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 ST. PKTKRsnriKr AM) LoXDüX 
 
 1S52-1S64 
 
 Vol. I.
 
 PEINTED BY 
 
 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 LONDON
 
 ST. iM:Ti:i;si;uii(i aM) luxjjilx 
 
 YKARS 1852 1864 
 
 KKMIXISCENCES 
 
 Count CIIARLKS i'i;i;i»i.i:i(K vu/rnr.M von F,rKS'ivi:i)T 
 
 LATE SAXON MINISII i. 
 
 KDITEI) WITH A I'liEKACE DV 
 
 HENRY REEVE, C.B., D.C.L. 
 
 TRANSLATED BY EDWARD FAIRFAX TAYLOR 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES -VOL. L 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 1887 
 
 All riahts reserved
 
 MENRY MOWSe STEI-HEIÄ
 
 V. I 
 
 PEEFACE 
 
 r 11 E EDI T O 11 
 
 L\ compliance witli the wish ofau oKl inid vahied friend 
 my name ap}ieai"s on the title-paL''e of these volumes to 
 authenticate (if that were necessary) their contents, and 
 to recommend them to English readers as a faithful 
 record of the political transactions of an eventful 
 period. But I hasten to add tliat my sliare in this 
 publication is a very slight one. The translation has 
 been executed by other and very competent hands, 
 Avith the assistance of the autlior, and the only merit 
 I can claim is that I saw at once the importance 
 of the work, and took some steps to introduce it to 
 the British public in our own language. 
 
 Twenty years ago it would have required no such 
 introduction. At that time the members of the diplo- 
 matic body at the Court of St. James formed a con-
 
 VI PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. 
 
 spicuous and active element in the society of London. 
 The names of Van der Weyer, Azegho, Lavradio, Bun- 
 sen, Brunnow, Colloredo, and Apponyi were famihar 
 to us as household words, and they contributed not a 
 little, by their hospitality and tlieir conversation, to the 
 pleasures of social life. Amongst these eminent persons 
 Count Vitzthum occupied for many years a conspicuous 
 and honourable place. No foreign minister had identi- 
 fied himself more thoroughly with the manners and 
 tastes of this country. None was better qualified by 
 the intimacies he had formed and the confidence he 
 inspired to unravel the skein of our party contests, 
 and to explain our relations with the other Powers 
 of Europe. 
 
 As the Minister of Saxony, who had served with 
 distinction at the Courts of Berlin and Vienna during 
 the critical events of 1846 and 1840,^ and was animated 
 by the warmest attachments to his native country, 
 whose future he foresaw and predicted, Count Vitzthum 
 
 > Count Vitztbum's recollections of Berlin and Vienna in these years, 
 when he foretold the approach of the Revolution in Prussia, and was an 
 eye-witness of the tremendous convulsion in Austria, being a resident in 
 Vienna during- the siege of that capital by Prince Windischgratz, have been 
 published in Germany, but are not yet translated in this country. The 
 twelfth chapter of the present work, containing theaccount of the author's 
 interviews with Prince Metternich in 1858, has been borrowed with his 
 permission from the former volume, and is inserted here.
 
 PRT'FACE OF THE EDITOR. VII 
 
 acquired in an especial degree tlie confidence of the 
 Prince Consort, wlio was never more in earnest than 
 wlien he spoke witli a German of the poUtics of 
 Germany. The conversations of tlie Prince form one 
 of the most valuable portions of these reminiscences. 
 
 The observations of a foreign statesman, well ac- 
 quainted with the institutions of what the Emperor 
 Napoleon III. called this ' curious country,' and not less 
 conversant with the pohtics of Europe, are of especial 
 value, because they tend to correct the insular views 
 whicli Englishmen and English statesmen are apt to 
 take of events wliich may alter the condition of tlie 
 world. That is precisely tlie position in which Count 
 Yitzthum was placed during his long residence in 
 England ; and for tliis reason his reminiscences in- 
 clude a number of details which passed unperceived 
 by those who were more immediately engrossed by 
 the domestic affairs of the nation during the same 
 period. 
 
 It will occur to some readers that these reminis- 
 cences relate to the same period of time and to the 
 same historical events as anotlier ' Journal of the Keign 
 of Queen Victoria ' wliich it has been my privilege 
 recently to lay before the pubUc. The two works 
 appear to me to be to some extent complementary.
 
 Vlll PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. 
 
 Mr. Greville had opportunities which no foreion 
 observer could possess of recording the personal 
 opinions and actions of his friends and contemporaries 
 in this country ; but a Foreign Minister in London was 
 enabled to take a wider survey of the relations of Great 
 Britain with tlie continental States. The transactions 
 are the same, but they are related from an oj^posite 
 point of view. 
 
 Count Vitzthum's sliort residence in St. Petersburg as 
 Saxon Charge d'Affaires in the years 1852 and 1853 
 formed an appropriate introduction to his subsequent 
 apjDointment in London. For it was in St. Petersburg 
 that the storm originated Avhich was about to break the 
 long peace of Europe, and the young Saxon Minister 
 had unusual opportunities of observing the character 
 and disposition of the Emperor Nicliolas, to whom alone 
 that calamity is attributable. It is im})ossible to doubt, 
 after reading Count Vitzthum's record of the language 
 which he heard from the lips of the Czar, that his ill- 
 regulated passions and ambition were the direct causes 
 of the Crimean War ; and it ^vas the fortune of tlie 
 Saxon Minister to trace at the Courts of the Western 
 Allies the eflects of the intemperate policy of Russia 
 in the following years. 
 
 To tliese remarks I shall onlv add tlie dates of
 
 PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. IX 
 
 Coiiiil \'ilzlliiiiii's (lii)loiiiatic ;i})pointmeiits, and iny 
 own recollections of his first appearance at tiie C(jurt of 
 bt. James, and «»f the i\v\n footing he speedily acquired 
 in the society of London. 
 
 This selection of pi-ivate and confidential letters 
 forms ])art of tlie political correspondence of Count 
 \ ilzlhum to Ikiron von ]ieust, Minister of Forei_Lni 
 Allairs to üiv Kin^j of S.ixoiiv Iwtu-.'oi tli»- yi';u< 1.^40 
 and 180(1. 
 
 Count Vitzthum was born in 181 'J, in the same year 
 as the (Jucen and the Prince Consort. lie ])resented 
 his credentials as J^axon Minister to Her Majesty on 
 -lune lo, ISÖo. He was appointed Envoy Extraordi- 
 nary and Minister Plenipoteutiar}' in 1807. a Privy 
 Councillor of the King of Saxony in January 180-3, and 
 lie remained in London until 1800, Avhen the battle of 
 Sadowa put an end to his mission. lie therefore wit- 
 nessed, as Saxon Minister at the Court of St. James, 
 the beginninix and the end of the Crimean War, the 
 Indian Mutiny, the Italian campaign of 1859, the peace 
 of Villafranca and the Italian Eevolution, all the diffe- 
 rent phases of the Western alhance. the American Civil 
 War, the Danish complications and the war which 
 followed, the death of the Prince Consort, of Lord 
 Palmerston and others — in one word, all the incidents
 
 X PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. 
 
 and convulsions which happened in Europe during 
 these eventful fourteen years. 
 
 On his arrival the Count was still looking so young 
 that Lord Palmerston mistook him for an attache. A 
 year afterwards Count Walewski, then French Am- 
 bassador, called him one of the best informed men 
 in London, Mr. Disraeli shared this opinion, saying, 
 'If I Avant to know something about Austria and 
 Germany, I do not ask the Austrian Ambassador nor 
 the Prussian, but the Saxon Minister.' When, in 1866, 
 he took leave of one of our Cabinet Ministers, this 
 statesman said, laughing, ' Well, I think it quite time 
 for 5"ou to go, because you are beginning knowing us 
 too well.' 
 
 The private correspondence published in these 
 volumes is by no means complete. The author did 
 not keep copies or extracts of all the private letters he 
 wrote, and those letters were only supplementary to his 
 official despatches. The minutes of these despatches, 
 with all the papers of the Legation, have been given up 
 to the Saxon Government, and are preserved in the 
 State Paper Office at Dresden. They form, therefore, 
 no part of this publication ; and Count Vitzthum was 
 frequently absent from London during the parliamen- 
 tary recess, employed either in special missions or
 
 PREFACE OF TIIJ': EDITOR. XI 
 
 travelling on llio Continent. To lill up tliese blanks 
 some private letters addressed to other persons, a few 
 autograph notes from distinguished people, the l*rincc 
 Consort for instance, have been inserted in chronological 
 order, and some political recollections have been added. 
 Eeviewing tlie fourteen years he passed in England 
 lliesc memoirs are still incomplete, for it was not the 
 intention of the author to write his autobiograifh}^ still 
 less the history of the ])eriod. lie mentions only briefly 
 the facts and impressions which came to his personal 
 knoAvledge. The author being by birth neither a Whig 
 nor a Tory, neither English nor French, neither Eussian 
 nor Italian, neither Austrian nor Prussian, his recollec- 
 tions are as free as possible from party feelings and 
 national prejudices. He had no other object in view 
 but to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
 the truth, in order to keep his Government as well in- 
 formed as possible on European politics. Though he 
 may have very decided opinions of his own, he scarcely 
 puts them forward, preferring always to give faithfully 
 the opinions of others. These ' others,' whose ipsissima 
 verba are often quoted, are the leading men of the day. 
 The events, therefore, are not so much commented upon 
 by the representative of a minor German Court as by 
 the Prince Consort, by Lord Derby, Lord Palmerston,
 
 XU IMIEFACE OF TUE EDITOR. 
 
 Lord ßiissell, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Disraeli, and the most 
 eminent statesmen of the time. Those, therefore, who 
 like to look behind the cnrtain of our parliamentary 
 sfciniggles and diplomatic transactions will lind in these 
 volumes facts not to be gathered either from newspapers 
 or from blue-books. 
 
 HENRY EEEVE. 
 
 :\larch 18^7.
 
 (^OXTENTS 
 
 T II K 1' 1 i; s r \' Ü L L' M ]-:. 
 
 CHAPTER 1. 
 
 ST. I'KTKHSIUlUi. — lS.52-18,'i3. 
 
 Arrival at St. Petersburg— First Inii)ressions -Prince Menschikoff -Posi- 
 tion ol Count Nessclrotle-- (leneral von Rochow — Private and conli- 
 dential Letter of Prince Schwarzenberg— General Count Mensdorff — 
 Sir Hamilton Seymour — Arrival of Prince Albert of Saxony— Peterhof 
 — The Emperor Nicholas — The Empress — The Manoeuvres at Kras- 
 noje-Selo — Funeral of Wolkonski — Burial of the Duke of Leuchtenberg 
 Moscow — The Kremlin — Baron Bode's Family Saint— The Last of 
 the Boyars — The Islands — The Point — The Grand Duchess Helena- 
 The Grand Duchess Catherine — The Question of the Holy Places 
 IM'ivate Conversations of the Emperor Nicholas with Sir Hamilton 
 Seymour — Metternich's Criticism thereon — Mental Condition of the 
 Emperor Nicholas — The 'Sick Man '—Mobilisation of the Fourth and 
 Fifth Army Corps — Menschikoff's Secret Mission to Constantinople 
 Sketches of Society — Karamsin and Puschkin — The Old Muscovite 
 Party and the Germans — Easter Breakfast in the Beloselski Palace — 
 Popularity and Affability of the Czar — Discovery of a Nihilist Con- 
 spiracy in 1852 — Farewell Visits — Count Nesselrode's Peace Delusions. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 LONDON. — 1853. 
 
 Landing — Audience of the Queen — Eei^resentatives of the Great Powers — 
 The Marquis d'Azeglio — Dissolution of old Historical Parties — The 
 Coalition Ministry — Signs of a European Crisis — Naval Review at 
 Spithead — Lord Aberdeen's and Lord Clarendon's Love of Peace — The
 
 XIV CONTENTS OF 
 
 PAOE 
 
 Vienna Note— Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe, Protector of the Porte — 
 ' We are drifting into War ' — Brunnow's View of the Situation — The 
 Entente cordialc — Designs of Lord Pahnerston and Nai)oleon— Sinoj^e 
 --Visit to Paris — Anti-English Feeling — Napoleonic Ideas — Count 
 Buol's Difüculties — Neutral Policy of Prussia and the Minor States . 52 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 LONDON.— 1854. 
 
 Warlike Feeling in the West End — Precarious Position of the Ministry — • 
 Accusations and Intrigues — Eesolute Conduct of Prince Albert — The 
 English and French Fleets in the Black Sea — Orloff's Mission to 
 Vienna — Autograph Letter of Napoleon — Anglo-French Alliance — 
 Prussia's Eefusal to join it — Bunsen's Memorial and Fall — The Situa- 
 tion in Germany — Austro-Prussian Alliance — Seymour's Secret and 
 Confidential Correspondence — Declaration of War — Dinner at the 
 Eeform Club — Sir Charles Napier in the Baltic — ' Voyage of the Argo- 
 nauts ' to the Crimea — Depreciation of the Enemy — Death of King 
 Frederick Augustus II. of Saxony — The Interview at Boulogne — Battle 
 of the Alma — Eumoured Capture of Sebastopol — Balaclava — English 
 Outpost Service — Inkermann — The Eussian Plan of Battle divulged — 
 A Telegram at the Eight Time — Menschikoff's Excuse. ... 77 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PBIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1854. 
 
 London, Feb. 6 : Count CoUoredo's View of the Situation— Protocol of 
 .Jan. 13 — Baron Brunnow not yet Eecalled. — London, Feb. 13 : The 
 latest Blue-books — Hopes and Fears. — London, Feb. 28 : Dissolution 
 of the Northern Alliance — Eussia and the Party of Eevolution. — Lon- 
 don, March 30: Memorandum of April 3 (15)— Menschikoff's Demands 
 — Eussian Intrigues in London and Paris — OrlofT's Mission — Lord 
 Clarendon's Despatch of March 23, 1853.— London, May 22: The 
 Bamberg Conference — Walewski's Criticism — His Eemarks on the 
 Origin of the Anglo-French Alliance. — London, June 23 : Austro- 
 Prussian Answer to the Bamberg Note— Position of the minor States 
 of Germany. — London, July 16 : Intemew with Prince Albert — His 
 Eemarks on the Bamberg Note and the Situation in General. — Bou- 
 logne, Sept. 4 : Arrival of the Emperor Napoleon— Visits of the Kings 
 of Belgium and Portugal.— Boulogne, Sept. 9 : The Meeting at Bou- 
 logne—Prince Albert's Arrival and Departure.— Paris, Nov. 17: 
 Memorandum on the Prospects and Programme of the Second Empire. 91
 
 I'llJ-: FinST VULUMK. XV 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 LONDON. — 1855. 
 
 Andience at Windsor Castle — Conversation with Prince Albert — Minis- 
 terial Crisis — The British Constitution— SulTerinRs of the Anny in the 
 Crimea— Defective Organisation — Prevalent Distrust— Fall of Lord 
 Aberdeen — Lord Palmerston Prime Minister — Reorganisation of the 
 Crimean Army -Treaty with Austria of Dec. 2, 1854— Death of the 
 Emperor Nicholas— The Four Points — Lord John Russell's Mission to 
 Vienna - Failure of the Vienna Conference — The French Emperor and 
 Empress in England — Efforts for Peace — Return Visit of Queen Vic- 
 toria to Paris -My Mission to Lisbon 140 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1855. 
 
 London, Jan. 15 : Interview with Lord Clarendon — The Anglo-French 
 Alliance— Sufferings of the English Army — Defects of the System — 
 Threatening Aspect of Affairs in England. — London, April 2;5 : Visit 
 of the French Emperor and Emi^ress to London. — London, May 19 : 
 Conversation with Count Colloredo on Austria's Policy in the Eastern 
 Question — Neutrality of Germany — Herr von Usedom — The Peace 
 Question a Shuttlecock of English Parties — The Janus-headed Ministry 
 in England — Motions of Lord Grey and Milner Gibson — Sir Hamilton 
 Seymour counsels Moderation. — London, July 16 : Austrian Proposals 
 of Mediation, and their Rejection by the Western Powers— Policy of 
 Despair — Dangers of that Policy — German Unity alone can command 
 Peace. — London, July 31 : A Dejeuner of Friends of Peace — Disraeli 
 and Bright on the Situation ICO 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 LONDON. — 1856. 
 
 Betrothal of the Princess Royal— Feeble Conduct of the War in the Crimea 
 — Prospects of Peace — Persigny — Austrian Ultimatum — Russia's Ac- 
 ceptance of the Preliminaries — Peace Conference at Paris — Orloff's 
 Services in the Cause of Peace — The Wensleydale Peerage — Prince 
 Albert as a Builder— Birth of the Prince Imperial — The Duke of Cam- 
 bridge made Commander-in-Chief 180
 
 XVi CONTENTS OF 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1856. 
 
 I'AG K 
 
 London, Feb. 4 : Interview with Lord Clarendon— Conciliatory Disposition 
 of the Government — M. de Fonton's Confidences — Interview with 
 Disraeli. — London, Feb. .5 : Interview with Disraeli (continued) — Ad- 
 mission of Prussia to the Peace Conferences — The fifth Point of the 
 Anglo-French Demands. — London, Feb. 9: Prussia and the Peace 
 Conferences — Small Hopes in the City of the Permanence of Peace. — 
 London, Feb. 15 : Audience of Prince Albert— His Views on the Situa- 
 tion. — London, April 4 : Conclusion of Peace— Gloomy Forebodings. — 
 London, May 19 : Secret Treaty of April 15 between England, Austria, 
 and France — Brunnow's Return to London. — London, .July 14 : Coming 
 Debate on Italian Affairs 188 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 LONDON. — 18.57. 
 
 Reduction of Land and Sea Forces — Wars with Persia and China — Cob- 
 den's Vote of Censure — Dissolution of Parliament — Indian Mutiny — 
 ' Les Idees Napoleoniennes ' — Persigny — His Elforts to maintain the 
 Anglo-French Alliance — The French Emperor and Empress at Osborne 
 — Real Meaning of the Visit — English Coast Defences — The Archduke 
 Ferdinand Maximilian in England — Illness of Frederick William IV. 
 at Pillnitz — Prince Jerome Napoleon in Dresden— Projected Marriage 
 of Prince George of Saxony — King .John's Instructions. . . . 20G 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1857. 
 
 London, June 24 : State of Ferment in European Alliances — Question of 
 the Danubian Principalities — The Grand Duke Constantine in Paris 
 and England — Lord Elgin's China instructions communicated to St. 
 Petersburg — The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian — His successful 
 Visit to the English Court— Intended Meeting of the French and 
 Russian Emperors — The Anglo-French Alliance.— London, August 15 : 
 Details of Napoleon's Visit to Osborne— Improved Relations between 
 England and Russia— Count Chreptowitch and Lord Clarendon . . '219
 
 TTIK FIÜST VOLUMF. xvü 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 LONDON. — 1858. 
 
 TAOK 
 
 Preparations for the MarriaRo of tlie Princess Royal -Lord and Lady Pal- 
 merston— A Morning Visit to Lady Palmerston— Orsini's Attempt on 
 Napoleon— The India Bill —The Conspiracy Bill — Fall of Lord Palnier- 
 ston's Ministry Lord Derby Prime Minister — Persigny's Recall 
 Flying Visit to Ireland Invitation of Prince George of Saxony to 
 Windsor— Conversations with Napoleon and Walewski — Amval of 
 Prince George in England Three Days at Windsor- Prince George's 
 Visit to Lisbon The Queen's Visits to Cherbourg and Babelsberg— 
 Return to Lisbon to conclude the Marria^'e Tuaty .... 2'27 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PRINCE METTERNICH. 
 
 Prince Metternich in Dresden — My Interviews with the Chancellor- His 
 Visit to the Marcolini Palace - His Account of his long and decisive 
 Audience of Napoleon I. in 1813 — Autobiogiaphieal Reminiscences- 
 His Judgment on Napoleon III. and on English Statesmen — The 
 British Constitution a Game of Whist ä irois — The Game as played 
 by the Crown — Disraeli — A Letter for Him — Prince Metternich's 
 Memoirs— His Policy — Reasons of his Fall in 1848 .... 24.5 
 
 CHAPTER Xm. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1858. 
 
 London, Jan. 18 : Conversation with Disraeli on the critical Position of 
 the Ministry.— London, Feb. 14 : State of Tension with France in 
 consequence of Orsini's Attempt on Napoleon. — London. Feb. 21 : De- 
 feat of Lord Palmerston's Ministry on the Cons^jiracy Bill — Lord Derby 
 undertakes the Government. — London, Feb. 28 : Retrospect of the De- 
 bate on the Conspiracy Bill — Secret History of Palmerston's Down- 
 fall. — London, June 27 : Paris Conferences on the Danubian Principali- 
 ties — Strained Relations betweeen France and Austria. — London, July 
 24 : Annual Show of the Royal Agricultural Society at Chester. — 
 London, Buckingham Palace, August 9 : Letter of Prince Albert to 
 Count Vitzthum — Private Character of the Queen's Visit to Babels- 
 berg. — Lisbon, Dec. 29 : The Portuguese Ministers — Critical State of 
 Finances 265 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 XVIU CONTENTS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 LONDON. — 1859. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Signing of Prince George's Treaty of Marriage — Keturn to London — The 
 European Crisis — Napoleon's New Year's Reception of the Austrian 
 Ambassador — Victor Emmanuel the real Creator of Italy — Napoleon 
 and Cavour his Instruments — Opening of Parliament — England for 
 Peace and Treaties — The Reform BiU — The Duke of Malakoff replaced 
 by Persigny — Lord Cowley's Mission to Vienna — Equivocal Attitude of 
 Napoleon — Suit for Prince George in Lisbon — His Marriage with the 
 Infanta of Portugal — Return to London — Dissolution of Parliament — 
 Austria's Ultimatum to Sardinia — Battle of Magenta — Fall of the Derby 
 Ministry — Lord Palmerston Prime Minister — Battle of Solferino — Peace 
 of Villafranca — Growing Distrust of Napoleon — His Embarrassments 
 — Renewed Idea of a Congress — Prince Paul Esterhazy — Situation in 
 Germany after Villafranca ......... 289 
 
 CHAPTEE XV. 
 
 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE. — 1859. 
 
 Lisbon, Jan. 28 : Political Parties in Poi-tugal — Ministerial Crisis — Conclu- 
 sion of the Negotiations for the Marriage Treaty of Prince George of 
 Saxony. — London, March 2 : Impressions in Paris — The Emperor 
 Napoleon and Italy — Conversations with the Austrian Ambassador— 
 Antonelli's 'Move.' — London, March 3 : Audience of Prince Albert ; his 
 Judgment on the ' Crime ' planned by Napoleon with Cavour ; his 
 Advice respecting Austria and Germany. — London, March 20 : Austria's 
 conditional Acceptance of the Proposal of a Congress — Lord Derby's 
 Hopes of Peace. — London, March 24 : A Mistake explained— The Con- 
 gress proposed by Russia, not by France. — London, March 27 : Dis- 
 armament of Sardinia — Napoleon's ambiguous Assurances — Gloomy 
 Symptoms. — London, March 30 : Malmesbury's Reply to Clarendon's 
 Question — Russia's Invitation to the Congress — Acceptance of the 
 English Conditions. — London, April 6 : The Congress doubtful — Minis- 
 terial Crisis in England — Cavour refuses to disarm. — London, April 8 : 
 The Ministers declare a Debate on the Question of War or Peace to 
 be inconvenient to the Public Interest — Rumours of War. — London, 
 April 11 : Threatening Aspect of Affairs— Malmesbury's Optimism — 
 Conversation with Brunnow. — London, April 16 : Recapitulation of the 
 Negotiations— Lord John Russell's Speech to his Constitutents.— Lis- 
 bon, May 6 : The solemn Suit for the Hand of the Infanta of Portugal. 314
 
 THK FIRST VOLUME. MX 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 I'HIVATK COUKKSPONDENCK. — 1859 (continued). 
 
 PAUK 
 
 London, May 20 : Anxieties and Confessions of the French Ambassador.- 
 London, May aO : Conversation with Lord Palraerston— Lord Wode- 
 house on Prussia and Austria.- London, June 4 : Conversation with 
 Lord Clarendon on Austria's Policy and Conduct of the War. — London, 
 June IH : News from the Scene of War -Conversation with Persigny as 
 to Terms of Peace.— London, June lii : Malmesbury's Blue-book on the 
 Italian War Formation of the new Ministry Its anti-Austrian Ten- 
 dencies-Situation at the Scene of War Rome. London, June 20 : 
 Prince Paul Esterhäzy's Mission to London — Kossuth's Itevolutionary 
 Plans— Napoleon's Overtures to England - French Leanings of Palmer- 
 Bton and Russell -Strengthening of the Mediterranean Squadron.— 
 London, Buckingham Palace, June 24 : Prince Albert's Letter to Count 
 Vitzthum ; his Approval of Baron Beust's Reply to a Despatch of 
 Prince ClorlschakolL London, July H : Prussian Proposals of Media- 
 tion - Suspicions as to their Reception in England -Solferino—/?<'5pic<' 
 Jincm ! French Liberals -Position of the English Ministry.— London, 
 July 11: The Meeting at Villafranca First Impressions— Napoleon 
 not Master of the Situation -Quarrel with Rome and the Republican 
 Party— General Flahault's Remark on the Armistice.— London, July 
 12 : Dinner at Lord John Russell's — Communication of the French 
 Terms of Peace to the Austrian Ambassador — The Armistice — New 
 French Proposals approved by Palmerston and Russell — Conclusion of 
 the Preliminaries. — London, July 21 : Austrian Circular Despatch of 
 the IGth — Unexplained Misunderstanding— Comparison of the French 
 Draft with the actually concluded Preliminaries of Villafranca. — Lon- 
 don, July 21 : The Ministry and Opposition against a Congress — The 
 Eiddle of Villafranca. — London, July 25 ; Prussian Circular Despatch 
 of the 21st — Lord John Russell's Vindication of Prussia's Policy — The 
 Quiproquo — Correct Attitude of the Crown during the Negotiations — 
 Critical Position of Napoleon. — London, July 28 : Groundless Rumour 
 of an intended Visit of Napoleon to Osboi-ne — Publication of Lord John 
 Russell's Despatches of June 22 and July 7. — London, July .30 : Sitting 
 of the House of Commons of July 28 — Lord John Russell's Judgment 
 on Villafranca — Disraeli criticises the Government Policy and protests 
 against a Congress — Lord Palmerston's retrospective Confessions. — 
 Paris, Aug. 10 : Debate on Lord Elcho's Motion — Lord John Russell's 
 strange Account of the British Constitution — Prince Paul Esterhazy on 
 Napoleon's Difficulties and the Task of the Austrian Cabinet . . 346
 
 ST. PETERSBURC and LOXDUN 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 ST. PETERSBUR(J.— 1852-1 8.J3. 
 
 Arrival at St. PeteisburR — First Impressions— Prince Menschikoff — Position of 
 Count Nesselrode— General von Bochow- Private and confidential Letter 
 of Prince Schwarzenberg— General Count Mcnsdorfif Sir Hamilton Seymour 
 — Arrival of Prince Albert of Saxony — Peterhof— The Emperor Nicholas — 
 The Empress — The Manivuvres at Krasnoje-Selo — Funeral of Wolkonski — 
 Burial of the Duke of Leuchtenberg— Moscow— The Kremlin— Baron Bode's 
 Family Saint— The Last of the Boyars— The Islands— The Point— The 
 Grand Duchess Helena— The Grand Duchess Catherine— The Question of 
 the Holy Places - Private Conversations of the Emperor Nicholas with Sir 
 Hamilton Seymour — Mettemich's Criticism thereon — Mental Condition of 
 the Emperor Nicholas— The 'Sick Man' — Mobilisation of the Fourth and 
 Fifth Army Corps— Menschikoff 's Secret Mission to Constantinople — 
 Sketches of Society — Karamsin and Puschkin — The Old Muscovite Party 
 and the Germans— Easter Breakfast in the Beloselski Palace— Popularity 
 and Affability of the Czar — Discovery of a Nihilist Conspiracy in 1852 — 
 Farewell Visits — Count Nesselrode's Peace Delusions. 
 
 On June 4, 1852, the mail steamer from Stettin, the ' Preus- 
 sische Adler,' cast anchor in Cronstadt harbour. She had 
 had a good passage. In the course of it, some Piussian 
 ladies of rank and their husbands had frequently sj)oken to 
 me of their great Czar with pride, and of Holy Eussia with 
 enthusiasm. The impression produced upon my fellow- 
 passengers by the fortifications of Cronstadt was charac- 
 teristic. The serenity which had hitherto preyailed on board 
 
 VOL. I. B
 
 ?, ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 disappeared. Instead of the joy ^Yllicll usually comes over 
 the homeward-bound traveller, ^Yhen he sees his native land 
 again, there was a deep gloom on every face. It was as if 
 prisoners, after a brief interval of liberty, were returning to 
 their gaol. Foreign passports were then favours, difficult 
 to be obtained even by persons of the greatest wealth and 
 the highest rank. 
 
 I hastened immediately to St. Petersburg, where I was to 
 imdertake for a year, as cliarge iVaffaires, the conduct of the 
 Saxon Legation. 
 
 The city as seen from the majestic Neva presents an im- 
 posing aspect, when the golden domes of the Isaac's Church 
 are glittering brightly through the morning mist. The first 
 impression, however, soon vanishes, for St. Petersburg, at all 
 events in summer, notwithstanding its spacious but desolate 
 squares, and its interminable, broad but empty streets, bears, 
 or then bore, in comparison with Paris and London, the stamp 
 ■of a provincial town. In that sea of houses, raised by the will 
 of a powerful ruler out of a bottomless morass, it is evident at 
 once that soil and ground, as well as human life, have not yet 
 the same value as in older capitals of natural growth. The 
 chief town of Piussia, like the improvised capitals of Australia 
 and America, lacks the consecration bestowed by history, and 
 it is easy to understand that, in spite of all that Peter the 
 Great and Catherine II. did for St. Petersburg, the old 
 Ptussians should regard Moscow alone as the real metropolis 
 of the Empire. 
 
 Twenty-four hours later I had delivered my credentials to 
 the representative of Count Nesselrode, who, like the Emperor 
 himself, was still absent, and I had also paid the necessary 
 visits to the members of the diplomatic body and the various 
 notabilities who were there.
 
 PRINCE MENSCIIIKOFF. o 
 
 On the day of my anival I made the acquaintance of a 
 personage who shortly hecame very prominent. This was 
 Prince Menschikoff, the Minister of Marine and the Czar's 
 Adjutant-General, a tall stately old gentleman of stiff soldier- 
 like deportment and exceedingly courteous. That peculiar 
 sarcastic smile was playing on his lips which usually 
 accompanied his famous bons motu. The Prince was one of 
 the few men who enjoyed the full confidence of the Emperor 
 Nicholas, and could say whatever he pleased to his Majesty. 
 Of com*se this had to be done with caution, and the pill of 
 truth pleasantl}' sweetened. No one understood this art 
 better than Prince Menschikoff. 
 
 Thus he had once to call the Emperor's attention to the 
 embezzlements committed by a general, then in high favour, 
 who was entrusted with the chief management of the Moscow 
 Railway. Menschikoff undertook the thankless task of open- 
 ing the Emperor's eyes. One Sunday, after parade, the Prince 
 appeared in full dress, decorated with all his orders. On the 
 Czar's asking him where he had been, he replied, ' At the 
 Isaac's Church. A wonderful thing has happened to me 
 there. I stepped into a confessional, to confess to a priest 
 who was a perfect stranger to me. " Absolution," whispered 
 the impudent fellow in my ear, " will be of no good unless 
 3'ou confess aJI your sins to me. You are a great man, and 
 have probably heavier things on your conscience. Pieflect, 
 that, even if you escape without punishment before man, 
 God sees every act of dishoupsty that you may possibly have 
 committed." I need not picture to your Majesty the in- 
 dignation with which I repelled this insinuation. The priest 
 shook his head, but gave me absolution, and I partook of the 
 Sacrament. As I was coming out afterwards from the church, 
 my confessor threw himself at my feet and stammered, as he
 
 4 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 wrung his hands, " Forgive me, sir ! I took you in the dark- 
 ness for another person. I thought you were General X." ' 
 
 'What ! he too ? ' exclaimed the Emperor with a smile. 
 An inquiry was instituted, which fully confirmed the priest's 
 suspicions. General X. lost his lucrative post. 
 
 So notorious was the corruption in the highest circles 
 of the administration, that one understands the confidence 
 the Emperor Nicholas reposed in the few whose hands were 
 clean. Foremost among such were Menschikoff and Orloff. 
 
 St. Petersburg at that time had no railway communica- 
 tion with other countries, and no electric telegraphs. The 
 diplomatic body was therefore cut oft" from what was going 
 on in the world, and thrown back upon itself. Among all 
 the representatives of foreign Courts, the Prussian Minister, 
 Lieutenant-General von Eochow, was considered the best 
 informed and the most influential. After having reopened 
 the Diet in the previous year, and introduced Herr von 
 Bismarck-Schonhausen as his successor at Frankfort, he had 
 returned to the Russian Court, and was regarded there as a 
 persona (jratissima. Talkative and good-natured, though with- 
 out much importance as a statesman, Eochow was a thorough 
 pupil of the old school. He had so imbued himself with the 
 ideas of the Emperor Nicholas that the latter was fond of 
 chatting with him, often imparted to him freely his thoughts, 
 and trusted him more than his own ministers. It frequently 
 happened that when the Emperor confided to the Prussian 
 Minister some important decision in politics, of which Count 
 Nesselrode had no idea, Eochow requested his leave to inform 
 the Chancellor, in the interests of the Government. This 
 extraordinary manner of conducting business is characteristic 
 of the Chancellor's position at the time. 
 
 The confidant of the Emperor Alexander L, the friend of
 
 COUNT NESSELROUE. 5 
 
 Metternic'h, the co-signatary of the treaties of Vienna in 1815, 
 the statesman who was considered abroad the soul of Russian 
 pohcy, was in the eyes of Nicholas I. nothing but a tsrhi 
 notrnik, an official who enjoyed his confidence only so far 
 as business required. Even in society the Count's charming 
 manners and exalted rank were unable to efface the remem- 
 brance that he was the son of a foreigner, and did not belong 
 to the Orthodox Greek Church. Born on board an English 
 man-of-war, and baptised according to the rites of the Angli- 
 can Church, Nesselrode had never thought of changing his 
 creed, and paid regularly his devotions in the chapel of the 
 English Embassy. By his subordinates he was much be- 
 loved, being affable though strict in office. He attached great 
 importance to a clear and graceful style of composition, and 
 was firml}' convinced that all the chanceries envied him the 
 faithful Labenski, his chief mlartcin: Nevertheless, he was 
 himself a willing worker with his pen, and spent much time 
 on carefully polishing his despatches. 
 
 He never neglected, however, on that account his hot- 
 houses on the ' Islands," especially when thecamelUas were in 
 bloom. Flowers and music were his passion. He was fond 
 of women's society even in his old age. 
 
 One day, just as the camellias were out, the little man 
 with big spectacles was sitting in a sledge, when a messenger 
 arrived. Nesseh'ode took the despatches in his hand and sent 
 for Labenski. As the latter stepped into the conservatory, 
 the Chancellor had already perused the despatch which gave 
 the first news of the February Eevolution in Paris. He stood 
 before a group of bright-red cameUias and said to Labenski, 
 pointing to the flowers, ' That is how things are now looking 
 in Paris ; the Eepublic is proclaimed.' 
 
 Nesselrode boasted of having drawers in his brain, which he
 
 6 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 opened and shut at pleasure ; he could thus forget everything 
 else, in order to devote all the energies of his mind to the 
 question immediately before him. This gift of concentration 
 made it easier for him to grapple successfully with the mass 
 of business, both small and great. Eeal genius can hardly 
 be said to have been his. He produced no ideas of his own, 
 but he knew how to utilise and elucidate the thoughts of 
 others. In sound common-sense Metternich was his superior, 
 as Talleyrand was the superior of Metternich ; and yet it is 
 this very quality, no less than his tough, untiring industry, 
 that explains the secret of his long and active official career 
 in the service of three emperors. He knew how to adapt 
 himself adroitly to circumstances, as also to the humours of 
 the Czar. This feature in his character accounts for the 
 contradictions which some have detected here and there in his 
 State papers. He was a different man under Alexander I. to 
 what he was under Nicholas, and again another man under 
 Alexander II. His vast experience helped to bridge over these 
 contradictions. Though by nature essentially a man of peace 
 and law, his pen was always at the monarch's command, when- 
 ever he was called upon to demonstrate the necessit}' of high- 
 handed measures, possibly leading to a war of which he him- 
 self disapproved. Eeal influence he scarceh' possessed, at least 
 not under the Emperor Nicholas, before whom he trembled. 
 
 Only under a Prime Minister of such a kind was Eochow's 
 position imaginable. He had to thank above all the Empress 
 for it. The daughter of Frederick William III,, when on the 
 Eussian throne, remained a Prussian princess. The serious 
 erneute which the Emperor Nicholas had had to quell on his 
 accession in 1825, had given the Empress's nerves a shock 
 the more violent as she was just then expecting the birth of 
 her second son, the Grand Duke Constantine. This nervous
 
 GENKRAL COUNT MENSDOKFF. 7 
 
 prostration caused tlu- Emperor constant anxiety, and the 
 recollection of it sufficed to moderate his outbursts of passion 
 and suspend too hasty resolutions when— as had fre(piently 
 happened since 1848 — the attitude of the Prussian Govern- 
 ment excited his displeasure. 
 
 The homceopathic physician («f the Empress, Dr. Mandt, 
 who also prescribed for the Emperor — not always suitably, as 
 his colleagues insisted — served as a mediator between the 
 Prussian Mhiister and the Emperor. 
 
 A man still more in sympathy with the Czar was the re- 
 cently appointed Austrian Minister and former aide-de-camp 
 of the Emperor Francis Joseph, Count Alexander Mensdorff- 
 Pouilly, E.M.L., who after Rechberg's retirement had been 
 entrusted with the Foreign Office at Vienna. Mensdorfi", 
 whose acquaintance the Emperor Nicholas had already made 
 in Austria, had completely won his heart by his frank avowal 
 that he would rather command a cavalry brigade in Kecskemet 
 than play the ]\Iinister in St. Petersburg, as he understood no- 
 thing whatever of politics. Through his mother, the sister of 
 the reigning Duke of Coburg, King Leopold, and the Duchess 
 of Kent, ]\rensdorff was related to all the Courts, and being 
 a cousin of the Grand Duchess Constantine, a Duchess of 
 Sachsen-Altenburg, he was treated almost as a member of 
 the Imperial family. Courtesies were heaped upon him, and 
 society vied with the Court in showing all imaginable atten- 
 tions to the Emperor's new favourite. With the ladies, who 
 fell in love, as it were, by command, with this hrau tenehrcnx, 
 he had at the most only one rival, the tenor Mario. Disdain- 
 ing the petty tricks of the old diplomatic school, Count 
 Mensdorfi', by the calm dignity and noble simplicity of his 
 nature, achieved more for Austria than an older man of 
 business could have done.
 
 8 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The most intelligent among the representatives of foreig 
 Courts was unquestionably Sir George Hamilton Seymour, 
 the English Minister. He had for some years held the 
 confidential post of Private Secretary to Lord Castlereagh, 
 afterwards Marquess of Londonderry, and had thus had an 
 opportunity at the Foreign Office of thoroughly studying 
 European affairs. Of good birth — the Marquess of Hertford 
 is the head of the Seymour family — Sir Hamilton had been 
 made Minister after the tragic death of Lord Londonderry, 
 and had represented England in Florence, Brussels, and Lisbon. 
 At Florence he saved Prince Louis Napoleon, at the entreaty of 
 Queen Hortense, from the difficulties in which the later Emperor 
 of the French had been involved through his adventure at 
 Forli. At Lisbon he protected the throne of Queen Maria da 
 Gloria against the insurgents of Oporto, by giving orders, on 
 his own authority, to the English admiral, then lying in the 
 Tagus, to prevent at any cost the rebel fleet under the Mar- 
 quis de Louie from effecting a landing. The admiral had 
 fired on the insurgents' ships, and taken the insurgents 
 prisoners. Sir Hamilton sent a message with the news of 
 his self- authorised proceedings to London, offering his re- 
 signation in case his conduct were disapproved. Happily 
 Lord Palmerston remained true to his principle never to 
 disavow an agent, and sent Seymour, instead of his dismissal, 
 the Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. It is plain, there- 
 fore, that Sir Hamilton was no novice when the Emperor 
 Nicholas, early in 1853, surprised him with those revelations 
 which afterwards did so much to stimulate public opinion in 
 England in favour of the Crimean War. And jet, zealous 
 and active, though cool and business-like, as he was, Seymour 
 was not the man to make an impression on a monarch like 
 the Emperor Nicholas.
 
 GENERAL CASTELBAJAC. 9 
 
 The French Minister, General Castelbajac, married to a 
 daughter of the Due de la Rochefoucauld, belonged to that 
 hybrid class of military diplomatists whose tact in business 
 frequently leaves much to be desired. He was credited with 
 having surprised the Emperor, on the first parade which he 
 attended in his suite, l)y naively inquiring, as they were 
 passing by the palace where Paul I. was murdered, * N'est-ce 
 pas la, Su'e, que votre pere a ete assassine ? ' After the out- 
 hreak of the Eastern crisis, this General, who took the 
 M'Empire c'est la paix' as Gospel truth, may have done 
 mucli involuntarily to strengthen the Czar in his illusions 
 about the impossibility of an Anglo-French alliance. Thus 
 he requested an audience, to offer his congratulations on the 
 Eussian victory at Sinope, not reflecting that that victory had 
 made a rupture with the Western Powers mevitable. 
 
 Even for a more experienced diplomatist, however, the 
 task of a French ambassador would have been extremely 
 difficult, as I gathered from a private conversation, in which 
 General Eochow explained to me the situation. 
 
 The General began by opening his heart about Felix 
 Schwarzenberg, who had died a few months before. That the 
 Prussian Minister did not like this statesman, was not sur- 
 prising. Nevertheless, I was pained to find him persecute his 
 «nemy with such bitter hatred bej'ond the grave. I inquired 
 the cause. 
 
 ' Good heavens ! ' exclaimed Eochow, ' that this Schwarzen- 
 berg envied us our position in Germany, and did everything 
 lie could to wrest it from us, I understand well enough. 
 De mortuis nil nisi bonum. But what a man he was ! We 
 can only thank God for having freed us from him. I for my 
 j)art can forgive him everything but one : that he, a Prince 
 Schwarzenberg and a Prime Minister of the Austrian Emperor,
 
 10 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 could forget all the traditions of his Court and his own family y. 
 to hanker after this adventurer of Strasburg and Boulogne, 
 and trample under foot the principle of legitimacy.' 
 
 ' Pardon me, General,' I interrupted him, ' there you are- 
 really going too far, and appear to be ill-informed.' 
 
 ' Ill-informed ? But, I assure you, I have read the 
 very paper in which, this wretched man shortly before his 
 death declared his political creed to Count Nesselrode, and, 
 note well, this was no despatch, such as a very busy minister 
 occasionally signs without having read it ; it was a private 
 letter, in his own handwriting, and the only one that 
 Nesselrode ever received from him.' 
 
 Now I knew what it was all about, little as I understood 
 Eochow's excitement. 
 
 In this letter, which must have been sent in March 1852, 
 the Austrian Prime Minister had begun by expressing his con- 
 viction that Louis Napoleon would not allow the year (1852) 
 to pass without assuming the title of Emperor. It would be 
 necessary, therefore, before that event occurred, to come to 
 an understanding about the attitude to be adopted by the three 
 Northern Courts towards the new Emperor of the French. 
 
 ' Existing treaties,' so Prince Schwarzenberg continued, 
 * categorically exclude any Bonaparte from the throne of 
 France. By virtue of those treaties, Austria, Piussia, and 
 Prussia would be perfectly entitled to refuse to recognise the 
 new Emperor, and declare war against France. If such be 
 the wish of the Emperor Nicholas and the King of Prussia, 
 Austria, always faithful to treaties, will not hold back, and will 
 begin by placing an army of 300,000 men at the disposal of 
 her allies. If the Piussian Cabinet, however, hesitates to 
 make Louis Napoleon's acceptance of the Imperial crown a> 
 casus belli, it is to be hoped that a repetition will be avoided
 
 PRINCE SC'IIWARZEXBEKGS LETTER. 11 
 
 of the mistake committed in 1880 by the unfriendly recog- 
 nition of Louis Phihppe. From a third restoration of the 
 Bourbons one could scarcely expect any lasting re-establish- 
 ment of legitimate royalty. To be sure, Henry Y. might be 
 conducted back to Paris by the aid of foreign bayonets ; but 
 experience shows that his maintenance there can hardly be 
 anticipated. In any event, the heir of Napoleon I. has more 
 chances than the heir of St. Louis of re-establishing the 
 monarchy in that distracted country. If such be his design, 
 he will be obliged in his own interests, like his uncle, to gi'asp 
 the reins of government with a strong hand, and show a 
 firm front against the Revolution. On this point the in- 
 terests of the Powers are identical with his own. If he is 
 recognised, under the sine qua non condition of his express 
 submission to the treaties of 1815, and with the positive 
 assurance that the three Powers would consider any attempt 
 at conquest as a case of war, the recognition should be 
 made in a friendly manner, in order to secure his loyal co- 
 operation against the revolutionary party.' 
 
 No unprejudiced person can help acknowledging to-day 
 the perfect aptitude of these remarks in Schwarzenberg's 
 private letter. The Crimean War might possibly have been 
 avoided had these counsels been followed in St. Petersburg. 
 The Prussian statesman who succeeded Piochow in Frankfort, 
 and afterwards in St. Petersburg, would scarcely have shared 
 the indignation of his predecessor. At all events, in the 
 ' Autographic Memoir concerning the Pielations of Prussia 
 with France,' which Bismarck wrote on June '2, 1857, ideas 
 are unfolded which strikingly agree with the principles thus 
 set forth by Schwarzenberg.' 
 
 ' See Frcussen im Bundestage 1851-1859, i^ublishecl by Poschinger, vol. iv. 
 pp. 274 sqq.
 
 12 ST PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Be that as it may, Eochow's genuine indignation was 
 significant of the anti-Bonapartist feehng then prevaiHng at 
 the Eiissian Court. I cannot refrain from recording the 
 General's conchiding remarks. 
 
 ' Thank God,' he exclaimed, ' I have succeeded, though not 
 without difficulty, in bringing l)ack the Emperor Nicholas to 
 a correct appreciation of the question. Little Nesselrode, 
 quite forgetting that he was one of those who signed the 
 treaties of 1815, was himself infected with these corrupt 
 ideas of Schwarzenberg, and had already won over the Em- 
 j)eror. It would have been scarcely jDossible for me to make 
 the latter change his sentiments if we had not had a states- 
 man again at Vienna. The Emperor Nicholas had never under- 
 stood Count Buol during his mission to this country, and 
 treated him badly in spite of all my protests. And yet Buol, 
 as I have said, is a statesman, and has shown himself such, 
 having, immediately after taking office, vindicated once more 
 the principle of legitimacy. He proposed to recognise Napo- 
 leon, but to refuse him the title of brother. This expedient 
 will let the upstart see that the Emperors of Austria and 
 Piussia have no more idea than my own gracious Sovereign of 
 considering him their equal.' 
 
 As to the statesmanship of Count Buol opinions were 
 current, both before and after the Crimean War, not alto- 
 gether in accordance with Eochow's estimate of that Minister. 
 The fate of this expedient, which was hailed with premature 
 enthusiasm, is well known. The Emperor of Austria and the 
 King of Prussia thought better of it, and did not refuse the 
 French Emperor the title of brother, as Buol had at first 
 proposed. Unfortunately, both the Courts of Vienna and 
 Berlin neglected to inform the Eussian Cabinet of this change 
 of views, while the Emperor Nicholas remained true to the
 
 GICNEKAL IfOCirOW. 13" 
 
 agreement, by recognising Napoleon III. l)ut addressing him, 
 like the President of the United States, as ' mon grand ami.' 
 Thus the ill-temper on the part of the French ruler provoked 
 Ijy Buol's proposal fell exclusively on Kussia, and was destined 
 not to remain without consequences. 
 
 At the Christmas parade in 1852, which Mensdorff and 
 Rochow attended, the Emperor Nicholas gave vent to his 
 anger in the reproaches he heaped, in the presence of the 
 Eussian generals, on the representatives of Austria and 
 Prussia, declaring that his allies had deserted and betrayed 
 him in the matter of Napoleon's recognition. General 
 Rochow may have suffered the more acutely throughout this 
 scene, which was extremely painful to all present, inasmuch 
 as he must have remembered that he himself had hindered 
 the adoption of Schwarzenberg's sensible advice, and plainly 
 overrated Buol's tact as a statesman. 
 
 These confidential revelations of the Prussian Minister 
 gave me the key to much that seemed strange in the new 
 world I had just entered. How limited after all must be the 
 sphere of authority belonging to the so-called leading minister, 
 when Count Nesselrode, in a matter vitally affecting the in- 
 terests of Russia, and notwithstanding that he had logic on 
 his side, was forced to yield to the suggestions of a foreign 
 representative ! 
 
 Thus in this great Empire, as elsewhere, the famous saying 
 of the Swedish Chancellor Oxenstiern was verified. This was 
 the more remarkable, since according to all appearances Nicho- 
 las I. had reached at that time the zenith of his power, and 
 imagined in all earnest that the whole of Europe lay at his feet. 
 
 After I had made myself in some degree acquainted with 
 the dminatis persona, the drama itself began with the return 
 of the Czar to his capital.
 
 14 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The Emperor Nicholas took up his residence with the 
 Empress at Peterhof, whither soon afterwards the numerous 
 guests repaired who had received invitations to the grand 
 summer manoeuvres held yearly at Krasnoje-Selo. 
 
 To this military festival the Princes Albert of Saxony and 
 Frederick William of Prussia had also been personally invited 
 by the Emperor Nicholas. The two young Princes were the 
 eldest sons of the heirs presumptive to the throne, and this 
 was their first visit to the Eussian Court. Besides them 
 there were present the most distinguished personages of the 
 Austrian and Prussian armies, and soon Peterhof and the 
 surrounding country seats were filled with a multitude of 
 brilliant uniforms. The Emperor himself had received the 
 Princes on board his yacht at Cronstadt, and taken them at 
 ürst to the Winter Palace. But when Prince Albert after 
 a few days removed to Peterhof, temporary quarters were 
 assigned to me, according to custom, in the castle occupied 
 by his Pioyal Highness during his visit. Old Eochow was 
 my neighbour, and thus we had frequent opportunities for an 
 intimate interchange of ideas. 
 
 On Sunday, July 8 (20), the Czar received me after mass. 
 This was contrary to etiquette, since the Emperor as a rule 
 gave private audiences only to ambassadors and envoys. 
 Prince Albert being there, an exception was made, to which I 
 am indebted for one of the most interesting hours of my life. 
 The master of the ceremonies had conducted me to the 
 room and remained standing at the door, doubtful whether 
 to attend at this unaccustomed audience or not. With- 
 out saying a word, the Czar answered the official's mute 
 inquiry by pointing energetically to the door. We remained 
 alone, and I found myself for the first time face to face with 
 the mightiest and most dreaded monarch of the world. In
 
 THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS. 15 
 
 spite of his fifty-six j'ears, the chissieal Greek features and 
 giant iigiire of Nicholas I. still showed the strength of 
 3'outh. Phidias could have chiselled a Zeus or a god of war 
 from this model. He wore the undress uniform of a regiment 
 of the Guard, a blue double-breasted military tunic. I 
 observed the head, now almost bald, and noticed a low and 
 comparatively narrow forehead, with which the masculine 
 nose formed one and the same line. The occiput, where 
 phrenologists look for strength of will, seemed unusually 
 developed, and the small head ajDpeared to rest on a neck 
 worthy of the Farnese Hercules. 
 
 There was something knightly, nay imposing, in the 
 whole aspect of the man, and I now understood how the 
 colossus who stood before me should have been able to quell 
 with a mere movement of his hand the revolution that 
 threatened him at the outbreak of the cholera. Wrai)t 
 in his cloak, he had gone alone on that day among the 
 thousands who were shouting loudly in the Isaac's Square, 
 accusing the Government of having poisoned the wells; he 
 had then dropped his cloak and commanded the multitude, 
 with a wave of his hand, to cast themselves upon then* knees. 
 Not a man dared to remain standmg. Then the Emperor 
 exclaimed with a voice of thunder, ' You wretches ! It is 
 not the wells that are poisoned, but you, who have poisoned 
 yourselves with your sins. Now pray God to forgive you, and 
 to take the plague from us.' A ' Hurrah ! long live our lord 
 and father ! ' that sprang at once from a thousand throats, 
 was the answer of the rebellious multitude, and the insur- 
 rection was quelled, as by magic, without the help of a single 
 policeman. That great moment was present to my mind 
 as I looked the Emperor in the eyes. They seemed to me 
 somewhat unsettled, those eyes ; and a nervous twitchin^^ at
 
 16 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the corners of his mouth appeared to betoken pain and un- 
 easiness. 
 
 After the Emperor Nicholas had spoken to me with 
 winning amiabihty about Prince Albert, and the pleasure his 
 visit was giving him, he appeared to forget entirely that he 
 had a young diplomatist before him, whom he had never 
 seen, and about whom he could scarcely have heard any- 
 thing. Familiarly, as though he were addressing an old 
 acquaintance, he spoke to me of his recently ended journey. 
 He had been to Berlin, to Dresden, to Vienna, he had seen 
 the Empress Maria Anna at Prague, he had stopped also at 
 Weimar and Darmstadt, as well as Stuttgart, where he paid 
 a visit to his daughter. Wlierever he went, his eagle eye 
 had seen everything in a few days, and he spoke with an 
 unequalled absence of reserve of what he had noticed on this 
 tour of inspection. The worst he had to say was of Berlin. 
 He grew quite warm when complaining of the weakness of 
 his brother-in-law. 
 
 On my endeavouring to quiet these unlooked-for ebullitions 
 with the somewhat commonplace remark that nevertheless 
 the King had the best intentions and the most amiable qua- 
 lities, the Czar thundered out, ' Tant pis pour ses qualites 
 aimables ! Quant ä ses bonnes intentions, je vous dis, moi, 
 qu'il ne sait jamais ce qu'il veut. Ce n'est pas un roi cela ; 
 il nous gate le metier. Sachez-le done '—here he stami3ed 
 with his foot — ' le sol sous mes pieds est mine comme sous 
 les votres. Nous sommes tons solidaires. Nous avons tons 
 un ennemi commun — la revolution. Si on continue a la 
 cajoler comme on le fait ä Berlin, I'incendie deviendra bientot 
 general. Ici je ne crains rien pour le moment. Tant que je 
 vivrai on ne bougera pas. Car moi, je suis soldat ; Monsieur 
 mon beau-frere ne I'a jamais ete.— Tel que vous me voyez,'
 
 THE EMPRESS. 17 
 
 lie continued in a calmer tone and with all the charm of his 
 well-modulated voice, ' tel que vous me voyez, j'ai trente-huit 
 ans de service, car j'ai fait mes premieres armes en 1813. 
 Oui, je suis soldat. C'est mon metier k moi. L'autre metier 
 que la Providence m'a impose ' — these words he spoke very 
 slowly, and almost in a whisper — 'je le fais, parce qu'il faut 
 bien le faire et qu'il n'y a personne pour m'en delivrer. Mais 
 cc n'est pas mon metier.' 
 
 There was something tragic in this confession. One felt 
 how heavily those cares of government were weighing upon 
 him, which now for seven-and-twenty years, well-nigh a whole 
 generation, he had had to support alone. His keen eye had 
 become quite dulled, and his look had become unsteady. 
 Taking my leave with best wishes from the Emperor, I left 
 the sunny but almost dismal apartment. 
 
 Before this audience, I had been introduced to the Em- 
 press in the dining-hall, where she was taking luncheon, 
 seated between the two German Princes, and surrounded by 
 upwards of a hundred foreign and Eussian generals. The 
 Empress came up to me directly the meal was over. Her 
 beauty had long since faded ; but one could trace in the 
 suffering features the likeness to her charming mother. 
 Queen Louisa. Her nerves, of which I had heard so much 
 already during my brief stay at St. Petersbui'g, were evi- 
 dently much shaken. The haggard form in light-coloured 
 drapery recalled involuntarily to mind the White Lady who 
 is supposed to haunt the castle at Berlin. Especially pain- 
 ful was the unconscious nodding of the head, which was 
 repeated every second as in a Chinese pagoda. 
 
 The first words her Majesty was pleased to address to me 
 were not exactly encouraging, and might easily have caused 
 me some embarrassment in the midst of that numerous com- 
 
 VOL. I. c
 
 18 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 pany of strangers. ' Why does the King send us only a 
 charfie (Va faires ? ' ^Yas the first question she addressed to me 
 in the most decided ill-temper. I looked at the Empress 
 quietly for a moment, and replied without moving a feature, 
 * I can assure your Majesty, I would far rather have come 
 as ambassador.' The Empress laughed, and conversed with 
 me most amiably. 
 
 My stay at Peterhof was agreeable and very instructive, 
 as I was introduced there, so to speak, at once in medias res. 
 I found also among the Austrian and Prussian officers a large 
 number of old acquaintances. Count Clam, F.Z.M. Hess, 
 and others, who brought me news from Vienna, for which 
 IDlace I had a genuine feeling of home-sickness. 
 
 Among the festivities in honour of the Princes, the most 
 brilliant was the ball, given by the Grand Duchess Maria 
 Nikolajewna, Duchess of Leuchtenberg, in her villa near 
 Peterhof. This lady, then still of wonderful beauty, had in- 
 herited the Grecian profile of her father, and was considered 
 his favourite daughter. She was as clever as she was lively. 
 Eather small in stature, but slender and well-proportioned, 
 she was fond of wearing remarkably short sku'ts, in order, as 
 the world said, to show off her tiny feet. The poor Duke, her 
 "husband, was desperately ill, but had, nevertheless, to leave 
 Ms bed to receive the Emperor. The latter appeared some- 
 what later than he had been expected, and stepping up to 
 me remarked, pomting to Prince Albert, who was just then 
 dancing with the Grand Duchess : * Les decrets de la Provi- 
 dence sont inscrutables. Voyez vutre jeune prince ! Je me 
 connais en hommes. Eh bien, c'est vraiment dommage ; il 
 aurait les qualites pour gouverner le plus grand empire du 
 monde, tandis que je connais,' he added with a sigh, ' des 
 heritiers de grands etats ä qui je ne voudrais pas confier une 
 compagnie.'
 
 MANCEUVllES AT KRASNOJE-SELO. 19 
 
 The heroic leader of the Saxons in the battle of St. Privat, 
 the victor of Beaumont, the Prince who in the war of 
 1870-1871 had shown himself, as Moltke said, a real general, 
 did not belie the estimate formed of him by the Emperor 
 Nicholas. 
 
 A striking feature of this gathering at Peterhof was the 
 grand review which concluded the manoeuvres. The Emperor 
 commanded in person the troops tliat defiled before the 
 Empress. The march past lasted several hours ; it was said — 
 I did not count them — that 100,000 men were there. The 
 Czar halted with drawn sword upon a small hillock, com- 
 manding the plain. I had been ])laced with some ladies close 
 behind the Emperor, opposite the Empress's carriage, and 
 thus obtained the best possible view of this grand military 
 spectacle. I observed that the horses which the Emperor 
 changed several times during the review were all, if not very 
 large, extremely powerfully built. Excellently trained, they 
 scarcely moved an ear, to say nothing of a foot. But not 
 one of those noble animals endured his rider's weight for 
 more than an hour. After that they began to tremble in every 
 limb, and the Emperor was obliged quickly to mount another. 
 
 Prince Albert had already on the first day of the man- 
 oeuvres won the sympathy of the Czar, by his being able 
 to call each of the regiments by its Russian name. The 
 Emperor was also pleased that, on his otiering him the choice 
 of uniform for the regiment bestowed upon him, the Prince 
 preferred the simple one of the Chasseurs to the more bril- 
 liant one of the Hussars. Nicholas recognised in this choice, 
 as he told me, the genuine soldier. 
 
 Shortly after the manoeuvres two deaths occurred which 
 closely concerned the Emperor. The old Prince Peter 
 Wolkonski, one of the most trusted officials of the Imperial 
 
 c 2
 
 20 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Court, succumbed to a long and painful illness. He died in- 
 deed a living death. But his influence with the Imperial 
 family remained unabated to the last. The Emperor, the 
 Empress, the Grand Dukes and Grand Duchesses visited him 
 daily ; and when one morning the Grand Duchess Marie could 
 not help omitting to embrace him as usual, the dying man 
 grew angry and exclaimed, ' Now, ]\Iarie, why don't yon kiss me 
 then to-day ? ' The Grand Duchess complied with his request. 
 The Emperor had ordered the funeral ceremony to be 
 conducted with the greatest possible pomp. The diplomatic 
 body and all the dignitaries of the Empire were commanded 
 to attend. In the nave of the church had been erected a 
 catafalque on which was laid the open coffin, lighted by 
 thousands of wax tapers. The features of the deceased 
 were hardly visible, as the steps were very high. The clergy 
 in full canonicals celebrated the mass for the dead, and read 
 the customary prayers. When the moment came to close the 
 coffin, the Emperor ascended the steps, kissed the corpse, and 
 then knelt for a long while before the coffin. After that he 
 rose and gave a sign to twelve non-commissioned officers of 
 the regiment which had belonged to the deceased, to carry the 
 coffin to the vault. Just as the procession was about to move, 
 his Majesty pushed the leader aside, himself seized a handle, 
 and bore the corpse of his faithful servant to its resting-place. 
 The ceremony lasted more than half an hour, during which 
 time all eyes were turned upon the Emj)eror. It was said 
 that Napoleon I. used to consult Talma before every public 
 ceremony, as, for instance, before his coronation, and rehearse 
 with him to some extent his part. No Talma could have 
 taught Nicholas I. the dignity and grace of his movements 
 and attitudes. He was by nature a finished artist, and the 
 greatest actors might have learned from him. All appeared
 
 FUXKRAL OF THE UUKE OF LEI'CHTEXP.EKG. 21 
 
 SO simple and so natural, and yet one felt that all was calcu- 
 lated for effect. I thought of Goethe's ' Man fühlt die Absicht 
 . . . ' The Czar's intention was evident, to produce an im- 
 pression on all who were there, but above all to figure as 
 the humblest and most devout son of the orthodox Church. 
 Hence the full uniform and the stars of various orders spark- 
 ling with diamonds. It was the Emperor of All the Eussias 
 who was showing the last honour to a faithful servant. 
 
 How very different was the behaviour of the same 
 monarch at the funeral of his son-in-law, who died a few 
 days later. The Duke of Leuchtenberg was a Eoman 
 Catholic, and his corpse had, therefore, to be buried in a small 
 chapel. As father-in-law he could not or would not be absent, 
 but as the orthodox Czar he could only take part in the 
 strictest incognito in the ceremonies of a Church which he did 
 not acknowledge as orthodox. In undress uniform, with- 
 out any decorations, and leaning listlessly against a pillar, 
 Nicholas remained a vacant and passive spectator of the whole 
 ceremony. He had cared very little for the deceased, and had 
 only consented to the marriage because the Duke promised to 
 reside at St. Petersburg, and not separate the Emperor fi-om 
 his daughter. 
 
 The studied indifference which the Emperor showed to the 
 ceremony was aimed not indeed at the deceased, but at the 
 Eoman Catholic clergy and worship, which he tolerated only 
 with reluctance. I happened to stand quite close to the 
 Emperor, and could mark distinctl}^ the pla}' of his features. 
 There was nothing to remind me of the orthodox Czar at the 
 funeral service of Wolkonski. But the intention was again 
 apparent. There was a striving for effect in all he did. 
 Here also it was impossible not to admire his talent for acting, 
 which had become a second nature.
 
 22 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 After the manoeuvres, the Princes, together with the 
 Austrian and Prussian generals who had been invited by the 
 Emperor, made a short trip to Moscow before returning home. 
 Count Mensdorff was unable to accompany them, being ill of 
 typhoid fever. The Emperor treated the invalid with quite a 
 father's care, and went several times to see him. About the 
 middle of September, Mensdorff repaired to Tschugujeff, in 
 order to be present with the Emperor at the grand cavalry 
 manoeuvres at that place. This gave him an opportunity of 
 paying his intended visit to Moscow, and he proposed that 
 I should go with him. 
 
 My resolution was quickly taken. We stepped into the 
 Imperial saloon carriage which had been got ready for the 
 General, and twenty-four hours later were at Moscow. The 
 journey itself afforded little interest, for the railway does 
 not touch any large town. The Emperor Nicholas had traced 
 this first Russian line of railway with a red pencil on a map, 
 disregarding altogether any considerations of traffic. The 
 engineers never deviated from that line, though it led through 
 innumerable morasses, which did not tend to facilitate the 
 construction. Once only is a distant view caught of the tower 
 of Twer. The stations, in the midst of the steppe, were newly 
 built, and the excellently kept waiting rooms were furnished 
 with sumptuous buffets. Every conceivable kind of refresh- 
 ment was there, and not a station was without the champaushi 
 so dear to Piussians. So comfortably had we been provided 
 for, that we had not once found it necessary to leave the car- 
 riage. Out of curiosity, indeed, we stepped into one of these 
 waiting rooms ; but after seeing one, we had seen all, for one 
 is just like another. 
 
 A few stations from Moscow the Piussian Colonel, Prince 
 Abamelech, announced himself. The Colonel had been
 
 MOSCOW. Ü3 
 
 appointed to do the honours to Count Mensdorff during his 
 stay, and eonducted him and his aides-de-camp to the 
 Kremhn. 
 
 I was taken to an hotel near the palace, and was not a 
 Httle surprised to receive, a few minutes after my arrival, an 
 invitation to the Emperor's table, a mark of attention for 
 which I was indebted to the Marshal of the Court, Baron von 
 Bode. Prince Al>amelech proved himself an efficient cicerone. 
 Court equipages were everywhere in readiness, and so we were 
 able without fatigue to see more of Moscow in three days than 
 other tourists could do in thirty. 
 
 In all the public institutions which we visited, the officials 
 received us hi undress uniform, and in the famous hospital 
 for foundlings and orphans — one of the grandest charitable 
 institutions in the world — the regiments of wet-nurses were 
 drawn up in their Sunday attire. Each of these regiments is 
 distinguished by a different colour of the kakoschnik, and the 
 garment matches the colour of this headdress. These nurses, 
 dressed in green, blue, or red, carried their babies at the 
 breast, and it was said that they suckled them at the word of 
 command. "We looked up in the great register in which the 
 foundlings were entered, the year 1812, and found there, 
 during the brief period of the French occupation, a consider- 
 able number of little ' Napoleons,' evidently then the favourite 
 name for foundlings. 
 
 The Ivremlin itself is not merely a castle, but a fortified 
 town. The apartments, since the great conflagration of 1812, 
 have been restored in a sumptuous manner, but with some- 
 what of an Asiatic taste. The large vaulted hall, in which the 
 earlier Czars held muster of their intended brides among the 
 daughters of the Boyars, is said to have remained unchanged. 
 The Czar appeared in the gallery above, while the young
 
 24 ST. PETERSBURG AND EONDON. 
 
 ladies, each accompanied by her mother or an elder relative, 
 were compelled to lay aside their clothes and reveal all their 
 charms — a barbaric ceremony, which reminds one that Mos- 
 cow then was still in the very heart of Asia. 
 
 Altogether the Asiatic character of the city has not in any 
 way been effaced by the great fire of 1812. But there is a 
 grandeur in the view of the masses of houses at Moscow, the 
 vast extent of which is out of all proportion to its population. 
 Hundreds of golden cupolas, and numerous gardens planted 
 with lofty trees, meet the eye of the spectator, as he looks 
 down from the high ground on the road to Smolensk. This 
 was the point from which Napoleon caught his first sight of 
 Moscow. His army raised a shout of joy, and looked for- 
 ward to finding in this Eldorado comfort and healing for all 
 past sufferings and fatigue. The picture by Eiwasowski, the 
 famous sea painter, is of course purely fanciful, but it gra- 
 phically represents that patriotic conflagration, which almost 
 assumed the character of a phenomenon of nature. 
 
 Other reminiscences also are not wanting to recall that 
 epoch, so glorious to Eussia, of the destruction of the Grand 
 Army. Some of these have their comic side. Thus a collec- 
 tion has been formed of cannons, all of them picked up in the 
 snow and ice, and the astonished Mujik, if he has learned to 
 read, can gather from the tablets that these cannons have 
 been taken from the twenty-two nations who had conspired 
 together against Holy Piussia. 
 
 Baron Bode, who had married a niece of Countess Julie 
 Stroganoff, insisted on entertaining Mensdorff and myself. 
 So we dined one evening at his house instead of at the Krem- 
 lin, and soon observed that our amiable host was among the 
 most pious of mankind. The Greek Church develops a pecu- 
 liar kind of pietism, and the veneration paid to family saints
 
 BARON BODE'S FAMILY SAINT. 25 
 
 recalls the Penates of ancient Rome, or the worship of ances- 
 tors in China. 
 
 After dinner, Baron Bode handed us cigars ; and while 
 the coffee was being served, our host opened, with an air of 
 mystery, the Holy of Holies. This was a small chamber, 
 ornamented like a chapel with various Byzantine paintings ; 
 fi number of tapers were burning inside, as on a Christmas 
 Eve in Germany, and in the middle, lit up by several heavy 
 silver candelabra, stood an open coffin. In it la}', orna- 
 mented with gold leaf and enveloped in an old Russian kaftan, 
 a dark-brown niunniiy. The colour of the face reminded one 
 of the famous black Madonna. It was the family saint. 
 Bode could not part with it. He crossed himself and bowed 
 «very time he came near the coffin. But the presence of this 
 corpse among the living was a thing so familiar and of every- 
 day occurrence that it seemed no profanation at all when we 
 lit our cigars by the consecrated tapers. 
 
 The next day Abamelech took us to the last of the Boyars, 
 the more than octogenarian and fabulously wealthy Prince 
 Sergius Michaelowitsch Galizin, who lived near Moscow in an 
 almost regal castle, and kept open house, not to say court, 
 every day. He was one of the highest dignitaries in the 
 Empire, and it was said that the Empress Catherine II. had 
 bestowed on him the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Andrew. 
 If this is true, he must have received it in his cradle. At any 
 rate he possessed the highest mark of distinction in the Em- 
 pire, the so-called Double-portrait, consisting of miniatures 
 of the Emperor and Empress, richly set in diamonds. The 
 Emperor Nicholas never omitted, when he came to Moscow, 
 to visit the old Prince. The latter created almost the impres- 
 sion of an automaton or a wax figure, with his flaxen wig and 
 his false teeth. But he was a hospitable, kindly-disposed old
 
 26 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDOX. 
 
 gentleman, ^YllO thawed at once when the conversation turned 
 on the good old days of his youth. He had been at Dresden ; 
 the last time at the beginning of 1790. Of what had happened 
 since then in Germany he appeared to know nothing. He 
 inquired eagerly after the Elector of Saxony and his wife, and 
 after a minister whose name was entirely strange to me. The 
 battles of Jena and Leipsic had left no traces on his memory. 
 Yet he spoke of the burning of Moscow as if it had happened 
 yesterday. Kutusoff and Eostopschin were the friends of 
 his youth. He told one of his nephews to show us the 
 farm buildings. We saw stalls full of the finest cows. The 
 old man liked to watch them from his window grazing in 
 the park. I asked about their breed, and learned that they 
 were pure-bred Yorkshires, imported direct on board specially 
 hired vessels. Our guide assured us that his heirs would 
 hardly be able to continue this luxury, as a quart of milk cost 
 his uncle rather more than a quart of champagne. There 
 were plenty of fine horses also, most of them of the famous 
 trotting breed from the Orloff stud. It was, in a word, a 
 model farm in the grandest style and in the middle of the 
 steppe. The muddy and badly kept roads, however, reminded 
 one constantly of Eussia. With the death of Prince Sergius 
 the Boyars are now extinct, and soon nothing will remain but 
 the bones of these mammoths of high society. 
 
 After having seen Mensdorfi' on his journey southward 
 under the escort of an Imperial courier, I returned alone to 
 St. Petersburg by train. Some quiet weeks followed ; the 
 city being tolerably empty, though in the country houses of 
 the neighbourhood, especially on the Islands, there was daily 
 visiting. In the evening people went to the Point, as it was 
 called, the western extremity of the Islands, whence there was- 
 a distant view of the sea. A motley mixture of equipages.
 
 THE Gl: AND DUCIIKSS HELENA. 27 
 
 was there, a kind of stationary Corso ; the men left their one- 
 horse droschkies, to go from carriage to carriage, and pay 
 their homage here to a princess, there to some popular 
 actress of the day. The ladies had an opportunity of com- 
 paring their Parisian toilettes, and the men of making 
 acquaintances in all circles of the St. Petersburg world. 
 Besides social gossip was heard tlie latest news of the day, as 
 diplomatists were there in numbers. 
 
 What struck me then, and struck me still more when 
 the salons opened, was the free-and-easy way in which the 
 measures of the Government were discussed and criticised. 
 The Marquis Posa would hardly have found it necessary to 
 beg for freedom of thought ; for not only thought but speech 
 was free enough, if only it was not put into print. 
 
 The pleasantest house on the Islands was that of the 
 Grand Duchess Helena, widow of the Grand Duke Michael, 
 the Emperor's youngest brother. She was a Würtemberg 
 Princess, highly cultivated and intellectual, the patroness of 
 several men of art ; Piubinstein, for example, is indebted to her 
 for his training and reputation. She was so amiable and so 
 simple that I ventured once to say to her, ' What a pity, 
 your Imperial Highness, that you are a Grand Duchess ! How 
 delightful it would be to chat with you, if only one could 
 approach you without an}' etiquette.' She laughed and said 
 that she had troubled herself very little about etiquette in 
 her life. After having lost several daughters, she was for- 
 tunate in being able to keep the youngest one near her, for 
 the Grand Duchess Catherine, who was married to Prince 
 George of Mecklenburg- Strelitz, resided habitually, at least 
 in winter, at St. Petersburg. I knew her husband at Berlin, 
 and found the most cordial welcome at her house. 
 
 The winter had come, I mean the White winter, which at
 
 28 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 St. Petersburg lasts for eight or nine months, leaving for the 
 Green winter, as the summer is there called — spring and 
 autumn are unknown — only three or four months. And with 
 winter came the storms. 
 
 Count Nesselrode had meanwhile returned home, and his 
 daughter, Frau von Seebach, was living with him as mistress 
 of the widower's house. 
 
 The jealousies excited by the French Ambassador, M. 
 de Lavalette, between the Greek Orthodox and the Eoman 
 Catholic clergy at Jerusalem culminated in a serious quarrel, 
 and soon the troublesome Eastern problem came once more to 
 the front of European politics. The Emperor Nicholas, who, 
 as Nesselrode remarked, was no diplomatist, thought fit to 
 talk once more about the ' Sick Man.' He sent for Sir 
 Hamilton Seymour, and had the well-known conversations 
 with him, which the latter has faithfully reported.^ 
 
 Lord Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary in 1844, when 
 Nicholas last visited London, had now — to the Czar's great 
 joy — become, as Prime Minister, the head of what to all 
 appearances was a strong Coalition Ministry. Aberdeen, 
 an old Scotchman, grown grey in State business, had, like 
 most of Sir Eobert Peel's adherents, a certain leaning to 
 the Greek Orthodox Church, in which those politicians fancied 
 they detected traces of the primitive Christian and Apostolic 
 community. The Emperor Nicholas took care in 1844 to 
 strengthen and make use of this religious tendency, to pave 
 the way in England for an understanding on the Eastern 
 Question. Nothing positive had been agreed upon ; but ideas 
 
 ' See ' Communications respecting Turkey made to her Majesty's Go- 
 vernment by the Emperor of Russia, with the Answers returned to them. 
 January to April 1853.' (Correspondence respecting the Rights and Privileges 
 of the Latin and Greek Churches in Turkey. London, 1854. Part v.)
 
 silt IIAMII.TOX SEYMOUR. 2^ 
 
 were very likely exchanged with reference to certain eventua- 
 lities, and had awakened in the sometimes optimistic Czar the 
 conviction that Eussia could count implicitly on England as 
 soon as Lord Aberdeeii came to the helm. ^Mindful of all 
 that, the Eussian monarch now thought the hour had come 
 for a protocol similar to that which the Duke of "Wellington 
 had signed in 182G. Before broaching this idea, however, 
 he was anxious to know whether, and under what conditions, 
 England would consent to the expulsion of the Turks from 
 Europe and the partition of the Ottoman Empire. His 
 already highly irritable nature found vent in invectives 
 against the ' Sick Man,' and Sir Hamilton perhaps mcreased, 
 without wishing to do so, this irritability, instead of calming 
 it down. The latter course, accordmg to Prince Metternich's 
 view, would have been Seymour's proper duty. 
 
 I am indebted to Sir Hamilton himself for the report of 
 the following conversation, which he had, when ambassador 
 in Vienna, with the old Chancellor after the death of the 
 Emperor Nicholas and long after the Peace of Paris. 
 
 ' Do you know, dear Sir Hamilton,' began the Prince,. 
 ' that you are a lucky man ? I have read with interest your 
 *' Secret and Confidential Correspondence," Httle as I approve 
 of such publications, and my impression is that you have 
 something to thank fortune for,' 
 
 Sir Hamilton did not understand what his good luck 
 consisted of. 
 
 ' Well, then,' continued Prince Metternich, 'you were alone, 
 face to face with the Emperor Nicholas. Suppose the Emperor 
 had disowned his words '? What then ? As I said, your luck 
 consists in his not having done so, for all Europe would have 
 believed the Emperor, and not you.' 
 
 Sir Hamilton was silenced, and could not but admit
 
 30 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 that Metternich was right. But the Prince had now pinned 
 him, and did not spare to press his advantage. 
 
 'What I wish to add, without hurting you, is, that it 
 was very dangerous and in no way your duty to worm secrets 
 out of the Emperor Nicholas. Don't think you are the first 
 one he has talked to about the " Sick Man." Good heavens ! 
 that fixed idea has been worrying him for years. Your duty 
 was either not to let him speak about the matter at all, or, if 
 he did so, to cut him short at once. Would you like to 
 know how I managed to do so when he spoke to me of the 
 " Sick Man " ? It was at Münchengrätz at dmner. I was 
 sitting opposite his Majesty. Leaning over the table, the 
 Czar asked me, " Prince Metternich, que pensez-vous du 
 Türe ? C'est un homme malade, n'est-ce pas ? " I missed 
 hearing the question, and pretended to be deaf, when he 
 addressed it to me again. But on his repeating it a third 
 time, I was forced to answer. I did so indirectly by in- 
 quiring in return, " Est-ce au medecin ou ä I'heritier que 
 votre Majeste adresse cette question ? " The Emperor did 
 not reply, and never spoke to me again about the " Sick 
 Man." ' 
 
 This clever and eminently statesmanlike criticism leaves 
 one to suppose that Prince Metternich was ver}^ well ac- 
 quainted with the Emperor Nicholas' state of health. Pos- 
 sibly the absurd Crimean War might have been avoided 
 had there been an ambassador then at St. Petersburg who 
 could have combated, with tact and sound, common-sense 
 arguments, the fixed but manifestly half-insane ideas which 
 swayed the unfortunate Czar. 
 
 How ill indeed he was, was never found out until after his 
 death. And yet an English physician had discovered, as 
 early as July 1853, symptoms of the hereditary disease from
 
 ÄJKXTAL CONDI'IIOX OF TUE CZAR. 31 
 
 which the Czar was suffering, and had predicted for certain 
 that the patient had at most only two years to hve.' This 
 was done in a letter to Lord Palmerston, written with the 
 .good object of terminating the complications which were 
 threatening war, iiiid of gaining time until death should have 
 delivered Eussia and I'hu-ope from a Czar whose mental 
 l)alanee was disturbed. The physician — wlio proved himself 
 a prophet, since the Emperor Nicholas, as it hajipened, died 
 suddenly on March 2, 1855, or about four months before the 
 period predicted in the letter — remarks that not one of the 
 four sons of the Emperor Paul reached his sixtieth year, and 
 that all of them, from and after the age of forty-five, suffered 
 severely from congestion of the brain. 
 
 Mental maladies, like that of the Emperor Paul, are, as 
 is well known, nearly always hereditary. Alexander I. died 
 at the age of forty-eight in a deep brooding melancholy, 
 which Prince Metternich describes in his sketch of that Prince 
 as a ' weariness of life.' That the Grand Duke Constantine, 
 his brother, though not exactly insane, was so mentally 
 afflicted as to think himself unfit to rule, is an established 
 fact of history. His conduct in 1830, on the outbreak of the 
 revolution at Warsaw, was that of a man wholly irresponsible 
 for his actions. As Emperor he might not, perhaps, have es- 
 caped his father's fate. Had he been a private person, he 
 would have been handed over to a mad doctor. As Grand 
 Duke he could be trusted to the care of his wife, the Princess 
 
 ' The confidential letter, dated Kissingen, July 6, 1853, written to Lord 
 Palmerston by Dr. A. B. Granville, the English physician, well known at that 
 time both in Russia and at Kissingen, is to be found in the Times of March 5, 
 1855. The authenticity of this letter, which was circulated in 1853 among the 
 members of the English Cabinet, was vouched for to me, on the day of its 
 publication, by Lord Palmerston himself, who added that the English Govern- 
 ment must hold to facts, and could not allow their policy to be determined by 
 the diagnosis of a physician.
 
 32 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 of Lowicz. He died, in his fifty-second year, of congestion of 
 the brain. The Grand Duke Michael ended by falhng from 
 his horse in a fit ; he had passed the fatal age of forty-five by 
 only three years, and had shown, before his death, such a 
 morbid irritability that the author of the letter, who was 
 attending him, did not hesitate to treat him as insane. 
 
 The events of 1848-1852 were eminently calculated to ag- 
 gravate still further such an hereditary disease of the brain. 
 Let anyone merely picture to himself the terrible contrast 
 between the external position and the internal malady of the 
 Emperor Nicholas. Of the latter he, of course, knew nothing. 
 But even had no hereditary disposition existed, the part that 
 Nicholas I. played in 1849 and 1850 would suffice to explain 
 the idiosyncrasies wiiich became patent after 1853. What an 
 impression must have been produced on an irritable nature, 
 inclined already of itself to be overbearing, by the announce- 
 ment of Prince Paskewitsch : ' Hungary lies at the feet of 
 your Majesty.' But that was not enough. Did not Austria 
 and Prussia, the very next year, submit themselves to his arbi- 
 trement at Olmutz ? Was it to be wondered at, after such 
 events, that the Czar should treat the monarchs of such 
 countries not as allies, but almost as vassals ? Of Austria he 
 was quite certain, as he boasted to Seymour. Prussia he did 
 not condescend to mention. It was quite a matter of course 
 to his mind that at Berlin his every hint should be obeyed. 
 In his strange infatuation he forgot to take into account 
 ' Monsieur son grand ami,' and the France which, as he 
 fancied, was wholly sunk in the mire of revolution. Nor was 
 he alone in that view. Public opinion, so far as it can be said 
 to exist in Eussia, only confirmed him in the belief that the 
 whole of Europe was in a state of revolution, and that princes 
 and people would be compelled to implore the gracious assist-
 
 THE CZ.Vii AXJJ THE 'SICK MAX.' 33 
 
 ance of the ^Vliite Czar, ill order to place their lives and 
 l^roperty under the protection of his powerful hand. So uni- 
 versal was this delusion that it was repeated everywhere with 
 the gi'eatest naivete, and no flattery could be more welcome to 
 the White Czar. 
 
 Psychologically, therefore, it was perfectly intelligible that 
 Nicholas, in the winter of 1852-53, should have imagined in 
 all earnest that he had only to come to an understanding 
 with England, where his old friend Lord Aberdeen had be- 
 come Prime Minister, in order to dispose of the Ottoman 
 Empire as he chose. I should doubt whether he really con- 
 templated the taldng of Constantinople. "^Miat he wished 
 was — ^just as the boa constrictor first fascinates his victim, and 
 then licks him over for digestion before swallowing him — to 
 spin a web round the Turkish Empire by means of clauses 
 and treaties of every kind, and bring it completely under his 
 power. Perceiving that the offer of Egypt as a bait produced 
 no effect in England, he tried to make Austria the mortal 
 enemy of Turkey. 
 
 At Vienna susceptibilities had been awakened by the 
 asylum given by the Sultan to the Pole Bem, and to Kossuth 
 and other Hungarian refugees. Troops were collected, and 
 the Austrian men-of-war took up a position of menace, and 
 one not devoid of danger, owing to the superiority of the 
 Turkish fleet. The frontier dispute between the Turks and 
 Montenegrins gave the Austrian Cabinet a not unwelcome 
 pretext for the mission of Count Leiningen, as to which Httle 
 was publicly divulged. The General in question went to 
 Constantinople, formulated certam demands, discussed them 
 in concert with the Austrian Internuncio and with the Divan 
 — apparently without success — and finally delivered an ulti- 
 matum, with the threat that not only he but the Internuncio 
 
 VOL. I. D
 
 34 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 would demand their passports if the Porte did not think 
 better of the matter within twenty- fom- hom^s. 
 
