 61 XXXII. Some assert, that when one or more in a state becomes conspicuous by his opulence or riches, disdain and pride soon break out : and the weak and indolent yield and bend under the arrogance of riches. But if the^eo-^ i , pie are ab le to preserve their rights, thfey think no con- dition of things could be more excellent, more free, or more happy. For in their hands would be the laws, the tribunals, war, peace, treaties, and the propetLJ es _am^ livfts^gf ^ll fhft ritiy-fins.^ This sort of government they think is properly called one republic, that is the com- mon interest of the people. Wherefore it is, that the people are wont to restore commonwealths to liberty from the domination of kings, and patricians ; not that kings are believed to be necessary to a free people, or that the better class are the source of power and wealth. And they deny that these advantages should not be con- ceded to a free people on account of the excesses of uncivilized nations : for where the people are unani- mous, and every thing tends to the public safety and liberty, nothing can be more unchangeable, nothing more firm. Unanimity in such a commonwealth is very easy, where the common effort is for the public good. But from opposing interests, where one man clashes with another, discord arises. Wherefore when the senate had possession of the government, the con- dition of the state wa^ never sound. In kingdoms the disadvantages are still greater ; of them Ennius^ said "No holy conf;(lence or fellowship reigns there." Wherefore as the law is the bond of civil society, and equal rights form that of the law, by what power ca%a 7 ^' 62 CICERo's REPUBLIC. community of cidzens be maintained, where their con- I dition is not an equal one ? If therefore it is not expe- dient to equaUze fortunes ; if the powers of mind can- • not be equahzed in all, certainly then an equality of rights ought to ef^ist, among those who are citizens of the same republic. For what is a state but a commu- nity of rights ?***** r: [Two pages jvaftting.] _ XXXIII. * * other governments however are deem- ed by them not to deserve those names, which they have chosen to arrogate to themselves. For why should I call a man who is greedy of rule, or of the sole com- mand, and who is trampling upon an oppressed peo- ple, king, which is the title of the good Jupiter, rather than tyrant ? A tyrant may be clement as well as a king may be oppressive ; the matter really interesting to the people is, whether they are to serve under a gentle or a severe master : for as to being any thing but ser- vants, that is not to be avoided. How could Lacedemon, whei\ she was thought to excel in the science of govern- ment, possess only good and just kings, when she was obliged to take any king who was sprung from the royal blood 1 And the better class, who can endure them, who have arrogated to themselves in their own assem- blies, a name not conceded to them by the people ? For who is the man to be pronounced best, in learning, in the arts, in studies ]***** [Four pages wanting.] BOOK I. 63 XXXIV. * * * * If it was done by lot, the government would be overthrown ; like a ship, at whose helm, some passenger taken at hazard wa^ placed. A nation can entrust its affairs to whom it may choose; and if it wishes to remain free, it will choose from among the best. For certainly the security of states is found in the counsels of the best citizens ; especially as na- . ture has not only ordained that they should preserve an J influence over the weak by their conspicuous virtue and * coftrage, but also that the weak should resign themselves to the eovernment of great minds. This most desira- ble state of things, they say, is prevented by the erro- neous opinions of men who, through ignorance of that virtue, which belongs to but few, and is seen and ap- preciated only by few, deem those who are sprung from a noble race, or who are opulent and wealthy, to be the best men. Under this vulgar error, when the power, not the virtues of a few, have got possession of the government; those chiefs tenaciously preserve the title of better class ; a name however to which the sub- stance is wanting. For riches, titles, and power, devoid of wisdom, of the knowledge ot self-government, and that of the government of others, exhibit nothing but in- solent and disgraceful pride. Nor can the condition of any city be more deplorable, than where the richest meij pass for the best. But what can be more delightful than J a state virtuously governed ? What more illustrious * than the man, who while he governs others, is himself the slave of no bad passions? Who, while he calls upon the citizens to^observe the regulation's he has formed, lives im4erson was delivered to his creditor ; whose slave in every sense of the word he thus became, until the debt was discharged. A debtor thus situ- ated was termed " addictus" or sentenced. Livy, vi. 36., relates " that those against whom judgments had been given, (addictos) wero led out daily in herds from the Forum, to the mansions of the patri- cians, which were filled with enchained debtors : and that wherever a patrician dwelt, there was a