 It seemed really as if the Sultan would let things proceed 
 to that extremity ; and Oseroff, the Eussian charge (Vqfaires, 
 had the impression that a rupture of diplomatic relations 
 between Austria and the Porte was unavoidable. He WTote 
 to that effect, and sent a special messenger to St. Petersburg. 
 As usual, the latter delivered his despatches not at the Foreign 
 Office, but at the Winter Palace. The Emperor unsealed 
 them, read them, and then sent for Nesselrode. The Chan- 
 cellor, on entering the room, found the Emperor in high 
 spirits. * Now,' exclaimed his Majesty, ' we have it ; the very 
 thing I have alway* said to you ! You can do nothing with 
 these Turkish curs. They have rejected the just demands of 
 the Emperor of Austria. Leiningen has taken his departure, 
 and the Internuncio has demanded his passport. Our turn 
 has now come ; the hour of action we have waited for so long. 
 There, read it yourself.' The Minister read with his wonted 
 calmness and with the utmost attention the despatch of Oseroff. 
 
 ' Well,' exclaimed the impatient monarch, ' have you read 
 it all ? ' 
 
 ' I beg pardon, your Majesty, but have you not read the 
 postscript ? ' 
 
 ' A postscript ? ' 
 
 ' If it please your Majesty. Our charge d'affaires states : 
 ^' Just as I was on the point of sending off this despatch, news 
 is brought to me that the Porte, at the eleventh hour, has 
 agreed to all the Austrian demands. The Internuncio remains 
 here, and Leiningen leaves Constantinople, his mission having 
 been successful." ' 
 
 What an impression this news, so unexpected and so de- 
 structive of all his hopes, produced upon the Emperor, I w-is-
 
 THE CZAR AND AUSTRIA. 35 
 
 able myself to gather a few clays after. It was on February 
 23, during a grand entertainment given by the Emperor that 
 year in the Winter Palace. The opera, * La Figlia del Reggi- 
 mento,' was being performed in the small Court theatre. 
 Lablache and Mario were acting, and the daughter of Lablache 
 was making her (Uhiii as the heroine of the piece. She had, 
 by the Ijye, a wonderful voice, which, thanks to her father's 
 instruction, she managed with rare skill, and her beauty 
 excited the admiration of the audience. After the performance 
 came supper ; the silver chamber had been emptied, and in- 
 numerable tables were laden with costly plate. In the centre 
 a table was reserved for the diplomatic body, where we were 
 placed according to rank. Next to me sat Count Francis 
 Zichy, the only * foreigner of distinction ; ' his visit was occa- 
 sioned by some private business relating to his wife, who had 
 property in Russia. But he was well known, having in the pre- 
 vious year conducted, and concluded to the satisfaction of the 
 Emperor, the negotiations at Warsaw respecting the expenses 
 of the Russian assistance in the Hungarian war. 
 
 Nicholas did not partake of the supper, but he made his 
 appearance in the dining hall, and suddenly took his stand 
 behind my neighbour's chair. The latter attempted to rise, but 
 was put back by a pair of strong hands into his seat. On the 
 Emperor's beginning to speak in German, I thought I ought 
 also to rise, in order to remind him that I understood the 
 language. But the Emperor motioned me to remain sitting, 
 and without further noticing my presence, proceeded to give 
 Count Zich}^ who was intending to return the next day to 
 Vienna, his last verbal messages to the Emperor Francis 
 Joseph. The Czar spoke during the supper uninterruptedly, 
 and Zichy listened, as did I, in silence. Nicholas soon lapsed 
 spontaneously into French, which he spoke with greater ease, 
 
 1) 2
 
 36 ST. PETERSBUPtG AND LONDON. 
 
 and now unbosomed himself with that indiscreet frankness 
 which I had ah'eady had occasion to observe during my first 
 audience with him. The theme was a castigatory sermon 
 against the Turks, ' ces chiens de Turcs,' as the Emperor 
 repeatedly expressed it. Their rule could not be tolerated any 
 longer in Europe, and he felt confident that the Emperor of 
 Austria, whom he loved as a son, would join with him m clear- 
 ing out that scurvy rabble on the Bosphorus, and putting an 
 end to the oppression of the poor Christians by those rascally 
 infidels. 
 
 This philippic, delivered for the most part in categorical 
 terms and an imperative tone, involuntarily reminded me 
 of Cato's cceterum censeo. Had Count Nesselrode heard 
 it, he would have trimmed his spectacles and said, ' My 
 Emperor is no diplomatist.' Of course I kept what I had 
 heard a secret at St. Petersburg, and even afterwards in 
 London. 
 
 But I was prepared for everything, and accordingly was 
 not surprised to hear shortly afterwards that the Emperor had 
 suddenly put the fourth and fifth army corps, which were 
 quartered on the Turkish frontier, on a war footing. The 
 news reached me from one of the Empress's ladies of the 
 Court, who is now long dead. This source did not api)ear to 
 me to be quite pure, and, as young ladies are not exactly com- 
 petent authorities on military questions, it was possible that 
 there was some mistake. I went therefore to my friend 
 Seymour, to ask him if he also had heard of it. The 
 British Minister, after his confidential interviews with the 
 Emperor, about which, however, he of course never spoke to 
 me, was in a better position than myself to judge of the 
 momentous gravity of this step. He knew nothing of it, and 
 was all the more alarmed. ' Tt is impossible,' he exclaimed ;
 
 RUSSIAN MOBILISATION. 37 
 
 * but if it were true, war would be inevitable. I will make 
 inquiries at once, and let you know the result.' 
 
 My sledge quickly took me home. After about a couple of 
 hours Sir Hamilton Seymour was announced. He flung himself 
 in a state of the utmost excitement into an arm-chair and said, 
 
 * To-morrow I shall send off a special messenger. Thank God, 
 Lord Clarendon is now Foreign Secretary. He has nothing 
 to refuse me ; I shall ask for my recall. I can't stay here any 
 longer, the ground is burning under my feet.' 
 
 * But, my old friend, for God's sake tell me what has hap- 
 pened. You have often told me that you liked very much to 
 be here.' 
 
 * Oh, I have nothing to say against the society. But I am 
 not here to amuse myself, and I cannot discharge my duty 
 successfully unless I have to deal with men on whom I can 
 depend. And men of that sort are not here. I have endm'ed 
 it hitherto, as I was convinced that little Nesselrode at all 
 events was a gentleman. He has shown me to-day that he is 
 not. The news you brought me has been confirmed from the 
 most authentic sources. I hurried oif just now to the Chan- 
 cellor, in order to frustrate if possible, with his assistance, 
 this fatal mobilisation on the Turkish frontier. And he 
 shrugged his shoulders, laughed, and assured me with a cool 
 air bordering on insolence, that the news must have been in- 
 vented, for he had not heard a word of it. This is too absurd. 
 I cannot have any dealings with this Minister.' 
 
 * But,' I broke in to pacify him, ' who says, then, that 
 Nesselrode has not told you the absolute truth '? ' 
 
 ' Do you suppose it possible that the First Minister of the 
 Crown should have known nothing of a step on which the 
 peace of the world depends ? And he, whom hitherto I have 
 looked upon as the very sheet-anchor of j^eace ? '
 
 38 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ' You have lived longer in this country than I, and should 
 therefore better know that the Emperor Nicholas, an autocrat 
 in the fullest sense of the term, often decides on measures 
 without vouchsafing a word to his ministers. Who knows 
 but that this is not the case now ? Wait, then, before send- 
 ing in your resignation, and don't condemn Count Nesselrode 
 before knowing all the particulars.' 
 
 A few days afterwards Seymour came again and said to 
 me, ' You were right. Neither Nesselrode nor the Minister 
 of War, Dolgoruki, nor even Orloff himself, had the faintest 
 notion of this mobilisation. The Emperor had received some 
 despatches from Constantinople, he read them by himself in 
 his chamber, rang the bell, sent for his aide-de-camp of the 
 day, gave him a sealed letter and said : " For Tschugujeff ! 
 It is urgent ! " That was all. Now I remain here, and shall 
 try with the help of little Nesselrode to undo the folly of his 
 great master. But it will be a hard task, for I hear that 
 Menschikoff is to go on a secret mission to Constantinople. 
 And the Chancellor knows nothing even of that.' 
 
 One evening, in the Empress's salon, shortly after the 
 aide-de-camp's hurried departure to Tschugujeff, the Emperor, 
 apparently in the best of tempers, went up to the Prussian 
 military attache, Count Münster, for whom he had a great 
 liking, and asked him, * What news ? ' 
 
 ' I know of none. Unless your Majesty has any to tell 
 me?' 
 
 ' You may as well, then, know it. I have ordered the fourth 
 and fifth army corps to be put on a war footing.' 
 
 ' You might have left that alone, your Majesty.' 
 
 Far from taking umbrage at this candid remark, the 
 Emperor merely exclaimed, * Why ! Orloff told me just the 
 same.'
 
 PRINCE ORLOFF. 39 
 
 This mobilisation cost Prince Orloff, nevertheless, an 
 anxious hour. He \\s.s, after the death of Wolkonski, the 
 most trusted of his Majesty's advisers. He had rendered 
 his master, after his accession to the throne, one of those 
 services which a man does not so easily forget. The ingrati- 
 tude often alleged against princes found no place in the noble 
 character of the Czar ; and one who like Orloff had saved his 
 life could reckon on his favour so long as life endured. Orloff 
 saved his monarch by a blow of his fist. Accompanied 
 only by this aide-de-camp, the Emperor had stepped in front 
 of a regiment which had mutinied. He hoped that, as had 
 often happened before, his look would suffice to recall the 
 mutineers to obedience. He asked, * Have you any complamt, 
 my children ? Whoever has anything to say to me, step for- 
 ward ! ' As a rule, such a question would have remained 
 unanswered, and no one would have stirred. But this time 
 some soldiers stepped out of the ranks. One of them went 
 straight up to the Emperor and levelled his weapon at him. 
 Orloff sprang forward at the same instant, seized the soldier 
 and struck him on the forehead with his fist. The man fell 
 in a heap and was dead. His comrades, i^ale with terror, 
 went down on their knees and begged his pardon. But the 
 Emperor after that day always kept the young Hercules near 
 him. Eising step by step, Orloff in 1853 was made chief of 
 the Third Section, that is to say, of the secret police of the 
 Empire, which exercised supreme functions over all other 
 ofiicials. His power was greater than even that of a jirime 
 minister ; all departments trembled before the Third Section, 
 and no tscltinoiniHi however exalted, no landed proprietor 
 however wealthy and eminent, felt himself safe against this 
 j)otentate. 
 
 And yet the Emperor treated this great man sometimes
 
 40 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 like a schoolboy. Probably Nesselrode had spoken to his 
 Majesty about Seymour's inquiry as to the mobilisation of 
 the two army cor^Ds, and represented to him at the same 
 time the painful impression which that unexpected step would 
 make in Europe. Vexed at this, he sent for Orloff, and 
 received him in the utmost ill-temper. ' \Yhat have I a police 
 for ? ' he exclaimed. 
 
 ' Your Majesty must know that best.' 
 
 ' Quite right^only I don't know what good it is. And if you 
 don't give me in twenty-four hours the name of the traitor 
 who has let out the secret of the mobilisation of the fourth 
 and fifth army corps, 3^ou are cashiered.' 
 
 ' Oh,' replied the Prince quite calmly, ' my police is so 
 excellent that I don't require twenty-four hours to give your 
 Majesty the name of the traitor.' 
 
 ' You know him, then '? Y^ou know who it is ? ' 
 
 'I know what I know, your Majesty, but I can only tell it 
 at the Emperor's express command.' 
 
 * I give you that command ! ' 
 
 * The traitor whom your Majesty is looking for is 
 Nicholas I., Paulowitsch, Emperor of All the Eussias, who 
 always forgets, when he talks about State business, and espe- 
 cially military measures, in the Empress's drawing-room, that 
 each of the ladies of the Court present has not only two ears, 
 but also brothers, cousins, and relations in the army, to whom 
 they tell everything they have heard. And every word drop- 
 ped by the Emperor spreads like wildfire through the city.' 
 
 After this piece of information, Orloff was not cashiered. 
 But in spite of it the Emperor never discontinued his habit, 
 either at the Empress's soirees or elsewhere, of talking freely 
 about whatever occupied his mind at the moment. 
 
 Peace, however, was striven for more carefully than ever.
 
 MENSCIIIKOFFS SECRET mSSIOX. 41 
 
 and Nesselrode, in particular, played his part with a master's 
 skill. No one was more convinced than he that the conquest 
 of Turkey, if achieved, would be an act of folly which might 
 imperil the very existence of the Russian Empire. 
 
 This hasty preparation for war, at the mere whim of an 
 autocrat, is partially explained, moreover, by the fact that 
 the Emperor saw in Turkey's compliance with the demands 
 of Austria a proof of the weakness of the Porte. Menschi- 
 kolf's mission may therefore be regarded as a Paissian counter 
 move to that of Leiningen. 
 
 In sea tales and narratives of travel, it is the small black 
 cloud in which the weatherwise captain detects the sign of 
 the coming storm, while the passengers, heedless of danger, 
 are enjoying the blue sky and calm ocean. So also the small 
 black cloud that loomed above the Holy Places in Jerusalem 
 failed to interfere with the amusements of fashionable society 
 during the winter of 1852-1853. 
 
 That simple natural tone which made social intercourse at 
 Vienna so like family life, I missed painfully at St. Petersburg, 
 and soon perceived a difference between the Austrian and the 
 Eussian aristocracies. Although things were not quite so bad 
 with the latter as in the reign of Paul I., who remarked once 
 with perfect simplicity to a foreign diplomatist, ' En Eussie il 
 n'y a de noble que celui ä qui je parle et tant que je lui parle,' 
 jet far more stress was still laid on official rank (tschin) 
 than on birth. There were, it is true, some old families who 
 prided themselves on their descent from Eurik, and were 
 called on that account Eurik families. Privately, indeed, the 
 members of these families boasted of being more ancient and 
 distinguished than the Eomanoffs themselves. Sometimes 
 they even ventured to add that the real Eomanoffs had died 
 out, and that the dynasty was now a German one.
 
 42 ST. rETERSBUllG AND LONDON. 
 
 The old Muscovite party, which assumed such a tone of 
 arrogance after the Crimean "War, was then only in its infancy. 
 But people were beginning even in the dra^ving-rooms to 
 talk Piussian with a certain affectation, and to compare the 
 historian Karamsin with Tacitus, and the poet Puschkin 
 with Goethe. And 3'et Karamsin's ' History of Ptussia ' was 
 written in nsiim Delphini. Puschkin was a poet, and certainly 
 did much to impart to the melodious speech of his fellow- 
 countrymen the dignity of a written language. But a uni- 
 versal genius like Goethe he was not, and outside his own 
 country he made little mark in the history of culture. 
 
 The mania for nationality, however, soon found expression 
 in a hatred of the Germans. It is true that the highest 
 posts in the army and the diplomatic service were filled b}' 
 Germans,' and the numerous sons of the nobility of Cour- 
 land and Livonia regarded the Russian Empire as an inex- 
 haustible mine of high offices and riches. But the Emperors, 
 in choosing their most trusted servants from these sons of the 
 German Knights of the Order of the Sword, had good reason 
 for their selection. In sound judgment, persevering industry, 
 and especially fidelity and honesty, the Germans were infi- 
 nitely superior to the Russians. 
 
 One of these Courlanders, whom I had known at Dresden, 
 and who occupied one of the highest posts in the Ministry 
 for Foreign Affairs, assured me that he had warned the 
 Emperor himself of the arrogance of the Russian party : ' If 
 your Majesty does not check this mischief, we shall live to see in 
 your reign a St. Bartholomew's Night of all German officials.' 
 The Emperor — added my friend — looked very grave, and 
 
 ' A Eussian general of German extraction once went through the Army 
 List with me, and proved to me from the officers' names that the percentage of 
 Germans increased at every grade.
 
 SKETCHES OF SOCIETY. 43 
 
 promised to have matters mended. The charge made against 
 Nesseh'ode, of showing partiahty to his countrymen, was 
 unjust. For neither Meyendorff in Vienna, nor Brunnow in 
 London, any more than Budberg in Berlin, could easily have 
 been replaced by Eussians. The Corsican Pozzo di Borgo 
 had had to represent Kussia as Ambassador at Paris for 
 many years, there being no one more capable than he. In the 
 higher circles of society this hatred of Germans w'as hardly 
 apparent ; and of the Imperial Princes, Constantine alone, the 
 second one, was looked on from his youth as a champion of 
 the old Muscovite party. The Emperor w'as fond of him — his 
 ' Admiral,' as he called him — but treated him strictly. 
 
 Among the houses which were open to us foreigners, that 
 of Count Stroganoff was conspicuous for its hospitality. The 
 venerable octogenarian was blind, but had retained the fresh- 
 ness and vigour of his mind. In his youth he had repre- 
 sented Russia at several Courts, and had never broken off his 
 old ties. His second wife, Julie, was a Portuguese by birth, a 
 Countess Oynhausen, the daughter or granddaughter of a 
 Hanoverian who had been naturalised in Portugal. The 
 Countess Julie was about twenty years younger than her 
 blind husband, and of unusually engaging qualities in society. 
 Their handsome residence, enriched with art treasures of 
 every kind, amongst others with a valuable collection of 
 Dresden china, was filled with visitors from morning to night. 
 Every day, according to the old Piussian custom,there was open 
 table, where everyone, whether invited or not, found a welcome. 
 The elder son of the first marriage, already a man of sixty, 
 the one-armed General Count Stroganoff, was then Minister 
 of the Interior, and was considered an energetic ofiicial. The 
 younger, Gregor}-, was a colonel and aide-de-camp of the Em- 
 peror, and was shortly about to conclude a morganatic marriage
 
 44 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 with the Emi^eror's daughter, the Grand Duchess Marie, the 
 widow of the Duke of Leuchtenberg. The Countess Julie could 
 not be said to be remarkable for her mental qualities, but she 
 had a good heart and was touchingly devoted to her blind hus- 
 band. A number of young nieces, amongst whom I will only 
 mention the charming Countess Orloff-Denisoff— afterwards 
 married to Count Schouvaloff — gave life to this European 
 salon. There was music and occasionally some reading aloud, 
 and everyone came and went as he liked. 
 
 Among the Ministers, Count Kisseleff, the former Am- 
 bassador in Paris, who presided over the Department of the 
 Imperial Domains, was likewise extremely amiable to us 
 foreigners. 
 
 Pratasoif also, the Emperor's general aide-de-camp, who, 
 from his being the President of the Sacred Synod, was nick- 
 named the Piussian Pope, was fond of showing us hospitality, 
 especially in summer at his country, seat near St. Petersburg. 
 
 General Count Kouscheleff, and Count Woronzoff-Dasch- 
 koff and his agreeable wife, kept, like many others, open 
 house. 
 
 A salun of a peculiar kind was that of the daughters of 
 the historian Karamsin, the eldest of whom was married to a 
 Prince Mestscherski. She was an invalid, Ijut her younger 
 unmarried sisters did the honours every evening, and, like 
 their brother-in-law, were very pleased when visitors dropped 
 in after a ball. It was not unusual for them to do this as 
 late as four o'clock in the morning. Many a time we did not 
 leave this hospitable house till daylight. 
 
 In the Beloselski Palace, one of the finest in St. Peters- 
 burg, and since purchased for one of the Grand Dukes, a 
 brother of the reigning Emperor, was then living the Princess 
 Helene Kotschubey, by birth a Countess Benkendor£f, who
 
 EASTER FESTIVITIES. 45 
 
 was mournmg for her lately deceased second husband in a 
 boudoh- bordered with black. She received visitors in this 
 apartment, but never appeared during this wmter in the 
 reception rooms. Her recently married daughter by her first 
 marriage, the Princess Lise Trubetzkoi, a Beloselski by birth, 
 presided over the entertainments at her house. One of these 
 consisted of very tastefully arranged tableaux. The other was 
 more original. This was the customary holy Easter breakfast 
 after the long Piussian fast. Several of the leading Piussian 
 families then maintained, like the Court, private choirs, whose 
 duty it was to sing the hymns during the service in the chapel 
 belonging to the house without any instrumental accompani- 
 ment. The singers were all dressed in the livery of the 
 household, and for the most part were well trained. The 
 Piussians are born musicians, and thus these choirs could 
 challenge comparison with the famous performances in the 
 Sistine Chapel, only instead of the eunuchs employed at Eome, 
 there were here young serfs. This festival in the Beloselski 
 Palace began, as usual, at ten o'clock m the evening. The 
 chapel was on the ground floor, but the choir and galleries 
 were on the same level as the reception rooms. Thus there 
 was a constant passing to and fro, which lasted throughout 
 the night. The worshippers and the lovers of music went 
 for a quarter of an hour into the chapel, and then returned 
 to the salons. The ceremon}' in the Winter Palace being con- 
 cluded more quickly, the Court ladies, who came from there 
 in Russian costume, with their kakoschniks blazing with 
 diamonds, served to enliven this constant interchange of 
 devotional exercises and profane gossip. When the Hallelujah 
 in the chapel proclaimed that Christ was risen, all who were 
 present, both men and women, embraced each other accord- 
 ing to the Piussian custom, and hastened to make up for their
 
 46 ST, PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 long fast at the tables loaded with consecrated viands ; a 
 curious spectacle for a foreigner. The Eussians seek to testify 
 their orthodox piety by repeating some thousand times on 
 Easter Day, ' Christ is risen ! ' and emphasising it by the 
 answer, ' Yes, verily, He has risen ! ' The Emperor himself 
 embraces the grenadiers who stand sentry before the Winter 
 Palace. 
 
 How now were things looking beneath the feet of this 
 modern Agamemnon, this king of kings, who at the pinnacle 
 of his power and greatness loved to regard himself as the 
 champion of political order in Europe, and the protector of the 
 other rulers who were threatened by the Eevolution ? He was 
 proud of being able to pass alone, at all hours of the day and 
 night, without escort or following of any kind, along the 
 streets of his capital. I met him almost daily on his way to 
 his daughter, the Grand Duchess Marie ; far off his tall figure 
 could be recognised in an old shabby grey military cloak — the 
 cloak which he had once been obliged to give a droschky 
 driver as a pledge for his fare. Many stories were told to 
 show the popularity and affability of the Eussian monarch. 
 His power rested on the masses ; he was the supreme head of 
 a people who lived under an almost communistic and decidedly 
 democratic organisation, the Mir, and who regarded the Czar 
 as their father, their God on earth. All this sounded very 
 fine, and corresponded with reality about as much as the 
 artificially tropical atmosphere of the palm houses, with which 
 the wealthy Eussian ladies adorned their palaces, corresponds 
 with the climate of Nice or Madeira. 
 
 A mere accident informed me of what was going on under- 
 neath the shining surface, inside the volcano on which people 
 were dancing with such self-complacency. 
 
 A trivial matter of business, such as occurs every da}^
 
 NIITTLIST CONSPIRACY. 47 
 
 with embassies, led me unexpectedly to surmise the truth. I 
 liad made the acquaintance at Dresden some years before, in 
 the house of a Polish lady of rank, of a young Russian, whom, 
 to avoid mentioning his family name, I will call Ivan Ivano- 
 \itch. He had an engaging exterior, and the manners of 
 the best society. He had been at some German universities, 
 ;ind surprised me all the more by his very outspoken predilec- 
 tion for the young Hegelians of the Feuerbach tj'pe, since I 
 was assured on the best authority that he was one of Count 
 Ncsselrode's greatest favourites, and among the most distin- 
 guished officials in the Russian Foreign Office. I had not yet 
 had time to look him up at St. Petersburg, when I was officially 
 ordered to remind him of the payment of an outstanding ac- 
 count. I found, on inquiry at his department, that Ivan Ivano- 
 vitch had not been at work in the Foreign Office for several 
 months, and no one could or would give me his address. 
 Nothing more was left, therefore, but to request the Piussian 
 Government in an official note to settle this trifling affair. I 
 was informed in reply that Ivan Ivanovitch was exiled to 
 Siberia, and politically dead, so that it was quite impossible 
 to obtain either an acknowledgment of the claim by him or 
 payment from his heirs. I tried long but in vain to ascertain 
 something further as to the reason of this exile. At length 
 
 Prmce G , who was then chief of the secret police, 
 
 gave me, in the strictest confidence, the following infor- 
 mation. 
 
 Ivan Ivanovitch had certainly been one of the most 
 favourite officials of Count Nesselrode, and his very extensive 
 capabilities might have afforded him every jDrospect of a 
 brilliant diplomatic career. Unhappily, however, the young 
 man had allowed himself to be ensnared mto a secret society, 
 whose aim was the destruction of all existing institutions.
 
 48 ST. rETERSRURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The police had come upon theu* track while still in time. On 
 searching the house they found a number of letters, mostly in 
 cipher, the deciphering of which was easy, as the key was- 
 there. A few days afterwards Ivan Ivanovitch and his 
 fellow-conspirators were in safe custody. 'I can only tell you 
 this,' so the Prince concluded his statement, ' that the whole 
 affair was contrived with a really fiendish cleverness. The 
 ramifications spread over all our provinces. Here at St. 
 Petersburg the Emperor and all the members of his family, 
 and in the provinces the governors-general and police officials, 
 were to be murdered on one and the same day, and Eussia 
 changed into a federal republic. This young man was, as I 
 have said, a genius, and the head of the most dangerous con- 
 spiracy that we have detected since the accession of the 
 present Emperor. I have, moreover, every reason to believe 
 that Bakunin, whom you caught three years ago in Saxony, 
 was in the closest alliance with Ivan Ivanovitch. Bakunin 
 is now^ here, having been delivered up to us by Austria. I 
 have examined him myself. Poor man ; I don't think that 
 the Eussian army contained an artillery officer in its ranks 
 who was his match in knowledge and ability. Providence has 
 saved us in this affair, and the two delinquents, Ivan Ivano- 
 vitch and Bakunin, will expiate their offence in the mines of 
 Siberia.' 
 
 Prince G was a gentleman and a patriot, who was 
 
 faithfully devoted to his Emperor and his country, and ad- 
 ministered his difficult functions with acknowledged humanity 
 and justice. 
 
 The Emperor Nicholas had told me, then, the plain un- 
 varnished truth : ' Le sol etait mine sous ses pieds.' Nor had 
 he been wrong in adding that so long as he reigned the 
 party of Ee volution would keep quiet. "Widely ramifying
 
 THE CZAR AND THE NIHILISTS. 49 
 
 conspiracies like that of Ivan Ivanovitch are not repeated 
 every day. Their discovery guarantees peace for a time. How 
 short that time was, w'e know. And how powerful became 
 the secret societies — the Nihilists, as we call them to-day — 
 is shown by the nefarious assassination of Alexander II. 
 
 No one who pictures to himself the impression such a 
 discovery must have made on the Emperor Nicholas, will 
 wonder that he should have been tempted to conjure away 
 domestic danger by means of a diversion abroad. Precisely 
 in the same manner did Napoleon III. in 1870 plunge into a 
 war which cost him his crown and liberty, in the hope of 
 escaping the revolution that threatened him at home. The 
 same motives also which urged on the peace-loving Alexander 
 II. to the unprovoked war against Turkey in 1877 were the 
 result of that unhappy monarch's precarious position at home. 
 And yet neither Napoleon III. nor Alexander II. was mentally 
 afflicted like the Emperor Nicholas, of whose condition his 
 old physician Dr. Arndt had made a diagnosis some years 
 before agreeing with that of his English doctor. As far back 
 as 1840-50 that skilful German physician, who had known his 
 Imperial patient from his youth, lamented the symptoms of 
 hereditary disease in the significant words, ' II faut que je sois 
 sur mes gardes jour et nuit, car I'Empereur et ses freres ont 
 tous le coup de marteau de I'Empereur Paul.' 
 
 Thus my stay at St. Petersburg, though it lasted less than 
 a year, had given me material enough to acquaint myself in 
 some measure with the condition of Piussia both at home 
 and in respect of her foreign relations. I hailed not without 
 pleasure the breaking up of the Neva and the moving ice on 
 the Lake Ladoga as signs of the coming spring and the 
 speedy reopening of navigation. I was to leave the Ptussian 
 capital by the first ship ; that was settled. 
 
 VOL. I. E
 
 50 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 As the time for my departure drew near, I paid my fare- 
 well visits and cleared off current business. The Emperor 
 received me with his accustomed courtesy, but I found him 
 very much altered, gloomy, so to speak, laconic, and absent. 
 The Grand Duke, then heir to the throne and afterwards 
 Alexander II., was more communicative ; he was an amiable, 
 good-hearted man, whose weakness of character was revealed 
 in his large but expressionless eyes. The contour of his head 
 seemed to me to betoken even less promise than did that of his 
 father's. For natures such as his, a greater misfortune can 
 scarcely happen than to be called to rule a State like Eussia. 
 
 There was at that time no shorter way to Germany than 
 by sea. During the months when the Neva was free from ice, 
 a steamer went once a week to Stettin. As I was about to go 
 on board. Count Nesselrode sent for me to see him once more 
 before my journey home. He met me in the most friendly 
 manner possible, and seemed in the very best of moods. 
 * Forgive me,' he said, ' for having given you the trouble of 
 coming ; but I was anxious to deliver to you this letter 
 myself, as it is a matter of great importance that it should 
 not come into wrong hands. As a reward for taking it, I 
 will tell you its contents. I have seen this evening a courier 
 from Constantinople, who brings me the news, so long and 
 anxiously awaited, that the troublesome affair of the Holy 
 Places is at last settled. As peace is, therefore, assured, I 
 have arranged to meet my old friend Schröder (the Russian 
 Ambassador at Dresden) next June at Kissingen.' 
 
 I thanked the Chancellor. This was the happiest ending 
 of my mission that I could have wished for. 
 
 Scarcely had I reached Swinemiinde than I hastened to the 
 telegraph office to send the intelligence of peace to Dresden. 
 On arriving at Di'esden a few days later, after a brief
 
 NESSEJ.RODE'S PEACE DELUSIONS. 51 
 
 stay at Berlin, 1 was met there with the news that my 
 telegram had been forwarded at once to Vienna, but that a 
 reply had been telegraphed from that place that the question 
 of the Key had been settled, it was true, but that peace was 
 in no way assured, as Menschikoff meanwhile was putting 
 forward demands at Constantinople which the Porte would 
 not comply with. 
 
 * That only proves,' I remarked, * that Count Nesselrode 
 "was once more not in the secret.' 
 
 E 2
 
 52 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTEE IL 
 
 LONDON. — 1853. 
 
 Landing — Audience of the Queen— Kepresentatives of the Great Powers — The 
 Marquis d'Azeglio — Dissohition of old Historical Parties — The Coalition 
 Ministry — Signs of a European Crisis — Naval Eeview at Spithead — Lord 
 Aberdeen's and Lord Clarendon's Love of Peace — The Vienna Note — Lord 
 Stratford de EedclifTe, Protector of the Porte — ' We are drifting into War ' — 
 Brunnow's View of the Situation — The Entente cordiale — Designs of 
 Lord Palmerston and Napoleon — Sinope — Visit to Paris — Anti-English 
 Feeling — Napoleonic Ideas^ — Count Buol's Difficulties — Neutral Policy of 
 Prussia and the Minor States. 
 
 On June 4, 1853, I landed in London at St. Catherine s 
 Docks. By the advice of my friends, I had taken the boat at 
 Antwerp, so as to gain at once on my arrival the imposing 
 view of the shipping on the Thames. Externally, London 
 did not at first sight impress me, accustomed as my eyes had 
 been to the vast dimensions of St. Petersburg. The luxury 
 also displayed in the interior arrangements of the Russian 
 palaces is looked for in vain in the houses of the Londoners. 
 The aristocracy regard the metropolis simply as a place of 
 temporary sojourn. Moreover, one must have first studied 
 for a time the life that throbs in all the veins of this gigantic 
 body, to form a clear conception of the grandeur of the 
 capital of the world. In fact London is not so much a city 
 as a world. But what at the very outset pleased me so 
 uncommonly was the command of a horizon unattainable in 
 any other city in the world; and, next, the feeling of dis-
 
 AUDIENCE OF THE QUEEX. 53 
 
 appearing in the mass of people, a sense of freedom which we 
 do not feel even in Paris, to say nothing of Vienna and 
 Berlin. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon, to whom his friend Sir Hamilton 
 Seymour had given me a special letter of mtroduction, 1 
 met with the most cordial reception, and a few days after- 
 wards he presented me to Queen Victoria, to whom, on 
 June 13, I delivered my credentials as Minister Resident 
 from the King of Saxony. Prince Albert was present at the 
 audience. 
 
 The same evening I was invited to dine with her Majesty. 
 It was a grand dinner in honour of the newly arrived Duke 
 of Genoa, brother of the King of Sardinia. The Piedmontese 
 evidently saw in the threatening complications in the East 
 an opportunity of realising their scheme of nationality. The 
 Duke, a strikingly handsome man with a military bearing, 
 was extremely pleasant. He had not omitted to bring with 
 him one of the most conspicuous leaders of the Italian party 
 of independence. Chevalier Massimo d'Azeglio, whose acquaint- 
 ance I then made. This clever and highly cultivated patriot 
 turned to account the short period of his stay by contracting 
 some useful friendships. 
 
 The Queen, as also Prince Albert, repeatedly expressed to 
 me that evenmg their pleasm-e at seeing agam a representa- 
 tive of Saxony at the British Court, the post in London 
 having remained unfilled smce the recall of Baron von Beust 
 m 1848. 
 
 Like the Queen and her husband, I was then in my 
 thirty-fourth year, and being in the possession of an inde- 
 pendent post, could consider my diplomatic apprenticeship 
 concluded. But I had soon to find how much I had still to 
 learn. I knew England only from books, and I soon saw
 
 54 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 that neither the party writings of Macaulay, nor the works of 
 Dahlmann, Gneist, and others, could serve me as safe guides 
 in this labyrinth, so little known on the Continent. 
 
 Even the diplomatic body, which is more or less lost in 
 this metropolis of the world, was of little help to me at first. 
 In reality, I knew only, and that slightly, the Austrian 
 Ambassador, Count Colloredo, and his wife. The Countess 
 had once lived for some time at Dresden, and had seen me 
 when a child. In remembrance of that, she offered to teU. 
 me the official and private history of more than a thou- 
 sand persons in London society. She was a clever but 
 intriguing woman, and I soon saw that her personal position 
 in the new world I had entered was not a prominent one. 
 Count Colloredo himself, a thorough man of honour, was 
 still too new and unknown to serve as my mentor, notwith- 
 standing the universal respect which he enjoyed. 
 
 A most agreeable house was that of the French Ambas- 
 sador, Count Walewski. His first wife had been an English 
 lady of good family, and thus he had formed intimacies 
 which had already been useful to him in London as the 
 agent of the Polish Committee in Paris, before Napoleon III. 
 came to the throne. He was supposed to be a son of 
 Napoleon I. A novice in diplomacy, this improvised am- 
 bassador acquired through extraordinary circumstances an 
 importance to which his talents scarcely entitled him. Only 
 his smooth black hair called to mind the ' Corse aux cheveux 
 plats ; ' his tall figure and his physiognomy, with the excep- 
 tion of the strongly marked jaw, had nothing Napoleonic. 
 He was extremely vain of his small white hands, in which 
 people detected a legacy of the Emperor. His pleasing 
 manners, suggestive of the Parisian hoti rirant, did not pre- 
 vent his being thought in English society somewhat too pom-
 
 COUNT WALEWSKI. 55 
 
 pons, and accused of a jxirroiu's want of tact. Thus, for 
 instance, shortly after my arrival, he had said to the Duchess 
 of Sutherland, the Queen's Mistress of the Rohes, only a few 
 days before a dinner to which her Grace had invited him in 
 honour of the Duke of Genoa, that as the brother of the 
 King of Sardinia M'as not a Crown Prince, he could not, 
 as Ambassador, yield precedence to liiin. The Duchess 
 hastened to the Queen, who at once put an end to the diffi- 
 culty by announcinf^ her intention of appearing at Stafford 
 House. Her Majesty came and took the Duke of Genoa's 
 arm. Prince Albert took in the lady of the house to dinner, 
 and Walewski had the disappointment but not the laughers 
 on his side. 
 
 Walewski's second wife, a Poniatowska from Florence, 
 had inherited the easy-going disposition of her Italian 
 mother and the Slavonic gracefulness of her father. With- 
 out being beautiful, she was decidedly pretty and coquettish. 
 There was nothing but the visible jealousy of her husband to 
 provoke a whisper against her virtue. But she was univer- 
 sally liked, and their soirees were regularly attended by the 
 leading men of all parties. 
 
 The French Embassy was still in Grosvenor Square ; the 
 present residence in Albert Gate, Hyde Park, was first pur- 
 chased by the Government in 1854. 
 
 I soon became on terms of intimacy with Walewski, and, 
 as he liked to hear himself talk, I was indebted to him for 
 much information which remained hidden from the news- 
 papers. The secret working of the Government machine in 
 England was, of course, more or less an enigma to the super- 
 ficial Frenchman. And if Lord Palmerston, as will be seen 
 presently, had not wanted him, he would scarcely have played 
 the part he did. The ' Morning Post ' was Walewski's organ.
 
 56 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON, 
 
 a paper which in the highest circles of society was then read 
 only for fashionable news, and which exercised a very second- 
 rate influence on public opinion. 
 
 Besides the French, there was then only one other ambas- 
 sador, the Turkish, who until 1885 was the doyen of the 
 diplomatic body in London — Musurus Pasha, an Armenian 
 by birth. For the Porte, it was a matter not without its 
 value to be represented in London durmg the Eastern com- 
 plications by a Christian, who could illustrate in his own 
 person the truth of the assertion that the twelve million 
 Christian subjects of the Sultan preferred the ' Turkish yoke ' 
 to the Eussian protectorate. 
 
 Prussia had sent Baron Bunsen as Minister to London, 
 an unfortunate choice, since he was wanting in so many of 
 those qualities which would have been necessary to surmount 
 the difficulties of his position. He had already made o, fiasco 
 at Ptome, having involved his Government in the gravest 
 embarrassment by his recommendation to imprison the Arch- 
 bishop of Cologne. Bunsen had imagined in all seriousness 
 that he would overawe the Vatican by this high-handed 
 measure, and was much astonished when the Pope and the 
 Cardinal Secretary of State gave him to understand that 
 they would no longer receive him. After this failure, Bunsen 
 took care to flatter the fancies of his royal patron, Frederick 
 William IV., who had meanwhile come to the throne, and to 
 make Jerusalem a stepping-stone to London. In fa,ct, it was to 
 realise the pet idea of the King — the establishment of a Protes- 
 tant bishopric at Jerusalem — that Bunsen was first sent to 
 England. He understood how to make some influential per- 
 sonages share the exaggerated opinion that he had of himself. 
 Among these, in addition to his own king, was, at all events 
 at first. Prince Albert, who took an interest in archaeological
 
 BARON BRUNNOW. -jj 
 
 studies. Baron Bunsen's artistic dilettantism was a harmless 
 hobby, but that he should have seriously thought himself a 
 statesman was a misfortune for Prussia. The shallow Liberal- 
 ism which was the rage among the Prussian bureaucracy after 
 1840, did no good to either Germany or Prussia. However, 
 Bunsen shared that weakness with so many, that no one 
 would have blamed him for it had he entertained it as an 
 honest conviction. That was impossible, if only for the 
 reason that he was never very particular about the truth. I 
 had been warned against him in many quarters after my 
 arrival, and listened patiently, therefore, without attaching 
 any value to his declamations, in which he spared nobody. His 
 defects of manner were as a rule overlooked, thanks to that 
 supreme indifference with which the insular Englishman is 
 wont to look down on foreigners. 
 
 The most gifted among the representatives of the Great 
 Powers in 1853 was unquestionably the Piussian Mmister, 
 Baron Brunnow. He had first attracted the attention of the 
 Emperor Nicholas in the campaign of 1828. He was a big, 
 powerful man, with a remarkably massive frame. If there is 
 any truth in the saymg that every man has his prototype 
 in the animal kingdom, Brunnow might be compared to a 
 hippopotamus ; he had an old-world look about him. His 
 enormous mouth showed an array of large false teeth. His 
 eyes also reminded one of the monster of the Nile ; like the 
 latter when rising above the water, he used to puff and snort. 
 He was considered a remarkably good redacteur, and attached 
 perhaps greater importance to the form than to the sub- 
 stance of his reports, which were considered models of their 
 kind. If he had to attend a conference, and it was a ques- 
 tion of drawing up a protocol or a convention, he tried his 
 utmost to get entrusted with the task of putting it into style.
 
 58 ST. PETEtlSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 and his colleagues were glad to pay homage to this weakness. 
 In conversation he affected a cordiality which was wholly foreign 
 to his nature. He belonged to the old school of diplomatists. 
 He flattered on principle, but with such a profuseness of 
 studied refinement that his hearers saw through the inten- 
 tion, and were on their guard. The English smiled at these 
 petty artifices, but allowed themselves to be easily impressed 
 by his experience and knowledge of business. 
 
 Among the representatives of second-class States, the most 
 active was the Sardinian Minister, the Marquis d'Azeglio. 
 Under the mask of a collector of curiosities and art trifles, 
 he had had an opportunity, through his intimacy with the 
 ladies of Lord Palmerston's household, of practically further- 
 ing the tricky policy of Count Cavour.' Intellectually he was 
 inferior to his uncle Massimo, but he was active and well- 
 informed. I saw him almost daily at the Travellers' Club. 
 
 The Ministry which I found at the head of affairs was a 
 Coalition one, formed a few months before, and typical of the 
 state of decomposition into which the old English parties had 
 then fallen. The aristocratic Whigs and Tories of the time 
 of the great war against Napoleon had disappeared from the 
 stage. A former Tory, Lord Palmerston, was conspicuous 
 among the leaders of the Whigs, or, as they were then already 
 called, the Liberal party. A former Wliig, Lord Derby, was 
 leading the Tories or Conservatives. The latter had lost, 
 through the death of the Duke of Wellington in the previous 
 year, one of their most glorious leaders, and through the 
 reform of the Corn Laws effected by Sir Robert Peel, their 
 general staff. 
 
 The full significance of Sir Piobert Peel's peaceful revolu- 
 
 ' See on this subject Nicom^cle Bianchi's La Politique du Conite de Cavour 
 de 1852 ä 1861 ; Lettres ineditcs. Turin, 1885.
 
 DISSOLUTION OF OLD PA.IITIES. 59 
 
 tion lias scarcely been recognised on the Continent in our 
 time, and yet that reform was a social transformation, fraught 
 ■with perhaps wider consequences to the world than the French 
 Eevolution of 1789. In London only can it be seen what an 
 influence the market price of wheat has on the commerce of 
 the world. When wheat on the London market fell from 
 eighty to thirty shillings the quarter, the aristocratic and agri- 
 cultural Old England was changed to a democratic and in- 
 dustrial State. Cheap bread and Free Trade were the watch- 
 words with which the English statesmen of the new era 
 secured, extended, and made fruitful their hereditary domi- 
 nion of the sea. That Sir Robert Peel, the son of a Avealthy 
 manufacturer, should have inaugurated this policy of world- 
 wide importance, is as mtelligible as the fact that many sons 
 of the great landowning nobility should have hesitated to 
 follow him on the road. It was just the most able and 
 experienced of the adherents of the old Tory party who had 
 not been able to make up their minds, after the death of 
 their gifted leader, to retrace their footsteps in a body, and 
 thus the Peelites formed a middle party, who, though number- 
 ing scarcely thirty members in the House of Commons, yet 
 for a long time suf&ced to turn the scale. Lord Derby had 
 made an honourable attempt, after the resignation of Lord 
 John Russell's AMiig Ministry in the beginning of 1852, to 
 rehabilitate the Conservative party for office after the seces- 
 sion of the Peelites. He formed out of ' raw recruits,' as 
 lie himself expressed it, a Cabinet containing only one 
 minister besides himself who had previously taken part in 
 the councils of the Crown. 
 
 These recruits, who were led in the House of Commons 
 with rare abilit}- b}^ Disraeli — himself a novus Jiomo — did their 
 duty well enough, but were unable, nevertheless, to escape a
 
 60 ST. PETERSBURG .VND LONDON. 
 
 crushing defeat. The new ParHament, which had been elected 
 at their instance, rejected their Budget by a majority of nine- 
 teen. Lord Derby had foreseen this, and all his attempts to 
 induce Lord Palmerston and some of the PeeHtes to join him 
 were ineffectual. The proud Earl, however, consoled himself 
 personally for this failure. He preferred the thankful part of 
 leader of her Majesty's faithful Opposition to the thankless 
 one of a Prime Mmister. 
 
 Grood advice was scarce, when Lord Derb}^ towards the 
 end of December 1852, tendered to the Queen at Osborne his 
 resignation. The quarrel between Lord John Piussell and 
 Palmerston, which had been so disastrous to the Whig 
 Government in 1851, was not yet healed. To entrust the 
 former with the construction of a new Cabinet seemed rash. 
 The Crown, like the countr}-, was longing for a strong Govern- 
 ment, and this could only be obtained by a union of the 
 Peelites with the Liberals. Overtures in this direction had 
 already been made, and the Queen, by arrangement with the 
 Whig leader, the Marquis of Lansdowne, sent for Lord Aber- 
 deen. This veteran statesman, now close upon seventy years 
 old, who as long ago as 1813, 1814, and 1815 had played a 
 prominent part in diplomacy, and since then had twice been 
 Foreign Secretary, undertook, not without some hesitation, 
 the onerous but patriotic duty imposed upon him by the 
 Queen. The formation of his Ministr}' was a difficult task, 
 although both Peelites and Liberals, united as they were in 
 princij)le, acknowledged that a coalition was the onl}^ possible 
 solution. Macaulay, together ^\dth Lord Lansdowne, suc- 
 ceeded in mducing the refractory Lord John Piussell to under- 
 take the leadership of the House of Commons under Lord 
 Aberdeen ; and Lord Palmerston also was persuaded, though 
 not without difficulty, to join the Cabinet as Home Secretary^
 
 Tin: COALITION MINISTRY. 61 
 
 the Queen being unwilling to entrust him again with the 
 Foreign Office. At length, in January 1853, the Cabinet 
 was completed, and the distribution of offices determined for 
 the present. The Whigs complained that Lord Aberdeen had 
 given undue preference to the members of his own party, in 
 offering the Chancellorship of the Exchequer to Mr. Gladstone, 
 the First Lordship of the Admiralty to Sir James Graham, and 
 the then united posts of Colonial Secretary and Secretary for 
 War to the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 It soon became apparent that this strong Government was 
 only too strong, for it contained two if not three members 
 each of whom considered himself more fit to take the helm 
 than the honest but now somewhat enfeebled Lord Aberdeen. 
 
 A good choice was that of Lord Clarendon, who, though des- 
 titute of first-rate ability, 1)rought with him, in addition to his 
 strongly marked Liberal opinions, a great capacity for work, 
 agreeable manners, and a practical knowledge of business. 
 He had been Ambassador in Spain and also Viceroy of 
 Ireland, and was very popular in London society. 
 
 The Ministry ' of all the Talents,' as Disraeli called it, was 
 not yet five months old, when Prmce Menschikoff's demands 
 at Constantinople brought to the front the Eastern crisis, 
 which was destined to test so severely the ability of English 
 statesmen. 
 
 The first serious complication in Europe which had 
 occurred since 1815 found all Cabinets, without exception, 
 unprepared. It is true that the Eusso-Turkish campaign of 
 1828-9, as well as the crisis of 1840 caused by the Quadruple 
 Alliance against France, had already caused the Eastern 
 Question to crop up. But successful efforts had then been 
 made to localise it, and to prevent the outbreak of a war 
 between two or more of the Great Powers of Europe.
 
 62 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Anticipating what actually came to pass, Prince Albert 
 urgently recommended the reform and completion of the much 
 neglected preparations for defence by sea and land. The Duke 
 of Wellington had supported him in this to the end of his life, 
 and Lord Derby also had done what he could during his brief 
 administration to strengthen the manning of the navy. 
 
 At the pressing instance of the Prince, a camp had been 
 formed at Chobham in the summer of 1853, thus enabling the 
 concentration for field exercises of the troops belonging to the 
 various garrisons. The Prince himself, as commander of the 
 second division of the Guards, took an active part in these 
 evolutions ; and as this first experiment proved successful, it 
 grew into a permanent institution, the still existing camp at 
 Alder shot. 
 
 An event of still greater importance was the introduction 
 of steam in the royal navy. Large sums had been spent on 
 this improvement, and the Queen had the satisfaction on 
 August 8, 1853, of holding a grand naval review at Spithead. 
 This review was the great event of the season. The Admi- 
 ralty had invited to it both Houses of Parliament and the 
 diplomatic body. A special train took us rapidly to Ports- 
 mouth, where we went on board a steamer, the ' Black 
 Eagle,' which had been prepared for our reception. The 
 weather was fine, but the sea sufficiently rough to prevent 
 several of my colleagues from enjoying the imposing spectacle. 
 We found sixteen ships of war drawn up in line, and in a 
 short time the Queen, accompanied by the Prince Consort, 
 appeared on board the royal yacht, the ' Victoria and Albert.' 
 Behind them, on another yacht, flying the English flag, came 
 two Russian Grand Duchesses, daughters of the Emperor 
 Nicholas, namely the Crown Princess Olga of Würtemberg 
 and the Grand Duchess Maria Nikolajewna, Duchess of
 
 NAVAL TIEMEW AT SPITIIEAD. 6o 
 
 Leuchtenberg. These two had come, probably not without 
 an object at this critical moment, to visit the Court in 
 London. Hundreds of steamers, filled with thousands of 
 spectators, covered the sea, and the shouts of the people 
 drowned the thunder of the salvoes of artillery. After the 
 Queen had passed up and down through the fleet, the 
 manoeuvres began, and it was beautiful to see with what 
 ease, safety, and rapidit}- such monsters of the deep as the 
 gigantic ' Duke of Wellington,' of 131 guns, were enabled to 
 move by means of the screw. The leadmg idea was the de- 
 fence of Portsmouth harbour against an enemy's fleet, whose 
 advance guard, consisting of three English sailing ships of 
 the line, was signalled some miles from the harbour. The 
 steam flotilla was put in motion at a preconcerted sig- 
 nal from the flagship ; then, headed by the royal yacht, 
 advanced to meet the three attacking vessels, and, forming 
 line abreast, cannonaded them with the result that tlie\' were 
 soon supposed to be crippled and disabled from action. The 
 captain of our steamer had indulged himself \)j exposing his 
 craft to a broadside from the ' Duke of Wellmgton." Seventy- 
 five guns of the heaviest calibre at close quarters caused 
 such a deafening hubbub, and the gunpowder such a l)linding 
 darkness, that for some mmutes we could literally neither 
 hear nor see. The fight was now over, and the sailors of the 
 defeated ships manned yards and showed the Queen by a 
 thundering hurrah that the battle had not cost any killed 
 and wounded. Now began a thoroughly Enghsh chase, every 
 boat having got orders to steam at full speed to the harbour. 
 The practical Englishmen thus converted this spectacle into 
 a valuable technical trial of machmery. As every steamer, 
 even the smallest, took part in this chase, it reminded one of 
 the famous return from the Derby. All went oö" without an
 
 64 SI'. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 accident, and the most colossal vessel of the English navy, 
 the ' Duke of Wellington,' came out victorious from the contest- 
 
 During my first conversations with Lord Clarendon on 
 the threatening complications in the East, I was able to 
 satisfy myself that, notwithstanding Prince Menschikolf's 
 defiant attitude at Constantinople, the confidence of the 
 English Secretary of State in the loj'alty of the Emperor 
 Nicholas remained unshaken. A man likes to believe what he 
 wishes to be the fact ; and the English Ministers, at least 
 Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, wished nothing more 
 sincerely than the maintenance of peace. For Turkey no 
 sympathy was felt, and nothing at first was further from 
 Englishmen's minds than the thought of going to war with 
 Eussia on behalf of those infidels and that barbarous and 
 half-rotten empire. Ignorance of Continental relations, and 
 that remarkable indifference which characterises Enghsh 
 statesmen, were then palpably conspicuous. 
 
 It would be an error to suppose that the confidential cor- 
 respondence of Sir Hamilton Seymour had already in January 
 and February, that is to say at the time when his private in- 
 terview with the Emperor Nicholas took place, produced the 
 same impression on the leading English statesmen that it did 
 when presented to Parliament a year afterwards. A purely 
 academical importance had been attached to these overtures 
 of the Emperor ; and not having been followed up, they were 
 treated as obsolete. Nay, even when Prince Menschikoff had 
 quitted Constantinople after the refusal of his ultimatum, 
 and the Paissian troops, Avhich had been collected with the 
 ostensible object of resistmg the encroachments of the Latin 
 monks at Jerusalem, had occupied the Danubian Princi- 
 palities as a guarantee, strong hopes were still entertamed 
 that the crisis might be averted by diplomacy, and that the 
 Emperor Nicholas would give back his guarantee, provided
 
 THE VIENNA NOTE. 65 
 
 only the four other Great Powers would combine firmly to 
 make the demand. 
 
 Conferences lasting for several weeks led to the Vienna 
 Note, which revealed a mild paraphrase of MenschikofPs 
 demands, but not the slightest hint of an evacuation of the 
 Principalities. Eussia hastened to assent to this Note, but the 
 Powers had reckoned without their host, and tacitly assumed 
 the consent of the Porte, a consent which was only given 
 with certain modifications, coupled with a demand for the 
 immediate evacuation of the Principalities. 
 
 Under ordinary circumstances, perhaps, the Divan would 
 not have had the courage to amend the Vienna Note ; but the 
 English Ambassador at Constantinople, Lord Stratford de 
 Eedcliffe, was not the man to let this opportunity slip without 
 taking his revenge upon the Emperor Nicholas, who had re- 
 fused to receive that passionate diplomatist at St. Petersburg. 
 Imperious beyond all others, highly gifted and energetic, Lord 
 Stratford took the Porte under his protection and made the 
 Divan the obedient instrument of his iron will. Scarcely 
 ever has an ambassador played such a part as did Lord 
 Stratford then. For he was the ruler not only at Constanti- 
 nople, but also in London. 
 
 Great at first was the helplessness of the English Ministers, 
 but it was soon seen that no thought could be entertained of 
 forcing the Porte to accept the Vienna Note. The strong 
 Government Avere thus forced into a position in which events, 
 and not they, were the masters. Like a ship without rigging, 
 which is drifting into a whirlpool against the will of its steers- 
 man, they were l)eing dragged reluctantly into war. Very 
 significantly but not very flatteringly to the British Govern- 
 ment, Clarendon in the House of Lords described this position 
 by the words, * We are drifting into war.' 
 
 VOL. I. F
 
 66 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Old Brunnow, with whom at that time I once talked over 
 the situation in confidence, remarked, ' The worst situations 
 are always those which present no prospect of escape.' On 
 my reminding him of the old line, ' Intra muros peccatur et 
 extra,' he candidly confessed that blunders had very likely 
 been committed at St. Petersburg, as everywhere else, but 
 consoled himself by adding, ' If no one made any blunders, 
 there would be no politics.' 
 
 ' And no ambassadors and envoys ? ' I asked. 
 
 The old man snuffled and smiled. In fact, it seemed to 
 him a matter of little moment to report to his Government 
 the whole truth as to the position of affairs. He knew that 
 his Emperor, relying on Lord Aberdeen's well-known love of 
 peace, and on the protocol which had been signed by Aberdeen 
 in 1844 under entirely different circumstances, regarded two 
 things as impossible : firstly, that England should declare war 
 against Eussia ; and secondly, that she should conclude an 
 alliance against Piussia with France. These premises of the 
 Emperor's Brunnow thought he was bound to take into 
 account, and his rose-coloured views, which were expressed in 
 his despatches, and had become with him a second nature, 
 induced him to suppress everything that was not in harmony 
 with these presumed axioms of the Czar. Even suppose that 
 so keen an observer as Brunnow had undervalued the element 
 of public opinion in England, and ascribed to the peace 
 speeches cf the Quaker Bright and the Free Trader Cobden an 
 importance they did not possess, still he could not have been 
 ignorant of the entente conliale, that sprang up at once at the 
 begmning of the crisis, between England and France. 
 
 At the official dinner given by Clarendon in June 1853 in 
 honour of the Queen's coronation day, Walewski as ambas- 
 sador sat next to the host, and Brunnow next to Walewski.
 
 BRUNNOW'S VIEW 01<' THE SITUATION. 67 
 
 Both Clareiidoii and the French Ambassador agreed in assur- 
 ing me afterwards that they had studiously and purposely 
 spoken in a very loud voice, so that Brunnow might hear all, 
 about the Eastern crisis and the measures which England 
 and France would be compelled to undertake in concert, in 
 case Eussia did not desist from her aggressive policy against 
 the Porte. That Brunnow should have interpreted these re- 
 velations as empty threats, is scarcely credible. If he wrote 
 about them, he no doubt took care not to touch too closely the 
 idiosyncrasies of his Emperor. It is probable that he knew 
 his monarch too well to imagine that the report of an ambas- 
 sador would divert him from his resolution once taken. 
 
 How little, moreover, Brunnow's advice was asked in these 
 complications, so fateful to Eussia, is shown by the remarkable 
 fact that neither the Emperor nor Count Nesselrode thought 
 of summoning this diplomatist to St. Petersburg after he had 
 left London in consequence of the declaration of war. Be 
 that as it may, it certainly appears that Brunnow at that time 
 ignored, or at all events did not report, anything which could 
 at all have displeased his Emperor. 
 
 From his intimate relations with Palmerston in 1850, 
 Brunnow must have known that that statesman was using 
 every effort, in his own personal interest, to excite pubhc 
 opinion against Aberdeen and the Court, and to make war in- 
 evitable, notwithstanding Aberdeen's and Clarendon's love of 
 peace. His accomplice in that course was Napoleon III. The 
 latter had not forgotten the service Palmerston had rendered 
 him after the couj) d'etat of December 2, 1851. It is well 
 known that Lord Palmerston approved of that couj) cVetat, and 
 recognised it contrary to the wish and will of his colleagues. 
 He suffered for this arbitrary proceeding by the loss of his 
 j)ortfolio. Just as the passionate and ambitious Viscount
 
 68 ST. TETEESBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 could not forgive even Prince Albert for his well-merited re- 
 buke, so Napoleon, on the other hand, could not forget that 
 he owed Palmerston some satisfaction, and that satisfaction, 
 it was obvious, could only be given by the premiership. 
 
 Out of these elements was developed a game of intrigue 
 in which the white hand of Walewski showed itself extremely 
 active. Napoleon III. on his accession to the throne had 
 manifestlj^ the choice of basing his system either on the 
 Piussian or on the English alliance. Perhaps the first would 
 have been more popular and more advantageous for France, 
 had merely political, not dynastic and personal, interests been 
 considered. The latter, as the heir of Napoleon I. perceived 
 from the very first, could only be served by the English 
 alliance. Louis Napoleon had lived as a private person in 
 England too long not to know that, as his bosom friend 
 Persigny once remarked, there were two Great Powers in the 
 world against which no Government in France can succeed — 
 the London Stock Exchange and the EngHsh press. But 
 in the British alliance he looked not only for protection 
 against his enemies at home, but also for the means of acquir- 
 ing the position in Europe then occupied by the Emperor 
 Nicholas, and on that account alone he could not, at least for 
 fhe present, ally himself with Eussia. ' Nous en avons fait 
 un Empereur,' said Walewski to me at that time, * nous 
 allons en faire I'arbitre des destinees du monde.' 
 
 No one paid more studious homage to these dreams, which 
 were destined, though only for a short time, to be realised, 
 than Lord Palmerston and his friends. Palmerston had 
 far too high an opinion of himself and of his country's 
 power to fear Napoleon's ambition. He knew that dreamer, 
 and resolved to make him useful for his own purposes by 
 seeming to flatter him. When Urquhart, the editor of the
 
 DESIGNS ÜF PALMERSTOX AND NAPOLEON. 69 
 
 'Portfolio,' in his liussophobia classes Lord Palmerston also 
 among the statesmen who were bribed by the Czar, the 
 accusation is absurd. It would be a mistake, however, to 
 count Palmerston among the blind enemies of Kussia. He 
 was now nearly seventy years old, and was anxious to be- 
 come at length Prime Minister, and during his lifetime, if 
 possible, to have peace in the East. His efforts, of course, 
 did not go to the length of launching on a war of extermi- 
 nation against Paissia. He merely hoped, with Napoleon's 
 assistance, to curb Piussian ambition for fifty years, as he said, 
 meaning in reality for his own lifetime. For the independence 
 of Turkey he cared nothing, only it seemed to him advisable, 
 especially us there was then no Suez Canal, to have a sentry on 
 the Bosphorus who could guard that passage in the interests 
 of England. 
 
 But neither Napoleon nor Lord Stratford de Piedcliffe, nor 
 even Lord Palmerston himself, would have succeeded in per- 
 suading the English people, lulled as they were by the 
 Manchester school in dreams of perpetual peace, to supjDort 
 this senseless war of the whale against the bear, had not a 
 second untoward event, like that at Navarino, inflamed the 
 passions of the masses. The Kussian Cabinet had, even after 
 their occupation of the Danubian Principalities, been lavish 
 in their assurances of peace, and had repeatedly mtormed 
 Lord Aberdeen in particular that the Emperor Nicholas had 
 no intention of breaking it, or of committing any act of 
 aggression, but only desired the guaranteeing of his rights 
 secured to him by treaties with the Porte. 
 
 When, therefore, the telegraph announced the startling 
 news that Russian men-of-war had left Sebastopol, and sur- 
 prised and destroyed the Turkish fleet anchored at Sinope 
 (November 80), the tidings came like a thunderclap and
 
 70 ST. PETERSBUEG AND LONDON. 
 
 aroused the warlike passions of the British nation all the 
 n^ore since naval battles invariably excite the national 
 pride of the modern Venetians. The ' treachery ' of Sinope 
 might, therefore, be designated as the turning-point, next to 
 the causes already mentioned, which rendered war inevitable. 
 There was now no more halting ; the friends of peace were 
 silenced, and the press repeated in every variety of tone the 
 favourite theme of the danger threatened by Russian bar- 
 barism to European civilisation. What the Turks had done 
 or could do for European civilisation, was not indeed evident. 
 But the ' cry ' was found and ' worked ' usque ad nauseam, with 
 the additional charge that Eussia had been guilty of a breach 
 of her word. 
 
 Ihe fetes on Napoleon's first anniversary of the foundation 
 of the Second Empire served me as a welcome excuse to study 
 for a few days in Paris the situation of affairs. I met there 
 some old friends, among others Baron Philip von Dörnberg, 
 the representative of Electoral Hesse, and Count Adolph 
 Platen, that of Hanover. I found no difficulty, in the midst 
 of the official festivities, in forming an idea of the current 
 feeling of the day. The new Emperor had undeniably the 
 army and the masses on his side ; but his English leanings 
 were severely criticised, and even the general public appeared 
 to shudder at the thought of a war with Piussia. 
 
 In truth very few, and at Paris really none Ijut Morny and 
 Persigny, were in the secret of Napoleon's policy. Nothing 
 was more erroneous than to think that Napoleon had con- 
 sented to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for England in the 
 East. On the contrary, he outwitted the English, and made 
 them involuntarily subservient to his aims. To understand 
 the origin of the Crimean War, it is not enough to ascribe it to 
 the distempered ambition of the Emperor Nicholas. That
 
 NAPOLEONIC IDEAS. 71 
 
 ambition had l)een studiedly inflamed and artfully fomented. 
 Louis Napoleon or his advisers counted from the first on the 
 Eastern Question, just as the bull fighter counts on the red 
 capa when he seeks to infuriate the animal to the highest 
 pitcli. In revenge for the Czar's refusal of the title of brother, 
 but above all with the object of preparing tlie materials for 
 the meditated * European ' Second of December, it was de- 
 cided at Paris to begin in the East the attack upon existing 
 treaties. It was as (ifjcnt pvorocateur — so Clarendon afterwards 
 expressed it — that M. de Lavalette had been sent to Constan- 
 tinople. He laid his mines at the most inflammable spots, and 
 fanned to a bright flame the never slumbering jealousy between 
 the Greek Orthodox and the Eoman Catholic guardians of the 
 Holy Tomb. Scarcely had the explosion followed, when Men- 
 schikoff's mission showed that the object was attained. They 
 were able, therefore, at Paris, in order still more effectually to 
 deceive the British friends of peace, to disavow Lavalette, and 
 offer a hand, with a hypocritical show of peacefulness, for 
 terminating the quarrel about the Holy Places. The Second 
 Empire was only a few weeks old, and Lord Clarendon had 
 only been in office a few days, when in February 1853 
 Walewski verbally concluded with the English Minister the 
 alliance of the Western Powers. It was agreed that France 
 should settle the quarrel about the Holy Places, and that 
 England should observe, till that was done, a benevolent 
 neutrality ; after that, the two Powers were to proceed in con- 
 cert in all other questions which might crop up in the 
 East, continue in alliance for the purposes of negotiation as 
 well as action, and neither speak nor waite a word without a 
 previous understanding between themselves. Clarendon per- 
 ceived in this secret compact the means of holding France in 
 check and compelling the maintenance of peace, while the
 
 72 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 French saw in it a means of bringing about a war and 
 dragging England along with them. 
 
 Napoleon's object in this was clear ; in the first place, to 
 wrest from the Emperor Nicholas the moral hegemony which 
 he wielded on the Continent, and then, after conquering 
 Eussia, to get his hands free to tear up the treaties of 1815, 
 restore to France her so-called natm'al frontiers, and recon- 
 struct the map of Europe in accordance with Napoleonic 
 ideas. That was what they meant in Paris by the ' European ' 
 Second of December. 
 
 Clarendon was the more easily deceived since the Imperial 
 juggler possessed in Lord Palmerston, as has been already 
 remarked, a cwnj^ere on whom he could rely. The friendship 
 between these two had the fate of such friendships. At first 
 the game went merrily enough. Napoleon and Palmerston 
 did a good business together, though, it is true, at the cost of 
 both countries, who had to sacrifice in vam thousands of 
 brave soldiers and many millions of money. Later on, after 
 Savoy and Nice had been juggled away, but Palmerston had 
 every prospect of remaining Prime Minister till his death, the 
 latter cried off his bargain, showed his teeth, and slammed 
 the door on Persigny, the trusted go-between. 
 
 In Germany no one had any suspicion how the game really 
 stood. If Lord Aberdeen, as Prince Albert said in a letter to 
 Stockmar, was not master of the situation, neither were the 
 leading German ministers. 
 
 In Vienna, where I spent a few weeks during the recess of 
 Parliament, everything since Prince Schwarzenberg's death 
 had gone backward. The machinery of State was working, 
 so to speak, only at half pressure, since the discontent of the 
 Hungarian half of the Empire had reached a serious pitch, 
 the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Bach, with his sj'stem of
 
 COUNT BUOL'S DIFFICULTIES. 73 
 
 centralisation, was more hated than ever, and yet he had 
 already almost superseded Count Buol. 
 
 The latter unfortunately often concealed by a haughty 
 and distant demeanour the difficulties in which his igno- 
 rance of home and foreign affairs, and his fickleness to his 
 superiors and subordinates, involved him. His antecedents 
 were not ^ ery promising. He boasted to me indeed, shortly 
 after his coming to office, of the schooling Prince Schwarzen- 
 berg had put him through, having sent him to St. Peters- 
 burg and London, and taken him with him to the German 
 conferences at Dresden. Count Buol forgot when so speak- 
 ing that personally he had not been very successful either 
 in St. Petersburg or in London, and that in Dresden 
 he had onl}' too plamly betrayed to the ministers of the 
 minor States his ignorance of the German Constitution. 
 The Eastern crisis came upon him unprepared, and although 
 he had not neglected to consult Prince Metternich, the latter, 
 nevertheless, could not take from him the manipulation of 
 business, and especiall}' the verbal negotiations with the 
 foreign ambassadors. Besides this, Buol had a small per- 
 sonal grudge against the Emperor Nicholas, who had treated 
 him badly at St. Petersburg, and he was unfortunate, more- 
 over, in having as a brother-in-law the Paissian Ambassador, 
 Baron Meyendorff, who was intellectually his superior. The 
 fear of being accused of allowing himself to be influenced by 
 family considerations in favour of Russia, explams much of 
 his conduct at that time. But in the main it is not to be 
 forgotten that the weakness of a State which had barely 
 escaped the dangers of a general revolution, was the real 
 difficulty with which even the most gifted statesman would 
 have had to reckon. 
 
 It has often been said that Prince Schwarzenberg would
 
 74 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 have checked the Crimean War in the bud l)y the threat that, 
 if the Kussian troops crossed the Pruth, 100,000 Aiistrians 
 would march at once into the Danubian PrincipaHties. It is 
 possible that a threat of this substantial kind might have de- 
 layed, if not prevented, the occupation. But the real question 
 is, would such a delay have given the friends of peace at St. 
 Petersburg time to alter the Emperor's opinions? In any 
 event, the danger to Austria of commencing single-handed 
 a war against Piussia would have been a serious one, and 
 have demanded efforts for which neither the army nor the 
 finances were prepared. 
 
 The secret, however, of Austria's policy lay also in 
 Germany, and especially at Berlin. The fact could not be 
 disguised that Prussia might very likely take advantage of a 
 Eusso-Austrian war to dissolve the scarcely re-established Diet. 
 Under these circumstances. Count Buol fastened, as is usual 
 in such cases, on the expedient of diplomatic negotiations 
 and half-measures, the latter of which, through untimely pre- 
 parations for war, caused almost as much exhaustion to the 
 Empire as an active campaign. He wished to do justice to 
 all parties, and ended by doing justice to none ; neither to 
 Eussia and the Western Powers, nor to Prussia and the 
 minor States of Germany. But the worst was, that his 
 cards had been seen, and that the countless enemies of 
 Austria detected the weak side of that Empire. It was 
 clearlj^ a State interest of the first rank to prevent Eussia 
 from planting a firm foot on the Danubian Principalities. It 
 was clear also that Austria of all countries could not favour a 
 breach of treaties which might imperil the existence of Turkey 
 to-day, and her own existence to-morrow. 
 
 So far as Germany was concerned, she had only an 
 indirect interest in the solution of the Eastern crisis ; and
 
 NEUTRAL POLICY OF PRUSSL\. 7o 
 
 for Prussia, as for the minor States, the maintenance of 
 peace was obviously a matter of necessity. But was every- 
 thing done which might have been done at BerHn, Dresden, 
 Munich, and Hanover, to maintain the peace ? I might say 
 No to this question to-day, just as I said No to it in 1853 
 and 1854, in opposition to the view entertained by my Govern- 
 ment. The voice of the youngest among the then agents of 
 Saxony had, of course, not tlie weight which was necessary 
 to make his counsel prevail. But by speech and pen I lost 
 no opportunity of combating dangerous illusions. My text 
 was clear. In St. Petersburg and London, I had seen the storm 
 gathering which was destined the next year to burst, I knew 
 that the arrogance of a highly irritable Emperor had been 
 the evident cause of the crisis. I knew also that all true 
 friends in Eussia of that Emperor, such as Nesselrode, 
 Orloff, and others, complained of his morbid ambition, 
 though they did not venture openly to thwart it. But at the 
 same time I had gained too deep an insight into the rusty 
 machinery of Government in Eussia, to dream for a moment 
 that Eussia would issue victorious from a conflict with the 
 two Western Powers. If the support which since 1848 the 
 Emperor Nicholas had given to the German Government 
 against the general deluge of Eevolution was not to be under- 
 valued, still the well-recognised interests of those Govern- 
 ments required them to avoid doing anything which might 
 expose the clay feet of the Eussian colossus to the gaze of the 
 world and the Eevolutionary party. As matters now stood, 
 however, there was only one means of preventing the out- 
 break of the threatening war. This w^as, to prove to the 
 Emperor Nicholas by acts, that in persisting in his policy of 
 aggression he was flinging down the gauntlet to the whole 
 of Europe. This alone could preserve unbroken that alliance
 
 76 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 of the three Northern Powers which was looked to for pre- 
 serving the peace of the world and counteracting the Napo- 
 leonic lust of conquest. This must, of course, have been 
 done, if at all, before the slumbering religious-national pas- 
 sions of the mighty Russian nation were inflamed. Unfor- 
 tunately the Russian illusions were quite as strong as the 
 German. Nicholas refused altogether to believe that Austria 
 and Prussia, whom he had treated only in 1850 as vassals, 
 •would venture to break with him. But that is the very 
 reason why it would have produced all the greater impression, 
 if not on himself personally, at all events on the peace party 
 in Russia, had the w4iole of Germany declared from the first 
 her readiness to support, if necessary by force of arms, the 
 legitimate demands of the Western Powers. Had the Czar 
 been firmly convinced that he would find the whole of Europe 
 in compact phalanx on the other bank of the Pruth, he would 
 never have crossed that river in July 1853, but have spared 
 himself and his Empire in the following year the humiliation 
 of evacuating the Principalities ' on strategic grounds.' In a 
 word, there should have been at the outset a common cry of 
 Halt. That was the only means of enabling Austria to dis- 
 charge her mission in Europe, of strengthening the friends of 
 peace in London as well as at St. Petersburg, and preventing 
 the war so full of danger to Europe.
 
 77 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 LONDON. — 1864. 
 
 Warlike Feeling in the West End— Precarious Position of the Ministry — Accu- 
 sations and Intrigues — Resolute Conduct of Prince Albert — The English and 
 French Fleets in the Black Sea— Orlotf's Mission to Vienna — Autograph 
 Letter of Napoleon — Anglo-French Alliance — Prussia's Refusal to join it — 
 Bunsen's Memorial and Fall— The Situation in Germany — Austro-Prus- 
 sian Alliance — Sej-mour's Secret and Confidential Correspondence— Declara- 
 tion of War — Dinner at the Reform Club— Sir Charles Napier in the Baltic 
 — 'Voyage of the Argonauts ' to the Crimea — Depreciation of the Enemy — 
 Death of King Frederick Augustus II. of Saxony — The Interview at Bou- 
 logne — Battle of the Alma — Rumoured Capture of Sebastoj^ol — Balaclava — 
 English Outpost Service— Inkermann — The Russian Plan of Battle divulged 
 — A Telegram at the Right Time — Menschikoff's Excuse. 
 
 On my return to London earty in January, after a short stay 
 at Hanover in the midst of snow and ice, I could not disguise 
 from myself the desperate gravity of the situation. The 
 peaceful ülusions still cherished in the City were not shared 
 by the West End, where war was deemed inevitable, as inevit- 
 able as the speedy break-up of the Coalition Ministry. 
 
 Already in December 1853 Lord Palmerston, under the 
 pretext of not being able to assent to Lord John Eussell's 
 Reform Bill, had tendered his resignation. In reality his only 
 object in so doing was to protest agamst the want of energy 
 hitherto displayed, in his opinion, by Lord Aberdeen. It 
 was, to borrow an expression from the French stage, a 
 fausse sortie, a manceuvre intended merely to excite jjub- 
 lic opinion and place on record how indispensable was
 
 78 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDOX. 
 
 Palmerston. Ten days later the indispensable man con- 
 descended to resume his post at the Home Office, having em- 
 ployed the interval to commence a campaign against Prince 
 Albert, whom he hated. Nothing was more absurd than 
 these attacks, but the credulity of the public verified again 
 the old saying, ' Calumniare audacter, semper aliquid hteret.' 
 The Prince was accused of meddling without authority in 
 matters of Government, and of intriguing against England 
 with the German Courts. The weaknesses of Lord Aberdeen 
 were imputed to the Queen's husband, and the passions of the 
 masses, who were impatient at the dilatory conduct of the 
 Cabinet, were excited against him individually. Of course 
 Lord Palmerston was far too clever and worldly wise to 
 expose himself openly as the author of these attacks. But 
 that they were, indirectly at least, his work, is notorious. It 
 was actually hinted to the Queen that she would do well to 
 open Parliament alone, as the presence of the Prince might 
 expose her to the insults of the mob. The Prince behaved 
 admirably in this critical position. He refused to be intimi- 
 dated, and on the morning of the day when Parliament was 
 opened (Jan. 30), rode, accompanied only by a groom, through 
 the most animated quarters of London, as if to say to the 
 masses, ' I am not afraid ; here I am, if you have anything 
 against me, speak out.' That morning's ride produced the 
 best impression, and when in the afternoon Prince Albert, 
 seated beside the Queen, drove in the historical State car- 
 riage, drawn by eight cream-coloured horses, to Westminster 
 Palace, her Majesty was greeted by the public with the usual 
 enthusiasm. Prince Albert had shown personal courage, and 
 by his sober resolution enlisted public opinion on his side. 
 Nothing more was wanted but to put a right aspect in Par- 
 liament on the matter which had given a pretext for these
 
 ANGLU-FKENCII AJ.LIA^X'E. 79 
 
 misrepresentations to the liadical press. Lord Aberdeen in the 
 Upper House, and Lord John Russell in the Commons, dis- 
 charged this duty with tact and resolution, and the Opposition, 
 by the mouth of Lord Derby and Mr. Walpole, concurred 
 in all the Ministers had said in eulogy of the Prince. The 
 result of these explanations was highly favourable to the 
 Crown, as establishing for the future as well as the present 
 the constitutional right of the Queen to regard her husband as 
 her first adviser. 
 
 Meanwhile the combined fleets of England and France, 
 which had been lying for several months in Besika Bay, 
 received orders to proceed at once to the protection of Turkey 
 in the Black Sea, and the French Government hastened 
 to announce this step publicly in a circular despatch of 
 January 30, which was printed in the ' Moniteur.' A fruit- 
 less exchange of notes formed the prelude to the ruj)ture of 
 diplomatic relations between the Western Powers and Piussia, 
 while at Vienna the representatives of the five Great Powers 
 consulted together as to the terms on which peace could be 
 maintained. Affairs were in this position when the Emperor 
 Nicholas, by the mission of Prince Alexei Orloft' to Vienna, 
 and the Emperor Napoleon, almost simultaneously, by an 
 autograph letter to the Czar, made a last attempt at a friendly 
 understanding. It was too late ; Orloff's propositions did not 
 appear any longer suitable to the time, and Napoleon's, 
 which were possibly not sincerely meant, remained barren 
 of result. Thus the knot was tied of that alliance between 
 England and France — an alhance really dating from 1853 — 
 which was ratified by treaty on April 10. Prince Albert took 
 pride m the reflection that in this alliance, a unique one in 
 history, as he remarked to me, both parties expressly re-, 
 pudiated any selfish designs. This notion was in thorough
 
 80 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDOX. 
 
 keeping with the ideal tendencies of the royal theorist. He 
 overloolied the fact that Napoleon was drawing the sword, if 
 not for territorial, at least for moral conquests. Austria was 
 ready to join the alliance on condition that Prussia did 
 the same. All the efforts of Austria's diplomacy, as of that of 
 the Western Powers, centred on gaining Prussia over. Had 
 that been done, the quadruple alliance of 1854 would perhaps, 
 like that of 1840, have sufficed to check the war in the bud. 
 
 Count Thun at Potsdam had already succeeded in quieting 
 so far the doubts of the fickle- minded Frederick William IV. 
 that his accession to the alliance might be regarded as likely, 
 when Baron Bunsen again spoiled everything. He allowed 
 himself to be seduced into enlightening his king in a remark- 
 able Memorial upon the dangers of Prussia's policy of inaction. 
 Bunsen thought that he must put the colours on thickly, in 
 order to intimidate and cajole his royal friend. The question, 
 as he wrote on March 1, was one of no less gravity than the 
 deliverance of civilisation from the yoke of Piussian barbarism, 
 and England's real object was to put an end, in conjunction 
 with France, to the despotism of Piussia in Europe, and reduce 
 the Czar to an Asiatic potentate, as his predecessors had been 
 before Peter the Great, a Grand Duke of Moscow. This 
 fanciful assertion so frightened the King of Prussia that 
 he now finally resolved to remain neutral, and would have 
 nothing more to do with Powers who thought of treating his 
 brother-in-law so badl3\ 
 
 Bunsen, however, having thus come forth from his shell 
 as such a passionate Piussophobist, it was determined not to 
 let him remain any longer in London. Scarce had he learned, 
 to his intense surprise, that his Memorial had produced 
 exactly the o]^posite impression to that which he had intended, 
 than he tried to pose at any rate as a martyr. He went
 
 THE SITUATION IX GERMANY. 81 
 
 accordingly to Lord Clarendon, loaded him with reproaches 
 fur the intimidation which, as he pretended, was being 
 attempted by England at Berlin, and ended by being so rude 
 that the Minister showed him the door and declared that he 
 would not have any more dealings with him. This forced 
 scene gave Bunsen the desired materials for his last despatch, 
 in which he plumed himself on having vigorously defended 
 the policy of his King and thereby sacriUced himself. Among 
 English statesmen, as among foreign diplomatists, there was 
 ]iot a single one to whom this farce was not evident, and 
 who would not have been sincerely pleased to see so untrust- 
 worthy a personage disappear from the stage of politics. 
 Bunsen's letters of recall were delivered by General von 
 Groben, who vainly endeavoured to make the British Cabinet 
 understand the policy of his Kmg. 
 
 People in England failed altogether to comprehend what 
 was passing on the Continent. Of the rivalry of the two 
 great German Powers they had only dim ideas, and yet 
 therein lay tht^ 1 \y to the enigma of Prussia's policy. The 
 move enthupi Prince Albert grew for Prussia, seekmg, as 
 
 he did, in ' an supremacy the solution of the German 
 
 question. ' « more he lamented a policy which seemed 
 to him ;i renunciation, on the part of the Hohenzollern 
 inonarcliy. of its position as a Great Power. He was no 
 apil of Machiavelli, and failed to detect the secret designs 
 >' a par:}, already then powerful in Prussia, who, in the 
 liope of i-ulating Austria in tlie future, stamped that passive 
 attitude on the Cabinet of Berlm which excited such disgust 
 in London. The minor States also overlooked this danger, 
 preferring as they did, instead of going in their wonted 
 manner with Austria, with the patriotic object of preserving 
 their country from a war on behalf of foreign interests, to 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 support the Opposition in Prussia against the pohcy of 
 Vienna. This change of front, the result of the Bamberg 
 Conference, was fraught with double disaster. In the first 
 place it crippled Austria, and made it difficult for her to 
 fulfil her mission in Europe ; and, secondly, it offered to the 
 world the spectacle of a disunited Germany and the impo- 
 tence of the now obsolete Diet. Such a state of things was 
 bound to breed complications, of which Prussia skilfully 
 availed herself to dissolve the Diet and make herself mistress 
 in Germany. The offensive and defensive alliance to which 
 the Berlin Cabinet, pressed on all sides, consented on April 20, 
 1854, could, in spite of the article added to it in November, 
 be regarded only as a substitute, inasmuch as Prussia never 
 abandoned her neutrality. Austria failed the more com- 
 pletely to obtain thereby a free course of action, since the 
 Bund never took part in it until after months of barren 
 negotiation, audit was then too late to act. Thus, as Handlet 
 says, 
 
 the native hue of resohition 
 Is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought , 
 
 and Germany remained the spectator of a struggle which she 
 might have prevented, had she only recognised her duty of 
 dictating peace to the world. In Paris, of course, this dis- 
 union of Germany was welcomed with a certain malicious 
 pleasure, while in London the irritation reached its climax. 
 
 On February 17 Lord John Kussell denounced the Russian 
 Government in the House of Commons for its breach of 
 faith. The Eussian Chancery, in an officially inspired article 
 in the ' St. Petersburg Journal' of March 2, replied to the 
 charge by referring to secret communications which were not 
 further described. The English Ministry found themselves 
 compelled, therefore, to prove the hoUowness of this evasion.
 
 WAR DECLARED AGAINST RUSSIA. 83 
 
 and, contrary to practice, laid the secret and confidential 
 despatches of Sir Hamilton Seymour ' on the table of the 
 House. This publication brought to light also the memo- 
 randum si'jjied at St. Petersburg on April 15, 1853, which 
 summed up the result of the secret interviews by declaring 
 that England and Eussia mutually pledged themselves to 
 abstain from coercive measures against the Porte, and to en- 
 courage her to introduce the necessary domestic reforms. In 
 glaring contradiction to this agreement stood the categorical 
 demands put forward almost simultaneously at Constanti- 
 nople by Prince Menschikofif, without the previous knowledge 
 of Count Nesselrode. That was precisely the point which 
 Lord John Eussell had sought to insist on in Parliament. 
 The English Cabinet were naturally very pleased to be able to 
 justify the unusual publication of private documents by the 
 insiimations of Eussia. The double object was thus attained 
 of more and more inflammg public opinion at home in 
 favour of war, and at the same time of demonstrating to 
 Continental Cabinets the disinterestedness of England. Not 
 only was the French alliance thereby strengthened, but also 
 the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlm were informed of the con- 
 temptuous indifference with which the Emperor Nicholas, 
 in his interviews with Sir Hamilton Seymour, had treated 
 Austria, w^hile ignoring Prussia altogether. 
 
 The declaration of war against Eussia followed on March 
 27, 1854. The evening before, the Queen had given a small 
 family ball in honour of the Duke of Cambridge's bii'thday, 
 and I was invited to it. The Queen took an active part in 
 the dances, including a Scotch reel with the Duke of Hamil- 
 ton and Lord Elgin, both of whom wore the national dress. 
 
 ' See Corresj'ondeiice respecting the Rights and Privileges of the Latin and 
 Greek Churches in Txirkey. Part v. London, 185i. 
 
 u 2
 
 84 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON, 
 
 As I had given up waltzing, the Queen danced a quadrille 
 with me, and spoke to me with the most amiable unconstraint 
 of the events of the day, telling me she would be compelled 
 the next morning, to her great regret, to declare war against 
 Eussia. 
 