private prison." That all debtors were subject to actual bonds, appears from every indebted person un- der voluntary judgment, being called " nexus," meaning linked or chained ; and probably when judgment was passed, debtors were de- livered in that condition to the creditors. But " nexus" chtnged its meaning, as the word " bond" has done in our language, where we b ind ourselves only with forms. The urgent necessity of tiie plebeians, >. BOOK II. 107 when the common people are exhausted by contributions in times of pubhc calamity, some relief and remedy is to be devised for the common safety. Which the senate having neglected to do, sufficient cause was given to the people to create two tribunes during a sedition of the plebeians, with intent to weaken the power and authority of the senate; which nevertheless remained a grave and great body, bringing forward in the service of the state the wisest and bravest men, and strength- ening it by arms and counsel. And their authority was the greater, because far excelling all others in honour, they were less conspicuous for voluptuousness, and not much signalized by their wealth. Their high worth also was the more esteemed m the state, because in private life they diligently assisted individuals by their advice, and by substantial services. arising out of the exactions of the patricians, obliged them to borrow money at usury ; and upon such occasions, for money weighed out to him " per aes et libram," before witnesses, the borrower pledged Ills person and liberty to the lender as security for the debt. This voluntary act, which was equivalent to a modem confession of judg- ment, constituted the debtor a " nexus :" .before the period of pay- ment had expired, at which time only he was liable to fetters. Upon the occasion of the insurrection mentioned in the passage ; a young man of respectable plebeian family, C. Publilius, surrendered himself to Papirius, a patrician usurer, in the place of his father who had failed to redeem liimself from his " nexus." Rejecting the infamous propositions made to him, Papirius caused him to be cruelly scourged. This transaction having roused the people, the senate was obliged to consent to the liberation of all persons who had become " nexi" by their voluntary act, and to order the practice to be discontinued in future. I have translated the passage in accordance with this view of the subject, ^iebuhr, vol. i. 506. Livy, vi. 36. viii. 28. &c. 108 Cicero's republic. XXXV. In which situation of the republic, the quaestor accused Sp. Cassius, who enjoyed the highest degree of favour with the people, and was contriving a usurpation of the government ; and as you have heard, when his own father stated himself to be satisfied of his guilt, the people assenting to it, he put him to death. It was a grateful thing also to the people, when Sp. Tarpeius, and A. Aternius, consuls, about fifty-four years after the first consuls, carried a law in the meet- ings of the centuries concerning fines. Twenty years afterwards when L. Papirius, and P. Pinarius, censors, by pronouncing fines, converted the strength of the flocks of many private individuals to the public use ; a light valuation of cattle was ordained in the law on fines, during the consulate of C. Jufius and P. Papirius. XXXVI. But some years before, when the senate enjoyed the greatest authority, the people being very patient and obedient, a new plan was instituted. The consuls and the tribunes of the people abdicated the magistracy, and ten men were created with the greatest authority, and without appeal, who were to possess the supreme power, and to inscribe the laws. Who when they with great equity and prudence, had written ten tables of laws, appointed ten other decemvirs for the following year, whose faith and justice are not in like manner praised. From which college, however, comes that praiseworthy act of C. Julius, who stated that in his presence a body had been dug out of the chamber of a patrician, L. Sestius. Although he had supremo power, and as decemvir was without appeal, he admitted him to bail, refusing to lose sight of that most excellent BOOK II. 109 I law, which forbids sentence to be pronounced on the head of a Roman citizen, unless in the meetings of the centuries. XXXVII. A third decemviral year follow^ under the same men, they being unwilling to appoint others. In this condition of the commonwealth, which I have often already stated not to be lasting, because it is not equable to all the orders of the state, the chief men had the whole government in their hands ; the most noble decemvirs being always preferred. No tribunes of plebeians opposed to them, no other magistrates asso- ciated with them, and no appeal left to the people against death and stripes. Wherefore on account of the-iiyus- tice of these men, a great disturbance suddenly arose, and a revolution took place in the whole commonwealth. They added two tables of iniquitous laws, in which the very marriages which were even permitted to strangers, were forbidden by an inhuman law, lest the plebeians should connect themselves with the fathers ; which law was afterwards abrogated by