 There was now no want of men who thought fit to rouse 
 to a fever heat the warlike passions of the masses. Admiral 
 Sir Charles Napier, who had been entrusted with the com- 
 mand of the fleet which was to effect a summary conquest of 
 Cronstadt, was entertained by the Eeform Club at a dinner 
 (March 7), at which Lord Palmerston and Sir James Graham 
 proposed toasts and indulged in such a ridiculous rodomon- 
 tade that all sober people shook their heads. Bright under- 
 took in the House of Commons to administer a well-deserved 
 rebuke to Lord ' Firebrand ' for this provocation of a not yet 
 conquered enemy. Palmerston was much annoyed, but this 
 time had none of the laughter on his side. It is well known 
 that Sir Charles, with all his fine vessels, effected nothing in 
 the Baltic, and contented himself with blockading the Eussian 
 fleet in Cronstadt harbour, a result which was not to be 
 undervalued, but which, nevertheless, was out of all pro- 
 portion to the cost of the enterprise. 
 
 That in the Black Sea, also, the fleet alone would not 
 compel Eussia to sue for peace, was clear. A land expe- 
 dition was therefore decided on, and the command of the 
 English contingent entrusted to one of the most distinguished 
 pupils of the Duke of Wellington. Lord Eaglan, who had 
 lost an arm in the Spanish campaign, was one of the most 
 amiable representatives of the English army. Of illustrious 
 birth, and trained from his youth in operations of war, he 
 merited universal confidence, and testified by his conduct 
 the excellence of his appointment. France also had found in
 
 EXPEDITION TO TUE CRIMEA. ÖO 
 
 Marshal Saint-Arnaud a man who seemed exactly made for 
 such a Quixotic enterprise. For Quixotic in the fullest sense 
 of the word was the beginnmg of this war. It was a genuine 
 voyage of the Argonauts. Without any settled plan, without 
 knowing what was really aimed at, the troops were thrown 
 first on the unhealthy swamps of the Dobrudscha, where they 
 were decimated by cholera, leaving the Turks to defend Silistria 
 against the Russians, and the Austrians, without declaring 
 war against Russia, to compel the evacuation of the Danubian 
 Principalities. The largest fleet that Europe had seen since 
 the Spanish Armada lay at anchor ofif Varna. Theh' per- 
 formances were confined at first to tlie clearing of the Black 
 Sea of Russian men-of-war, and the tolerably harmless bom- 
 bardment of Odessa. After groping about in all sorts of 
 directions, it was thought that the vulnerable point of the 
 Russian giant had been discovered in the Crimea, and the 
 troops were sent thither in the hope of finding Sebastopol 
 unfortified on the land side, and being able to capture it like 
 a fishing village. 
 
 While the campaign was being thus commenced with a 
 frivolit}'' excusable only by the novelty of a great war, Eng- 
 land gave a brilliant proof of the inexhaustibility of her 
 resources ; for the resolution to carry on the war without 
 increasing the National Debt, and to defray the expenses 
 simply by an unappreciable increase of taxation, was not only 
 agreed upon, but at first actually carried out. The revenue 
 from the income tax showed an unprecedented elasticitj^; 
 complaints indeed were heard here and there about the ' war 
 ninepence,' but they calmed down when it was found that the 
 addition of a penny in the pound represented the receipt of a 
 million pounds sterling. 
 
 The war did not interfere in the sliohtest with the accus-
 
 80 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 tomed amusements of the London season. "V\Tiile at St. Peters- 
 burg gas-lighting was discontinued for want of J^nghsh coal, 
 and the hospitable houses of the Russian nobility were closed, 
 balls and festivities were held daily in London, and it seemed 
 to be forgotten that ' far away in Turkey ' the brothers and 
 cousins of the fine ladies who were vying in the display of their 
 jewels and Parisian toilettes, were engaged in mortal conflict. 
 No one thought of giving on that account a dinner the less, 
 or parting with a single horse from his stable. Long- 
 continued struggles in India had made people t^o indifferent 
 to the numerical superiority of the enemy, that it was 
 seriously imagined that 80,000 Englishmen could cope with 
 the legions of the Czar. 
 
 Meanwhile the Imperial j'^/vv/^^t on the Seine i'elt the want 
 of a personal rapprochement with the English Court. He was 
 anxious to show his French subjects how mach he was 
 thought of in England, and accordingly asked Prince Albert 
 if his Pioyal Highness would be disposed to arrange a meeting 
 with him in the camp between St. Omer and Boulogne, an invi- 
 tation which the Prince declared his willingness to accept. 
 
 I employed the leave of absence which had been granted 
 me in paying first a short visit to Dresden, where I was a 
 witness of the sudden change of Government. King Frederick 
 Augustus II. of Saxony had lost his life by a carriage accident 
 during a trip to the Tyrol, and the news of his death reached 
 Dresden on the evening of the 9th of August. It was äi 
 severe blow at this serious time, and the sorrow for the ex- 
 cellent Prince was sincere and universal. His brother and 
 successor, Kmg John, took the reins of government with a 
 firm hand. 
 
 After having attended the royal funeral, I quitted Dresden 
 in order to take the sea-bathing ordered by my doctor. I
 
 THE INTERVIEW AT BOULOGNE. 87 
 
 chose for that purpose Boulogne, where I arrived a few days 
 before Prince Albert. 
 
 I kept, of course, the tourist's liberty, and was only a 
 distant observer of the interview. On the very first day after 
 my arrival I met the Emperor Napoleon with his suite. He 
 was in full uniform, with tall riding boots, and with a general's 
 hat on his head, and I can only describe my first impression 
 by saying that this little insignificant man with a huge 
 moustache reminded me of one of those circus masters who, 
 with a long switch in their hands, superintend the j)erform- 
 ance. But this unfavourable impression disappeared as soon 
 as one came into personal contact with Napoleon III. and 
 experienced his agreeable manners. 
 
 What importance this first interview of the French mon- 
 arch with Prince Albert exercised on the future is well kno^^^l, 
 and Sir Theodore Martin, in his ' Life of the Prince Consort,' 
 has treated this very chapter with a copiousness that shows 
 what value the English Court also attached to the meeting, 
 which lasted for some days. 
 
 While still at Boulogne I read in the newspapers the bul- 
 letin of the victory of the Alma, as well as the false report 
 that followed shortly afterwards of the supposed capture of 
 Sebastopol. 
 
 From Boulogne I went to Paris, where, likewise as a 
 tourist, I spent a portion of my autumn's leave, and made use 
 of the time to obtain on the spot clear information of the 
 policy of Napoleon III., which I put together in a memorial. 
 
 Details of the battles of Balaclava (October 25) and 
 Inkermann (November 5) reached me first in London. At 
 Balaclava, through the misunderstanding of an order, the 
 Enghsh had lost the best part of their cavalry. Lord Cardigan 
 with heroic courage had wasted the English horsemen in a
 
 88 ST. PETERSBUKG AND LONDON. 
 
 charge against the Kussian batteries. He himself with 130 
 men escaped as by a miracle the hail of grape and canister ; 
 and years after that day the London cockney paid an idolatrous 
 homage, as did once the Macedonians to Alexander's Buce- 
 phalus, to the Balaclava charger on which the noble Lord 
 was fond of displaying himself in the streets. Nevertheless 
 that famous charge was a tactical blunder, and Lord Cardigan 
 himself was the type of the English officer of the high aris- 
 tocracy, who in war, as in the hunting field, does not know 
 what danger means, and looks on fighting almost as sport. 
 Very characteristic was the answer which this «ommander of 
 the British outposts gave to my sympathising question whether 
 he also had personally suffered from the privations of that 
 rigorous winter campaign. ' Oh, no,' replied Lord Cardigan, 
 * I had sent home for my yacht, and she is very comfortable ; 
 only it was tedious having to ride night and morning several 
 miles along the bad roads. But I had my hunters with me, 
 and they stick at nothing.' "Wliat would Count Moltke say 
 indeed to such outpost service ? 
 
 The battle of Inkermann, at all events, was one of the 
 most glorious feats of arms performed by the English army, 
 since, as I was then at least assured, there were on-y 8,000 
 English and 6,000 French arrayed against the 60,000 Eussians 
 who were to drive the Allies into the sea. The Duke of 
 Cambridge, who commanded the brigade of Guards on that 
 day, told me with great modesty that there was a moment 
 after he had deplo3^ed as riflemen the last troops that still 
 remained intact, when it seemed impossible that the thin red 
 line would be able to withstand the onslaught of the Kussian 
 masses. And yet the stand was made, thanks to the cool 
 tenacity of the Guards, and to a happily posted battery whose 
 Armstrong guns did splendid service. Thirty years afterwards
 
 BATTLE OF INKERMANN. 89 
 
 a competent witness, Marshal Canrobert, said to me when 
 s] »caking of that day, 'L'infantcrie anglaise est la premiere du 
 nionde.' 
 
 In reality the battle of Inkermann was only lost by the 
 talkativeness of the Emperor Nicholas. On paper the plan, 
 according to all who were versed in such matters, had been an 
 excellent one. The Russian general staff had been working 
 it out for weeks under the Emperor's own eyes. The Russian 
 army of the Danube, set free by the Austrian occupation of 
 Moldavia and Wallachia, had been concentrated with all avail- 
 able materials of war under Sebastopol and united with the 
 troops already there. The Allies' position was known well 
 enough. It was known that the EngUsh left wing was much 
 exposed — in the air, so to speak — while the French and Pied- 
 montese were too far off to be able to frustrate in time the 
 intended surprise. It could be hoped, therefore, to take the 
 English unawares, to crush them by superior numbers, and 
 then on the following day to attack the French separately, 
 beat them and drive them back upon then- fleet. The supe- 
 riority of numbers once assured, the execution of this attack 
 seemed mere child's play ; and so delighted was the Emperor 
 Nicholas at the prospect of undoubted success, that he did 
 not hesitate to confide to Count Münster the plan in all its 
 details. Count Münster only did his duty in immediately 
 reporting to the King of Prussia what the Czar had told 
 him. He fancied that in so doing he had prevented some 
 official indiscretions at home, and could not be aware that it 
 was the very Cabinet of his own Sovereign at Potsdam from 
 which the English and French Embassies were then obtain- 
 mg the best materials for their despatches. Just as Frederick 
 II. before the Seven Years' War had received copies of the 
 most private documents of the Saxon Cabinet through their
 
 90 ST. PETERSBUIIG AND LONDON. 
 
 clerk at Dresden, Menzel, whom he had bribed, so Lord Augus- 
 tus Loftus had a Menzel at Potsdam, who sent him copies, for 
 which an honorarium was duly paid according to the value 
 of their contents. Thus the English Ambassador promptly 
 received the despatch of Count Münster with the Eussian 
 plan of the battle of Inkermann. Loftus, perceiving its im- 
 portance, had the despatch telegraphed in cipher to London, 
 whence, after being deciphered, it was immediately forwarded 
 to Lord Eaglan. It was the first direct telegram, so it was 
 then said, that had been sent from London to the commander- 
 in-chief of the British army in the Crimea, and it arrived 
 just at the right moment to enable Lord Eaglan to make 
 the necessary dispositions and inform Marshal Canrobert of 
 the danger. The latter immediately ordered up Bosquet's 
 division, while Lord Eaglan sent for the Piedmontese. The 
 murderous battle was said to have cost the English in dead 
 and wounded 2,500, the French 1,800, and the Eussians 
 15,000 or 20,000 men ; the latter owned to the loss of 11,900, 
 and this was probably pretty near the truth. 
 
 When Menschikoff, having been summoned back to St. 
 Petersburg after this disaster, saw the Emperor again, who at 
 first refused to receive him, he was said to have excused him- 
 self with the words : ' Que voulez-vous. Sire ? Vous avez un 
 ministre de la guerre qui n'a ni senti, ni invente, ni envoye 
 la poudre.'
 
 91 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 1854. 
 
 London, Feb. ß : Count Colloredo's View of the Situation— Protocol of Jan. 
 13— Baron Brurnow not yet Eecalled.— London, Feb. 13: The latest Blue- 
 Books— Hopes and Fears.— London, Feb. 28 : Dissolution of the Northern 
 Alliance— Russia and the Party of Revolution.— London, March 30: 
 Memorandum of April 3 (15)— Menschikofif's Demands— Russian Intrigues 
 in London and Paris— Orloff's Mission— Lord Clarendon's Despatch of 
 March 23, 1853.— London, May 22 : The Bamberg Conference— Walewski's 
 Criticism— His Remarks on the Origin of the Anglo-French Alliance — 
 London, June 23 : Austro-Prussian Answer to the Bamberg Note — Position 
 of the minor States of Germany. — London, July 16 : Inter\-iew with Prince 
 Albert — His Remarks on the Bamberg Note and the Situation in General. — 
 Boulogne, Sept. i : Arrival of the Emperor Napoleon— Visits of the Kings 
 of Belgium and Portugal.— Boulogne, Sept. 9 : The Meeting at Boulogne — 
 Prince Albert's Arrival and Departure. — Paris, Nov. 17 : Memorandum on 
 the Prospects and Programme of the Second Empire. 
 
 London : Feh. 6, 1854. 
 
 My despatch of yesterday will have completed the account 
 of the thorough change that has occurred here in the state of 
 affairs. I inclose the * Times,' which is now more than ever 
 the organ of the Government. Friday's article preached 
 downright revolution, and summed up the situation by saymg 
 in effect, ' If you gentlemen at Berlm and Vienna do not go 
 with us, we will burn your houses over your head.' My 
 Austrian colleague smiled when I spoke to him with anger 
 about these threats. 'We must forget,' said Count Colloredo, 
 * our continental ideas when dealing with the English press, 
 and avoid a battle of windmills with them ; for the " Times" is
 
 92 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 no "Moniteur" — the Government will any day disavow it, and 
 have only a very limited influence on its management. In 
 point of fact the article contained the whole truth. Eussia, 
 it declared, had unfortunately set the example, and having 
 failed to arouse the enthusiasm of the nation in favour of the 
 lamely conducted war, had compelled the poor Wallachians to 
 fight against their legitimate Sovereign. That was more than 
 preaching revolution ; that was setting an active example of 
 the worst kind. If the Conservative Power jxrr excellence 
 behaved thus, what were the Liberals to do ? Now, if ever, 
 was the time to rub one's eyes and examine the lying pre- 
 texts of Eussian policy by the light. The bugbear of Demo- 
 cracy was played out, and would not any longer deceive a 
 soul. Anyone who read the Blue-book impartially could only 
 wonder at the patience of the Western Powers and the incredible 
 blindness of the Eussian Cabinet. Spoiled by good fortune, that 
 Cabinet had begun to believe that they had only to express a 
 wish in order to obtain it. But the German Powers were fit 
 for something better than to form a screen behind which 
 Russia might hide her schemes of ambition. The dupcrie of 
 an alliance in which one was to have the winnings and the 
 other two the stripes, could not last any longer ; it was bad 
 enough that it had been clung to as long as it had. Orloif 
 must have a totally different j^'^'^'^'oir discretionnaire, other- 
 wise his mission was unintelligible.' 
 
 I presume it is known that Orloff left St. Petersburg on the 
 18th, and Fonton, who arrived at Vienna before him, on the 
 21st ; the protocol of the 13th, however, reached the Eussian 
 capital, as we know, on the 20th. Orlofi' had, therefore, lef„ 
 St. Petersburg before, but Fonton after, the propositions were 
 announced. According to this, Orloff must have found news 
 at Vienna which was nearly three days in advance of what he
 
 PROTOCOL OF JAXUAllY 13. 93 
 
 had heard on his departure. Had Orloff, then, had simply 
 to dehver the counter-propositions, a messenger would have 
 sufficed. That Russia will and must give way, the representa- 
 tives here of Austria and Prussia are most firmly convinced. 
 Thus much also seems certain, that Russia would never obtain 
 again a more favourable basis for an understanding than that 
 offered by the protocol of the 13th. If she delayed too long, 
 the four Powers, or possibly France and England alone, would 
 categorically demand its acceptance, and at the same time 
 name a peremptory period, at the expiration of which they 
 would treat the refusal to evacuate at once the Danubian 
 Principalities as a eas}(s belli, and proceed to a formal declara- 
 tion of war. An hour ago no news had yet arrived of Russia's 
 final rejection of the propositions. The telegraphic despatches 
 in the newspapers are consequently premature. Baron 
 Brunnow has not yet left, and seems inclined to wait and see 
 how matters are shaping themselves at Vienna.' He may 
 leave, mdeed, at any moment, but at all events it would be 
 easier for him here than al)road to resume the threads of 
 negotiation. . . . 
 
 London : Feb. 13, 1854. 
 
 . . . Comfort you will not find from me, and, I am afraid, 
 nowhere. I might fall back on general phrases, but I think 
 it better to refer you to the two Blue-books which I am 
 siA-ding to-day to Dresden. They contam 788 documents 
 (despatches, notes, and protocols) respecting the rights and 
 privileges of the Latin and Greek Churches in Turkey, and 
 were completed last Friday by the addition of six papers, ex- 
 changed between Russia and England, in reference to the 
 suspension of diplomatic relations. Pray get this collection 
 
 ' The recall of the Eussian Mmister was announced on the same evening by 
 Lord Jolm Eussell in the House of Commons, and Brunnow reluctantly left 
 London the following morning (Feb. 7).
 
 94 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 from the Ministry, and read these 794 documents calmly and 
 impartially, and, if possible, pencil in hand. We will then 
 discuss them further. Should this tax your patience too 
 severely, I promise you an extract, which Professor Hermann, 
 who is now here collectmg materials for his history of Russia, 
 is about to prepare. 
 
 I have ascertained thus much from a perusal of these 
 papers, that the Emperor of Austria has acted in the spirit of 
 Schwarzenberg in declining to play the part demanded from, 
 him and the whole of Germany. It is not simply a question 
 of choosing between Cossack and Eed. The question is, 
 whether Austria, with an army which only a short time ago 
 covered itself with glory at Novara and Temesvar, could allow 
 herself to be treated like Schwarzburg-Eudolstadt, or, if you 
 will, like Belgium. The question is : Who broke the peace 
 in 1853 ? Who preached Revolution ? Who foiced the sub- 
 jects of a lawful ruler to take up arms against him ? Is the 
 Sultan a less lawful ruler than the Czar ? Does the Walla- 
 chian owe obedience to the Turk or to Holy Russia ? Does 
 the Pope Athanasius deserve hanging less tha] i Mazzini ? I 
 am anxious like you, though, perhaps, for different reasons. 
 I am anxious because the man whom we looked on as the 
 protector of order in Europe is only Conservative as long as 
 it pleases him. As to the end of all this, it seems clear 
 enough. Death will have a rich harvest, and this revolu- 
 tionary nonsense will enjoy its triumph until modern barba- 
 rians rule over that petty planet which we name after one of 
 Jupiter's mistresses. When the god of thunder himself, out 
 of love to Europa, changed himself into a bull, why shoulc 
 we wonder that so many mortals are now following his ex- 
 ample ? ' Something is rotten in the state of Denmark,' and 
 the hour is yet distant when the tragedy will end in peace. I
 
 DISSOLUTION OF Till'; NOllTIIERN ALLIAX(;E. 95 
 
 still hope for peace. You are mistaken if you think that war 
 is wished for here. Not even the officers desire it who are 
 off on the 18th and 19th for Constantinople. 
 
 London: Feb. 28, 1854. 
 
 An article entitled ' The Conservative Press on the Eastern 
 Question ' has explained to me for the first time the misunder- 
 standings to which my letter to you, and other private com- 
 munications, may have given rise. As to the unseemliness of 
 launching puhlic charges against a crowned head, of course I 
 entirely agree with the writer. The facts on which these 
 charges are founded cannot, certainly, he gainsaid; though 
 it would he unfair, or at least premature, to make the Eussian 
 Emperor personally responsihle for them. But the most 
 grievous indictment against the Czar is this, that he, the 
 protector hitherto of order in Europe, is now, without either 
 knowing or wishing it, and as if impelled hy some terrihle 
 fatality, playing into the hands of the Revolutionary party. 
 Austria and Prussia have parted, after a hard struggle, from 
 their old and trusted ally, because then interests imperatively 
 required them to do so. Both have yielded simply to necessity, 
 the Czar being now no longer master of the situation, and havmg 
 forced matters in the East to a crisis. That tlieie was a point 
 at which, if Russia pursued to extremities her policy of con- 
 quest, dnected against the continuance of Turkej^ Austria 
 would break off from her, was no secret. Indeed, if I recollect 
 rightly, I once pomted out this very eventuality in a despatch 
 from St. Petersburg, superfluous as it was to do so, inasmuch 
 as nobody could doubt that on the day when a Russian 
 a] my should threaten to cross the Danube for conquest, 
 that ' change of tone towards the North ' was bound to take 
 j/lace at Vienna of which Prince Schwarzenberg had spoken 
 icnmediately after the Hungarian campaign.
 
 96 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 As regards the second part of the article, which disputes 
 the proposition ' that Democracy is only a bugbear held 
 up to us by Russia, to enable her to prosecute the more 
 leisurely her schemes of aggrandisement, under cover of the 
 confusion it creates,' you are well aware what my opinions are 
 about the doctrines which are undermining the whole Euro- 
 pean State system. I need not, therefore, assure you that in 
 this respect I am no admirer of that go-to-sleep policy which 
 would relegate the party of Revolution to the land of dreams. 
 Convinced as I am of the demoniacal might of this sixth 
 Great Power, my anxieties arise mainly from the fear that 
 Russia has apparently fallen, against her will, into the hands 
 of the Revolutionary party. Perhaps you will shake your 
 head incredulously, but I can appeal to the testimony of the 
 Emperor Nicholas himself, who about the time of Menschi- 
 koff's mission — therefore about nine months ago — spoke these 
 pregnant words to the representative of a European Great 
 Power at St. Petersburg : ' Ce n'est pas ä moi qu'il faut 
 parier de I'ennemi commun ; nous lui ferions la partie trop 
 belle, ma foi, si nous allions nous faire la guerre ; car le sol 
 sous mes pieds est tout aussi mine que celui de I'Europe 
 entiere. J'ai peut-etre quelques moyens de repression de plus, 
 mais le danger est le meme ici comme partout ! ' And now ? 
 It could not be supposed that I wished to doubt the existence 
 of the social-democratic conspiracy when I wrote to you that 
 Russia had used it as a bugbear, and so on. What I desired 
 to point out was that we in Germany since 1848 have relied 
 far too much on the great Cerberus of the North, and not 
 held together firmly enough against the demagogues, forgettin'g 
 entii-ely that the moment might come when we should havt 
 to trust to ourselves. We have thus simply earned the con- 
 tempt of that party who hide themselves behind the ' gigantic
 
 THE CZARS PROMISES TO ENGLAND. 97 
 
 mask of Imperialism,' in order to carry out their Panslavistic 
 schemes — a contempt which is proved hy the astonishment 
 expressed that the Governments of Berhn and Vienna should 
 have ventured to reject Count Orloff's propositions. , . . 
 
 London : March 30, 1854. 
 
 My best thanks for your letter of the 26th, which I 
 hasten to answer in the usual telegraphic style of despatches. 
 The secret correspondence which has just been published, 
 shows that the charge of duplicity brought against the Rus- 
 sian Cabinet was not unwarranted. One hears it often re- 
 peated, that no such affront as this has been offered to the 
 Cabinets of Europe shice the time of Catherine II., and that 
 the Russian policy of our days can only be compared to that 
 which Machiavelli recommended to his prince. It is clear at 
 any rate from the Memorandum of Aj)ril j^-, 1853, that the 
 Emperor Nicholas had promised the English Cabinet — first, 
 to abstain from any acts that might weaken the Porte ; 
 and, secondly, not to do anj'thing at Constantinople without 
 having come to a previous understanding with England. As 
 the prceHcniaiuni proves, this Memorandum, originating from 
 the private Chancery of the Emperor, came into Clarendon's 
 hands just at the time when he received the first despatch 
 from Constantinople about Menschikoff's menacing attitude. 
 Had the offensive and defensive alliance which Menschikoff 
 categorically demanded been actually extorted from the 
 already terrified Divan, that alliance would at any rate have 
 been more advantageous to Russia than the conquest of 
 Turkey, for the latter would not only have cost money and 
 blood, but have infallibly occasioned a European war. The 
 offensive and defensive alliance, the text of which is printed 
 in the Blue-book, was to have been kept concealed from the 
 
 VOL. I. H
 
 98 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 other Powers, especially from the Ambassadors of England 
 and France, and Menschikoff had enjoined the strictest 
 secrecy on the Sultan under threat of the Emperor's dis- 
 pleasure. Thus precisely the opposite was being done in 
 Constantinople to what was being promised in St. Petersburg. 
 To appreciate this proceeding, it must not be forgotten 
 that the Emperor Nicholas had attempted as early as 1844 
 to come to an understanding ä deux with England about the 
 Turkish inheritance. The matter remained in abeyance until 
 Lord Aberdeen, who in 1844 had been Foreign Secretary, 
 became Prime Minister. The hour, it was thought at St. 
 Petersburg, had now come to resume the former negotia- 
 tions. The secret despatches of Sir Hamilton Seymour leave 
 no doubt on the subject. The Emperor was anxious to settle 
 finally before his death what had become with him a fixed 
 idea. In the energy of his son Alexander he had very little 
 confidence, besides which the attitude of the Austrian Cabinet 
 urged him to take speedy action. That Cabinet had shown 
 by Leiningen's mission how little they were disposed to 
 repeat Prince Metternich's sins of omission. Of course the 
 Czar would have preferred to take possession of the in- 
 heritance without a war. England seemed the only Power 
 in Europe who would oppose him. England, therefore, had 
 to be made harmless and bribed. He offered Egypt and 
 Crete, baits which fifty years before John Bull would perhaps 
 have swallowed. But in 1853 England was shrewd enough 
 not to be allured. John Bull said to himself that, in this 
 case as in others, honesty was the best policy, since, in the 
 event of his closing with the bargain, he would be morally 
 bound to permit Piussia to take Constantinople, and even to 
 uphold her in possession against the remaining Great Powers. 
 The offer was therefore courteously but firmly declined, and
 
 RUSSIAN INTRIGUES IN LONDON AND PARIS. 99 
 
 it was hoped that the Emi^eror would give up the matter, in 
 order not to wantonly provoke a general war. For, in truth, 
 his original idea was that of a peaceful, not a warlike con- 
 quest ; and this blissful confidence was maintained till the 
 end of May 1853, that is to say till the recall of Prince 
 Menschikoff, which gave the signal for a close ^-ajjprochement 
 with France. The silent Bonaparte on the Seine had not 
 eaten for years the bread of exile in England for nothing. 
 He knew how to appreciate the value of the English 
 alliance for the consolidation of his rule, and showed him- 
 self frank, straightforward, and practical ; in short, a man 
 who inspired the fullest confidence. At St. Petersburg every 
 effort was now made to nip m the bud the supposed impos- 
 sible alliance of the Western Powers. The game, which had 
 been lost in England, was taken up in France. This time 
 Belgium and the frontiers of the PJiine were to serve as a 
 bait, ' Vous savez,' insinuated Prince Gortschakoff, * que la 
 ligne du Ehin s'obtient ä Saint-Petersbourg.' But Louis 
 Napoleon was too shrewd not to see that his interests re- 
 quired him to keep firmly to the English alliance ; he declined 
 the tempting ofi'er, but did not neglect to give proof in 
 London of his integrity by communicating the documents in 
 question. Now — it was November — came the turn of the 
 German allies, who had been ignored in the conferences with 
 Sir Hamilton Seymour. Baffled in London and Paris, the 
 Czar applied next to Vienna. What did he want ? An offen- 
 sive and defensive alliance, and m return for it he promised 
 a share of the Eastern inheritance. Francis Joseph declined, 
 and Orloff' was baffled also at Berlin. Nothing was now left, 
 of course, but war, a wantonly provoked war, the responsibi- 
 lity for which lies mainly on the shoulders of Piussia. All this 
 sounds like a fable, but it is a melancholy chapter of history. 
 
 H 2
 
 100 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Lord Clarendon's despatch of March 23, 1853, which was 
 not originally written for puhlication, amounted briefly to 
 this : England does not yet regard the ' Sick Man ' as dead, 
 and therefore the time has not yet come to talk about the 
 settlement of his inheritance ; but even if it had, no two 
 Powers alone could dispose of the inheritance by a separate 
 agreement ; such a matter could only be dealt with by a 
 Congress of all the Powers. This correct view only shows 
 that England behaved with more consideration for Germany 
 than did Eussia. 
 
 To explain Austria's position, I send you Lord Clarendon's 
 despatch of February 18, 1854, containing a summary of 
 Count Buol's despatch on the subject of Orloff's mission to 
 Vienna. 
 
 London: May 22, 1854. 
 
 . . . People are awaiting here with keen interest the 
 decision of the German minor States and the Confederation, 
 and the Foreign Office is watching with the greatest anxiety 
 everything that may seem to betoken its results. The pro- 
 jected Conference at Bamberg occupies, as will readily be 
 understood, the full attention of the newspapers. The French 
 Ambassador gave me the impression yesterdaj'' that he re- 
 garded Bavaria as the author of the opposition which the 
 minor States seemed disposed to offer to the invitation to 
 join the offensive and defensive alliance between Austria and 
 Prussia. * La Baviere voudrait, ä ce qu'il parait,' remarked 
 Count Walewski, ' mettre un prix ä son adhesion et demander 
 des garanties pour la Grece. J'espere que le cabinet de 
 Munich n'en fera rien. M. de Pfordten parait avoir oublie 
 que ni I'Autriche ni la Prusse n'ont signe les conventions de 
 1852, et que ces deux puissances renverraient la Baviere, si eile
 
 WALEWSKI ON THE BAMBERG CONFEBENCE. 101 
 
 leur demandait des garaiities pour ces conventions, k la 
 Prance et a la Eussie. A Paris on se moquerait de la Baviere 
 pour toute reponse. . . . Le Eoi de Wurtemberg aussi parait 
 avoir des velleites d'opposition ; mais j'aime ä croire que tons 
 les Souverains d'Allemagne comprendront que le moment 
 serait tres-mal choisi pour contrarier les grandes puissances; 
 on passerait outre, je vous en reponds.' 
 
 On the other hand, I hear that Walewski's anger is chiefly 
 directed against ourselves. ' Cette resistance inconcevable,' 
 he is said to have remarked yesterday, ' est I'ceuvre toute per- 
 sonnelle de M. de Bcust.' . . . 
 
 Calling to mind the Prussian despatch of the 14th, I asked 
 the French Ambassador whether there were any secret or 
 additional articles to the now published treaty between Eng- 
 land and France of April 10. Walewski replied most empha- 
 tically in the negative. ' II n'y a ni articles secrets ou addi- 
 tionnels ni conventions speciales,' he assured me, ' excepte 
 Celles que nous avons signees le 10 de ce mois et dont les 
 ratifications ont ete echangees hier ; mais ces conventions 
 n'ont ancun interet politique ; elles concernent les prises, la 
 juridiction navale, les afiaires de detail en un mot. La con- 
 vention politique est verbale ; c'est moi qui I'ai conelue avec 
 Clarendon en fevrier 1853. L'Empire s'etait fait, j'avais ete 
 a Paris en Janvier, j'en revins, et je trouvai au Foreign Office 
 Lord John Eussell. . Peu de jours apres que Lord Clarendon 
 eut remplace ce dernier, entre le 20 et le 28 fevrier de I'annee 
 derniere, j'eus avec le nouveau Principal Secretane d'Etat une 
 entrevue decisive qui, durant ces dix-huit mois, a forme la base 
 de notre politique. Nous convmmes que la France cederait 
 sur la question des Lieux Saints, que TAngleterre dans cette 
 affaire prendrait une position de neutrality bienveillante et 
 mediatrice, et qu'une fois cet incident vide, les deux puis-
 
 102 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 sances ne feraient pas un pas, n'ecriraient ni ne prononce- 
 raient une parole dans la question d'Orient sans s'etre con- 
 certees d'avance. Nous concliimes notre alliance tant pour la 
 negociation que pour Taction en posant et en envisageant 
 I'eventualite de la guerre. Depuis, nous avons marche de 
 concert. H y a eu un seul moment ou Lord Clarendon nous 
 a temoigne de la mauvaise humeur, Icrs de I'envoi de la flotte 
 fran9aise ä Salamine ; cette mauvaise humeur n'a dure que 
 vingt-quatre heures, car ce n'etait pas sur le fond mais sur 
 la forme qu'il y avait eu divergence d'opinion. Si M. de 
 Brunnow — comme je le sais positivement — a considere ce 
 moment de mauvaise humeur comme une victoire remportee 
 par lui, il s'est trompe gratuitement, soit par amour-propre, 
 soit qu'il eut manque de courage pour dire la verite a son gou- 
 vernement. Or, nous n'avons rien fait pour lui cacher nos 
 arrangements ; s'il n'en a rien su, c'est qu'il n'a j)as voulu le 
 savoir. Car il y a un an, au dmer officiel pour le jour de 
 naissance de la Eeine, je me trouvais, comme hier, a cote de 
 Clarendon, et j'avais Brunnow ä ma droite ; et pendant tout 
 ce diner nous avons parle des affaires d'Orient, tres haut, de 
 maniere ä etre entendu de lui, comme si nous avions voulu 
 I'initier tout expres au secret de notre intimite.' 
 
 London : June 23, 1854. 
 If I understand correctly the joint answer of Austria and 
 Prussia, discussed at Tetschen, to the Bamberg Note, our 
 main object, that of securing to the German Confederation, in 
 the present Eastern crisis, a part befitting her dignity and 
 position, appears to be unattained. Nay, between the lines 
 of that answer can be read the suspension, so long as this 
 crisis continues, of our sovereign rights. We must either 
 join the Austro-Prussian alliance of April 20 without further
 
 ANSWER TO THE BAMBERG NOTE. 103 
 
 delay, or not join it at all. In the first event we save appear- 
 ances and coiiceal from the world the melancholy spectacle 
 of German disunion, but tacitly concede to the Great Powers 
 the right of holding us in tutelage in the future, as they have 
 done in the immediate past. In the second event we vindi- 
 cate our freedom of action, but cannot disguise the fact that 
 the German Confederation, as also the Governments which 
 have not joined it, disappears altogether from the stage, and 
 renounces any chance, however remote, of exercising the 
 slightest influence on the question of war or jjeace. Our 
 independence, nay our pohtical existence, is, therefore, me- 
 naced on two sides. On the one side the danger is near us 
 and present, but only temporary, that is to say limited to 
 the duration of the war ; on the other, it is remote and 
 future, but also unquestionably conclusive. Agamst the final 
 decision of a European Congress there is no legal remedy. 
 When the ultima ratio regum comes to be discussed, the only 
 effective law is that of the strongest. 
 
 No one who observes the political horizon from here, the 
 centre of the European coalition which has been practically 
 existing since last December, can doubt that the moment 
 may arrive when Austria will come to an open rupture with 
 Eussia. It may now be said with certainty, that the restora- 
 tion of the status quo ante in Eastern Europe has become 
 impossible. Whatever may be the chances of the war, the 
 torn-up treaties of Adrianople and Kutschuk Kaiuardji will 
 not be renewed. Paissia will either put an end to Turkish 
 rule in Europe, or be compelled, when the war is over, to 
 accept terms of peace, which will change altogether her rela- 
 tions with the Porte. All the European Powers have declared 
 the freedom of the navigation of the Danube to be a common 
 interest. The history of the Sulina treaty between Austria,
 
 104 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Prussia, and Eussia shows that, in future, material guarantees 
 for the freedom of the Danube are mdispensable. These can 
 only be found in a change in the position of the Principali- 
 ties. By the Convention concluded on the 14th between 
 Austria and the Porte, the footing of rights previously existing 
 was abandoned. Until then, Eussia had the exclusive right 
 of occupying, in certain eventualities, the Principalities, and 
 treating them as protected States. Now Austria has acquired 
 the right of military occupation ; and thereby the earlier 
 Eusso-Turkish conventions are de facto repealed. It will 
 depend on the result of the war, whether the Austrian occu- 
 pation of the Principalities is to be temporär}^ or permanent. 
 The Western Powers wish far more than fear that Austria 
 should push forward her frontiers to the Pruth, if not to the 
 Dniester. The solid barrier which Austrian bayonets interpose 
 between Eussia and Turkey cannot be supplied by any other 
 combination. Little as such an increase of territory would 
 strengthen Austria in Europe, it would, nevertheless, excite 
 the jealousy of Prussia. Nay, I have reason to believe that 
 apprehensions of this kmd have delayed the conclusion of the 
 offensive and defensive alliance. Should Austria thus extend 
 her frontiers, Prussia would demand compensation. Saxony 
 and Hanover are in the next place threatened, especially if 
 those States abstain from action until the war is ended. 
 Hanover, whose share in the Bamberg Conference is stu- 
 diously ignored, might, perhaps, find friends in England. 
 But who would protect Saxony ? Certainly not England, 
 and Eussia just as little. And yet the ' Kreuz-Zeitung ' 
 party have consoled themselves for Gortschakoff's hint to the 
 French Ambassador at Stuttgart that the Ehine was to be 
 won at St. Petersburg, l^y hoping that the Emperor Nicholas 
 will give his royal brother-m-law compensation in Germany
 
 POSITION OF TU]-: ML\UJ{ GJ:iLMAN STATES. 10-"> 
 
 for the loss of the Ilhine provinces. Apart from that, how- 
 ever, Russia would hardly be inclined to make any efforts on 
 behalf of a party who include in their programme the free 
 navigation of the Danube. Our only hope, therefore, rests 
 on the friendliness and neighbourly feeling of Austria. But 
 Austria is onl}' interested in our existence so long as she can 
 count implicitly in all European questions on our moral, 
 and, if necessary, our material support. If, however, we are 
 forced, whether we like it or not, to stand or fall with Austria, 
 resignation, under present circumstances, is preferable to 
 isolation. Therefore, if the question comes to be, how to 
 make the formal act of resignation as fruitful as possible for 
 the future, the simplest thing would be voluntarily to assign 
 the mandate of the German Confederation to the Austrian 
 Emperor during the continuance of the April alliance. By 
 thus conceding to Austria, as the Governments at Bamberg 
 have manifestly the power to do, a temporary dictatorship in 
 the field of high policy, we should strengthen her as agamst 
 the Western Powers and the vacillations of Prussia, and 
 outwardly, at all events, maintain the dignity of the German 
 Confederation. 
 
 M. de Pfordten, in his despatches to M. de Wendland of 
 the 16th, and M. de Cetto of the 19th, has explained the well- 
 known Bavarian memorandum. The fear expressed in these 
 despatches that England will seize the opportunity to occupy 
 the Dardanelles, is wholly imaginary. French jealousy is 
 the best security against this supposed danger. But besides 
 that, Austria is geographicalh' mistress of the Balkan Penin- 
 sula, and would be able at any time to prevent the realisation 
 of such schemes, if they appeared. It is not any parti- 
 cular affection for Turkey that has put in motion a single 
 British man-of-war. John Bull is no more enamoured of
 
 106 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Turkish tlian of Russian ' barbarism.' In fighting, therefore, 
 to maintain the independence of Turkey, the only reason is 
 that there is nothing better, in the first place, to put in her 
 stead. Of the four Great Powers, who alone in this question 
 need be taken into account, three will always be strong enough 
 to prevent the fourth from seizing Constantinople. 
 
 The Bavarian Ministers in Paris and London will be 
 expressly instructed to treat the Bamberg Conference, in their 
 communications with France and England, as a domestic and 
 purely German afl^air. I have also, of course, made it my duty 
 to keep firmly to this position. 
 
 London : July 16, 1854. 
 
 The private interview which Prince Albert accorded me 
 lasted more than an hour and a half. I take the liberty of 
 summing up briefly the main points of the discussion. 
 
 His Eoyal Highness, I began, would not have failed to notice 
 that Saxony's participation in the Bamberg Conferences had 
 been subjected in England to severe, not to say unfair and un- 
 merited, criticism.^ Lord Clarendon had thought it his duty, 
 without waiting for the result of those conferences, to embody 
 that criticism in a despatch addressed to the British Minis- 
 ter in Dresden, which both from its form and substance 
 could not but have seemed offensive. The protest provoked 
 
 ' The middle and smaller States of Germany having been invited to join the 
 treaty concluded between Austria and Prussia on April 20, 1854, their Ministers 
 met at Bamberg and prepared a joint note for presentation to the two Great Ger- 
 man Powers, indicating the conditions under which the Diet would accede to 
 that treaty. It was the first manifestation of the so-called ' Trias,' the combina- 
 tion of all the middle and smaller States of Germany with Austria and Prussia. 
 Lord Clarendon addressed a reproof to the Saxon Government exclusively, and 
 Baron Beust, in addition to a despatch addressed to Count Vitzthum on July 
 9, 1854, protested against this interference in a purely domestic German 
 question. This despatch is given in full in Count Beust's Memoirs, vol. i. 
 pp. 189-194.
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PRINCE ALBERT. 107 
 
 "by this interference in a purely German affair was commu- 
 nicated by me two days ago to the Foreign Secretary. I had 
 every reason to suppose that Lord Clarendon, after being 
 acquainted with our reply, had seen at once that he was 
 troubling himself about a matter which did not concern 
 himself at all, and that he would spare us such meddling for 
 tlic! future. Tlie matter was therefore ended, and had only 
 an historical interest, less for the husband of her Britannic 
 Majesty than for the Saxon Prince, whose heart had always beat 
 so warmly for Germany. I begged leave, therefore, to place 
 in his hands confidentially Count Beust's despatch of July 9, 
 and also some further documents relating to this matter, 
 with the request that he would examine them impartially in 
 the quiet of his country seat at Osborne. I drew his particu- 
 lar attention to the fact that the draft of the Bund's resolu- 
 tions, as well as the despatches sent to Vienna and Berlin, 
 had not been confidentially communicated to the British 
 Government, since we had laid it down as a strict rule to 
 treat the matter as one purely German and domestic. At 
 the same time I expressed the hope that the Prince would be 
 convinced, after reading these papers, that we had never been 
 anything but loyal to the Bund and German}^, while our un- 
 conditional accession to the Austro-Prussian alliance of April 
 20 practically refuted the suspicion of our ha"\dng been swayed 
 by Piussian sympathies. 
 
 The Prince thereupon observed as follows : ' In point of 
 law, no objection can be taken to the view adopted at 
 Bamberg. I have expressed my conviction to this effect with- 
 out reserve, both to Lord Clarendon and Count Colloredo. 
 Article 49 of the Final Act of Vienna is, in my opinion, in 
 flat contradiction to the Convention of April 20. Whether 
 what you have done is politic, is another question. I consider
 
 108 ST. PETERSBURG AND LuNDON. 
 
 the danger to poor Germany and all the second-rate German 
 States as one extremely menacmg. Then- existence depends 
 on the convenience of Em"ope ; in other words, on the jealousy 
 of the Great Powers. For generations European history has 
 shown a constant series of endeavours to prevent the powerful 
 and intelligent nation which occupies the central portion of 
 our continent from attaining its natural political importance. 
 England, surrounded by the sea, and therefore powerful ; 
 France, with her strong Pyrenean frontier and extended sea- 
 board; and, especially, Ptussia, have all an interest in common, 
 to keep poor Germany disunited and weak. Nowhere has 
 this so-called European necessity been proclaimed with such 
 naked effrontery as in a circular despatch of Count Nesselrode 
 in 1851 respecting the Schleswig-Holstein question. All the 
 German Governments who in 1848-1850 prevented Germany 
 from acquiring one arm}", one fleet, and one diplomacy, have 
 played into the hands of foreign countries. They have broken 
 with the national idea, and sought a prop for the so-called 
 monarchical principle, that is to say for the maintenance of 
 its nominal supremacy in Piussia. Thus, from fear of media- 
 tisation and revolution, the German Governments have failed 
 to see facts as they are. The sympathies of the people are 
 with us, England, and France ; those of the Courts with 
 Eussia. In Berlin as in Dresden, in Munich as in Stuttgart, 
 in Darmstadt as in Schwerin, the Courts wish us defeat, and 
 would hail with delight any triumph of the Eussian arms. 
 I find this quite natural, and cannot understand how anyone 
 can be surprised at it. Probably my father, if he were still 
 alive, would take the same view himself. And yet I cannot but 
 lament this prejudice with all my heart. It is not a question 
 of Christians and Mahomedans, not a question of bolstering 
 up the miserable Turkish rule, but of setting a precedent for
 
 PRINCE ALBERT ON THE SITUATION. 109 
 
 the enforcement of her own will hy Europe. All the Powers 
 have declared that Russia has violently broken the peace. 
 And now we have to convince Eussia hy force that Europe 
 can no longer tolerate such conduct. As did yesterday the 
 Czar, so to-morrow Napoleon III., or perhaps a Radical Eng- 
 lish minister, may perpetrate a wrong ; but if this precedent 
 succeeds in establishing European intervention for the future, 
 such a wrong will easily be expiated without bloodshed. Had 
 Europe so intervened before, Charles Albert would never have 
 fallen like a I'obber on Lombardy in 1848, nor the Danish 
 question in 1851 have been settled, in order to suit Russia's 
 convenience, to the shame of Germany. How deeply these 
 very German States are interested in establishing this joint 
 intervention of Europe, is obvious ; but it is useless preaching 
 to deaf ears. As to Bamberg, I know well enough how that 
 came about. The good King Frederick William lY. is a 
 trimmer, who does not wish to offend either us or the 
 Russians. But his Queen will not listen to any trimming ; 
 she has chosen her side, and that passionately. It is weU 
 known what she said about the Austro-Prussian alliance of 
 April 20. The question was how to gain time and open a back 
 door for Prussia, to enable her to slip out of that alliance. 
 The mot d'onire came from St. Petersburg, and was imme- 
 diately sent on l)y the Queen to her sister at Dresden. Then 
 Bamberg was brought on to the stage, and an escape seemed 
 to have been found. And ^^et the Austrian troops were ready 
 on July 3 to enter Wallachia. Had they done so, we could 
 have attacked the wasp's nest at Sebastopol then and there. 
 This danger was foreseen in St. Petersburg, and fresh in- 
 structions were sent to Berlin. The result was a protest 
 against the Austrian entry, and a threat that Prussia would 
 back out of the alliance. But the destruction of Sebastopol has
 
 110 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 now become a necessity, and the war will be continued until 
 that object has been attained. For it is from Sebastoi)ol that 
 the Kussians are perpetually threatening Constantinople, a 
 threat which they will carry out when they have screw 
 steamers. To this day I cannot understand Prince Menschi- 
 koff ; he could have landed with 40,000 men at the Seraglio 
 before the telegraph had given us a hint of his embarking. 
 The Russians will not commit that blunder again, and there- 
 fore we must draw their teeth in time. Whether one or two 
 divisions are to be annihilated in Wallachia, is a matter of 
 perfect indifference to the Czar. His power in the East rests 
 on Sebastopol, and for that reason we must destroy it. Now 
 this is impossible, so long as the Danubian Principalities are 
 not occupied by Austria. Austria, however, cannot march 
 in without being sure of Prussia and the Diet. If Germany 
 understood her own interests, the war could be ended this 
 very year ; but if Austria is prevented from taking any 
 active measures, it may last for 3'ears. I am not such an 
 optimist as the English ; I am prepared for a war of three, 
 perhaps of ten yea.rs' duration. Germany alone would be re- 
 sponsible for that, and would then of course have to pay 
 the reckoning. And what might not happen in the course 
 of three or, still more, of ten years ? Will Bamberg Con- 
 ferences be then an}^ longer possible '? Think onh- of the 
 French. To Napoleon III., as to any founder of a dynasty 
 in France, the English alliance is indispensable. He has 
 known this, and till now has held to the alliance with 
 courage and consistency. How long will it endure ? Who 
 is to guarantee to us that the outspoken sympathies of all 
 Frenchmen of ability, the leaders of all the constitutional 
 j)arties in that country, will not one day compel the French 
 Emperor to ally himself with Eussia against us '? Have not
 
 rillNCE ALIiEItT ON THE SITUATION. Ill 
 
 copies of Prince Gortschakoff' s propositions found their way 
 to Dresden ? At Munich, I know, they had no idea of this ; 
 and yet it would l)e a good thing if they would study these 
 documents at Dresden. The " Kreuz-Zeitung " party wish for 
 nothing so much as to be rid of the Pihine provinces ; they 
 believe that Prussia would only lie the gainer by being com- 
 pensated for their loss with Saxony and Hanover, and Mould 
 willingly buy off the Franco-Piussian alliance at that cost. 
 But what will then become of Saxony or Germany ? Another 
 danger threatens us from the party of Revolution. Kossuth 
 writes in an intercepted letter, of which I heard to-day for 
 the first time, that the Austro-English alliance crippled every 
 enterprise ; and that his friends must therefore wait for the 
 not far distant day when England, now blinded, will dis- 
 cover the perfid}' of Austria. Kossuth hit the nail on the 
 head ; the distrust in the Vienna Cabinet will not disappear 
 till the Austrian troops actually enter the Principalities. 
 Should Austria now be compelled to hold her hand and 
 separate herself from France and England, a revolution in 
 Hungary, Italy, and Germany appears inevitable. Hence 
 Germany has the most pressing interest in seeing the war 
 quickly ended, and this result the German Governments are 
 perfectly able to achieve. Englishmen, however, who are 
 aware of this, cannot be blamed when they see in the vacil- 
 lating conduct of Prussia, in the Bamberg resolutions, and 
 in the drag practicall}' put on Austria, proofs of an avowed 
 hostility, directed more against England than France. What 
 disgusts us most about this Bamberg Conference is the fact 
 of their making demands which, at the same time, the Ger- 
 man Governments declare they will not co-operate to enforce. 
 These Bamberg resolutions may be summed up in a sentence : 
 England and France are to fight the war out alone, but surrender
 
 112 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 to Germany the fruits of victory, the freedom of the Danube. 
 To imagine seriously that the Western Powers would, after a 
 victorious termination of the war, thus reward the German 
 Governments for the embarrassments they are preparing for 
 them, is an inconceivable piece of ndivetf'. In like manner 
 the dragging in of the Greek question could not fail to offend 
 France and England most deeply. That Greece should be 
 a German interest, because King Otto happens to be a brother 
 of the King of Bavaria, is incomprehensible. King Otto has 
 paralysed 50,000 men and occasioned unnecessary bloodshed, 
 and I cannot understand why he is allowed to remain at 
 Athens.' 
 
 I will not trouble you with reciting my answers and objec- 
 tions, which suggested themselves at the moment. I assured 
 the Prince that we agreed with Lord Clarendon so far as to 
 think with him that there was nothing to fear from Kussia so 
 long as she was not at Constantinople. It was easy to refute 
 the myth about Queen Elizabeth's having inspired the Bam- 
 berg Conference, a myth which seems to have originated in 
 the story, concocted at Paris, about the four Bavarian sisters. 
 But all my attempts to shake the false impression that a feel- 
 ing of animosity against England prevailed at the German 
 Courts, were ineffectual. The answer I got was that I had 
 only to go there, and my candour would be put to the test 
 on my return. It was not, indeed, denied that Lord Pal- 
 merston's vicious policy had been responsible for the coolness 
 at present manifested in Germany against England. But, 
 on the other hand, it was not to be forgotten that the blun- 
 ders committed by the German Powers were now recoiling 
 on themselves. And for those blunders — namely, to have 
 allowed Piussia to intervene in Hungary and to act as arbiter 
 in the German disputes of 1850 — Austria would have probably
 
 rniXCE ALBKKT ON THE SITUAT[OX. 1 1 ?, 
 
 to pay a heavier penalty than England for the arbitrary acts 
 of Lord Palmerston. 
 
 .1 pro})os of this last remark, the Prince hIliumI, iKjt 
 without anxiety, to to-morrow's sitting of Parliament, when 
 another attempt, it is said, is to be made to place the conduct 
 of the war in Lord Palmerston's hands. The continuance, 
 he remarked, of tlie present English Ministry, the best one 
 at any rate now possible, depended on the Cabinet at Vieima. 
 If that dangerous Palmerston came to the helm before Austria 
 took action, the latter would find in him as inexorable an enemy 
 as she did in 1848. 
 
 Of Bonapartist France the Prince s])oke with a moderation 
 and absence of prejudice now rarely met with in the leading 
 circles of this country. In like manner he entertained no 
 illusions about the success of the fleet then operating against 
 Cronstadt. If fortune helped them, they would perhaj^s demo- 
 lish some outworks, but they could never captm-e either Cron- 
 stadt or St. Petersburg. The Russian men-of-war blockaded 
 in those ports were, taken all together, scarcely worth two 
 millions and a half, and so it would hardly pay to make any 
 great sacrifice to destroy them. The capture of Sebastopol 
 was the main object of the war, which, as the Prince repeated 
 more than once, must be persevered in till attained. 
 
 Altogether I can only gratefully acknowledge the frankness 
 with which the Prince was pleased to explain the situation of 
 aftairs, and the views he himself entertained. 
 
 Postscript. — Shortly after this interview, I chanced to meet 
 Disraeli. The leader of the Opposition spoke to me, not with- 
 out malicious pleasure, of the embarrassments of the Ministry, 
 and seemed convinced that the war would end in a compromise. 
 'Our Ministers,' he said, ' are in a dreadful scrape; they have 
 done nothing, and spent all the money.' 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 114 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Boulogne-sur-Mer : Sept. 4, 1854. 
 
 The Emperor Napoleon arrived here on the 31st of last 
 month. 800 men of the Grenadier Guard had encamped here a 
 few hom'S previous, together with the Guides and other house- 
 hold troops. His entry was a complete success. Tricolour flags 
 were flying in all directions, and English and French joined 
 in shouts of ' Yive I'Empereur ! ' The Hotel Brighton, situated 
 at the extreme end of the town on the land side, serves as the 
 Imperial residence and headquarters. Telegraph wires have 
 been laid to all points of the camp, which stretches for several 
 miles along the coast. The hotel has a fine garden and an 
 open situation, and looks on the castle, the former prison of 
 the present monarch, who is fond of recalling his past history. 
 The favourite walk is on the seashore, on the spot where the 
 unlucky landing took place in 1840. As I threaded my way 
 through the masses of new uniforms, the scene seemed to me 
 somewhat theatrical ; but the aptness of the arrangements 
 shows beyond dispute that the Emperor understands admir- 
 ably how to tickle the vanity of his sul)jects. Yesterday 
 morning at ten o'clock arrived King Leopold and the Duke of 
 Brabant, who had been met and welcomed by the Emperor at 
 Calais. Military festivities were suspended, and an intended 
 review was countermanded. The monarchs paid only a flj'ing 
 visit to the great camp, and at six o'clock in the evening the 
 King embarked again with his eldest son. The guns thundered, 
 the guard formed a double line on the qua}', and there were 
 cries of ' Yive I'Empereur ! ' as farewells were exchanged with 
 much shaking of hands. I am told that King Leopold made 
 use of the sudden ministerial crisis as a pretext for shortening 
 his visit, which, however, brief as it was, has attained its 
 object. To-day at ten in the morning and six in the evening 
 the guns again thundered, to announce to the astonished
 
 PRTXCK ALJ'.i:ins \JS1T TO BOULOGNE. 115 
 
 inhabitants of Boulogne the arrival and departure of the 
 King of Portugal, who with his l>rother has also honoured the 
 Imperial head-quarters with a visit of only a few hours' dura- 
 tion. Common folk, who, moreover, call the Emperor simply 
 * Napoleon,' insist that to-day's review is the result of a wager. 
 '11 le Emperor is said to have made a bet with the King of 
 Portugal that he would show him 100,000 men in a quarter 
 of an hour. The order had been received by telegraph in 
 the camp, when ' Napoleon ' drove from his hotel, and a 
 quarter of an hour afterwards the promised 100,000 men were 
 standing in array. Se noii e rero . . . / Certain it is, that 
 very considerable reinforcements of artillery and c•a^■ah•y have 
 been brought hither, and that the health of the camp has 
 materially improved, thanks to ten continuous days of fine dry 
 autumn weather. 80,000 men might, therefore, well have 
 been under arms. 
 
 Prince Albert left Osborne last night. His suite consists 
 of onty six persons, but several English generals are already 
 here. Some twenty men of the Horse Guards and twenty -five 
 horses are awaiting his Royal Highness. As no less than six 
 steamers accompany the Prince, it is conjectured that the 
 Queen may be on board one of them, and that an interview 
 on the water may precede the one on land. The Emperor 
 was not present at the departure of King Pedro Y. this 
 evening, and has probably, therefore, gone to meet Prince 
 Albert. 
 
 Boulogne-sur-Mer : Sept. 9, 1854. 
 
 Prince Albert has returned to England after a few 
 days' visit. He arrived here on Monday, the 4th, at half-past 
 eleven in the morning. The Prince, accompanied by the Duke 
 of Newcastle, General Grey, and four aides-de-camp, entered
 
 116 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Boulogne harbour on board the ' Victoria and Albert ' amidst 
 the salvos of artillery and the enthusiastic cheers of the crowd. 
 The ' Black Eagle ' and the ' Vivid ' escorted the royal yacht. 
 One steam and two sailing corvettes followed in the evening, 
 and lay at anchor outside the harbour, decked from stem to 
 stern, and with the French flag flying at the mizenmast. 
 The Emperor was waiting on the quay, and gave a cordial 
 welcome to his guest. The carriage had been so drawn up 
 that the guest, stepping in last, took his place on the 
 left of the Emperor ; but his Majesty insisted on giving 
 the Prince his right. I mention this, because the manceuvre, 
 which occupied the first few seconds of the interview, seemed 
 to me to have been executed with marked ceremony. During 
 the drive to the Hotel Brighton, where apartments had been 
 prepared also for the Prince, the latter handed to the Em- 
 peror an autograph letter from Queen Victoria. About four 
 o'clock in the afternoon, the Emperor mounted his horse, 
 in order to show the Prince the camp of the First Division, 
 which extended from Honvault to Wimereux. The Prince 
 wore the broad ribbon of the Legion of Honour. Among his 
 brilliant suite I noticed Lord Cowley, Vely Pasha, and others. 
 I happened to meet them on their return, shortly before 
 dinner, which took place at six o'clock, and noticed plainly 
 the Emperor's expression of satisfaction. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 5th, his Majesty went with the Prince 
 to the camp of St. Omer, situated some thirty miles from here. 
 The excursion took up the whole day, and they did not return 
 till nearly eight o'clock. On Thursday, the 7th, early in the 
 morning, I met the Emperor with the Prince in a phaeton. 
 His Majesty himself was driving ; a single groom sat behind. 
 They were on their way to the sea, and soon the Emperor 
 drove the thorough-breds centre ä terre into the waves, till the
 
 THE .SECOND FRENCH EMPHIE. 117 
 
 breakers almost dashed into the carriage. About eight o'clock 
 he paid a visit to Prince All^ert on board the gaily decorated 
 yacht. The corvettes fired the customary salutes. 
 
 Yesterday, at an early hour, eight miles from here, the 
 last grand review was held in honour of the Prince. At 
 eleven o'clock in the evening his Pioyal Highness embai-ked 
 again, amidst the cheers of the dense crowd and the thunder 
 of cannon. The departure was a tine sight, as all the 
 English vessels, on clearing the harbour, displayed Bengal 
 lights, and sent up rockets and showers of fireworks. The 
 Emperor accompanied his distinguished guest on board his 
 yaclit. So far as I can judge as a tourist, the object of the 
 visit is attained, and the Prince seems as delighted with his 
 reception as the Emperor with his visit. 
 
 Dresden : Nov. 22, 185-t. 
 
 A leisure of several weeks, spent in France, has given me 
 the materials for the inclosed memorandum. 
 
 I had been an eyewitness in St. Petersburg of Prince 
 Menschikoff's mission, in London of the commencement of 
 the crisis, in Vienna of the birth pangs of the protocol of 
 December 3, again in London of the declaration of war and 
 the beginning of the struggle, and finally in Boulogne of the 
 meeting between Xapoleon and Prince Albert. It was, there- 
 fore, with double interest that, after the soon silenced shout 
 of triumph over the battle of the Alma, I followed from 
 Paris the shifting incidents of the siege of Sebastopol, and 
 acquainted myself in some measure with the prospects and 
 programme of the newly established Empire. My endeavour 
 to explain to mj^self the impressions I received, led to this 
 holiday task, which I may well recommend to your especial 
 indulgence, since the unwelcome duty has now fallen to me
 
 118 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 of reporting on the phases of the Anglo-French alhance. 
 I have received some disclosures in Paris which it was im- 
 possihle to obtain in London. 
 
 PROSPECTS AND PROGRAMME OF THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE. 
 
 According to a view widely prevalent in and out of France, 
 the coitj) cVetat of December 2, 1851, and the consequent 
 restoration of the Bonapartist Empire, was nothing but the 
 successful conspiracy of a modern Catiline, nothing Init the 
 lucky coup of a band of bankrupt adventurers and needy 
 speculators, nothing l)ut a new scenic effect, of which sort so 
 many had been put on the Parisian stage since 1789 and 
 then disappeared. 
 
 Is this view well founded ? Is the latest French Revolu- 
 tion the work of chance ? Or is the verdict of the general 
 plebiscite in favour of Napoleon's heir the logical, though 
 perhaps the unconscious, expression of an historical necessity ? 
 
 The events of the coming months will in all probability 
 decide these questions. Meanwhile, it may be in the interest of 
 Germany to make herself practicall}^ secure against awkward 
 surprises, and not to undervalue the neighbour who is bound 
 to affect her future, whether as a friend or a foe. Consider- 
 ing how deeply the rule of Napoleon III. has struck its roots 
 in so short a space of time, it is surely worth while to 
 examine its groundwork. The manner in which this now 
 two-year-old iron dictatorship began may seem perhaps an 
 anachronism, and an episode of those times, drunk with 
 poison and blood, whose secret articulation was laid bare by 
 the statesmanlike pen of a Machiavelli. But the impartial 
 observer must confess that the ' neveu de mon oncle ' keeps
 
 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPHtK. 119 
 
 firmly to the inherited poHcy and ti-aditionß of his house, 
 that he has not forj^otten anything, hut, on the contrary, 
 learned a good deal from the faults of his predecessors, and 
 that silently, soberly, and with a coldly calculating spirit, he 
 seems to be seeking out the strongest supports for his rule 
 still provided b}^ the convulsed and crumbling soil of France. 
 Of course the creative power of genius must not be confused 
 with that instinct which enables a man to take timely advan- 
 tage of what has been already acquired and inherited. Louis 
 Napoleon has manifestly not the genius of his uncle, but at 
 the same time he does not need it ; for the question is not 
 one of creating in France anything actually new, but simply 
 of preserving and developing what exists. For this task, to 
 judge from his conduct up to the present time, the necessary 
 qualifications are not wanting in the ncvcu. 
 
 To obtain a clear view of the sj^stem of Napoleon III. it 
 will be necessary to cast a glance at the past history of his 
 country, for there, if anywhere, the basis of his power is to 
 be found. Objectively, and when considered in all its bear- 
 ings, the movement that shook France in 1789, and after- 
 wards convulsed the world, wears the aspect of a mighty war 
 of races. The feudal institutions then finally destroyed in 
 France were of foreign, that is to say of German, origin. 
 The stationary Gallic aborigines of the plains had, equally 
 with the Gallo-Eoman inhabitants of the towns — the descen- 
 dants, in other words, of Eoman immigrants, and of such 
 Gauls as had adopted the Eoman speech, manners, and 
 culture, the forefathers of the present honnjcoiHic — been 
 subdued by Clovis and his warlike and victorious Franks, 
 whose fair-haired descendants paved the way for Christianity, 
 and with the help of the priests for centuries ruled the land. 
 From their loins sprang the royal families of the Merovin-
 
 120 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 gians, Carolingians, and Capetians, as well as those of the 
 Valois and Bourbons who, ^jr/?/^/ inter pares, guided, together 
 with the powerful nobles, the fortunes of the land. The 
 quarrels of the feudal lord with his own vassals or with 
 foreign princes made up the history of France. As for the 
 original inhabitants, scarcely anything was heard of them ; 
 it was only as priests and burghers of the towns that the 
 Gallo-Romans retained a few rights and privileges. Eiche- 
 lieu needed their services to effect the centralisation of the 
 State, and force the powerful nobles into subjection to the 
 throne. The Cardinal not only gave this class their first 
 political rights, but taught them the terrible lesson that the 
 axe could also be sharpened for the members of the dominant 
 caste. The seed thus sown in blood was destined afterwards 
 to produce a bloody harvest, and to press only too frequently 
 on the successors of Louis XIII. the question, whether the 
 blessings of State unity and absolute monarchy, obtained by 
 the first national minister of France, had not been purchased 
 too dearly. At any rate, the heyday of absolute monarchy 
 was shorter than its period of decline, which extends from 
 the latter years of the reign of Louis XIV. to the year 
 1789. Then came the eruption which shook France to its 
 foundations, deluged Europe, and, what is generally overlooked, 
 awoke the primitive element of the population, overwhelming 
 in point of numbers, from their slumber of a thousand years. 
 When the intoxication of the rough masses and their satur- 
 nalia had subsided, educated men were forced to the con- 
 clusion that the political earthquake which had swallowed up 
 monarchy and nobility, had also torn asunder irremediably 
 the threads of tradition which bound together the present 
 and the past. In fact, the nobles, in offering their title-rolls 
 on the so-called altar of their country, burned the constitu-
 
 THE SECOND i'l:i:NCII EMl'lKE. 121 
 
 tioii itself, while the Jacobins, in beheading their King, 
 struck a fatal blow at the history of their country, 
 and broke behind them all the bridges which could have 
 led to the re-estaldishnient of the system they had over- 
 thrown. For the original Celtic people had no history, 
 and the municipal privileges of the Gallo-Eomans had dis- 
 appeared with the men who had granted them. "Wliat the 
 dreaded reign of the Convention had spared was destroyed by 
 the stupid gluttons of the Directory, and the process of dis- 
 solution would have been complete had not foreign wars 
 compelled those in power to curb the savage masses by means 
 of military discipline. Socially and politically France was a 
 chaos, a talmhi nisit, when Bonaparte returned from Egypt. 
 He, a foreigner like Clovis, subdued the land and people to 
 his iron will ; but he had not, like the Frank, any fellow- 
 warriors or men of his own class whose rights were equal to 
 his own. He stood alone, and therefore did not create any 
 feudal aristocratical monarchy, l)ut a modern Imperialism 
 shaped after the pattern of Caesar. In the eyes of the new 
 monarch and autocrat, all Frenchmen were equal. To him 
 the now powerful popular element was nothing new. The 
 ' petit caporal ' had studied the modern Gauls on the battle- 
 field, and was treated by them as one of themselves, while in 
 the ' Commentaries ' of his lioman predecessor he found his 
 ow'n observations confirmed. It was not the art of winning 
 battles, not the secrets of tactics and strategy, that Xapoleon 
 learned m Caesar's writing, but the art of conquering and 
 rulmg the Gauls. To us foreigners Xapoleon figures chiefly 
 as a captain and a conqueror eager for new territory. Per- 
 haps, however, this is not his greatest side ; perhaps he was 
 born to be rather a ruler than a soldier, often as he may 
 have deceived himself on that point. At any rate he created
 
 122 ST, PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 nothing permanent upon the l)attle-field. His campaigns, 
 Avhich only served to keep his own people under check, 
 remained barren of result, and did not prevent foreign 
 armies from twice occupying his capital. On the other hand, 
 his labours as lawgiver and organiser have survived not only 
 foreign invasion, but also all the disturbances and changes of 
 government, which have followed each other in rapid succes- 
 sion since the downfall of his Empire. The France of to-day 
 lives on the creative ideas of the Corsican, and has none but 
 Napoleonic institutions. No one ever knew the French as 
 did Napoleon. He knew they were easily excited, vain, and 
 lovers of innovation, but at the same time of a practical turn 
 of mind, and easily brought under discipline with the aid of 
 routine. He knew also that tough perseverance and prudent 
 self-restraint are foreign to their sanguine temperament, and 
 that they are always ready to sacrihce real liberty to the 
 phantom of equality. It is Napoleon's knowledge of the 
 national character of the French that explains his system of 
 government, namely the Code Napoleon, and the very simple 
 machinery of administration, so admirably adapted to a 
 country -which is strongly centralised and requires governing. 
 How practical and popular was this system, is shown clearly 
 by the fact that it has remained unchanged for fifty years 
 under Bourbon as well as Orleanist rule, and that in the pro- 
 vinces it is hardly noticed whether a (Jocfrinaire professor like 
 Guizot, or a Socialist dreamer like Ledru-EoUin, puts in the 
 last instance the simple machinery in motion. 
 
 Enough, then, has been said to show that the movement 
 of 1848 is in no way analogous to that which in 1789 sw'ept 
 away all existing institutions. The France of to-day is not 
 onl}' standing on the same crust of lava on which Napoleon I . 
 created and ])uilt up his system of organic change, but she
 
 THE SECOND FREXCII EMriltE. 12o 
 
 lias understood — and we cannot but confess it — how to make 
 this vok-anir soil, materially speakinpj, far more productive 
 tliaii we Germans have ever done in Germany. Notwith- 
 standinf? the convulsions of 1830 and 1848, the forty years of 
 peace have heen employed in effecting an unexampled and 
 ever advancing increase of national prosperity. After the 
 abortive attempt to reconcile the hereditary dynasty with the 
 ideas of 17H!>, tlir Imiinifnisir in 1H80 came into power under 
 the firm of Louis Philippe, Lalitte, and Co., and tried to see in 
 the Government of their citizen king the best of Republics. The 
 good intentions and intelligence of that shrewd statesman and 
 prince could not rid him of the taint of usurpation, or prevent a 
 misiTable collapse, his power having lieen destitute from the 
 first of any national basis. His love of peace, praiseworthy 
 enough, but from its timidity often wounding to the national 
 vanity, and the too restricted character of a suffrage based 
 on a property qualification, supported the i^olicy of the 
 Government, which appeared to be exclusively directed to the 
 increase of the national wealth. Surprising as were the ma- 
 terial results of this policy, still the precept of ' Enrichissez- 
 vous,' now exalted into a maxim of State, could only breed 
 the mischiefs of greed and avarice on one side, and those of 
 discontent and envy on the other, stir up the non-propertied 
 majority against the propertied minority, and open the door 
 to electoral corruption. The Nemesis came more quickly than 
 was, perhaps, to be expected. Half a generation sufficed to 
 make the houiricoisie, who in a narrow-minded wa}' displayed the 
 faults and weaknesses of the old aristocracy', without possess- 
 ing their nobility of character and open-handedness, hateful 
 to the people, and the hourgt'ois monarchy disappeared fi-om 
 the stage without its disappearance making the slightest im- 
 pression on the Jilase masses. Foreign events may have
 
 124 ST. PETERSBUEG AND LONDON. 
 
 hastened the catastrophe, but nothing probably could have 
 prevented it. Thus then there was apparently a tabula rasa 
 again in France, but it was only apx)arently. In reality it 
 was only that the improvised July throne had been put into 
 the lumber room. The big crater of the Revolution of 1789' 
 threatened, indeed, to break forth again, but after all remained 
 closed. The farce of a Republic without Eepublicans was 
 played out, thanks to the fear of the Eed Flag, more quickly 
 than was to have been expected. For scarcely was the Eed 
 Flag seen in the streets of Paris, when the army, which had been 
 kept in discipline by means of Bonapartist reminiscences and 
 the war school of Africa, saved the country in the three days' 
 fight of June from the horrors of anarchy. The experiments 
 of incapable ideologists had failed to heal the social disease, 
 and men had become sick to death of these more or less selfish 
 quacks. The people themselves began to perceive that the 
 vaunted panaceas of these nostrum-mongers had only in- 
 creased the distress, only made the evil worse. Everyone 
 saw that France was not to be governed by many-headed 
 assemblies and empty speeches. The first man who boldly 
 seized the reins was bound to become the ruler. After the 
 terror had been weathered, the choice wavered, perhaps, for a 
 moment between the heir of St. Louis and the heir of the 
 Emperor who had died in exile. But the Duke of Bordeaux 
 contented himself with receiving deputations at Frohsdorf, 
 while Louis Napoleon hastened to Paris, got elected, and 
 sprang boldly into the breakers. The army was gained over 
 as quickly as the peasantry in favour of the new Napoleon, 
 and the modern Octavianus xVugustus could spare himself 
 the trouble of wresting Caesar's inheritance from any rivals. 
 He simply had them imprisoned and conducted across the 
 frontier. His name, the rail} ing cry, ' Les Bonaparte, c'est
 
 TIIK SECOND FkENCII KMIMIIE. I'i-J 
 
 lions,' ji few clrvcr jiliiascs, kikI a well-timed resolution were 
 fiutlieiciit, with the li<lp of universal suffraj^e, to furbish n\\ 
 the stage seenerv of tlu- Knii>ir(' which had heen practically 
 existing for a year. The part he had studied in inii>rison- 
 rn«'nt and exile was easily played. There was no need to 
 shrink from acts of force directly it could \te made to appear 
 that the nstltdtii) in inti'ifruiii was the expression of the 
 national will. In the actual machine of government, which 
 had been perficted hy the electric telegraph, no change was 
 made, hut all (officials suspected of Orleanism or liepuhlican- 
 isni, especially in the provinces, were replaced hy devoted 
 instiiinicnts, at Kast a formal equipoise of the Imdgct was 
 authoritatively restored, and at the same time extensive public 
 works were undertaken. 
 
 It would be superfluous to describe in detail the machinery 
 by which Napoleon I. centralised his system of government. 
 1 will merely cast a glaiici' at the two compact corporations, 
 which, properly speaking, are the only estates of the French 
 Empire, namely the clergy and the army. The hereditary 
 nobility improvised by Napoleon was an abortion, and has no 
 more claim to be considered an estate than the descendants 
 of the ancient noble families, since the political rights intended 
 for them, but which were always only illusory, have long since 
 disappeared, like their titles and possessions. In the First 
 Napoleon's time there were practically only two estates, the 
 soldier class and the priest class. In these two Napoleon III. 
 had sought and found the main supports of his throne. 
 Universal conscription, the basis of the constitution of the 
 army, the First Consul had found already existing, on the 18th 
 of Brumaire : but nevertheless the army itself owes to him 
 the peculiar organisation which it still retains. In vain did 
 succeeding Governments attempt to efface this Napoleonic
 
 126 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 stamp, the most remarkable feature of which is the democratic 
 equahty expressed in the saying, ' Chaqiie soldat francais porte 
 le baton de marechal dans sa giberne.' Unyielding strictness 
 when on service, and comradely treatment when off it, brilliant 
 rewards and distinctions, these were the simple artifices with 
 which the Corsican Imperator understood how to attach his 
 legions to his person, so long as victory and glory remained 
 true to his colours. The Frenchman is a born soldier, and 
 obeys anyone who understands how to command. Success, 
 however, is the sine quel non condition of the Bonapartist 
 system, which cannot stand the ordeal of defeat. The army 
 would have fought for Charles X. and for Louis Philippe, 
 had those sovereigns only understood how to make use of it. 
 The longing to take revenge on the pckiti, grown insolent 
 after the July erneutes and the tumults of February, may 
 have unconsciously contributed more to victory during the 
 June fighting than the resolute conduct of the African 
 generals. The French officer has quite a different position to 
 that of his brethren in any other army. One would look in 
 vain among the officers of French regiments for that spirit 
 of aristocratic chivalry which distinguishes the armies of 
 Germany and Austria. The relations of the private soldiers 
 to their leaders resemble those of the Russian peasants to 
 their Pope. Just as those peasants pay respect to then- pope 
 only in the church, and out of it scarcely regard him as their 
 equal, so the French soldier treats his superiors. ' Ce qu'il y 
 a de mieux dans notre armee,' said a common soldier to a, 
 Prussian officer in the camp at Boulogne, * c'est nous ; puis 
 viennent les sous-ofiiciers qui ne valent pas grand' chose, et 
 enfin les officiers qui ne valent pas le diable ; mais cela ne fait 
 rien, la consigne est la, et la consigne, voyez-vous, c'est la 
 consigne.' This ndire avowal contains a truth which the
 
 THE SKCONl) rUKNL'li LMPIHE. 127 
 
 present Emperor hat» recognised and laid to heart. And lluiL 
 is the very reason why he has far less to fear from victo- 
 rious generals, than on the Continent is usually sup|)osi(l. 
 iiamoriciere and Changarnier inij,'ht serve as examples, of 
 course the army must also havt- jiraetical proof given them 
 that a Nai)olt'on is at their head, who honours tliem as the 
 last estate in the country, and affords them at times an 
 opportunity to wipe out old reverses and gain new laurels. 
 In addition to all this, an Imjierator whom his troops never 
 see leading tluiu under lii-c-, a Napole(jn of peace, would run 
 the risk of having his soldiers running wild into pra^orians, 
 if there were no moral counterpoise strong enough to check 
 such demoralisation at the outset. Tliis moral counterpoise 
 the Emperor seems now to he seeking in the lloman Catholic 
 priesthood. In so doing he is adhering to the traditions of 
 the First Consul, who, alth(»ugli no higoted Itomau Catholic, 
 recalled for political reasons the scattered priests and restored 
 the hroken altars, without heeding the murmurs of his gi"ey- 
 heards. The Church, it is true, is not an institution of 
 police, but ever since Constantine's time she has always been 
 utilised by the great ones of the earth. On the other hand, 
 no doubt, emperors and kings, without being conscious of it, 
 have often been the mere tools of ambitious priests. The 
 Eeign of Terror and the wars of the Republic evoked in France 
 a reaction against Voltaire and his pupils, by whose teachings 
 the real people had been less disturbed than might be 
 supposed. Thus religion found to a certain extent a virgin 
 soil in Napoleonic France. The seed germinated slowly. 
 Fostered and tended with care by the Bourbons of the 
 elder line, neglected but not molested under the Govern- 
 ment of Louis Philippe, the Roman CathoHc Church, after 
 the fertilising shower of the February Revolution, achieved
 
 128 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ■conquests on French soil which surpassed her keenest ex- 
 pectations. ' The children of Voltaire,' exclaims Montalem- 
 hert, ' have rememhered that they are descendants of the 
 Crusaders.' The deep religious movement, which made itself 
 prominent among the lower classes, must be distinguished, 
 indeed, from the factitious agitation of Ultramontane fanatics 
 in the columns of the ' Univers.' Veuillot and his friends 
 are the representatives of an extreme tendency, the dangerous 
 character of which was clearly perceived by the real leaders of 
 the clergy. Faithful to the traditions of the Gallican Church, 
 these leaders are conspicuous for their genuine piety and 
 profound theological learning. They are not afraid to die 
 the death of martyrs on Parisian barricades, nor need they 
 fear comparison with the brightest stars of another epoch. 
 Just as the tragic end of the Archbishop of Paris during the 
 June fighting stirred the deepest feelings of the masses, so 
 the speech of the learned Bishop of Orleans on his entrance 
 into the Academy on the 9th of November made a genuine 
 sensation among the educated classes. Dupanloup was 
 hailed as a worthy successor of Bossuet and Fenelon, 
 Unless all signs deceive, a reconciliation of the Eoman 
 Catholic Church with modern science is now preparing in 
 the bosom of the sorely tried French clergy — a reconcilia- 
 tion based on a higher synthesis than Voltaire and his 
 disciples could ever have dreained of. How science, on 
 the other hand, is seeking to meet the Church half-way, is 
 shown, among other things, by the remarkable book of the 
 democrat Jean Eeynaud, ' Philosophie religieuse, Terre et 
 Ciel ' (Paris : Furne, 1854). The author, with an earnestness 
 of purpose unusual in France, searches for links from the 
 pre-Christian faiths of ancient Gaul to reconcile practically 
 the latest astronomical and geological discoveries with the
 
 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE. 129 
 
 resolutions of the Councils and the dogmas of the Roman 
 Catholic Church. All these signs of the time have not escaped 
 the keen eye of Napoleon III., and he has already, out of 
 gratitude for the services rendered him by the country clergy 
 (luring liis last electioneering campaigns, bestowed more 
 attention to the religious wants of the peopk- than his uncle 
 ever could or cared to do. Immediately on his accession, he 
 declared that he would do more than the Bourbons for the 
 clergy if they supported him, because he was stronger than 
 the Bourbons ever were. The boldest and, perhaps, the most 
 hazardous step taken by the Emperor in this direction is the 
 recall of the Jesuits. This stej) was not taken officially, of 
 course, out of deference to public opinion ; but what it was 
 l)ossible to do secretly, to protect that influential society and 
 gain them over to the Government, was done and is being 
 done daily. A house in the Eue de Sevres, purchased under 
 a strange name, provides a lodging for the sons of Loyola, 
 who have also removed one of their best known educational 
 institutions from Belgium to the Eue de Yaugirard in Paris. 
 Their influence is daily in the ascendant, and already two 
 Jesuits, Father Ponlevoy and Father Eavignan, are named as 
 persons who are supposed to know more of State secrets than 
 the ministers Fould and Drouyn de Lhuys. Eows of fashion- 
 able carriages are to be seen daily before the quiet house 
 in the Rue de Sevres. Countless emissaries keep up direct 
 communication with the army, especially with the troops in 
 the Crimea, whose chaplains are said to belong mosth' to this 
 order. It is noticeable that the Jesuits in France have not a 
 word to say in favour of the extreme views represented by the 
 ' Univers,' but, on the contrary, appear to side, and that not un- 
 ostentatiously, with its most determined opponent, the Bishop 
 of Orleans. Apart from home politics, moreover, this secret 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 130 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 alliance of Bonapartism with the Jesuits may have a certain 
 meaning and importance. At any rate, it marks the contrast 
 between the system of Napoleon III. and that of Louis Philippe. 
 It is a well-recognised symptom of the social and political 
 disease from which Europe is suffering, that the two opposing 
 principles which govern in turn the history of mankind, 
 namely authority and lil)erty, should have been embodied in 
 two secret societies. These societies have only one feature 
 in common, that their members attach a higher value to 
 theh' membership than to kinship, country, and nationality. 
 Granted that it would be an exaggeration to regard every- 
 thing that comes to the light of day as an exliibition secretly 
 prearranged, it is certain, nevertheless, that the orders of 
 Freemasons and Jesuits have been fighting with each other 
 for centuries with mines and countermines, whose explosions 
 exercise an influence on the events passing on the world's 
 stage of which the leading actors, to say nothing of the 
 spectators, have frequently no notion. It deserves remark, 
 therefore, that if the Freemason Louis Philippe looked to the 
 French lodges for support, Louis Napoleon does not at least 
 despise the assistance of the .Jesuits. 
 
 The preceding observations will suffice to show the cha- 
 racter of the soil on which the Bonapartism, whose roots it 
 was neglected to extirpate in 1815, has been able suddenly to 
 shoot up before our eyes, while Pioyalty perished for want of 
 nurture. 
 
 It remains still to cast a glance at the programme of 
 foreign policy, which is the logical development of the above 
 premises. 
 
 Nowhere is foreign so intimately connected with domestic 
 policy as in France. Napoleon III. knows better than any 
 man, that the vain nation, spoiled by the victories of his
 
 TIIK SECOND FKKNCir EMI'IRE. 131 
 
 iincle, has never forj^'ivcii the Bourbons for having been 
 brought Ijack to Paiis by the help of foreign bayonets. He 
 knows also, and has himself often enough repeated, that it 
 was the bourgeois monarch's love of peace that mainly ex- 
 posed him to the contempt of the French. That Louis 
 Philippe respected the treaties of 1815 was, perhaps, his 
 greatest merit ; but it cannot be denied that neither he, nor 
 his ministers, nor his Chambers, so full of vagaries, had any 
 policy. The framework of a national foreign system, such as 
 had led Charles X. to negotiate secretly for an offensive and 
 defensive alliance l)etween France and Russia, had vanished 
 with that king in the July days, and the hatred with which 
 the Emperor Nicholas pursued the revolutionary usurper 
 made it hopeless to reconnect the broken threads. Apart 
 from that, an alliance with the Orleanists would have encoun- 
 tered serious objections in Eussia from the simple fact that, 
 owing to the talkative and impressionable nature of the 
 French, a Government dependent on the majority of the 
 Chambers would have been utterly unable to arrange any 
 settled programme of foreign polic}', much less to carry it 
 out. Napoleon III., on the contrary, not only can but must 
 have a system, and in seizing the rems of the newly founded 
 military monarchy he was perfectly consistent with himself. 
 Well thought out, and thoroughly adapted to the cii'cum- 
 stances, his system is no mere whim of the moment, and 
 deserves for that very reason the earnest attention of the 
 Continent. A Napoleon who would sanction, like Louis 
 Philippe, the treaties of 1815, and not attempt to seize the 
 lirst chance that offered of repudiating those clauses which, 
 really or presumedly, were directed against France, would, in 
 the eyes of the army and nation, cease to be a Napoleon. 
 The revision of the map of Europe, as adjusted by the Cou- 
 
 K.2
 
 132 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 gress of Vienna, is no mere fancy of a hired journalist, but a 
 fixed and favourite idea of the new Emperor. This revision 
 is not to be confounded with the dream of a French universal 
 monarchy, erected on the point of the sword. The French 
 are sober enough to perceive that, if the uncle, with all his 
 genius, suffered shipwreck in that enterprise, the nephew 
 would have no prospect of success. ' We have no idea of 
 conquest ' keep repeating the mouthpieces of the party in 
 power ; ' France is big enough ; we are not hankering after 
 the Ehine frontier, or any other extension of our territory. 
 If we have been compelled, under the greatest general of his 
 time, to surrender our conquests, and twice to endure the 
 shame of a foreign invasion, how should we now, without 
 such a general, provoke the national sentiment of our neigh- 
 bours, and especially of Germany ? ' 
 
 This language is perhaps more honest than might be sup- 
 posed. What the present French Empire aims at, at any 
 rate in the first instance, are not territorial, but moral 
 conquests. The next object of ambition is to obtain that 
 hegemony which for the last few years has been practically 
 wielded by the Emperor Nicholas. The champion of the 
 Conservative principle, the terror of demagogues, the dictator 
 of Continental Governments, the protector, not of the Con- 
 federation of the Rhine, but of the Germanic Confederation, 
 that is the part which the Emperor of Eussia has played till 
 the outbreak of the present war, and which the Emperor of 
 the French has now already begun to assume. ' Moi, brouille 
 avec I'Empereur ? ' exclaimed Persigny, on leaving the Minis- 
 try. ' Quelle idee ! Je Tai fait President, je Tai fait Empereur, 
 je le ferai dictateur de I'Europe.' One might smile at this as 
 a mere flourish of trumpets, were it not that prophecies of 
 this sort have already come to pass, and that all which has
 
 THE SECOND FRENX'II EMPIRE.^ 13:-> 
 
 occurred since the days of Strasburg and Boulogne, especially 
 (luring the last two years, points to the fact that we have to 
 do with an illuminate, in whose schemes of adventure it is 
 impossible not to see a certain method. Scarcely had the 
 successful coup (V('l(it of December 2 obtamed the much- 
 vaunted prompt and ' hearty ' recognition of England, ai.d 
 the danger consequently disappeared of that European coa- 
 lition for which the secret memorandum of London was to 
 pave the way, when that 'European Second of December' 
 was put on the stage, of which we have since then heard so 
 much. The Cabinets were still exchanging endless and fruit- 
 less despatches about the question of Napoleon's recognition, 
 when M. de Lavalette, \\\\o had been sent to Constantinople 
 as Aml)assador, and since then ostensibly disavowed, picked 
 the quarrel about the Holy Places, which was to kindle the 
 general war that Napoleon needed. The attitude of the 
 Northern Powers, the secret despatches of Vienna and Berlin, 
 and lastly the refusal of the title of brother at St. Petersburg, 
 afforded a welcome pretext for hastening action. In January 
 1853 the plan was already laid to break up the Northern 
 alliance, and that, indeed, in the East. The moderation 
 aöected at first was only a mask, employed to make sure 
 of the English statesmen, and gain them over. While St. 
 Petersburg, Vienna, and Berlin were negotiating, Paris was 
 taking action. It was well known that at Constantinople con- 
 verged the most sensitive threads, the entanglement of which 
 was bound to excite the passionate nature of the Czar, who, 
 though spoilt by success, was at bottom a lover of peace, and 
 speculations were built on the blunders which that passionate- 
 ness would occasion. Menschikoff's mission was greeted with 
 exultation at Paris. ' Maintenant,' exclaimed Persigny with 
 joy, 'nous entrainerons I'Angleterre.' They knew there that
 
 134 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the Eussian Ambassador Extraordinary would never rest 
 contented with settHng the wantonly provoked quarrel about 
 the Key. They could, therefore, in order to pacify public 
 opinion in France and Europe, and especially in Eng- 
 land, agree to concessions which, being unfortunately inter- 
 preted on all sides as a prudent yielding, served to strengthen 
 the belief that France desired peace, while in reality they 
 caused the Gordian knot to be still more firmly tied. At 
 the very moment when peace seemed at St. Petersburg as- 
 sured, in May 1853 came the first real move in the game, 
 the despatch of the French fleet to Salamis. As is well 
 known, the French Ministers, alarmed at the boldness of this 
 stej), which was proposed by Persigny, unanimously protested 
 against it. ' Quoi ! ' exclaimed the Emperor's trusted adviser, 
 ' oubliez-vous que nous avons un Napoleon ä la tete du gou- 
 vernement ? Ne s'agit-il pas de prouver ä la nation, ä 
 I'armee, et surtout ä I'Europe, que nous ne reculons pas de- 
 vant une guerre avec la Eussie ? Ne s'agit-il pas avant tout 
 d'entrainer I'Angleterre ? Et I'Angleterre, ce n'est pas la 
 cour, ni le conseil de la reine, encore moins Lord Aberdeen. 
 II faut leur forcer la main et c'est en roulant I'opinion pu- 
 blique que nous I'obligerons ä faire cause commune avec nous. 
 C'est par une demonstration navale que Topinion publique se 
 reveillera en Angleterre. Nous serons forces de revenir de 
 Salamine, dites-vous ? Qu'importe ? Ce sera reculer pour 
 mieux sauter, car nous entrerons dans le Bosphore avec les 
 Anglais.' In vain did Fould and Drouyn de Lhuys attempt 
 to carry their point, that at least a previous understanding 
 should be come to on the subject with the English Cabinet. 
 The Emperor decided against them. ' Persigny a raison,' he 
 said ; ' telegraphiez a la flotte de se rendre ä Salamine ; nous 
 annoncerons le fait accompli a I'Angleterre.' In this narra-
 
 THE SECOND FJiENCU E.Ml'lKE. lo-J 
 
 tive, which has been derived from the best sources, lies the 
 secret of the Eastern comphcation. For if the despatch of 
 the fleet to Salamis was no mere freak of a despot, as was 
 then and is still believed everywliere, especially in London, 
 but a well-considered move, calculated with an eye to public 
 opinion in England, to persevere in believing, as they do in 
 St. Petersburg, that England has dragged France into the 
 war, is simply to cling to a delusion. The exact contrary is 
 the case. Even if a war with lUissia were regarded, espe- 
 cially in England, as sooner or later unavoidable, still the 
 two opponents would perhaps have kept their swords in the 
 scabbard for some years, had not a second been found on the 
 Seine to urge on the duel in his own interests. The only 
 thing wanted was to wake the British lion from his slumljer ; 
 when once that was done, the rest was bound to follow of its 
 own accord. And everything went as was wished. The 
 Eussians crossed the Pruth, and public opinion in England 
 impetuously demanded war with Eussia and an aUiance with 
 Napoleon. Slowly, almost timorously, the Coalition Ministry, 
 divided amongst themselves, responded to the call, and the 
 British vessel of State, well-nigh without a pilot, went help- 
 lessly into the breakers which had been so artfully prepared. 
 * We are drifting into war,' complamed Lord Clarendon, 
 while the ' great and powerful ally ' was insinuating himself 
 with rare dexterity and feigned deference into the confidence 
 of the British statesmen. After the silent Imperial parveniL 
 had succeeded in neutralising all hostile influences, particu- 
 larly the antipathies of the Court, he undertook practically, 
 in secret concert with Lord Palmerstou, the direction of the 
 policy of both the Western Powers. 
 
 Nothing of all this was seen or known at St. Petersbm'g. 
 General Castelbajac, who had taken the ' FEmpii-e c'est la
 
 136 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 paix ' in sober earnest, may have contributed not a little,. 
 without either knowing or wishing it, to increase the blind- 
 ness of the Russian Cabinet, and leave them under the 
 dangerous delusion that the Anglo-French alliance was merely 
 a phantom, which would vanish directly it was grasped. Even 
 the Eussian agents did something to thicken the veil which at 
 the critical moment concealed from the Czar the real position 
 of affairs ; and the politicians, professional and non-professional, 
 who towards the end of 1853 hoped to purchase a Eusso- 
 Frencli alliance with German territory, have more on their 
 consciences than they like to dream of. But those gentlemen 
 may rest assured once for all, that an alliance with Eussia, at 
 any rate in the first instance, is an impossibility in Imperial 
 France. Legitimate Eoyalty, which had to thank Alexander I. 
 mainly for its restoration, might, perhaps, have sought later 
 a support in Eussia. The crowned son of the Eevolution 
 despises this support, and cannot possibly ally himself with the 
 Czar; if for this reason alone, that the position which the latter 
 assumed towards the Continent is the chief object of Napoleonic 
 ambition. If the Tuileries to-day had no higher aspirations 
 than little Thiers, and were content with the frontier of the 
 Ehine, the hints thrown out at Stuttgard by Prince Gortscha- 
 koff would have fallen on a thankful soil, and not have been 
 answered, as they were, with an almost scornful silence. A 
 prize so paltry may be contemned, in view of the higher object 
 of amljition, which, as already pointed out, is nothing less than 
 the reconstitution of the State system of Europe, the revision 
 of the treaties of 1815. For the attainment of that object, 
 Eussia, as is well known, never can and never will offer a 
 hand ; the only means for that end can be the English alli- 
 ance. Louis Napoleon, like Louis XVIII. and Louis Philippe, 
 has learned this lesson in exile, that the sympathies of the
 
 THE SECOND FRENCH E.Ml'UiE. 137 
 
 British press and the London Stock Exchange are indispensable 
 to anyone who undertakes to found a dynasty in France. In 
 the eyes of Napoleon III. the English alliance is a contract 
 resting on reciprocity. France supports by force of arms 
 English interests in the East, and expects m return that 
 England will after this war leave the Emperor Napoleon a free 
 hand on the Continent, and connive as tacitly at the ' Euro- 
 pean ' coup (VHat as she connived at the French one. The 
 future will show whether this calculation is correct. In any 
 case the grave political errors committed by the three Northern 
 Powers since the crisis began, have l)rought nearer that 
 general war the Continental fruits of which Napoleon flatters 
 himself he can purchase with possibly a trifling sacrifice, 
 and here in Paris its outbreak next spring is regarded as 
 inevitable. The general plan of the war is reported to be 
 settled. The fall of Sebastopol, or, what is always possible, 
 the defeat of the allies, will not, it is said, affect it as a whole. 
 As soon as the Baltic is free from ice, the English fleet, form- 
 ing the extreme left wing, is to commence operations, supported 
 by a French squadron. About 60,000 English and French 
 troops are intended to be taken on board, and the Swedish 
 army of 40,000 men is counted on, which is already on a war 
 footing. With the assistance of a number of gunboats, a 
 vigorous attack is to be made on Cronstadt and St. Peters- 
 burg ; the fortresses of the Bay of Finland, which were fully 
 reconnoitred last ^ear, are to be taken, and Fmland, and if 
 IDOSsible the Baltic provinces, are to be seized and given to 
 Sweden. Bonapartist France requires, indeed, in the North 
 a strong Scandinavia as a faithful ally. On the extreme 
 right wing the Anglo-French and Turks are to continue their 
 previous operations, and extend them to Asia Mmor also, 
 as well as the Caucasus and Bessarabia. In the centre.
 
 138 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Austria would have to undertake the main conduct of the 
 great war, the object of her attack being the strong offensive 
 position of Russia in the high plains of Poland, to assail 
 which, it is not disguised, the co-operation of Austria is 
 indispensable. And yet people in Paris are already specu- 
 lating on the restoration of Poland as a natural ally, whose 
 services Bonapartism might find useful against Russia or Ger- 
 many. But though the Polish kingdom of the future is one 
 of the main elements, it is certain, in the programme of 
 Napoleon III., the demarcation of its frontiers has never yet 
 been considered, since the territorial sacrifices to be expected 
 from Austria and Prussia could not possibly at this moment 
 be discussed, and all questions of detail depend on the suc- 
 cess of the war. Only, care appears to have been taken that 
 the Polish emigration, in the event of such a thing bemg 
 announced at Vienna after the rejection of Austria's contem- 
 plated ultimatum, should be governed by the military dispo- 
 sitions of the Austrian generals. 
 
 Such is an outline of the map of Europe which the prisoner 
 of Ham drafted, and after his escape communicated with 
 great confidence of success to several personages of my 
 acquaintance ; among others, to the Earl of Westmoreland. 
 The sceptic smile of the English diplomatist was answered by 
 a ' rira bien qui rira le dernier,' and Napoleon added a friendly 
 invitation to pay a visit to the Emperor of the French as soon 
 as he was installed in the Tuileries. 
 
 A still more important point than either Poland or Scan- 
 dinavia in the Bonapartist plans of the future is presented by 
 Italy. The Italian question, for obvious reasons, is now left 
 untouched and postponed to a later time ; but ' the young 
 man of Forli,' formerly initiated into the intrigues of the Car- 
 bonari, and as Carlo Alberto a member of that secret con-
 
 THE SECOND FllENCII EMPIRE. 139 
 
 i'ederacy, is far more Italian than French. The ' liljeration 
 of Italy ' remains a hobby, if only because it is connected 
 with the mystic side of Bonapartism. It is well known that 
 Napoleon I. sought to persuade himself and his subjects that 
 he was the legitimate successor of Charlemagne. Like that 
 Emperor of the Franks, Napoleon III. would now wish to 
 secure by a march to Rome the consecration of his crown, 
 and therewith the exclusive right, as protector of the Holy 
 See, to treat the Italian piinces as his vassals. 
 
 If it is asked now by what means these soaring schemes 
 are to be realised, the answer is that the French army will 
 early in January, that is in about six weeks, have 550,000 
 men under arms. Out of these, it is true, about 130,000 are 
 now in Algeria, Rome, Athens, and the Crimea. With 120,000 
 men, assisted by the newlj^ organised police, it is hoped to be 
 able to keep Paris and France in order. If another 50,000 
 are sent to the Baltic on board the fleet, there will remain in 
 the camp at Boulogne an available reserve of only 250,000 
 men. These are to support Austria, if necessary, in the 
 «entre, or be employed against us in case Prussia and the 
 rest of Germany make a show of maintainmg their neutrality 
 by force of arms. 
 
 If the above schemes contain the germ of a future quarrel 
 •on Napoleon's part with Austria and Germany, the}' furnish 
 the most serious warning to all the German Governments to 
 remain united and bring to a speedy end the now seemingly 
 inevitable war with Russia, but in no case to allow the French^ 
 not even as friends, to set foot on German soil. B}^ so doing 
 we may be able, at least later on, to oppose to our arrogant 
 Western neighbour — this time without foreign help — the firmly 
 wielded power of an undivided Germany. 
 
 Paris: Nov. 17, 1854.
 
 140 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 LONDON. — 1855. 
 
 Audience at Windsor Castle — Conversation with Prince Albert — Ministerial 
 Crisis — The British Constitution — Sufferings of the Army in the Crimea — 
 Defective Organisation — Prevalent Distrust — Fall of Lord Aberdeen --Lord 
 Palmerston Prime Minister — Eeorganisation of the Crimean Army — Treaty 
 with Austria of Dec. 2, 1854 — Death of the Emperor Nicholas — The Four 
 Points — Lord John Eussell's Mission to Vienna — Failure of the Vienna 
 Conference — The French Emperor and Empress in England — Efforts for 
 Peace — Return Visit of Queen Victoria to Paris — My Mission to Lisbon. 
 
 My first duty, after returning in January 1855 to London, 
 was to present to Queen Victoria my new credentials, which 
 had been rendered necessary by the change of Government 
 in Saxony. The Queen received me at Windsor, where I was 
 invited to dine and spend the night. It was a cold winter's 
 day, and the frost on the rails delayed the express train 
 which conveyed Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, and other 
 ministers, as well as myself, to the Castle. 
 
 I was just hastening to dress for dinner, when Lord 
 Clarendon called me into the gallery and asked me if I had 
 not forgotten my credentials. These were quickly brought, 
 and I delivered them, agreeably to English etiquette, in my 
 travelling dress. The Queen herself had already begun her 
 toilette, and quickly put on a dressing gown to receive Lord 
 Clarendon and myself. 
 
 Being thus duly accredited, I could take my place at the 
 dinner table. The Court observes the usual English custom.
 
 CONVERSATION WITH PRINCE ALBERT. 141 
 
 the Queen rising with her ladies when the dinner is over, and 
 leaving the men alone to sip their claret. 
 
 Prince Albert motioned me to his side and began a con- 
 versation in German, of which his neighbour, Lord Aberdeen, 
 could not understand a word. Opinions, therefore, could be 
 exchanged with perfect freedom, and I was indebted to the 
 Prince for an accurate account of the situation as it had 
 developed itself during my absence. On the subject of Ger- 
 man relations he spoke out very openly and with much dis- 
 pleasure, and complained in particular that the vacillation of 
 the King of Prussia and the indecision of Manteufifel were 
 bound to frustrate the hop«' of bringing the Emj)eror of 
 Eussia to reason. 
 
 English feeling had completely changed. Even Lord 
 Aberdeen had resolved to prosecute the war with vigour. As 
 I looked at that excellent old gentleman, and saw how he sat 
 there in the icy apartment shivering and chattering his teeth, 
 I involuntarily asked myself whether he was the man to battle 
 with the storm, and lead England safely through the dangers 
 of a European war. For a storm there was, which Mas 
 shaking the British Constitution to its base, if not imperilling 
 its very existence. 
 
 The British Constitution is no mere piece of paper. It is 
 not to be found within the four corners of Magna Charta or 
 the Bill of Eights. It is an arsenal, not to saj' a medley, of 
 written laws, judicial decisions, Norman privileges, Saxon 
 customs, Danish survivals, ancient precedents, and half-for- 
 gotten resolutions of Parliament. Every sovereign of Eng- 
 land, the Tudors as well as the Stuarts, Cromwell as well as 
 the Hanoverian dynasty. Queen Elizabeth as well as Queen 
 Victoria, has helped to build up, and every session of Parlia- 
 ment to perfect, this edifice of ages. It is a labyrinth to
 
 142 ST. PETERSBÜRC4 AND LONDON. 
 
 which a knowledge of pubHc opinion affords the only clue. 
 But this very public opinion is but a toy for big children, 
 a kite which rises or falls with every breath of air, and 
 which none can fly but those who understand the game ta 
 be a game. 
 
 The ship of State ' Britannia ' had sprung a leak, and 
 was rolling almost without a pilot in the trough of the sea. 
 Men's eyes were opened to the real magnitude of the war, 
 which had been so recklessly begun ; after the fever came 
 the cold fit. Sir Charles Napier had slipped away from the 
 Baltic ice with his task unaccomplished. In the Crimea the 
 gallant armies had won desperate battles, but, so to speak, 
 not a foot of land. Sebastopol, changed by the genius of 
 Todleben into a fortified camp, still defied the allies and 
 their newly perfected artillery. 
 
 An unusually hard winter, and the storms which in an 
 inland sea like the Euxine are always extremely dangerous, 
 and which wrecked a number of transports, had so weakened 
 the victorious English army, that in the beginning of 1855 
 only about 10,000 combatants remained, all of whom, partly 
 in the trenches and partly in the camp, now converted into 
 a morass, seemed doomed to perish from hunger, frost, and 
 fever. When the news of these privations and sufierings 
 reached England, and was served up to the public twice a 
 day by the newspapers with exaggerated zeal, a cry of indig- 
 nation arose, and, as always happens in such cases, the blame 
 was heaped on the men, not the system. Anything more 
 absurd than this system can hardly be conceived. The re- 
 sponsible Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle,, 
 a member of the Cabinet, was also Minister for the Colonies. 
 Under him was the Secretary at War, Sidney Herbert. In 
 addition to these, there was a Commander-in-Chief of the
 
 MALADMINISTRATION OF THK AUMY. ] 4o 
 
 army, Lord IIurdiiijL^'o, an excellent old soldier and successor 
 to the i^ost which the Duke of Wellington till his death had 
 filled with almost ahsolute authority. Theoretically, indeed, 
 the Commander-in-Chief was tlic servant of tlie responsible 
 Secretary of State, but practically the latter followed, as a 
 civilian, the inspiration of his military subordinate. Now, as the 
 Secretary of State again did nothing without consulting the 
 Queen, or in other words Prince Albert, the public, of course, 
 fastened the responsibility for everything uijon the ' petty Ger- 
 man Prince.' At such a moment, thure was nothing too absurd 
 to pass nnister as probable. Thus, a silly report was spread 
 that the Prince W'as willing to sacrifice the army in the 
 Crimea out of love for his German relatives, and had given 
 Lord Raglan secret orders to carry on a sham campaign and 
 spare the Russians as much as possible. Anything more 
 senseless could scarcely be conceived. The anger of the 
 excited public vented itself nevertheless, not directly on the 
 Prince, but on his pretended instruments. Lord Raglan, 
 Lord Hardinge, and the Duke of Newcastle, and in the last 
 instance the Premier, Lord Aberdeen, were the men who 
 were loaded with contumely of every kind, and held to 
 blame that the Tartar's story of the capture of Sebastopol 
 remained day after day still unconfirmed, while the corpses 
 of 20,000 British soldiers were mouldering on the barren 
 steppes of the Crimea, and the rest of the army was perish- 
 ing from cold and hunger. Several Enghsh officers, who 
 went through that rigorous winter, have since told me with a 
 smile that they first learned of their sufferings from the 
 newspapers. But there was no exaggeration too great to find 
 belief, and nol)ody doubted that the days of the Ministry 
 were reckoned. 
 
 When Parliament now assembled on .January 23, the
 
 144 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 House of Commons showed that they reflected faithfully the 
 feverish excitement of the country. Meanwhile, Lord Aber- 
 deen's position was no enviable one. Disraeli, the leader of 
 the Opposition, would have taken good care, even if Lord 
 Derby had not been there to check him, not to pull the chest- 
 nuts out of the lire. A direct attack, the success of which 
 could not be doubted, would have morally obliged the Conser- 
 vatives to form a Government. But where were the materials 
 for that Government to be found in the midst of such a storm ? 
 The task of belling the cat was left, therefore, to chance, 
 or, as frequently happens in such situations, to a so-called 
 independent member of Parliament. The little, plain-looking, 
 but somewhat popular member for Sheffield, Mr. Eoebuck, 
 was only too happy to undertake this part. He was plucky, 
 and belonged to those ' qui ne doutent de rien,' as the French 
 say. He moved for the appointment of a Select Committee 
 to inquire into the conduct of the war, in order to ascertain 
 the causes which had reduced the army in the Crimea to 
 such a miserable plight. It is possible that this motion, if 
 not actually inspired l)y Lord Palmerston, had received his 
 approval. Nothing more, however, would perhaps have been 
 heard of the matter, had not the leader of the House, Lord 
 John Ptussell, long since impatient of playing second fiddle in 
 the Cabinet, given the motion an unusual importance. He 
 at once resigned, on the ground, as he explained to the 
 Cabinet, that in the present state of feeling in the House the 
 Committee of Liquiry could not be evaded. People aptly com- 
 pared this selfish makebate to the rat which leaves the sinking 
 ship : it was truly said of him that he, by his retirement, and 
 not Pioebuck, was upsetting the Ministry, and would cause the 
 greatest embarrassment to the Crown. But Lord John stuck 
 to his resolution and went. He had already endeavoured to
 
 FALL OF THE ABERDEEN MINISTRY. 145 
 
 induce Lord Aberdeen to hand over to Lord Palmerston the 
 War Department, administered by the unpopular Duke of 
 Newcastle, in the hope of thus wearing out and discrediting 
 his colleague, and securing for himself the future premiership. 
 I'almerston himself had no desire whatever to become Minis- 
 ter of War ; and even when the Duke of Newcastle himself 
 offered to retire, in order to save the Ministry, persisted in 
 declining the post, declaring that he could not administer the 
 War Office half as well as the Duke. Russell's wholly unex- 
 pected and unexplained retirement drew after it the request 
 of the Whigs in the Cabinet for their release. Thus the 
 Aberdeen Ministry was already in a state of complete dis- 
 ruption when the debate on Roebuck's motion commenced. 
 That debate ended on the night of January 29 by the motion 
 being carried. Three hundred and hve voted for it, and only 
 148 against it ; so that there was a majority of 157 against 
 the Ministers. 
 
 I had accepted an invitation to dinner that evening, and 
 was not able to reach Westminster Palace till near eleven 
 o'clock. The House was crowded, and there was no room 
 in the seats reserved for the diplomatic body, either for the 
 French Ambassador or myself. Some friendly members of 
 Parliament took compassion on us, and invited us to their 
 seats in the gallery inside the House. Thus I was able to 
 listen comfortably to Disraeli's sarcastic speech and Glad- 
 stone's brilliant defence, and after the order of * Strangers 
 withdraw ' had announced, about three o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, the close of the debate, to await in the large hall the 
 result of the division. Walewski, on hearing it, seemed 
 delighted, and whispered in my ear, ' In eight days Lord 
 Palmerston will be Prime Minister — that is exactly what we 
 want.' 
 
 VOL. I. L
 
 146 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 As the Tories had voted for Eoebuck's motion, and formed 
 the most compact and nmnerous party of the Opposition, the 
 Queen immediately sent for their leader, Lord Derby. The 
 Earl declined to undertake the responsibility of forming an 
 effective Cabinet at such a critical moment, unless Lord Pal- 
 merston and the Peelites would consent to serve with him, 
 and left it with the Queen to attempt other combinations, 
 promising, however, in the event of those attempts failing, 
 to place his services at her Majesty's disposal. The Queen 
 now sent for Lord John Eussell. Self-sufficient as ever, he 
 undertook the task, but he reaped what he had sown, and 
 was forced in a few days to confess his inability to undertake 
 the Government. Finally the Queen turned to Lord Palmer- 
 ston. This was a hard resolve to make, but it was a necessity. 
 Palmerston not only had the ear of the House and the favour 
 of the people, but, what was now almost more important 
 than either, the full confidence of Napoleon, without whose 
 assistance it was hopeless to think of bringing the war to an 
 honourable termination. Prince Albert, who knew the noble 
 Lord pretty well, and who said to me once afterwards, ' I can- 
 not respect that man, for he always prefers his own interests 
 to those of the nation,' was too good a patriot not to see that 
 Palmerston had become the man of the hour. Moreover, 
 there was no disguising the fact that events had to some 
 extent justified Lord Palmerston, and that his over-hasty 
 recognition of the coup (VHat had rendered possible that 
 alliance which was more necessary now than ever. Thus then 
 the Prince and Lord Palmerston, standing on the two anti- 
 podes of politics, joined hands, and together saved the country 
 and the Parliamentary system from dangers which threatened 
 general confusion, and had already compromised the reputa- 
 tion of all the leading statesmen. Lord Palmerston found no
 
 L()i;i) I'.\i..mj:iistun J'i:lmi: .minister. 147 
 
 difficulty in effectiii«,' an agreement witli the Peelites. Sir 
 James Graham and GhuLstone, Cardwell and Sidney Herbert, 
 accepted the posts offered to them in the new Cabinet. But 
 no confidence could be placed in these weathercock Peelites, 
 and aflrr only ;i few days they upset everything again by 
 declaring their intention of quitting the Cabinet if the Com- 
 mittee of Inquiry, which had been voted by the Commons, 
 were actually appointed. Lord Palraerston had had forty 
 years' experience of the House of Commons. He knew that 
 any opposition was impossible ; but he knew also that if Roe- 
 butk and his Committee were left to themselves, the matter 
 would soon cease to be dangerous, and come to nothing. He, 
 therefore, accepted the resignations of his colleagues, and 
 reconstructed the Cabinet by taking in Lord John Piussell and 
 some of the Whigs. For the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, 
 in the place of Mr. Gladstone, he found an able auxihary in 
 Lord Clarendon's brother-in-law. Sir Cornewall Lewis. The 
 latter was not only a distinguished scholar, but, as he soon 
 proved himself, an able and conscientious man of business. 
 If he lacked the brilliant quaUties and especially the eloquence 
 of Gladstone, he soon succeeded in gaining the confidence of 
 Parliament by his calm firmness and moderation. The 
 illusion of his predecessor, who had hoped to defray the ex- 
 penses of the war b}" a mere increase of taxation, he discarded 
 altogether, and the loan which he proposed met with universal 
 approval. The war had already cost forty-six milHons ster- 
 ling, and nobody yet could see its end. The choice also of 
 the old Scotchman, Lord Panmure, who now undertook the 
 undivided duties of War Minister, was a happy one. 
 
 The army was soon furnished with the necessary reinforce- 
 ments, and in the sprmg of 1855 Lord Piaglan had again 
 30,000 British troops mider his colom's, not including the 
 
 L 2
 
 148 ST. TETERSBURG AND LONDOX. 
 
 German and Turldsh foreign legions. The Commissariat also 
 left nothing more to be desired, and the profusion of food and 
 clothing supplied to the troops enabled them to help the 
 famishing French, whose sufferings and privations were well 
 known to have been equally severe, however little the strictly 
 watched French newspapers ventured to reveal them to the 
 public. 
 
 The diplomatic situation had also somewhat cleared and 
 improved both for France and England. Austria had con- 
 cluded a Convention with them on December 2, 1854, which, 
 though not making Austria an immediate belligerent, formu- 
 lated, nevertheless, certain eventualities, under which the 
 Vienna Cabinet promised to declare war against Eussia. The 
 bases proposed as the conditions of a permanent peace had 
 been arranged in concert under ' four Points.' It was for- 
 tunate for England that Lord Palmerston succeeded in keeping 
 Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office, obviously the best man 
 for the place, as he had been there when the Eastern compli- 
 cations began, and had conducted all the subsequent negotia- 
 tions. Besides that, he enjoyed the favour of the Emperor 
 and Empress of the French. The latter knew him from his 
 youth, Clarendon having been one of the intimate friends of 
 her mother, the Countess Montijo, at Madrid. 
 
 Altogether, the state of things at the beginning of March 
 was such as to remind me again of Brunnow's remark that 
 the worst situations are those w^hich present no prospect of 
 «scape. Everyone was sick of the war, but neither Eussia nor 
 the Western Powers could think of peace without incurring 
 humiliation. Eussia had been several times defeated on her 
 own soil, notwithstandmg the numerical superiority of her 
 troops ; she still maintained, it was true, her position in 
 Sebastopol, but she had not been able to drive the intruders
 
 di:atii of the jLMrEiioii Nicholas. 14'J 
 
 away. The latter had won some Pyrrhic victories, at a dis- 
 l)roportionate saerilice of blood and money, and after several 
 months had gained nothing hut the ground occupied by their 
 camps. 
 
 On March 2, during a walk with the Prussian vhnnif; 
 iFaßiircs, Count Lazar Henckel, an old colleague at St. Peters- 
 burg, we discussed the situation. My conviction was that 
 nothing but some untoward event could untie the Gordian 
 knot. I cited several instances from history to show how 
 Providence in such cases had frc(]uently solved the difficulty 
 in a wholly unexpected way. 
 
 ' But, in Heaven's name !' asked the sober-minded Henckel, 
 ' what sort of an untoward event is now to help us ? ' 
 
 ' Well, then,' i answered, ' what if, for example, the 
 Emperor Nicholas, who, as both of us know, is the author of 
 all this confusion, were suddenly to die ? Would not his 
 successor — if he himself cannot do so — be able to offer the 
 hand for peace ? ' 
 
 'Perhaps so,' added my friend; 'but according to our 
 latest news from St. Petersburg the Emperor is quite well, 
 and Dr. Mandt has not the smallest anxiety about his health.' 
 
 Thus we parted, to find ourselves together again a few 
 hours later at the Travellers' Club. Henckel was sittmg by 
 the entrance to the dining-room, and motioned to me to take a 
 seat at his table. 
 
 ' You were one of the conspirators,' he began, ' if 3-ou only 
 knuw it. On reaching home, I found a telegram lymg on my 
 table, informing me that the Emperor Nicholas had died sud- 
 denly this afternoon, just at the time when we were speaking 
 about him. There you have your untoward event ! Let us 
 hope it will soon bring us peace ! ' 
 
 The news spread like wildfire, and was received, as could
 
 150 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 have been anticipated, with utterances of hope for peace. But 
 peace still seemed impossible, for the national feeling in Kussia, 
 especially after the recent defeat at Eupatoria (Feb. 17), which 
 had broken the Czar's heart, had been too deeply wounded. 
 Count Nesselrode, nevertheless, only a few days after the 
 accession of Alexander II. had laid stress on the youthful 
 monarch's love for peace, and shortly afterwards declared 
 his readiness to recognise as preliminaries the four points on 
 wliich the Western Powers had agreed with Austria. Con- 
 ferences were now reopened in Vienna. Lord Palmerston 
 eagerly seized the opportunity to get rid for a while of his 
 inconvenient colleague, Lord John Piussell, and give him the 
 responsibility of these diplomatic negotiations. Thus the 
 Keform Minister gained time to meditate at a distance from 
 London on the blunders he had committed during the last 
 few months. Unexperienced, and without any proper know- 
 ledge of either French or German, Lord John was quite ready to 
 commit new blunders at Vienna, and thereby make himself 
 impossible in Parliament. Palmerston could wish for nothing 
 better for his own interests. 
 
 No sooner had Napoleon learned that an English Cabinet 
 Minister was to go to Vienna, than he sent thither also his own 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, while Prince 
 Gortschakoff, who had already been designated as Nesselrode's 
 successor, represented Piussia at the Conference. The first 
 two points — the cessation of the Piussian protectorate over 
 Moldavia and Wallachia, and the regulation of the naviga- 
 tion of the Danulje in conformity with the resolutions of the 
 Congress of Vienna — presented little difficulty. On the other 
 hand, a lively word combat, and a not less lively interchange 
 of despatches, arose over the third point, which demanded the 
 revision of the Dardanelles treaty of July 13, 1841, and the
 
 THE FOUR POINTS. 151 
 
 ubrogation of Russian supremacy in tlie ]31ack Sea. The 
 words, * mettre fin a la i^reponclerance russe dans la Mer 
 Noire,' were of a very elastic nature, and capable of various 
 interpretations. The Western Powers, mindful of Sinope, 
 demanded the neutralisation of the Black Sea and a limi- 
 tation of the number of Russian and Turkish war ships. 
 Gortschakoff declared that Sebastopol was not yet taken and 
 probably never would be taken, and that Russia must reject 
 any attempt to limit her naval forces as a humiliation un- 
 worthy of a great Power. Austria then proposed a com- 
 promise — that Russia sliould pledge herself to maintain the 
 status quo of 1853 ; and that each of the Western Powers 
 should be entitled to station two frigates in the Black Sea, in 
 order to see that Russia did not increase her fleet. At the 
 same time Austria promised to consider it as a casm hclU if 
 Russia kept there a single ship of war more than in 1853. 
 M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, in the interest of exhausted 
 France, was anxious to bring the war to an end, accepted this 
 proposed compromise, and induced Lord John Russell to do 
 likewise. Both were disavowed. Drouyn de Lhuys sent in 
 his resignation, and was succeeded at the Ministry on the 
 Quai d'Orsay by Walewski ; but Lord John Russell, scorned 
 alike by his friends and foes, returned to London, and in 
 spite of all remained minister for the present. 
 
 Judging these proceedings by the light of present 
 events, it is impossible not to see that the Austrian Cabmet, 
 like the two disavowed ministers of England and France, 
 were in the main correct. It is impolitic to load a beaten 
 enemy with humiliations, from which that enemy must neces- 
 sarily strive to free himself when the first opportunity occurs. 
 The result has shown that Russia found such an opportunity in 
 the Franco-German War of 1870-71. Anyone, however, who
 
 .152 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 puts himself in the then position of the Western Powers, will 
 understand that they should have dechned to see the guarantee 
 of a lasting peace — the means ' de mettre fin ä la prepon- 
 derance russe dans la Mer Noire ' — in the establishment of the 
 status quo. He will understand, further, that neither Eng- 
 land nor France should care to undertake the burden of being 
 forced to maintain ships of war in the Black Sea simply to 
 exercise a kind of police espionnafie against the Russians. 
 Lastly, the eventual consent of Austria to regard as a casus 
 belli any increase of the Piussian fleet in the Black Sea beyond 
 the number afloat in 1853 was worthless, since what was 
 desired was a permanent state of peace, not an ever smoulder- 
 ing war. Apart from that, the December treaty had become 
 a dead letter from the inability of England and France to 
 guarantee to the Austrian Government the support in money 
 and troops contemplated by Article HI. Austria had com- 
 pelled the evacuation of the Danubian Principalities without 
 drawing the sword, and recovered a wholly lost basis of peace. 
 She was still ready, though rightly reluctant, to take an active 
 part in hostihties. How could she be expected to begin another 
 war after having replaced her army on a peace footing ? In 
 fact it was premature to think of building golden bridges 
 for Russia, for she was not yet beaten, or at any rate did 
 not consider herself beaten. Thus the war broke out afresh, 
 and the expedition planned by Prince Albert against Kertch 
 (May 27) resulted in the capture of most important stores 
 from the Russians, which proved useful to the Allies. 
 
 The state of things in Paris was serious in the extreme. 
 Every day was adding to the discontent excited by the war, 
 which Napoleon, as it was then endeavoured to persuade the 
 French, was carrying on solely in the interests of England. 
 This made the adventurer of Strasburg and Boulogne think
 
 NAPOLEON'S VISIT TO ENGLAND. 153 
 
 of going in person to the Crimea, to put an end to the miser- 
 able business by a brilUant victory. The absurdity of the 
 idea was patent. The army itself, who considered the Em- 
 peror no soldier, far less a commander, protested against it. 
 A disaster, or even only a prolonged absence of the Empei-oi- 
 from Paris, might jeopardise his throne and the alliance 
 with England, who, moreover, would never have consented to 
 place her troops under the supreme command of the French 
 monarch. Lord Palmerston seized the bull by the horns. 
 He caused Lord Clarendon to go to Boulogne, to dissuade 
 the Emperor from the project. Clarendon met among 
 those around Napoleon with the warmest support ; and al- 
 though the Emperor apparently persisted in his idea, that 
 idea might be regarded as abandoned. The matter finally 
 ended in a change of the French Commander-in-Chief. The 
 energetic and resolute Marshal Pelissier superseded the brave 
 but indecisive Canrobert. 
 
 Lord Clarendon discussed in Boulogne at the same time 
 the necessary arrangements for the visit which the Emperor 
 and Empress had contemplated paying to the Queen. At 
 noon on April 16 the French guests arrived in a dense fog at 
 Dover, where they were received by Prince Albert and con- 
 ducted through London to Windsor. I had never seen such 
 crowds in the streets of the metropolis before. From the 
 windows of the Travellers' Club I had a good view of the pro- 
 cession as it turned into Pall Mall. The cheers of the popu- 
 lace evidently pleased the silent monarch, while the beauty of 
 the Empress made the crowd enthusiastic. In passing Kmg 
 Street, the Emperor drew the attention of the Prince and 
 Empress to the house he had occupied when in exile. The 
 extracts from Queen Victoria's diary, published by Sir Theo- 
 dore Martin in his ' Life of the Prince Consort,' dwell, how-
 
 154 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ever, so fully on this visit, that there is little to add to 
 them. 
 
 On April 19 the Emperor and Empress went to Guildhall, 
 in response to an invitation from the Lord Mayor. As London 
 swarmed with French and Italian refugees, some anxiety 
 was felt, notwithstanding the thoroughly hospitable feeling 
 of the masses. Sir Eichard Mayne, the Chief Commissioner 
 of Police, told me that on the day before, the 18th, he had 
 sent, at Lord Palmerston's direction, for Mazzini, Kossuth, 
 and other prominent foreign refugees, and told them that 
 Lord Palmerston would immediately bring in an Alien Bill 
 and expel from the country all political refugees, without 
 exception, within twenty-four hours, if the least annoyance 
 were given to the Queen's guest during his stay in England. 
 This warning produced the desired effect. So incensed was 
 the mob against the refugees, that a perfectly innocent young 
 man, in whose pockets somebody in the crowd had found a 
 pistol, would have been torn to pieces at Temple Bar but for 
 the protection of the police. The journey from Buckingham 
 Palace to Guildhall was made, however, in a close carriage 
 and at as quick a pace as the Queen's cream-coloured horses 
 were able to proceed. The Horse Guards, who formed the 
 escort, surrounded the vehicle. It looked as if a State 
 prisoner were being taken to the Tower, not the guest of 
 England to the palace of the chief civic magistrate. 
 
 The diplomatic body had been invited to this cUjcmier. 
 We were all assembled under the protection of Gog and 
 Magog, the ancient colossal statues of Guildhall, when 
 the cheers of the crowd announced the arrival of the Im- 
 perial pair. The grand hall presented an extraordinary 
 sight. One might have fancied oneself at a masquerade, or 
 transported back to the time of the virgin queen Elizabeth.
 
 NAPOLEONS VISIT TG ENGLAND. 150 
 
 The aldermen Nvith their long rohes and gold chains, the Lord 
 Mayor in his fur-trimmed gown and surrounded hy his 
 officials in fine livery, recalled the days of Shakespeare and 
 Bacon. The strange mixture of sturdy independence and 
 petty adherence to ancient formalities, of overweening national 
 l)ri(U' and obsequious flunkeyism, wliich characterises the 
 London cockney, was conspicuous all around. On a dais 
 stood the throne of the Emperor, who, conducted hy the 
 Lord Mayor, slowly ascended the steps, took his seat, and 
 then received from the hands of Walewski— I was about to 
 say, the Speech from the Throne. He read it, in reply to the 
 somewhat servile address, in a distinct voice, but not without 
 a foreign accent. After that, they adjourned to the luncheon. 
 
 A short speech by the Lord Mayor, who proposed the 
 Emperor's health, was responded to by the latter in brief but 
 cordial terms. The inevitable loving cup was then passed 
 round, and amused the Empress exceedingly. The Lord !Mayor, 
 also, did not forget to eulogise the very old sherry from the 
 * Napoleon butt,' which was drunk in honour of the Emperor. 
 
 As we were waiting after this entertainment for om- car- 
 riages, I happened to have been pushed by the crowd so near 
 to tlie Emperor's carriage that I could not help obsermig the 
 nervous manner in which both Xapoleon and Walewski eyed 
 the crowd. 
 
 An hour afterwards, the Emperor and Empress received 
 us at the French Embassy in Albert Gate House, where the 
 whole of the diplomatic body was assembled. The ceremony 
 was purely formal, but the Emperor appeared ^-isibly pleased 
 at having got safe and sound out of the City. 
 
 Besides councils of war and reviews, and balls and dinners 
 in the Waterloo Room, an incident then occurred at Windsor 
 which was destined to have the happiest results for Napoleon.
 
 156 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The cordial reception he had found at the English Court 
 encouraged him so far as to confide to the Queen the 
 sorrow he felt at the Empress's being childless. He begged 
 her Majesty, as the mother of eight children, to persuade the 
 Empress to consult a physician. Sir Charles Locock, the 
 Queen's physician and accoucheur, was accordingly summoned ;. 
 and so successful was the treatment he prescribed, that nine 
 months afterwards the Prince Imperial was born. It is easy 
 to understand from this incident the interest taken by the 
 Queen in the young Prince until his tragic death. 
 
 Meanwhile the feeling of the country had sensibly changed. 
 The peace party, which in the House of Commons consisted 
 previously of only Bright and Cobden, already numbered 
 many influential adherents. Disraeli himself, who for per- 
 sonal if for no other reasons had been averse to the war^ 
 foreseeing that it would keep his opponents in power, now 
 came forward, though not yet openly in Parliament, as an 
 advocate of peace. 
 
 I also had an opportunity at that time of giving some 
 impetus to the agitation in favour of peace. Mr. Tracey 
 Turnerelli, the son of an Italian sculptor, who had been 
 naturalised in England, had given me some English lessons 
 in St. Petersburg. Formerly a professor at the University of 
 Kasan, TurnerelH had been summoned to St. Petersburg, and 
 had received there a lucrative appointment at the Military 
 Academy, which was under the control of the Grand Duke 
 Constantine. The war surprised him in London, where 
 he was then on leave, and compelled him, as an English 
 subject, to remain there. Hostilities being protracted, the 
 poor man had exhausted his means, and complained to me 
 of his necessitous condition. He was not without talent,, 
 and had published several books in English about Kasan and
 
 THE PEACE I'ARTY. ]07 
 
 Eiissia, which met with success. This induced me to advise 
 him to give lectures in some of the provincial towns, and 
 combat the i)reiudice aj^ainst 'Russian barbarism,' which had 
 been fostered by the newspapers. I gave him some letters 
 of recommendation to l>right and Cobden, who were quite 
 willing to send Turnerelli into the country as an apostle of 
 peace. His lectures excited interest, and brought hira in more 
 than he had expected. After peace was concluded, he visited 
 me again, and told me that they had gained him the affec- 
 tions of a young lady, who, a Roman Catholic like him- 
 self, had offered liim licr hand and fortune. Thus he could 
 live, as he said, a hapi)v married man, with an income 
 of several thousand pounds, at his house at Brighton, and 
 easily get over the loss of his professorship in Russia. 
 
 That the peace party should ultimately be strengthened 
 by the Peelites, that Gladstone and Sir James Graham, both 
 of whom were responsible for the declaration of war, should 
 now make common cause with Cobden and Bright, was a 
 circumstance which could be surprising only to those who 
 still cherished illusions regarding these gentlemen's want of 
 principle. Their political creed resolved itself into this — to 
 follow the opinion of the day, and when in office only to ask 
 themselves, ' "^liat shall we do to keep there ? ' and when in 
 opposition, ' AVhat shall we do to get into it again ?' Certainly 
 they deceived themselves often enough about the real opinion 
 of the country. The ascendency- of Lord Palmerston was due 
 to his rare instinct and his knowledge of the national 
 peculiarities. 
 
 Towards the end of the Session, Lord John Russell had 
 once more become impossible. The confessions he was forced 
 to make on July 6 placed it beyond doubt that he had agreed, 
 with the fullest conviction, to the compromise proposed by
 
 158 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Austria in Vienna. His continuance in the Cabinet which re- 
 jected that proposal and resolved to prosecute the war induced 
 the Opposition to give notice of a vote of want of confidence. 
 This vote, thanks to the Peelites and the adherents of the Man- 
 chester school, had ever}' prospect of being carried. Lord 
 John Eussell only saved the Ministry by resigning on 
 July 16. 
 
 At the scene of war, the Russians on June 18 had success- 
 fully repulsed an assault against Sebastopol which had been 
 planned by the French, and only reluctantly acquiesced in by 
 Lord Raglan, The latter died of vexation at this unmerited 
 failure, on June 28, On the other hand, the Russians suffered 
 on the Tchernaya in August a sensible defeat, which served 
 to reveal the extent of their exhaustion. Everyone felt 
 when Parliament was prorogued on August 14, that the fall 
 of Sebastopol and the conclusion of peace were simply ques- 
 tions of time. 
 
 With regard to the return visit which Queen Victoria, 
 accompanied by Prince Albert and the Princess Royal, paid to 
 the French Court in the latter half of August, I learned no- 
 thing beyond what was reported in the newspapers, having 
 left London shortly after their Majesties' return, in order to 
 go to Portugal and Spain, 
 
 King Dom Pedro V, had attained his majority, and was 
 about to assume the direction of the Government. King John 
 was anxious not to omit offering his congratulations to this 
 the first Duke of Saxony who had ascended the throne of 
 Portugal. I received instructions, therefore, to repair to 
 Lisbon on an extraordinary mission for that purpose. On my 
 return I chose the route through Spain, and visited Cadiz and 
 Seville, as well as Gibraltar and the points on the southern 
 coast. On reaching Paris rid Marseilles, I had not seen any
 
 MV MISSION TÜ LISUON. 159 
 
 newspapers for weeks. I hastened to the Countess Walewska, 
 who had ah-eady taken up her quarters at the Mhiistry of 
 Foreign Affairs on the Qiiai d'ürsay. She invited me the 
 same evening to dimier, adding that I should assist lier by 
 doing the honours to three foreign ministers. She named 
 Herr von Beust, Herr von der Pfordten, and Count Vilain XIV. 
 I thus accidentally learnt of my chiefs presence in Paris. 
 He had come with Pfordten, on the excuse of seeing the 
 Exhibition, to preach peace to the French Emperor. ' lis sont 
 venus,' said Walewski that evening confidentially, ' enfoncer 
 une porte ouverte. Sebastopol est pris, notre honneur 
 militaire est sauf, et nous ne demandons pas mieux que de 
 faire la paix, mais ea ne depend pas uniquement de nous. II 
 faut d'abord que les Russes entendent raison.'
 
 160 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1855. 
 
 London, Jan. 15 : Interview with Lord Clarendon — The Anglo-French Alli- 
 ance — Sufferings of the English Army — Defects of the System — Threatening 
 Aspect of Affairs in England. — London, April 23: Visit of the French 
 Emperor and Empress to London. — London, May 19 : Conversation ^vith 
 Count CoUoredo on Austria's Policy in the Eastern Question — Neutrality 
 of Germany- -Herr von Usedom— -The Peace Question a Shuttlecock of 
 English Parties— The Janus-headed Ministry in England — Motions of Lord 
 Grey and Milner Gibson — Sir Hamilton Seymour counsels Moderation. — 
 London, July 16 : Austrian Proposals of Mediation, and their Eejection by 
 the Western Powers — Policy of Despair — Dangers of that Policy — German 
 Unity alone can command Peace. — London, July 31 : A Dejeuner oi Friends 
 of Peace — Disraeli and Bright on the Situation. 
 
 London : Jan. 15, 1855. 
 
 The daily more intimate relations between Austria and 
 France are beginning to cause some anxiety to English 
 statesmen, who fear a reaction of this rapprochement on the 
 present crisis in England. Any circumstance, however slight, 
 deserves attention which might affect the delicate machinery 
 of the Anglo-French alliance, that has cost some trouble to 
 put in motion. Doubtless as it is that the two Powers have 
 derived, and are still deriving, too great advantage from 
 their alliance not to adhere to it, it is equally plain that 
 Ijlunders and weaknesses exist on both sides, and that each 
 party is therefore anxious to prevent its cards from being seen 
 by the other. While Clarendon this morning spoke with a 
 certain disparagement of the French, who had now what they
 
 INTERVIEW WITH LORD CLARENDON. IGl 
 
 deserved to have, an iron dictator, he paid an almost reluctant 
 homage to the talents of Napoleon III. as a ruler, who — a 
 statesman of consummate ability — governed after the Whig 
 maxim of * Everything for, and nothing through, the people.' 
 But all these utterances betray a certain aristocratic ill- 
 humour, and the dark presentiment that the Ministry, thus 
 divided against itself, will not be in a position to offer to the 
 master will on the Seine an opposition worthy of the dignity 
 of old England. No doubt can be entertained that Lord 
 Palmerston has failed in the object of his journey to Paris. 
 He had gone thither to gain over the French Emperor to a 
 revolutionary, and especially an anti-Austrian, policy, and has 
 returned converted. On the other hand, it is equally certain 
 that Lord John Eussell is just now busily engaged in privately 
 recommending to Napoleon's approval his ideas of a pure 
 Whig Cabinet, in which Lord Palmerston should allow Lord 
 John Eussell to be Premier, and consent to serve under him 
 as Minister of War. Clarendon would then remain Foreign 
 Secretary, Molesworth would go to the Colonial, and Sir 
 George Grey to the Home, Office, and Gladstone, perhaps, 
 would be Chancellor of the Exchequer. Thus matters stand 
 to-day. Eussell's return fi'om Paris is awaited with as great 
 eagerness as the news from Vienna. For should the negotia- 
 tions there offer, as can hardly be expected, a prospect of 
 success, nothing more would be heard for some time of this 
 embryonic Whig Cabinet. 
 
 The fiasco of the English expedition to the Crimea can 
 hardly be welcomed in St. Petersburg with more malicious 
 pleasure than in Paris. Flattering, indeed, to Frenchmen 
 are the eulogies showered by anti-Government newspapers in 
 England on the French army and their admirable organisa- 
 tion. The notion of a future French invasion of England 
 
 VOL. I. M
 
 162 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 would seem to be less fanciful since this expedition than it 
 was before. The statements made by English officers who 
 have come home are just suited to excite a panic on this side 
 of the Channel, and greater arrogance on the other. It is said 
 that the accounts given by Lord Cardigan of the deplorable 
 condition of the English troops so deeply agitated one of his 
 hearers, that he died suddenly from fright. I cannot vouch 
 for the truth of this story, but at any rate it characterises the 
 feeling here. One result of the separate command has been 
 an excessive strain upon the English forces, who have hitherto 
 lost about 15,000 men. While the heavy work in the trenches 
 only falls to the share of the French every fourth or fifth 
 night, the numerically weaker English have to perform it on 
 an average every second night. Hence the almost daily sur- 
 prises of the English outposts, who are constantly fallen upon 
 and massacred in their sleep by the Eussians before a signal 
 of alarm can be given. 
 
 For all this, public opinion holds the Ministers personally 
 responsible, though unfairly, as the ' Journal des Debats ' has 
 recently explained in two excellently written articles. It is 
 not the persons, l)ut the sj^stem that is to blame ; and this 
 will soon be recognised by everyone in England. The con- 
 viction is already gaining ground that the British Empire 
 requires for her own safety an army at least twice as strong 
 as the present one, and that such an arm}^ could be had with- 
 out paying more for it. What the army now costs is in- 
 credible. The day of reckoning will be a heavy one. One or 
 two instances will suffice to show the utter confusion prevail- 
 ing in the War Department. News comes that the troops are 
 in want of gloves. The Secretary of State for War, the Duke 
 of Newcastle, immediately orders 40,000 pairs to be sent off. 
 The Secretary at War, Sidney Herbert, hears nothing of this
 
 SUFFERINGS OF THE CRIMEAN AEMY. 163 
 
 order, and has 50,000 more pairs made ready. The 90,000 
 pairs of gloves arrive safe and are distributed, and it turns 
 out that they are utterly useless. Lord Raglan begs urgently 
 for winter clothing for his troops, as well as medicines and 
 lint. A whole ship is laden with them, and actually enters 
 ]ialaclava harbour, but returns again to England with her 
 cargo because nobody has been found to receive it. These 
 are incidents of daüy occurrence, since no one knows who is 
 cook or waiter. Thus hundreds of thousands are squandered, 
 and the army is perishing of cold and hunger. 
 
 Universal conscription would not only provide a numeri- 
 cally stronger army, but abolish ihe unnecessary luxury which 
 is now demoralising the troops raised by a system of recruit- 
 ment. But the introduction of universal conscription is 
 impossible without a radical change in the State such as 
 would put all existing institutions on their trial. If British 
 individualism were destro3'ed by the conscription, how long 
 would the aristocracy, the ultimate type of that indi\idualism, 
 remain ? In this land of libert}^ an army based on universal 
 service would necessarily have a democratic character, and 
 differ essentially from the present aristocratic one, based on a 
 system of enlistment. "\\Tiom would it obey — the Parliament 
 or the Throne ? After the death of Cromwell, the creator of the 
 first democratic army possessed by England, this very ques- 
 tion did actually arise. Monk solved it then, just as we have 
 seen Napoleon solve it now. If the present Queen's successors 
 are as wise as she is, a similar solution might again occur. 
 
 London : April 23, 1855. 
 
 In my official despatches I have purposely abstained 
 from describing in detail the impression produced here by 
 the Emperor and Empress of the French. I take this oppor- 
 tunity of supplying the omission in a private letter. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 It is well known that Lord Aberdeen hesitated for a long 
 time to yield to Napoleon's urgent request for a personal 
 interview with the Queen. He had good reason for fearing 
 that the only result would be a mutual cooling of the per- 
 sonal relations which had been established with some diffi- 
 culty. The triumph, therefore, gained by tact and personal 
 amiability over a prejudice not entirely unjustifiable, is all the 
 more deserving of praise. The path had been in a measure 
 smoothed by the meeting at Boulogne, but the independent 
 character of the judgment prevailing here in the highest 
 quarters did not serve to allay the Prime Minister's fears. 
 The line between Emperor and imiTcnn was drawn, from all 
 I hear, with singular skill. Without in any way lowering 
 himself, the exalted guest, not without ostentation, displayed 
 the most j)rofound deference to the historical claims of the 
 ■Queen ; and the modesty with which he either ignored the 
 popular ovations, or received them as attentions to the Court, 
 was justly appreciated. He exhibited the most genuine cor- 
 diality and simplicity, and avoided any attempt to force a 
 premature intimacy. A certain timidity and shyness on his 
 part must have been the more agreeable surprise, as brusque 
 manners had been expected, and a dictatorial bearing. In a 
 word, ' on a ete dans ses petits souliers et on a fait pattes de 
 velours.' 
 
 The Empress made a particularly pleasing impression in 
 her tasteful attire and with her dazzling white complexion, so 
 striking in a Spanish lady. She looks wonderfully young, 
 and might be taken for eighteen rather than for twenty- 
 eight. There is a spontaneous grace in her movements not- 
 withstanding the uneasy, not to say unnatural, expression 
 of her Mater dolorosa eyes. Her childish simplicity has made 
 her most attractive, and the Princess Eoyal, a girl of fifteen.
 
 NAPOLEONS VISIT TO TUE QUEEN. 165 
 
 was particularly enthusiastic about her beautiful Imperial 
 friend, whose departure cost her bitter tears. Eugenie won 
 the Queen's heart by her amiable ways with the children, and 
 by her longing for similar blessings, which appear to be denied 
 her. 
 
 At the Chapter of the Order of the Garter preceding the 
 first council of war, the question was mooted whether the 
 newly elected Knight would take the customary oath of alle- 
 giance to the order. ' Not only to the Order,' was the Em- 
 peror's reply, ' but to the Sovereign who bestowed it upon me, 
 and that for now and ever {poiir tout j<i))i(tis).'' Such de- 
 monstrations have fallen here upon a grateful soil, and insured 
 the prospect of attaining the ol)ject in view — soliddritc during 
 the present war. 
 
 For all that, however. Napoleon tries to throw on the 
 English Government the whole blame that peace is not yet 
 concluded. I have been assured that, in private letters to 
 three influential personages in Paris, he has expressed this 
 opinion in words to the following effect : * J'avais cru que ce 
 bon Drouyn de Lhuys s'etait trompe en affirmant que les 
 Anglais etaient si belliqueux. J'ai voulu voir par moi-meme, 
 et malheureusement, ce bon Drouyn de Lhuys a raison. II 
 n'y a rien ä faire, on n'est pas allie pour rien, et il faut bien 
 faire ce dont les Anglais, qui ont le diable au corps, ne veulent 
 pas demordre,' &c. The poor English ! They are to blame 
 for everything ! 
 
 The new French Minister of Marine was appointed by a 
 decree dated Windsor, April 19, 1855. Napoleon I. signed 
 the ' Keglement des Societaires du Theatre francais ' in Moscow, 
 but he never came to Windsor, and received no Address from 
 his ' bonne ville de Londres.'
 
 1G3 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 London : May 19, 1855. 
 
 From the highly cautious utterances of my Austrian 
 colleague, I could only gather that his Cabinet are doing their 
 utmost, despite the unfavourable character of existing rela- 
 tions, to keep the threads of the negotiations unbroken, and 
 seem determined to prevent a mutual rupture. The engage- 
 ment made with the Western Powers in the treaty of last 
 December, appears too binding to allow Austria to adopt 
 the policy of absolute neutrality which is strictly adhered to 
 by us in Saxony. The solidarity of the four Points, observed 
 Count Colloredo, must be taken as an admitted necessity, not 
 only in a formal but in a material sense. The third Point 
 had been included in the programme, not merely because the 
 four Points formed in their entirety the basis of the December 
 treaty, but because in the limitation of Eussia's naval power 
 in the Black Sea, Austria had to look for the only real and 
 substantial guarantee for the concessions obtained in regard 
 to the first two Points. The difficulty was to agree as to the 
 means of putting this limitation in an acceptable form. Eng- 
 land and France would only abstain from demolishing Sebas- 
 topol if a limitation were guaranteed to them which would 
 render that fortress harmless for aggressive purposes. Pains 
 were taken on the part of Austria to show that it was quite 
 enough to obtain from Ptussia a recognition of the principle of 
 limitation. But it was not a mere question whether Kussia is 
 to maintain four or twenty ships in the Black Sea. It was 
 necessary to convince the Cabinet at St. Petersburg that the 
 unlimited increase of her offensive power in the mare dausKin 
 would render impossible a reasonable settlement of the 
 Eastern Question, a quieting of mutual jealousies and the 
 establishment of that * honourable and lasting X3eace ' which
 
 COLLOREDO ON AUSTRIA'S ROLICY. 167 
 
 ■was desired on all sides. To my objection, that the pro- 
 posed limitation would remain illusory, Colloredo replied 
 that treaties were concluded with the jiresumed intention 
 of ohservmg them. The only contpcUc that existed in the 
 law of nations, was to make the breach of such treaties a 
 case of war. 
 
 As to the rest, the Count did not deny that there was a 
 certain line beyond which Austria would in no case follow the 
 Western Powers ; and, in fact, the latter have already with- 
 drawn, at the urgent instance of the Austrian Cabinet, their 
 demands for the demolition of Sebastopol, and an alteration 
 of existing territorial boundaries. 
 
 Colloredo spoke to me not without satisfaction of the con- 
 duct of Walewski during his last three days' visit in London. 
 Important negotiations extending over several years, as well as 
 the experience he had gathered here, had agreeably matured, 
 he said, the new French Minister, and obliterated many 
 traces of a dilettantism which was not devoid of danger. He 
 had learned to restrict his desires to possibilities, to subordinate 
 personal sympathies and sanguine wishes to statesmanlike 
 reflection, and seemed honestly anxious to promote actively the 
 work of peace. The fear that Count Walewski would bring 
 his special predilections to bear on his treatment of the Polish 
 question, was unfounded. During the Vienna Congress, per- 
 haps another solution might have been feasible and desirable. 
 But now everything had become so entangled that it was 
 quite impossible to see how the question could be dealt with 
 at all. How many a man would not prefer to keep a crooked 
 arm, than run the risk of breaking it again and possibly 
 having it mortif}' '? According to Colloredo, the negotiations 
 on the third Point appeared still to be hanging fire. To 
 conclude from the speeches made in Parliament by Palmer-
 
 168 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ston and Clarendon, it was the duty of England and France ta 
 treat the Austrian Cabinet ^Yith the utmost consideration. 
 
 Eumour speaks of an actual ultimatum having been sent, 
 or being about to be sent, b}' Austria to St. Petersburg; but 
 there would seem to be no foundation for the report. No doubt 
 Count Valentin Esterhazy has been endeavourmg to smoothe 
 the way with the Eussian Government for future proposals of 
 his Court ; but Vienna, at any rate, will abstain from making 
 any formal demand, until at least a common basis is found 
 both here and in Paris for the settlement of the third Point. 
 
 The unpleasant rebuff experienced by Austria in the rejec- 
 tion by France and England of her last proposal of mediation 
 affords her ample reason for exercising the greatest reserve in 
 seeking a new basis of negotiation. Even if, therefore, nego- 
 tiations here on that subject are still pending, it will be scarcely 
 possible to gather any certain information until some actual 
 result has been arrived at. The impatience of the public and 
 the unwarrantable indiscretion of the press are sufficient rea- 
 sons for observing the strictest reticence. 
 
 The leading article of the ' Times ' which I inclose shows 
 that people here are gradually' accustoming themselves to regard 
 the neutrality of Germany as a fait accomjdi. 
 
 The negotiations with Prussia are completely broken off. 
 Herr von Usedom, who has been looked on for several weeks 
 as * used up,' is thinking of leaving England to-morrow 
 altogether. 
 
 The crisis here in home politics still continues, and many 
 think that the days of Palmerston's Ministry are numbered. 
 In any case it is a noteworthy symptom of the decline from 
 which the English body politic is suffering, that the foreign 
 war, instead of moderating party strife at home, only serves to 
 sharpen it, and that the question of peace, which has become
 
 THE PEACE QUESTION IN ENGLAND. IGO 
 
 a shuttlecock of faction, receives a different answer every 
 day. Thus the true interests of the country are lost sight 
 of, and the continuance of the war serves only as a means for 
 acquiring or retaining power. The boasted wisdom of Par- 
 liament would furnish food for ridicule if another feeling did 
 not preponderate. The curse of mediocrity weighs on the 
 leaders of all parties. The dead forms of an antiquated and 
 painfully pedantic routine are crushing out all life and spirit, 
 and scantily conceal the ever-growing atrophy of the State. 
 One looks in vain for fresh energies, in vain for men who have 
 not yet been stricken more or less with the iiud-iiHiiins srnili>i. 
 This very want of great characters serves to strengthen the 
 suspicion that England has already overpassed the zenith of 
 her greatness, and is now condemned to live only on the 
 memories of past renown— on the capital, not the interest, 
 of the precious legacy bequeathed by stronger generations. 
 The feeling of despondency is universal, and seems to offer no 
 hope of improvement. This is seen very plamly when dis- 
 cussing the present situation with leading politicians. "VVhere- 
 ever I broached the subject, I found an incredible ignorance of 
 facts. Of the friends of peace here. Lord Grey and Mr. 
 Gladstone alone seem to have actually read the Vienna proto- 
 cols. The rest were extremely astonished when I pomted out 
 to them that the Eussian concessions were at any rate com- 
 prehensive enough to deserve consideration. They admitted 
 this, and added that personally they wished for nothing but 
 the restoration of peace ; but as for voting for Lord Grey or 
 Mr. Gibson, they could not, they said, be expected to do that, 
 for it would make them too unpopular. Both might be per- 
 fectly right, but nobody believed them to be so. The country 
 desired peace, and the Government also, but the Emperor 
 Napoleon did not, and so the war, of course, must be continued.
 
 ]T0 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 since it would be impossible to quarrel with a monarch who 
 had done so much for England, On my asking what, then, 
 he had really done for England, I failed to get an answer. 
 But that Englishmen should confess to a stranger without a 
 blush this dependence on the French ruler, is a characteristic 
 sign of the time. 
 
 Still more characteristic is the fact that Napoleon, on the 
 other hand, pointedly refers to the war fever of the English in 
 order to quiet the peace party in France, which is growing 
 more powerful every day. Qui trompe-t-on iri? 
 
 The English Ministry has the face of a Janus. In the 
 ej^es of the press and the Eadical stump orators, they would 
 like to figure as a Cabinet which had caused the fall of M. 
 Drouyn de Lhuys, and compelled the French to continue the 
 war. In diplomatic circles, on the contrary, then- first wish 
 is to show how willingly they would have accepted Austria's 
 proposal of mediation had not Napoleon been so decidedly 
 ojiposed to it. 
 
 Under these circumstances it is scarcely jDOssible to expect 
 anything of advantage for the cause of peace from Mr. 
 Gibson's motion ; just as little as from that of Lord Grey, 
 the discussion of which has been postponed till the debate 
 in the Commons is concluded. This debate might form a 
 turning point in the history of England, if only the national 
 policj^ were guided by a Parliament animated by pure pa- 
 triotism, and capable of rising above the currents of the hour, 
 instead of by an anonj^mous daily press. That Gladstone 
 and Sir James Graham should declare their readiness to 
 support Milner Gibson, is full of significance. I dined yes- 
 terday in the company of Gladstone with the Queen, and he 
 made no secret to me of his views. ' You understand,' he 
 said, among other things, ' that nothing l)ut the conviction
 
 MILNER GIBSON'S MOTION. 171 
 
 that I am discharging a sacred duty, reconciles me to under- 
 taking the very grave responsibiUty of supporting Gibson's 
 motion. I do so because, in my opinion, the concessions 
 jDromised by Russia contain sufficient guarantees. Those 
 very concessions will tear to pieces all the ancient treaties 
 ■uliicli gave an excuse to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg for 
 interfering in the internal affairs of Turkey.' 1 naturally did 
 my best to strengthen Gladstone in this conviction, and 
 endeavoured to show him that even a second edition of the 
 Peace of Amiens would be in the interest of England. For if 
 Eussia were really striving to take Constantinojile, she might 
 ■well be content with the results of the last two years. The 
 continuance of hostilities must onl}' weaken Turkey more and 
 more, while England had already given practical proof that 
 she was not yet sufficiently prepared for a general war. If, 
 therefore, under cii'cumstances so unfavourable to the British 
 Empire as the present, the peace to be striven for were in 
 reality nothmg more than an armistice, it would still give an 
 undeniable opportunity of gaining time for adequate prepa- 
 ration. 
 
 As regards the Tories, their attitude in Monday's debate 
 will still possess some interest, although the}' will no more 
 openly support Gibson's motion than that of Layard. In 
 point of principle, however, they are so far m accord with 
 Gibson and the Peelites, as to maintain that there was no 
 reason for breaking off negotiations when once the basis of 
 the four Points had been accepted. Some leaders of the 
 Conservative party go further, by plainly stating that the 
 Russian proposals afford a more practical basis for a lasting 
 peace than those of the Western Powers. If the Tories, 
 nevertheless, decline to vote w^ith Gibson, the main reason will 
 be that they repudiate the interference of Parliament in
 
 172 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 diplomatic negotiations, and concede to it simply the right of 
 censuring by a vote of want of confidence the Ministerial 
 policy as a whole. 
 
 A vote of this kind, indeed, the Opposition seem deter- 
 mined to bring forward immediately after the Whitsuntide 
 recess. In this respect the leading article of to-day's ' Press ' 
 deserves attention.^ 
 
 P.S. — Sir Hamilton Seymour is striving zealously to 
 counsel moderation. He preaches to the Ministers daily : 
 If you can wrest provinces from Eussia and employ them as 
 objects of negotiation, do so. If you cannot, make peace, but 
 not a peace humiliating to Eussia. I know that country toO' 
 well not to know that a peace of that sort would be tanta- 
 mount to a permanent state of war. 
 
 London : July 16, 1855. 
 
 Since the rejection of the compromise proposed by Aus- 
 tria, the war between the Western Powers and Eussia has 
 entered upon an entirely new phase, the importance of which 
 will be more palpable every day. 
 
 Lord John Eussell's confessions in Parliament on July 6, 
 in direct contradiction to the warHke speech he made some 
 
 ' Milner Gibson had given notice of an Address to the Crown, expressing" 
 regret that the opportunity offered by the Vienna Conferences for bringing the- 
 negotiations to a pacific issue had not been improved, and asserting that the 
 interpretation of the third Point conceded by Eussia furnished the elements 
 of renewed Conferences, and a good basis for a just and satisfactory peace. 
 When this motion was about to be debated in the House of Commons on May 
 21, the Peelites induced the mover to postpone it. On July 6 the question 
 again cropped up, and caused Sir E. Bulwer Lytton to give notice, in the name 
 of the Conservative party, of a formal vote of want of confidence (July 10),. 
 which was withdrawn, however, in consequence of John Russell's resignation 
 (July 13). Compare Sir Theodore Martin's Life of his Royal Highness the- 
 Prince Consort (London, 1877), vol. iii. pp. 281 sqq. and pp. 305 sqq. ; and 
 Memoirs of an ex-Minister, by the Earl of Malmesbury (London, 1884), vol. ii» 
 pp. 29 seq.
 
 AUbTKIAN PROrOSALS OF MKDIATIOX. 173 
 
 weeks ago, after his icturn from Vienna, and the documents 
 piihhshcd in No. 15 of * Eastern Papers,' have thrown awk- 
 ward side-hghts, not only on the past, but also on the present 
 and future policy of En^dand iind France. A glance at the 
 circumstances under wliidi tliis change of front was ulti- 
 mately effected in Paris will complete the picture. 
 
 As is well known, the French Cabinet at first decided to 
 accept the Austrian proposals, and Walewski was instructed 
 to recommend their acceptance also to the Government in 
 England. Then came the ntws of the failure of the assault 
 on the Redan (June 18), and the Emi^eror Napoleon changed 
 his mind and ordered 'M. Drouyn d*.' Lhuys to instruct 
 Walewski accordingly. In vain did the French Foreign 
 Minister use every effort to dissuade his Emperor from this 
 move. As all his protests failed, he carried out his new 
 instructions, but resigned, and left Paris without seeing the 
 Emperor again, avoiding a proffered audience as being ob- 
 jectless. Such, at least, is the story current here in well- 
 informed quarters. At any rate, thus much is certain, that 
 Drouyn de Lhuys, Persigny, and Bourqueney, and Walewski 
 also — as Sir Cornewall Lewis yesterday assured me — were 
 unanimous in thinking that the Piussian instructions on the 
 first two Points, taken in conjunction with the Austrian pro- 
 posals on the third Point, contained, theoretically speaking, 
 a complete solution of the Eastern Question. In England, 
 this opinion is shared by all who are conspicuous for their 
 statesmanHke judgment of European affairs. Palmerston 
 and Clarendon, however, have not the courage to follow this 
 their better conviction. Should the Western Powers, there- 
 fore, incur the responsibility of having prevented the resto- 
 ration of peace by rejecting a suitable compromise, a totally 
 new duty will devolve on Austria and Germany— a duty which
 
 174 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 does not consist of merely ruminating wasted proposals and 
 empty phrases. 
 
 Whether the war could have been prevented, or, at least, 
 ended long ago, had Austria from the first been cordially sup- 
 ported by Germany, or whether Austria has been secured by 
 the passive tenacity of her partners in the Bund from the 
 dangers attending a war of unprovoked aggression, is now a, 
 question too late for dispute. The hie Bhodus hie salin \ 
 holds good to-day more than ever. Unless all signs are 
 fallacious, the policy of England and France is entering more 
 and more on the stage of despair. It is true that Lord 
 Palmerston on July 6 repudiated all idea of unchaining the 
 Eevolution in Hungary and Poland. Napoleon himself makes 
 no secret of the dangers which a championship of so-called 
 oppressed nationalities w^ould entail on his own throne. And 
 yet this policy of despair passes all comprehension. A few 
 more defeats like that of June 18, and the allied armies in 
 the Crimea would have to think of retiring to their ships. 
 They might have done this, perhaps, when they had only 
 50,000 men left standing on that blood-stained soil, and 
 possibly they are now regretting that they did not follow 
 Lord Eaglan's advice shortly after the battle of the Alma. 
 But no such voluntary retirement can be dreamed of with an 
 army of 200,000 men, to say nothing of the reinforcements 
 which Napoleon, alarmed at the Eussian movements en masse, 
 is sending out every day. The more, however, he denudes 
 France of troops, the less able will he be to resist any hints 
 in favour of a revolutionary diversion. Now, it is well 
 known that England has been secretly endeavouring for 
 months to disturb the intimacy hitherto existing between 
 France and Austria. Is it possil^le that Napoleon, by his 
 rejection of the Austrian proposals, has fallen into a ti-ap
 
 ENGLISH POLICY OF DESPAIR. J 7-3 
 
 prepared for him b}^ Lord Palmerston "? Moreover, people 
 here are not without their fears for India and British pres- 
 tige in Asia, for everyone must own that the Anglo-French 
 alliance would never survive an actual overthrow in the 
 Crimea. Should the present crisis j^roduce a revolutionary 
 war Ministry, that Ministry would in all probability hasten 
 to play out its first cards in Italy and then in Sicily. If 
 Palmerston secures the majority, by seriously threatening 
 a dissolution of Parliament, he is, since the retirement of 
 his only rival Lord John Eussell, virtuall}' dictator. Little 
 energy as the feeble old Premier may have shown in the con- 
 duct of the regular war, he would not be wanting in the 
 sinister ability to kindle a general conflagration with the aid 
 of the party of llevolution, especially if he should see therein 
 the means of regaining his lost popularity. Already the 
 compilation of the last Blue-book points to hostile designs 
 against Austria. One is accustomed, indeed, to the p)ubli- 
 cation of private conversations, but the latest indiscretions 
 surpass anything that has previously occurred, and will serve, 
 it is to be hoped, as a warning for the future. It is sio-ni- 
 ficant also that a ministerial paper, the ' Globe,' should 
 venture to announce that the Sardinian Government have 
 represented here and in Paris that Upper Italy, if freed from 
 the ' yoke ' of Austria, could put 30,000 instead of 15,000 
 men in line m the Crimea, to further the ' sacred cause of 
 civilisation.' 
 
 Under these circumstances, the question must force itse 
 on every German patriot who watches the gathermg storm, 
 whether it is not high time to anticipate the threatening 
 revolution by means of vigorous and concentrated action. 
 Should it not, then, be possible to make use of the materials 
 for peace accjuired in Vienna to effect an understanding
 
 176 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 between Austria, Germany, and Eiissia, before the die is 
 finally cast in the Crimea ? And if this were done, would it 
 not then be the time to remind Napoleon that United Ger- 
 many is strong enough to command peace, and would not 
 hesitate, for that object, to begin a third time, if necessary, 
 the well-known march on Paris ? Would not such a demon- 
 stration of unity spare much blood ? If people in Paris 
 dread one thing more than another, it is a war with Germany. 
 The bare threat of it would suffice. France cannot afford at 
 this moment to come to a rupture. Suppose, even, that 
 France were to take up the challenge, still a regular war 
 would appear a smaller evil in comparison with a general 
 conflagration fanned by Palmerston in concert with Napoleon, 
 a conflagration which could not fail to imperil every institu- 
 tion on the Continent. But if the union of all Germany is 
 the sine qua non condition of the restoration of a lasting 
 peace, it is immaterial on what foundation that union is laid. 
 The statesmen of Austria would only be acting in their own 
 well-understood interests, if to-day they recommended a de- 
 monstration of all Germany against the West with the same 
 arguments that they employed in previous years to recom- 
 mend a demonstration against the East. 
 
 London : July 31, 1855. 
 
 A lady who has been a friend since her youth of the 
 Princess Lieven makes, though married to a former English 
 Cabinet Minister, so little secret of her Russian sympathies 
 as to display on her arm daily the w^ell-known mourning 
 bracelet in memory of the Emperor Nicholas. She is, of 
 course, utterly opposed to the present war, and yesterday 
 invited several friends of peace to luncheon, among others 
 Disraeli, Bright, the Prussian Minister, and myself.
 
 DISRAELI OX THE SITUATION. 177 
 
 John Bright, a cotton spinner of Manchester, Hves in 
 Quaker circles, which are difficult of access to us diplomatists. 
 Our amiable hostess had had some trouble in decoying this 
 Radical Quaker into her aristocratic house. Her object was 
 to bring him into personal contact with Disraeli, and to 
 enable Bernstorff and myself to make the acquaintance of this 
 able orator and courageous apostle of peace. Mr. Bright was 
 Bernstorff's neighbour at luncheon, and Disraeh mine. The 
 latter was in the best possible humour, and more communi- 
 cative than ever. He assured me at once that Gladstone's 
 reconciliation with the Tories was an accomplished fact. 
 ' Gladstone and Bright,' he remarked among other thmgs, 
 * are not only the best speakers in the House of Commons, 
 but also the most energetic characters there.' 
 
 * Present persons always excepted,' I broke in— a compli- 
 ment which was accepted as quite a matter of course. 
 
 ' Of course ! ' replied the leader of the Opposition ; ' I have 
 always thought Gladstone, Bright, and myself the three most 
 energetic men in the House. I have watched Gladstone very 
 carefully,' he added, ' and am convinced that his strength of 
 will is inflexible. Bright is sometimes blunt, but his elo- 
 quence is most powerful. He has not the subtleness of 
 Cobden, but he has far more energy, and his talents are more 
 practically applied. The session is at an end. Old Palmer- 
 ston has taken the hint we gave him recently, and shook my 
 hand yesterda}" so warmly that I am disarmed until November. 
 ^^'^len that time comes, the position will have become clearer, 
 and pubhc opinion shaped itself; and we shall then see what 
 is to be done. Thus much I can say, that om- Ministry is 
 prepared : a strong Government, which will astonish the 
 world. The men who are now at the helm, cannot wield it 
 any longer. It will not be necessary to upset them, they will 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 178 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 fall b}^ themselves. With the exception of old Palmerston, who 
 for a man of seventy still displays astonishing energy, the 
 present Cabinet has neither an orator nor a debater. But 
 the old man is a desperado, who clings convulsively to power, 
 because he feels that he would have no prospect of ever 
 coming in again if he were now ousted.' 
 
 I then turned the conversation on the subject of the 
 Austrian proposals, the rejection of which, even from the war 
 party's point of view, was to be regarded as a political mis- 
 take. For even if, as Lord Clarendon believed, the peace 
 thus obtained had only been an armistice, it would have en- 
 abled the Allies to effect an honourable retreat. It was sheer 
 nonsense for the English newspapers to talk of the perfidy 
 of Austria, for it was not Austria, but the Western Powers, 
 who had torn up the treaty of December. ' England,' I said, 
 * has no money, and France no troops, to provide the support 
 stipulated for in the third Article. And do you wonder that 
 your ally should think twice before beginning single-handed 
 a war compared to which the Crimean expedition would be 
 mere child's play ? ' 
 
 Disraeli, who had followed attentively my remarks, agreed 
 with me, and said, ' The truth is, we have no longer any states- 
 men. The whole business has been mismanaged from the first.' 
 
 The main points of this conversation have been reported 
 on the whole with accuracy by the ' Press,' a newspaper 
 which is said to be Disraeli's organ. 
 
 My question, whether Palmerston would not perhaps em- 
 ploy the vacation in reverting to his policy of 1848, to con- 
 ceal his difficulties in the Crimea by means of revolutionary 
 diversions, was answered evasiveh-. The House of Commons 
 would never follow the Premier in such a course, but Palmer- 
 ston was a desperado and capable of anything.
 
 lUiKiirrs VIEW of the waij. 179 
 
 Mr, Bri^'lit was even more outspoken. He said plainly, 
 * The war is being continued simply and solely to keep 
 Lord Palmerston in office, for it is well known on the other 
 side of the Channel that they would not have such an easy 
 game witli anyone else as with the present Premier.' 
 
 Altogether, and notwithstanding the undoubted rapproche- 
 iiirnt which is going on between the Tories, Peehtes, and the 
 Manchester school, it would be a mistake to assume that the 
 war party has lost ground. But just as the sun lights up the 
 glaciers before reaching the valley, so there is some comfort 
 in the reflection that the light of truth is beginning to dawn 
 on the leaders of the Opposition. The Government know this, 
 and await with impatience the close of Parliament, to be able 
 to take breath affiiin. 
 
 » 2
 
 180 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 LONDON. — 1856. 
 
 Betrothal of the Princess Eoyal — Feeble Conduct of the War in the Crimea — 
 Prospects of Peace — Persigny — Austrian Ultimatum - Eussia's Acceptance of 
 the Preliminaries — Peace Conference at Paris — Orloff' s Services in the Cause 
 of Peace — The Wensleydale Peerage— Prince Albert as a Builder — Birth of 
 the Prince Imperial— The Duke of Cambridge made Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 During my absence, the betrothal of the Princess Royal with 
 Prince Frederick William of Prussia had taken place quietly 
 at Balmoral. The feeling against Prussia, which this occasion 
 revived, turned anew against Prince Albert, who was absurdly 
 accused of Russian sympathies. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fall of Sebastopol, the conduct of the 
 war in the Crimea was extremely inefficient, since the division 
 of the chief command between four armies failed to insure a 
 vigorous prosecution of the advantage so dearly purchased. 
 General Simpson, who had succeeded by seniority to the com- 
 mand of the English troops, rendered vacant by the death of 
 Lord Raglan, but who soon afterwards resigned his post, was 
 too old to transform into soldiers by a mere wave of his hand 
 the raw recruits which had replaced the lost veterans. Pelissier, 
 now Duke of Malakoff, was little liked owing to his rudeness 
 of manner, and w^as anxious not to endanger the laurels he had 
 won by his successful assault on the outwork of Sebastopol. 
 Omer Pasha, an Austrian deserter and renegade, who com- 
 manded some forty or fifty thousand Turks, had failed to gain
 
 PROSPECTS OF PEACE. 181 
 
 the confidence either of the Enghsh or French. It was idle to 
 think of entrusting to any of these three generals the supreme 
 command of the united forces of the Allies. Nor had the 
 brave General La Marmora, who commanded the Piedmontese 
 contingent of about 12,000 men, any better chance of obtain- 
 ing such a post. Thus then, for want of any plan, the utterly 
 demoralised Russian army was left unmolested in the Crimea ; 
 nay, the Eussians had even been allowed to take finally the 
 fortress of Kars from the Turks (November 28, 1855), and thus 
 obtain an object of negotiation. 
 
 In truth, everybody was sick of the war, and hailed with 
 delight the prospects of peace which were opened up in 
 Vienna. 
 
 Persigny, the trusted adviser of Napoleon, had succeeded 
 Walewski in London, and was labouring sincerely, but with 
 the simplicity of a novice in diplomacy, for the restoration of 
 peace. He left no doubt as to the temporary exhaustion of 
 France, who had suffered more severely than England, and 
 went so far as to tell Lord Palmer ston that his Emperor had 
 no choice, he must conclude peace. If England wished to 
 continue the war, she must do so alone. 
 
 Lord Palmerston feigned surprise, and assured the French 
 Ambassador that England was not so foolish as to keep up 
 large armies in times of peace, and knew very weU from the 
 outset that her first army would have to be sacrificed early in 
 the war. But she was now prepared; there were 150,000 
 men under arms, including the Turks and the foreign legions, 
 and she was now ready to begin the war in real earnest, and, 
 if necessary, bring it single-handed to an end. 
 
 This attitude of the Prime Minister harmonised fully with 
 the feeling of the country. It was not for nothing — for a mere 
 hollow peace — that great sacrifices would ever have been
 
 182 ST, PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 made. The war had cost England alone more than 20,000 
 men, and about eighty millions sterling. But though it was 
 known that the losses of Russia had been far more serious, 
 doubts were entertained of the sincerity of the Russian 
 Government's desire for peace. Austria finally put an end 
 to the uncertainty, by presenting an Ultimatum to Russia 
 (Dec. 15) which had been concerted with France, and was 
 afterwards agreed to by England, and threatening to break off 
 diplomatic relations at once in case the demands of the 
 Cabinets of Vienna, Paris, and London were not accepted as 
 preliminaries of peace. This had its effect, and on January 16 
 Queen Victoria received the first news of their acceptance by 
 a telegram from the King of Prussia. On February 24 the 
 Peace Conference was opened in Paris. Lord Clarendon and 
 Lord Cowley represented England ; Walewski and Bour- 
 queney, France ; Buol and Hübner, Austria ; and Orloff and 
 Brunnow, Russia. Count Cavour reaped the reward for the 
 assistance given to England and France in the Crimea, by 
 representing Sardinia in the Council of the Great Powers ; 
 while Prussia, which had remained neutral, was at first 
 excluded. The old German proverb, ' No aid, no advice ' 
 (Die nicht mit thaten, nicht mit ratJien), was not, however, 
 strictly carried out. After the terms of peace had been agreed 
 on with Russia, the Prussian representatives received at the 
 last hour an invitation to add their signature to the treaty. 
 
 Lord Clarendon confided to me that he had gone to Paris 
 with express instructions from Lord Palmerston not to allow 
 peace to be made. ' But we had reckoned without Napoleon,' 
 he added. ' Not one of us can resist him when he tries to 
 persuade us face to face in his own room.' I refer to this 
 naive avowal as a proof of the personal fascination which the 
 French Emperor still exercised on English statesmen.
 