the plebicist Canuleius. In all things they conducted themselves libidinously, cruelly, and avariciously towards the people. Upon that celebrated and well known affair contained in many literary records, in which one Decimus Virginius on account of the outrage of one of the decemvirs, slew his virgin daughter with his own hand in the Forum, and fled lamenting to the army which was then on Mount Algide ; the soldiers abandoned the war they were then engaged in, and as was before done for a similar cause, first came to the sacred mount, and next to the Aventine ***** 11 no CICERo's REPUBLIC. [Eight pages wanting.] XXXVIII. When Scipio had spoken these things, and all by their silence were expecting the remainder. — " Since my seniors here, Africanus," said Tubero, *' ask you no questions, hear from me what I still find wanting in your discourse." " Most cheerfully," re- plied Scipio. "You appear to me," said he " to have been pronouncing the eulogium of our republic, when Laelius was inquiring not respecting ours, but of govern- ment in general. Nor have I learnt from your discourse, by what discipline, or by what customs or laws, a repub- lic like the one you praise, can be constituted or pre- served." XXXIX " I think," said Africanus, " we shall by and by have a more appropriate occasion, Tubero, of discuss- ing the establishment and preservation of states. In re- spect to the best kind of government, I deem myself to have sufficiently answered the inquiries which Laslius made. First I pointed out three kinds of government that might be endured, and to these three their very perni- cious opposites : that no one among them was the best, but that one moderately balanced from all three, was pre- ferable to either of them. That I have availed myself of our state for an example, was not with a view to define the best form of government, for that could be done without an example. But in truth, thaft a great state might present the very picture, such as reason and lan- guage might describe it to be. But if without going to the example of any people, yoii are desirous of finding BOOK II. * 111 that perfect condition of government, then look at the image which nature presents to us * * * [A great number of pages wanting here.] XL. S. * * * a character I have been looking for, and have been desirous of arriving at. L. The discreet statesman, perhaps 1 S. The veiy same. L. You have all those present who are so nume- rous : or you can begin with yourself. '' I wish," said Scipio, " it was proportionally so in the whole senate. However, he is a discreet man, who as we have fre- quently seen in Africa, seated on a monstrous wild and ferocious animal, governs and directs him ; making him kneel down, not with blows, but with a slight sign." L. I know, and have often seen it when I was Lieu- tenant to you. S. So the Indian or Carthagenian governs a wild beast, and renders it docile and gentle with humane conduct. But that intellectual principle which is hid- den in the souls of men, and which is called a part of the soul, does not bridle or tame one easily subdued, ' whenever it accomplishes it, which rarely happens. For that ferocious animal must be restrained* * * * [EithefWour or eight pages are wanting here.] * The continuation of this passage is, perhaps, found in Nonius Voc Exaultare, " which nourishes itself with blood, and which so delights in erery kind of cruelty, that it scarcely can be satiated with the sad elestruction of human beings." i 112 ClCERo's REPUBLIC. XLII. ** Already," said Lselius, " I see the man I ex- pected, so greatly endowed, and charged with such du- ties." " With this duty only," replied Africanus, *' for in this one almost all the rest are included. That in his thoughts and actions he never deviate from himself, so that he may call upon others to imitate him, and that he may offer himself in the purity of his mind and his life, as a mirror to his fellow citizens. For as in stringed instruments or pipes, as well as in singing with voices, a certain harmony is to be formed with distinct sounds, an interruption to which cannot be borne by refined ears ; this kindred and harmonious concert being produced by the modification of dissimilar voices. So a govern^ ment temperately organized from the upper, the lower/ and middle orders blended together, harmonizes \ik(y music by the agreement of dissimilar sounds. And that which in song is tpalled by musicians, harmony, is concord in a state ; the strongest and best bond ot . safety in every republic ; yet which without justice can- not be preserved.