 CONCLUSION OF PEACE. 183 
 
 To Prince Orloif, however, even more than to Napoleon, 
 belongs the merit of having Ijrought this senseless war to 
 an end. This trusted councillor of the Emperor Nicholas, 
 accustomed to take a high view of thhigs, disdained the petty 
 tricks of Brunnow, and disarmed Clarendon's animosity by 
 frankly confessing the errors committed by the late Czar ; 
 to wit, the choice of the irrital)lG and incompetent Menschikoff, 
 the occupation of the Danubian Principalities, and the battle of 
 Sinope. He himself had never omitted to protest against 
 each of those steps, and predicted to his Emperor what had 
 actually occurred. The son had now to atone for the errors 
 of the father. Piussia was exhausted, and needed peace. If 
 too hard terms were imposed, tliey would be accepted, but 
 with a mental reservation to repudiate them at the firsi 
 opportunity. This frank and honom*able language did not 
 fail to produce its impression, both on the Emperor Napoleon 
 and on the representatives of England. Peace was signed on 
 March 30, after Cavour had taken care to get the grievances 
 of Italy mentioned in the protocol. 
 
 The English Parliament had patriotically supported the 
 Ministry. Disraeli's resolute speech in the debate on the 
 Address showed the Foreign Cabinets how unanimous was 
 England m backing up her representatives. The Peace met 
 with the most cordial approbation of both Houses, and the 
 prosperous state of the revenue soon caused the wealthy 
 country to forget the sacrifice of money occasioned by the 
 war. 
 
 Amidst the excitement of foreign politics, a question of 
 home mterest occupied Parliament shortty after the openmg 
 of the Session, which, though in itself unimportant, served to 
 brmg into prominent relief the power and importance of the 
 English aristocracy.
 
 184 ST. PETERSBUHG AND LONDON. 
 
 It had long been remarked that the House of Lords, in its 
 capacity as the supreme appehate tribunal of the country, was 
 insufficiently provided with members learned in the law. 
 With a view to supply this evident defect, the Prince Consort 
 proposed to create some life peerages, and bestow them on 
 judges or barristers of eminence. Men of this class had 
 already frequently declined an hereditary peerage, on the 
 ground that they were too poor to gratifj^ then* eldest sons at 
 the expense of the younger ones. The Government, without 
 giving any opportunity for further discussion, now took action 
 and nominated Sir James Parke, a distinguished lawyer and a 
 man highly esteemed by all parties, as a life peer, under the 
 title of Lord Wensleydale. As he had no children and was 
 already an old man, it was, practically speaking, quite imma- 
 terial whether he was a life peer or an hereditary one. The 
 Queen signed the letters patent, which were countersigned by 
 Lord Palmerston as Prime Minister. But the admission of the 
 new life peer to a seat in the House was at once contested, 
 on the ground, in particular, that the Crown, which was prac- 
 tically the Ministers of the day, would be able by means of 
 such peerages to swamp the Upper House. Lord Lyndhurst 
 brought the question to an issue on February 7 by a motion 
 to refer the Letters Patent to the Committee for Privileges. 
 In the debate that followed Lord Derby took an active part. 
 I was in the House, and remember the impression his speech 
 made on all who heard it. He began by admitting that the 
 Queen, as the fountain of honour, had the indisputable right 
 to create either an hereditary or a life peer. The creation 
 was a matter for the Crown. But the question whether the 
 peer so created could sit and vote in the House, was a ques- 
 tion for the House itself. 
 
 ' I cannot remain silent,' said the noble Earl, ' as feeling a
 
 TIIK WEN.SLEYIJALE PEKKAGK. 185 
 
 deep interest in thiH question, and having myself the honour of 
 being tlie fourteenth representative in this House of an heredi- 
 tary earldom, which now for four hundred years has, in here- 
 ditary succession, sent representatives here — when I find that 
 the privileges of the House are attacked by an exercise of the 
 prerogative for which the faintest shadow of a precedent must 
 be souglit at a period antecedent to that at wliich the earliest 
 of my ancestors had the honour of a seat here. ... I will 
 not consent without a struggle to see the House of Peers 
 swamped. I will not consent that the Crown shall have the 
 power of calhng peers to this House by the mere exercise of 
 the prerogative, or that we shall be denied the right of discuss- 
 ing and deliberating upon the manner in which the power of 
 the Crown has been applied in the exercise of its prerogative. 
 I will not consent that we should deprive om'selves by our 
 own act of that which is essential to every legislative body — 
 namely, the power of being the judges of our own privileges, 
 and the interpreters of the laws which regulate the rights of 
 those who have the honour of a seat in your Lordships' 
 House.' 
 
 The records of the House were searched. No precedent 
 was found since 1688. The House of Lords accordingly 
 refused to admit Lord Wensleydale, and the Queen found 
 herself compelled to cancel his Patent and issue another 
 creating him an hereditary peer. 
 
 That real Hberty can only thrive in a country where rights 
 are so determinedly protected as in England, requires no 
 proof. 
 
 Lord Clarendon also, who was reckoned one of the most 
 liberal of the Liberals, gave about this time an evidence of 
 his thoroughly aristocratic spirit. He requested the Queen 
 to forbid, according to custom. Lord Cowley and himself to
 
 186 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 accept the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, which 
 the French Emperor had wished to bestow upon them. 
 At the same time he dechned with thanks the proffered 
 Marquisate, on the ground that his means did not enable him 
 to support suitably the higher dignity. 
 
 During his comparatively short lifetime, Prince Albert did 
 some remarkable building. Osborne, in the Isle of Wight, is 
 his work. In lf^56 Balmoral, the favourite royal residence 
 in the Scotch Highlands, was completed, as also the large ball 
 and concert room in Buckingham Palace. This enormous 
 hall, so imposing from its gigantic proportions, was opened on 
 May 8, in celebration of the conclusion of peace, with a Court 
 ball. The increasing w^ealth of the nation had already brought 
 up the list of persons introduced at Court to a total of 8,000. 
 The apartments existing at the accession of Queen Victoria 
 were no longer large enough to contain the number of those 
 who received invitations. That the Prince cared not only for 
 the Court, but also for the people, by the creative energy with 
 which he combated the tasteless and commonplace routine of 
 Old England, is well known. The Crystal Palace at Syden- 
 ham, built out of the materials of the Exhibition of 1851, 
 Victoria Park, the great Military Hospital at Chelsea, the 
 South Kensington Museum, and the Ptoyal Albert Hall, which 
 was first opened some years after his death, owe their existence 
 to his love of art and zeal for the popular welfare. 
 
 The illness of the French Empress at the birth of the 
 Prince Imperial gave the Queen an opportunity of expressing 
 her friendly feeling towards the French Court, by sending 
 over the Marchioness of Ely, her favourite lady in waiting, 
 to attend on the Empress at Paris. Lady Ely was, besides 
 the physician and the personal attendants, the only eye- 
 witness of the birth. The ministers and high dignitaries of
 
 BIRTH OF THE PRINCE IMPERIAL. 187 
 
 the Empii'e could not be summoned until the Prince had 
 actually seen the light. Lady Ely often spoke to me of that 
 event, and assured me that, despite the malicious reports 
 then current in Paris, all that happened was perfectly regular. 
 
 In recognition of Lord Palmerston's services in the con- 
 duct of the war and the promotion of peace, the Queen 
 granted him the Order of the Garter, a distinction all the 
 greater since just then there was no Blue Piibbon vacant, 
 and a Commoner as a rule would not have expected to receive 
 one. When the intention was first mentioned to the noble 
 Viscount, he is said to have replied with the characteristic 
 question, 'Why should I l)ribe myself?' Nevertheless, that 
 did not prevent him from giving eloquent expression to his 
 gratitude, and leaving the Queen under the impression that 
 he was thoroughly delighted with this mark of favour. 
 
 Lord Hardinge, the Commander-in-Chief of the British 
 army, failed, like Lord Paglan, to survive the stram and 
 excitement of this heavy time. He died (Sept. 24) from the 
 «ffects of a stroke of paralysis, which had seized him last 
 July in the presence of the Queen. The loss of this old and 
 trusted servant was keenly felt by the Coui't. The Com- 
 mandership-in- Chief was given to the Duke of Cambridge 
 (July 16) on the proposal of the Ministry and ^^■ith the 
 approval of the nation.
 
 188 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON, 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1856. 
 
 London, Feb. 4 : Interview with Lord Clarendon — Conciliatory Disposition of 
 the Government — M. de Fonton's Confidences — Interview with Disraeli. — 
 London, Feb. 5 : Interview with Disraeli (continued) — Admission of Prussia 
 to the Peace Conferences - The fifth Point of the Anglo-French Demands. 
 — London, Feb. 9 : Prussia and the Peace Conferences — Small Hopes in 
 the City of the Permanence of Peace. — London, Feb. 15 : Audience of 
 Prince Albert — His Views on the Situation.— London, April 4 : Conclu- 
 sion of Peace — Gloomy Forebodings. — London, May 19 : Secret Treaty 
 of April 15 between England, Austria, and France — Brunnow's Beturn 
 to London. — London, July 14 : Coming Debate on Italian Affairs. 
 
 London: Feb. 4, 1856. 
 
 A CONCILIATORY dispositioii has decidedly gained the upper 
 hand in Government circles. I hope that in my despatch of 
 yesterday I have not put too sanguine a construction on the 
 expressions of Lord Clarendon. I shall hardly be blamed for 
 having followed, in my interview with him, which I reported 
 two days ago, the example of prudent doctors, who seek to 
 give ease to a fever patient by letting him talk out and 
 greeting encouragingly the first symptoms of reawakening 
 reason. 
 
 It will not escape your notice that the part which the 
 Emperor Alexander, in Lord Clarendon's opinion, would 
 have to play in Paris, betrays a striking affinity with the 
 ideas expressed by M. de Fonton himself before his leaving 
 Hanover, and recently repeated in writing by Labenski. I 
 have not omitted to dwell pointedly on this circumstance.
 
 M. DE fonton's confidences. 189 
 
 which reminds me of words which I heard the Eussian 
 statesman utter at Vienna in November 1853. ' Admettez,' 
 «aid Fonton to me then, ' que nous soyons forces d'evacuer les 
 principautes et de signer une paix comme nous n'en avons 
 pas signe depuis un siecle. Nous aurions toujours ä y gagner. 
 Car la question d'Orient une fois resolue d'une maniere ou de 
 I'autrc, nous pourrions Hcencier les deux tiers de nos armees, 
 maintenir la Pologne avec 150,000 hommes, laisser cinquante 
 ou meme cent mille comme joujoux ä I'Empereur, et avec les 
 economics que nous ferions de cette maniere construire nos 
 chemins de fer, etc. En choisissant cette voie nous re- 
 gagnerions en dix ou vingt ans tout ce que nous aurions 
 perdu et bien au-dela.' 
 
 Should Fonton, as the newspapers say he will, accompany 
 Brunnow to Paris, he will thank me, I hope, for having 
 introduced him in this manner to the British plenipotentiary. 
 
 Wishing to improve the closer acquaintance I had made 
 last year with the leaders of the Opposition, I called on Disraeli 
 to-day. In order to explain to him our position, I began by 
 asking him to read j^our despatch of July 9, 1854. After 
 studying it attentively he characterised it as 'a ver}'^ well 
 written, most able State paper.' I then described to him the 
 unobtrusive efforts on behalf of peace which had been made by 
 the Saxon Government since last November. I showed him 
 that the main difficulty, namely to obtain the assent of Piussia 
 to the neutralisation of the Black Sea, had already been 
 solved by your private and confidential correspondence with 
 Count Nesselrode and Baron Brunnow, before the Cabinet of 
 St. Petersburg could have had any anticipation of the Confe- 
 rences since begun in Paris between the Allies of December, 
 to say nothing of the five Points themselves. I added that 
 if Eussia had only conducted the negotiations more promjitly,
 
 190 ST. TETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 she would have avoided the appearance of havmg yielded to- 
 the Austrian Ultimatum. Finally, I communicated to him in 
 strict confidence your despatch of the 6th inst. Disraeli, 
 after reading this paper also with the utmost attention, 
 returned it to me with the words, ' Now, all this is clear to 
 me ; Saxony solved the real knot.' ' At any rate we did our 
 best,' I answered, ' as you did the other night in the House of 
 Commons.' 
 
 Our conversation then fell on the subject which interested 
 me most. In terse incisive language Disraeli described to me 
 clearly the present state of things here since Parliament was 
 last prorogued. He had been much blamed, he said, among 
 his own party for his vote on the Turkish loan. But he knew 
 perfectly well what he was doing. It was of importance to 
 him to give a hint to those in Paris, and let them know that 
 Palmerston was standing on weaker legs than they supposed, 
 and that the war party had lost ground in Parliament. 
 Nevertheless, his friends were still dissatisfied. He had been 
 pestered with letters urging him to speak in favour of con- 
 tinuing the war, as otherwise he would jeopardise the future 
 of his party. But he had held his tongue and kept his hands 
 in his pockets, and contented himself with scaring the Minis- 
 ters into a more pacific line of conduct, by holding up the 
 bugbear of an understanding with Gladstone and Bright. In 
 the end everything had gone better than his friends had 
 thought possible. Instead of the dreaded dissolution of the 
 Conservative party, that party had rallied round him all the 
 more firmly on his return to town, and was now better disci- 
 plined than ever. ' For they have seen,' he added, not with- 
 out self-consciousness, * that I led them on the right way. The 
 war party is dead. Eoebuck has made aßasco with his decla- 
 mations, and Layard, who came to the debate on the Address
 
 INTERVIEW WITH DISRAELI. 191 
 
 with a whole Ubrary undei- his arm, never ventured to dehver 
 his carefully prepared speech. All this, because I did not 
 neglect to take in hand the conduct of the debate from the 
 outset, to calm down passions and to deprive Palmerston of 
 any excuse for coming forward A\ith a warlike rodomontade 
 about the honour of England and so forth. The Premier had 
 nothing left Ijut to thank me for my moderation, and to 
 declare as mildly as a lamb his entire concurrence in my views. 
 Thus I forced him to separate himself at the very commence- 
 ment of the sitting from his own most bellicose followers, and 
 induced the Liberal party to believe that the Ministry had 
 gone over bodily to our camp. I look upon the matter as 
 over. If Eussia meets us half-way with an honest desh'e for 
 peace, and if Austria and France hold firm together, our 
 Ministers must yield. My care meanwhile will l)e to prevent 
 any pretext for exciting debates.' 
 
 So far Disraeli. I did not neglect this opportunity of 
 ascertaining his views on two further heads : the first, as 
 to the admission of Prussia to the Conferences ; and the 
 second as to the further demands to be presented to Piussia 
 under Point 5. In both respects Disraeli's words were most 
 satisfactory, and I propose to revert to them to-morrow. 
 
 London : Feb. 5, 1850. 
 
 With reference to my letter of yesterday which I had to 
 break off owing to the post, I have the honour to add the 
 following as to my conversation wdth Disraeli. 
 
 I tried especiall}^ to show that it was clearly in the interest, 
 of England to further rather than prevent the admission of 
 Prussia to the Peace Conferences. It must surely be worth 
 while, I urged, if only for the sake of future eventualities, be 
 they a Franco-Austrian or a Franco-Piussian alliance, to come
 
 192 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 to an understanding with Protestant Germany. Now Prussia 
 without Germany was nothing, and that fact was recognised 
 in Berhn. But that was the very reason why the Prussians, 
 in the event of the Bund being exchided from the Peace Con- 
 ferences, would be better representatives of specifically German 
 interests than Austria. At any rate, if Prussia's signature 
 ■was wanted to the treaty of peace, she must be invited also to 
 the Conferences. 
 
 In this reasoning Disraeli readily concurred, and assured 
 me that the Opposition would offer no objection in case 
 Prussia — as personally he seemed to wish — were admitted 
 to the negotiations. 
 
 The second inquiry related to the demands still to be pre- 
 sented to Kussia under Point 5. My question was, whether 
 the Opposition regarded the so-called regulation of the 
 Turkish frontier in Asia, and the cession of some Circas- 
 sian forts on the eastern coast of the Black Sea, as con- 
 cessions which British interests absolutely required. ' I really 
 think not,' was Disraeli's answer. ' All this is mere bluster ; 
 and if Austria and France hold together, the Enghsh Ministers 
 will be obliged to give way.' Thus much seems certain, so far 
 as I can see, that Austria and France have rendered Eussia a 
 real service by deciding, against the wish of the English Cabi- 
 net and without previously informing them of the fact, not to 
 include in the Ultimatum the demands on Point 5. The main 
 charge brought against Walewski here is that he has sanc- 
 tioned the smuggling, as they call it, of this agreement behind 
 his Emperor's back. For those demands, not having been in- 
 cluded in the Ultimatum, have now become an open question. 
 On the other hand, it would be a mistake to attach too much 
 importance to them, and to disregard in this respect Lord 
 Clarendon's advice. For even if the war party in England
 
 PRUSSIA AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE. 193 
 
 were scattered to the four winds to-morrow, Lord Palmerston 
 is still powerful enough to inflame the smouldering war heat 
 of the English, which nohody else could so soon or so easily 
 control. 
 
 London : Feb. 9, 1856. 
 
 To-day's leading article in the * Press ' shows that my 
 efforts, of which I informed you confidentially on the 4th and 
 5th, have not remained entirely fruitless. Excei)ting the 
 bold assertion that Prussia was said to have summoned the 
 Bamberg Conference, the article in Disraeli's organ is an 
 almost verbatim statement of my argument. The writer, it is 
 true, has overlooked the fact that the admission of Prussia to 
 the Peace Conferences onlj^ appears to us desirable in case 
 she fails to obtain such admission for the German Diet. But, 
 alas ! the German Diet is too abstract a notion to the prac- 
 tical English, to hope for any warm mterest here in its 
 favour. 
 
 As regards Prussia, Count Bernstorff seems right in assum- 
 ing that France has urged on England strongly, but hitherto 
 in vain, the admission of Prussian plenipotentiaries. It 
 would be a sign of such wholly unjustifiable blindness, if the 
 matter were to shipwreck on the opposition of the Enghsh 
 Ministers, that I cannot possibly surrender all hopes. 
 
 In the City the prospects of peace are hailed not without 
 deep misgivings. A settlement is thought probable, but not 
 any permanent peace. I have had an opportunity of dis- 
 cussing the situation with the head of a large mercantile firm. 
 He assured me that as a Christian he smcerely wished for peace. 
 Nevertheless, there was an ominous import in the feeHng of 
 shame experienced by John Bull at the manner in which 
 the war had been begun, carried on, and concluded. If the 
 Crimean army were now to return home without laurels, 
 
 VOL. I. O
 
 194 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the history of the first winter would at once incense the people 
 and give a dangerous impetus to the movement against the 
 aristocracy. The latter would he forced, perhaps reluctantly, 
 but in the interest of England as well as of their class, to 
 seize the first best opportunity for war which either Germany 
 or Italy might offer, simply in order to open a safety valve 
 abroad against the threatening revolution at home. For 
 people in England were being heard complaining more loudly 
 every day that Lord Palmer ston had damaged English influ- 
 ence on the Continent by leaving in 1848 and 1849 the Revo- 
 lution in the lurch ; and so rapid, in a word, was the spread of 
 the inflammable material, that nobody could reckon on the 
 Peace of Paris lasting more than six months or a year. The 
 upper classes in England were indulging in day dreams which 
 nobody could share who came in daily contact with the 
 people. 
 
 I quote these remarks since they were made by a man 
 whom I have always found free from prejudice, and who 
 has amassed a large fortune mainly by his clever forecasts 
 of political events. Of course it must not be overlooked that 
 the change in favour of peace has taken many City men 
 wholly by surprise, and that time must be given them to 
 understand it. 
 
 London : Feb. 15, 1856. 
 
 Yesterday afternoon I waited on Prince Albert. The 
 Prince followed with sympathy and increasing interest my 
 narrative of our efforts to recommend peace at St. Peters- 
 burg. 
 
 His Royal Highness remarked as follows : ' Much as we 
 may have to thank the Saxon, Prussian, and other German 
 Governments for their earnest advocacy of peace, it cannot be 
 denied that in the present case the Russian Cabinet has yielded
 
 AUDIENCE OF PRINCE ALUEIIT. 195 
 
 simply and solely to necessity, to the conviction that the 
 Austrian Ambassador would demand his passports. Russia 
 was too exhausted to let matters come to a rupture with 
 Austria. It is the old game of last year. The Austrian 
 Ultimatum is met with counter propositions. These being 
 rejected, Piussia waits till the last moment to announce the 
 " acceptation pure et simple," this year of five, last year of 
 three or four Points. I am afraid that such proceedings, if 
 continued in Paris, will be of a piece with what w'e experienced 
 last year in A'ienna. There are ominous signs of this ah'eady. 
 In tlu! very Note accepting the five Points an attempt is 
 made, by removing a comma and changing an indicative into 
 a subjunctive, so to colour the agreement respecting the 
 neutralisation of the Black Sea as to make it seem to emanate, 
 not from a European compact, but from a private convention 
 with Turkey. Moreover, I don't like Baron Brunnow's pre- 
 mature appearance in Paris. This importunity does not 
 augur well. And above all I cannot understand how for such 
 important negotiations they could have selected a man who 
 was so egregiously deceived about the policy of England 
 before the w^ar began. I can only hope that he will not fall 
 into the old error of mistaking the gossip of the salons and 
 Stock Exchange of Paris for the policy of the French Emperor. 
 That policy is not to be learned in the drawing-room of the 
 Princess Lieven. unhappily the Emperor has the misfortune 
 to be represented by a Foreign Minister whose incai)acity is 
 here no secret. It needs no very clever diplomatist to outwit 
 Count Walewski. I only hope that Baron Bruunow will not 
 let himself be led astray by so cheap a triumph. He is a man 
 of peace, you say. No doubt : a stay at Darmstadt is tedious, 
 and does not give the Baron the amusements of a large city. 
 But it is obviously his duty to obtain as cheap a peace as pos- 
 
 o 2
 
 196 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 sible. Only no shams ! In making peace it is just as in horse- 
 dealing. People are not yet agreed as to what is the best way 
 of setting about it when a man wants to sell a horse. Ought 
 he to name a price, and then proceed to bargain, or fix his last 
 price at once ? When it came to proposing the terms of peace, 
 we started here with the view that the most advantageous and 
 dignified course was to name a fixed price. If peace is 
 accepted on the terms which we consider necessary in the 
 interest of Europe, we will conclude peace with pleasure, 
 otherwise we will not. Our policy is simple, clear, and easily 
 intelligible to anyone who surveys the situation calmly and 
 reasonably. What w'e desire is either the promj^t conclusion 
 of a sound peace, or the prosecution of the war under circum- 
 stances the most favourable to ourselves. We are now in a 
 better position than before to prosecute the war with energy, 
 and, without wishing to ruin Eussia, to deal that colossus the 
 most damaging blows. English indolence has taken several 
 years to get ready. Our preparations are now complete, and 
 we can show that England is not made up only of cotton 
 spinners and shopkeepers, as we are told. We might have 
 struck home at Cronstadt and St. Petersburg in the first year 
 of the war, had our fleet been managed by a more resolute 
 man than Sir Charles Napier. The possession of St. Peters- 
 burg would have given us Sweden and Finland, and perhaps 
 have put the Baltic Provinces into other hands. I rely 
 on the firmness of Lord Clarendon and Count Buol; they 
 wiU know how to checkmate from the first the finessing 
 of the Eussians. In a few weeks we are bound to know 
 all for certain. If, as I heartily desire, peace is esta- 
 blished, it will stand as an experience unique in history 
 and serve to promote the progress of mankind, that two 
 great nations should have succeeded, by dint of tremendous
 
 AUDIENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT. 197 
 
 sacrifices, in carrying on and bringing to an end a war with 
 clean hands, without deriving from it any individual benefit 
 to themselves, and with the sell-denying object of vindi- 
 cating right and justice, and punishing past and preventing 
 future wrong.' 
 
 The Prince's remark that England and France had found 
 but meagre support, was one which 1 thought I ought not 
 to leave unanswered. I insisted that the policy of Lord 
 Palmerston in 1848 and 1849 had left behmd it a feeling of 
 deep distrust, and was quite sufficient to account for any want 
 of sympathy with England on the Continent, and especially 
 in Germany. Both parties, thanks to that policy, had been 
 alienated : the Conservatives, who accused England of support- 
 ing the Eevolution ; and the Piadicals, who reproached Lord 
 Palmerston for having at first encouraged and then deserted it. 
 
 ' No doubt,' was the answer ; ' but let us rather say that 
 Lord Palmerston has simply abused the foreign policy of this 
 country, to improve his own personal position as a party 
 man. The egotism of this statesman, who, however, has 
 done far less than is ascribed to him, is one item on our 
 debtor account ; but don't forget the other one, our Press. 
 Moreover, my opinion, speaking plainly, is that the neutral 
 attitude of Germany has been determined far less by sym- 
 pathies and antipathies than by interest.' 
 
 These words show a statesmanhke view, such as I had not 
 yet met with here. Enghshmen were not miprejudiced enough 
 to admit that the interests of Germany in the present question 
 coincided only up to a certam point with those of England. 
 
 As to the resolution of the Diet, the Prince remarked that 
 whatever might become of that, the wish, at any rate, to re- 
 main inactive, would be plainly readable between the lines. 
 
 With regard to Prussia, he admitted the extreme impor-
 
 198 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 tance, when once the question of war or peace was decided, of 
 securing her signature to the Treaty of Peace. I did not omit 
 to quote the opinions expressed in the Opposition papers, which 
 agreed with what had just fallen from the Prince himself, and 
 recommended the last leading article of the ' Press.' 
 
 I remarked in passing, that it was clearly England's 
 interest to make use of this opportunity for effecting an un- 
 derstanding with Prussia and Germany, as there was a possi- 
 bility of a Franco-Eussian alliance. The Prince replied very 
 emphatically that people in England had no fears of such an 
 eventuality, but, on the contrary, were perfectly certain that 
 the Emperor Napoleon, so long as he lived, would hold firm, 
 even in time of peace, to the alliance with England. A 
 Franco-Eussian alliance was out of the question, since 
 England would never consent to play the part of third in 
 such a combination. 
 
 At the close of this conversation the Prince mentioned 
 Montalembert's book, ' De I'Avenir de I'Angleterre,' which had 
 appeared in the last month. This book, written with the same 
 ulterior design as the ' Germania ' of Tacitus, criticised on the 
 whole the present situation in England with acuteness and 
 accuracy, notwithstanding the mystic absurdities in which the 
 author went astray in deahng with religious questions. I 
 had just finished reading this book, and do not fail to recom- 
 mend it to your attention, it having found a favourable judg- 
 ment in so competent a quarter.' 
 
 London : April 4, 1856. 
 
 I cannot unhappily share the exaggerated joy at the peace 
 
 ' It is well known that Montalembert for writing this book had to undergo 
 a trial which was very fatal to the Emperor's jDopularity in England. See 
 Greville's Mejnoirs, vol. ii. p. 214, which have appeared some months after 
 the publication of Count Vitzthum's work and during the progress of this 
 translation. — Ed.
 
 GLOOMY FOREBODINGS. 199 
 
 concluded on March 30, the anniversary of the entry of the 
 Alhcs into Paris. To say that the Eastern Question is now 
 finally settled is, at any rate, a bold assertion. Apart from 
 that, there is still so much ' in an unsettled state,' that 
 Clarendon seems quite right in saying, ' Nous avons fait une 
 paix, mais pas la paix.' 
 
 How long will the French legions, covetous of easier and 
 more lucrative laurels, allow their Ctesar to pursue, at least 
 apparently, an unselfish policy ? Who will pay the piper '? 
 Prussia on the Rhine ? or Austria in Italy ? or both ? and 
 what will liapi)eii, if the coquetry between Russia and France 
 should culminate in an offensive and defensive alliance, the 
 object of w'hich could only be Germany '? ' No blue devils,' 
 you will say. Very well ; but I cannot help having gloomy 
 forebodings. Austria has unfortunately played a subor- 
 dinate part in Paris ; Count Buol was decidedly displeas- 
 ing. Orloff's sympathy for Sardinia is, in any case, a bad 
 omen. The condition of Italy is extremely serious, and 
 that of Prussia almost as bad. One looks vainly in either 
 quarter for a prospect of improvement. In Parliament the 
 ratification of the Treaty of Peace is being eagerly awaited, 
 to enable an attack upon the Ministry. I don't believe in a 
 crisis being close at hand, although everybody speaks of one. 
 Palmerston will shift his tack, and hold his own till the 
 end of the year. What will happen after that. Heaven only 
 knows. 
 
 London : May 19, 185(5. 
 
 Lord Cowley's hasty return to Paris, Orloff's prolonged 
 stay m that capital, and the delay W'hich has apparently 
 occurred in the appointment of Prince Dolgoruki, are all 
 connected with the secret separate Treaty, signed on April 15, 
 by England, France, and Austria. The publication of this
 
 200 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 document/ which was not originally intended to see the light, 
 has cleared the air like a thunderstorm. The true importance 
 and bearings of this alliance cannot yet be ascertained, its 
 secret history not having yet been sufficiently explained. Thus 
 much only seems certain, that the Cabinet of St. Petersburg 
 has given up trying to put a good face on a bad matter, and 
 affects to treat the ' oeuvre posthume ' — as Brunnow is pleased 
 to call the Treaty— as a thing of only slight importance. But 
 at present all on this subject is guesswork, as regular diplo- 
 matic relations with Eussia are not yet resumed. Business 
 is conducted as hitherto through the Danish Minister at this 
 Court, General Oxholm, and Baron Plessen still represents 
 English interests ad interim in St. Petersburg. Not even the 
 usual trade consuls have been appointed again. The mean- 
 ingless personal attentions paid here in society to Baron 
 Brunnow, cannot deceive one as to the coldness which marks 
 the first advances to a resumption of the official relations 
 interrupted by the war. Scarcely had the lion of the day 
 taken his departure, when faults without number were found 
 with his coming. Some criticised the fact that Brunnow had 
 come sans cercmonie, without any following. Others thought 
 that the new President of the Council, Count Orlofl", ought 
 not to have shirked the short journey from Paris to this 
 
 ' The text of this treaty, which has never been abrogated, is as follows : 
 
 ' Art. I. Les hautes parties contractantes garantissent solidairement entre 
 alles I'independance et I'integrite del'Empire Ottoman, consacrees par le traite 
 conclu ä Paris, le trente mars, mil huit cent cinquante six. 
 
 ' Art. II. Toute infraction aux stiiDulations du dit traite sera consideree 
 par les puissances signataires du i^resent traite comme casus belli. Elles 
 s'entendront avec la sublime Porte sur les mesures devenues necessaires, et de- 
 termineront sans retard entre elles I'emploi de leurs forces militaires et navales. 
 
 ' Art. III. Le present traite sera ratifie, et les ratifications en seront 
 echangees dans I'espace de quinze jours, ou plus tot si faire se peut.' See 
 Correspondence etc. respecting the Rights and Privileges of the Latin and 
 Greek Churches in Turkey, vol. ii. pp. 1001-2. London, 1850.
 
 SECRET TREATY OF APRIL 15, 1850. 201 
 
 country, to announce in person the accession of his Emperor» 
 Others again see in the choice of Count Chreptowitch a proof 
 of the small value apparently attached in Russia to the re- 
 storation of friendly relations with England. It is not entirely 
 without a purpose that it is thought sufficient here to send the 
 Queen's answer to the Russian notification by the hands of a 
 major-general. In like manner the choice of Lord Wode- 
 house as British Minister in St. Petersburg seems to in- 
 dicate an intention of meeting coldness with coldness. Such^ 
 at any rate, is the opinion of men who are well informed. The 
 publication of the Secret Treaty of April 15, as well as the 
 assurance, pretended to have been given to Count Orlofif, that 
 the Emperor Napoleon only consented to that instrument out 
 of deference to the wishes of England and Austria, are not 
 calculated to pacify the distrust still lingermg on each side. 
 On the other hand, the ever increasing intimacy of the rela- 
 tions between Austria and France is watched here not with- 
 out some jealousy. The unpleasant apprehensions caused 
 already by the promotion of Hübner and Bourqueney as 
 ambassadors, have been further heightened by the news that 
 the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian is not to extend his visit 
 beyond Paris to London. Lord Clarendon seems only to be 
 strengthening this jealousy by expressing his conviction, that 
 he has acted in the interests of his country in letting England 
 be included in the Franco-Austrian alliance, and thus secu- 
 ring her against political isolation. How dangerous such iso- 
 lation can become even to tirst-rate Powers, is shown by the 
 example of Russia. Certainly the ,Treat3'' of April 15 is 
 diametrically opposed to Lord Palmerston's policy in 1848 
 and 1849. England cannot be allied at one and the same 
 time with Austria m the East, and with Sardinia against 
 Austria in Italy. Nowhere is this felt more plainly than in
 
 202 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Turin, where the indignation at the Treaty is at least 
 as great as in St. Petersburg. With the strengthened 
 guarantee of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, all hope 
 disappears of Austria being induced to cede Lombardy to 
 Piedmont in exchange for the Danubian Principalities. ' If 
 the Treaty of April 15 means anything,' said Disraeli to me 
 yesterday, ' it means that we are to support Austria in Italy.' 
 Nobody appears to have recognised this obligation more 
 clearly than Lord Clarendon, It is said that this statesman, 
 who has evidently shaken off many political prejudices in 
 Paris, has come back with views as to the treatment of the 
 Italian question which have little harmony with those of the 
 Premier. Some think, indeed, that this difference of opinion 
 contains the germ of a serious quarrel in the Cabinet. Lord 
 Palmerston takes his stand on ijublic opinion, which is just 
 as unfavourable to Austria now as it was in 1848. Lord 
 Clarendon, in preaching calmness and moderation, appeals to 
 the future, and points to the instructive lessons of the last 
 few years. It will be extremely interesting to observe the 
 attitude of Parliament. Moreover, nobody doubts that nego- 
 tiations respecting Italy are now pending between Austria 
 and France, which may easily assume a more definite shape 
 during the Archduke's stay in Paris. On these negotiations 
 will ultimately depend the policy of England. Lord Palmer- 
 ston cannot venture on a serious contest with Clarendon if 
 the latter is able to reckon on Napoleon's support. 
 
 London : July 14, 1856. 
 To-night's debate in the House of Commons, which is 
 awaited with eager interest, will largely affect the future 
 position of Lord Palmerston, even if it produces no imme- 
 diate results. The ' Times ' explains the readiness of the
 
 ENGLISH INTERVENTION IN NAPLES. 203 
 
 Commons to devote a precious night, so shortly before the 
 close of the Session, to a question of foreign politics, by the 
 deep interest supposed to be taken by Englishmen in the suf- 
 ferings of the so-called oppressed Italy. Nobody who knows 
 the real facts will help smiling at the hypocrisy of the City 
 paper. The Italian question, as it stands at the present 
 moment, is nothing but the dregs of mutual delusions, brought 
 about by the unnatural alliance of Sardinia with the Western 
 Powers against Prussia. Politicians who, like King Leopold, 
 look below the surface, have long since detected in the self- 
 seeking ambition of Count Cavour the origin of difficulties 
 manufactured to provoke the present excitement. Cavour, 
 however, would have been quite powerless, had he not found 
 in the Radicals in England allies as willing as they are dan- 
 gerous. The war against Russia owed its momentary popu- 
 larity to the fact that it was hailed as the commencement of 
 a crusade against all the State institutions on the Continent 
 which did not conform to the English pattern. The peace 
 was unpopular because this propagandist mania had not been 
 satisfied. The Ministry, consisting in reality of only two, 
 which owed its existence solely to the disunion and weakness 
 of its opponents, sought and found in coquetting with the 
 oj)inion of the day a means of tiding over the Session without 
 a crisis. The means to this end was the ' Italian question.' 
 They affected a valiant indignation at the tyranny of the 
 King of the Two Sicilies. The ministerial lying prophets of 
 the ' Times ' and ' Morning Post ' held up the ' modern Cali- 
 gula and Tiberius ' to the scorn of the multitude. Had the 
 Neapolitan Government, with their native indolence, not re- 
 jected the railway schemes of English capitalists, nobody 
 would have thought of saying a word against that tyranny. 
 Without any cause— for the political trial which is now supply-
 
 204 ST. PETERSBUEG AND LONDON. 
 
 ing the English newspapers with welcome material for exag- 
 gerated reports had not yet begun — Lord Clarendon let him- 
 self be seduced into recommending to the Neapolitan Govern- 
 ment, in concert with the French, a general amnesty and a 
 change in the system of administration.' Count Walewski, 
 enlightened by his own stay in Naples and the sober-minded 
 reports of the French Ambassador in that city, took good 
 care to attenuate the effect of this joint representation. He 
 contented himself with recommending the King to grant an 
 amnesty, and empty the prisons, if possible, of political 
 offenders. These representations were, however, courteously 
 but firmly declined, as an uncalled-for interference with the 
 sovereign rights of an independent Power. In Paris this 
 rejection met with the most favourable reception. ' J'aime 
 un souverain qui sait maintenir sa dignite,' was the com- 
 ment of Naj)oleon. This view is said to have been prac- 
 tically registered in an earnest remonstrance, addressed to 
 the English Cabinet, against coercive measures. The Eng- 
 lish Ministers also, especially Lord Clarendon, may feel that 
 they have gone too far, but they are not masters of the 
 situation, notwithstanding all their Parliamentary victories 
 over the Opposition. To-night's debate will show this. Lord 
 John Eussell's premeditated attack is a consequence of the re- 
 buff which Palmerston has recently suffered in the House of 
 Lords. The Premier had readily offered his hand to the well- 
 known compromise, in order to remedy his error of precipita- 
 tion in granting a Hfe peerage to Lord Wensleydale. He has 
 separated himself on this question from his own party, whose 
 sympathies appear to revert again to their old favourite, Lord 
 John Piussell. The latter, with his accustomed selfishness, is 
 
 ' See Lord Clai-endon's despatch to Sir W. Temple of May 19, 1856, in 
 Correspondence relating to the Affairs of Naples, p. 1. London, 1857.
 
 DEBATE ON ITALIAN AFFAIRS. 205 
 
 making use of the Italian question to regain the leadership of 
 the Liberal party, and Lord Palmerston will need all his 
 cleverness to get his neck out of the noose. Lord John, like 
 all those who are behind the scenes in this affair, knows very 
 well that the Ministry can do nothing to enforce their repre- 
 sentations in Naples and achieve any practical result. He is 
 only looking for a favourable opportunity of (jualifying himself 
 once more for the Premiership. 
 
 Disraeli is awaiting not without keen interest the result of 
 to-night's duel. Lord Jolni, as the weaker of the two anta- 
 gonists, would perhaps be more acce[)table than Lord Palmer- 
 ston to the leader of the Conservatives. Disraeli intends to 
 reply to Palmerston, and to scourge the Ministerial i3olicy of 
 interference with the arguments which have been already 
 stated in the admirable leading article in the ' Press ' of the 
 day before yesterday. 
 
 'Don't forget to come to-morrow evening to the House,' 
 said Disraeli to me yesterday ; ' the debate will be interesting 
 as a prelude to the next Session.' 
 
 Two days ago took place the ceremony of the investiture 
 of Lord Palmerston and Earl Fortescue with the Order of the 
 Garter.
 
 20G ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 LONDON. — 1857. 
 
 Reduction of Land and Sea Forces — Wars with Persia and Cliina — Cobden's 
 Vote of Censure — Dissolution of Parliament — Indian Mutiny — 'Les Id^es 
 Napoleoniennes ' — Persigny — His Efforts to maintain the Anglo-French 
 Alliance — The French Emperor and Empress at Osborne — Real Meaning of 
 the Visit — English Coast Defences — The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian 
 in England — Illness of Frederick William IV. at Pillnitz — Prince Jerome 
 Napoleon in Dresden — Projected Marriage of Prince George of Saxony — 
 King John's Instructions. 
 
 I EETUENBD to Londoii freed from the hybrid position of 
 Minister Resident, and tendered to the Queen my credentials 
 as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 
 
 During my absence, haste, not to say overhaste, had been 
 made to place the land and sea forces on a peace footing. 
 And yet England had already two more wars upon her hands, 
 with Persia and China. The first was ended quickly and 
 satisfactorily, but the second led to somewhat lengthy com- 
 plications, and was only terminated by the peace dictated by 
 England and France at Pekin in the following year. The 
 bombardment of Canton by Admiral Seymour gave rise to 
 very grave debates in Parliament, immediately after its open- 
 ing on February 3. 
 
 Although the popularity of Lord Palmerston had sur- 
 vived the Peace of Paris, it was noticed even at the beginning 
 of the Session that the veteran had lost his former energy 
 and especially his imperturbable good humour. His first
 
 DISSOLUTION OX THE CHIXA QUESTION. 207 
 
 attack of j^out had visibly weakened him, and Lady Pahner- 
 ston spoke with the utmost concern of her husband's state of 
 health. His numerous rivals and enemies now thought the 
 moment come for venturing a serious attack upon the Minis- 
 try. Lord John Kussell was sulky because there had been 
 no mention in the Queen's Speech of Parliamentary Pieform. 
 The Peelites were dissatisfied at the natural consequences of 
 their own impolitic behaviour, although the feeble attempts 
 made by Lord Derby to gain them over to his side were frus- 
 trated by the opposition of his own party and the irresolu- 
 tion of Gladstone. Disraeli, who denounced the whole policy 
 which had led to the Crimean War, made use of what was 
 told him in confidence by Walewski to embarrass Palmerston 
 with questions ; and lastly the friends of peace, Cobden and 
 Bright, were furious about the muddle in China. Notwith- 
 standing the heated atmosphere then prevailing in the House 
 of Commons, the debate on the Budget passed off satisfactorily, 
 and the proposals of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were 
 agreed to, after Disraeli's counter resolution had been defeated, 
 by a majority of eighty (February 23). 
 
 A few days later (March 3) the Ministry suffered a decisive 
 defeat through Cobden, his Resolutions censuring their policy 
 with regard to China being carried in the Commons by a 
 majority of sixteen. 
 
 Lord Palmerston, who saw through the weakness of the 
 Tory Opposition, wound up the debate with a brief but 
 vigorous speech, ridiculing the ' atoms ' which had conspired 
 against him. He knew very well that the country would 
 support him on the Chinese question, and not the Opposition 
 split uj) into single factions. He therefore advised the Queen 
 to dissolve Parliament, and the new elections strengthened 
 his position in an unexpected manner.
 
 '208 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 This result was mainly promoted by the mighty storm 
 which arose in the distant East, and shook to its foundations 
 the Indian Empire with its two hundred millions of British 
 subjects. The first news of the outbreak of mutinies among 
 the Indian troops reached London as early as the end of 
 February. The country felt the need of the pilot to whose 
 energy was due the successful termination of the Crimean 
 War. And yet this energy, at least at first, left much to be 
 desired. It was entirely owing to Prince Albert that the 
 Ministers were at length awakened from their careless 
 optimism. All available troops were hurriedly despatched to 
 India. Fortunately generals were found in Sir Colin Camp- 
 bell and Havelock who were equal to the critical emergency. 
 Sir Colin Campbell had already distinguished himself in the 
 Crimea. When the Government resolved to entrust to him the 
 supreme command over the Queen's troops in India, and he 
 was asked when he could start, his laconic answer was, ' To- 
 morrow ! ' Not a day too soon did Sir Colin arrive in Calcutta 
 (August 14), where he found the regiments which had been 
 originally destmed for China, but which Lord Elgin, the 
 Chief Commissioner at Canton, placed with patriotic self- 
 sacrifice at the disposal of the Indian Governor- General. 
 
 The suspicion that Russia had had a hand in the Indian 
 Mutiny was only strengthened by the fact that Russian diplo- 
 macy eagerly denied the charge. The old saying, ' Qui s'excuse 
 s'accuse, ' was not unjustly remembered against them. 
 
 But the catastrophe which then surprised the country is 
 best explained by the rotten system of the East India Com- 
 pany. The same defects of military administration which had 
 been experienced at the beginning of the Crimean War were 
 here repeated on a large scale. Just as the first British army 
 had been sacrificed to red-tapeism and neglect in high places,
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 209 
 
 because no one knew his proper duties, in other words who 
 was responsible for the commissariat, so in India the authority 
 was shared between the Directors of the Company and the 
 Ministers of the Crown. The native troops, composed of 
 national elements, were dependent on the former, the Gover- 
 nor-General and the small force of Queen's troops on the 
 latter. Unfortunately the Governor-General, Lord Canning, 
 a talented and active statesman, in the prime of life, had 
 only just come to Calcutta, and the field was entirely new to 
 him. Mistakes, misunderstandings, and disputes as to autho- 
 rity were unavoidable, and increased the difficulty of the mili- 
 tary commanders in restoring order in that colossal empire 
 with such a handful of troops. The conviction was forced 
 upon the public at home, that this complex mass of states and 
 territories, already swollen to an avalanche, had taken dimen- 
 sions beyond the power of a jomt-stock company. The 
 more indignant men became at the tale of horrors perpe- 
 trated on women and children, the more plainly they saw 
 that a few old City merchants, who now and then discussed 
 Indian affairs, were not e(|ual to the task of governing an 
 empire vaster than even that of the Eoman Caesars. Thus 
 good grew out of evil. The East India Company disap- 
 peared, and India became directly subject to the Crown. 
 The pertinacity and valour of the British troops triumphed 
 against unprecedented odds, and brilliantly restored the pres- 
 tige of Old England, which had been seriously shaken by the 
 Crimean War. India, it may be said, was then for the first 
 time really conquered. Since that conquest the centre of 
 gravity of the British Empire lies m Asia. The words spoken 
 by Lord Beaconsfield several years later, when he invited the 
 Queen to adopt the title of Empress of India, ' We have be- 
 come an Asiatic Power,' had a deeper meaning than Europe 
 
 VOL. 1. p
 
 210 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 chose to think. They suggest, at the same time, a danger 
 which the usual British optimism might easily he tempted to 
 underrate. The Indian Mutiny of 1857 hangs like the sword 
 of Damocles over Great Britain as regards her position in the 
 world. 
 
 But Europe also, as well as Asia, gave Lord Palmerston 
 and Lord Clarendon ample cause for anxiety, while at home the 
 new elections placed at stake their very existence as Ministers. 
 
 The object which Walewski confessed to me before the 
 beginning of the Crimean War had, at least apparently, been 
 attained. Already, during the negotiations of the Paris Con- 
 gress, the wily diplomacy of Russia had spared no flattery to 
 gain over the Emperor of the French. The birth of his son 
 seemed to secure the future of his dynasty. The eulogiums of 
 the English Press strengthened the illusion that Napoleon 
 had really gained for himself the position which the Emperor 
 Nicholas in 1853 sacrificed to his idiosyncrasies. It was 
 characteristic that on the Continent it had become a general 
 habit, when speaking of the Emperor Napoleon, to designate 
 him simply as ' He.' ' He has done this,' ' He has said that,' 
 * He will,' &c. were at that time customary forms of speech, 
 and even the Prince of Prussia used them. 
 
 French statesmen would never have sacrificed 90,000 men 
 and about two milliards of francs for the sake of England. 
 It was important to prove palpably by action the power they 
 thought to have acquired. The author of the ' Idees Napo- 
 leoniennes ' considered it his mission to wipe out the stain of 
 Waterloo and cancel the treaties of 1814 and 1815, which, as 
 he repeatedly declared, were aimed directly against France, 
 in order to reconstruct entirely the map of Europe on the 
 newly discovered principle of nationalities. In vain had Lord 
 Clarendon protested in Paris against these dangerous day
 
 PERSIGNY AND RUSSIAN INTRIGUES. 211 
 
 dreams, in vain had Queen Victoria pointed out in her private 
 letters to the Emperor of the French that England had no 
 sympathy with these French vagaries. 
 
 The gambHng on the Stock Exchange in which the Em- 
 peror's entourage, with but few exceptions, indulged, had 
 materially assisted the Russian intrigues. Walewski, and in 
 a still more questionable manner Morny, the half-brother of 
 Napoleon, and the originator of the coup d'etat, had become 
 completely Paissianised. The latter had represented France 
 with extraordinary pomp and show at the coronation of 
 Alexander IL, and had returned with a Russian wife and the 
 most decided sympathies for the Russian Court. That blood 
 had been shed and battles fought for the integrity and inde- 
 pendence of the Ottoman Empire, had long been forgotten. 
 This ' Moor ' also had done his duty. 
 
 Among the questions which had remained unsettled in the 
 negotiations of the Congress, the regulation of the Bessarabian 
 frontier and the fate of the Danubian Principalities gave rise 
 to diplomatic disputes, which tested severely the alliance 
 between England and France. Napoleon had taken it into his 
 head that the populations of Moldavia and "Wallachia were 
 longing for a political union under a foreign prince belonging 
 to a European reigning family. The Porte, mindful of the 
 maxim, Divide et impera, opposed this scheme, so undeniably 
 dangerous to her sovereign rights. Austria and England, in 
 the recognised interests of Turkey, supported her in this 
 opposition ; whilst Thouvenel, the French Ambassador, did his 
 utmost to frighten the Divan, and remind them of the threats 
 of Prince Menschikoif. The English alliance, which was 
 never popular in France, would have been shipwrecked then 
 and there had another than Persigny been French Ambassador 
 in London. 
 
 p 2
 
 212 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Fialin, created Count by the Pope, and later on Due de 
 Persigny by Napoleon III., had ever smce the Strasburg ad- 
 venture, in which he took a part as sub-officer of the Guides, 
 remained the most loyal adherent of his Emperor. He had 
 shared his exile in England, had let fly in Boulogne the Im- 
 perial eagle so jeered at by the newspapers, and was, perhaps, 
 the only man who, in times of weal or woe, dared to tell the 
 Imperial 'parvenu the truth. Persigny, an insignificant-look- 
 ing man of middle height, was a self-taught person. Destitute 
 of the rudiments of knowledge acquired at school, he had 
 employed the years of his exile in completing his defective 
 education. He knew England better, perhaps, than most of 
 his countrymen. His axiom, that no French Government 
 could hold out against the hostility of the English Press and 
 Stock Exchange, had become with him an article of faith 
 from his long residence in England and his study of the 
 secret history of the Eevolutions of 1830 and 1848. Accord- 
 ing to his view Charles X. owed his fall not to the July 
 Ordinances, but to his attempt to defy the English Press by 
 his alliance with Eussia, while Louis Philippe was driven 
 away because he had planned the Spanish marriages with 
 Guizot, and thereby broken his word to England. It is not 
 surprising that Persigny, in spite of his manners, which 
 savoured only too often of the guard-room, should enjoy a 
 certain popularity in England, and that his honesty, in con- 
 trast to the Stock Exchange sj)eculators in Paris, should be 
 highly appreciated. The eccentricities, therefore, of his pretty 
 young wife, if smiled at, were judged with leniency. 
 
 Owing to this partiality of Persigny's for England, his 
 relations with Walewski were already so clouded over in 1857 
 that the Ambassador had almost ceased to correspond with 
 his chief. If a despatch arrived which it was absolutely
 
 NAPOLEON'S VISIT TO OSBORNE. 213 
 
 necessary to communicate, Persigny took it to Clarendon 
 with the remark, ' Lisez ccla vous-meme ; ce sont encore des 
 Ijetiscs de Walewski.' With this kind of official intercourse it 
 was unavoidahle that the Anglo-French alliance should get 
 more and more out of joint. The visit of the Grand Duke 
 Constantine to Paris, the intended meeting of the Emperors 
 Alexander and Napoleon in Stuttgart arranged by old Brmi- 
 now, the more and more menacing aspect of affairs in Con- 
 stantinople, all induced Persigny to go to Paris in order, as 
 he said, to rescue his Emperor out of the hands of the idiots 
 (* pour sauver mon Empereur des mains des imbeciles ' ). He 
 l)ainted things so black, and described so elequently the 
 dangers of a rupture with England, that the Emperor deter- 
 mined to re(piest an interview with the Queen at Osborne. 
 
 Though not liking, as a rule, to receive foreign visitors in the 
 Isle of Wight, still the English Court was willing and ready to 
 make use of this opportunity for a private exchange of views. 
 The visit took place in the beginning of August. The French 
 Emperor and Empress, accompanied by Walewski, arrived at 
 Osborne on the Gth, and remamed there till the 10th. 
 
 Strict precautions were taken by the police on both sides 
 of the Channel. English and French detectives watched all 
 the landing places m the Isle of Wight. They had instruc- 
 tions to search carefully all fishing boats, it being feared that 
 French or Italian refugees might attempt the Emperor's life. 
 A boat of this kind crossed over with a smgle passenger from 
 Southampton on the night of the 5th. As the passenger 
 spoke only broken English, and that with a French accent, 
 he was immediately arrested. He offered no resistance, and 
 willingly allowed himself to be taken before Sir Eichard 
 Mayne. Great was Sir Piichard's astonishment to recognise 
 in this suspected refugee the French Ambassador. The Chief
 
 214 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Commissioner of Police was profuse in his apologies for the 
 clumsiness of his agents, but Persigny answered with a smile 
 that he could only congratulate him on the excellence of his 
 precautions. Persigny himself told me this incident, adding 
 that he had received a telegram late in the evening, and un- 
 derstood from it that the yacht ' La Pieine Hortense ' would 
 convey the Emperor and Empress to Osborne some hours 
 earlier than was expected. Not knowing whether the news 
 had reached the Queen direct, he had thus resolved at once to 
 take the next train to Southampton, in order to intimate 
 orally the intended arrival. At Southampton he found that 
 the last steamer for Cowes had long since left. To avoid 
 wasting the night at Southampton, he had nothing left but to 
 get taken over in a fishing boat. The crossing had been a 
 long one, and instead of landing at Cowes, he had had himself 
 taken to the Queen's private landing place. This only in- 
 creased the suspicion of the police. He gladly submitted to 
 arrest, since otherwise he would hardly have succeeded in 
 reaching Osborne House, owing to the darkness of the 
 night. 
 
 Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon, being summoned 
 to Osborne, reluctantly obeyed. A preliminary understanding 
 was arrived at on the burning question of the Danubian Prin- 
 cipalities, and the interview at Osborne passed off apparently 
 to the satisfaction of both parties. Sir Theodore Martin pub- 
 lishes in his ' Life of the Prince Consort ' the letters exchanged 
 between the Emperor and the Queen, full of friendly assu- 
 rances, as well as an interesting Memorandum by the Prince of 
 his conversations with Napoleon. These papers do not, how- 
 ever, contain the whole truth. I heard this a few years later 
 from Prince Albert himself, who spoke to me on the subject 
 as follows : ' Be assured of this, that next to myself. Napoleon
 
 NAPOLEON'S OVERTURES TO PRINCE ALBERT. 215 
 
 hates nobody more than the Prince of Prussia. But he 
 honours me with his hatred because I spoiled his game at 
 Osborne. He had come over to us in 1857, not so much on 
 account of the Danubian Principahties, as to sound us and 
 gain us over to his intended schemes against Austria. His 
 fixed idea, to revise the map of Europe, he confessed to me 
 then unreservedly, and proposed to me that we should con- 
 clude an offensive and defensive alliance. It is very pos- 
 sible,' added the Prince with a smile, ' that he had already 
 won over Palmerston and Clarendon to this idea ; for that 
 man exercises a charm over our Ministers which 1 cannot 
 understand. But he soon satisfied himself that nothing was 
 to be done with me. I told him very quietly, but very firmly, 
 that it was against all the traditions of this country to bind 
 our hands for future eventualities, especially with a neighbour 
 powerful enough to create such eventualities at any moment. 
 He liked the hint, and tried then to obtain from Piussia what 
 he failed to obtain from us. We parted outwardly the best 
 of friends, but the sting of my refusal remained behind — 
 hinc nice ira.' 
 
 The not unfounded anxiety for the future which Prince 
 Albert had conceived from his conversations with the French 
 Emperor, caused him, a few days after Napoleon's departure, 
 to ascertain with his own eyes the state of the fortifications at 
 Cherbourg. He was able to do this without making any noise. 
 Under the pretence of a pleasure trip, the Queen and her 
 husband crossed over thither in the strictest incognito, and re- 
 turned in a couple of days. The Prince had time to inspect 
 with the eyes of a connoisseur the costly works which had 
 now been completed. He did not omit to urge on the Ministers 
 the necessity of placing the English harbours and coasts, 
 against all accidents, in a similar state of defence.
 
 216 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Besides the French visit, the EngHsh Court received also 
 in the course of this season the Archduke Ferdinand Maximi- 
 lian, who, together with Prince Frederick William of Prussia, 
 was present at the christening of Princess Beatrice, the Queen's 
 youngest child. As bridegroom of the Princess Charlotte of 
 Belgium, the young Archduke met with the most cordial recep- 
 tion, and his amiable personal qualities contributed not a little 
 to remove the prejudices which the Queen's husband, now 
 formally declared ' Prince Consort,' had cherished against the 
 House of Austria. I myself have had various opportunities 
 of coml>ating these deeph' rooted prejudices. Prince Albert's 
 was one of those superior minds which are tolerant of con- 
 tradiction. 
 
 After Parliament was over, I went to Dresden. The stroke 
 which had seized King Frederick William IV. at Pillnitz, after 
 the completion of his cure at Marienbad, caused the greatest 
 distress to the King and Queen of Saxony. The two monarchs 
 were not only brothers-in-law, but also sympathetic friends. 
 The softening of the brain which had revealed itself un- 
 mistakably in Frederick William IV., whose nerves had been 
 seriously shaken by the affair at Neuenburg, rendered a 
 change of Government imperative. The Prince of Prussia 
 was entrusted, at first provisionally, and afterwards defi- 
 nitively, with the Piegency. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, Prince Jerome Napoleon made his 
 appearance at Pillnitz with the intention of suing for the hand 
 of the Princess Sidonie of Saxony. King John, as a patri- 
 archal father of a family, could not and would not force 
 his daughter into a purely political marriage. Anti-Napo- 
 leonic prejudices gave no prospect of the young Princess enter- 
 taining the thought of such an alHance. She gave Prince 
 Jerome no encouragement, and he forbore to press his suit.
 
 PRINCE GEORGE OF SAXONY. 217 
 
 There were not wanting those who lamented this, and thought 
 that the ItaHan campaign of 1859 might perhaps have been 
 avoided liad a daughter of the Saxon King and not a Sar- 
 dinian been the wife of the Prince Napoleon. 
 
 Be that as it may, the visit of the French Prince had to 
 he returned, and King John determined to send for that 
 purpose to Paris, in the following spring, his second son, 
 Prince George. 
 
 On my taking leave of tlu' King after Christmas, to return 
 to my post, his Majesty said to me : ' I have been consider- 
 ing how liest to give effect to the idea you mentioned to me 
 two years ago, on your return from Portugal. I think the 
 time has now arrived to busy ourselves in earnest about 
 George's marriage. Your proposal of an alliance with the 
 Court of Portugal has much to recommend it. I quite 
 appreciate the political reasons you insisted on, but I beg 
 you once for all to rest assured that I will exercise no com- 
 pulsion on any of my children. I will not sacrifice the 
 happiness of theh lives to politics. If it could be so arranged 
 that my son George should pay a visit from Paris to the Por- 
 tuguese Court, that, in my opinion, would be perfectly j)roper. 
 If the Infanta pleases the Prince, we will give our consent 
 with pleasure. If she does not, he must be allowed to come 
 back again, without being bound in any way. If the matter, 
 as I hope it may, can be thus arranged, you, being the only 
 one who knows the country and the people, will accompany 
 ray son to Lis])on.' 
 
 ' The matter is not quite so simple as it seems,' I replied. 
 ' Portugal is, politically speaking, in a certain relation of 
 dependence towards England. English influence predomi- 
 nates in Lisbon. But, quite apart from that, the late Queen 
 Maria da Gloria is an early friend of Queen Victoria, having
 
 218 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 been brought up with her for some time as a child in 
 Kensington Palace. Both of them married Coburg Princes, 
 and shared, though far apart, the joys and sorrows incident 
 to mothers of large families. Queen Victoria, therefore, takes 
 the tender interest of a mother in the orphan children of her 
 friend. Add to this that the young King Dom Pedro has con- 
 ceived, during his visit to the English Court, such an attach- 
 ment to Prince Albert, that the latter is really the present 
 ruler of Portugal. Pedro V. does literally nothing without 
 the advice of the Prince, to whom he writes almost every day. 
 Under these circumstances, your Majesty will yourself guess 
 that Prince George's first visit ought to be to London. If the 
 Prince pleases the Queen, as we cannot but anticipate he will, 
 the matter is as good as settled. Had the English Court, 
 however, any objection to such an alliance, which I do not 
 believe, the marriage would scarcely take place, notwithstand- 
 ing a visit of the Prince to Lisbon. I leave it, therefore, to 
 your Majesty to send Prince George for a time to London 
 after his departure from Paris, so that I may present him to 
 the Queen and Prince Albert.' 
 
 King John listened to me attentively, and remarked after a 
 short reflection, ' It is all right ; I trust George to you. Directly 
 the proper time is fixed, I will telegraph to you to announce 
 him to the Queen. You will then fetch him from Paris, and 
 accompany him to Lisbon to see the bride.'
 
 219 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1857. 
 
 London, June 24 : State of Ferment in European Alliances — Question of the 
 Danubian Principalities— The Grand Duke Constantine in Paris and Eng- 
 land — Lord Elgin's China Instructions communicated to St. Petersburg — 
 The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian — His successful Visit to the English 
 Court -Intended Meeting of the French and Russian Emperors — The Anglo- 
 French Alliance. — London, August 15 : Details of Napoleon's Visit to 
 Osboi'ne — Improved Relations between England and Russia — Count Chrep- 
 towitch and Lord Clarendon. 
 
 London: June 24, 1857. 
 
 The more the process of fermentation which European alli- 
 ances are now undergoing escapes the notice of the public 
 and the indiscreet conjectures of the daily press, the more do 
 I consider it my duty to put together the observations which 
 have forced themselves here upon my mind. 
 
 After the latest war cloud had been dispersed by the 
 amicable settlement of the Bolgrad question and the termina- 
 tion of hostilities with Persia, with peace the continuance also 
 of the Anglo-French alliance seemed secured, through the 
 exertions of Count Persigny. But if already in the Bolgrad 
 question the Court party, represented in the French Council 
 by Count Walewski, displayed a decided leaning towards 
 Eussia, that tendency showed itself still more plainly in the 
 question, which was left open, of the Danubian Principalities. 
 The political union of these provinces, desired by Piussia, 
 found a willing advocate in the ' Moniteur ' and, in the person
 
 220 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 of the French Commissioner in Bucharest, an agent who, 
 full of youthful ardour, occasionally exchanged the part of a 
 diplomatist for that of an agitator. The more firmly the 
 Porte resisted the Eussian proposals and shrank from union 
 as ' le commencement d'un dememhrement,' and the more 
 passionately Austria — perhaps not always happily repre- 
 sented on the spot itself — extolled the view of Turkey as her 
 own, the more difficult it was for British diplomacy, agreeing 
 as it did in principle with the Divan and the Austrian Cabinet, 
 to play the part of impartial mediator. According to the 
 supposed proposal of England, Moldavia and Wallachia are 
 to remain politically separate, but to be allied by a fiscal and 
 military union. This proposal, however, does not appear to 
 form, or to have formed, any object of negotiation. At any 
 rate, Lord Clarendon only a few days ago designated the 
 report to that effect as wholly groundless. But be that as it 
 may, the question of the Danubian Principalities constitutes, 
 if not the reason, at least a symptom of the coolness now 
 existing in the Anglo-French alliance. As much offence at 
 least has been given here in England by the coquetries of 
 Paris with Eussia, as in Paris by the rapprochement between 
 England and Austria, which is becoming more intimate every 
 day. It is just as if people here, after a period of dis- 
 paragement, had discovered for the first time since the late 
 peace the importance of the vis mertice which Austria can 
 lay in the scales of European destiny. Nobody stands up 
 now more frankly and firmly for the Austrian alliance than 
 Lord Clarendon, who has found in Sir Hamilton Seymour 
 a representative at Vienna as active as he is zealous. It 
 was only to be expected that in proportion as relations as- 
 sumed a more friendly footing between England and Austria, 
 they should become cooler between Austria and France. In
 
 THE GllAND PUKE CONSTANTINE IN PARIS. 221 
 
 fact, the position of the Austrian Ambassador in Paris seems 
 to have become lately far from enviable. 
 
 The visit of the Grand Duke Constantine to Paris, brought 
 about by the French, does not seem to have answered the ex- 
 pectations founded upon it. It has only served to bring out 
 more sharply the wish of the Emperor Napoleon for a meeting 
 with the Emperor Alexander on German soil. The Russian 
 guest is said to have expressed perhaps too openly his scepti- 
 cism as to the stability of affairs in France, as well as a certain 
 disparagement of Napoleon's entourage. In a word, the visit 
 has rather embarrassed than satislied the French Court, and 
 not even hud the success with the public which the friends of 
 Eussia there expected. The Grand Duke has not wasted his 
 time. He has studied the country and the people, and at St. 
 Petersburg they know better now than they did how highly to 
 value the power of France, whether as an enemy or an ally. 
 The general stir in the French ports, the colossal fortifications 
 on the northern coast, and the energy with which the heavy 
 losses of the last war have been repaked, all this is said to 
 have convinced the Eussian High Admiral that in the event 
 of a war between England and France the latter would not 
 come off second best. 
 
 In contrast to what he has observed in France, the Grand 
 Duke has been all the more surprised at the incredible neg- 
 lect of the English coast defences. He has, among other 
 things, subjected to a severe criticism the unfortunate at- 
 tempt to apply to Portsmouth the system of Todleben, which 
 was tried with success at Sebastopol, but has been wrongly 
 conceived by the English engineers. The invitation of the 
 Grand Duke to Osborne is explained by the desire to show 
 the world that the French Court has no claim to monopolise, 
 in a certain manner, the attentions of Eussia, and eveiy care
 
 222 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 has been taken, during his flying visit to Enghsh soil, to 
 remove the impression of himself and those about him that 
 people in England are blind to what is going on in France. 
 Lord Clarendon in particular is said to have spoken out very 
 plamly, and expressed his poor opinion of Walewski and the 
 French Court party in a manner which has excited surprise 
 even in that quarter where the nil admirari has become a 
 rule of life. 
 
 The efforts of the English Ministers to pave the way for a 
 political understanding with Eussia, have found shape during 
 this visit in some remarkable declarations. Practically, how- 
 ever, it is only on the Chinese question that this revival 
 of mutual confidence has hitherto made itself manifest. 
 England has communicated Lord Elgin's instructions to the 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburg, and accompanied the communication 
 of them with the request to support the mission at Pekin. The 
 Piussian Cabinet has sent a reply couched in friendly terms of 
 thanks. They will most willingly support the efforts of Eng- 
 land in favour of European trade and their fellow-Christians. 
 Eussia declines, however, to interfere in any way in the 
 differences pending between the English Plenipotentiary and 
 the Chinese Commissioner in Canton, and is not in a position 
 to back up the wish of England to institute diplomatic rela- 
 tions with the Chinese Empire by accrediting a j^ermanent 
 British Ambassador in Pekin. 
 
 These remarks will suffice to show the political circum- 
 stances under which the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian 
 paid his visit to the English Court. Nowhere are personal 
 sympathies and antipathies dominated more than in England 
 by the politics of the day. It cannot, therefore, seem a fact 
 of no importance, that for a long time no foreign Prince has 
 been able to boast of such a personal success as the Austrian
 
 Tili; ARCHDUKE MAXIMILIAN IX ENGLAND. 223 
 
 Governor-General of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom. His 
 quiet, dignified demeanour, coupled with a rare amiahility 
 and power of conversation, has charmed the Queen, and, what 
 is more, Prince Albert, who has expressed, not only orally but 
 also in a letter to Lord Clarendon, his pleasure at the favour- 
 able impression made by his distinguished guest. Statesmen 
 of all parties are unanimous in their admiration of him. 
 What has surprised one even in this land of liberty is the 
 want of reserve with which the Archduke proclaims his poli- 
 tical views. Their decidedly Liberal colour explains his 
 success. Thus the sober-minded Lord Aberdeen said to me, 
 * I have found the young man not only very intelligent, but 
 also very Liberal ; quite Liberal enough to my taste.' Him- 
 self a decided advocate of an alliance with England, the 
 Archduke in his conversations with Lord Palmerston, Lord 
 Clarendon, and Lord Derby, has elicited expressions of sym- 
 pathy and support for the Austrian Government which ought 
 not to be undervalued, even should all his words not be ratified 
 at Vienna. 
 
 It is now being contemplated to give expression to the 
 newly arranged understanding between Austria and England 
 by promoting the Envoys on both sides to the rank of 
 Ambassadors. That this intimacy between the two countries 
 is watched nowhere with greater jealousy than in Paris, is 
 obvious. Even the private visit of the French Emperor and 
 Empress to Osborne, which has not been hailed here with 
 any exaggerated joy, is regarded as a counter demonstration. 
 At the same time, it is clear that the interview arranged 
 between the French and Piussian Emperors touches British 
 nerves too closely not to have made Napoleon feel the neces- 
 sity of preparing his English allies for the shock. 
 
 The French Emperor will seek, as he has sought, the pole
 
 224 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 of his policy in the Enghsh alhance. The most recent suc- 
 cesses of the Opposition in the French elections will only have 
 strengthened this view. For the more palpahly the sym- 
 ptoms of anti-Bonapartist agitation become prominent, the 
 more need has Napoleon of the good will of England. Nor 
 can it be denied that the latter, from the neglected condition 
 of her coast defences, has sufficient reason to avoid an open 
 ruptm-e. She can only congratulate herself if the fatigues of 
 the Crimean campaign have lulled to sleep awhile the warlike 
 spirit of the French nation, at all times an uncertain factor 
 in European politics. Even if, as many think, the present 
 Anglo-French alliance is a mere farce, still the interests 
 of both nations appear to render necessary its continuance. 
 Anglo-Austrian and Franco-Kussian sympathies will deserve 
 for the present only a secondary consideration — ' for the 
 present ' meaning till the time comes w^hen events will make it 
 necessary to replace the April treaty by a firmer combina- 
 tion. That it could ever be in England's interest to help 
 to realise Walewski's dream of an Anglo-Franco-Eussian 
 alliance, statesmen of all parties will unanimously deny. 
 How should the lion's share, always so carefully guarded, fall 
 through such a grouping to the British Empire '? 
 
 London : August 15, 1857. 
 
 The first two days of the interview at Osborne have re- 
 mained without result. Lord Palmerston, who was invited 
 there, together with Lord Clarendon, on the 6th, did not arrive 
 till the evening of the 7th. He had by an oversight left the 
 royal letter of invitation unopened on his overcrowded writing 
 table, and had to be reminded of it by telegraph. 
 
 The change of views in the English Cabinet, which I have 
 mentioned in my despatches, seems to have been mainly
 
 [PALMEKSTON'S INTERVIEW WITH XAPOLEOX. 225 
 
 brought about by Napoleon's private conversations with the 
 two leading Ministers. 
 
 The decisive audience of Lord Palmerston took place in 
 private on the night of the 7th. They did not separate till 
 after two o'clock in the mornmg, and then without any pro- 
 spect, it is said, of an understanding. In the course of the 8th, 
 Persigny by his efforts succeeded in recommendmg for adoption 
 as a compromise the well-known representation of the Six 
 Powers to the Porte. People here were only too happy to 
 ascribe the merit of the agreement to the most trusty adherent 
 of the English alliance, and to lavish eulogies on Count 
 Persigny at the expense of the less popular Count Walew- 
 ski. Hard as it may have been to British pride to get over 
 the undeniable humihation, nevertheless delight at having 
 solved the difficulties was the foremost feeling of the moment 
 with Lord Clarendon as well as with Lord Palmerston. 
 
 As has been already pointed out, the experience gathered 
 at Osborne has only strengthened the British statesmen in 
 their wish to expedite the agreement with Russia, so desirable 
 in the interests of general peace. My Eussian colleague ex- 
 pressed himself highly satisfied with the conversations he had 
 had during the last few days with Clarendon. The recognition 
 of Prince Gortschakoff's moderation has led to confidential 
 utterances about the best way and means of brmging about 
 the rapprochement desired on both sides. The courier whom 
 Comit Chreptowitch sent to-day by way of Hull direct to St. 
 Petersburg, takes over despatches which will be worthy of 
 attention by the Eussian Cabinet. 
 
 Count Chreptowitch had made no secret of stating, six 
 months before, that, desirable as such an agreement appeared, 
 Eussia could not possibly take the mitiative. In reminding 
 Lord Clarendon of that statement, he described to him the 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 226 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 bad feeling prevailing against England. That feeling had 
 struck its roots deep in Russia, and not all that had occurred 
 since the conclusion of peace could lessen it. The conse- 
 quences of this mutual distrust were manifested on the one 
 side at Bolgrad, and on the other in Persia ; and the latest 
 crisis in Constantinople had been brought about by this un- 
 natural state of tension. Lord Clarendon, without ques- 
 tioning the correctness of these remarks, contented himself 
 with pointing out what readiness the British Cabinet had 
 evinced to respond with confidence to the first signs of a more 
 conciliatory disposition. That the Chinese affair was recog- 
 nised on both sides as the starting-point of better relations, 
 is shown by the fact that the confidential communication of 
 Lord Elgin's instructions to St. Petersburg produced there 
 the desired impression. On Count Chreptowitch's repeatedly 
 declaring that he promised himself, nevertheless, no success, 
 unless England unequivocally counteracted the mistrust still 
 remaining in St. Petersburg, Lord Clarendon returned this re- 
 markable answer : ' Soyez persuade que je prendrai tout ce 
 que vous venez de me dire en tres-serieuse consideration. 
 J'espere sous peu etre en mesure de vous prouver que nous 
 ferons de notre cote tout ce qui est en notre pouvoir pour 
 retablir nos rapports avec la Eussie sur un pied plus satis- 
 faisant.' 
 
 Lord Clarendon's conciliatory attitude is mainly due to his 
 desire of avoiding the danger of a separate alliance between 
 Russia and France. Even a satisfactory solution of the ques- 
 tion of the Danubian Principalities is not to be thought of so 
 long as that question serves as a pretext and provender for 
 mutual rivalries.
 
 227 
 
 CHAPTEll XL 
 
 LONDON. — 18.58. 
 
 Preparations for the Marriage of the Princess Royal — Lord and Lady Palmer- 
 üton -A Moniinf,' Visit to Lady Palmerston — Orsini's Attempt on Napoleon 
 — The India Bill— The Conspiracy Bill— Fall of Lord Palmerston's 
 Ministry — Lord Derby Prime Minister —Persigny's Recall — Flying Visit to 
 Ireland — Invitation of Prince George of Saxony to Windsor — Conversations 
 with Napoleon and Walewski— Arrival of Prince Georgein England — Three 
 Days at Windsor —Prince George's Visit to Lisbon — The Queen's Visits to 
 Cherbourg and Babelsberg— Return to Lisbon to conclude the Marriage 
 Treaty. 
 
 In England I found the Court engaged in preparations for the 
 marriage of the Princess Pioyal (January 25). The greatest 
 splendour was to be displayed at the wedding of the eldest 
 daughter of the Queen. No less than thh'ty-five royal guests 
 were expected, and it cost some trouble to lodge them all at 
 Buckingham Palace. 
 
 In the midst of these preparations I did not fail to notice 
 a change in the tone of public opinion. I discovered from my 
 first interview with Mr. Disraeli, and my first visit to Lady 
 Palmerston, the cause and meaning of the crisis which was 
 threatening the existence of the Ministry. 
 
 Lady Palmerston was a remarkable woman, and her per- 
 sonal amiability and experience of the world have contributed 
 in no small degree to strengthen the position of her husband. 
 Englishwomen of rank, who have no occasion to trouble 
 themselves like our German wives about their households, 
 exercise, even though they may not belong to the so-called 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Jemmcs politiques, indirectly a very considerable influence 
 upon public affairs. As a rule they are so completely one 
 with their husbands, that the latter have no secrets from 
 them, and yet run no risk of imprudent revelations. The 
 "wife of a Minister is first and foremost his private secretary. 
 Considering the inconveniences caused by Blue-books and 
 the freedom of the Press, State secrets are kept closer in 
 London than anywhere else, whilst the most important public 
 business is chiefly settled by confidential private notes, and 
 only put into official shape later on. Now there are so 
 many delicate questions, especially for a Prime Minister, that 
 it would be dangerous to make them known to a private 
 secretary, however dependable he might be. In such cases 
 the Minister himself writes the letter, but before sending it 
 off, gets his wife to make a copy for his private papers. Lady 
 Palmerston, as well as Lady Derby, Lady Clarendon, Lady 
 Eussell, and others, all did this confidential work. Anyone 
 who has any idea of the mass of business to be despatched, 
 can understand that these ladies could have no time for idle 
 talk and gossip, especially as they had also to answer and send 
 off their numerous cards and invitations. Lord Palmerston 
 himself had no leisure for social duties. His day was so oc- 
 cupied when Parliament was sitting, that he was accustomed 
 to take only one meal. He rose at about nine o'clock, 
 worked in his study till nearly noon, then drove to Downing 
 Street, where he gave audiences, received his colleagues, and 
 presided at Cabinet Councils, and afterwards, from four 
 o'clock in the afternoon, often sat for twelve consecutive 
 hours in the House of Commons. As leader of the House he 
 was obliged always to be on the spot to answer questions and 
 conduct the debate. At night, often in the early morning 
 hours, the old gentleman would trudge home on foot, a half-
 
 LORD AND LADY TALMERSTON. 229 
 
 hour's walk, to breathe some fresh air after the heated atmo- 
 sphere of the House. Nor did he rest at once when reaching 
 home, for he never omitted, before going to bed, to write down 
 with his own hand the usual report of the last sitting. 
 This report had always to lie the next morning on the Queen's 
 breakfast table. It was to the Prime Minister's interest to 
 forestall the newspapers, and submit to the Queen without 
 delay his own views about the proceedings of Parliani(,nt. 
 Lady Palmerston spoke to me once about this unavoidaljlc 
 hardship in ouiciul life, and added naively, ' I would far 
 rather that my husband were only Foreign Minister or Home 
 Secretary, for since he is become Prime Minister I see nothing 
 of him. He never comes to bed till four or five o'clock. . . .' 
 This complaint came from her heart, for since Philemon and 
 Baucis there can hardly have been found a more devoted 
 couple so advanced in years. Palmerston was as full of 
 loving attentions to his wife as the youngest lover. She was 
 at once a mother and wife in her care of him. He never 
 knew whether he should dine at home or not. She looked 
 after everything. She generally held her receptions during 
 the season on Saturday evenmgs. Although the old lady 
 could command the services of sons and daughters, grand- 
 sons and granddaughters, she herself always added with trem- 
 bling hand the name of the invited guest to the printed form, 
 ' Lady Palmerston at home.' The best society was to be met 
 at her receptions, and they were much in request. Woe to> 
 the member of his own party who had spoken or voted against 
 Lord Palmerston in the House ; he was unrelentingly punished 
 by receiving no invitation ; nor was his name replaced on the 
 list till he had thought better of his disobedience. Lady 
 Palmerston 's dinners were excellent, and rivalled those of 
 Eothschild. Only you had to l)eware of going there too
 
 230 ST. TETEESBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 early, as you ran the risk in that case of finding neither the 
 master nor mistress of the house in the drawing-room. Once 
 on entering the house at half-past eight o'clock I met Lord 
 Palmer ston just going out for a ride before dinner on his 
 old grey horse in Eotten Eow. This grey horse, familiar 
 to all Londoners, was the despair of the old lady, for she 
 herself had four grey carriage horses, and feared lest people 
 should think that her husband rode one of them. 
 
 A morning call on Lady Palmerston was often more in- 
 structive than studying the newspapers. Her salon was the 
 head quarters of the Liberal party, and the truest barometer 
 when Parliamentary storms were brewing. 
 
 During the recess Lord Palmerston had appointed to the 
 Privy Seal a man who, though undoubtedly clever, was then 
 somewhat unj)opular. 
 
 On visiting Lady Palmerston one morning in January after 
 an absence of several months, I found her alone with old Lord 
 Brougham, well known in connection with the trial of Queen 
 Caroline. An odd man was this former Lord Chancellor ! 
 Notwithstanding his great age he was still esteemed one of 
 England's most able lawyers, and no one, with the exception 
 of Lord Palmerston, had so fine an instinct for detecting the 
 current of public opinion. His age gave him the right to be 
 outspoken, and he liked to call a spade a spade. My entrance 
 evidently interrupted a sermon he was preaching to the old 
 friend of his youth. However, he did not allow himself to be 
 disturbed, and continued his recital of the reasons which 
 had damaged Lord Palmerston 's popularity and placed his 
 Ministry in the most evident danger. 
 
 ' As I have often said to you before. Lord Palmerston is 
 still always too young, too rash. How could it ever have 
 occurred to him to give this Lord C a seat in his Cabinet ?
 
 ORSINI'S ATTEMPT ON NAPOLEON. 231 
 
 The House of Commons could never approve of such a step. 
 I tell you beforehand, the Ministry is damned.' 
 
 In a few blunt words Lord Brougham proceeded to explain 
 his meaning. For the lirst time Lady Palmerston now 
 realised the danger, and seemed so frightened, that Lord 
 Brougham and I thought it better to shorten our visit. But 
 I knew what had gone home to her. The days of the Ministry 
 were numbered, and the only thing I was doubtful about was 
 whether they would fall on a home or a foreign question. 
 
 On January 14, an event happened in Paris which was 
 destined to put to the severest test the already loosened rela- 
 tions between the two Western Powers. Orsini, an Itahan 
 Carbonaro, a member of a secret society, to which the 
 present Emperor of the French himself once belonged, had 
 attempted to assassinate his crowned fellow-conspirator by 
 throwing a bombshell under his carriage. The attempt failed, 
 but it cost some victims, and aroused in France a storm of 
 indignation against the ' perfide Albion ' which was giving a 
 shelter to regicides. Cool and courageous as the Emperor 
 had shown himself in the Opera immediately after the deed, 
 still his confidence in his star appeared to be shaken. People 
 in Paris lost their heads, and the ' Moniteur ' published some 
 congratulatory addresses from the army, as indiscreet as 
 they were absurd, which preached a war of revenge against 
 England. The British papers, as would have been expected, 
 did not fail to answer the French colonels. In England as in 
 France, the passions of the public were roused to a serious 
 pitch. 
 
 Objectionable as might be the manner in which political 
 refugees of all nations abused the British right of asylum, still, 
 in this particular instance, the English police had actually done 
 more than the French to prevent the crime in question. Sir
 
 2 3 '2 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Eichard Mayne assured me that he had given timely infor- 
 mation to the 2^refet de imlice in Paris of Orsini's having left 
 England with the intention of going by way of Belgium to 
 Paris, and there attempting the Emperor's life. This re- 
 port, he said, had contained all the particulars known to the 
 London police, such as the description of the offender, the 
 date of his departure, and other details. Sir Eichard was a 
 thoroughly honourable man, and I have no reason to doubt 
 the truth of what he told me. Now Orsini, as the examina- 
 tion proved, did actually come to Paris l)y rail through Bel- 
 gium. The French detectives, who, in consequence of the 
 information received from England, examined for a whole 
 week all the trains arriving from Belgium, not only let this 
 Itahan slip through their fingers, l)ut favoured him with ten 
 days or a fortnight's time in Paris to mature his plans for 
 the attempt. It was unjust, therefore, to accuse England of 
 complicity in a crime which, if not excused, was at any rate 
 explained by the youthful vagaries of the Emperor. Every 
 member of a secret society knows that betrayal will be 
 punished with death. Just because Napoleon III. was re- 
 minded in such a sanguinary manner of his youthful oath, 
 the attempt of Orsini has had such fatal consequences for 
 him, his country, and his neighbours. In spite of the seem- 
 ingly victorious campaign of 1859, which was provoked by 
 Orsini rather than by Cavour, the decline of the Second 
 Empire can be dated from this 14th of January. 
 
 Parliament was resumed, after an adjournment from the 
 previous December, on February 4. The question of chief 
 interest, the transfer of the Government of India from the 
 East India Company to the Crown, seemed likely at first to 
 be solved in a surprisingly favourable way for the Ministry. 
 Although the capture of Delhi appeared to promise the speedy
 
 FALL OP^ PALMEIJSTON'S MINLSTRY. 233 
 
 suppression of the mutiny, the struggle was still maintained 
 with the utmost bitterness. Nevertheless, an amendment 
 which proposed to wait for the restoration of peace before 
 throwing the Company overboard, was rejected by an unex- 
 pectedly large majority (318 to 173) in favour of the intro- 
 duction of Lord Palmerston's India Bill. But ' les jours se 
 suivcnt et ne se ressemblent pas.' Lord Palmerston, a con- 
 queror on the 18th, suffered the next night an unexpected 
 defeat. 
 
 Under pressure from Persigny, the Premier had been anxious 
 to put an end to the clamour on the other side of the Channel. 
 Accordingly, on February 1) he brought in his Conspiracy 
 Bill, which proposed, with obvious reference to Orsini's 
 attempt, to amend the criminal law by making consjjiracies 
 to murder, concocted on English soil, punishable as felony in- 
 stead of misdemeanour. The Bill had already passed a first 
 reading by a large majority (299 to 99), when the newspapers 
 published a pungent despatch of Walewski. Without giving 
 Clarendon time to make a statement about this unfriendly 
 effusion of the French Minister, the Radical enemies of Lord 
 Palmerston spread the report that he had been bullied into 
 bringing in the Conspirac}^ Bill by Walewski's despatch. The 
 Ministry, they said, were endeavouring to sacrifice British 
 liberties, in order to take the edge off French menaces. The 
 Conservative party were too well alive to their responsibility, 
 to proceed to a direct attack in so delicate a question. But 
 an independent member was found, Mr. Milner Gibson, who 
 moved an amendment on the second reading, censuring the 
 Government for not having replied to the despatch. This 
 amendment, which was supported by the Conservatives, 
 Peelites, and Radicals, was carried by an unexpectedly large 
 majority (19 votes) in a full House. Palmerston defended his
 
 1^34 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 «conduct with unusual violence, and forgot himself so far as to 
 threaten his Radical opponents with his clenched fist. The 
 vote, however, left him no alternative hut to resign. 
 