* [Many pages wanting.] '■'' Professor Mai quotes the following passage from St. Augus- tin, De. Civ. Dei, as containing a summary of that part of the discussion interrupted here. " And when Scipio had in a more comprehensive and diffuse way, shown how -at^antageous justice was to a state, and how injurious the absence of it was : Philus, who was one of those present at the discussion, took it up, and proposal lliat that subject should be very carefully investigated, on account of the opinion which was obtaining, that governments could not be admi- nistered without injustice." )f- BOOK IT. lib XLIV. '^ I assent entirely to it," said Scipio, " and declare freely to you, that we must esteem in nothing all that we have said upon government, or that may re- main farther to be said, unless it be established, not only that it is false, that injustice is necessary, but that this is most true ; that without the most perfect justice, no government can prosper in any manner. But if you please, thus far for to day. The remainder, for many things remain yet to be said, we will defer until to-mor- row." When this was approved, an end was put to the discussion for that day. m^ I '' 11* ^ 'Ik- \ 4 '.. f t*- .** ^' ^i '' " A CICERO'S REPUBLIC. BOOK III. ■■♦ [Four er eight pages wanting.] ^ ., II. * * * * The intelligent prin- ** ^ ciple having found man endowed with the faculty of uttering rude and imperfect sounds, enabled him to se- parate and distinguish them into articulations. Thus words were affixed to things as signs of them, and man, once solitary, became united to man, by the sweet bond of conversation. By the same intelligence, the inflex- ions of the voice, which we find to be infinite in num- ber, are all distinguished and expressed, by the inven- tion of a few marks, which enable us to hold a corres- j. pondence with the absent, to indicate pur inclinations, and to preserve a record of things past. To this the knowledge of numbers was added, a thing not only ne- cessary to life, but at once immutable and eternal. Which first led us to consider the heavens, to look upon the motion of the planets with interest, and the number- ^ ing of the nights and days * * * * [Eight or ten pages wanting.] 116 Cicero's republic. Ill, * * * * Whose minds rose to a loftier pitch as I before said, that they might execute or discover something worthy of the gift they had received from the gods. Wherefore let those who have treated upon the moral conduct of life, be deemed by us, great men, as they are ; learned men ; masters of truth and virtue. Yet let it be admitted that civil rights, and the government of a people, whether they are the fruits of men experienced in the management of public affairs, or, as the fact has been, the result of their literary lei- sure, be least despised ; causing as they do to spring up in great minds, as we have often seen, an incredible and divine virtue. For if any one to those faculties which the mind has from nature, and to those talents which civil institutions produce, hath added also the learning, and the more various knowledge of things, in which men engaged in the discussion of those books are versed, there is no one who ought not to prefer such a man to all others. For what can be more excellent, than when the practice and habit of great affairs is join- ed to a perfect knowledge of the theory of the science of them ? Or what more perfect can be imagined than P. Seipio, C. Lselius, and L. Philus ; who that they might omit nothinjr appertaining to the high character of enlightened men, to the knowledge of our domestic and ancient customs, united the learning received from Socrates 1 Wherefore he who determined and effected both, that is, instructed himself as well in the" institu- tions, as in the philosophy of the ancients, I think hag accomplished every thing with praise. But if a choice must be made between those two paths to excellence. BOOK 111. 117 and if to any one, that tranquil way of life passed in the best studies and sciences may appear happier, still cer- tainly an active, civil life is more illustrious and more laudable. The greatest men derive their glory from .^uch a hfe, as M. Curius * * * * " Whom none could overcome with arms or gold." [Six pages wanting.] ly, * * * Nevertheless this difference existed in their two different modes : the one unfolded the prin- ciples of nature by their studies and by their eloquence ; the others by their institutions and by their laws. This commonwealth alone has produced many, if not alto- gether to be deemed sages, since that title is so cau- tiously bestowed, yet worthy of the greatest praise ; for they cultivated the precepts and discoveries of sages. Wherefore civil governments are to be extolled and ever will be, since in the nature of things, to con- stitute a commonwealth which shall be lasting, is one of the greatest efforts of mind : and thus if we only enumerate one for every country, what a multitude of excellent men do we find. For if we permit our minds to take a survey of that famous Greece, of Italy, La- tium, or the Sabine and Volscian people ; the Samnites, the Etrurians ; next the Assyrians, the Persians, the Carthagenians. If these * * * * - [Twelve pages wanting.] 9 V. * * * «< Truly," said Philus, " you have 118 CICERo's REPUBLIC. imposed a fine task upon me, wishing me to undertake the justification of what is wrong." " Surely," said Laelius, " you are afi*aid lest in using the sarao argu- ments which are wont to be brought forward against justice, you may appear to hold such opinions yourself; you who are almost the only example left of ancient probity and faith. But your habit of discussing both sides of the question, in order more easily to get at th^ truth, is very well known." " Well, well," said Philus, '' I will do as you wish, and defile myself with my eyes open : for since those who search for gold do not refuse to do it ; we who are looking for what is right, a thing* much more precious than gold, assuredly ought not to avoid any thing that is disagreeable. And I wish, since I am about to make use of another man's opinions, it was possible for me to make use of his tongue also. I^ow, however, L. Furius Philus, must say what Car- neades, a Greek in the habit of saying whatever he pleased * * * [Four pages wanting.] VIII. * * * But the other has filled foiir pretty large books with Ihe subject of justice. From Chry- sippus I have never looked for any thing very great or magnificent ; since he reasons in a particuli^ way of his own, and examines things rather by the force of words, than the weight of facts. It was for those dis- tinguished men, to raise up that prostrate virtue, and elevate it to the divine heights of wisdom. A virtue which stands alone as it were, greatly munificent and >•'• BOOK III, 119 liberal ; which loves every thing better than itself, and is bom more for others, than for its own interests. Nor was the inclination wanting to them : for what other cause had they for writing, or what motive soever? In genius they excelled all. But the cause was greater even than their inclination and strength. The right indeed concerning which we inquire, is something civil, not natural : if it were, justice and injustice would be the ^ame things to all men, as hot and cold, bitter and sweet things are. IX. Now however, if any one borne upon the chariot with winged serpents, of which Pacuvius speaks, could survey with his eyes, and look down upon the many and various nations and cities ; he might see chiefly among that unchanging race of the Egyptians, which preserves in its records the memory of so many events and ages, an ox esteemed as a god, which the Egyptians call Apis ; and many other strange things among them, among which wild beasts consecrated into the number of the gods. Then in Greece, where as with us, magnificent temples are consecrated contain- ing human images, which the Persians considered im- pious. For which cause alone, Xerxes is said to have ordered the temples of the Athenians to be burnt ; con- sidering it to be wicked to shut the gods up within walls, whose residence was the whole universe. Afterwards Philip who had it in contemplation, and Alexander who carried it into effect, gave as reasons for making war against the Persians, that they avenged the temples of Greece ; which the Greeks did not think of repairing, that the devastation might be an eternal monument to 120 Cicero's republic. posterity of the infamy of the Persians. How many, as the Taurians in Axinum, as Busiris the king of Egypt, as the Gauls, the Carthage nians, have thought it a grateful and pious duty to 4he gods, to immolate men. But the institutions of life differ so much, that the Cre- tans and Etolians esteem it honourable to steal : the Ijacedemonians «sed to say that all lands were theirs which they could reach with a shaft. The Athenians were wont to swear even publicly, that every soil was theirs, which produced oil and corn. The Gauls con- sider it shameful to produce grain by labour, and there- fore go armed to harvest other people's lands. But wc, the most just of men, to make our own olive and viofir. yards more valuable, do not permit the transalpine na- tions to plant them : in doing whiph we are said to act prudently ; it is not called acting justly. By which you may understand there is a wide distance between prudence and equity. Lycurgus, the founder of the best laws, and the most equal rights, gave the lands of the wealthy to be cultivated by the lower class in the state of servitude. X. But if I were to describe the various kinds of laws, of institutions, of customs and manners, uot only so different among such divers nations, but even in a single city, or in this, I could demonstrate them to have been changed a thousand times. Our friend Manilius here, an interpreter of laws, will tell you that other laws exist now concerning the legacies and inheritances of wo- men, than those he was wont to speak of in his youth, before the Voconian law was passed ; which very law, indeed proposed for the advantage of the men, is full BOOK III. A^^ 121 of injustice towards the women. For why should a woman not have possessions'? Why should a vestal appoint an heir, and her mother not? Why if hmits were to be put to the possessions of women, should the daughter of Crassus, if she were an only daughter, pos- sess thousands legally, when mine could not possess two or three hundred ****** [Two pages wanting.] XI. ****** If these rights were thus ^sanctioned in us, all men would have the same rights, and would not have different rights at different periods. But if it is the duty of a just and good man to obey the laws, I would ask which are they to be 1 Or shall he obey all indiscriminately 1 But virtue does not admit of uncertainty, nor nature endure inconstancy. The strength of law consists in punishment, not in our natu- ral justice. Natural