 Although Lord Derby himself had taken no part in this 
 Eadical 'move,' he could not, as leader of the most numerous 
 party that had voted against the Ministers, decline the task of 
 forming a new Cabinet, All attempts to strengthen himself 
 by enlisting more experienced allies, proved fruitless. The 
 Peelites, as well as Lord Grey, declined to become the col- 
 leagues of the Tory leader. No one entertained fewer illu- 
 sions than Lord Derby himself as to the possibility of forming 
 a lasting Government with the forces at his disposal. Never- 
 theless, things promised well so far, that Lord John Russell, 
 a friend of Lord Derby from his youth, secretly supported 
 him, in order to prevent Lord Palmerston's return to the 
 Premiership. The thankless duty imposed on the Conserva- 
 tives, of governing in the face of an overwhelming majority in 
 the House of Commons, was sweetened by the thought that 
 they were discharging a patriotic duty, training their leaders 
 to business, and accustoming the nation to have confidence in 
 them. Lord Derby's statesmanlike programme, which he 
 announced to the House on March 1, immediately after his 
 accession to office, had a negative rather than a positive 
 character, and met with deserved approval from its practical 
 unpretentiousness. The question of Parliamentary reform 
 was postponed to the next Session ; the Conspiracy Bill, which 
 had been virtually condemned by the House of Commons, 
 was withdrawn ; and the prospect was given not only of sujd- 
 pressing by vigorous action the mutiny in India, but also 
 of speedily solving the question of government in that 
 country. 
 
 Lord Palmerston's supporters found it difficult to accustom
 
 PERSIGXY RESIGNS. 235 
 
 themselves to the thought that he was no longer m office. 
 The Liberals regarded themselves in some degree as the heirs 
 in fee simple of power. Persigny was one of the most pas- 
 sionate partisans of the defeated Minister. He had completely 
 lost his bearings, and behaved with unparalleled want of tact. 
 In vain did his colleagues remmd him that we diplomatists 
 have no right to mix ourselves up in domestic questions, and 
 take sides with this or that party in England. Persigny con- 
 tinued to receive his instructions from Palmer ston, and in- 
 formed him of all that Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbur}'^ 
 confided to the French Ambassador, Such conduct could not 
 possibly remain unnoticed, the less so as Persigny naively 
 boasted of his indiscretions to the new Ministers. The con- 
 sequence was that Lord Malmesbury conducted the indis- 
 pensable negotiations through Lord Cowley. Walewski, an 
 enemy of Persigny, entered into them with pleasm-e, and a 
 7nofJiis vivendi was arranged behind the French Ambassador's 
 back. Offended at this, Persigny tendered his resignation, 
 in the hope that it would not be accepted, but occasion the 
 downfall of Walewski. But it turned out otherwise. The 
 Emperor, enhghtened by Lord Cowley, and displeased with 
 the irritable tone of Persigny's despatches to himself, approved 
 the resignation of his compromising confidant. The latter, 
 to his intense surprise, received from Walewski the laconic 
 telegram, ' Yotre demission est acceptee.' Marshal PeHssier, 
 a, persona grata at the English Court, was Persigny's successor. 
 About this time I received instructions to ascertain, before 
 the departure of Prince George of Saxony, that there were 
 no hereditary diseases, such as insanity and epilepsy, in the 
 Portuguese Pioyal Family. I was in London, and not in Lis- 
 bon. About so delicate a matter I could not possibly write 
 to Portugal, nor ask Count Lavradio.
 
 236 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 I preferred going to Sir Eichard Pakenham, who had 
 represented England at the Portuguese Court for many years 
 during the reign of Queen Maria da Gloria. Sir Pilchard 
 was now living in Ireland on his estate. The journey was a 
 long one ; I took nearly twenty-four hours in getting there. 
 It was still too early in the year to see green Erin in her 
 spring attire. Everything wore the aspect of desolation and 
 poverty. Grey, badly cultivated fields, alternated with snow- 
 covered pasturages. The tumble-down huts of the ragged 
 peasantry presented a most melancholy contrast to the culture 
 and luxurious prosperity of England. It seemed, after I had 
 left St. George's Channel behind me, as if I had been thrown 
 back into a distant age, some centuries ago, or cast upon a 
 desert island. Dublin itself, of which Irishmen are so proud, 
 resembles a dirty provincial town, rather French than English. 
 And then Mullingar ! There civilisation stops entirely with 
 the railway. After a journey of several hours, a jaunting car 
 brought me safely to my destination. The small but tasteful 
 farmhouse seemed to me a real Paradise. Sir Pilchard 
 received me most cordially. He told me that in consequence 
 of the great interest taken by Queen Victoria in the numerous 
 confinements of the late Queen Maria, it had always been his 
 duty to ascertain all details connected with the events. All 
 the children had been born thoroughly healthy and strong, 
 and had been nursed and l)rought up with the utmost care. 
 I left him with my mind enthely at ease, and by noon the 
 next day was again in London. 
 
 My Sovereign was satisfied with the information I had 
 thus gained, and soon after I received a command b}^ telegraph 
 to inquire whether and when it would be agreeable to the 
 Queen to receive a visit from Prince George. I went to Prince 
 Albert, and laid the telegram before him.
 
 naXCE GEORGE OF SAXONY. 237 
 
 ' Tell rae lioneHtly, what brinjjjs Prince George here ? Does 
 he wish to see us or London ? ' 
 
 ' His wish is to wait upon the Queen and your lioyal 
 Highness, and to know when it would l)e agreeable to the 
 Queen to receive him. If at the same time an opportunity 
 occurs of showing him something of London, I will do so with 
 j)leasure.' 
 
 The Prince rang and asked for uii ahiianac. 
 
 ' Then he will be in Paris at the end of March ? On the '2nd 
 of April is the confirmation of the Prince of Wales. It is no 
 use inviting a Roman Catholic Prince to that. On the 9th, you 
 say, the Brazil steamer goes to Lisbon. That suits admirably. 
 Please telegraph that we shall be glad to welcome the Prince 
 at Windsor from the 5th to the 9th of April. He can come 
 to London, if he likes, a few days earlier, when you will l)e 
 able to show him what you please.' 
 
 All was, therefore, practically settled in three minutes. 
 The way and manner of doing it was characteristic of the 
 Queen's husband. He was completely master of the house, 
 however much he concealed it from the public. 
 
 As soon as I heard Prince George had arrived in Paris, 
 I went thither to wait upon him. 
 
 I did not omit to tell Lord Malmesbury of this trip, and to 
 ask whether he had any commissions for me in Paris. 
 
 * No special commissions. But teh Walewski how thmgs 
 are here, and what a legacy we have come in for. Persigny is 
 quite at loggerheads with his chief, and no longer writes a 
 word to him. Walewski will therefore be glad to hear the truth 
 from you. Tell the Emperor my sentiments towards him are 
 unchanged. But if he asks me to pass Palmerston's Conspi- 
 racy Bill, I would far rather he asked me for the moon. He 
 would then at least see the impossibility of the thing at once.'
 
 238 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 I found Prince George at the Pavilion Marsan. He was 
 delighted with his cordial reception, and invited me to dine 
 with him. I afterwards went on to Comitess Walewska, who 
 received that evening. 
 
 As soon as Walewski saw me, he took me aside, and, without 
 troubling himself about his other guests, questioned me as to 
 what had happened and was happening in London. He lite- 
 rally knew nothing hut what the newspapers had said, and 
 openly confessed to me that Persigny had concealed from him 
 all that I told him. 
 
 The next morning I received an invitation to dine with the 
 Emperor. I felt interested to see this improvised Court, of 
 which I had heard so many contradictory accounts. De- 
 spite the correctness of the service, the tinsel of the jyarvenu 
 household shone through all. The elegance was somewhat 
 forced and unnatural, and the tone and manners of the 
 showily dressed ladies reminded one of the novelty of the 
 position which they were not brought up to. The whole had 
 a theatrical appearance. The Empress and Princess Mathilde 
 spoke to me of the favourable impression made upon them 
 by Prince George. 
 
 The Emperor honoured me after dinner with a long con- 
 versation. He was evidently anxious about the future of the 
 Anglo-French alliance. At Lord Malmesbury's wish I told 
 him the true cause of Palmerston's defeat. 
 
 ' II y a longtemps que vous etes en Angleterre ? ' asked the 
 Emperor. 
 
 ' Cinq ans, Sire.' 
 
 ' Alors vous avez eu le temps d'etudier ce curieux pays. 
 Ici, en France, je suis le seul ä le connaitre. On y est tou- 
 jours comme ä bord d'un grand vaisseau au milieu des 
 brouillards et ä la merci des tempetes. Le branle-bas sonne
 
 CONVERSATION WITH NAPOLEON. 239 
 
 ä tout moment. II y a un mouvement perpetuel et I'Dn se 
 croit toujours a la veille d'une revolution. Mais en regardant 
 de pres on s'apercoit qu'il n'en est rien et que le bon navire 
 marche et avance toujours.' 
 
 These words were remarkable, as just then pul)lic opinion 
 in France was more excited than ever against the ' perfide 
 Albion.' 
 
 * Dites bien des choses de nia part,' Napoleon continued^ 
 ' ä mon vieil ami Malmesbury, et dites-lui aussi que je ne 
 lui demande pas la lune. Si j'ai demande ä Palmerston de 
 remplir une lacune de leur legislation criminelle par une 
 mesure mettant les souverains etrangers ä I'aljri des trames 
 des assassins qui abusent de I'hospitalite anglaise en se faisant 
 passer pour des refugies politiques, ce n'est pas pour moi, c'est 
 dans I'interet de I'Angleterre, dans I'interet de notre alliance, 
 que je Tai demande. Je n'ai pas l)esoin des Anglais pour me 
 defendre. Je suis un homme providentiel. J'ai une mission 
 A, remplir, et tant que la Providence aura besoin de moi eile 
 saura me proteger. La nation que je suis appele ä gouverner 
 ne connait pas I'Angleterre, ignore ses institutions et n'apprecie 
 pas comme moi les interets reciproques que protege notre 
 alliance. J'aurais done desire que les ministres de la Reine 
 et le Parlement donnassent ä la France une preuve evidente de 
 la valeur qu'ils attachent ä ma vie et ä ma personne. L'alli- 
 ance, je le repete, c'est moi ! S'ils ne le comprennent pas, 
 tant pis pour eus et pour nous. Les deux peuples ne se con- 
 naissent pas et ne s'aiment guere.' 
 
 It is plam that Napoleon had already accommodated him- 
 self to the inevitable. If he was able to give his resignation 
 a gloss of dignity, he had to thank Lord Malmesbury for it, 
 who had suggested to him, through Lord Cowley, what the 
 Emperor gave me as his own view.
 
 240 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDOiY. 
 
 Prince George on his arrival at Dover was received on 
 behalf of the Court by Colonel Ponsonby, who had been 
 deputed to attend on his Pioyal Highness during his visit. 
 On April 5, in response to the Queen's invitation, we went 
 to Windsor Castle. 
 
 The Queen and Prince Albert vied in making the visit as 
 agreeable as possible to their guest. Numerous invitations 
 were always issued to dinner, as the Queen thought it useful to 
 make the young Prince acquainted with the most interesting 
 personages of the day. The Duke of Cambridge came the 
 first evening, and Persigny the next. The latter shortly 
 before dinner tendered his letters of recall. Poor Persigny 
 was quite knocked down. I tried in vain to console him with 
 the hope that we should soon see him again. ' Oh,' he sighed, 
 ' ce n'est pas pour moi que je regrette ce depart. Je serai 
 plus utile ä Paris que je ne puis Tetre ici en ce moment. Mais 
 ma femme s'etait tellement attachee ä ce pays qu'elle est au 
 desespoir de nous voir le quitter. Elle en fera une maladie, 
 la pauvre enfant.' 
 
 Busily engaged as was Prince Albert, he would not allow 
 anyone but himself to show Prince George the treasures of 
 art which give such a peculiar character to Windsor Castle. 
 It is incredible what the Prince Consort has collected and 
 arranged there in so short a time. To say nothing of the 
 famous photographs of the world-renowned sketches of 
 Eaphael, he had also brought together an almost complete 
 collection of copperplate engravings and etchings of con- 
 temporary portraits representing the princes of the various 
 Saxon houses. Several hundred miniatures, suitably dis- 
 plaved, showed the taste of this refined Prince. 
 
 On the third and last day of our visit, the Ministers then 
 in office had been invited to dinner. It was my duty to tell
 
 THE EARL OF DERBY. 241 
 
 the Prince beforehand something about the personages whom 
 I had to introduce to him. 
 
 ' Lord Derby,' I said, ' will dine here this evening. He 
 has only been Prime Minister a short time, and will probably 
 not remain so much longer. Tlie mfluence which he exercises 
 is independent, however, of his official position. He is the 
 bearer of an ancient historical name — the fourteenth Earl of 
 Derby — if not the best, at least the most finished debater in 
 Parhament, and one of the ablest English scholars, as is shown 
 by his masterly translations from the German and Greek. 
 His estates secure him a princely income. A Whig in his 
 youth, he was compelled to leave his party, who had gone 
 over too much to the Left, and to form out of the old Tory 
 party, shattered by the secession of Sir Piobert Peel, a new- 
 one, which is still wanting in a trained general staff. Never- 
 theless, he has always a strong majority in the House of 
 Lords at his back, whether in office or in opposition, and in the 
 House of Commons he can reckon on a formidable minority 
 of from two hundred and fifty to three hundred votes. 
 Though a martyr to gout, the national infirmity of English 
 statesmen, this talented man is most charming in society, and 
 enjoys the most unequivocal popularity among all classes. 
 His friends accuse him of a want of ambition, and certainly 
 he seems to prefer the more comfortable position of a leader 
 of the Opposition to the irksome duties of Prime Minister. 
 ' We are grown too rich,' he once said to me. ' Our private 
 business takes up too much of our time. We cannot any 
 longer, as our forefathers did, take long journeys abroad and 
 study the affairs of the Continent, and then, like them, devote 
 ourselves entirely to the State.' His remark contained much 
 truth, and mainly explained the progress of democracy in 
 England. But however that may be, it is still the large land- 
 
 VOL. I. »
 
 242 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 owners who have the power. The soil of the United Kingdom 
 belongs altogether to about ten thousand persons. If any one 
 of these, at the head of a powerful party, not only has a well 
 settled fortune, but surpasses most of his contemporaries in 
 intellect, wit, and cultivation, he acquires at once in this free, 
 but essentially aristocratic kingdom, a personal influence more 
 important in truth than that enjoyed by the absolute monarch 
 of a great and bureaucratically governed country. For the 
 personal influence of an mdividual has naturally the narrower 
 scope and limits, the larger the country over which he rules. 
 If anyone, therefore, were to ask Lord Derby whether he 
 would change his position for that of the Emperor of Eussia 
 or the Emperor of Austria, he would say decidedly not, and, 
 from his own point of view, would be quite right in so saying.' 
 
 At the dinner table I sat next the Queen. She was pleased 
 to say to me, ' I have avoided hitherto mentioning anything 
 to Prince George about his visit to Lisbon.' 
 
 ' That is very kind of your Majesty. You would have em- 
 barrassed the Prince, for neither his father nor he himself 
 will listen to a diplomatically arranged marriage. There is, 
 therefore, no preconcerted agreement whatever. The Prince's 
 visit has no object beyond that of giving him an opportunity 
 of seeing the Infanta, of whom I have spoken to him. The 
 King leaves him entire freedom of choice.' 
 
 ' That is right,' said the Queen ; ' and I am glad to 
 hear it. We like the Prince extremely, and his noble 
 bearing will certainly not fail to create an equally good 
 impression in Lisbon.' 
 
 On April 9 we embarked at Southampton. The Bay of 
 Biscay, so dreaded by seafarers, was favourable to us, and on 
 the fourth morning we cast anchor in Lisbon harbour. Every 
 preparation had been made in the Palace of Necesidades for
 
 CLOSE Ol' THE SESSION. 243 
 
 our reception, and the Prince soon found himself quite at 
 home. The ])etrothal followed in a few days, on the 17th. 
 We travelled back throup;h Spain and France. I accompanied 
 the Prince to Dresden. It was there settled that I should go 
 again to Lisbon in December, in order to conclude the treaty 
 of marriage and make all the necessary prejiarations for the 
 juiptials. 
 
 I was in London agahi at the end of the Session. Lord 
 Derby's Ministry had made themselves tolerably secure after 
 having thrown overboard Lord Ellenborough, 'the white 
 elephant,' and freed themselves from the compromising ex- 
 travagances of that talented and energetic, but too jiassionate 
 Minister. Lord Malmesbury had returned satisfied from 
 Bal)elsberg, whither he had accompanied the Queen and the 
 Prince Consort on a visit to their newly married daughter. 
 He had succeeded in re-establishing somewdiat better relations 
 with his old patron, Napoleon. However, the Queen's visit to 
 Cherbourg gave rise to fresh excitement and the fear that, in 
 the event of a rupture with France, the maritime power, and 
 especially the coast defences, of England would not afford 
 adequate protection. Prince Albert also had found the Em- 
 peror of the French very reserved and taciturn at Cherbourg. 
 The report of his secret interview with Count Cavour at Plom- 
 bieres was not exactly calculated to put a rose-coloured aspect 
 on the future. 
 
 Parliament was prorogued on August 2. I had, therefore, 
 full time to elaborate in Dresden the instructions I had im- 
 posed upon myself for conducting the negotiations in Lisbon, 
 and which w'ere approved without more ado. It seemed to me 
 not superfluous to seek the support of Prince Albert for the 
 successful execution of my mission. I returned, therefore, 
 to London in the beginning of December, and waited on 
 
 B 2
 
 244 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the Prince. He invited me to spend a night at Windsor, 
 where there was time and opportmiity to talk over the 
 necessary steps. 
 
 On December 9, 1 embarked at Southampton together with 
 Herr von Zobel, the Councillor of Legation who had been 
 attached to me, and arrived three days afterwards in Lisbon. 
 The negotiations themselves presented no difficulty, and were 
 only delayed by the critical position in which the Portuguese 
 Government was then situated.
 
 245 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PRINCE METTERNICH.' 
 
 Prince Metternich in Dresden — My Interviews with the Chancellor — His Visit 
 to the Marcolini Palace — His Account of his long and decisive Audience 
 of Napoleon I. in 1813 — Autobiographical Reminiscences — His Judgment 
 on Napoleon IH. and on English Statesmen — The British Constitution a 
 Game of Whist ä Trois — The Game as played by the Crown — Disraeli- A 
 Letter for Him — Prince Metternich's Memoirs — His Policy — Reasons of his 
 Fall in 1848. 
 
 In October 1858, a few months before his death, Prince 
 Metternich, the Austrian Chancellor, paid a visit of several 
 days at Dresden to his son. Prince Eichard, then accredited 
 a.t the Saxon Court. 
 
 I happened just at that time to be in Saxony, on leave of 
 absence from my diplomatic duties in London. I had been 
 introduced eleven years before to Prince Metternich in Vienna, 
 shortly before his retirement, but in my subordinate position 
 as Secretary to the Legation I had not then made his closer 
 acquaintance. The old gentleman remembered most kmdly 
 our former meeting, on my greeting him now in the drawing- 
 room of his daughter-in-law in Dresden. 
 
 ' The following chapter had been taken out from the original manuscript of 
 these Memoirs, and published as an introduction to a previous book by the same 
 author : Berlin und Wien in den Jahren 1845-52 ; Politische Privatbriefe des 
 damaligen K. Sachs. Legations -Secretärs C. F. Vitzthum vcmEckstädt. Second 
 edition. Stuttgart, 1886. It is reinserted here in its right place in chronolo- 
 gical order. A Prussian critic, very hostile to Austria, says : ' This is a picture 
 of perfect truth . . . and one of the finest pieces of modern historical litera- 
 ture.' See Preussische Jahrbücher, November 1886, p. 489. — Ed.
 
 246 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Prince Metternich that day had just been to the Marco- 
 hni Palace, where forty-five years before he had had that 
 memorable mterview with the Emperor Napoleon which 
 decided Austria's accession to the Paisso-Prussian alliance 
 and, as a further consequence, the fate of Europe. This 
 palace, built in the suburbs of Dresden 1)y the favourite of 
 Frederick Augustus I., had served as the French Emperor's 
 head quarters in 1813, and was still standing, though in 
 course of time it had been converted into a hospital. The 
 room in which the interview had taken place was almost 
 unaltered, and the large fine apartment was now used by the 
 doctors as a consultation chamber. 
 
 Prince Metternich found the place, therefore, after forty- 
 five years, almost the same as if he had left it the day before. 
 This circumstance may have helped not a little to refresh, 
 as it did in a most remarkable manner, his extraordinary 
 memory. The interview is now well known, as Prince Metter- 
 nich's report of it to the Emperor Francis, dated June 26, 
 1813, has since been published.' In 1858 the only existing 
 account of it was the one given by M. Thiers, whose ' Histoire 
 du Consulat et de I'Empire ' has lost to some extent, in the 
 fifteenth and sixteenth volumes, thanks to the information 
 given by Prmce Metternich, that romantic colouring which 
 Guizot used to ridicule by declaring, ' Je n'ai pas le temps de 
 lire des romans.' But the liveliness with which the ultra- 
 octogenarian statesman repeated in the drawing-room of the 
 Princess Pauline the main incidents of that nine hours' in- 
 terview, the accuracy with which he reproduced the ij)sissima 
 verba of the French monarch, and the tone in which he 
 emphasised his own replies — nothing of all this can be realised 
 
 ' See Metternich's posthumous papers, vol. ii. pp. 461-62. Vienna, 
 1880.
 
 METTEIJNICH'S AUDIENCE OF NAPOLEUX I. 247 
 
 either from Metternich's own report,' or from the narrative of 
 Thiers. The whole episode was represented as graphically as 
 a phi}^ of Shakespeare at one of Tieck's recitations. All the 
 chief incidents had so impressed themselves, down to the 
 smallest details, upon the mind of the narrator, that liis 
 hearers seemed to see Napoleon himself standing before them, 
 and to be present at the whole scene. Nothing was forgotten, 
 not even the moment when the wrathful Emperor threw his 
 since historical hat upon the floor, to see whether Prince 
 Metternich was mmded to pick it up. ' I let the hat lie 
 where it was,' said the Prince when relating the incident ; 
 *but the glove, which he flung down as a moral challenge to 
 my Emperor, I picked up ; he knew me too well to deceive 
 himself on that point.' 
 
 The Prince narrated, with an indescribable smile and 
 visible delight, two of his most telling answers. Wlien the 
 Imperial actor remarked that sentimentalities produced no 
 impression, the rommcdiante — to borrow Pius VII.'s expres- 
 sion — changed into the traffediante, and he exclaimed, ' Eh 
 bien, puisque vous voulez la guerre, vous I'aurez ! Je ferai 
 la guerre, une guerre d' extermination ! ' Prince Metternich 
 replied calmly, ' Permettez-moi, Sire, d'ouvrir les portes et 
 les fenetres, afin que tout le monde vous entende : vous 
 jugerez vous-meme de I'effet que vos paroles produiront 
 sur vos marechaux.' And when the Emperor thereupon re- 
 proached his marshals and the French peoj^le generally for 
 their ingratitude, and exclaimed, ' J'ai toujours menage le 
 sang fran9ais, et quand il fallait sacrifier des hommes, c'etaient 
 les Polonais et les Allemands que j 'employ ais,' the Prince 
 bowed and said coldly, ' Je vous remercie pour les Allemands, 
 Sire ! ' 
 
 ' Metternich's posthumous papers, vol. i. pp. 150-57.
 
 248 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The Prince repeated with especial satisfaction his parting 
 words on this occasion. On his passage through the ante- 
 chamber after the interview was ended, the marshals and 
 generals there assembled thronged round him, each of them 
 anxious to know whether the result of this long audience was 
 to be war or peace. The Austrian Minister remained mute, 
 and his impassive stony face made even the most curious 
 keep silence. Berthier, Prince of Neufchätel and Marshal of 
 the Palace, then the Emperor's bosom friend, and, perhaps, 
 the only man who had any influence over him, accompanied 
 the Prince to his carriage and entreated him to tell him 
 honestly, as they were alone, how he had found the Emperor. 
 ' I did not speak a word,' said the Prince to us, ' till I had 
 taken my seat in the carriage, and the carriage door was shut. 
 1 then said four words to Berthier, which were prophetic, " C'est 
 un homme perdu ! " ' The air of triumph with which Metter- 
 nich repeated this answer is not to be described. 
 
 While the young people were assembled in the next room 
 round the piano, where the Princess Pauline, accompanied by 
 her husband, was singing her cJiansoiis in her well-known 
 charming manner, I had a tete-ä-tete with the Chancellor, 
 which revealed to me more of his character and personality 
 than all I had ever heard or read about him. He narrated 
 to me the history of his life in a manner which impressed the 
 stamp of truth on every word he uttered. 
 
 ' I was compelled,' he said, ' against my will to busy myself 
 with politics. My inclinations and, perhaps, my talents dis- 
 posed me to study nature, but circumstances did not allow 
 me to devote myself to my favourite science. Already in 
 1793 my father, who was then entrusted with the administra- 
 tion of our provinces in the Netherlands, sent me to London ; 
 I had to negotiate there with Pitt about the first Subsidy
 
 HIS PERSONAL REMINISCENCES. 249 
 
 treaty. As I married shortly afterwards, I would much 
 rather have remained on my father's estates in Bohemia. 
 But he found me too younj^, and thought it necessary to 
 recommend me to follow, at least for some years, a diplomatic 
 career. The choice was given me between three embassies. 
 I chose that at Dresden, being the nearest to our Bohemian 
 estates. Two years afterwards, circumstances again obliged 
 me to go to Berlin, where a more active man was wanted. I 
 failed to induce Prussia to take part in the war which, in con- 
 cert with Russia, we declared in 1805 against Napoleon, The 
 disastrous result of that A\ar disgusted me with politics more 
 than evei-. 1 was told that it was intended to send me to St. 
 Petersburg. 1 had almost made up my mind not to go and 
 get frozen in there, but to decline the post and quit the di- 
 plomatic service. With this intention, I went to the Emperor 
 Francis, who had summoned me to Vienna. The Emperor 
 received me very kindly, and asked me whether I knew what 
 was required of me. " They want to send me to St. Peters- 
 burg," I replied, " but " I was going to add, " I beg 
 
 your Majest}^ graciously to excuse me, for the climate does not 
 suit either me or ray wife," when the Emperor interrupted me 
 and remarked with a smile, " St, Petersburg indeed ! No, you 
 must go to Paris as ambassador, and as quickly as possible ! 
 The Emperor Napoleon has asked for you ! " 
 
 ' This was certainly a most unexpected change. It is 
 " curieux " (a favourite word of his), I have known a good 
 deal in my life, but why the Emperor Napoleon should have 
 asked for me just then, is a riddle to me still.' 
 
 I could have solved this riddle for the Prince, but I pre- 
 ferred not to interrupt him. The thing was very plain ; 
 Metternich had had as his colleague in Dresden the Marquis de 
 Moustier, father of the late Foreign Minister of Napoleon III.
 
 250 ST. PETERSBUKG AND LONDON. 
 
 Moustier had been one of Metternich's intimate friends, and 
 happened to have been removed to Berhn at the same time as 
 Prince, then Count, Metternich. The ties formed between the 
 two ambassadors had not been severed by the war. After 
 peace was conchided, Napoleon asked Moustier whether he 
 could name an Austrian diplomatist who was discreet, un- 
 prejudiced, and not a Francophobist. ' Ask for Metternich,' 
 was Moustier's reply ; ' I have never had a more amiable col- 
 league either in Dresden or Berlin. In spite of the war, we 
 remained the best of friends, and saw each other daily.' 
 
 ' Accordingly I went,' continued Prince Metternich in his 
 autobiography, ' in my thh'ty- second year as ambassador to 
 Paris. It was our most important post, and it is as if Pro- 
 vidence had appointed me to it, to give me an opportunity 
 of studying the man whom it was afterwards my mission 
 to overthrow. Napoleon had great qualities. He personified 
 the Revolution which he had professedly subdued. His in- 
 tellect could not dazzle me, he was no statesman. I studied 
 him and him alone, and soon discovered the petty weaknesses 
 and pitiful defects of the man. Why he took to me, I do not 
 know. He was fond of talking with me in private, and often 
 told me things which he kept secret from others ; indeed, even 
 in his moments of passion he remained friendly to me. Thus 
 in the year 1809, before he ordered the police to conduct me 
 across the frontier, he had had the well-known scene with 
 me in the " Cercle" in the presence of the whole Court. Im- 
 mediately after it, he sent Champagny, the Foreign Minister, 
 to me, to let me know that the Emperor had only talked to 
 the gallery, I was not to take it as addressed to myself. 
 "Monsieur," I replied to the astonished Champagny, " dites ä 
 votre Empereur que je ne I'ai jamais pris au serieux." 
 
 ' It was not, however, until during the longer visit which I
 
 WITH NAPOLEON I. xVT COMPJ^IGNE. 251 
 
 l)aid to Paris, when Minister of Foreign Affairs, after Napo- 
 leon's marriage in 1810 with the Archduchess Maria Louisa, 
 that I had an opportunity of gaining a thorough knowledge of 
 the man. He loaded me with courtesies, frequently spoke to 
 me of the happiness of his new marriage, and begged me to 
 call on the Empress whenever I pleased ; he had given the 
 necessary orders to receive me. 
 
 ' A few days l)efore leaving Paris to show the Empress the 
 newly acquired provinces in the Netherlands, he invited me to 
 accompany him on the journey. I declined the invitation, 
 and told him quite frankly that the cession of those provinces 
 was still too recent an occurrence to allow me to be seen there 
 in his company. He begged me then to go with him at least 
 as far as Compiegne. We arrived there in the evening, and 
 after dinner sat for some time at the tea table. The Empress 
 was fatigued, and retired shortly after ten o'clock. I was 
 anxious to do the same, when Napoleon exclaimed, " Metter- 
 nich, etes-vous aussi un de ces sept-coucheurs ? Eestez done 
 encore un pen, et causons." He then began to pace up and 
 down more suo in the long gallery at Compiegne, and told me 
 ah ovo the whole history of his life. You w^ill never guess 
 what his real object was. He was anxious to prove to me, 
 with all the exuberance of his rhetoric, that the Bonapartes 
 had always been more distinguished and respected in the 
 island of Corsica than the Pozzo di Borgos. W^iy this con- 
 queror of the world should have been at the pams to convince 
 me of this, I have never yet understood. But what I did per- 
 fectly understand were the weaknesses which this provincial 
 parvenu, then revealed. The mask that he wore before the 
 world, dropped down, and I studied, without his susj^ecting it, 
 all the pettinesses of his character. I seriously believe that 
 nobody knew him better than I did ; and this knowledge stood
 
 252 ST. PETERSBUKG AND LONDON. 
 
 me in good stead, as you may suppose, when it came to over- 
 throwing him from his pedestaL In the course of that night 
 — for it was daybreak before our conversation ended — I had 
 learned more from his own hps than I did during the years I 
 had been watching him. And in that other interview in the 
 MarcoHni Palace, which lasted even longer, my best answers 
 were those which were suggested to me by the recollection of 
 that night at Compiegne.' 
 
 Another evening, when I happened to be alone with the 
 Prince, our conversation turned on Napoleon III. The atten- 
 tions shown by the latter to Prince Eichard, when attache to 
 the Austrian Embassy in Paris, appeared to have biassed the 
 judgment of the veteran statesman. At any rate, it was a 
 more favourable one than I expected. Personally, to my 
 knowledge, he was not acquainted with the Emperor. ' He 
 is a power,' remarked Prince Metternich, ' that must be taken 
 into account. But he forgets that a man cannot be Emperor 
 Ijar la grace de Dieu and par la volonte nationale at one and the 
 same time. That is a contradictio in adjecto. He must take 
 his choice— to grasp the reins of government either as the 
 heir of Napoleon I. or as the elected candidate of universal 
 suffrage. This contradiction will cause his downfall. I shall 
 not live to see it, but remember my words. This Bonaparte 
 has built nothing that will last.' 
 
 A few weeks later I heard the same prophecy at Bucking- 
 ham Palace fi-om the lips of Prince Albert, and it struck me 
 as remarkable that the two political antipodes, the Conserva- 
 tive Prince Metternich and the Liberal Prince Albert, should 
 agree almost to the letter in their estimate of Napoleon HI. 
 ' He is no philosopher,' said Prince Albert, ' or he would have 
 understood that no sovereign can owe his crown at once to 
 hereditär V succession and universal suffrage. This contra-
 
 METTERNICH ON ENGLAND. 253 
 
 <liction is bound to be the ruin, I don't say of himself per- 
 sonally — perhaps he is destined to die an Emperor in his bed 
 — but of his system, his dynasty. He has ])uilt nothing 
 lasting ; he is only a meteor — no fixed star.' 
 
 To revert, however, to Prince Metternich. He talked to 
 me also that evening a great deal about England, and the 
 different generations of English statesmen with whom he had 
 had to deal since 1793. 
 
 ' What is called the British Constitution,' he said, ' is like 
 a whist party ä trois. The dummy is public opinion. The 
 House of Commons has now for many years been holding 
 this dummj^ The Crown and the House of Lords have, 
 therefore, been obliged to play against it — a game which has 
 always its difficulties. I at least have invariably preferred to 
 play with the dummy. So, also, I have always liked better to 
 have to do with the Radicals than with the Liberals. The 
 former know what they want ; the latter do not, and, there- 
 fore, go on making one mistake after another. The House of 
 Lords has lost many a trick. I must admit, however, that 
 the Crown's hand has not been played so well for a long time 
 as it has been of late years.' 
 
 When, shortly afterwards, I was sitting next the Queen at 
 the royal dinner table, I did not forget to amuse her Majesty 
 with these remarks of Metternich's. 
 
 Altogether, the Prince observed a noteworthy decline in 
 the statesmanship, and especially in the energy, of England, 
 and declared that the English ministers of his youth had been 
 far more able and influential than those of our time. This 
 gave me an opportunity of reminding him that there was one 
 among those living at present who always spoke with genuine 
 veneration of Prince Metternich, and liked to subscribe himself 
 his ' faithful scholar ' — Benjamin Disraeli. The Prince nodded
 
 254 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON". 
 
 approvingly, and remarked that he shared my view, and 
 considered him the foremost among the present leaders of the 
 British nation. 
 
 The Earl of Beaconsfield, as everybody knows, did not 
 belie this estimate. 
 
 On my taking leave of him that evening, Prince Metter- 
 nich told me he would give me a letter — a hillet de matin, as 
 he expressed it — for Disraeli. I received this letter the next 
 morning, but as my return to London was delayed, I en- 
 trusted it a few days afterwards to one of my colleagues who 
 was passing through Dresden on his way back to England. 
 
 Long after the Prince's death, I received in 1866 an invi- 
 tation from Disraeli to Hughenden Manor. After lunch the 
 rain prevented us from taking a walk or drive, and my amiable 
 host took me to an old writing table containing a mass of 
 autographs which he had thought worth preserving. ' I 
 happen to have here,' he said, ' Prince Metternich's last 
 letter which you brought to me from him.' We rummaged 
 about the papers, which, he said, he must leave his heirs to 
 arrange, having no time to sort them himself, and found, 
 among others, some autograph letters of King Leopold and 
 Prince Albert. The last letter he had received from the 
 Prmce referred to the American cable, a project on behalf of 
 which he w^as most anxious to interest the leader of the Oppo- 
 sition. At length I found also Prince Metternich's letter, and 
 as it began by mentioning me, I understood why Disraeli 
 took me for the bearer. This letter, omitting the first por- 
 tion, has been published in Metternich's ' Memoirs,' ' pro- 
 bably from a copy kept hj the Prince. The foregoing remarks 
 may explain its origin. 
 
 ' Vo]. viii. p. 419.
 
 ins prjvATi: ciiakacti;!;. 255 
 
 More than twenty years after Metternich's last visit to 
 Dresden, which I have described above, the fihal affection of 
 his eldest son caused him to puljlish in a biographical form, 
 from the papers left behind l>y iiis father, the chief incidents 
 of his private life and his active official career. These ' Me- 
 mou's ' do not appear to have met in our stirring time with 
 the attention they deserve. This, however, is not to be 
 wondered at, for, in fact, they could scarcel}^ be expected to 
 contain any new materiah 
 
 By liis associates Prince Metternich was always con- 
 sidered an accomplished and highly bred man of the world. 
 He was known also to be a loyal, prudent, and even genial 
 husband and father. To his three wives, whom he lived to 
 bury, he made life as easy and pleasant as was possible. He 
 considered it, as is known, the greatest misfortune that can 
 hapjDen to a person to be born a woman. His private 
 letters and the diary of the Princess Melanie teach us how 
 hard he tried to make his three wives forget that misfortune. 
 Though sorely afflicted by the loss of several beloved children, 
 he was always the truest friend of those who were left to 
 him, all of whom clung to him with the most smcere devo- 
 tion and venerated his memor}-. 
 
 If my previous estimate of Prince Metternich as a states- 
 man was not materially supplemented by the publication of 
 his papers, the reason is simply that I was acquainted with 
 most of those documents before they were printed. These 
 eight volumes taught me nothmg new, but only confirmed 
 old truths. In judging of Metternich's conduct as a states- 
 man, it is right to bear in mind that the Prince never 
 possessed mider the Emperor Ferdmand, to say nothing of 
 the Emperor Francis, the full powers of a leading Prime 
 Minister ; such powers, for instance, as Pitt. AVelhngton,
 
 256 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Palmerston, and Beaconsfield were called upon to wield in 
 England. 
 
 Born at a stormy period, exposed to the most conflicting 
 influences, called when very young to important posts and 
 responsibilities. Prince Metternich, at the age of thirty-six, 
 had to take the helm of government in a great Empire, then 
 shaken to its very foundations. He did this with courage, 
 energy, and intelligence, and continued thirty-nine years in 
 office, a faithful servant of his master, a conscientious organ 
 of the Emperor's will. Unhappily for him and for Austria, 
 with all his sound and sober common-sense, his energy and 
 his decision, he lacked the swing and stimulus of real creative 
 genius. He had no ear for the requirements of the time, and 
 despised public opinion, frequently even when it deserved 
 attention. All enthusiasm seemed to him dangerous and 
 revolutionary, even that of the German people in the War of 
 Liberation, useful as that enthusiasm was to himself. Never- 
 theless, he knew how to take advantage of the au7'a poimlaris 
 when it furthered his ends. One recollects, for example, his 
 pleasure at the applause that greeted the Emperor Francis on 
 his journey to the Ehine in 1818. To the German people 
 Metternich was a stranger, and he never appreciated their 
 aspirations and needs. It never entered his mind to take 
 that factor into his account. And this was the source of 
 those self-deceptions which chiefly explain the barrenness of 
 his policy. 
 
 The map of Europe, as it issued from the Congress of 
 Vienna, was, as everybody knows, a fanciful and arbitrary 
 piece of patchwork, which bore the stamp of a frivolous and 
 unprincipled age. The longings of the German nation for 
 power and unity, which had been awakened by the efforts 
 made in the War of Liberation, remained unsatisfied.
 
 THE CONGRESS OF 181Ö. 257 
 
 Prussia — no ' satiated ' State, to use Metternich's own ex- 
 pression — too strong to be a vassal, ])ut too weak to be a 
 Great Power, was likewise baulked of her expectations, and 
 had some trouble to make the spoiled inhabitants of the 
 Rhine provinces forget how well they had fared under the 
 crosier. The frontiers of the other German States had been 
 traced with arbitrary caprice. Some of them, like Würtera- 
 berg and Baden, were left with the additional territory which 
 they had acquired through Napoleon, but which, being mostly 
 made up through mediatisation, had no historical connection 
 with the dynasty. The King of Saxony not only lost the 
 Duchy of Warsaw, but was also compelled to surrender the 
 larger portion of his hereditary possessions as a compensa- 
 tion to Prussia, since Russia refused to give up the Duchy in 
 question. The principle of the equality of rights of all the 
 German sovereigns, an invention of Metternich's, remained a 
 mere fiction from the first. For the anomalous position he 
 secured by that means to Austria and Prussia, of being 
 represented in the German Diet by only a portion of their 
 territgries, enabled them, as Great European Powers, to re- 
 pudiate at pleasure their obligations as German Powers. 
 The arriere-pensee of the Austrian Cabinet when the German 
 Confederation was formed, was the wish to secure to the 
 Austrian Emperor certain advantages which he had derived 
 from the possession of the Imperial crown of Germany, 
 without saddling him with the responsibilities attached 
 thereto. 
 
 One of the most unhappy results of the Congress of Vienna 
 was the so-called ' Congress-Poland ' it created. The liberal 
 Emperor ^Alexander had coquetted with the Poles, and wished 
 to make them concessions which, while failing to satisfy their 
 national aspirations, made it impossible for the Czar to 
 
 VOL. I. s
 
 258 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 govern the country. The Revolution of 1830 showed how 
 hollow and shortlived was this frivolous scheme. It would 
 have been wiser, perhaps, if the entire independence of 
 Poland was impossible, to leave Galicia and Posen also to 
 Russia, and thus make her responsible for the maintenance of 
 peace in the territory of the former Polish republic. Austria 
 and Prussia, by consenting, not of course without some equi- 
 valent, to make this sacrifice, would have freed themselves 
 from the ' solidarity ' with Russia entailed upon them by the 
 partition of Poland. 
 
 With regard, lastly, to France, it may well be asked, after 
 all that has occurred since 1815, whether Austria would not 
 have consulted her own interests better by yielding to the 
 wishes of Prussia and Germany, and consenting then to the 
 earlier, but at any rate less painful, amputation of Alsace and 
 Lorraine, which took place afterwards in 1871. It was a bold 
 thing, beyond doubt, after the unsuccessful experiment of the 
 first Bourbon restoration, to make a second attempt to re- 
 establish the * monarch}' with Republican institutions,' and 
 the price paid to France for that attempt, namely the ac- 
 quiescence in her old frontiers, was disproportionately high. 
 France, in her volcanic condition, was, as the catastrophes 
 of 1830 and 1848 sufficiently show, far too strong for 
 German interests, and remained after those events what it 
 had been before them, the hotbed of domestic and foreign 
 intrigues. 
 
 These instances may suffice to illustrate the unsolved 
 contradictions and political disadvantages which formed the 
 dregs of the Vienna resolutions. 
 
 The balance of power in Europe, which was supposed to 
 have been restored in 1815, was a fiction, and the alliance of 
 the Five Powers, which Metternich fancied he had sealed at
 
 AlETTERNICIl'S PALLIATIVES. 259 
 
 Aix-la-ChapclIe for ever, soon proved an idle phantom.' And 
 to this fiction and this phantom Austria had now to sacrifice 
 all her strength for three-and-thirty years, because Prince 
 Metternich regarded the fiction as the embodiment of absolute 
 right, and the phantom as the only means of making that 
 right prevail. 
 
 Metternich's diagnosis of the social maladies of old Europe 
 "was perfectly correct. When the outbreak of the evil, how- 
 ever, is made to date from 1789, it may well be objected that 
 its origin was far more remote ; and, to say nothing of the 
 Servile insurrections in^ the Eoman Empire, reference may 
 fairly be made to the Peasant War indirectly kindled by the 
 Keformation in Germany, to the Revolution in England with 
 its communistic features, to the victorious rebellion of the 
 Gueux in the Netherlands, and to other causes. The fact is, 
 that this social malady, like gout, becomes periodically acute 
 at different pomts, but may fairly be described as chronic. 
 Still it is not enough to admit the existence of a disease, and 
 the palliatives pro^DOsed by Metternich served only in the main 
 to increase the evil and intensify the paroxj'sms of fever. 
 Protocols of conferences and acts of congress wiU never con- 
 quer a revolution ; no custom-house officers or censors of the 
 press will ever shut out ideas which are stirring the world. 
 States are living organisms, not dead bodies, to be experimented 
 upon. Not in war only, but also in peace. Napoleon's gros hatail- 
 lo7is decide the day. The first requisite of a sound policy 
 is, therefore, real power. A politician, who deceives himself 
 
 ' This alliance, as is well known, had been dissolved already in 1814 ; 
 Austria, England, and France, offensively and defensively united, were then 
 about to declare war against Russia and Prussia, when Napoleon's return com- 
 pelled them to forget their quarrels and renew their alliance. After Napoleon's 
 overthrow, that alliance ceased to have any positive object, and, strictly speak- 
 ing, continued to exist only on paper. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON, 
 
 about the real power of the State he represents, may be ever 
 so dexterous a juggler, ever so clever a conjuror, he will always 
 come off second-best in his dealings with more powerful States, 
 however superior he may be to their leaders. 
 
 Prince Metternich had never been fully conscious of the 
 relative weakness of Austria, or, with his intellectual supe- 
 riority over most if not all of the princes and ministers of his 
 time, he would certainly have made at least an effort to secure 
 for Austria those foundations of real power in which she was 
 wanting. For geographical position alone, the mere number 
 of souls and square miles in a country can never suffice to 
 give to a conglomerated State, especially when it is artificially 
 composed of various nationalities, differing in degrees of cul- 
 ture and without any common history, language, or manners, 
 that weight and power peculiar to empires which represent 
 one and the same nation. 
 
 It is obvious that in 1815 there was one means, and only 
 one, of giving to the Hapsburg-Lotharingian monarchy that 
 position of power which could make Metternich's Conservative 
 principle an absolute truth. This was the reacceptance of 
 the Imperial crown of Germany, and, as an object of policy, 
 the ousting of Prussia from her position as a Great Power, 
 and the mediatising of all the German princes. None but the 
 head of the German nation could ever succeed in not only 
 curbing and checking the complex Austrian State, with all its 
 various nationalities, but also of dictating peace to Europe, 
 
 Such a task, however, corresponded neither with the 
 character of the Emperor Francis nor with the ideas of his 
 Minister. Both lived under the delusion, that real power could 
 be supplied by a substitute, and such a substitute the German 
 Confederation was from its commencement. What availed it 
 that Metternich was the intellectual superior of the Prussian
 
 WEAKNESS OF HIS POLICY. 261 
 
 ministers Hardenberg, Wittgenstein, Bernstorff, Ancillon, and 
 others, whatever their names, and that he intimidated 
 Frederick WilHam III., who was in need of peace? What 
 availed it that he endeavoured to galvanise the cumbrous 
 machinery of the impotent Congress of Ambassadors in 
 Frankfort by Ministerial conferences in Carlsbad and Vienna, 
 or that he exerted a pressure over the rebellious Ministers of 
 Bavaria and Würtemberg ? This restless activity, this anxious 
 patronage, was of no value to Austria, when, after the death 
 of Alexander 1, and the suicide of Lord Londonderry, England 
 and Russia renounced the pseudo-Pentarchy, and signed a 
 protocol (April 4, 1826) behind Metternich's back, which, in 
 spite of all the eloquence wasted at Troppau, Laibach, and 
 Verona, shook the foundations of Austria's policy and sealed 
 the fate of European Türke j- in a manner which a powerful 
 Austria would never have endured. And what availed, more- 
 over, all those diplomatic arts of persuasion, all those neatly 
 worded and concordant resolutions, when the July storm burst 
 out in Paris and in a few hours shattered to pieces the 
 carefully re-established throne of the legitimate dynastv ? 
 
 In politics the greatest evil is not guilt, as Schiller says, 
 but weakness. At times the Austrian Chancellor called to 
 mind this truth, as is shown by his reports to the Emperor. 
 Let anyone read, for example, his report of 1817, in which the 
 German Bund is described as the best combination ima^-in- 
 able for the internal welfare of Austria ; or that of 1829, in 
 which, after misfortune had occurred, after victorious Piussia, 
 regardless of Austrian interests, had dictated peace, not to say 
 her death sentence, to Turkey at Adrianople, the Emperor 
 Francis is warned that it might, perhaps, be opportune to 
 consider how to put an end to the financial chaos of the 
 Empire, and restore the army, weakened by continual reduc-
 
 262 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 tions, to a footing which should command respect. ' Placet,' 
 ran the resolution of the Emperor. But there the matter 
 rested, and no sign was seen in France or Eussia, in England 
 or Germany, of Austria's having acquired a commanding 
 position among the Powers. 
 
 Standing still means going back, with individuals and with 
 States. A State which thinks only of keeping what it has 
 got, must necessarily go back directly it has to do with 
 neighbours who look chiefly not to keeping but to getting, and 
 are ahvays bent on enlarging their territory, and strengthen- 
 ing their sphere of power. 
 
 Thoughtful admirers of Prince Metternich have often asked 
 why the restless, self-sacrificing activity of this man, so far 
 superior to the majority of his contemporaries, and so rich in 
 experience, should have produced no permanent result — why 
 the personal influence over the Cabinets of Europe, which he 
 undeniably possessed in 1815-1825, was not turned to better 
 account in the interests of Austria ? It has been attempted 
 to answer these questions by objecting that the verdict of his- 
 tory must stOl be waited for. For the cause is not yet quite 
 ripe for judgment. Circumstances of an aggravating, but also 
 of an extenuating nature, will be yielded by the study of State 
 papers. Among the extenuating circumstances must be cited 
 in particular the fact that everyone is the child of his time, and 
 the slave of its dominant opinions. The patriarchal theory 
 of princely power was universal, and the national desires and 
 aspirations now current were regarded then in Germany as 
 dangerous innovations, and ominous signs of revolution. The 
 recognition of the full sovereignty of the smaller German 
 princes seemed, therefore, in 1813, to Prince Metternich a 
 not excessive price for their joining the alliance against Napo- 
 leon. The more logical view, perhaps, was that taken at
 
 RESULTS OF HIS POIJCY. 2(53 
 
 Kalisch, in the Piussian and Prussian head quarters, under 
 Stein's inspiration, which contemplated treating all the terri- 
 tories of the Pihenish Confederation as a conquered country, 
 and mediatising its princes. After the Austrian Cabinet had 
 tied its hands in regard to Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, it was 
 of course indispensable to treat all the princes who had escaped 
 the Napoleonic deluge as entitled to equal rights, for they 
 flattered themselves in Vienna that they would then be able 
 to subject Prussia also to the dictation of the Diet. 
 
 Events are stronger than men. The cannon of Solferino, 
 Sadowa, and Sedan tore to pieces the web spun by the Metter- 
 nich school. And as the Nuremberg aldermen were always 
 wiser when they left the town council, so it is easier in 1885 
 to point out what should have been done in 1815 to secure the 
 permanent peace of the world ; easier, at any rate, than it 
 was to foresee in 1815 what ought to be done if the Haps- 
 burgs were unwilling to yield to the Hohenzollerns the hege- 
 mony of Germany ; to the Piedmontese the whole of Italy 
 with its capital, Piome ; and to the German nation, united 
 under Prussia's leadership, the honour of vanquishing the 
 nephew of Napoleon I. without the assistance of Austria. 
 
 The life of States revolves, like our planet, around two 
 poles — the positive and the negative. The positive is called 
 the ' struggle for existence,' the negative the ' sweet habit of 
 life.' In Germany, Prussia has represented the former, and 
 Austria the latter. The Imperial crowTi of Germany, which 
 the Emperor Francis, preferring the sweet habit of Ufe to the 
 struggle for existence, disdained in 1815, King William has 
 conquered in two bloody campaigns, and placed it on his head 
 in the palace of Louis XIV. at the unanimous invitation of 
 the German princes, and amidst the acclamation of the Ger- 
 man nation.
 
 264 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Such, as matters now stand, are the results of a j)eace 
 poKcy of thirty-three years, which, being destitute at the 
 centre of any real power and creative energy, let loose centri- 
 fugal forces, encouraged foreign enemies, and for the time 
 imperilled the very existence of the Austrian Empire. 
 
 Facta loquuntur. ' The rest,' as Hamlet says, ' is silence.'
 
 •265 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. — 1858. 
 
 London, Jan. IS: Conversation with Disraeli on the critical Position of the 
 Ministry.— London, P'eb. 14 : State of Tension with France in consequence 
 of Orsini's Attempt on Napoleon.— London, Feb. 21 : Defeat of Lord Palmer- 
 ston's Ministry on the Conspiracy Bill —Lord Derby undertakes the Govern- 
 ment. — London, Feb. 28 : Retrospect of the Debate on the Conspiracy Bill - 
 Secret History of Palmerston's Downfall.— London, June 27 : Paris Con- 
 ferences on the Danubian Principalities — Strained Relations between France 
 and Austria.— London, July 24 : Annual Show of the Koyal Agricultural 
 Society at Chester. — London, Buckingham Palace, August 9 : Letter of 
 Prince Albert to Count Vitzthum — Private Character of the Queen's Visit 
 to Babelsberg. — Lisbon, Dec. 29 : The Portuguese Ministers — Critical State 
 of Finances. 
 
 London : Jan. 18, 1858. 
 
 An hour and a half's conversation with Disraeli has enabled 
 me to give you some trustworthy mformation about the m- 
 tentions and expectations of the Conservative party. 
 
 The leader of the Opposition received me with these 
 words : ' During jonr four months' absence the situation has 
 materiall}- changed. So long as I have known you — I may 
 say, indeed, so long as I have occupied myself with pohtics — 
 I can remember no moment when the Ministr}-- for the time 
 being has found itself confronted with such a menacing and 
 complicated state of affairs. All mj gloomy predictions about 
 India,' he continued, ' have not been only verified, but sur- 
 passed by facts. I have only to reproach myself that I did 
 not put the colours on thick enough, but underrated in my 
 speech the danger, and overrated the capacity of the Ministers.
 
 2G6 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 The prodigies of valour performed by our brave troops in 
 the face of such unexampled odds had been squandered to 
 no purpose. Delhi was taken, but the victory was not 
 followed up ; Lucknow was relieved, but was not held. We 
 tried in vain to rouse the Premier from his easy-going optimist 
 intoxication, and galvanise him in some degree into states- 
 manlike activity. We urged in vain the calling out of the 
 militia, and the putting forth of all our strength. From his 
 ignorance of Indian affairs, Lord Palmerston had to trust to 
 men who, like Vernon Smith, were mere machines, and drew 
 their knowledge from the reports of needy writers and short- 
 sighted officials. The first false view led to new blunders, and 
 the blindness of the Cabinet found encouragement and justi- 
 fication in the lying reports of the Ministerial daily press. 
 Never had public opinion been so shamelessly led astray. 
 
 ' Sir Colin Campbell is an able general, and competent for 
 his task. But what can good generalship do without troops ? 
 To win back Oudh, which was so thoughtlessly annexed, he 
 requires at least 40,000 men, and he has scarcely 4,000 under 
 his command. With this handful he has been forced to make 
 his escape across the frontier and again abandon Lucknow, 
 the key of our position, to the enemy, after having rescued 
 the sick and women. And all this because Lord Canning, 
 intoxicated by the capture of Delhi, has treated haughtily the 
 feudatory princes of the ex-King of Oudh, who had kept 
 themselves previously neutral, and has thus thrown them 
 into the arms of the rebellion. The whole of Oudh is now in 
 arms. The fatal phrase that we had only a military revolt to 
 deal with, has lost all meaning. We have to deal, in that 
 foolishly annexed province, with a national insurrection. We 
 must put down that insurrection at any cost, and that soon, 
 or the Punjab will rise, and the army of Bombay follow the
 
 DISRAELI OX THE CRISIS IN INDIA. 267 
 
 example of that of Bengal. And what forces have we to do this 
 with ? The Ministerial papers talk of 80,000 British troops. 
 In reality there are only 20,000 under arms, and only 5,000 
 more are on the way. Sir Colin Campbell's private letters of 
 despondency establish beyond all question the losses sus- 
 tained by the Queen's troops through the climate, the strain 
 of the last battle, and the appearance of epidemic diseases. 
 We are experiencing; on an increased scale a second edition of 
 the inconceivable follies and unwarrantable neglect to which 
 we sacrificed our first army in the Crimea. Our Indian 
 Empire is now for the first time in danger. Our army also 
 has disappeared with our rule and our prestige. So menacing 
 has the crisis become, that it is a question whether we could 
 fill up, without resorting to a general conscription, the gaps 
 for which we have to thank the enemy less than illness, and 
 the war less than our impotence. 
 
 * Such is the moment which the Premier chooses to carry 
 out the Whigs' favourite scheme, hatched eighty years ago, 
 of transferring the rule of the East India Company to the 
 Crown — in other words, to the Ministry of the day. It is 
 true, we have not much to praise the Company for, and 
 have often intimated that we should not be sorry to see it 
 done away with. Palmerston, careless as usual, thinks he 
 will be able to accomplish the coiq) without encountermg any 
 opposition m the House of Commons. Nobody could have 
 foreseen that the old fox, who knows better than any other 
 man living all the tricks and dodges of Parliamentary life, 
 would fall into such a trap. After a victorious suppression 
 of the revolt, he could have done anything. In the present 
 state of things he could hardly choose a more inauspicious 
 moment for officially informing the Company of their dissolu- 
 tion. Already public opinion is asserting itself, already the
 
 268 ST. PETERSBUKG AND LONDON. 
 
 Eaclical newspapers in particular are declaring themselves for 
 the maintenance of a Company which, in spite of all its faults, 
 has undoubtedly been useful to the middle classes for years. 
 One thing seems certain, that a transformation so materially 
 affecting our home affairs cannot be entrusted to men who, 
 by their senseless policy of annexation, have caused the mis- 
 chief, and are responsible for the present crisis. Palmerston's 
 personal prestige is gone, and without Palmerston the Cabinet 
 tumbles to pieces of itself. When Parliament opens, the 
 Premier will have no alternative but to retreat or be defeated. 
 If he saves himself l)y a retreat, other dangers await him. 
 The linancial policy of the upright but weak Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, whose only means of meeting the exigencies of 
 the day is by a constant series of loans, has led to a deficit, 
 the amount of which, when once known, will not be learned 
 without the most painful astonishment. New taxes and 
 bm'densome imposts are indispensable if India is to be saved 
 and the deficit made good. 
 
 'Another rock ahead is the Pieform Bill. The country just 
 now is against it, and, in fact, we have no time to busy our- 
 selves with this question. But Lord John Eussell is Ij^ing in 
 wait, and Palmerston may perhaps, from fear of his rival, 
 and in the hope of strengthening his vanishing popularity, 
 be tempted into bringing in a Eadical measure against his 
 own better convictions. 
 
 ' You see we are on the eve of a Session which promises to 
 be of greater interest than any for years. 
 
 * The Ministerial papers announce the dissolution of the 
 Conservative party on the ground that Lord Derby and I did 
 not give the customary Parliamentary dinners last December. 
 As if we should ever have arranged dinners of that sort, 
 when Parliament was suddenly called together in the middle
 
 DISRAELI ON THE MINISTRY. 2G9 
 
 of winter, at a time when our people were in Paris, Rome, 
 or Naples, and should have been invited at least six weeks 
 before. 
 
 * As to the hard-won victory on the Bank Charter question, 
 the Ministers need not be too conceited about it. It is true 
 we were defeated, Gladstone and T, l)ut only because Palmer- 
 ston at the last moment proposed a compromise, and never 
 ventured to advocate the inquiry which we resisted. The 
 fact that Gladstone voted with us is of itself significant. 
 We are at all times ready to take back this deserter, but only 
 if he surrenders unconditionally. 
 
 ' Desperate as matters are now in India, I count neverthe- 
 less on a good ending if half measures are finally abjured. 
 There is only one means of preserving our rule in Asia — a 
 dictatorship, which ought to be given to Lord Ellenborough. 
 He appreciates Sir Colin Campbell, and knows how to make 
 use of him. But Lord Palmerston dare not use this means ; 
 to do so he requires a stronger Government. 
 
 ' Keep all this to yourself. In six weeks you will discover 
 that I am not a bad prophet. Even before that time you will 
 see the split which is now prevailing in the Whig camp. 
 The death of the Duke of Devonshii'e is a hard blow for that 
 party. 
 
 ' Dangers also are threatening the Ministry on the field of 
 foreign policy, dangers which Lord Palmerston's thoughtless- 
 ness plainly underrates. Brunnow's reaj^pearance is natu- 
 rally most distasteful to the present Cabinet. It has been no 
 secret to us, that Clarendon and Cowley have moved heaven 
 and earth to prevent this appointment and keep Chreptowitch 
 here. Still more serious is the last attempt on the Emperor 
 Napoleon, for this will lead to demands respecting the refugees 
 who are Uving here, and will breed endless difficulties.'
 
 270 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 A small ball given by the Queen afforded me an oppor- 
 tunity of verifying in some measure these remarks of Disraeli 
 in conversations which I had \Yith Lord Derljy and Lord Hard- 
 wicke. Both of them fully recognised the gravity of the situa- 
 tion, though they did not appear to share the impatient pessi- 
 mism of their colleague. Lord Derby thought there was no 
 want of rocks on which Lord Palmerston's skiff might founder, 
 but the moment had not yet come to foretell when and how 
 that shipwreck would occur. 
 
 To judge from hearsay, thus much seems certain, that the 
 East India Company is now moribund, and both parties 
 will shortly be quarrelling over the inheritance. If India is 
 placed under Crown rule, the patronage of the Company will 
 fall to the Ministry of the day, who will acquire thereby a 
 political lever of incalculable power. Possibly Lord Palmer- 
 ston overrates the importance of the capture of Delhi, and has 
 been far too much in a hurry to get possession of this precious 
 legacy by a coup de main. 
 
 Wliether Disraeli believes that affairs in India are as bad 
 as he says, I might doubt. It is certain that they are not so 
 good as the Ministers, through their servile press, would have 
 the public think. The truth in this, as in so many cases, 
 probably lies halfway between the two extremes. 
 
 Postscript. — Kielmansegge has succeeded in obtaining the 
 surrender of the Hanoverian Crown jewels. Palmerston con- 
 soled himself with the remark that they could be replaced by 
 paste, for nobody would suspect the Queen of England of 
 wearing sham jewels. Lord Derby, on hearing this, ex- 
 claimed, ' That is just like our present Ministers ; all show, 
 and nothing genuine.' 
 
 London : Feb. 14, 1858. 
 
 Persigny left yesterday for Paris. His ostensible object
 
 THE OlfSINI DESPATCHES. 271 
 
 is to express his thanks for his appointment to the Council 
 of Regency. Many people believe he will bring back his 
 letters of recall. It cannot be denied that he has made his 
 position here very difficult, and would have done well, remem- 
 bering his past, to take for his rule of conduct Talleyrand's 
 maxim, ' Surtout n'ayez pas de zele.' The main question is 
 whether the debates in the House of Commons on the Orsini 
 attempt have not done more harm than good to France. The 
 practically meagre dribblet of satisfaction which was to have 
 been obtained by the Conspiracy Bill, has at any rate been 
 dearly purchased. In unprejudiced quarters the exculpatory 
 despatch of the 6th is considered somewhat too strongly 
 coloured. Disraeli's criticism of the first French despatch, 
 of January 20, has probably not helped to strengthen 
 Walewski's evidently waning influence. Both despatches, 
 each m its way, are unfortunate. Both of them betray a 
 want of self-confidence, and far too much anxiety about a 
 rupture with England. Such, at least, is the verdict here. 
 
 The only really pleasing and practicaUj^ important result 
 hitherto is the ' Pater, peccavi,' which the Premier has had the 
 courage to make publicly in ParHament. 
 
 London : Feb. 21, 1858. 
 
 Though it is too soon just at present to review the causes 
 and effects of the Mmisterial crisis of the day before yester- 
 day, some observations force themselves forward on the scene 
 itself, which will serve to complete the account of the situation 
 in England. 
 
 That the dictatorship acquired by Lord Palmerston at the 
 last election was approaching its end, was to be foreseen, and 
 my despatches will have prepared you for it. But nobody 
 could guess that the end would be so sudden and so lament-
 
 272 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 able. Both the Ministers and the Opposition have been sur- 
 prised by the result of the division on the 19th. In proof of 
 this, I could quote the language of the Ministerial papers, and 
 the statement made by Lord Clarendon on the 18th. Lady 
 Palmerston's departure for the country on the previous day 
 shows further that she had no misgivings. But the most re- 
 markable proof is the conduct of the Ministerial whip, Mr. 
 Hayter. He counted for certain on a majority of eighty for 
 the second readmg of the Conspiracy Bill, and let several 
 Liberal members leave the House without pairing. 
 
 The careless spirit in which the Premier moved the second 
 reading, displeased the Commons as much as his offhand 
 excuses for not having answered Walewski's despatch offended 
 them. His friends had expected from him more earnestness, 
 and his opponents more discretion. Milner Gibson's dispas- 
 sionate speech evoked on that account all the more applause. 
 Those cheers may have first suggested to the Opposition that 
 the moment had come to offer checkmate to the Prime 
 Minister, who after his victorj' on the India Bill had deemed 
 himself secure. Lord Derby surveyed the commencement of 
 the fight from the gallery with the glance of a general, and 
 left the House after Gibson's speech with the remark, ' This 
 looks rather serious.' Sir George Grey's tardy promise that 
 the French despatch would be answered after the second 
 reading of the Bill, only confirmed his opponents in the 
 opinion how right they had been in censuring the Govern- 
 ment for not having answered it before. The Lord Advocate 
 upset still further the temper of the House and the hopes of 
 the Government. The House had no ear for learned legal 
 disquisitions, and longed for the spiced food which Sir Robert 
 Peel hastened to offer them in a vigorous philippic against 
 his former chief and patron. The undeserved impression pro-
 
 DEBATE ON THE CONSPIRACY JJILL. 273 
 
 duced by this really unimportant speech, will have shown 
 Lord Palmcrston very clearly that his hour of doom has 
 struck. Happily for the reputation of the House, but un- 
 happily for the Ministry, the debate assumed once more, wäth 
 Gladstone's eloquence, a statesmanlike character. The fore- 
 most speaker of the House showed himself worthy of his re- 
 putation. His elegance of diction was perfect, much as there 
 was to lament in the too Radical tone of his often fine-spun 
 argumentation. His thundering periods were received with 
 thundering echoes of applause. The monotonous reply of the 
 Attorney-General was only calculated to rouse the excitement 
 of the House to the pitch of passion. Add to this, that Lord 
 
 C had the want of tact to show himself in the gallery. 
 
 This was considered, from the unpopularity of that Minister, 
 as a challenge. Nobody, however, expected the debate would 
 close that night, and the Ministers could still secretly hope to 
 be able to effect an adjournment till the Monday. If that could 
 be done, they might possibh% nay probably, be saved. A 
 couple of days would have suflficed to bring the majority round 
 again. This danger was detected by Disraeli. The iron 
 must be struck while hot, he thought, and accordingly he 
 sprang up and offered check to the Government by prefacing his 
 speech with the words, ' I understand that it is the general 
 wish of the House that we should come to a division to-night.' 
 The ' move ' succeeded, thanks to the undeniable skill with 
 which the Tory chief expounded the reasons that induced 
 him to vote against the second reading of a Bill the first 
 reading of which had only been carried by the suj^port of 
 himself and his party. 'What ten days ago,' he said, 'was 
 a question between the Parliament of England and the people 
 and Government of France, has now become a question 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 274 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 between the House and the servants of the Crown. Have 
 they, or have they not, done their duty ? ' 
 
 Lord Palmerston, as I have said, completely lost his temper. 
 Unworthy invectives and reckless vehemence betrayed that he 
 had already given up the game as lost, while he was still 
 holding it in his hands. It was a lamentable exhibition. 
 Like an old comedian, who has forgotten his part, he in vain 
 endeavoured to bid defiance to the scorn of his hearers. 
 
 As regards the question on which the Ministry have suf- 
 fered shipwreck, there is only one opinion — that Lord Clarendon 
 ought not to have left Walewski's despatch unanswered. But 
 the best thing is that he did answer it, and that in very sharp 
 terms. It is true, however, that this was only in a private 
 letter to Persigny, which could not have been laid before Par- 
 liament. 
 
 The serious reflections on the future of England, which these 
 proceedings suggest, do not need to be further enlarged on. 
 No Government is possible if the House of Commons arro- 
 gates the right of finally deciding whether this or that despatch 
 of a foreign Court is to be answered or not. Any Mmister 
 who is not left free to follow his own conviction in such 
 matters of form has no alternative but to resign. This step 
 was unanimously resolved on at the meeting of the Cabinet 
 yesterday, after a short consultation. The vote of confidence 
 which several members of the Liberal party urged should be 
 brought forward to save Palmerston, was to my knowledge not 
 discussed. 
 
 The Queen has not delayed a moment to accept the prof- 
 fered resignation of the Ministry and to send for Lord Derby. 
 Lord Palmerston is said to have advised her Majesty to en- 
 trust the formation of the new Cabinet either to Lord Derby 
 or Lord John Eussell. Either of these, he said, would be able
 
 FALL OF LOUD PALMERSTON. 275 
 
 to form a stronj^- Government with the help of the Peelites. 
 Lord Derhy has received the mandate, and endeavoured to 
 come to an agreement with the Peehtes. The latter had a 
 conference this afternoon with Lord Aberdeen, which seems, 
 however, to have been unsuccessful. A purely Tory Cabinet 
 is, therefore, talked of. The number of lists of the Ministry 
 now current is legion ; in a few days we shall know for certain 
 how it is to be composed. 
 
 Walewski personally will not regret the fall of Lord Pal- 
 merston, and will comfort himself for the sitting of the 19th 
 with the consciousness that his unfortimate despatch of 
 January '20 has brought about, at least indirectly, the over- 
 throw of the English dictator. 
 
 London : Feb. 28, 1858. 
 
 The confessions of the ' Observer,' a newspaper entirely 
 devoted to Lord Palmerston, throw all the clearer side light 
 on the secret history of the remarkable sittmg of the 19th, as 
 they are confirmed by the ' Saturday Ee view,' which is insph'ed 
 by the Peelites. Accordmg to these papers Lord Palmerston 
 has, as several of his intimate friends declared, committed 
 political suicide. 
 
 There had been premonitory signs, as my despatches will 
 have shown, that the defeated Premier was meditating afausse 
 
 sortie, in order to get rid of the Marquis C and some other 
 
 colleagues, and then come back on the stage stronger than ever. 
 Certainly nobody thought that this faiisse sortie would be ef- 
 fected on the night of the 19th. Thus, for instance, Lord Claren- 
 don had left the House of Lords at six o'clock in the evening, 
 after having received the quieting assurance of Mr. Hayter that 
 he was sure of a majority of eighty. The Foreign Secretary first 
 learned the catastrophe the next morning through the news- 
 papers. Nevertheless, it is more than probable that Paimer- 
 
 T 2
 
 276 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ston, on oLserving the growing ill-hiimour of the House, had 
 suddenly resolved to fall on the Conspiracy Bill. In doing so 
 he chose the smaller of two evils. For the motion respecting 
 the Lord Privy Seal stood on the orders of the day for the 
 4th of March, and it seemed at any rate more dignified to 
 retire before the scandalous debate on the appointment of Lord 
 C — - — should have made the resignation of the Ministry un- 
 avoidable. This explains the carelessness of Hayter, of whose 
 conduct one of Palmerston's warmest supporters said that 
 night, ' This looks like treason.' It is unquestionable, as his 
 victorious opponents admit, that it depended on Lord Palmer- 
 ston alone to give another turn to the debate. An adjourn- 
 ment till the following Monday would have secured time to 
 restore discipline in the ranks of the majority. Threatened 
 by a manoeuvre similar to that which last year had brought 
 about his defeat on the China question. Lord Palmerston has 
 tried to repeat the tactics which then succeeded so brilliantly. 
 To dissolve his own Parliament was, of course, impossible. 
 He reckoned on a repetition of what had occurred after Lord 
 Aberdeen's downfall in 1855. He never dreamed that Lord 
 Derby would venture to undertake office without the Peelites. 
 He had just as little fear of Lord John Piussell, and counted 
 with certainty on the crisis bringing him again to the helm. 
 
 But the situation since 1855 has entirely changed. The 
 country was then in the midst of war, and public opinion 
 pointed to Lord Palmerston as the only man who could bring 
 it to an honourable termination. Lord Derby was wise 
 enough, after Lord Palmerston as well as the Peelites had re- 
 fused to co-operate with him, not to venture the attempt he is 
 now making. The Tory chief was then in the same position 
 towards Parliament as his opponent is in to-day. The House 
 of Commons elected under his own leadership cuuld not pro-
 
 FALL OF LORD PALMERSTOX. 277 
 
 perly be dissolved by himself, while now he can unsheathe the 
 sword of dissolution and brandish it over the broken Liberal 
 party. Lord Derby in 1855 reckoned on Palmcrston's neces- 
 sarily wearing himself out in the; full possession of power. On 
 that point the Tory chief has not been mistaken. Lord Pal- 
 merston's name has not yet quite lost its magic ; but his three 
 years' dictatorship has destroyed the illusions of the Radicals 
 and also the confidence on which his popularity reposed. 
 
 Lord Palmcrston's friends are consoling themselves for their 
 defeat. They declare that the Liberals, who voted for Milner 
 Gibson's amendment, had only intended to give a lesson to 
 the Government, and not in any way to overthrow it. On 
 the other hand, they assert that the Conservatives had man- 
 oeuvred against their own interests. It would have been better, 
 they say, for Lord Derby and his followers to have waited for 
 
 the debate on Lord C 's appointment, and hitlicted a 
 
 damaging defeat on the Ministry on that question. The 
 Tories had now inherited the difficulties which would inevit- 
 ably result from the rejection of the unpopular Conspiracy 
 BUI. 
 
 London : June 27, 1858. 
 
 The negotiations in Paris on the future government of the 
 Danubian Principalities, which were stipulated for in the pro- 
 tocol of the Conference as well as transacted outside the Con- 
 ference chamber, lie, as regards their details, beyond the ken 
 of those who are not immediately concerned in them. Still 
 the reports from Vienna and Paris will have left no doul)t that 
 the prospect of a speed}' agreement is becoming daily more 
 remote, and that matters altogether are taking a more serious, 
 not to sa}" a menacing, turn. 
 
 The instinct of the public is shown l)y the dej^ression on 
 the Stock Exchange and the alarming articles of the ' Times.*
 
 278 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 People think, without knowing why, that the inscrutable 
 policy of the silent Emperor of the French has again taken a 
 turn which may have the most serious consequences for the 
 peace of the world. Here at least no doubt exists that the 
 growing discontent in France makes it necessary for Napoleon 
 to divert once more his subjects' eyes abroad, and give occu- 
 pation to the army, which is thirsting for war and glory. The 
 marked coolness, not to say contempt, with which the Turkish 
 plenipotentiaries are treated in Paris, and the daily more 
 defiant language of the French Ministers as soon as Austria 
 attempts to take the Turkish Empire under her protec- 
 tion, are symptoms which fill experienced people with 
 anxiety. They see in them a proof that Napoleon never 
 intended from the first to promote a speedy settlement of 
 the question of the Danubian Principalities, or to prevent 
 complications from arising on the Adriatic coast and in Italy. 
 They fear, on the contrary, that he is using all his efforts to 
 keep open every question which could l)e turned to account as 
 occasion arises in order to prepare his own country, as well as 
 Europe, for a rupture with Austria. 
 
 If Baron Hühner reminds Napoleon of the object for 
 which the sword was drawn in the Crimean War, or represents 
 to him the obligations undertaken in the Peace of Paris as 
 well as in the Treaty of April, which was supposed to have 
 been ratified anew at Osborne, such reminders and repre- 
 sentations will be rejected almost with scorn. ' Ce n'est pas 
 pour la Turquie, c'est contre la Russie que j'ai fait la guerre,' 
 is a remark of Napoleon's which characterises a premedi- 
 tated change of front. It is entirely in keeping with that 
 remark that the ' Moniteur ' reproduces, with a certain satis- 
 faction, utterances of the Sardinian Ministers or other leaders 
 of the Pievolution, which seem to point to an understanding
 
 LülilJ MAL.MKrSJJLUV AND ALtiTltlA. 279 
 
 with France. When the Austrian Ambassador ])egs Walewski 
 to contradict such utterances, he gets no answer beyond an 
 almost contemptuous shrug of the shoulders. Is it to be 
 wondered at, that the impression is being created in Vienna 
 that Napoleon is seeking a quarrel, and only waiting for an 
 opportunity to fling aside the mask of peace ? 
 
 In principle, the present English ]\Iinisters, like their pre- 
 decessors, are entirely on the side of Austria. But they are 
 still too busily occupied with the question of their own exist- 
 ence to reconnect the tln-eads of foreign policy which had 
 been severed l)y the downfall of Palmerston and Clarendon, 
 and to be able to arrange a settled programme for all future 
 contingencies. People in Vienna can, therefore, hardly con- 
 ceal from themselves that the present weak Tory Cabinet wiU 
 rather leave Austria to defend single-handed their common 
 policy, than venture on a rupture with France, During the 
 present diplomatic prelude, Lord Malmesbury restricts him- 
 self to giving a frank though cautious support to Austria, 
 while privately warning her to give way to France. At the 
 same time, the latest family alliance between England and 
 Prussia will l)e useful in recommending emphatically at Ber- 
 lin a co-operation with Austria in all European questions, 
 and it will have a corresponding effect in Vienna. 
 
 In the question immediately before the Conference, the 
 support of Prussia is here reckoned on for certain. This is 
 the case also in Vienna. At least, the Austrian Ambassador 
 in Berlin reports that Prussia will perhaps speak on the side 
 of France, but at all events vote with Austria. 
 
 Under these circumstances, some importance is attached 
 to the King of the Belgians' visit to the English Court. ' You 
 may dei)end upon it,' said to me 3'esterday a well-informed 
 British statesman, 'his Majesty has some irons in the fire.'
 
 280 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Among other things, King Leopold is said to be improving his 
 stay here to preach caution to the Orleanist Princes. The 
 latter seem to be secretly making preparations, in order not 
 to let themselves be taken unawares by any events on the 
 Seine. 
 
 London: July 24, 1858. 
 
 When in 1838 Cobden founded his successful x\nti-Corn- 
 Law League, the Eoyal Agricultural Society was formed 
 almost at the same time for the protection of agriculture and 
 of industries connected with the cultivation of the soil. This 
 Society had not merely a negative and transitory object, but 
 was intended, on the contrary, to promote actively and perma- 
 nently, by means of meetings, exhibitions, distributions of 
 prizes, and so on, the improvement of agriculture. During 
 the twenty years of its existence, it has absorbed and cen- 
 tralised the associations established for similar purposes in 
 various counties, and still partly existing. 
 
 The annual meetings of the Society are always in July, 
 in one or the other county. Fine collections of cattle, pro- 
 ducts, and machinery have been brought together in connec- 
 tion with these yearly meetings, and afford at once a measure 
 of the progress attained, and the means of making trial of 
 inventions and improvements for the common good of all the 
 counties. 
 
 The Eoyal Agricultural Society consists of 5,000 members, 
 representing all classes of society, and has expended during 
 the last twenty years upwards of 150,000Z. in the furtherance 
 of its objects. Independent of any patronage or support from 
 the Government, this private society has become a power, whose 
 existence and popularity testify to the importance which the 
 most ancient of all industries enjoys in free England, in com-
 
 AGRICULTURAL, MEETING AT CIIESTEIL 281 
 
 parison with the perhaps exaggerated development of manu- 
 facturing industry. 
 
 Agriculture during the last forty years or so has become 
 a science, which has been largely assisted by the important 
 discoveries in physics and chemistry. The ' Times ' is right 
 in saying that the notion that nothing is new under the sun 
 is rather dissipated by the astonishing progress which the 
 tilhng of the soil and the breeding of cattle have made m the 
 course of a single generation. This progress in agriculture 
 has in so far a high political importance for the British 
 nation, as it supplies a naturally Conservative counterpoise 
 against the exaggerated and exclusive impetus given to manu- 
 facturing industry, which is acting as a gradual solvent of 
 society and threatening the foundations of Church and State. 
 No excuse, therefore, will be needed if I endeavour to inform 
 you, as well as a layman can do so, of the chief incidents of 
 this year's meetings. 
 
 The rendezvous for this meeting had been fixed at Chester, 
 one of the most ancient towns in England, which boasts of an 
 existence of two thousand years, Roman fortifications, me- 
 diaeval walls, and a fine cathedral. A happier choice could 
 hardly have been made than this, the chief town of a county 
 famous for its milk and che3se. It can be reached, by two 
 rival lines of railway, in about six hours from London, and 
 forms a centre witlim almost an hour's journey of Manchester, 
 Liverpool, and Birmingham. Special trains at moderate fares 
 facilitated the journey, and on the second day of the meet- 
 ing, the 22nd, upwards of twenty or thirty thousand j^eople 
 crowded the improvised city of tents. For the first time since 
 its existence, the Society has found the increased and not 
 inconsiderable expenses of erecting the Exhiljition l)uildings 
 covered by the entrance money taken from the visitors.
 
 282 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 As in Spain each provincial town has its arena for bull 
 fights, so in England each has its racecourse. Situated just 
 in front of the gates, the racecourse at Chester offered an 
 excellent site for the exhibition. The large fenced-in pen- 
 tagon of twenty-five acres was divided into three parts, one 
 of which was devoted to the exhibition of steam machines 
 in motion and the trial of their performances, and the other 
 to the implement yard, as it is called, containing tools and 
 small machinery, while the third served for the cattle show. 
 
 In the implement yard were fifty sheds, protected by felt 
 roofs against the rain, and containing 193 stalls. A cata- 
 logue of 374 pages contained a list of all the exhibits. It 
 sufiiced by itself to show the wealth of this industrial collec- 
 tion, consisting only of implements of tillage, which enables 
 farmers, who flock together hither from all parts of the 
 Empire, to study the latest improvements and simjilifications, 
 and take note of the best firms and the cheapest prices. The 
 lively interest in all of these improvements is shared alike by 
 the peer and the peasant, and even by the fashionable 
 beauties of the London drawing-rooms. It was worth while 
 to notice the untiring patience with which the exhibitors ex- 
 plained to each person, without any loud hawking of their 
 wares, the advantages of their patented inventions, though, of 
 course, this kind attention was not wholly disinterested, for 
 the implement yard serves also as a l)azaar, in which impor- 
 tant purchases are made and considera))le orders are given. 
 
 I shall not be expected to describe the most prominent 
 inventions or pronounce any judgment on their value ; but I 
 may make one remark on what I saw. The comparative 
 cheapness and nice workmanship, not attained on the Con- 
 tinent, which is shown by the English-made implements, are 
 due mainly to the preponderating and skilful use of iron. So
 
 AGRICULTURAL MEETIXÜ AT CHESTER. 283 
 
 long as we in Germany render the cheap employment of this 
 all-serviceahle metal impossible by our protective duties, we 
 shall never be able to compete with England in this field. 
 Cheap iron is the secret of the problem. 
 
 On the i-ight of the entrance were the field produce and 
 seeds, and on the left, in conspicuous rows, the Cheshire 
 cheeses were exhibited. The value attached here to this 
 branch of industry is shown by the prizes aftixed to the 
 exhibits, 100/. being marked against the four best, being not 
 less than 60 lbs. weight each. Prizes also were given for the 
 butter ; the first prize of 10/. was taken by the old Field 
 Marshal Viscount Combermere. 
 
 The catalogue of tlie cattle show contained, including the 
 poultry, 1,198 numbers. The famous shorthorns were repre- 
 sented by seventy bulls and fifty-six milch cows and calves, 
 the Herefords by about eighty specimens, and the Devons by 
 thirty-seven. Each of these breeds was divided into six 
 classes, and for each class there was a first and second prize. 
 The highest prize was 30/. and the lowest 5/. The short- 
 horns fetch the highest prices. I learned on good authority 
 that Lieutenant- Colonel Towneley had got 1,200/. last year 
 for a bull, and that from an Australian farmer, who had to 
 bear, moreover, the risk of transport. Prince Albert gained a 
 second prize for a Devon bull bred at Windsor. 
 
 Some 220 horses were exhibited without counting the 
 foals ; namely, agricultural horses, dray horses, and others. 
 Four prizes altogether were offered, ranging from 10/. to 50/. 
 The finest specimen was a stallion of such fabulous size and 
 strength that it looked like an elephant. The animal had 
 already taken several prizes at previous shows, and was 
 decorated with eighteen medals. Stallions of this strain fetch 
 from 120/. to 150/. apiece. Besides this there were stallions
 
 284 ST. TETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 and brood mares for getting or breeding hunters and hack- 
 neys, as well as the favourite Welsh ponies. 
 
 The sheep, bred for the most part merely for fattening, 
 were numerously represented by the two favourite breeds of 
 the Leicesters and Southdowns, but I noticed also some speci- 
 mens of other long-woolled or short-woolled breeds. The 
 catalogue gives about four hundred numbers. The highest 
 prizes were 20/. 
 
 The results also of pig breeding, which has recently 
 attracted great attention, seemed worthy of notice. Altogether 
 130 specimens were exhibited. The most unnatural marvels 
 of artificial obesity excited general admiration. The breeder 
 showed me with triumph a monstrosity of this kind, which 
 could neither walk nor stand, and could only see when the 
 roll of fat was lifted up that covered the eyes. The first 
 prize was lOZ. Exceptionally fine specimens fetched from 
 30/. to 40/. 
 