right therefore does not exist. Whence it follows, that men are not made just by na- ture. But it is said, although there are various laws, still good men, by natural inclination, pursue what is just in itself, and not what is assumed to be so; be- cause it is the part of a good and just man, to render that justice to every one which he is deserving of. Now, first, are we in any wise just to the dumb beasts 'i For men, not of mediocrity, but great and learned ; Pythagoras and Empedocles, declare that all animal'? possess the same degree of right, and denounce una- toning punishments to hang over those by whom any 12"- • 122 CICERO's REPUBLIC. animal is outraged. It is wicked therefore to injure the brutes. ****** [Eight pages wanting.] XII. ****** what we call wisdom, urges us to increase our wealth, our riches, and to ex- tend our possessions. How could that great comman- der* who formerly carried the limits of his empire into Asia ; how could he govern, bear sway, reign, have do- mit)ion, and the full enjoyment of voluptuousness, unless he took something from others? But justice orders us to spare all, to consult the welfare of mankind, to give to every one his own, and to abstain from every thing that is sacred, every thing that is public, everything which is not our own. What therefore is to be done 1 If wisdom is consulted, riches, power, wealth, honours, authority, empire, are open to individuals and nations. But since it is the public interest we are discussing, in- stances of a public nature will illustrate better; and as the same degree of right is in both, I shall advert to the wisdom of a nation, and I shall omit the rest. Our own nation, which Africanus in his discourse yesterday, traced to its origin, whose empire already extends over the earth, has it, once least of them all, become so by justice or wisdom ]****** • • [Four or eight pages wanting.] XIV. For all who possess the power of Jife and death over a people are tyrants, yet they prefer to bo * Alexaiider. t BOOK III. 123 called kings % the name of the good Jupiter. When certain persons through the influence of their riches, their class, or other circumstances, possess themselves of the government, it is a faction. Yet they call them- selves, the better class. If the people however are up- permost £ind rule every thin^ at their own pleasure, that is called liberty ; nevertheless it is licentiousness. But when one fears another, man mistrusting man, and one class another, then because no one confides, a sort of pact is made between the people and the great, from whence that combined form of government springs, which Scipio has praised. So that neither nature, or the will is the mother of justice, but weakness. For when one thing is to be chosen out of three, either to do injustice without permitting it to be done to you ; or to do it and permit it also ; or neither one or the other : the best is to do it with impunity* if you can ; thr se- cond best is neither to do it. nor suffer it to be done to you : the worst of all is to be eternally fighting now on account of your own aggressions, now on account of Those of others ***** tAn unknown number of pages wanting.] * * * Except the Arcadians and the Athe- jiians, who, I suppose, fearing lest at some period this iecreel of justice might appear, have feigned them- * These are sophisms. brought forward in favour of injustice. Vide. Lact. Inst. 5, t To restore tilings unjustly acquired. 124 CICERO's REPUBLIC. selves to be sprung from the earth, like the little mice we see in the fields. XVI. To these things, others are wont to be added * principally by those, distinguished for their honesty in discussion, and having more weight for that reason. Who when engaged in the inquiry of what constitutes *. good man, frank and plain as we wish to find him, arc not themselves crafty, hardened, and malicious in argu- ment. They deny that the wise man is good only be- cause goodness and justice are pleasing to him from their nature ; but because the lives of good men are free from apprehension, care, solicitude and danger. Whereas bad men have always a sting goading their souls, and judgment and punishment are always pre* sent to their eyes. That there is no emolument, no advantage arising from injustice, so great as to com- pensate the fear, and the constant thought that some punishment is impending ***** [Four or eight pages .wanting. J * ' -* ' XVII. I ask if there be two men, one of them of the very best kind ; equitable, perfectly just, of exem- plary faith : the other singular for his wickedness and audacity : and suppose the community in such an error, that the good man passes for a wicked and dishonest one ; while the bad one has the reputation of perfect probity and good faith. And through this general de- ' ' lusion of the citizens, the good man is harassed, ar- rested, bound, his eyes put out, condemned, thrown in chains, tortured in the fire, banished. Wanting every '^ BOOK III. 125 thing, at last he appears to all to be deservedly the most wretched of men. On the other hand, the bad man is praised, sought after, caressed by all. Honours of every kind, authority, power, and every advantage conferred upon him from all sides. A man, finally, in the estimation of all deemed the very best, and worthy of the highest gifts of fortune. Who would be so in- sane as to hesitate which of these two he would choose to be? XVIII. As it is with individuals^ so it is with nations. No community is so stupid, as not to prefer comman- ding by injustice, to serving according lo ju.stice. I shall not go far back for examples. Being consul, you assisting me in council ; I had to examine the Numan- tine treaty. Who is ignorant that P )rapey made that treaty, and that Mancinus was concerned in the same affair 1 This last most excellent man supported fhe proposition I carried from the consultation in the senate ; the other most earnestly opposed it. Those who valu- ed modesty, integrity, and good faith preferred Man- cinus : yet for his reasoning, counsel, and policy, Pom- pey took the lead of him * * * * [An unknown number of pages wanting.] XXIX. ***** Ti. Gracchus was vigi- lant for the interests of the people, but neglected the rights of the Latins and the treaties with the allies. If such customs and license should spread themselves wider, and our empire be changed from right to force, r:o that those who until now voluntarily obey us, shoulrf 12* 126 CICERo's REPUBLIC. be ruled only by terror ; although it has been vigilantly preserved for us, who are of the present age ; yet I should be very solicitous about our posterity, and about the immortality of the republic, which might be perpet- ual, if the institutions and manners of our forefathers were preserved. XXX. When Lselius had thus spoken, all present expressed themselves to have been very much delighted by him, but Scipio, among the rest, as if quite elated with pleasure, " many causes," said he, "indeed Laelius, hast thou often defended, in such a manner that I can by no means compare our colleague Servius Galba to thee ; whom when he lived thou preferredest to all ; nor in truth any of the attic orators * * * * . [Twelve pages wanting, j XXXI. ***** Therefore that common interest, that is the commonwealth, who can recognize it when all are oppressed by the cruelty of one ; when no bond of Law exists, nor that consent of congregated society, which constitutes a people. And this very condition of the Syxacusans : a celebrated city, as Timaeus says, the first among the Greeks, and the most beautiful of them all : its harbour embosomed within the walls, its canals running through the city : its broad streets, its porticoes, temples, fortifications, all these did fiot help to constitute a commonwealth, while Dionysius reigned. The people had no part in them, for the very people belonged to one man. Therefore where there is a tyrant, it is not a vitiated common- « BOOK 111. 127 wealth, as I said yesterday, but reason compels us to declare plainly that no coramonweaUh at all exists. XXXII. " Indeed" said Laelius, " you speak very clearly, and I already perceive the drift of your dis- course. S. You see therefore, that when every thing is in the power of a faction, neither can that be properly called a commonwealth. L. I judge it plainly so. S. And most rightly do you judge, for what was the condition of the Athenians, when after that great Pelopponesian war, thirty men were most unjustly placed in the command of that city ? Did the ancient glory of the city, the admirable nature of its buildings, its theatre, gymnasia, its noble porticoes, its citadel, or the admirable works of Phidias, or the magoificent port of Piraeus, did they constitute a commonwealth? " Not in the least" said Laelius, ** because indeed the cojjjrapn.:inler.s?t was not thought of." S. How was it at Rome, when the Decemvirs ex- isted without appeal, in that third year, M'hen liberty it- self had parted with its privileges 1 Li. Nothing was left to the people, and truly it was necessary to bring them to that point, that they might recover their rights. XXXIII. S. I come now to the third kind, that in which some inconsistency will perhaps be perceived, whfere all things are said to be done by the people, and to be in the poweLoOhe people. When the multitude orders punishments to be inflicted in any manner that it pleases, ordering, seizing, keeping, dissipating every 128 • CICERo's REPUBLIC. thing whatever they choose, can you then LseUus, deny that to be a repiibHc, where all things belong to the peo- ple, and when indeed we define a republic to be a com- monwealth 1" " There is nothing," said Laelius, " 1 would sooner deny to be a republic, than where all things are in the power of the multitude. We did not consider that they had a republic among the Syraousans, or a1 Agrigentum, or at Athens when they were under tyrants, or at Rome when under the decemvirs. Nor do I see how the name of republic is appropriate when the mul- titude rules. Because first, as you have happily defined it to me, Scipio, a people does not exist, but where it is held together by consent of law ; and this sort of moh, is as much a tyrant as if it were one man. Indeed it is more mischievous, for nothing is more ferocious than the wild beast which assumes the name and form of