 Neither the implement yard nor the cattle show, how- 
 ever, were said to have imparted such a peculiar interest to 
 this year's exhibition as a com.petition the like of which had 
 never been seen before in England or anywhere else. The 
 Societ}' had offered a prize of 500/. for the most efficient 
 steam plough. Three firms competed in the attempt to solve 
 this interesting problem. The main object of the trial was to 
 settle the best way of dealing with light and heavy soils. Two 
 steam ploughs were at work together in a field not far from 
 the town. According to all appearances. Fowler's system,, 
 which depends on the employment of a stationary engine and 
 windlass, deserves the preference. The two other systems 
 require the use of locomotives with the so-called ' endless 
 railway.' For, whether this locomotive draws or pushes the 
 l)lough, in either case a loss of time is unavoidable, owing to
 
 LETTER FROM PRINCE ALBERT. 285 
 
 the weight of the machine. The verdict of the pubhc is 
 unanimously in favour of Mr. Fowler's invention. The award 
 of the judges is to be given on August 4. What is chiefly to 
 be admired in this invention, is the rapidity with which the 
 machine ploughs regular furrows a foot deep in the stiff soil, 
 a speed far exceeding that of a plough drawn by horses. Ex- 
 perts attach the greatest value to the endless wire-rope, which 
 connects the plough with the so-called anchor pulley and the 
 engine. Of course the stationary apparatus is applicable not 
 only to ploughs, but also to mowing and threshing. The cost 
 of ploughing per acre is 2/. by manual labour, IZ. by a common 
 plough drawn by horses, and only 10s. with the steam culti- 
 vator. Thus this invention effects a saving of at least 50 per 
 cent. Inclosing herewith a detailed account and drawing, I 
 must not forget, in conclusion, to remind you that wages and 
 the keep of draught horses are here far higher than in Ger- 
 many, while the machines with us would be neither so cheaply 
 repaired nor so easily kept in order as in England. Before 
 the steam plough, therefore, can be recommended to our 
 farmers, it might be well to wait and see whether a still 
 simpler solution of the problem can be found. 
 
 The Prince Consort to Count Vitzthiim. 
 
 (Autograph.) 
 
 Buckingham Palace : Aug. 9, 1858. 
 
 My dear Count Vitzthum, — I have duly received your note. 
 The Queen understands fully the reasons of delicacy which make the 
 King and Prince George renounce their visit to Babelsberg. We 
 ourselves are compelled to maintain strictly the private character 
 of our journey, as any departure from that rule might easily lead 
 to personal misunderstandings. I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 Albert.
 
 286 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Lisbon: Dec. 29, 1858. 
 
 The Portuguese Ministry has come out victorious from the 
 debate on the Address, which was conchided yesterday. The 
 battle was fought with blunted weapons. 
 
 The Ministers can reckon on a majority in the Chamber 
 of Deputies of about thirty or forty ; that is to say, about two- 
 thirds of the aggregate of votes. 
 
 The Chamber of Peers have not yet pronounced their 
 judgment on the differences outstanding with France in con- 
 sequence of the sentence agamst the ' Charles et George,' but 
 in this aifair the past sins of omission will be judged by them 
 most likely with less indulgence than by the Deputies. 
 
 The weakness of an artificial Constitutionalism assumes 
 naturally a more prominent aspect, the more evident it be- 
 comes that Portugal can only be saved from decrepitude by 
 the vigorous exercise of monarchical power. To raise hopes 
 in that direction, would be only to indulge in illusions. That 
 the Cabinet will strengthen themselves numerically, is to be 
 expected. Failing this, a collapse seems unavoidable. 
 
 The Ministry consists of four, members. The President of 
 the Council, the Marquis de Louie, holds three portfohos, 
 those of the Ptoyal Household, and the Foreign and Home 
 Ministries. Count Avila, the Minister of Finance and Justice, 
 is considered the best speaker and the ablest member of the 
 Government. The Minister of Worship and Public Works is 
 Carlos Bento, still a young man without political antecedents. 
 The Minister of War and Marme was obhged to resign, 
 shortly before the opening of the Cortes, on account of his 
 health, and will be temporarily succeeded by a Yisconde, as 
 deaf as a post, who is supposed to be j^artially insane. In 
 Germany scarcely one of these men would be considered fit 
 to admmister a department. Here each of them presides
 
 TIU: PORTUGUESE MINISTERS. 287 
 
 over two, and the most indolent of them over three. The 
 greatest merit of the present advisers of Dom Pedro V. is their 
 unquestioned honesty. That honest incompetence, however, 
 is often more injurious to the State than dishonest energ}-, is 
 a favourite theme of the Opposition. 
 
 Louie's good side is his faithful devotion to his young King. 
 Probably this husband of an Infanta serves merely as a sto})- 
 gap until the monarch shall be thoroughly initiated into 
 business of State and become his own Prime Minister. Dom 
 Pedro V. is indefatigable enough in his zeal to prepare himself 
 for this part. But whether practical common sense will com- 
 pensate for his want of experience, and keep him from being 
 tempted into losing himself in details, is another question. 
 
 Portugal, as is well known, has the largest colonial posses- 
 sions of all European countries, with the exception of England. 
 While the mother country herself contams 1,659 square miles 
 and 3,500,000 inhabitants, her colonies include 19,624 square 
 miles and nearly 3,000,000 souls. In spite of this, with a 
 national debt of only 21,000,000/., the State income is not 
 more than 3,000,000/., and the annual budget regularly ends 
 with a deficit of 250,000/. This cheerless state of finances 
 can only be ascribed to incompetence or to dishonesty. From 
 sheer native indolence, no attempt has yet been made to 
 develop and improve the existing rich resources of a country 
 peculiarly adapted, from its geographical position, for com- 
 merce, and gifted with an incomparable climate. Under these 
 circumstances it cannot be wondered at that the Portuguese 
 3 per cents, are not higher than 48 on the London Stock Ex- 
 change, and can with difficulty be sold at that price. And yet 
 a National Debt Commission, wholly independent of Govern- 
 ment, has been labouring now for several years with praise- 
 worthy zeal to secure the regular payment of interest.
 
 288 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 It is plain from this state of things that the grant by the 
 €ortes of an allowance for the Infanta bride can only be 
 expected to be paid punctually, if no more is asked for than 
 the finances of the State can afford. 
 
 For any dawdling and delays I beg to be excused. I am 
 doing what I can to bring about a speedy settlement, and shall 
 lose neither patience nor courage. The experiences of other 
 diplomatists afford me little comfort. Sir H. Howard has 
 been labouring for the last five months to obtain an Anglo- 
 Portuguese Postal Convention, the principal terms of which 
 have been arranged long ago. The only reason why it has 
 not yet been concluded is that Louie has never found time to 
 answer an incidental question with a simple Yes or No. Count 
 Moltke spent eight months in getting the treaty respecting the 
 Sound dues signed, though the two Governments were entirely 
 agreed in their views, and the Danish Minister resident had 
 been assured on his arrival here that the matter would be 
 settled in a few da3's. 
 
 This passive resistance, the result of an unexampled 
 indolence, is all the more difficult to surmount, as it disguises 
 itself under the most agreeable manners, and the most ami- 
 able excuses anticipate every reminder.
 
 289 
 
 CHAPTER XIY. 
 
 LONDON. 18Ö9. 
 
 Signing of Prince George's Treaty of Marriage— Return to London— The Euro- 
 pean Crisis — Napoleon's New Year's Reception of the Austrian Ambassador 
 — Victor Emmanuel the real Creator of Italy — Napoleon andCavour his In- 
 struments— Opening of Parliament— England for Peace and Treaties — The 
 Reform Bill — The Duke of Malakoff replaced by Persigny — Lord Cowley's 
 Mission to Vienna — Equivocal Attitude of Napoleon — Suit for Prince George 
 in Lisbon — His Marriage with the Infanta of Portugal —Return to London 
 — Dissolution of Parliament — Austria's Ultimatum to Sardinia — Battle of 
 Magenta — Fall of the Derby Ministry — Lord Palmerston Prime Minister — 
 Battle of Solferino — Peace of Villafranca — Growing Distrust of Napoleon — 
 His Embarrassments — Renewed Idea of a Congress— Prince PaulEsterhazy 
 — Situation in Germany after Villafranca. 
 
 On January 30, 1859, I succeeded in fulfilling the object of 
 my mission to Lisbon, by signing, together with the Marquis 
 de Louie, the marriage treaty of Prince George. An accident 
 at sea delayed my passage home. As the arrangements con- 
 nected with the approaching marriage obliged me to go once 
 more to Dresden, I was unable to resume my duties as 
 Minister in London until March. 
 
 London is like a lofty watch tower, from which one over- 
 looks the world. To an observer who has not studied closel}^ 
 the institutions, conditions, and leading personages of the 
 Continent, the objects as seen from this bird's-eye perspec- 
 tive are very easily distorted. The want of such knowledge 
 explains the perplexity which narrows the view of English 
 statesmen as soon as an extraordinary European crisis occurs. 
 
 VOL. I. u
 
 290 ST. PETEESBÜRG AND LONDON. 
 
 Spoiled by his insular position, absorbed by home questions 
 and party struggles, the Englishman seldom has a clear idea 
 of the situation, or of the passions and prejudices which in- 
 fluence it. 
 
 Barely has the world, look where you may, been governed 
 with less wisdom than during the first half of 1859. Folly 
 and cowardice, the original sins of mankind, were conspicuous 
 in every direction ; and nowhere more than in Paris. The 
 crowned Carbonaro was verifying daily more and more the 
 truth of old Thiers' judgment, when he called him ' une 
 mediocrite meconnue.' Like Goethe's ' Zauberlehrling,' he 
 had lost the power of exorcising the evil spirit he had invoked. 
 The incorrigible conspirator had first taken advantage at 
 Stuttgart of the Kussian Emperor's desire for revenge, to 
 obtain his permission to liberate Italy from the so-called 
 Austrian yoke. That Alexander II. consented to the scheme, 
 ■was due chiefly to the blind hatred sworn by Prince Gortschakoff 
 against Austria. The interview at Weimar could effect no 
 change in the scheme itself ; at the most it could only deceive 
 the chivalrous Emperor Francis Joseph as to the intentions 
 of the Kussian Court. The Northern Alliance was irrepa- 
 rably broken, and the pledge of peace which it had offered 
 was destroyed. The relations between Berlin and St. Peters- 
 burg remained, ostensibly at least, the same. But when, in 
 October 1858, the Prince of Prussia formally assumed the 
 Begency, and the philo-Bussian Ministry of Manteuffel was 
 succeeded by that of the ' new era,' there came a change that 
 caused Napoleon just alarm. The Berlin Cabinet now took 
 their tone from London, as they had formerly taken it from 
 St. Petersburg, At Paris this new policy came as a surprise, 
 and it was necessary to keep all the closer eye on England. 
 
 Napoleon meanwhile, at Plombieres, had placed himself
 
 CAVOUR'S INTRIGUES AT PARIS. 291 
 
 entirely in the power of the only Sovereign who at that 
 time knew what he wanted — Victor Emmanuel. This Kmg 
 possessed in Count Cavour a Minister, who cared nothing 
 for either law or treaties, but who knew how to carry through 
 his bold projects with the cunning of a Machiavelli. Just as 
 the King of Sardinia looked down on his Mmister and made 
 him serviceable to his aims, so did Cavour regard the short- 
 sighted Emperor of the French. Cavour, versed in every 
 intrigue of Italian cunning, had soon perceived that the fear 
 of death and the love of pleasure were the surest means of 
 making Napoleon the blind tool of Victor Emmanuel. He 
 confirmed the French Emperor in the belief that the libera- 
 tion of Italy was the only means of protecting his life from 
 the daggers and bombshells of his former fellow-conspirators. 
 Without the knowledge of his own Ministers, Napoleon had, 
 with unequalled naivete, given promises in writing, which 
 made Victor Emmanuel master of the situation. It was clear 
 that this King had it quite in his power, following the example 
 of his father, to resign the crown in case Napoleon should 
 repent of keeping his promises. It was equally obvious, 
 however, that the abdication of Victor Emmanuel, if publicly 
 known to be due to a breach of faith by France, would un- 
 chain the Eevolution in Italy and probably lead to the murder 
 of Napoleon. But, at the same time, the crafty Piedmontese 
 did not neglect another means of influencing the French Em- 
 peror, namely female diplomacy. It was generally known 
 that Walewski, who was always on confidential relations with 
 Thiers, had been warned by him against Italian aventures 
 Thiers could not conceal his conviction that a united Italy 
 would be an awkward neighbour to France. Walewski was 
 entirely dependent on the favour enjoyed by his wife with the 
 Emperor and Empress. He would have been overthrown and 
 
 V 2
 
 292 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 replaced by Persigny had it not been for the successful homage 
 of the Countess Walewska. Cavour's only hope of weakening 
 her influence on the irresolute and fickle Napoleon was to en- 
 gage the inflammable heart of the Emperor in another quarter» 
 This was to be the task of the daughter of a Sardinian di- 
 plomat, as beautiful as she was cold, and she succeeded in 
 
 accomplishing it. The Countess C was undeniably, if 
 
 not the most beautiful, one of the most beautiful women of 
 the century. Schooled in all the arts of female coquetry, she 
 fascinated men by the contrast between her ice-cold tem- 
 perament and her voluptuous beauty. Through her Cavour 
 learnt everything that went on, not only in Paris, but also in 
 the wavering mind of the Emperor, who was not always 
 silent. All the contradictions between his words and deeds 
 during the first few months of 1859 find an explanation in 
 these snares, which were hidden at the time from the public 
 eye. 
 
 Napoleon's ill-tempered remark to the Austrian Ambas- 
 sador at his new year's reception, was invested by diplomacy 
 and the Press with an importance which it scarcely deserved. 
 Count Buol had committed the mistake of promoting Baron 
 Hübner to the rank of Ambassador at Paris. That Prince 
 Schwarzenberg should have accredited him to the French 
 Eepublic at the end of 1848, was intelligible enough. Prince 
 Metternich had employed him as Consul-General at Leipzig 
 in the supervision of the German Press. Prince Schwarzen- 
 berg had entrusted him, as a good redacteur, with the compi- 
 lation of several State papers, and rewarded his services by 
 unexpectedly raising him to the rank of envoy. Valuable 
 as may have been his despatches in 1848 and 1849, when 
 everything in Paris was unsettled, this diplomat did not suit 
 Napoleon when Emperor. ' Je deteste Hübner,' said Napo-
 
 VICTOR EM3IANUEL. 293 
 
 leon in confidence one day ; ' s'il me demande quelque chose, 
 je suis toujours tente de le lui refuser.' No wonder that 
 under these circumstances the Austrian Ambassador failed 
 to adapt himself to the morbid whims of the Emperor of the 
 French. 
 
 As regards the incident itself, it cannot be often enough 
 repeated that there was no question of an actual casus belli. 
 Whether Austria governed her Italian provinces well or 
 badly, was a purely domestic question, which did not affect 
 any foreign Government. Indeed, the Italians, m respect of 
 their material interests, were the spoiled, not to say pam- 
 pered, children of Metternich. The prosperity of those 
 j)rovinces had decidedly increased, and the rural popula- 
 tion in particular could only bless the Austrian rule. In 
 the towns, however, where a spirit of municipal Eepubli- 
 canism had always prevailed, the indiscreet conduct of the 
 police served as a pretext for a factious agitation. The 
 National idea, formulated in the vamglorious and impracti- 
 cable phrase, ' I'ltalia farä da se,' had been awakened, it is 
 true, by some men of distinguished ability, such as Gioberti, 
 Massimo d'Azeglio, Alfieri, and others ; but, notwithstanding 
 the activity of secret societies, it met with little appreciation 
 or sympathy from the masses. These theoretical attempts 
 to manufacture a united nation out of the fragments of so 
 many nationalities, and notwithstanding the jealousy of so 
 many townships, the House of Savoy, ever greedy of terri- 
 tory, took care to encourage and turn to practical account. 
 The man who created Italy was not Cavour, but Victor 
 Emmanuel. He combined with the cunning of the chamois 
 hunter the most perfect good nature, and with the courage of 
 the soldier the acuteness of a bold statesman. The future 
 will do justice to this Sovereign, whom the present generation
 
 294 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 fails to understand. Cavoiu', Eattazzi, Eicasoli, La Marmora, 
 and others, whatever their names, were simply his puppets. 
 About details he never troubled himself. The dirty work he 
 left to his ministers. The constitutional forms, which had 
 become indispensable, he observed as means to attain his own 
 objects. Hence, as the representative of the National idea 
 and of unity, he always held the reins of power, and remained 
 dictator to the end of his life. That he reckoned Napoleon 
 also among his marionettes is a fact of which the French 
 Emperor, in his self-blindness, had no idea. A mediaeval Con- 
 dottiere, armed with the cunning of a Machiavelli, he alone 
 was able to control the ferment, and construct at least a 
 temporary edifice out of the heterogeneous materials at his 
 command. He sacrificed his daughter and the cradle of his 
 house, but he brought out Young Italy from the flames of 
 the Revolution for himself and his son, in spite of Pope and 
 Emperor. 
 
 Count Buol was not equal to coping with the threatening 
 storm, although public opinion in Germany and England 
 declared decidedly for Austria and against France. He 
 failed to effect an understanding with Berlin, and to arrange 
 in time a joint action with the Bund for the defence of the 
 hne of the Mincio. Austria exposed herself to suspicions, 
 and gave Prussia a pretext for waiting on events, and ulti- 
 mately demanding a high price for her coveted aid. The 
 lamentable financial condition of the Austrian Empire made 
 it urgently important to effect a speedy settlement of the 
 crisis so wantonly provoked by France. The Constitution 
 was suspended, and the Hungarian portion of the Empire 
 offended and paralysed by Bach's attempts at Germanismg. 
 It became, therefore, more difficult every day to find the 
 money which was necessary to maintain the army in Italy on
 
 NAPOLEON AND AUSTRIA 295 
 
 a war footing. Unhappily the feehng in all the provinces 
 was so hostile to the existing Ministry, that a victory of the 
 army would have been regarded by many as almost a political 
 misfortune. Under such circumstances there was need of the 
 greatest caution, and a waiting policy was the only proper 
 one. But could they wait, without utterly exhausting them- 
 selves ? That was the question, on the answer to which 
 everything depended. 
 
 Hardly anyone can now doubt that a real statesman in 
 Vienna had it then completely in his power, not only to stifle 
 the agitation in Piedmont, but also to prepare the doom of the 
 second French Empire. Germany loudly demanded to march 
 on Paris, and wrest Alsace and Lorraine from the French. 
 That the power was there to do so is shown not only by the 
 campaign of 1870, but by that of 1859. 
 
 However that may be, the spectre of an Anglo-German 
 coalition left Napoleon's bad conscience no rest. He had 
 embarked on a policy of adventure on his own authority and 
 behind the backs of his Ministers, and put himself into the 
 hands of Victor Emmanuel. He now shrank back at the effect 
 caused by his new year's- reception of the Austrian Ambas- 
 sador, and especially at the echo which his unconsidered words 
 found in Turin, where the King officially formulated the 
 grievances of Italy in his Speech from the Throne. The funds 
 sank so ominously that the Stock Exchange speculators about 
 Napoleon began to tremble, and urgently begged him to relieve 
 them. A quieting article appeared in the ' Moniteur,' which 
 failed, however, to produce any lasting impression. 
 
 Such was the dangerous state of things on the Continent 
 when Queen Victoria on February 3 opened Parliament, and 
 insisted in her Speech from the Throne on the sanctity of 
 treaties. So general was the distrust of France, so earnest the
 
 296 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 desire for the maintenance of peace, that even Lord Pahner- 
 ston and Lord John Eussell found themselves compelled, in 
 the course of the debate on the Address, to suppress their 
 sympathies with the Revolution in Italy, and vie with Derby, 
 Malmesbury, and Disraeli in protesting energetically against 
 any infringement of treaties. 
 
 The echo had not to be waited for long. On February 7, 
 the Emperor Napoleon opened the Chambers with a speech 
 intended to revive the half-forgotten ' I'Empire c'est la paix.' 
 
 The English Government had honestly advocated peace 
 and the legitimate claims of Austria ; but they were weak and 
 conscious of their weakness. The internal situation in Eng- 
 land was deplorable, notwithstanding the prosperous state of 
 trade. Seldom had the Parliamentary system appeared in a 
 darker light. A so-called Conservative Cabinet was at the 
 helm. Not one of its members imagined for a moment that 
 a reform of Parliament, involving an extension of the fran- 
 chise, was either desired by the country or could do the 
 country any good. Nevertheless, the Ministers were com- 
 pelled, against their better convictions, to bring in a measure 
 of that kind in obedience to their pledge. 
 
 Li the midst of a crisis such as that which was then 
 threatening Europe, and in the presence of a neighbour 
 whose faithlessness was notorious, the Tories were forced 
 to prepare a Eeform Bill, w^hich, as they knew before- 
 hand, would not be radical enough for the Piadicals. The 
 Ministry contained two men who were too honest to join 
 in this game of brag. Walpole and Henley declared that 
 they could not reconcile it to their consciences to introduce 
 themselves a Bill the provisions of which, if j^roposed by 
 their opponents, they would have strenuously resisted. Both 
 of these men were highly respected, not only by their own
 
 DISSOLUTION OF PAULI AMEXT. 297 
 
 party, but by all sections of the House of Commons. The 
 retirement was, therefore, a severe blow to the Cabinet, in 
 which the Opportunists, as they would now be called, com- 
 posed the majority. The latter purchased their brief respite 
 dearly enougli. Lord John Eussell, annoyed at Disraeli's 
 having fished in his own waters, carried an amendment on 
 March 31 by a majority of thirty-nine. The Ministers found 
 themselves obliged to resort to a dissolution. 
 
 These lamentable proceedings in Parliament necessarily 
 paralysed the action of England on behalf of peace. 
 
 Already, in November 1858, Napoleon had invited Palmer- 
 ston and Clarendon to Compiegne. Perhaps both of them 
 afterwards repented of having accepted the invitation. The 
 Emperor's object was to prepare the overthrow of the Tory 
 Ministry, and utilise to his best advantage Lord Palmerston's 
 sympathies with the Italian Eevolution. Clarendon boasted 
 of not having withheld the truth from the Emperor, but Pal- 
 merston returned to London more French than ever, and began 
 in the ' Morning Post ' a campaign against the Ministers in 
 favour of France and Italy. Incredible as it seems, it is a 
 well-known fact, and one which has been confirmed by his 
 own avowal, that Napoleon communicated to the editor of the 
 * Morning Post ' extracts from Lord Malmesbury's private 
 letters and despatches, with directions to forge weapons out of 
 them against that Minister. By such arts did Napoleon con- 
 spire with ex-ministers and journalists against the Derby 
 Government, whose honesty was a thorn in the flesh to him. 
 He did not scruple to play out Persigny once more as his 
 ambassador, although Malmesbury had declared that he had 
 no wish to have any more dealings with this indiscreet agent 
 of Palmerston. The answer returned to the question whether 
 the choice of Persigny would be agreeable to the Queen, was
 
 298 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 certainly not very flattering to Napoleon's confidant. ' Any- 
 one whom the Emperor sends will be agreeable to us,' was 
 the reply. When the French charge d'affaires expressed his 
 surprise at this laconic message, Malmesbury shrugged his 
 shoulders and comforted him by saying, ' All the easier for 
 you to telegraph our answer.' 
 
 The Duke of Malakoff had been able to contribute little 
 to an understanding between the Western Powers. This rough 
 soldier understood little of diplomacy. The reserve imposed 
 upon him, he soon laid aside. A Lord Mayor's dinner gave 
 him an opportunity of expressing his enthusiastic admira- 
 tion of the British troops in the Crimea. Walewski left 
 the Marshal destitute of any news, and the latter took revenge 
 by openly deriding the French policy, especially his Emperor's 
 Quixotic idea of wishing to figure as a general. Pelissier's 
 wife, a beautiful Spaniard, related to the Empress Eugenie, 
 understood neither French nor English when she came to 
 London, and could, therefore, add little lustre to the Embassy. 
 Many anecdotes were current about the Marshal and his un- 
 couth soldierly expressions, and the attaches and secretaries 
 were glad to be soon rid of him again. He never liked 
 civilians, and once sent for his aide-de-camp to read him a 
 lecture for an oversight of duty. The lecture ended with the 
 words, not very flattering to the other officials, ' Et je vous 
 dis tout cela devant ces pekins pour vous faire plus honte.' 
 The Queen was sometimes amused with his hrusqueries. He 
 was decidedly popular in society, although he seldom showed 
 himself. With all his roughness, Pelissier was good-natured. 
 Gudin, the marine painter, assured me that he had read senti- 
 mental verses written by him. On taking leave of the Queen 
 he is said to have had an emotional fit of this kind, and to 
 have literally burst into tears. The command of the army
 
 LORD COWLEY'S MISSION TO VIENNA. 299 
 
 of the Eliine, which was intended to sugar the pih of his 
 recall, appeared to give him little consolation. 
 
 Persigny, shortly after his arrival, was far from comfort- 
 able about the result of the impending war. He openly 
 opposed the Derby Ministry, and touted formally in all the 
 drawing-rooms for Palmerston. He was actually accused of 
 not having scorned to stoop to bribery after the dissolution 
 of Parliament, a questionable method of support, to say the 
 least, and one which ultimately did France no good. Even 
 if Persigny helped in some degree to bring Palmerston back 
 to power, the result was of little use to Napoleon, since the 
 English Premier, after the annexation of Savoy and Nice, 
 renounced the friendship in a manner that showed plainly 
 his resentment. 
 
 Meanwhile, Lord Malmesbury remained zealous in his 
 efforts on behalf of peace. Lord Cowley had been instructed 
 to proceed with that object on a confidential mission to Vienna. 
 The choice was an excellent one. Cowley, who had been 
 before at Frankfort, knew the relations of Germany very 
 well, and had studied ah ovo and in all its details the pending 
 complication in Paris. He was sufficiently acquainted with 
 Napoleon, and to a certain point enjoyed his confidence. The 
 English Ambassador first inquired at Paris on what con- 
 ditions the maintenance of peace appeared possible. Four 
 j)oints were then established at a personal interview with the 
 Emperor, which Cowley at once submitted to his Government 
 at home. With the view of recommending the Austrian 
 Cabinet to accept them, he repaired on February 24 to 
 Vienna. Malmesbury doubted the success of his mission ; 
 but nevertheless it succeeded to a certain point. The Austrian 
 Cabinet showed themselves more conciliatory than had been 
 expected in Paris. When Lord Cowley returned after about
 
 300 ST. PETEESBURG AI^D LONDON. 
 
 three weeks to his post, he found, to his astonishment, that 
 Napoleon was disinclined to rest content with the concessions 
 made by Austria. Gortschakoff now. came forward, as the 
 conqwre of the Imperial juggler, with the proposal of a Euro- 
 pean Congress for regulating the affairs of Italy. On this 
 basis new and unpromising negotiations were developed. 
 The telegraph was worked busily in all directions, and the 
 confusion reached its highest pitch. Napoleon could hardly 
 have seriously desired a Congress. He was anxious, in the 
 first place, to gain time to complete his own preparations ; 
 secondly, to tempt Austria into flinging aside the sorely tried 
 patience imposed upon her by the desperate state of her 
 finances ; but thhdly, and mainly, to await the return of 
 Palmerston to power. The English Government detected 
 the perfidy of this policy, but nevertheless entered mto 
 the idea of a Congress, and endeavoured also to mduce 
 Austria to do the same. The Vienna Cabinet with perfect 
 propriety proposed the disarmament of Sardinia as the con- 
 dition of entering the Congress, and accepted afterwards, as 
 proposed by England, a general disarmament, being miwilling 
 to disarm herself alone, and then, in the event of the Con- 
 gress breaking up, find herself taken by surprise unguarded.' 
 But little Piedmont would not disarm, and Napoleon for a 
 long time refused to require her to do so. Cavour was 
 ordered to Paris. After having seen Walewski, he w^as anxious 
 to return at once, despairing of success. Thereupon he was 
 sent for by the Emperor, who reassured him and proved to 
 him anew that the policy of Napoleon and that of the French 
 Cabinet were two totally different thmgs. 
 
 Amidst these kaleidoscopic changes of the situation, in 
 which hopes of peace alternated almost hourly with fears of 
 
 ' See circular despatch of Lord Malmesbury of May 4, 1859.
 
 SUIT FOR PRINCE GEORGE AT LISBON. 301 
 
 war, Baron Beiist summoned me to Paris, where I met him 
 on April 21. He had originally intended to undertake himself 
 the task of suing for the hand of the Infanta in Lisbon. 
 Foreseeing, however, that events might necessitate his speedy 
 return home, he had asked the King to grant him two letters 
 of credentials, one for himself, and the other eventually for 
 me. The news he found awaiting him in Paris determined 
 him not to undertake the mission, which was now handed over 
 to me. Several officers, who had been selected to accompany 
 me, were ordered to rejoin their regiments, mobilisation having 
 been decided on. 
 
 I returned accordingly at once to London, together with 
 the Councillor of Legation, Richard von Könneritz, and Count 
 Charles Hohenthal-Püchau, with the view of embarking 
 shortly afterwards at Southampton. Before leaving London, 
 I was invited to dinner by the Queen and Prince Albert, in 
 order to discuss with them the necessary arrangements for 
 the newly married couple on their journey home. The Queen 
 was extremely anxious to see them both in London, and kindly 
 invited them to Buckingham Palace. 
 
 In Lisbon, meanwhile, the Duke of Terceira had suc- 
 ceeded the Marquis de Louie as Foreign Minister. A few days 
 afterwards Prince George arrived and put up at the Belem 
 Palace, which had been already prepared for the young 
 couple. The marriage was celebrated on the 11th. Two 
 days later we went on board the Portuguese man-of-war, on 
 which the Duke of Oporto brought us to Southampton. 
 
 During my absence from London, matters had taken a 
 decided change. Parliament had been dissolved. The elec- 
 tions had not gone as the Ministers wished. Austria had lost 
 patience, and sent a peremptory summons to Turin (April 23) 
 demanding the immediate disarmament of Sardinia, and
 
 302 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 allowing three days for a reply. Public opinion in England, 
 regardless of the urgent financial difficulties of Austria, had 
 pronounced so decidedly against this measure, that even 
 Lord Derby publicly branded it as criminal. The friends of 
 Austria hoped that the now unavoidable war would be con- 
 ducted with vigour and energy, and that Piedmont would be 
 defeated before France could come to her assistance. But 
 Eadetzky was dead, Hess had grown old, and Gyulai was no 
 general. Thus Austria's conduct of the war was on a par 
 with her diplomacy. The Ticino, indeed, was crossed, but 
 instead of making a rapid march on Turin and annihilating 
 the Piedmontese army on the way, precious time was wasted, 
 the French were allowed to pass the Alps unmolested, and a 
 retreat was made, with the view of awaiting the enemy's 
 attack on Austrian soil. Thus the brave troops were worn 
 out and demoralised with marches and countermarches, and 
 the campaign was morally lost before it began. 
 
 After a few unimportant skirmishes of outposts, came on 
 June 4 the battle of Magenta. On that day it was made 
 evident that the conduct of the campaign had been quite as 
 faulty on the part of the French and Piedmontese as on that 
 of the Austrians. As the Duke of Malakoff had predicted, 
 Napoleon's presence on the battle-field was a mere embarrass- 
 ment. Instead of animating his troops, like Victor Emmanuel, 
 by the example of his brilliant bravery, this phantom Emperor 
 rode irresolutely here and there, and was within a hair's 
 breadth of being captured, together with his escort, by Count 
 Clam's Uhlans, when he was rescued by MacMahon. This 
 general's appearance decided in favour of the allies the battle 
 which, apparently at least, had been won by the Austrians. 
 How indecisive was the whole affair, is shown by Napoleon's 
 own candid confession. ' Vous aviez gagne la bataille de
 
 FALL OF THE DERBY MINISTRY. 303 
 
 Magenta,' said the Emperor a few weeks afterwards to Prince 
 Metternich, ' mais puiscjiie vos generaux ne s'en doutaient 
 pas, je me suis empresse de telegraphier ä Paris que c'etait 
 moi qui avais remporte la victoire.' Thus history is made. 
 
 The French and Piedmontese won a more decisive victory 
 a few days afterwards in the English Parliament, which was 
 opened by the Queen on June 7. In the early morning of 
 the 11th the Derby Ministry was defeated by a majorit}^ of 
 thirteen on a direct vote of want of confidence. The Queen, 
 with the object of forming a moderate Government, sent at 
 first for Lord Granville. To the surprise of everyone, this 
 business-like but colourless statesman undertook to form a 
 Cabinet. The next morning the ' Times ' contained a detailed 
 account of what had passed between the Queen and him. 
 The smart editor of the City paper had ' interviewed ' the 
 noble Lord in American fashion. * Lord Granville,' so ran 
 the article, ' will remain all his life that clever young man 
 whom we all know ; but he is not strong enough to form a 
 Ministry at such a critical time as this.' The ' Times ' had 
 judged correctly. Lord Granville retired. 
 
 Between Lord Palmerston and Lord John Piussell there 
 still prevailed the old difference of opinion as to Parliamentary 
 reform, which the latter was resolved to urge on, and the 
 former to delay. Lord Palmerston's home j)olicy was in unison 
 with that of the old Tory party. His opinion was, that the 
 country had already slipped more than was necessary down 
 the crooked slope of democracy. He felt, however, that it was 
 his duty, as leader of the Liberal party, to take account of 
 the Liberal movements and velleites which had now for once 
 become dominant among the English people. Like Canning, 
 he sought, therefore, to make himself popular by supporting, 
 or at least sympathising with, all revolutionary movements
 
 304 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 abroad, and then employed his popularity in keeping the 
 Revolution away from England and holding the Radical party 
 in check. This game, however morally indefensible, was the 
 secret of Palmerston's policy, and he played it for a whole 
 generation with tact and skill on the principle of ' apres nous 
 le deluge.' 
 
 Lord John Russell, a younger brother of the Duke of 
 Bedford, was at bottom more honest than Palmerston. The 
 old Whig maxim, * Everything for, and nothing through, the 
 people,' was certainly not always his. As to whether the 
 extension of the franchise that he advocated was suitable and 
 well-timed, he cared little. Reform was his hobby, and the 
 little man was now too old to choose another. He favoured 
 foreign revolutions like Palmerston, but with this difference, 
 that he did not deny to any Government the right of putting 
 them down. In his view everything depended on success. 
 If the Government conquered, the Government was right ; 
 and it was the same with the Revolution. Unacquainted with 
 foreign relations and the forms of diplomacy, Lord John 
 Russell was a Liberal doctrinaire. He looked on the British 
 Constitution as an inimitable masterpiece, the introduction 
 of which was bound to bring prosperity and blessings to every 
 country on the earth, no matter what its stage of civilisation. 
 Though often blustering and passionate, he was kind and 
 good-natured, without forgetting, however, out of good-nature, 
 his own or his country's advantage. Taking the hint given 
 by the witty Bernal Osborne, he had come to an agreement 
 with Lord Palmerston, that either of the two should serve 
 under the other, in case the Queen should entrust to one of 
 them the formation of the new Government. 
 
 Lord Granville having failed to form a Cabinet, the Queen 
 had only to choose between Lord John Russell and Lord
 
 LORD PALMERSTON PRIME MINISTER. 305 
 
 Palmerstoii. The task was entrusted to Lord Palmerston. 
 He was preferable, inasmuch as he was better acquainted with 
 European affairs, was more energetic, and also enjoyed to a 
 higher degree the confidence of the public and of the House 
 of Commons. The only difficulty lay in the distribution of 
 offices. Palmerston would have much preferred to have Lord 
 Clarendon at the Foreign Office, although the latter sym- 
 pathised far less passionately with the Revolution in Italy, 
 and saw through Napoleon much more clearly than did his 
 chief. Lord John Russell, however, refused to resign the 
 leadership of the House of Commons unless he was appointed 
 Foreign Secretary. Palmerston, therefore, had nothing left 
 but to gratify his wish, in the hope of finding his inexpe- 
 rienced colleague more pliant than Lord Clarendon. 
 
 The task of filling up the other posts in the Cabinet was 
 easy, since Gladstone, although he had not concurred in the 
 vote of want of confidence, declared his readiness to accept 
 the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and there was no want of 
 capable materials in the Liberal party. The Radicals were 
 not exactly edified by this highly aristocratic Ministry. It 
 contained three dukes besides the brother of the Duke of 
 Bedford. Palmerston, however, ruled the roost. Persigny 
 and D'Azeglio were in high glee, having found at length a 
 willing ear for all their insinuations and intrigues. 
 
 Palmerston had been only six days in office when he had 
 the satisfaction of receiving the news of the French victory at 
 Solferino (June 24). This battle was one of those which was 
 decisive from a political, but indecisive from a military, point 
 of view. The Austrians, after extraordinary losses, quitted the 
 battle-field in perfect order, and without leaving any trophies 
 in the conquerors' hands. Benedek had dealt the Piedmontese 
 a mortal blow. The French army was so far exhausted, 
 
 VOL. I. X
 
 306 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 that no thoughts could be entertained of following up the 
 enemy. In view of the fact that the Quadrilateral was still 
 intact, Napoleon thought it necessary to ask for an armistice. 
 
 Of the battle of Solferino, several contradictory versions 
 were current. According to the unanimous verdict of the 
 English officers who were present in the Austrian and 
 French headquarters at this murderous conflict, the Austrian 
 troops of all ranks fought admirably, while the French only 
 purchased victory by the sacrifice of their corps cfelite. The 
 generalship was as defective on the one side as on the other. 
 The presence of both Emperors served only to increase the 
 confusion. The last fact was confirmed to me a few weeks 
 after the event by Count Schlik in Dresden. This brave 
 cavalry officer, who had been entrusted only on the day 
 before the battle with the chief command in place of Gyulai, 
 had had no time to make the necessary dispositions. Thus 
 the Austrian army had been made to take up a position 
 which impartial strategists condemned as untenable. ' The 
 worst was,' Schlik said to me, ' that I could take little care 
 of the battle on that disastrous day. My constant business 
 was to prevent my Emperor from exposing himself too much. 
 He was always where the shells were bursting most thickly.' 
 
 At the first news of the armistice (July 7), Persigny re- 
 ceived a project of peace consisting of three points, together 
 with instructions to play it out as a proposal of mediation on 
 the part of England and Prussia. The terms suggested were 
 the cession of Lombardy to Sardinia, and the independence of 
 Venetia under an archduke. The fear, which the French 
 Ambassador did not conceal from me, that Napoleon, by con- 
 tinuing the war, was hazarding his crown and empire, amply 
 explains Persigny's intrigues. Lord Palmerston and Lord 
 John Eussell promised to support these terms, but on con-
 
 BATTLE OF SOLFERINO. 307 
 
 dition that the Queen, who was then staj^ing at the camp at 
 Aldershot (July 10), approved of them. It was, therefore, 
 a manifest falsehood when Persigny telegraphed to the 
 Emperor, that the English Government had actually agreed 
 to put them forward as proposals of mediation in concert 
 with Prussia. No such thing had ever been talked of. The 
 Queen and Prince Albert were decidedly averse to demanding 
 the surrender of Venetia from Austria, who, if she had lost 
 a battle, was still in possession of the fortresses. The Govern- 
 ment, therefore, as such, never entered into Persigny's project, 
 and had no idea of inviting Prussia to take part in a media- 
 tion on this basis. Persigny's telegram, nevertheless, was a 
 welcome means of negotiation in the hands of the French 
 Emperor. 
 
 Neither the French nor the Austrian Emperor could have 
 seen with indifference the countless victims of this bloody 
 campaign on the ghastly battle-field of Solferino. Both 
 desired, therefore, to bring the unhappy war to an end. The 
 beaten army was less threatened, being under the protection of 
 their fortresses, than the victorious one. The latter had lost 
 not only its best troops, but also a disproportionately large 
 number of officers, and was suffering from the drought occa- 
 sioned by the unusual heat as well as from the marked hos- 
 tility of the population. In addition to that. Napoleon was well 
 aware that he had not only to deal with the Austrian army, 
 which had retreated in good order, and with the almost 
 impregnable Quadrilateral. The German armies were ready 
 to march, and Pelissier was not strong enough to prevent the 
 Prussian troops from pushing forward on Paris. In the event 
 of a declaration of war by the German Bund, Napoleon would 
 have been obliged to retire across the Alps without achieving 
 the object of his campaign. It was therefore of vital import- 
 
 X 2
 
 308 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 ance to conclude peace on the terms of uti posskleiis. Though 
 he had promised to the Piedmontese the ' freedom of Italy 
 from the Alps to the Adriatic,' and proclaimed this in his 
 manifesto of war, he saw now that to carry out his pro- 
 gramme must infallibly expose him to the dangers of a 
 European coalition. Of two evils, the less seemed to him a 
 breach of his word. Accordingly he despatched a trusted agent, 
 General Fleury, behind the backs of his allies to the Austrian 
 headquarters, with instructions to invite the Emperor Francis 
 Joseph to a personal meeting at Villafranca. This chivalrous 
 monarch had been gradually convinced of the incompetence 
 of his ministers and generals, and the sufferings of his brave 
 army had torn his heart. He consented, therefore, to the 
 proposed interview. At this meeting, where no witnesses 
 were present, the main points of the preliminaries of peace 
 were agreed on between the two Emperors direct. As was to 
 have been expected, Persigny's telegram played the chief part 
 in this discussion. The Emperor Francis Joseph, far too 
 high-minded to think such perfidy possible, concluded peace 
 under the impression that Napoleon was really, as he boasted, 
 imposing more favourable terms than those which the me- 
 diating Powers, England and Prussia, would have demanded 
 of him. He attached great weight to the assurance that his 
 relatives, who were under his protection, the Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany, and the Dukes of Modena and Parma, as well as the 
 Pope, should suffer no loss of territory. But the chief reason 
 that induced the Emperor to sacrifice Lombardy, was the 
 financial straits of the Empire, which were insisted on so 
 urgently by Baron von Bruck. The unpleasant discovery of 
 considerable embezzlements may also have contributed not a 
 little to demonstrate the necessity of administrative reform, 
 which could only be effected in time of peace.
 
 PEACE OF VILLAFHANCA. 309 
 
 The preliminaries of Yillafranca surprised all the world, 
 and especially the Prince of Prussia, who was prepared for 
 war and ready to come to Austria's assistance. The keenest 
 disappointment, of course, was felt in the Italian camp. 
 Ca\our behaved like a child, tendered his resignation, and 
 railed against Napoleon's breach of faith. Victor Emmanuel 
 showed himself more statesmanlike and shrewd. He accepted 
 Lombardy as an instalment, in confident expectation that the 
 ]-est would follow. This king had the peculiar good fortune 
 of always gaining something by losing battles. Beaten at 
 Solferino, he acquired Lombardy ; while the defeats at Cus- 
 tozza and Lissa brought him in seven years afterwards the 
 kingdom of Venetia. Cavour's resignation was for Victor 
 Emmanuel merely an incident, and failed to make him 
 swerve for a moment from his course of national policy. The 
 Quixotic idea of an Italian Confederation under the pre- 
 sidency of the Pope was laughed at by this practical prince. 
 He never troubled himself to dissipate such dreams. The 
 Lombards hated the Piedmontese. Milan was jealous of 
 Turin. The Kmg could only hope to achieve a moral con- 
 quest of this newly acquired province, by making Italian 
 unity serve to reconcile provincial jealousies. That Napoleon 
 had agreed to the restoration of the princes who had been 
 driven out by the Eevolution, was a matter also of thorough 
 indifference to Victor Emmanuel. He knew that all these 
 apples had only to ripen, in order to drop of themselves into 
 his own hands. If genius consists of patience, as the English 
 say, the King of Sardinia showed at this moment more genius 
 than his Minister who resigned. 
 
 In England there prevailed the deepest uneasiness and the 
 most decided distrust of Napoleon. The Derby Ministry had 
 resolved on an imijortant strengthening of the navy, and
 
 310 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 complied in this respect with the patriotic demands of the 
 Court. The Vohmteer movement also, which had found a 
 warm supporter from its commencement in Prince Albert, 
 and which led to the spontaneous formation of rifle corps in 
 all the towns and counties of England, received the sanction 
 and encouragement of the Government. Even the French- 
 loving Palmer ston was not behind the Tories in his zeal for 
 this movement, which sprang into existence from the threats 
 of the French colonels. 
 
 It was soon seen that Napoleon's dreams of an Italian 
 confederation were just as impracticable as some other stipu- 
 lations of the peace preliminaries of Villafranca. Harassed 
 and perplexed by the daily increasing difficulties occasioned 
 by his policy, he took refuge again in the idea of a Congress 
 as a plausible means of escape from the contradictions in 
 which his want of foresight had involved him. Once more 
 the sound common-sense of Prince Albert opened the eyes 
 of the English Ministers, and saved them from the folly 
 of pulling the Italian chestnuts out of the fire for the 
 French. 
 
 Before the plenipotentiaries of Austria and France met at 
 Zürich, to embody the aphorisms of Villafranca into a formal 
 treaty, the Austrian Emperor had been anxious to come to a 
 private understanding with the English Court. His Ambas- 
 sador, Count Apponyi, was not equal to that task. A veteran 
 of Austrian diplomacy was chosen. Prince Paul Esterhazy, one 
 of the most distinguished pupils of the then deceased Prince 
 Metternieh. While Apponyi was so grieved at the disasters 
 in Italy that the Queen herself had to comfort and encourage 
 him, it was a real pleasure to see the old Prince Paul bearing 
 high the Austrian banner in London with the freshness and 
 confidence of youth. He was the type of a greater, if not a
 
 PKINCE ESTERHAZY IN LONDON. 311 
 
 better, time. ' J'en ai vu bien d'autres,' he constantly re- 
 peated, to remind those about him that it was not the moment 
 then for hanging down one's head. 
 
 I saw the Prince a few liours after his arrival at Chandos 
 House. Apponyi asked him shyly whether his Highness 
 desired an invitation to a Court concert the next evening. 
 ' Do not trouble yourself,' replied the Prince. ' I went im- 
 mediately after my arrival to Prince Albert and sat with him 
 for two hours. He invited me himself to the concert, and 
 made me promise also to dine the next day with the Queen.' 
 
 Prince Esterhazy had become terribly deaf, and spoke in 
 such a loud voice that it was hardly possible to hold any 
 serious conversation with him in society. But it was amus- 
 ing to see how thoroughly at home he felt. He knew every- 
 body. His appearance at Buckingham Palace made quite a 
 stir. The hearty ' How do you do ? ' with which he greeted 
 his old friends quite rang through the large halls, and more 
 than once he added, ' How glad I am to see you ! I thought 
 you were dead long ago.' 
 
 The Queen herself said to me that evening, ' I have been 
 so pleased to see Prince Paul again. It is an agreeable 
 reminder of the days of my childhood. If only he wouldn't 
 shout so terribly. You cannot speak a word with him with- 
 out everybody hearing it.' 
 
 On the veteran who had negotiated with Napoleon I. and 
 Talleyrand, and counted Wellington and Castlereagh among 
 his most intimate friends, it was only natural that none of 
 the present generation should make much impression. He 
 had treated Lord Palmerston and Lord John, at the com- 
 mencement of their career, as his inferiors, and he treated 
 them now in much the same way. Of a Congress, of course, 
 he would hear nothing. The matter was settled. What
 
 312 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 remained to be done would be looked after by Colloredo and 
 Karotyi at Zürich. 
 
 I had several opportunities at that time of explaining to 
 Prince Esterhazy my views of afl'airs in England, and I was 
 pleased to hear afterwards that he had said he largely agreed 
 with them. From London he went to Paris, where I met 
 him after the Session. With his sound and pertinent judg- 
 ment on Napoleon's regime, I could only express my absolute 
 concurrence. 
 
 During my leave of absence I spent some weeks in 
 Dresden, in order to acquaint myself in some degree with 
 the state of things in Germany. The short but bloody cam- 
 paign in Italy had produced the most lamentable results. 
 People there, looking only at Napoleon's success, overrated his 
 power. The deep-rooted distrust of his policy was shared by 
 all parties alike. There were no traces of any desire for an- 
 other Ehenish Confederation. On the contrary, there was a 
 general feeling of uncertainty and weakness. Barren recrimi- 
 nations between Vienna and Berlin had only embittered the 
 old rivalry. Austria complained of having been left in the 
 lurch by her natural allies, and her partisans held the 
 Berlin Cabinet responsible for the passive attitude of Ger- 
 many. In Prussia, all the blame was cast on the thwarting 
 policy of the Vienna Cabinet, and their tendency to treat the 
 Great Power of Northern Germany rather as a vassal than an 
 ally. It was stated that at the two decisive moments, at the 
 beginning and the end of the war, the Austrian negotiators 
 sent to Berlin had been surprised by the action of their own 
 Government. In point of fact, the Archduke Albert had 
 pi'otested against sending the ultimatum to Turin, and quitted 
 Berlin in the hope of preventing it. In like manner Prince 
 Windischgrätz had urgently warned against a i)remature con-
 
 THE SITUATION IN GERMANY. 31 S 
 
 elusion 01 peace, and, on his warnings being disregarded, had 
 left Berlin with the object of his journey unfulfilled. Equallj^ 
 sterile had been the mission of the Prussian General von 
 Willisen to Vienna. 
 
 Count Buol was forced to 1)0W to the storm, and hand over 
 the Foreign Ministry to Count Bernhard von Eechberg, the 
 Austrian Minister Plenipotentiary to the Bund, and President 
 of the Diet since 1855. Belonging to a family formerly im- 
 mediate of the Empire, and holding property in Bavaria and 
 Würtemberg, Eechberg was a foreigner and without roots in 
 the country of his adoption. The financial embarrassments, 
 which had increased since the suicide of Brück, peremp- 
 torily urged the necessity of reverting to constitutional 
 paths. 
 
 The disastrous Italian campaign dissipated to some extent 
 the nimbus with W'liich Schwarzenberg and Piadetzky had 
 invested the Empire. It was only natural that the eyes of 
 German patriots should turn again to Berlin. The convic- 
 tion, which had been slumbering for the last ten years, that 
 Prussia alone could protect Germany against French ambition, 
 obtained new adherents. The Xational Verein,^ then in pro- 
 cess of formation, soon became the organ of these aspirations. 
 But the most important thing was that the fruitless mobilisa- 
 tion of the Prussian army had revealed to the Prince Eegent 
 the faults and shortcomings of the Prussian military system, 
 and confirmed the observations he had made during the 
 Baden campaign of 1849. Thus out of this costly prepara- 
 tion for war grew the fixed resolve to replace the existing 
 organisation of the Prussian army by a new one, better 
 adapted to its purposes. 
 
 ' The object of this National League, as it was called, was to put Prussia, 
 to the exclusion of Austria, at the head of Germany.— Ed.
 
 114 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 1859. 
 
 Lisbon, Jan. 28: Political Parties in Portugal — Ministerial Crisis — Conclusion 
 of the Negotiations for the Marriage Treaty of Prince George of Saxony. — 
 London, March 2 : Impressions in Paris — The Emperor Napoleon and 
 Italy — Conversations with the Austrian Ambassador— Antonelli's ' Move.'- - 
 London, March 3 : Audience of Prince Albert ; his Judgment on the 
 ' Crime ' planned by Napoleon with Cavour ; his Advice respecting Austria 
 and Germany. — London, March 20 : Austria's conditional Acceptance of 
 the Proposal of a Congress — Lord Derby's Hopes of Peace. — London, 
 March 24 : A Mistake explained — The Congress proposed by Eussia, not 
 by France. — London, March 27 : Disarmament of Sardinia — Napoleon's 
 ambiguous Assurances— Gloomy Symptoms. — London, March 30 : Malmes- 
 bury's Reply to Clarendon's Question — Russia's Invitation to the Congress 
 — Acceptance of the English Conditions. — London, Aijril 6 : The Congress 
 doubtful — Ministerial Crisis in England — Cavour refuses to disarm. — 
 London, April 8 : The Ministers declare a Debate on the Question of War 
 or Peace to be inconvenient to the Public Interest — Rumours of War. — 
 London, April 11 : Threatening Aspect of Affairs— Malmesbury's Opti- 
 mism — Conversation with Brunnow. — London, April 16 : Recapitulation 
 of the Negotiations— Lord John Russell's Speech to his Constituents. — 
 Lisbon, May 6 : The solemn Suit for the Hand of the Infanta of Portugal. 
 
 Lisbon: Jan. 28, 1859. 
 
 Since the Bill concerning the dowry of the Infanta was 
 agreed to unanimously and without discussion by the 
 Chamber of Deputies on the 24th, and in the same gratifying 
 manner by the Peers on the 26th, the negotiations as to the 
 marriage treaty have so far prospered, that in a couple of 
 days we may hope to see the treaty signed. If so, this 
 result, unprecedented in the annals of Portugal, will be due
 
 MINISTERIAL CRISIS IN PORTUGAL. ol5 
 
 to a special dispensation of Providence. For under such un- 
 favourable circumstances as the present, a transaction of this 
 kind has hardly ever been completed in six weeks. 
 
 The Ministry since the day of its formation has been in 
 a constant state of dissolution. Its history is one unbroken 
 crisis. All attempts to complete it have hitherto failed. 
 The Marquis de Louie and Count d'Avila belong to different 
 political parties. The latter is a Chartist, that is a supporter, 
 in a strictly monarchical sense, of the Charter granted by 
 Dom Pedro, while Louie belongs to the extreme Liberal 
 party, which is called — I have never learnt why — the 
 historical party. There is no question of Piadicalism. • De 
 Louie would be sorely puzzled if he were asked as to 
 his political creed. He lacks neither good intentions nor 
 tact and sound common-sense ; but a Minister with less idea 
 of business than the indolent and forgetful Marquis, it 
 would be difficult to find. He disarms his adversaries 
 by an ingenuousness bordering on naivete. Thus he was 
 lately reminded in the Chamber of Peers of the Junta of 
 Oporto, of which he was a member, and whose open rebel- 
 lion against Queen Maria da Gloria was only put down by 
 the intervention of Sir H. Seymour. Ear from being in the 
 least embarrassed by these reminiscences, the Prime Minister 
 observed that he esteemed it the highest honour to have 
 belonged to that revolutionary brotherhood. Another time 
 he was asked — and it was well known that he was Grand 
 Master of the Freemasons in Portugal — whether he belonged 
 to any secret society. Although all secret societies, and 
 especially the Freemasons, are forbidden by law in Portugal, 
 the Marquis did not hesitate to answer the question in the 
 affirmative. In spite, however, of all these incongruities, 
 Louie is extremely popular, not only in the Cortes, but in the
 
 316 ST, PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 country, while from his love of truth, and, perhaps, from his 
 very indolence, he suits the young King, who likes him. Were 
 the Marquis to fall, the King and country would probably 
 relapse under the rule of the Reg ener adores, whose aim is to 
 regenerate Portugal under the leadership of the old Duke of 
 Saldanha — a party who profess to be more Conservative than 
 the present Ministry, and boast that of the fifteen Revolutions 
 experienced by Portugal during the last fourteen years, they 
 have not caused as many as Louie and his friends. The Re- 
 generadores reject the notion of a Coalition Ministry, counting, 
 as they do, on the speedy accession of their leader, whose 
 ambition is boundless, but whose honesty, according to our 
 German ideas, is open to doubt. In England, Saldanha 
 would be called an old humbug. Here people are afraid of 
 him, since the few who are at all fit for posts in the Ministry 
 are his adherents. The only statesman in the country. Count 
 Thomar, the chief of the Conservative party, had become for 
 the present impossible since Saldanha's last pronnnciamiento. 
 Nothing was left, therefore, but to let the machine of Govern- 
 ment remain for the time inactive, by putting its manage- 
 ment nominally into the hands of Louie. 
 
 However, there is a limit to everything, even to Portu- 
 guese patience. ' Interpellations ' beyond number urge the 
 completion of the Cabinet. The majority, who have hitherto 
 kept the Premier in power, are said to have already threat- 
 ened to desert him in the Chamber of Deputies if an end is 
 not put at once to the present state of things. The Minister 
 of Finance himself confessed to me to-day that there is a 
 regular Ministerial crisis. Count d'Avila is, therefore, doubly 
 proud of having settled the question of the Infanta's dowry in 
 the Cortes, as a change of Ministry would have occasioned 
 endless delay.
 
 IMPRESSIONS IN PARIS. 317 
 
 London : March 2, 1859. 
 
 As a rule the impressions received by a three days' stay in 
 Paris are kaleidoscopic and contradictory. It must, there- 
 fore, be regarded as a symptom of an abnormal state of 
 things if the same j)icture reappears always in different 
 colours, the same course of ideas in conversations with utterly 
 different people. 
 
 At the present moment a sinister apprehension is weigh- 
 ing, like a nightmare, on the minds of all. It is feared 
 that the fate of France and the immediate future of Europe 
 are resting in the hands of a man whose mind has lost its 
 balance, whose high-flying projects have become idiosyn- 
 crasies, his Ih-mness of character obstinac}^ and liis personal 
 courage benumbed into a blind fatalism by his terror at real 
 or imaginary dangers. Qiios Dens rnlt 2^erdere,pnns demcntat. 
 
 What struck me most of all that I saw in Paris, was the 
 Emperor's changed appearance. I saw his Majesty, sur- 
 rounded by several aides-de-camp, in the Champs-Elysees. I 
 had some trouble in recognising in the horseman bowed, 
 and staring fixedly before him, and hanging apparently 
 powerless in his saddle, the ruler whose dignity, scarceh' a 
 twelvemonth ago, was so impressive, and whose smile was 
 so bewitching. He looked at least ten years older. Of the 
 thousands whom the spring air had tempted out of doors, 
 not one appeared to notice the monarch, at least not one 
 saluted him. In Paris terror reigns supreme : the Emperor 
 fears assassins, the Ministers and Generals fear the Emperor. 
 Et la ijeur ne raisonne pas. No one has the Emperor's ear 
 unless it be Prince Napoleon, whose growing influence fore- 
 shadows rather than conceals ambitious plans. All France 
 desires peace, but offers only a mute resistance to her silent
 
 318 ST. PETEESBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 monarch. Never has speech been more free, or the press more 
 servile, than at present. 
 
 War in Italy is a certainty, only it is to be no second 
 edition of the epopee of Marengo, but a mere mock contest, a 
 coup de theatre. 
 
 An English friend, whose official position made him speak 
 with authority, described the situation as follows : ' It is not 
 possible to build a second Louvre. The park in the Bois de 
 Boulogne is finished. The loi des suspects has been a failure» 
 Every resource has been exhausted. Napoleon thinks it is 
 only on the battle-field that he can re-establish his position, 
 undermined as it is on all sides. As for what comes next, 
 he cares not a jot. If victorious, he would settle the fate of 
 Italy, perhaps satisfy his now troublesome cousin with the 
 Iron Crown, and claim nothing for France herself. This is 
 his plan. If he fails, all is lost. It is the usual game of this 
 Imperial adventurer to stake everything on one throw. In- 
 dustry is suffering from the pressure of uncertainty. Why 
 should that trouble him ? On the contrary, so much the 
 better ! How could these interets inßmes of a nation of 
 thirty-five millions presume to cross the monarch's secret 
 plans ? Every obstacle only urges him further forward. 
 Every concession encourages him to demand more. He 
 welcomes every pretext for hurrying matters to a crisis. Do 
 not allow,' concluded the Englishman, ' the now awakened 
 national feeling in Germany to go to sleep again. Nothing 
 but prompt and unanimous action can save Europe from a 
 new Bonapartist deluge. Nothing but the union of the 
 German Governments can preserve or, at least, soon restore 
 peace. The Ehine must be defended in Italy. As long as a 
 Bonaparte sits upon the throne of France, every Great Power 
 should have at least 150,000 men prepared to march.'
 
 ANTONELLI'S DEMAND. 319 
 
 The Austrian Ambassador, whom I went to see the 
 evening before my departure, laid his views before me with 
 great candour. He fully approves of Cardinal Antonelli's 
 demand that Austria and France should evacuate the Papal 
 States. At the French Foreign Ministry this demand is 
 regarded as a complication endangering the maintenance of 
 peace. The quieting assurances which the Due de Gramont 
 has had to make in the name of the Emperor Napoleon, 
 have produced and are bound to produce at Rome a dia- 
 metrically opposite effect, inasmuch as he spoke always 
 of the Pope personally, and not of the Holy See. In the 
 event of a Franco- Austrian war, the personal position of the 
 Pope would certainly seem to be threatened if the French 
 garrison were left in Piome. Moreover, the contemplated 
 removal of the Curia to A\dgnon might appear such a serious 
 eventuality, as to make it preferable to let matters proceed to 
 open revolution. Baron Hübner in no way underrated this 
 latter danger. He considers war inevitable, not so much 
 on account of the Emperor's position at home — Napoleon 
 being obliged to swim against the stream of public opinion — 
 l)ut from the binding promises he seems to have made to the 
 leaders of the Italian Pie volution. The Austrian Ambassador's 
 main anxiety lies in the political, not the military, aspect of 
 the threatened conflict. Everything, in his opinion, depends 
 on the Austrian Cabinet's contriving and commencing the 
 war under the most favourable conditions possible. I repre- 
 sented to him the fear lest Napoleon should pervert Lord 
 Cowley's mission to Vienna into a means of depriving the 
 English Government of their freedom of action by barren 
 negotiations. On this point, however, Baron Hübner spoke 
 with the fullest confidence in the personal quahties of his 
 British colleague, who, notwithstanding his intimate relations
 
 o20 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 with the French Court, is too straightforward, he says, not 
 to condemn in plain terms the present poHcy of Napoleon. 
 
 London: March 3, 1859. 
 
 My first care on returning was to obtain an audience of 
 Prince Albert. He has now more than ever the threads of 
 high politics in his hand. This afternoon, at half-past five, 
 his Eoyal Highness received me in his private room. 
 
 My remark that, after a two months' exile in European 
 Africa, I had witnessed, not without surprise, the excitement 
 which had taken possession of Germany from one end to the 
 other, turned the conversation upon the burning cjuestion of 
 the day. After a few words of warm acknowledgment of 
 the patriotic spirit which animated the German Governments 
 and people, the Prince expounded to me the situation as 
 follows : 
 
 ' The game stands simply thus. Every time I have seen 
 the Emperor Napoleon, he has endeavoured to persuade me 
 that there was only one means of preventing the complica- 
 tions he foresaw, namely that England and France should 
 come to a previous understanding as to the reconstruction of 
 the map of Europe. A last attempt of this kind was made 
 at Cherbourg. To this I invariably replied : We in England 
 maintain that there are no better means of bringing about 
 the complications feared, than to tie one's hands against 
 eventualities of the future, since by so doing the part}^ 
 who has an interest in change can morally compel the 
 other to co-operate. To play such a part no British states- 
 man would either now or at any future time consent, and 
 least of all would I. The Emperor regretted what he called 
 these mistaken English theories. I cut short the discussion 
 by remarking that he would find himself convinced to his cost
 
 AUDIENCE OF TRINCE ALBEHT. 321 
 
 of the correctness of our principle. T know that during the 
 Conferences at Paris, and indeed at Compiegne also, a similar 
 attempt was made with others, but each time in vain. The 
 Emperor has found at length his man at Plombieres. Is 
 Cavour the tool of Napoleon, or Napoleon tlie dupe of tlie 
 Piedmontpse Minister ? I know not. Secrets hid in the 
 bosom of a third party are past finding out. In our own 
 interest, as in the interest of peace, we cling firmly at present 
 to the most favourable conjecture. We assume that the 
 French Emperor does not desire war at any price, but has 
 only given assurances to the Sardinians for certain eventuali- 
 ties. In all probability he has promised to support Pied- 
 mont in the event of an attack. I conclude this from what 
 Cavour himself says, who continues to talk idly about a pre- 
 tended attack by Austria. The Emperor has written to us 
 saying that he desires the maintenance of peace, but must 
 beg that people in England and Germany will leave off taking 
 precautions against the impending danger of a war. These 
 might easily oblige him to draw the sword, in order to retain 
 his own position in France.' 
 
 I knew already from other quarters that the Emperor's 
 private letter, to which the Prince evidently referred, had 
 excited genuine indignation, and increased still more the 
 suspicion already prevailing. 
 
 ' What, then, under these circumstances is the proper 
 course for our policy to take ? Plainly, nothing else but to 
 deprive the aggressive party of all excuse for striking a blow, 
 so as to put that party entirely in the wrong. That is the 
 position which we have hitherto taken up, and which we 
 recommend Germany also to adopt. We desire, therefore, 
 that the German Governments should maintain for the pre- 
 sent a calm reserve, moderate their patriotic zeal, and abstain 
 
 VOL. I. V
 
 322 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 from encouraging Austria in her perhaps too unhending atti- 
 tude. Austria must he ahle to count implicitly on the 
 public opinion of Europe, and especially of England. If only 
 people in Vienna would understand that this is our honest de- 
 sire ! In England the so-called oppressed Italian nationality 
 has still the sympathies of a powerful party on its side. It 
 is important to disarm this party, and, above all, to strengthen 
 Austria's moral position. Not unless Austria can rely abso- 
 lutely upon Germany, and in the second instance upon our- 
 selves, will she be able to undertake, with the full prospect 
 of victory, the chastisement of the intended crime. I would 
 from my heart that this could be understood in Vienna ; and, 
 thank God ! the news we have received from Lord Cowley is 
 hitherto assuring. 
 
 ' As regards Germany, Count Buol has again made a 
 blunder. The circular despatch of February 5 was a mistake, 
 for which he has already paid the penalty. It has wantonly 
 offended Prussia. This pride, so thoroughly Hapsburgian, 
 and so suspiciously increased by the victories in Hungary 
 and Italy, is now out of place ; and Austria is wrong in 
 thinking that Germany is bound to defend the non-German 
 possessions of the Austrian Emperor. By withholding from 
 the Berlin Cabinet the circular despatch, addressed to all the 
 German Courts, an unnecessary affront has been offered to 
 Prussia, whose army might still prove useful. It was evidently 
 hoped that she would be compelled by the other members of 
 the Bund, as well as by public opinion, to give active suj)port 
 to Austria in maintaining her possessions in Italy.' 
 
 This mistaken supposition of the Prince it was easy to 
 refute. 
 
 * The real motive of the Vienna Cabinet,' I remarked, ' in 
 not addressing the Circular of February 5 also to Berlin, was
 
 AUDIENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT. 323 
 
 a feeling of regard for Prussia's jTOsition as a Great Power. 
 In point of fact, the Berlin Cabinet was informed, by direct 
 negotiations between the two Courts, earlier and more fully 
 than the rest of us. It is to be hoped that the Prince Eegent's 
 sense of chivalry will be superior to such pett}^ jealousies, 
 which only make us laughed at by other countries and en- 
 courage the war party in France. This sensitiveness of the 
 Prussian Government is really nothing but a blind. Some 
 Prussian papers actually demand that assistance should only 
 be given to Austria in return for bare cash. The question 
 now, however, is not one of Austria, but of Germany. The 
 Piliine must be defended on the Mincio. If the meditated 
 attack on the left wing of the German position, in Italy, is 
 successful, we must expect to see it repeated against the right 
 wing. And if France is victorious on the Pihine, England's 
 turn will come. It is, therefore, clearly in the interest of 
 Germany and England to check in the bud what your High- 
 ness has stigmatised so pointedly as a crime.' 
 
 To all this the Prince at once assented. 
 
 ' It follows, then,' I continued, ' that the position of 
 Prussia and the rest of Germany must not be identified with 
 that of England ; on the contrary, care must be taken that 
 Prussia, or rather the German Confederation, shall always 
 be a step ahead of England.' 
 
 This also the Prince did not dispute, but he advised the 
 greatest caution. For political and, above all, military 
 reasons, he said, ten to one could be adduced to show the 
 importance of preventing the French Emperor from first 
 attacking the Pvliine, It was obvious, therefore, that Ger- 
 many, before taking action, should await the consumma- 
 tion of the intended international crime. The man who, 
 apart from this, chiefly excited the hatred of Napoleon, 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 was the Prince Eegent. That was a fact we must not 
 forget. 
 
 ' Only let the French armies,' said the Prince, ' exhaust 
 themselves by what we hope will be their impotent assaults 
 upon the Austrian defensive position in Italy. Pieflect that 
 the French Emperor, if he is foolish enough to invade Italy, 
 will not come, like the First Consul, into an enemy's country, 
 but must appear as the ally of Piedmont. He has no longer 
 at his disposal those treasures which the First Napoleon looted, 
 and with which he was able to maintain his troops. The 
 French army in Lombardy must now be paid for out of the 
 pockets of the French rentiers. People in Paris seem to for- 
 get this fact, and yet it will weigh heavily in the balance, for 
 it is bound to make the war more unpopular than ever.' 
 
 I could not, of course, follow the Prince in his remarks 
 on the subject of strategy. I simply observed that it was 
 Prussia's interest to stand up with all her might for the 
 honour of Germany. The loftier and more unselfish view the 
 Prince Regent took of the task before him, the more certain 
 €0uld he be of his reward. 
 
 After this digression, which I do not regret, since my 
 words seemed to make an impression, I turned the conversa- 
 tion again to Italy. I asked whether and how far the treaties 
 existing between Austria and the lesser Italian States were to 
 be included in the scope of the concessions recommended to 
 the Austrian Cabinet, with the view of placing Austria in the 
 most advantageous diplomatic position, and her opponents au 
 pied du mur ? 
 
 ' Must not Austria,' I urged, ' regard it as a matter of 
 honour not to desert those in the hour of danger whom she 
 has promised to aid and protect ? Can she possibly counte- 
 nance the absurd theories of the sophist Cavour ? Has not
 
 AUDIENCE OF PPJNCE ALBERT. 325 
 
 every sovereign the right to conchule treaties with other 
 sovereigns '? Is it not the fable of the wolf and the lamb over 
 again, when defensive treaties between nations are found to 
 serve as a mere screen for aggression and usurpation ? ' 
 
 ' You are perfectly right,' replied the Prince. * But cannot 
 or will not Piedmont plead in answer to this : I am bound in 
 honour to keep the promises I have made to the party of 
 independence ? ' 
 
 'But surely,' I broke in, 'the party of independence is 
 after all no legally constituted power ? ' 
 
 * Certainly not ; but we can do nothing in this matter 
 with our German ideas of legal right. There are people who 
 only acknowledge the right of the stronger, and insist that 
 the party of independence is the stronger in Parma, Tuscany, 
 and Modena. Austria's only object, they say, in concluding 
 treaties, to the suppression of liberty, with these Govern- 
 ments, was to extend her power beyond the frontiers assigned 
 to her in 1815. " The cry of enslaved Italy," so people are 
 exclaiming in Turin, " rings in our ears, and Piedmont must 
 hasten to the aid of the oppressed." unfortunately, there 
 are very many people in this country w^ho attach more im- 
 portance to such phrases than the^^ deserve. Is a Govern- 
 ment which can only be maintained by the help of foreign 
 bayonets, a lawful one ? Some will say Yes to this question, 
 and others No. The Italian people think differently on that 
 subject to the Germans. I don't feel myself called on to 
 decide between them. I merely assert that the question of 
 right is doubtful, as in fact it has been doubted.' 
 
 ' Let us dismiss, then, the question of right,' I replied, 
 ' and look simply at the question of expediency. Can Austria 
 be expected to weaken her defensive position voluntarily and 
 without constraint '? Suppose, for instance, that England
 
 326 ST, PETEKSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 found herself on the eve of a war with France and America : 
 what would English Ministers think of a mediating Power 
 who required them to cancel treaties with Portugal, because 
 the Americans would only abstain from war if the strong 
 jDOsition of Lisbon were surrendered to them ? ' 
 
 ' I readily admit that the question is as difficult as it is 
 delicate. Everything depends on skilful diplomatic handling. 
 That has, certainly, not been of late the strongest side of the 
 Vienna Cabinet. They have often enough ruined theii- best 
 chances by want of skill. What would you say if, for ex- 
 ample, the grievance now alleged against Austria by France 
 and Sardinia, that she has extended, contrary to treat.y, her 
 influence to Parma, Tuscany, and Modena, were treated diplo- 
 matically in a similar manner to the question of the Pioman 
 occupation ? ' 
 
 I was forced to admit that Cardinal Antonelli's move 
 must have been a very clever one, having caused the 
 utmost irritation in Paris and the greatest delight in 
 Vienna. 
 
 ' Whether it was a " clever move," ' said the Prince M'ith a 
 smile, ' I must leave an open question. It was we who in- 
 spired it. We considered the outbreak of a revolution in Piome, 
 which France is still labouring to jDrovoke, to be the lesser 
 evil. The withdrawal of the Austrian troops from the Lega- 
 tions will make the desired impression here, and also enable 
 the Austrian army to concentrate better in Lombardy. What 
 if the Austrian Emperor should now declare that he was 
 prepared, under certam conditions, to renounce the rights 
 secured to him by the separate treaties with Tuscany, Parma, 
 and Modena ? What if he were to demand, as a sine qua non 
 condition, extensive guarantees for the maintenance of peace 
 and order, and were to stipulate besides that the princes of
 
 AUDIENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT. 327 
 
 those three Duchies should take the initiative in caneelHng 
 the treaties of protection ? ' 
 
 At the close of our conversation we discussed the position 
 of Kussia in the expected war. I mentioned the disclosures 
 received some eight or ten days ago in Paris, and added that 
 they had visibly cooled down the illusions encouraged by the 
 Grand Duke Constantine's imprudent utterances in Paris and 
 Turin. Thus much was clear, that Piussia could not think of 
 engaging in any offensive war for the next five years. The 
 French Emperor's ill-humour had been manifestly increased 
 by his having been undeceived in his hopes of Piussian co- 
 operation. Moreover, the efforts of the Russian Empress and 
 the so-called German Party in St. Petersburg did not appear 
 to have been altogether fruitless. 
 
 The Prince listened to these remarks with evident satis- 
 faction. He shared my conviction that German}', if united, 
 had nothmg to fear from Gortschakoff's ' neutralite mquie- 
 tante.' It would be a more serious matter — and this he said 
 with emphasis — if France were to meditate an attack on 
 Venetia, together with a repetition of Marshal Marmont's 
 expedition. In that case, Eussia might show^ her hand in a 
 manner very dangerous to Austria, by possibly enlisting in 
 her favour the Panslavistic sympathies of the frontier popu- 
 lations. 
 
 * I throw this out,' concluded Prince Albert, ' merely as a 
 conjecture. Were I the French Emperor and had to conduct 
 a war agamst Austria, I would begin there and not in Italy. 
 Who knows what has taken the Grand Duke Constantine to 
 Athens ? Does he mean to set the East in flames ? If so, 
 we are now on the eve of incalculable complications, and 
 Austria will require all her energies.' 
 
 The Prince took leave of me most graciously, and advised
 
 328 ST. PETEPtSBUEG AND LONDON. 
 
 me to keep this conversation strictly secret and not to write 
 by post. France was now using every effort to obtain copies 
 of all despatches, however small their interest. King Leopold 
 had been obliged about a week ago to change all the post- 
 oftice officials in Ostend, where French bribes had caused the 
 utmost mischief. It would be as well, therefore, to keep a 
 watchful eye in Vienna on the officials of the French railway 
 company, and not spare the expense of special messengers, 
 
 London : March 20, 1859. 
 
 I did not fail to announce to you by telegraph the peaceful 
 turn things have taken the day before yesterday in Paris, and 
 yesterday in Vienna. I happened fortunately to witness the 
 first impression made on the leading English Ministers by 
 Austria's conditional acceptance of the French proposal of a 
 Congress. 
 
 On the 18th, Lord Malmesbury told the Austrian Ambas- 
 sador that Lord Cowley, as he had informed him by tele- 
 graph, had found Napoleon most favourably disposed. The 
 British Ambassador had frankly confessed that he did not 
 bring with him any definite and formulated proposals of 
 mediation ; but that, nevertheless, a very conciliatory dis- 
 position was then prevailing in Vienna, which — on the 
 supposition of its being responded to by France — afforded 
 hopes of a peaceful settlement of the Italian question. The 
 Emperor had answered that he regretted that no distinct 
 proposals of mediation were forthcoming, but that he found 
 elements in what Lord Cowley had confidentially communi- 
 cated, which might possibly lead to a diplomatic understanding. 
 Great faults had been committed on both sides ; but Sardinia 
 was responsible for the greatest. There was still time, how- 
 ever, to seek an escape from a situation which it was his
 
 AUSTRIA AND THE CONGRESS. 329 
 
 sincere desire to terminate. If the Emperor of Austria would 
 consent to the summoning of a Congress of the Five Powers 
 in some neutral city, France would do her best to make that 
 proposal acceptable. France could not oppose the outspoken 
 will of Europe, and he, Napoleon, would be then no longer 
 accused of having broken his word with the Italians. Such is 
 the substance of Lord Cowley's first report. 
 
 Lord Malmesbury immediately instructed Lord Augustus 
 Loftus urgently to recommend to the Austrian Government 
 the acceptance of the French proposal, in which Russia had 
 concurred. Count Apponyi was requested orally at the same 
 time to give his warmest support to this recommendation, 
 and was positively assured that the Congress would of course 
 consider the territorial position of Austria, as well as the 
 boundaries of the Italian States, fixed by the Treaties of 
 1815, as a fundamental matter unalterable, and altogether 
 outside the scope of discussion. The exclusive points for 
 deliberation would be the evacuation of the Papal States, the 
 administrative reforms to be recommended to the Court of 
 Piome, and the special treaties between Austria and some of 
 the Italian Governments. Apponyi having ascertained these 
 points, resolved to telegraph for instructions to his Court. 
 
 The decided manner in which the Austrian Cabinet 
 repudiated any interference in Austria's treaty relations, had 
 made the deepest impression on Lord Cowley, and indu^ectly 
 on the British Ministers. The latter, moreover, made no 
 secret of confessing that Austria would be fully justified in 
 refusing to recognise the competence of the European Areo- 
 pagus with reference to the Italian question. They were, there- 
 fore, all the more prepared for a refusal when they learned 
 for the first time, from Lord Cowley's despatches, the full 
 extent of Austria's preparations for war. All the greater was
 
 330 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 their delight, not to say their thankfuhiess, on receiving the 
 telegram, which happened to arrive last night during a grand 
 dinner, to which Count Apponyi had invited Lord Derby, 
 Lord Malmesbury, Disraeli, and other prominent members of 
 the Cabinet, and where I was present also. 
 
 This telegram was delivered to the Austrian First Secre- 
 tary of Legation just as the ladies had left the dining-room. 
 Shortly afterwards its contents were communicated to the 
 English Ministers. Austria's conditional acceptance of the 
 French proposal of a Congress was interpreted as a new proof 
 of her desire to resume to its full extent the old alliance with 
 England. The cordial acknowledgments expressed to Count 
 Apponyi by Lord Derby, Lord Malmesbur}^, and Disraeli, will 
 be hailed with satisfaction in Vienna. The Austrian Cabinet 
 will not repent the sacrifice it has made to moderation and a 
 spirit of compliance. It is plain that the distrust m Napo- 
 leon's love of peace was only too well justified. Was not the 
 last French move intended, perhaps, simply as a means of 
 giving France time to prepare for war ? Be that, however, as 
 it may, the importance to Austria of having enlisted public 
 opinion in Germany and England on her side, cannot possibly 
 be over-estimated. The military and financial disadvantages 
 caused by the postponement of a war which has been always 
 regarded by pessimists as inevitable, are not worth considera- 
 tion when compared with the political advantages thus 
 obtained. For if the deliberations of the Congress result in 
 war, the diplomatic position she has acquired will materially 
 lighten the strategic task of her generals. If, again, the 
 Congress leads to the neutralisation and disarming of Sar- 
 dinia, to the healing of the wounds in the Austrian body 
 politic, which have been kept open so industriously by those 
 who envy and hate her, and to a renewed guarantee, based on
 
 A MISTAIflE EXPLAINED. 331 
 
 international law, of her possessions, as established by treaty, 
 these results would exhibit peaceful conquests of undeniable 
 value. But it will be time to halloo when out of the wood. 
 The danger is not yet over, though its full extent may now 
 at length have dawned on the man who raised the storm. Is 
 there anywhere a spell to bind the unchained hordes of the 
 Italian party of revolution on the Ticino ? And if such a 
 thing can be done, is there an honest determination to do it ? 
 These are questions which the future alone can solve. 
 
 Lord Derby summed up to me the situation in this san- 
 guine remark: 'I tliink that the prospects of peace have 
 never been so bright as to-day.' 
 
 One word in conclusion, which explains the English policy 
 of mediation. 
 
 * Our coast defences and our naval preparations,' said 
 Disraeli to me in the strictest confidence, ' are not yet com- 
 pleted. We require a full twelvemonth for that purpose. If 
 we can manage to put off war till then, we shall have nothing 
 any longer to fear from the French.' 
 
 London : March 24, 1859. 
 
 I have only succeeded this evening in clearing up the 
 mistake contained in my telegrams and letter of the 20th. 
 The mischievous habit in this country of employing the 
 telegraph for intricate and delicate negotiations, has evils 
 which justify only too well the distrust entertained by the 
 old school against this rapid and multiplied interchange of 
 ideas. It is almost incredible, but none the less true, that 
 the English Government have remained for two whole 
 days under the impression that the proposal of the Con- 
 gress came from France. It was the Note in the * Moniteur ' 
 of the 22nd that first explained the misunderstanding, for
 
 öd2 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 which the French Amhassador in this country is made 
 responsible. 
 
 When Lord ]\Ialmesbury telegraphed to Lord Augustus 
 Loftus on the 18th, and made the verbal statement to Count 
 Apponyi which I have previously reported, he did so under 
 the conviction that the proposal for the Congress had ori- 
 ginated with the French. Then followed on the 19th the 
 conditional acceptance by Austria, before the official invitation 
 to the Congress from Enssia, not from France, could possibly 
 have reached Vienna. The qniproquo could only have facili- 
 tated Austria's decision, while here it has enhanced the 
 gratitude for this proof of her peaceful disposition and friendl}»- 
 feeling towards England. Count Buol yesterday informed 
 the Russian representative in Vienna of his Government's 
 official acceptance of the proposal, and the Five Great Powers 
 are now ready to take part in the Congress. Count Buol's 
 desire to see the Italian Governments, with whom Austria 
 concluded the much talked-of separate treaties, invited to 
 send representatives, will now make it impossible to exclude 
 Sardinia, as was originally intended. Count Cavour is ex- 
 pected to-night at Paris, where he has ordered the Sardinian 
 Minister here, the Marquis d'Azeglio, to meet him. 
 
 The choice of Aix-la-Chapelle, which is desired here, for 
 the meeting of the Congress, has been objected to by France, 
 on the ground that Aix-la-Chapelle is not a neutral place. 
 Count Bernstorff suggests to me, not without reason, that 
 after this objection to a Prussian city, the perfidious eulogies 
 lavished on the Prussian Government in the Note in the 
 ' Moniteur ' of the 15th could never have been meant in 
 earnest.
 
 THE CONGKESS AND SARDINIA. 333 
 
 London: March 27, 1859. 
 
 It has rarely been more difficult than just at present, to 
 follow the dissolving views of State policy. The telegraphic 
 despatches, which cross one another hourly, often change the 
 situation so suddenly, that to-day's fact becomes to-morrow's 
 fiction. 
 
 The strange misunderstanding of which I informed you in 
 my letter of the 24th, has left behind it here, as well as in 
 Vienna, a certain feeling of irritation not altogether favour- 
 able to peace. Lord Malmesbury is evidently puzzled how to 
 answer the question in Parliament which Lord Clarendon 
 postponed last Friday, out of pure courtesy, till to-morrow 
 evening. Granted that Lord Cowley has paved the way for 
 this European Congress. Granted also that the action of the 
 British Cabinet has done much to enable Austria to join that 
 Congress. Still, in the eyes of the world, the glory of having 
 discovered this peaceful solution is due to Eussia. It will 
 cost the English Ministers some pains, therefore, to explain to 
 the Opposition why they allowed the initiative to be taken by 
 a Power less interested than England in the peaceful settle- 
 ment of the Italian question. Moreover, the material acquired 
 by the confidential negotiations with Austria has become to 
 some extent useless. The Austrian Cabinet adheres simply to 
 the Kussian proposal, as stated correctly in the Note in the 
 * Moniteur ' of the 22nd. Austria announces her readiness to 
 join the Congress of the Five Powers, awaits the communi- 
 cation of the points of discussion put forv/ard prospectively 
 by Piussia, protests against the admittance of Sardinia, 
 and demands, above all, that the latter should disarm. 
 This disarmament is now regarded in Vienna as a cer- 
 tainty since the assurances obtained from Napoleon. The 
 Austrian proposal to admit Tuscany, Parma, and Modena
 
 334 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 with a consultative voice, was naturall}^ waived directly it was 
 understood in Vienna that Sardinia also, in that case, would 
 have to be admitted. Cavour and his French friends are 
 using every effort nevertheless to prevent Sardmia's exclusion. 
 As to Eussia, it is not to be expected that she should employ 
 her newly acquired influence in Europe on behalf of Austria. 
 The present British Ministry is, however, on the eve of break- 
 ing up, and the new one will not be disposed to stand up for 
 Austria's riglits. All these are gloomy signs, which must 
 strengthen the conviction that the ray of sunshine that seemed 
 to light up the European horizon has only served to reveal 
 more clearly the danger of the threatenmg storm. 
 
 London : March 30, 1859. 
 
 Lord Malmesbur}^ found himself compelled, at yesterday's 
 sitting of the House of Lords, to correct his answer as re- 
 ported in the ' Times,' by stating that he had received the 
 first communication respecting the proposal of a Congress 
 from the French Ambassador, and not from Baron Brunnow. 
 About the misunderstanding which I mentioned to you in my 
 last letter, the Foreign Secretary naturally said nothing, being 
 unwilling to expose the peace-loving Duke of Malakoff. The 
 latter had occasioned the misunderstanding Ijy ha-sing for- 
 gotten to bring with him Walewski's despatch, the text of 
 which first explained to Lord Malmesbury two days afterwards 
 that the proposal came not from France but from Paissia. 
 