the people. Nor is it right, when the property of maniacs is placed by law under the guardianship of kindred, that * * :* [Eight pages wanting.] i XXXIV. * * * of it,* it may with as much propriety be said that it is a republic and a com- monwealth, as it may be said of a kingdom. " And much more," said Mummius, " for a king being one, is more like a master ; but where many good men are at the head of affairs in a republic, nothing can be more happily constituted. But I certainly prefer a kingdom * The better class. COOK III. 129 to the sway of a democracy ; which third and most vicious kind of government remains for you to explain." XXXV. To this Scipio replied, " I recognize well Spurius, your steady aversion to the popular mode, and although it might be treated with less aversion than you are wont to do, nevertheless I agree, that of all these three kinds, no one is less to be approved of. I do not however agree with you that the better class are to be preferred to a king ; for if it is wisdom which governs a state, of what consequence is it, whether it resides in one, or in many ? But in our discussion we are led into a sort of error. When we call them the better class, nothing can be conceived more excellent, for what can be imagined more desirable than the best ? When however a king is mentioned, an unjust king oc- curs to our minds. We do not nevertheless intend to speak of an unjust king, in our examination of this royal kind of government. Think of Romulus, Pom- pilius, and Tullus as kings, and perhaps you will not be so displeased with that kind of government. M. What sort of praise then is left for a democratic government 1 S. What* did you think, Spurius, of the Rhodians, with whom we were together ; did you see nothing like a commonwealth there ? M. Indeed I did, and least of all to be blamed. S. You say well. But if you remember all were alike ; sometimes plebeians, sometimes senators ; and by ti^ms discharging during certain months their func- tions as senators ; the other months they remained in the ranks of the people. In both capacities however 130 eiCERO's REPUBLIC. they had the privilege of being present at the meetings for deliberation, and equally in the theatres and in the courts, great matters and all others were judged ; so numerous was the muUitude and so great its power that ***** :^ CICERO'S REPUBLIC. BOOK IV. jj****Vf* How conveniently the or- ders are set down ; the ages, the classes. The eques- trian order where the senato votes. Too many fooHshly seek to abolish that useful institution, hoping that through some Plebecists procuring the sale of the horses, they may get a largess. III. Look now at the other provisions so wisely made, that the citizens may enjoy a happy and honest state of society, for that is the very motive for their union ; and which government ought to secure to men, by institutions and laws. In the first place, as to pue- rile discipline for free-born young men, respecting which the Greeks have laboured so much in vain ; and the only matter about which our guest Polybius re- proaches the negligence of our institutions. No de- fined system, or of a public nature, or uniform for all, was decreed by the laws. [Four or eight pages wanting.] lY, ****** nor naked when at an age of puberty. So deep did they seek as it were to 132 CICERO's REPUBLIC. lay the foundalioDs of modesty. But how absurd the exercises of youth in the Grecian Gymnasia ; how tri- fling that drilling of young boys : what loose and unre- strained manners permitted to them. I say nothing of the Eleans and Thebans, among whom free license and permission was given to the young people to indulge in sensuality. The Lacedemonians too, when they allow- ed every sensual indulgence short of violence, among their youth, were destroying what they were granting such a slight protection to. " I clearly understand, Scipio," said Lselius, " that in these practices of the Greeks, which you reprehend, you had rather attack the most illustrious people, than your favourite Plato, whom you do not assail at all, especially ***** f CICERO'S REPUBLIC. BOOK V. II. * * * * ** "^Q prerogative more royal than the administration of justice, in which was compre- hended the expounding of rights, for individuals were accustomed to seek justice from kings. On which ac- count the lands, the fields, the groves, the extensive and rich grazing districts were defined, which belonged to the sovereign, and were all managed without any care or labour on his pait ; that none of the cares of private business, might abstract him from the affairs of the pub- lic. Nor was any man an umpire or arbitrator of any legal contention, but all things were decided by royal judgments. And it seems to me, that our Numa chiefly adopted this ancient custom from the kings of Greece. For the others, although they also discharged this func- tion, yet a great many of them waged wars, and occu- pied themselves in establishing the rules of war. But that long peace of Numa, was the parent of law and religion to this city. He also was the writer of those laws which you know to be extant : all which is appro- priate to the very citizen wh