 On the 22nd or 23rd Baron Brunnow first delivered 
 Russia's formal invitation to a Congress. In reply to Malmes- 
 bury's remark, ' Yous venez trop tard, nous savons deja ce 
 que vous nous apportez,' he stated that he brought with him 
 not merely the invitation, but also the agreement of his Court 
 to the four conditions proposed by England.
 
 CAVOUR llEFUSES TO DISARM. 335 
 
 Prussia, too, had already assented to those conditions, and 
 France also under certain reservations. Austria's repl}' is 
 still delaj-ed, as she is awaiting the communication in writing 
 of the points for discussion. 
 
 London : April C, 1859. 
 
 The prospect of a Congress is becommg daily more remote, 
 and the negotiations on the subject are ceasing to attract 
 attention. The Ministerial crisis which has suddenly oc- 
 curred, and the inevitable dissolution of Parliament, are 
 paralysing the action of the Government. 
 
 The contrecouy has not been wanting m Paris and Turin. 
 The spoiled darling — not of the Graces, but of the Franco- 
 Eussian entente, as, earlier, of the Anglo-French alliance — is 
 holdmg language since his return from Paris which can only 
 be exi)lained by the policy of despair if it has not been inspired 
 by the French Emperor himself. Count Cavour flatly refuses 
 to compty with the sine qua non condition demanded by 
 Austria, by disarming the Sardinian army, now strengthened 
 by Garibaldi's volunteers. He will not listen to Sardinia's 
 having only a consultative voice like Naples and Tuscany at 
 the Congress. 
 
 The French proposal to fix a line of demarcation instead 
 of resorting to disarmament does not seem to be meant 
 seriously. Such a measure would be an insult rather than a 
 satisfaction to Austria. It is impossible to put a well-disci- 
 plined regular army on the same level as volunteers. More- 
 over, a very different value must be attached to the Austrian 
 Emperor's promise of non-aggression, to that due to the assur- 
 ance which Cavour has consented to give in his insolent 
 despatch of the 17th. Nevertheless, ever}^ effort is being made 
 here to persuade Austria to withdraw her troops ten miles 
 inland from the Ticino, with the praiseworthy view of leaving
 
 336 ST. PETERSBUEG AND LONDON. 
 
 to her adversaries the odium of being the aggressors. Of 
 course, it rests with the Emperor Francis Joseph alone to 
 determine the hmits of his concession. But if Austria, forced 
 from one position to another, has to make incessant sacrifices 
 to peace, either the Congress will be unnecessary or the casus 
 belli, which is described as 'introuvable,' will suddenly become 
 a stern reality. 
 
 London: April 8, 18,59. 
 
 The question of which Lord Palmerston gave notice for 
 this evening ' is postponed. Disraeli stated yesterday that a 
 debate on the question of peace or war would be inconvenient, 
 and more than inconvenient, to the public interest, but pro- 
 mised at the same time to give the House an opportunity of 
 having one before the dissolution, and to fix the day for it 
 early next week. Lord Malmesbury made a similar statement 
 in the House of Lords. 
 
 The language of the Ministers has given the impression 
 that the moment for decision has arrived. In the City there 
 was a rumour that Sardinia had declared war against Austria. 
 From Vienna also the latest news is very warlike. People 
 there seem to be prepared for the worst. Great importance 
 is attached here to the statement that Austria, notwithstand- 
 ing the massing of her troops in Italy, could place three army 
 corps at the disposal of the German Diet. 
 
 London : April 11, 1859. 
 
 If the statements made by the Ministers in both Houses 
 on the 8th were already regarded as foreshadowing a diplo- 
 matic rupture, the movements of troops, which were announced 
 
 ' Viz. : To ask her Majesty's Government what is the present position in 
 which this country stands, either as mediator or negotiator, in regard to the 
 discussions now going on either at Paris or elsewhere, in regard to the affairs of 
 Italy and Europe in general.
 
 BllUNNOW ON TUE SITUATION. 337 
 
 simultaneously by the telegraph, might well have given new 
 food to the alarming rumours which have been current in 
 London for the last two days. 
 
 Meanwhile Lord Malmesbury persists in his optimism. 
 Only yesterday he expressed to Baron Brunnow his hope that 
 l)eace would not be disturbed. Whether, and to what extent, 
 the verbal reports of Sir James Hudson and Lord Cowley will 
 confirm this pleasing but astounding optimism, remains to be 
 proved. 
 
 Baron Brunnow, whom I have just seen, does not abandon 
 the hope of a peaceful settlement. He reminds me, however, 
 of the analogy between the present situation and that which 
 preceded the last war with Eussia. Now, as then, the fatal 
 contrast between peaceful assurances and warlike tendencies is 
 unmistakable. He thinks Lord Cowley takes too gloomy a 
 view of matters. The fact that Napoleon had requested time 
 for reflection, and declined to accept at once the Austrian pro- 
 posal of a general disarmament, was rather a good sign than 
 otherwise. If his acceptance now followed, there was a cer- 
 tain significance in the act. Of course the promise given on 
 both sides to discontinue their armaments would practically 
 have only a secondary value. Everything depended on the 
 sincerity with which that promise was fulfilled. In Paris it 
 was suspected that Austria was only waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity to enforce herself the disarming of Sardinia. In 
 Vienna, on the other hand, it was feared that France was 
 only seeking to gain time to complete her preparations for 
 war. That Austria should be loth to give her enemy this 
 desired delay, was intelligible enough. Nevertheless, she 
 might remember that in the last war the first cannon shot 
 tore to pieces the separate treaty between Eussia and Turkey. 
 Napoleon had promised the disarmament of Sardinia. But 
 
 VOL. I. z
 
 338 ST. PETERSBUPtG AND LONDON. 
 
 if Sardinia refused to disarm, how could France compel her 
 ally to do so ? Austria ought not, in her own interests, to 
 subordinate high policy to minor issues. The advantages re- 
 sulting from the fact that France and Eussia had accepted as 
 an alterable basis the conditions proposed by England, includ- 
 ing the territorial arrangement of 1815, were surely not to be 
 despised. The political importance of the accession of France 
 in particular was not sufficiently appreciated by Austria. The 
 volunteers — no matter whether 30,000 strong — were harmless 
 so long as they were paid for by Sardinia. Their disbandmg, 
 however, would create a real danger. There was no denying 
 the fact that Italy was in a very unhealthy condition, and 
 that affairs in Naples and the Papal States urgently required 
 a remedy, as in fact the south of the peninsula inspired alto- 
 gether greater anxiety than the north. 
 
 With regard to the Note in yesterday's ' Moniteur,' my 
 Piussian colleague pointedly applied the saying, Qui s'excvsc 
 s'acciise. He had taken good care, he said, since his return 
 not to be too profuse in his protestations of peace. Whoever 
 honestly desired peace, would best show it by his deeds. 
 
 London: April 16, 1859. 
 
 I propose briefly to recapitulate the stages through which 
 the negotiations have passed since the end of last week. 
 
 On the 9th all hopes of peace were already abandoned. It 
 was said that a French corps of 60,000 men was to cross the 
 frontiers of Savoy to support the Sardinian defensive position. 
 
 Lord Cowley, notwithstanding a very violent scene with 
 Napoleon, failed at flrst to obtain his assent to a general 
 disarmament. The Emperor desired forty-eight hours to 
 consider the proposal, and at the end of that time declared 
 his readiness to agree to it in principle. This peaceful turn
 
 CONJ)ITIONS OF A CONGRESS. 339 
 
 was known licre on the lltli. Meanwhile, however, the 
 Austrian Cabinet had formulated its last word, cither a 
 * general disarmament in prmciple,' the execution of which 
 was to be the first duty of the Congress, and immediately 
 afterwards the disarming of Sardinia, or a general disarma- 
 ment effective and immediate, and then the postponement of 
 the Congress till the three armies were completely disarmed. 
 
 On the 12th or 13th it was rumoured that "Walewski, 
 after a violent scene with Lord Cowley, gave an interpreta- 
 tion to the ' desarmement general en principe,' which was 
 bound to render that agreement wholly nugatory. Neverthe- 
 less, hopes were not abandoned of a compromise, and it Mas 
 expected that the * Moniteur ' would announce not only that 
 the Congress would meet, but that the plenipotentiaries would 
 proceed at once to give effect to the general disarmament. 
 
 Only a few days later the conviction gamed ground here 
 that Austria neither could nor would accept this solution. Let 
 the French Cabinet twist and turn as it will, all its shuffles 
 are futile in the face of this dilemma : either you wish for 
 peace, then disarm ; or you wish for war, then Austria is quite 
 justified in not allowing you time to complete your prepara- 
 tions under the cover of a Congress. In reply to Austria's 
 peremptory question, whether France will agree to the effec- 
 tive general disarmament of the three armies. Yea or Nay, 
 Paris has again come forward with counter-proposals. 
 
 The efforts of the mediating Powers are concentrated on 
 Turin. Prussia and England are seeking to impress on 
 Cavour the responsibility he would have to bear if the Con- 
 gress were frustrated by his fault. The mission of the 
 Chevalier Massimo d'Azeglio to Paris is regarded here as a 
 symptom of giving way. The Marquis d'Azeglio, his nephew, 
 has hurried off' to Paris this evening, with the intention of 
 
 z 2
 
 340 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 returning next Monday. Shortly before his leaving, I called 
 his attention to the speech in which Lord John Eussell 
 assured his constituents that England's interests required the 
 maintenance of the treaties of 1815, that Austria was within 
 her rights, and that France and Sardinia were responsible for 
 the threatened war. Possibly the French might be induced 
 at the eleventh hour to reflect, on learning that the warmest 
 champion of the cause of Italy, with all his Liberal idiosyn- 
 crasies, has not shut his eyes to facts, and, for his own part, 
 denounces the idea of wresting from Austria a single foot of 
 Lombard soil. 
 
 Lisbon : May 6, 1859. 
 
 In pursuance of the orders which your Excellency had 
 conveyed to me at Paris, I embarked with M. de Könneritz 
 and Count Hohenthal at Southampton on the 27th ult. on 
 board the English steamship ' Tagus.' Being delayed by 
 contrary winds, we took six days instead of four to get here, 
 and it was not until the 3rd, about noon, that we dropped 
 anchor. I had begged Count Lavradio to advise the Duke 
 of Terceira by telegraph of my intended departure, and of my 
 desire to land without the least ceremony. By this means I 
 avoided the inconvenience of a solemn reception, and I have 
 every reason to believe that they are pleased with me here for 
 having done so. 
 
 The President of the Council, however, had courteously 
 sent M. de Castro on board to meet me, and the Minister of 
 Finance, M. Casal Piibeiro, was kind enough also to come and 
 welcome me. M. de Castro informed me on the Duke's 
 behalf that the royal carriages had been placed at my dis- 
 posal to take me to the hotel where I had engaged apartments. 
 As this hotel looks over the Tagus, I preferred to go there 
 straight in the Admiralty barge which had been sent to take
 
 MY MISSION TO LISBON. 341 
 
 ine. The Consul-General of the King, M. Yanzeller, who 
 had come on board the steamer to receive me, and M. de 
 Castro accompanied us ashore. 
 
 Scarcely had I landed, when the Duke of Terceira did me 
 the honour of coming to see me. I profited by his visit to 
 deliver the copy of my credentials to his Excellency, who pro- 
 mised to take immediately the orders of his royal master for 
 the audience which I had been careful to request. On my 
 returning the visit a few hours later, the Duke was already 
 able to give me the note, a copy of which I have the honour 
 to send to your Excellency, appointing the formal audience 
 for Thursday, the 5th, at one o'clock in the afternoon. His 
 Excellency kindly communicated to me at the same time the 
 instructions given to Count de Murea, whose duty it would 
 be, as the youngest peer of the realm, to introduce the 
 ambassador. 
 
 I was fortunate enough, a few moments after my arrival, 
 to meet his Majesty King Ferdinand, who was taking a walk 
 with his Eoyal Highness the Prince Augustus, his brother. 
 The King was pleased to speak to me, and received me most 
 graciously. I had the honour of presenting myself to him 
 the next day, and expressing your Excellency's deep regret at 
 having been prevented by circumstances from discharging in 
 person the high mission which the King, our august master, 
 had been pleased to entrust to me. King Ferdinand, in 
 sharing this regret, had the kindness to inform me that, as 
 your Excellency had not been able to come, their Portuguese 
 Majesties saw with pleasure that the choice had fallen on me. 
 
 The formal audience took place yesterday. About half- 
 past eleven the Count de Murca was at the door of my hotel 
 with the King's carriages and a detachment of cavalry of the 
 Guard, which was intended to serve as an escort. The cortege
 
 342 ST. PETEESBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 started shortly before noon. M. de Könneritz and Count 
 Hohenthal took their seats in the first carriage, drawn by 
 eight mules, richly caparisoned. The State carriage, lined 
 with scarlet velvet, followed empty. I stepped with Count de 
 Mur9a into the third carriage, drawn by eight horses. The 
 King's livery servants and two outriders on horseback accom- 
 panied the procession, and a squadron of Uhlans of the Guard 
 brought up the rear. We had to traverse the greater part of 
 the city. All the sentries that we passed presented arms. In 
 front of the Palace had been drawn up a battalion of infantr}^ 
 on parade, with the band at their head ; and the military 
 honours reserved for royalty were given to the representative 
 of his Majesty our King. 
 
 The master of the ceremonies and the Captain of the 
 Guards received me at the foot of the staircase. The halber- 
 diers formed line and presented arms. We found in the first 
 apartment the President of the Council, the Queen's Grand 
 Master, the Marquis de Fronteira, and the aides-de-camp 
 of the King. The Infantes Dom Juan and Dom Augusto, the 
 Ministers, the high dignitaries of the Crown, the ladies of the 
 Court, and the peers of the realm were assembled in the 
 throne room, where their Majesties the King Dom Pedro, the 
 Queen and King Ferdinand, as well as the Infanta Maria 
 Anna, had taken their seats under the dais, when I was intro- 
 duced by the Grand Master of the Ceremonies, the Captain of 
 the Guards, and Count de Mur9a. The ambassador, according 
 to custom, enters covered, and does not remove his hat till the 
 first obeisance. Their Majesties uncover at the same time. 
 This ceremony is repeated three times between the three cus- 
 tomary salutations. After having read the annexed address, 
 I handed my credentials to his Majesty, who was pleased to 
 read the ansAver handed to him bv the Duke of Terceira. I
 
 MY MISSION TO LISBON. 343 
 
 liave reason to believe that this answer was composed by the 
 King himseh", and I should be afraid to weaken the effect of 
 the royal words by making any comment upon them, pene- 
 trated as I am with the most profound gratitude for the 
 gracious satisfaction which his Majesty was pleased to express 
 for the feeble services I had been able to render on that occa- 
 sion. I then addressed the speech given below to her Eoyal 
 Highness the Infanta, who was pleased to reply in a most 
 touching manner in a voice that betrayed her deep emotion. 
 
 Your Excellency will find mclosed the text of the royal 
 answers. The whole ceremony was stamped with the highest 
 dignity. The Court of Portugal has neglected nothmg to show 
 the value it attaches to this alliance, so happily cemented. 
 
 Discours de V Ambassadeur d sa Majeste Tres-Fidele.^ 
 
 Sire, — Sa Majeste le Roi de Saxe, M.A.M., a daigne m'accre- 
 diter en qualite d'Ambassadeur Extraordinaire aujores de Votre 
 Majeste Tres-Fidele. J'ai rhonueur de Lui presenter mes lettres 
 de creance. 
 
 Humble representaut d'un Souverain respectueusement venere, 
 je viens, en Son nom, demander a Votre Majeste d'accorder ä 
 S.A.R. Mouseigneur le Prince George, Due de Saxe, fils puine du 
 Eoi, men Auguste Maitre, la main de S.A.R. Madame la Sereuissime 
 Infante Maria Anna de Portugal at des Algarves, Ducbe^^se de Saxe- 
 Cobourg-Gotha, sceur ainee de Votre Majeste. 
 
 L'assentiment que, du consentement paternel de S.M. le Roi 
 Ferdinand, Votre Majeste a deja donne d'une m.aniere si gracieuse 
 aux fian^ailles de I'Auguste Couple et aux articles du traite de 
 mariage me donne k esperer qu'Elle daignera agreer ma demande 
 avec la meme bienveillance. 
 
 Mon Auguste Souverain n'a pas cru pouvoir mieux assurer 
 I'avenir d'un fils bien-aime qu'en ratifiant avec empressement le 
 cboix de Son coeur. Les rares et eminentes qualites de la Serenis- 
 
 ' The speeches that follow are taken from the official Portuguese 'journal, 
 Diario do Governo, No. 106, of May 7, 1859.
 
 344 ST. TETEKSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 sime Lifante sont autant de garanties de felicite que les Augustes 
 Fiances puiseront dans une alliance appelee ä resserrer encore, si 
 cela est possible, les liens d'amitie et de parente qui unissent si 
 lieureusement les deux Augustes Maisons Eoyales. 
 
 Puisse le Tout-Puissant exaucer les voeux des deux peuples allies 
 et amis, si loyalement attaches de tout temps ä Leurs Augustes 
 Souverains ; puisse-t-Il eombler de Ses graces divines, et benir de 
 toutes Ses benedictions, I'union du petit-fils d' Albert le Valeureux 
 et de la petite-fille d'Ernest le Pie, Eepresentants si dignes des 
 illustres vertus de Leurs Ancetres. 
 
 Reponse du Boi. 
 
 Monsieur l' Ambassadeur, — C'est avec une pleine confiance 
 dans I'avenir que Je ratifie solennellenient I'assentiment que J'ai 
 donne aux fian9ailles ainsi qu'aux articles du traite de mariage entre 
 rinfante. Ma Soeur bien-aimee, et le Prince George, Due de Saxe, 
 fils puine du Eoi, votre Auguste Maitre. 
 
 Cette union a des fondements trop solides, vous le savez, Mon- 
 sieur I'Ambassadeur, pour que I'acte, qui s'accomplit en ce moment, 
 puisse aj outer quelque chose ä ce qu'une commune Sympathie a 
 commence. C'est la, c'est surtout dans les qualites qui distinguent 
 si eminemment le Prince, que J'aime ä regarder comnie un Frere 
 cheri, et dans le sentiment profond du devoir, que I'education de 
 Ma Soeur n'a cesse d'etre dirigee a graver dans son coeur, 
 qu'existent les garanties les plus desirables d'un bonheur que les 
 benedictions de TEglise ne sont pas toujours puissantes ä creer 
 d'une maniere inebranlable. 
 
 Dans une famille chacun a son role, chacun y porte sa part 
 d'affection, chacmi y trouve sa responsabilite : Moi, Frere, J'en ai 
 done aussi. Je peux heureusement borner Ma part d'action a 
 recommander Ma Soeur h I'affection de son futur Epoux, et aux 
 soinsde ses futurs Parents, auxquels. Je I'espere, son amitie devouee 
 et filiale ne fera jamais defaut. 
 
 Quant ä vous. Monsieur I'Ambassadeur, en recevant les lettres 
 de votre Souverain, qui vous accreditent pres de Ma Personne, Je 
 tiens ä vous dire combien M'a ete agreable le choix dont vous avez 
 ete I'objet. Vos qualites, que J'ai eu loisir d'apprecier personnelle-
 
 SUIT Foil 'HIE INFANTA. 345 
 
 iiient, vous assurent et de Ma bieiiveillance et de I'accomplissement 
 parfait d'une mission destinee a contribuer d'une manit-re toute 
 pai'ticuliere a resserrer, si c'est possible, les liens qui subsistententre 
 deux couronnes et deux famillos qui s'bonorent dune origine com- 
 mune. 
 
 Discours de V Ambassadeur d S.A. IL I' Infante. 
 
 Sebenissime Infantk,^ — En choisissant Votre Altesse Royale 
 pour compagne de Sa vie, Son Altesse Royale le Prince George a 
 comble tous les voeux de Ses Augustes Parents et de la Saxe. 
 
 Leurs Majest6s le Roi et la Reine, mes Augustes Maitres, 
 iittendent avec impatience le moment d'accueillir Y.A.R. comma 
 leur Fille bien-aimde. Elle retrouvera dans le sein de 1' Auguste 
 Familie Royale toutes les affections tendres et profondes qui ont 
 «mbelli Son existence dans l'Ulustre Maison Paternelle. 
 
 Son Auguste Epoux, digne par Ses sentiments et par Ses 
 vertus de la tendresse que V.A.R. Lui a vouee, trouvera le bonheur 
 de Sa vie k faire partager a V.A.R. la felicite que les qualites 
 <^minentes et les graces aimables de Son Auguste Fiancee Lui 
 assurent. 
 
 Devoue depuis mon enfance a la famille de mes Souverains, je 
 nie felicite de l'beureux avenir que cette alliance prepare a l'Auguste 
 Maison de Saxe et a mon pays ; et c'est avec une emotion difficile 
 a maitriser que je me fais l'organe des bommages respectueux qui 
 attendent V.A.R. dans Sa nouvelle patrie. 
 
 R&ponse de VInfante. 
 
 Je ratifie de tout Mon coeur, avec l'autorisation du Roi Mon 
 Auguste Frere et Souverain et du Roi Mon Pere bien-aime, le cou- 
 sentement que J'ai prete ii la demande du Prince George, Mon 
 futur Epoux. 
 
 Je vous prie, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, d'assurer le Roi et la 
 Reine, vos Augustes Maitres, que Je tacberai de repondre ä l'affec- 
 tion dont ils m'assurent d'avance par raecomplissement de Mes 
 devoirs euvers celui auquel Je confie le bonbeur de Ma vie.
 
 346 ST, PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 1859 {continued). 
 
 London, May 26 : Anxieties and Confessions of the French Ambassador. — 
 London, May 30 : Conversation with Lord Palmerston — Lord Wodehouse 
 on Prussia and Austria.— London, June 4 : Conversation with Lord Claren- 
 don on Austria's Policy and Conduct of the War. — London, June 13 : News 
 from the Scene of War — Conversation mth Persigny as to Terms of Peace. — 
 London, June 15 : Malmesbury's Blue-book on the Italian War — Formation 
 of the new Ministry — Its anti-Austrian Tendencies — Situation at the Scene 
 of War — Kome. — London, June 20 : Prince Paul Esterhazy's Mission to 
 London — Kossuth's Eevolutionary Plans — Napoleon's Overtures to Eng- 
 land—French Leanings of Palmerston and Eussell — Strengthening of the 
 Mediterranean Squadron. — London, Buckingham Palace, June 24 : Prince 
 Albert's Letter to Count Vitzthum ; his Approval of Baron Beust's Eeply to 
 a Despatch of Prince Gortschakoff. — London, July 3 : Prussian Proposals 
 of Mediation — Suspicions as to their Eeception in England — Solferino — 
 Bespice finem ! — French Liberals — Position of the English Ministry. — 
 London, July 11 : The Meeting at Villafranca — First Impressions — Napo- 
 leon not Master of the Situation — Quarrel with Eome and the Eepub- 
 lican Party — General Flahault's Eemark on the Armistice. — London, July 
 12 : Dinner at Lord John Eussell's — Communication of the French Terms of 
 Peace to the Austrian Ambassador — The Armistice — New French ProjDosals 
 approved by Palmerston and Eussell — Conclusion of the Preliminaries. — 
 London, July 21 : Austrian Circular Desi3atch of the 16th — Unexplained 
 Misunderstanding — Comparison of the French Draft with the actually con- 
 cluded Preliminaries of Villafranca. — London, July 21 : The Ministry 
 and Opposition against a Congress — The Eiddle of Villafranca. — London, 
 July 25 : Prussian Circular Despatch of the 21st — Lord John Eussell's 
 Vindication of Prussia's Policy — The Quipivquo — Correct Attitude of the 
 Crown during the Negotiations — Critical Position of Najjoleon. — London, 
 July 28 : Groundless Eumour of an intended Visit of Napoleon to Osborne — 
 Publication of Lord John Eussell's Despatches of June 22 and July 7. — 
 London, July 30 : Sitting of the House of Commons of July 28 — Lord 
 John Eussell's Judgment on Villafranca — Disraeli criticises the Govern- 
 ment Policy and protests against a Congress— Lord Palmerston's retro
 
 PERSIGNY'S CONFESSIONS. 347 
 
 spcctive Confessions. — Paris, Aug. 10 : Debate on Lord Elcho's Motion — 
 Lord John Russell's strange Account of the British Constitution— Prince 
 Paul Esterhüzy on Napoleon's Difficulties and the Task of the Austrian 
 Cabinet. 
 
 London : May 20, 1859. 
 
 The return of Count Persigny to his post as Ambassador, 
 whicli he had lost last year under such peculiar cireumstances, 
 is regarded by some as a proof of the French Emperor's in- 
 difference to England. Others see in it a sign of weakness on 
 the part of the present Tory Cabinet, who protested only last 
 January against this appointment. Persigny has employed 
 the first week of his presence here in opening the flood-gates 
 of his eloquence in a manner that astonishes e"\en those who 
 are accustomed to the strange behaviour of this extraordinary 
 diplomatist. 
 
 The French Ambassador honoured me yesterday with a 
 visit, and for a whole hour made me political confessions, the 
 na'lvctc of which would have justified his taciturn Emperor in 
 exclaiming, ' Heaven save me from my friends ! ' 
 
 I should tax your patience too severety were I to attempt 
 to describe this tissue of contradictions, laments, and confes- 
 sions. What came out most clearly from this mass of words 
 was the anxiety, bordering on despair, of Napoleon's only 
 honest friend. No one but a man who gives up his monarch's 
 cause as lost can talk like Persigny. He honestly laments 
 the promise given to Count Cavour at Plombieres, and sees in 
 it the origin of the present complication. Nevertheless, he 
 thinks it natural that France, in view of Austria's preponde- 
 rance in Italy, should have taken under her protection the 
 only State in the peninsula which Austria neither rules over 
 nor governs. 
 
 It was something new to me to hear the confession that 
 the French occupation had injured French influence in Eome.
 
 348 ST. PETERSBUKG AND LONDON. 
 
 ' Comme ä Naples TAiitnche regne et gouverne ä Eome. Le 
 Sacre College obeit au cabinet de Vienne et le Saint-Pere est 
 devenu I'instrument de cette puissance. Oubliant que nous 
 I'avons sauve et protege, le Pape se plait a nous contrarier en 
 tout et nous ne pouvons pas meme obtenir la nomination 
 d'un simple cure.' These words were repeated twice and 
 sharply emphasised. Brunnow, therefore, may well be right 
 in insisting that the main difficulty lies in Eome, not in Upx^er 
 Italy. 
 
 Eemembering that Napoleon III. owes his elevation 
 mainly to the clergy, and that the latter rule the country 
 population in France, the manifest state of tension with the 
 Eoman See would seem to account for that policy of despair 
 which has conjured up the present war. As for any desire 
 of conquest, Persigny denies it with almost comical vehe- 
 mence. • 
 
 'Je jure,' he exclaimed, ' que mon pauvre Empereur avait 
 reconnu ses torts, qu'il ne demandait pas mieux que de 
 trouver le moyen d'une retraite honorable de notre position 
 trop avancee. Mais est-il done possible qu'on le croie assez 
 bete pour vouloir commencer ä cinquante ans la carriere d'un 
 conquerant ? Mais ne voit-on done pas que toutes les chances 
 de cette malheureuse guerre sont contre nous ? L 'Empereur 
 d'Autriche s'il essuyait des defaites, resterait toujours Em- 
 pereur et rentrerait dans sa capitale aux acclamations de ses 
 peuples. Yoila I'avantage des dynasties anciennes et histo- 
 riques ! Notre jeune dynastie se trouvant en face de partis 
 hostiles ne supporte pas de re vers. Battu, mon pauvre Em- 
 pereur serait perdu.' (The more drastic expression he used, I 
 w^ill not repeat.) ' Je le jure, sur mon honneur, I'Empereur 
 voulait la paix, et la preuve c'est que 1' ultimatum autrichien 
 nous a surpris d'une maniere terrible. Nos preparatifs n'etaient
 
 persigny's confessions. 359 
 
 termines que sur le papier et si les Autrichiens avaient eu un 
 general audacieux ä leur tete, ils nous auraient coupe en deux 
 avant que nous n'eussions pu franchir les Alpes. J'ai tremble 
 pendant huit ou dix jours, et je ne comprends pas encore pour- 
 quoi on nous a epargne.' 
 
 There are people who would see in the feverish activity of 
 the French Ambassador a preconcerted game, and the design 
 of lulling England and Germany to sleep. 
 
 I do not share this view ; Persigny is no disciple of 
 Machiavclli. His talk will not deceive a child. But the man 
 is at times something of a visionary, and therefore his half- 
 in voluntarily oracular speeches alwa3's deserve some attention. 
 He almost seemed to see Louis Napoleon in the spmt again as 
 a refugee m Kmg Street, which many think would be the 
 most fortunate issue of this Imperial comedy. In that case 
 Persigny could hardly have discussed the causes of such a 
 catastrophe with more candour than he did to-day in speaking 
 of the future. 
 
 In conclusion, one more revelation of Persigny's deserves 
 mention. He admitted that his Emperor had undertaken the 
 responsibility, in his interview with Lord Cowley, of effecting 
 the disarming of Sardinia. On my asking why then he had 
 not kept his word, he replied that Victor Emmanuel had 
 threatened to abdicate and come to Paris, in order to take the 
 Emperor personally to account. 
 
 London : May 30, 1859. 
 
 Shortly after receiving the Speech from the Throne, with 
 which the Kmg of Saxony opened the extraordinär}^ session of 
 the Landtag, I had an opportunity of communicating to Lord 
 Palmerston the contents of that high-spirited address. The 
 future Premier's inquiry as to what then were the treaties 
 and rights to which we attached such extreme importance,
 
 350 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON, 
 
 was characteristic. Austria, he said, not France, had broken 
 the treaties of 1815, and Lord Derby himself had described 
 that act as criminah I repHed that since France had thrown 
 aside the mask in Tuscany, England would surely at length 
 perceive that Italy served merely as a pretext for the French 
 policy of aggression. 
 
 ' Well,' answered Lord Palmer ston, ' you may use very 
 high language, but I hope you will wisely keep within your 
 own limits.' 
 
 This remark, thrown out in his usual playful tone, coincides 
 with the view here prevalent in the Liberal camp. Thus I had 
 yesterday evening a conversation of some length with Lord 
 Wodehouse, who flatters himself he will be Lord Palmerston's 
 next Foreign Secretary and be invited to join the Cabinet. 
 
 For England, observed the Eadical minister in spe, it was 
 perfectly immaterial whether Austria or France were victorious 
 in Italy. Thmgs could not fare worse with that poor country 
 than they had fared under Austrian rule. We had at any 
 rate history on our side, if we believed that Italy could only 
 exist under Austrian or under French influence. The proof of 
 this was still to be seen. 
 
 I remarked that Italy was merely a pretext. If people in 
 England would not see that the question was one of resuming 
 the policy of Tilsit, they could not, at any rate, blame Ger- 
 many for not sharing British optimism. This led Wodehouse 
 to unburden his heart about the sins of omission committed 
 by Prussia and Germany. 
 
 ' Had Prussia and Protestant Germany,' he said, ' only 
 done as we desired them, and raised their voice, together with 
 ours, against Eussia and the aggrandisement of the Emperor 
 Nicholas, the Crimean War would have been avoided. Ger- 
 many would then have been entitled to make the same demand
 
 LORD WüDEIIOUSE ON TRUSSIAX POLICY. 351 
 
 of lis now against the aggrandisement of Napoleon. There is 
 no State that inspires us with warmer sympathies, hut not 
 one of the Great Powers that mspires us with less confidence, 
 than Prussia. Not a single European question has cropped 
 up during the last twenty years m which the Berlin Cabinet 
 has followed a plain and practical policy. With the most 
 sincere wish to go hand in hand with that Power, we have 
 never succeeded in knowing clearly what Prussia really wants. 
 Now it was the King, now the war party, now the thoroughly 
 senseless fear of Russia, now jealousy of Austria, now the 
 Diet, now the Bamberg Conference — and I know not what 
 — there was always a reason, a pretext, an excuse for inac- 
 tivity and a waiting policy. The result of Prussia's constant 
 dread of disoblighig this party or that, has been that, from fear 
 of making enemies, she has forfeited the friendship of her 
 friends. Even the question of the Danubian Prmcipalities, 
 in which absolutely no Prussian interest was affected, has re- 
 mamed unsettled, thanks to Prussian indecision. We have 
 no sympathies for the Austrian system, but Austria has a 
 policy, and is really a Great Power. We may agree or disagree 
 with her, Ijut we always know where we are. The Austrian 
 Cabinet has always the corn-age to have a purpose, and to 
 defend it if necessary. Thus, for instance, while blaming 
 Austria's late ultimatum to Turin, we cannot but acknowled.^e 
 the resolution it showed. As things stand, Austria in our 
 opinion is seriously menaced. If Eussia succeeds in un- 
 chaining the Pievolution in Hungary, the Austrian army will 
 find itself between two fires. Austria having declined to take 
 any active part m the Eastern Question, cannot, therefore, 
 expect that England should involve herself in a war to defend 
 the Emperor's possessions in Italy. Should the war spread 
 so far as to draw in the East and threaten Egypt, or should
 
 352 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Napoleon be insane enough to attack Belgium, we should be 
 compelled to step in. That Germany can rise to a policy of 
 initiative, and pluck up courage to take independent action 
 against France, remains to be seen, but we shall only believe 
 it when we see it. We hold it downright impossible that the 
 German Diet should be able to follow a firm policy towards 
 France and Eussia. We shall rejoice to be convinced of the 
 contrary. If Prussia could only be brought to face the danger 
 calmly, Germany would be strong enough to check in the bud 
 the dream of a French universal monarchy, before a Eussian 
 army were put in motion. Nobody believes, however, that 
 Germany can (u-t, and least of all do we. To embark with 
 such an uncertain ally on a war which we should have to con- 
 duct alone, will never enter our heads. The present Tory 
 Ministry is as Austrian as it dare be. What that means, we 
 Liberals found out at the last elections. The warm support 
 given to our opponents in Ireland by the Eoman Catholics, 
 arises simply from the conviction of the Hol.y See that no 
 Ministry can be imagmed more favourable to Austria than the 
 present one. Nevertheless, this Ministry has been unable to 
 do anything beyond declaring our neutrality. It would be a 
 very different thing if Protestant Germany were to resolve to 
 intervene unanimously in the contest. In that case we might 
 expect to see a change in this country which would enable us 
 to co-operate for the speedy termination of the war. " Aide- 
 toi, et Dieu t'aidera." The strong never want allies.' 
 
 London : June 4, 1859. 
 
 Lord Clarendon, who hitherto has expressed the warmest 
 sympathies for Austria of all the British statesmen of the 
 Liberal party, said to me yesterday evening : 
 
 ' Everybodv here has expected and hoped that the Aus-
 
 THE WAR IN ITALY. 35 3 
 
 trian arms would liave shown their superiority from the 
 flrst. For nothing but the Austrian Emperor's confidence 
 in the valour of his army could have determined him to 
 abandon his political advantage and take upon himself the 
 odium of attack. We expected that the Austrian columns 
 would press forward without halting to Turin, take there a 
 2M)sition a clicval, and prevent the French at once from crossing 
 Mont Cenis and landing at Genoa. Not one of all these 
 things has happened. The French had time given them to 
 effect a junction with the Piedmontese, and the Austrians 
 committed a political blunder only to get into a strategical 
 scrape. Nobody can understand the slowness of the Austrian 
 movements, or the carelessness that allowed Garibaldi to 
 snatch the advantages he did with his miserable bands. The 
 victorious bulletins so cleverly compiled on the part of Sar- 
 dinia and France seriously damage the prestige of the Aus- 
 trian army. Reconnaissances like that w^hich led to the battle 
 of Montebello are antiquated. Neither Napoleon I. nor Wel- 
 Imgton ever undertook any movements of that kind. How 
 Victor Emmanuel could ever have been allowed to wm in 
 person his laurels at Palestro, is quite as inexcusable as it is 
 inexplicable. Success is everything nowadays. The slow- 
 ness of the army is of a piece with the negligence of the 
 Austrian Government, who leave their embassy m London 
 without any news and abandon the field to the enem}- — who 
 spare no telegrams — forgetting that it is the first impression 
 that decides everything in this country. If x-Vustria, contrary' 
 to expectation, does not show herself strong enough to defend 
 her possessions in Italy, the maintenance of the status quo ante 
 helium will be impossible. The separation of Belgium from 
 Holland is a precedent which will be quoted to justify the 
 severance of the Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom from Austria.' 
 
 VOL. I. A A
 
 354 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 I naturally urged everything -which could be said in 
 defence of Austria's policy and conduct of the war, and 
 insisted in particular on the fact that England herself, by her 
 proposals of mediation, had j)revented a rapid march on 
 Turin. The reason of Count Buol's resignation was new to 
 Lord Clarendon. People here had erroneously ascribed Russian 
 sympathies to this statesman, and not imagined that, on the 
 contrary, it was his too long cherished wish of co-operating 
 with England that had occasioned his retirement. 
 
 The ' Times ' returns again to-day to German policy. 
 The article only confirms the accuracy with which Lord 
 Wodehouse recently expounded to me the view taken by the 
 great majority of his countrymen. 
 
 London : June 13, 1859. 
 
 The friends of Austria are indignant at Gyulai's blunder 
 as reported in the accounts of the battle of Magenta. They 
 declare that the general who so wantonly and unnecessarily 
 sacrificed his brave troops, deserves to be tried by court- 
 martial. 
 
 Meanwhile Napoleon is hastening to reap the political 
 fruits of his unexpected and dearly purchased victory. His 
 order of the day to the army of the 8th, like his proclamation 
 on entering Milan to the inhabitants of Lombardy, might be 
 recommended as patterns to the compilers of Gyulai's bulle- 
 tins. The proclamation is cleverly adapted to pacify and 
 gain over public opinion in England. As Lord Derby said to 
 me yesterday, it has made an impression even on the most 
 determined enemies of Bonapartism. Nobody can wonder at 
 this, for Napoleon is undeniably sincere in his wish to termi- 
 nate as soon as possible this unjust war. On the one hand, 
 he is anxious not to hazard his dearly bought successes, and, 
 on the other hand, the threatening attitude of German}'
 
 LORD MALMESBURY'S BLUE-BOOK. 355 
 
 warns him to make peace. Lombardy is not yet conquered, 
 nor the Austrian army's power of resistance yet broken. 
 Nobody knows that better than the French Emperor, whom 
 all the jubilation of hired journalists cannot bhnd to the fact 
 that his crown was at stake on the battle-field of Magenta. 
 
 Persigny tells me that his Emperor will return at once to 
 Paris, to hand over the supreme command to the new Mar- 
 shal, MacMahon, and do his best to arrange a direct under- 
 standing with Austria. This sanguine diplomatist regards 
 such an understanding as mere child's play. Lombardo- 
 Venetia must be declared independent, and a German dynasty 
 installed at Milan. Indemnifications for the Austrian Em- 
 peror would easily be found. My question whether the 
 Danubian Principalities were thought of in that respect, was 
 answered in the affirmative. Persigny added, however, that 
 those alone were not enough ; another and most acceptable 
 compensation would be found. As to where it was to be 
 found, he declmed to tell me. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel, in his proclamation of the 9th, leaves 
 open, as did Napoleon, the question of an annexation of Lom- 
 bardy to Piedmont. The French proclamation simply recom- 
 mends Lombardy to organise herself mihtarily and place her 
 forces at the disposal of the King of Sardinia. The Liberal 
 party here does not appear to desire the annexation. 
 
 London : June 15, 1859. 
 The Blue-book, laid by Lord Malmesbury in extremis on 
 the table of the House of Lords,' contains 535 documents, 
 many of which have not hitherto been printed. The study of 
 them will confirm the conviction that the ex-Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, though animated by the best intentions, was 
 
 ' Correspondence respecting the affairs of Italy, January to May 1859. 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 not altogether equal to his difficult task. With a little more 
 lirmness and consistency he might perhaps have been able to 
 prevent the war, as he sincerely wished to do. At any rate, 
 it was unnecessary to allow Napoleon to throw the odium of a 
 breach of the peace on Austria. Deplorable as may have 
 been the precipitation of the Austrian ultimatum, it cannot be 
 denied that it was indirectly provoked by Lord Malmesbury. 
 The last effort at mediation on the part of England could not 
 possibly, as Lord Malmesbury must have known, have been 
 accepted by the Austrian Cabinet. In the same manner, 
 France would have given way, and compelled Sardmia to give 
 way, had Malmesbury spoken out, at the right time, with the 
 same firmness as he did when it was too late. All these re- 
 flections, however, belong, like the Derby Ministry itself, to 
 history. 
 
 The Palmerston-Eussell Cabinet, now in process of for- 
 mation, has been strengthened by the accession of Gladstone, 
 although the latter had opposed the vote of want of confi- 
 dence which caused the fall of the Derby Administration. The 
 anti-Austrian colour of the new Ministry has thus been 
 heightened. Nobody entertains a doubt that the Ministry 
 will make it their task to effect the reorganisation of Italy on 
 a national basis. The difficulties that await Lord John 
 Russell in that respect are stated in to-day's ' Times.' ' Ee- 
 publics, states, federations, municipalities," says the City paper 
 to the regenerators of Italy, ' are all dreams. The only reality 
 is the man who holds an army in a leash and can launch it 
 on a continent, who not only liberates cities, but can keep 
 them at his will. . . .' 
 
 The l)attle, now in course of preparation under the per- 
 sonal leadership of the two Emperors, will perhaps decide 
 more than the future of Italy. If the Emperor Francis
 
 SITUATION AT THE SCENE OF WAR. 357 
 
 Joseph succeeds in beating the Franco-Sardinian army, and 
 thereby once more checking the Kevolution, the downfall of 
 Bonapartism is inevitable. If, on the contrary, Napoleon 
 wins, he will at least make the attempt to surprise Austria by 
 thoroughly moderate terms of peace. If the key of Austria's 
 military position lies on the Mincio, the secret of her moral 
 power must be looked for on the Tiber. The evacuation of 
 Bologna and Ancona prepares undeniable embarrassments 
 for France. It is notorious that the Due de Gramont was 
 sent from Alexandria to Rome, to convey to the Pope the 
 most solemn promises of protection from Napoleon. Pius IX. 
 pointed to the crucifix, and answered that he stood under the 
 protection of the Crucified One, and needed no other pro- 
 tector. This answer will have convinced the Emperor that 
 the Prince of the Church represents a power beyond the 
 reach of armies. A rupture with Piome is certamly not on 
 Napoleon's programme. The rumour that he had had the 
 apartments of Pius VII. at Fontainebleau got ready for his 
 successor, is not worth noticing. There is far more reason to 
 suppose that the- French Cabinet will endeavour to settle the 
 Roman question by a private understanding with Austria. 
 For this, if for no other reason, well-informed persons con- 
 sider it highly probable that Napoleon, in the event of his con- 
 quering Austria, will build a golden bridge for his adversary. 
 
 London : June 20, 1859. 
 
 Prince Paul Esterhazy is expected here to-morrow. He 
 privately informed the Austrian Ambassador of his intention 
 of coming here, adding emphatically that he had no mission, 
 and only wished to see his old friends agam. 
 
 Count Rechberg has not made any mention to Count 
 Apponyi, either officially or privately, of the Prince's visit.
 
 o58 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 Nevertheless, a certain political importance is naturally 
 ascribed to the presence of a statesman who has played here 
 such a prominent part in his time. The objections urged in 
 competent quarters against this visit have remained unheeded. 
 
 The agitator Kossuth has gone to Genoa, to hatch there 
 with Klaj)ka the insurrection in Hungary. This is their way 
 at Paris of localising the war in Italy ! In the City some im- 
 portance is attached to this journey, as is shown by an article 
 in to-day's ' Times.' It is to be hoped that the mobilisation of 
 the Prussian army, and Count Eechberg's visit to the Im- 
 perial headquarters in company with the Prussian Ambassador, 
 will checkmate these plans in time. The Berlin correspondent 
 of the ' Times ' does justice in eloquent terms to the sound 
 intentions of the Prussian Cabinet. This is all the more 
 gratifying, smce at this critical moment no efforts are being 
 spared to prevent, by means of malicious insinuations, the 
 union of the German Governments. 
 
 The French Cabinet, since Lord Derby's retirement from 
 office, has struck another key, with a view to making practical 
 advances to Lord Palmer ston. Fooled by these flatteries, the 
 Government here are now hoping to divert Napoleon from the 
 Eussian alliance. Nothing, however, is said of recalhng the fleet 
 from the Mediterranean ; on the contrary, no less than fifteen 
 ships of war have been despatched during the last few days to 
 Gibraltar ; whether by the orders of the late or the present 
 Ministr}^ I have not been able to ascertain. At all events, the 
 Conservative party, whose foreign policy meets with much ap- 
 proval since the publication of the last Blue-book, are fully 
 conscious of the task before them. They will keep a sharp 
 watch over their successors. Any open espousal of the cause 
 of France and Italy is hardly to be feared. Of the sixteen 
 members of the present Cabinet, only two, Palmerston and
 
 PRINCE ALBERT TO COUNT VITZTHUM. 359 
 
 Eiissell, either have or pretend to have any confidence in the 
 iiheration pohcy of France. All the other Ministers incline to 
 what is called here the German view of the present crisis. 
 
 TJie Pri)ice Consort to Count Vitzthum. 
 
 (Autograph.) 
 
 Buckingham Palace : June 24, 1859. 
 
 My dear Count, — I return you with my best thanks Beust's 
 answer ' to Gortscliakofl''s churlish effusion {Flegelei). It is excel- 
 lent, and ought to be published here if possible. I only miss, in 
 his just rebuke of the insolence of calling the Bund ' une combinai- 
 son purement et exclusivement defensive,' a worthy and indignant 
 protest against calling Germany ' une combinaison ' at all. The 
 Bund is after all simply the representation of Germany {die äussere 
 
 Form Deutsclilands). 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 Albeet. 
 London: July 3, 1859. 
 
 The Prussian proposals of mediation have at length, on the 
 1st inst., been despatched from Berlm. Their hearer is pro- 
 bably Bernstorff, who is expected here to-morrow. As to their 
 contents nothing is known, either at the Foreign Office or the 
 Austrian Embassy. Thus much only transpii'es, that these 
 proposals are to be first communicated at London and St. 
 Petersburg, before being sent to Paris or the French head- 
 quarters. The reception that awaits them here is a matter of 
 pure conjecture. The present Ministers are observing the 
 greatest reserve, particularly towards German diplomatists. 
 
 The Liberal party consider the mihtary successes of 
 Napoleon so decisive, and have such unbounded confidence m 
 the superiority of the French arms, that they regard the Italian 
 question as settled on the lines of the programme of ' free 
 
 ' See the text of this despatch in Count Beust's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 260. 
 Stuttgart, 1877.
 
 360 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDOiN. 
 
 from the Alps to the Adriatic' They comfort themselves for 
 the increase of power thus acquired by France by regarding 
 Napoleon simply as a useful instrument for expelling the 
 Austrians. All they desire is that the military part of this 
 expulsion may be completed as speedily and with as little 
 disturbance as possible. They flatter themselves that they 
 will be able to induce the French Emperor to conclude a per- 
 manent peace as soon as his cannon have razed the ramparts 
 of Mantua and Verona. 
 
 Prince Gortschakoff had promised Napoleon to leave him 
 a free hand in Italy. Lord Palmerston seems willing to go 
 farther, by giving active if only indirect support, under the 
 cover of neutrality, to the Italian programme of the French 
 Emperor. 
 
 * According to our reckoning,' said Lord Wodehouse to 
 me, ' in four months we shall not see a single Austrian in 
 Italy.' 
 
 ' According to ours,' I replied, ' in three months the 
 Austrian army will re-enter Milan.' 
 
 The one calculation is manifestly as improbable as the 
 other. My object, however, was fully gained, and I succeeded 
 in shaking to some extent the young Under Secretary of 
 State's incredible confidence. Lamentable as may be the 
 failure of the Austrian attack at Solferino, it is clear that 
 the dearly purchased victory of the allies has weakened 
 the conquerors not less than the conquered. Persigny him- 
 self admits that 12,000 French were disabled, while the 
 Piedmontese lost on that bloody day 320 officers, or 100 
 more than their ally. To judge from the experiences of the 
 campaign of 1848, the difficulties of the allies are only just 
 beginning, while Austria's chances of retrie\dng her defeat 
 must proportionately increase. Palmerston's favourite hope
 
 PRUSSIAN PROPOSALS OF MEDIATION. 361 
 
 of strenfjtheninc) Austria by depriving her of her ItaHan 
 j)rovinces, will not be attained so soon after all. And yet 
 this hope forms in reality the premises from which the policy 
 of the present English Government must l)e judged. They 
 deprecate, above all, as premature, any negotiation which 
 might obstruct Napoleon in the execution of his mission as a 
 liberator. 
 
 The Prussian proposals of mediation come, therefore, 
 either too soon or too late. If these proposals are found to 
 be specifically Prussian, and not previously concerted with 
 Austria, they will be at once rejected. The British Govern- 
 ment will not only not support them at Paris, but even recom- 
 mend their refusal. If, on the contrary, they are found to 
 emanate from Austria and Prussia conjointly, there is a likeli- 
 hood of their being considered. Meanwhile, Napoleon would 
 gain time to effect his military settlement of the question ; 
 after which negotiations would be carefully spun out, and 
 every effort made to prevent the active intervention of Prussia. 
 Consistently with these premises, the Ministers here blame in 
 private the placing of an army of observation on the Ehine, 
 which they regard as a challenge to France. They would have 
 objected far less to the concentration of a federal German 
 army in Tyrol. What they dread above everything is a Franco- 
 German war, which would lead, m their opmion, to a total 
 alteration of the map of Europe, and give an impulse to the 
 policy of Tilsit. Behind the doubt as to the power of Prussia 
 and the German Confederation to withstand France, there 
 plainly lurks the fear lest Austria, in aUiance with Germany, 
 might frustrate Lord Palmerston's plans in Italy. Neither at 
 the French nor the Sardinian Embassy is the gravity of the 
 situation disguised. A bad end is feared should the war not 
 be concluded before Prussia and Germany step in.
 
 362 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 All that glitters is not gold. The }nise en s(U'7ie has been 
 arranged with all the splendour of modern decorative paint- 
 ing, but thmgs are going on behind the scenes which cause 
 serious uneasiness to the sincere friends of Napoleon. The 
 France of to-day is no longer the France of Napoleon I. The 
 people have become more sober and calculating. The respke 
 ßnem cannot be deafened by the Bonapartist shout of victory. 
 The old parties have united in the hour of danger. The 
 EepubHcans of all shades are holding firmly together here. 
 The French refugees, like Mazzini, expect no real advantage 
 for ' freedom ' from Napoleon's victories. On the contrary, a 
 Committee has been formed here, which includes the names 
 of Louis Blanc, Ledru EoUin, Colonel Charras, and Felix Pyat ; 
 in other words, the moderate as well as the Bed EepubHcans, 
 the victors and the vanquished in the June conflict. The 
 members of this Committee are said to have sworn to accom- 
 phsh by all the means in their power the downfall of the 
 system now weighing upon France. It is even asserted that 
 this movement is fomented by the Orleanists. Should Napo- 
 leon not be able to return home soon, and announce the com- 
 plete realisation of his programme, a second edition of the 
 Mallet conspiracy is not an impossible contingency. The 
 Liberal party, as the united Orleanists and Eepublicans style 
 themselves, have already started a weekly paper, ' La Eevue 
 Independante.' Napoleon is playing a more dangerous game 
 than he appears to imagine. The German army has just as 
 great a chance of ' hberating ' France, as the French army 
 has of liberating Italy. 
 
 From England there is nothing to expect, but also 
 nothing to fear. Lord Palmerston is endeavouring to forestall 
 Prince Gortschakoff at Paris, in the hope of preventing a 
 Franco-Eussian alliance. The Opposition are too weak openly
 
 POSITION OF THE J':NGLISH MIXLSTKY. 363 
 
 to combat this policy, which is disguised under the mask of 
 neutrahty. Short-hved as the present Ministry seems hkely 
 to be, no new crisis is to be looked for until next February. 
 A reconstitution of the Government, with Lord John Eussell 
 as Prime Minister, is possible. In the Tory camp such a 
 result would not be unacceptable, because they would then 
 hold the fate of the Cabinet in their hands. In the hope 
 of this, the Opposition, if no particular contretemps occur, 
 will use every eifort to displace Palmerston first of all. Cob- 
 den has refused to join the Cabinet. He has promised them, 
 it is true, his support, but he means to maintam not only his 
 independence, but also an armed neutrality. Mihier Gibson 
 joins them in his stead, and the Ministry will consist of only 
 fifteen instead of sixteen members. 
 
 London : July 11, 1859. 
 
 The meetmg at Villafranca, which is to take place this 
 morning, plainly indicates a turning point of the present 
 crisis. The choice of the place is a compliment to the Em- 
 peror Francis Joseph. It will be remembered that, imme- 
 diately after crossing the Mincio, Marshal Niel occupied 
 ViUafranca. Later on he evacuated it as untenable, in conse- 
 quence of the Austrian offensive movement, which the French 
 had interpreted as a sign of a fresh battle. The meeting, 
 consequently, is held under the protection of the Austrian 
 arms ; and the conquered receives a visit from the conqueror. 
 Will this meeting modify the view still prevalent the day 
 before yesterday ? It is too soon to learn anything about 
 this as yet. Considering the attitude of the Cabinets here and 
 at St. Petersburg, it will not be surprising if Austria comes to 
 the conclusion that she will be better able to protect her 
 interests by a direct understanding with France than by being 
 represented at a Congress. As regards the French propo-
 
 364 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 sitions, all as yet is mere conjecture. That Napoleon could 
 agree to a peace not securing the fulfilment of his programme, 
 namely the freedom of Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic, is 
 considered here to be impossible. The ' Morning Post ' 
 declares that Napoleon will bring back his victorious army to 
 France, and arrange the fate of the peninsula at a Congress 
 in common with the other Great Powers. The ' Times ' insists 
 that the treaties of 1815, so far as Italy is concerned, are 
 cancelled. It is very easy for English newspaper writers 
 to talk. In point of fact, the position of the French ruler 
 is very different to that ascribed to him by English poli- 
 ticians. He is by no means master of the situation. The 
 quarrel with Eome has reached a very serious pitch. The 
 consequences of a rupture have been very clearly laid before 
 the conquerOT of Solferino in an address signed by 113 French 
 ecclesiastics. The papal anathema already launched against 
 Victor Emmanuel is said to have threatened also the 
 Emperor Napoleon. Moreover, the republican party has 
 raised its head in the large towns, now destitute of troops, 
 and the middle classes are again trembling before the red 
 spectre. The campaign has cost the French army — to say 
 nothing of the Sardinian one, which is almost broken up — in 
 round numbers 100,000 men in dead, sick, and wounded. 
 Napoleon I. understood how to spare his corj^s cVelite. 
 Napoleon III. has recklessly sacrificed them. The Guards 
 and Zouaves had suffered so heavily at Magenta and Sol- 
 ferino, that it was absolutely necessary to fill up the gaps 
 from the line regiments, the colonels of which are com- 
 plaining loudly that their best men are taken from them, and 
 turned into Zouaves. 
 
 ' Croyez-moi,' said to me yesterday the old General 
 Flahault, in his youth one of the favourite aides-de-camp of
 
 FRENCH TERMS UF PEACE. 365 
 
 Napoleon I., ' croyez-moi, on n'offre pas un armistice le len- 
 demain d'une victoire sans en avoir grandement l)esoin.' 
 
 London: July 12, 1859. 
 
 On the 6th I dined with several of my colleagues at Lord 
 John Eussell's. After dinner the Foreign Secretary invited 
 Count Apponyi to a conversation which scarcely lasted ten 
 minutes. For the first time Lord John spoke to the Austrian 
 Ambassador about proposals of peace, and communicated to 
 him in the strictest confidence six points, which, emanating 
 from Persigny's private correspondence with Walewski, 
 must have received the preliminary sanction of the French 
 Emperor. 
 
 These six points were written down on a quarto sheet 
 which I did not see. They were told to me verbally, and 
 quoted from memory theh' substance is as follows : 
 
 1. L'ltalie sera rendue a elle-meme. 
 
 2. Les etats de l'ltalie formeront une confederation sous 
 la presidence souveraine du Pape. 
 
 3. Agrandissement de la Sardaigne (Lombardie, Duches). 
 
 4. La Venetie formera un etat independant sous un 
 archiduc. 
 
 5. Des reformes administratives seront recommandees an 
 Saint Pere. 
 
 6. Un congres europeen reglera les delimitations terri- 
 toriales d'apres les vceux des populations et les droits 
 acquis. 
 
 Apponyi's question, whether the British Cabinet would 
 accept and officially support these bases, was answered eva- 
 sively. It was suggested to him, however, to lay these pro- 
 posals before his Court, as a confidential communication 
 from the French to the English Government. Lord John
 
 366 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 advised the conclusiun of an armistice for fourteen days, 
 in case Vienna consented. The Austrian Ambassador took 
 this communication ad referendum, but did not promise any 
 result from it. The Secretary of State appeared to share 
 this impression, but remarked that, if Austria dechned all 
 negotiations on this basis and compelled the French to attack 
 the fortresses, the Paris Cabinet would not consider them- 
 selves bound by Point IV., but would deal with Venetian 
 territory as they thought fit. 
 
 Before the answer to Apponyi's telegram of the 7th could 
 arrive here, the news came on the evening of that day of the 
 conclusion of the armistice. On the 8th followed the tele- 
 graphic confirmation of this news. Early on the 9th arrived 
 Kechberg's answer in cipher, dated from Verona on the 8th. For 
 want of a direct cipher this despatch had been forwarded first 
 to Vienna, and was transmitted hither from there by Baron 
 Werner in words to this effect : 
 
 ' Le Comte Eechberg me charge de vous dire que nous 
 regardons les propositions fran9aises comme inacceptables et 
 que nous n'avons accepte I'armistice que pour des raisons 
 purement militaires.' 
 
 On Sunday, the 10th, Persigny surprised Count Apponyi 
 with a visit, which was returned the next day. The resu t 
 was that the French Ambassador did not consider the six points 
 as the last word, but expected counter-propositions. He in- 
 sisted nevertheless on the Liberation programme. 
 
 In the mean time the Austrian Ambassador had been 
 empowered by telegraph on the 10th to communicate the 
 negative answer of his Court to the British Government. 
 This was done in writing, as Lord John had left town. 
 
 Persigny was likewise informed by telegraph the day be- 
 fore yesterday that the Emperor Napoleon would propose on
 
 PRELIMINARIES OF VILLAFRANCA. 367 
 
 the 11th, at the Conference at Villafranca, the three following 
 points as a hasis for negotiation : 
 
 1. Confederation italienne sous la presidence souveraine 
 du Pape. 
 
 2. Cession de la Lombardie ä la Sardaigne. 
 
 3. La Venetie formera un etat independant sous un 
 archiduc. 
 
 Simultaneously, the French Ambassador was instructed to 
 nquire whether the British Government were prepared to 
 support these three points. 
 
 In the absence of Lord John, Persigny hastened to Pal- 
 merston. The Premier, forgetting his seventy-five years, had 
 his horse saddled at once, hastened to Pembroke Lodge, and 
 immediately on his return wrote to Count Persigny, to say 
 that Lord John and he were prepared to support the three 
 points. But since the Queen was at Aldershot, and her 
 approval was formally necessary, the English Ministers re- 
 quested that the interview at Villafranca might be postponed. 
 
 This request, as is known, was not complied with. The 
 British Ministers learned this afternoon at one o'clock, through 
 the French Ambassador, that the Preliminaries of peace had 
 been signed without England's intervention and under far 
 more favourable conditions for Austria. 
 
 Anyone who compares these Preliminaries, irrespective of 
 the secret articles, with the three points, which Napoleon only 
 the evening before had asked England to support, will under- 
 stand the astonishment of the British Ministers. At any rate 
 the Emperor of Austria has manoeuvred more successfully in 
 diplomacy than he did on the battle-field. If Austria retains 
 Venetia with the line of the Mincio and the Quadrilateral, she 
 retains her strategical position in Italy. 
 
 The peace will please nobody. Sardinia fancied she had
 
 368 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the Lombardo-Yenetian Kingdom, Tuscany, Parma, and 
 Modena already in her hand. The gift of Lombardy at 
 the hands of France seems therefore but a meagre recom- 
 pense for the heavy sacrifices of the war. France hkewise 
 will not be content with the results. 100,000 men have been 
 sacrificed, and the country has been most heavily burdened, in 
 order to win Lombardy for the King of Sardinia. The pro- 
 gramme of liberation, bruited at all the street corners, 
 remains unaccomplished, and the Italian question unsettled. 
 
 People in England, notwithstanding all their egotism, feel 
 deeply the humiliation inflicted on their Government by this 
 unexpected proceeding. Persigny shrugs his shoulders, and 
 says, ' Nos amis montrent un peu de mauvaise humeur, mais 
 cela passera.' 
 
 The peace of Villafranca has unsettled much and settled 
 nothing, beyond affording the spectacle of a French army in- 
 toxicated by victory, a dangerous instrument in the hands of 
 the adventurous Imperator, who has shown himself as such to 
 astonished Europe on the battle-field. 
 
 London : July 21, 1859. 
 
 From the annexes to the Austrian circular of the 16th, I 
 gather that it was a question originally not of six but of seven 
 points which France had requested England to support. The 
 error, for which my informant is responsible, has now lost all 
 importance, since the Preliminaries have not actually been 
 concluded on this basis. 
 
 The circular and the Emperor's manifesto of the 15th will 
 create bad blood. Prussia is accused of having abandoned 
 her old ally in the hour of danger, and thereby compelled her 
 to consent to a disadvantageous peace. 
 
 A misunderstanding lies here, which has not yet been ex-
 
 PRELIMINARIES OF VILLAFRA^'CA. 369 
 
 plained. Count Bernstorff indignantly repudiates the charge, 
 and declares that Prussia has been ready to intervene on be- 
 half of Austria's territorial position as established by treaties. 
 Persigny insists, on the contrary, that Prussia accepted the 
 seven French points, and declared moreover that Austria, if 
 she rejected them, would not be able to count on the support of 
 her German allies. 
 
 The riddle would probably be solved if we possessed the 
 text of the autograph private letter which Prince Napoleon 
 delivered on the 12th inst. to the Emperor Francis Joseph. 
 
 The Preliminaries of Villafranca were signed not on the 
 11th but the 12tli. The Emperor Napoleon's private letter 
 just referred to probably contained the real or pretended 
 proof of the assertion that France offered more favourable 
 terms than those which the mediating Powers would have 
 proposed. 
 
 How great was the conqueror's need of peace, is made 
 clear by comparing the draft delivered by Prince Napoleon 
 with the Preliminaries as actually signed. In that draft the 
 third point ran as follows : 
 
 ' S.M. I'Empereur d'Autriche cede a I'Empereur des 
 Fran9ais ses droits sur la Lombardie que I'Empereur Napo- 
 leon conformement aux voeux de la population cede au Pioi de 
 Sardaigne.' 
 
 Thus then early on the morning of the 12th the line of 
 the Mincio with Mantua and Verona had been diplomatically 
 reconquered, and, in addition to that, the false statement, 
 that the cession of Lombardy to Sardinia was made ' in con- 
 formity with the wishes of the population,' struck out. 
 
 The paragraph relating to Tuscany and Modena ran in 
 the draft thus : 
 
 * Les Empereurs feront tous leurs efforts, sans cependant 
 
 VOL. I. B B
 
 370 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 avoir recours aux armes, pour faire rentrer le Grand Due de 
 Toscane et le Due de Modene dans leurs etats.' 
 
 The amendment suceessfully insisted on by Austria 
 
 ' Le Grand Due de Toscane et le Due de Modene ren- 
 trent dans leurs etats ' — 
 is at any rate more dignified and precise. 
 
 With regard also to the reforms to be recommended to the 
 Pope, the original French draft had to yield to the simpler 
 and almost meaningless version of the Preliminaries. ' Re- 
 formes indispensables ' is a vague expression, and must appear 
 so especially to those who had already counted on the secu- 
 larisation of the States of the Church. 
 
 The assertion made by English newspapers, that Victor 
 Emmanuel only acceded to the armistice, and not to the 
 treaty of Villafranca, and was, therefore, still at war with 
 Austria, is wholly imaginary. The King of Sardinia has 
 ratified that treaty with his own hand, though not actually 
 countersigned by his Ministers, in the following terms : * Je 
 ratifie cette convention ci-dessus en tout ce qui me con- 
 cerne.' 
 
 The Austrian courier, who arrived here yesterday, brought 
 with him, in addition to the circular of the 16th and its 
 annexes, a further despatch of Count Eechberg's of the 17th. 
 The Austrian Government acknowledges therein that the 
 views entertained by Esterhazy and Apponyi as to the policy 
 to be expected from Palmerston and Lord John Eussell had 
 been verified only too well. The concluding sentence reminds 
 one of the times of Schwarzenberg, and is to this effect : 
 * Nous n'avons pour le moment absolument rien ä communi- 
 quer au cabinet britannique. Nous lui laissons ä lui-meme 
 le soin de mesurer les gains et les pertes qu'il a retke de 
 I'abstention ä laquelle il s'est condamne.'
 
 OPPOSITION TO A CONGRESS. 371 
 
 London : July 21, 1859. 
 
 In consequence of the slender agreement prevailing be- 
 tween the members of the Palmerston-Russell Ministry, the 
 latter will practically avoid in Parliament all questions of 
 principle. The Opposition meanwhile have taken the oppor- 
 tunity at a public dinner of celebrating their successes at the 
 last election. The * Times ' concludes from the speeches of 
 Lord Derby, Lord Malmesbury, and Disraeli, that the Conser- 
 vatives can only play a part in Opposition. In any case, 
 Malmesbury has the majority of the country and that of the 
 present Cabinet on his side, if he firmly resists the notion of 
 submitting the treaty of Villafranca to the supplementary 
 sanction of a European Congress. The daily press also is, 
 with a few exceptions, convinced that England, who has taken 
 no part in the war, must decline all responsibility for the peace 
 concluded in haste without her co-operation. Even Lord Pal- 
 mer ston and Lord John Eussell have hitherto given oJB&cial 
 expression to this view. However, those who suspect the 
 private designs of these Ministers point to the * Morning 
 Post,' which is considered a French organ. The Walewski- 
 Persigny intrigue, which is defended in that paper, is well 
 known in Vienna. These two men would like to bring about, 
 against Napoleon's expressed promise, a Congress which 
 Austria will know how to prevent. 
 
 Neither the Austrian manifesto nor Napoleon's speech on 
 the 19th to the Senate and Corps Legislatif at St. Cloud have 
 helped to solve the riddle of Villafranca. Complaint is made, 
 in particular, that no previous understanding has taken place 
 between Austria and France to explain their motives for con- 
 cluding peace. While the Emperor Francis Joseph justifies 
 the conclusion of the peace, disadvantageous for himself, on 
 the ground of the passive attitude of his natural allies, Napo- 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 leon, on the contrary, seeks to excuse himself for the non- 
 fulfihnent of his promises and the sudden termination of the 
 war by the threatening attitude of these very ahies of Austria. 
 The EngHsh ItaUanissimi had been declaring as late as the 
 7th in Berlin that so long as an Austrian was beyond the 
 Alps, no peace was to be thought of. They now flatter them- 
 selves that the seed of insurrection, which has been scattered 
 broadcast, will spring up in all parts of the peninsula, and 
 thus prove by events that the Preliminaries of Villafranca 
 offer no basis for a practical settlement. Very different is the 
 judgment of Italian statesmen who do not see the state of 
 things in their country through Cavour's spectacles. ' If the 
 Emperor Napoleon,' said one of these men to me, 'has recog- 
 nised at length that the encouragement of revolution in Italy 
 is bound to entail the gravest danger on his own country and 
 his own throne, 40,000 reliable troops in Upper Italy and the 
 skilful distribution of 40,000 piastres among the leaders of 
 the revolutionary party would suffice to remove all fear of 
 serious movements.' 
 
 London : July 25, 1859. 
 
 The Prussian circular despatch of the 21st has confirmed, 
 but not explained, the contradiction I pointed out in my 
 letter of the same day. ' Qui trompe-t-on ici ? ' asks the 
 * Journal des Debats,' and seems to intimate that in the 
 comedy of errors, now being played on the world's stage, the 
 deceiver of to-day must take the part of the deceived to- 
 morrow. Prussia must be acquitted of the suspicion of 
 having concerted with England proposals of mediation more 
 unfavourable for Austria than the terms offered by France. 
 Lord John Piussell himself has undertaken to furnish proof of 
 this. In his despatch of the 7th he instructs Lord Bloomfield 
 to explain the refusal of the proposals brought over by Count
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL OX PRUSSL\N POLICY. 373 
 
 Bernstorff, on the ground that the British Government could 
 not take part in a mediation based on the status quo ante 
 bellum of Austria in Italy. In these instructions the demand 
 that NaiDoleon should terminate the war -without realising his 
 programme, is described in plain terms as an ' affront.' 
 When Lord John adds that England was obliged to the 
 Prussian Government for their attitude hitherto, and for the 
 overtures they had made, and would prove her gratitude by 
 exhibiting equal frankness, nobod}' knows better than Count 
 Bernstorff what value to attach to such phrases. The Eng- 
 lish Cabinet did not give the slightest hint to the Prussian 
 Minister either of the seven or of the three French points 
 which were approved on the 10th. It was not till the 11th, 
 when Bernstorff took the Foreign Secretary to task for the 
 falsehoods spread about by Persigny, that Lord John Eussell 
 communicated to him a telegram from Lord Bloomfield, 
 stating that the French Ambassador had submitted to 
 Baron Schleinitz four conditions (the cession of Lombardy, 
 Venetia independent under an Archduke, a Congress, and an 
 Amnesty) under which France was ready to conclude peace. 
 The Prussian Mmister, however, declined to lay these con- 
 ditions before the Prmce Piegent, as bemg unsuitable. 
 
 Lamentable as is the partiality displayed by the two leading 
 ministers of England at this crisis, all the brighter appears 
 the correct attitude of the Crown. 
 
 The news of the acceptance of the three French conditions, 
 subject to the Queen's sanction, was received on the 10th at 
 the pavilion at Aldershot with the most decided disapproval. 
 As a constitutional sovereign, her Majesty could not, of course, 
 reject forthwith the French proposals against the advice of 
 her Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. She appealed, 
 however, to the Cabinet, knowing well that among its fifteen
 
 374 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 members the majority would vote for the Queen against Pal- 
 merston and Eussell. But the matter never reached that 
 point, for the agreement of Villafranca made all deliberation 
 unnecessary. For the future, however, it will always be im- 
 portant to know that the right feeling of her Majesty and the 
 well-known opinions of Prince Albert do not allow themselves 
 to be swayed by Ministerial prejudices. 
 
 Persigny's visit to St. Cloud, which had been concerted 
 with Lord Palmerston, is a final attempt to resuscitate the idea 
 of a Congress. The Ambassador will return without accom- 
 plishing his object. 
 
 Napoleon III. needs, as a banker who knows France well 
 remarked to me, at least two or three years of peace. The 
 losses of the French army have hitherto been under-estimated, 
 just as their strength and readiness for war is generally over- 
 rated. Malakoff had, on the Khine, barely 80,000 men, whose 
 only reserve consisted of about 80,000 recruits, who were to 
 join him on September 1. How could he have checked with 
 this force the German armies if the latter had taken the 
 offensive ai the right moment ? An English statesman, who 
 has just come from Paris, goes so far as to assure me that a 
 German army of 100,000 men, pushed forward into Tyrol, 
 would have been enough to checkmate the Second Empire. 
 
 The financial difficulties of the moment seem to be greater 
 even than the military ones. As Prmce Albert predicted to 
 me some months ago, this last war, in consequence of every- 
 thing having to be paid for in cash, has swallowed up sums 
 which have well-nigh exhausted the rich country. 
 
 ' Raison de lüus,' remarked a pessimist, * for determining 
 the Emperor to seek an excuse for a new w^ar, which might 
 bring something to France.'
 
 napoleon's rumoured visit. 375 
 
 London: July 28, 1859. 
 
 Considering the ill-feeling exhibited by the press on both 
 sides of the Channel, it is not to be wondered at that rumours 
 should be current of a coming demonstration, intended to 
 revive sunken confidence, and assure the maintenance of 
 general peace. People talk of a repetition of the Emperor's 
 visit to Osborne. Lord John Kussell assures me he knows 
 nothing of any such project. A Liberal member of Parliament 
 went farther, and said that England had not yet sunk so low 
 as that. Prince Paul Esterhazy, who, after a stay of several 
 weeks in London, had accepted a gracious invitation by the 
 Queen to Osborne House, left that residence only a few days 
 ago, on the 25th. He tells me that during his visit of some 
 days to the Isle of Wight, he did not notice the smallest pre- 
 paration for an interview with the Emperor Napoleon, nor had 
 any intimation of such a visit. The Prince intends to leave 
 London to-day, in order to return to Vienna through Paris by 
 order of his Court. 
 
 Lord John Kussell is to make his promised statement this 
 evening in the House of Commons in explanation of the Treaty 
 of Villafranca. His despatch of June 22 has already been 
 laid on the table of the House, and is pubhshed in to-day's 
 * Times.' He is to communicate also to Parliament, after 
 obtaining the sanction of the Cabinet, his despatch of July 7 
 to Lord Bloomfield, declining, as inopportune, the well-known 
 Prussian proposals of mediation. The two papers contain 
 passages which will not be read in Paris exactly with 
 satisfaction. 
 
 There are two points in particular which are closely 
 scanned by those who regard a war between England and 
 France as sooner or later probable. The fisheries on the 
 coast of Newfoundland have lately given rise to differences,
 
 376 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 the peaceful settlement of which presents difficulties. But the 
 chief point is Egypt, where the interests and intrigues of the 
 Western Powers cross. Lord Palmerston is decidedly averse 
 to M. de Lesseps' project. He pretends to regard the cutting 
 through of the Isthmus of Suez as technically impracticable. 
 In reality he thinks the undertaking will endanger English 
 interests in the East. In the 14,000 workmen hired by M. de 
 Lesseps, the English Premier perceives the germ of a French 
 army of invasion. He is afraid that they might serve as in- 
 structors to the troops of the Viceroy, who are reckoned at 
 120,000 men. 
 
 London: July 30, 1859. 
 
 I will not omit to give you a brief sketch of the sitting in 
 the House of Commons on the night of the 28th. 
 
 Lord John Russell began by laying his despatch to Lord 
 Bloomfield of July 7 on the table of the House. This is the 
 same despatch which was described in Berlin as a schoolboy's 
 exercise. In a long and evidently carefully prepared speech, 
 the Foreign Secretary exj)atiated on the position of affairs 
 brought about by the interview at Yillafranca. As a ccqjtatio 
 henevolentice, his reference to the statement in the ' Moniteur,' 
 announcing the reduction of the French land and sea forces 
 to a peace footing, was not very happily conceived. This 
 latest change in French policy has only increased the distrust 
 already prevailing here. People fear reciprocity — an invita- 
 tion to England to discontinue now her coast defences, if she 
 does not wish to expose herself to the suspicion of aggressive 
 designs. Lord John began by explaining the Preliminaries of 
 A^illafranca from his own point of view. He urged that the 
 cession of Lombardy was not a matter in which England was 
 called on to interfere, but that the reorganisation of Italy 
 would deserve the consideration, and indeed the co-operation.
 
 SPEECH OF LORD JOHN EUSSELL. 377 
 
 of the British Cabinet. He then read to the House an extract 
 from one of Walewski's despatches addressed to Count Per- 
 signy, of which the latter had left him a copy. It related to 
 the coming peace negotiations at Zurich, and to the hope ex- 
 pressed that the Powers would be able to meet in a European 
 Congress or Conference. In regard to this Lord John declared 
 that the British Government reserved their decision, and 
 would in any case first await the communication of the 
 formal instrument of peace to be concluded at Zurich. He 
 added — and this is the main pomt — that England would in 
 no event take part in any Congress on the state of Italy in 
 which Austria and Prussia were not represented. Even then, 
 however, Lord John will not yet give any positive assurance. 
 He makes the participation of England in the proposed Con- 
 gress dependent on a previous agreement bemg arrived at on 
 certain questions of principle. To enter more closely into 
 these questions is, however, superfluous, smce Austria refuses 
 to abandon her opposition to the idea of a Congress al- 
 together. 
 
 Disraeli, in his reply, complained of the defective character 
 of the Ministerial statement, and severely criticised the am- 
 biguous manner in which Lord John had slurred over the 
 main question. The question, he said, was, how had the 
 Emperor of Austria come to state officially that the proposals 
 of mediation of his natural allies were more unfavourable 
 than the terms proposed dh-ectly by his enemy ? Prussia, he 
 continued, had purged herself by coming forward and stating 
 that she knew nothing of such proposals having been sub- 
 mitted to the Emperor, but her Majesty's Government 
 maintained a suspicious silence on the point. There was 
 only too good reason to fear that the Ministers, blinded by 
 their hatred of Austria, had committed the same mistake
 
 378 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 which they committed in 1848, and which had had such fatal 
 consequences for Italy and the peace of the world. It was 
 clear that England, by a timely and suitable mediation, would 
 have deserved the thanks of the two belligerent Powers, and 
 to a certain degree have dictated the peace, the direct con- 
 clusion of which had condemned England to a serious state 
 of isolation. Lord Palmerston's manifesto to his constituents 
 at Tiverton was at the bottom of Napoleon's programme at 
 Milan, and both had the same fate. In a similar state of 
 blindness to that of the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary 
 had sacrificed the interests of his country to his fixed idea of 
 founding in Italy a Whig party, a sort of Brooks's Club at 
 Florence. * I told the noble lord,' he said, ' some years ago 
 that the course he was recommending was one which must 
 end in the confusion of Italy ; and that if he thought the 
 regeneration of Italy could be effected by the secret societies 
 of that country, he would find that he was only playing the 
 game of some great military despot, who would reap the 
 profit.' 
 
 After this violent attack followed a statesmanlike exposi- 
 tion of the reasons which were bound to prevent England 
 from taking part in the Congress, since the Preliminaries of 
 Villafranca had left the balance of power in Europe undis- 
 turbed. 
 
 Lord Palmerston could not help confessing in plain terms 
 that the leader of the Opposition had been accurately in- 
 formed as to the negotiations preceding the conclusion of 
 peace. He found himself obliged, therefore, to partly lift the 
 veil which had hitherto concealed the action of the British 
 Cabinet. He admitted that Lord John had communicated to 
 the Austrian Ambassador a project emanating from the French 
 Government, as to the acceptability of which Napoleon's
 
 DEBATE ON LORD ELCIIOS MOTION. 379 
 
 Ministers had not pronounced an opinion. The proceedings 
 of the 6th and 10th are too well known to make it necessary 
 to point out in particular the suppressio reri which this 
 Ministerial confession betrays. Of course Lord Palmerston 
 was endeavouring to put the best face he could on his policy 
 of 1848 as well as that of 1859. The question of the Con- 
 gress he represented as an open one, to be determined by 
 circumstances. 
 
 Lord Elcho has not withdrawn his motion for an Address/ 
 the object of which was to make it impossible for the Govern- 
 ment to take part in the projected Congress, and he will be 
 able to reckon in it on Disraeli's support. 
 
 The question whether the reduction announced by France 
 of her land and sea forces should cause England to discon- 
 tinue the measures taken for the national defence, was 
 warmly debated yesterday in the House of Commons. The 
 statements made by Lord Palmerston and the other Ministers, 
 as, indeed, the whole course of the debate, leave no doubt that 
 it has been determined to repair past neglect. 
 
 Paris: Aug. 10, 1859. 
 
 Without waiting for the adjourned debate on Lord Elcho's 
 motion, I hastened hither from London on the evening of the 
 6th, so as not to miss Prince Paul Esterhazy, who only in- 
 tended to stay here till the 8th. 
 
 Lord Elcho's well-meant motion was not pressed to a 
 division, and the last sitting in which the House of Commons 
 had an opportunity of speaking out on the question of the 
 
 ' The proposed Address stated that it would be inconsistent with the honour 
 and dignity of the House to take part in any Conference for the purpose of 
 settling the details of a peace the preliminaries of which had already been 
 ' arranged between the two Emperors.
 
 380 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 day before the Parliamentary vacation, passed away with- 
 out any practical result. Lord Elcho was weak and showed 
 himself ill-informed, so that the cool ' It is not true,' with 
 which Lord John Russell interrupted him, did not fail to pro- 
 duce the deshed impression. Attacked with very different 
 weapons by the former Under Secretary of State, Mr. Sey- 
 mour Fitzgerald, the Foreign Secretary was obliged to make 
 references to the incidents of the 6th and 10th of July, which 
 in noway, however, correspond with the full truth. The argu- 
 ment he used to show that the English Government was not 
 justified in intervening on behalf of the principle of legiti- 
 macy in Tuscany and Modena, was significant of the stand- 
 point of this Liberal but doctrinaire Minister. 
 
 The English throne, Lord John informed the House of 
 Commons, had originated, like those of Belgium and France, 
 in revolution, and rested on the principle of the sovereignty 
 of the people. The advisers of the Crown could not act in 
 opposition to the fundamental princij)les of the State. It is 
 true that the Parliament of 1688 ratified the usurpation of 
 William IIL, but that was done with the intention of simply 
 giving a legal footing to the new dynasty, not in any way 
 of shaking the monarchical principle and transplanting into 
 England the theory of popular sovereignty. This heresy 
 belongs to a later time. Only the partial pen of the sophist 
 Macaulay, writing for Whig party purposes, could succeed in 
 representing the English Revolution of 1688 as having origi- 
 nated in the theories which were produced by the French 
 Revolution of 1789. It required a rare expenditure of para- 
 doxical dialectics to make a House of Commons, created by 
 the Reform Act of 1831, believe that they had the right to 
 give away the crown because the aristocratic Parliament of 
 1688 had ratified the fait accompli of a change of dynasty.
 
 SPEECH OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 381 
 
 All this, of course, does not prevent the fact that in the Eng- 
 land of the present day the monarchical principle has become 
 a matter of form. Her people are standing wholly on revo- 
 lutionary soil. This was felt, indeed, to be the case before 
 now, but it was never openly proclaimed. It has been reserved 
 to a Lord John Russell to announce to the Queen from the 
 Ministerial bench that she only sits upon her throne at the 
 pleasure of the House of Commons. 
 
 Pardon me for this digression, which takes me back in 
 meclias res, and explains why the Austrian Cabmet has lost 
 all touch with the present English Ministry. The Austrian 
 Ambassador in London has actually not exchanged a word 
 on politics with the Foreign Secretary from July 6 to 
 August 6 ! 
 
 The Emperor Napoleon on his part has expressed, in 
 somewhat lengthy conversations with Prince Esterhazy and 
 Metternich, his unconcealed displeasure with the present 
 English Government. He complains of the patent discre- 
 pancies in the views and objects of the two leading Ministers 
 as the main reason of his difficulty in effecting an understand- 
 ing with the British Cabinet. Unquestionably, he is seriously 
 embarrassed how to reconcile the jjromises made to Italy with 
 the engagements contracted towards Austria at Villah-anca. 
 For, in fact, he can only keep the latter by failing to fulfil the 
 former. He is evidently endeavouring to reconcile these con- 
 tradictions in as plausible a manner as possible. It is idle 
 for him to reckon on the assistance of England, who is using 
 every effort to prevent the restoration of the expelled dynas- 
 ties of Modena and Tuscany, and, if possible, to check in the 
 bud the alliance of the three Emperors which is so dreaded in 
 London. 
 
 The Emperor of Austria considers this act of justice to be
 
 382 ST. PETERSBURG AND LONDON. 
 
 a matter of honour and a political necessity, since he can 
 never feel himself secure in the possession of Venetia and the 
 Quadrilateral until the revolution is crushed in the neighbour- 
 ing States. It is not surprising that this point was most 
 exhaustively discussed in the audiences of Prince Esterhazy. 
 The latter found Napoleon full of the most friendly feelings for 
 the Emperor Francis Joseph and his Government. He was 
 also able to establish the most complete accord in principle 
 on the question of restoration, in regard to which, however, 
 Napoleon did not conceal either from him or from Prince 
 Metternich that the practical execution of this point was 
 attended with great difficulties, since France was altogether 
 opposed to any measures of force. All that Prince Esterhazy 
 obtained, was Napoleon's promise to sanction nothing in 
 Tuscany and Modena beyond the restoration agreed on at 
 Villafranca. Prince Paul gave me distinctly to understand 
 that the Vienna Cabinet regarded the restoration of the 
 Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena as a sine 
 qua non condition of peace. He considered that the utmost 
 firmness and decision must be shown in Paris, not to require 
 the same in Florence and Modena. 
 
 The only object of Count Eeiset's mission to Florence was 
 to ' work ' the population in this sense. His reports, received 
 to-day, give the prospect of a change in the direction desired. 
 
 If the restoration takes place, the Austrian Cabinet would 
 perhaps not be disinclined to waive their objection to a Con- 
 gress ; at any rate, this question is still treated as an open 
 one in Vienna. 
 
 In the instructions which Colloredo took with him to 
 Zürich, the establishment of the Italian confederation, the 
 part to be taken in that confederation by Venetia, and the 
 honorary presidency of the Pope, were treated as points of
 
 COLLOREDO'S INSTRUCTIOXS. 383 
 
 minor importance. In this respect the greatest latitude has 
 been given to the plenipotentiaries. Colloredo has been in- 
 Btructed, however, all the more categorically to urge the 
 immediate restoration of the sovereigns of Tuscany and 
 Modena. 
 
 END or THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
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