< ' ^ : 7 ^.*>>i« J - T So ■ 1 ' j£ *«^ v ak *&**? *b W> J j*-J k i/M>* l> ' BK • - lr >r * 2r ™ Ji^5? : '#&& 7/ //////-. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES M. i 1 ' ; r/u t JctL Complete Colle&ion O F T H E HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS O F JOHN MILTON- Corre&ly printed from the Original Editions. WITH AN Historical and Critical ACCOUNT O F T H E Life and Writings of the Author; Containing feveral Original Papers of His, Never before Publifhed. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: Printed for A. Millar, at Buchanans Head, againft St.flemetifs Church in the Strand. M.Dcc.xxxyui. *r? ' Advertifement to the Reader. IN this new Edition of Milton'.*- Profe Works , the Pieces are difpofed according to the Order in which they were firft printed '; with the addition of a Tract omitted by Mr. To land, concerning the Reafon of the War with Spain in 1 655, and federal Pages in the Hiftory ^Bri- tain, expunged by /^Licensers of the Prefs, and not to be met with in any former Edition. To make the lf r ork more complete , the Editor has compiled a full and faithful Account of the Author'^ Life 5 containing befides the Particu- lars given us by Toland, and other Authors, many never before printed, with fevcra I Pieces now firft publifljed from the original Manufcripts of Milton. To which is prefixed a curious Head of the Author, engraven by Mr. Vertue from a Drawing by Mr. Richardson, after a Eufldone for the Author in his Life-time. To the JVork is fubjoined a large Alphabetical Index, which no otherEDi t ion has ; andthelmpreffionis much more beautiful and cor reel than any hitherto publifljed. Thef Advantages we hope will fujficiently re- commend this Edition to the Publick. TRACTS contained in the First Volume. AN Account of the Life and Writings of Mr. 'John Milton, by T. Birch, A. M. and F. R. S. page'i Of Reformation in England, and the Caufes that have hitherto hindred it : In two Books, written to a Friend. ■ ■ i Of Prelatical Epiicopacy, and whether it may be dedue'd from the Apoftolical Times by virtue of thefe Teftimonies which are alledg'd to that purpofe in lbme late Treatifes; one whereof goes under the Name of James Archbiihop of Armagh. ■ 30 The Realbn of Church-Government urg'd againft Prelacy. In two Books. . 39 Animadverfions upon the Remonftrant's Defence againft Smtclvmnuus. An Tra&s contained in the Firft Volume. An Apology for SmeStymnuus. page 103 Of Education ; to Matter Samuel Hartlib. 135 Areopagitica ; a Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens'd Printing, to the Parlament of England. 141 The Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce reftor'd to the good of both Sexes, from the Bondage of Canon Law, and other Miftakes, to the true Meaning of Scripture in the Law and Gofpel, conipar'd, &c. 162 Tetrachordon : Expofitions upon the four chief Places in Scripture which treat of Marriage, or Nullities in Marriage, iSc. 2 14. The Judgment of Martin Bucer concerning Divorce : Written to Ed- ward the Sixth, in his fecond Book of the Kingdom of Chrift, GV. 271 Colafterion : A Reply to a namelefs Anfwer againft the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce : wherein the trivial Author of that Anfwer is difcover'd, the Licenfer conferr'd with, and the Opinion which they traduce, defended. ' 295 The Tenure of Kings and Magiftrates : proving that it is lawful, and hath been held fo thro' all Ages, for any who have the Power, to call to account a Tyrant or wicked King, and after due Conviction, to depofe, and put him to death, if the ordinary Magiftrate have neg- lected, or deny'd to do it, &c. 309 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace between James Earl of Ormond, for King Charles the Firft, on the one hand, and the lrijh Rebels and Papifts on the other hand : And on a Letter fent by Ormond to Colonel Jones, Governour of Dublin ; and a Reprefentation of the Scots Prefbytery at Belfajl in Ireland. To which the faid Articles, Letter, with Colonel Jones's Anfwer to it, and Reprefentation, &c. are prefix'd. — 3 2 5 Eikonoclafles : In Anfwer to a Book, intitled, Eikon Bafilike ; The Por- traiture of his facred Majefty in his Solitude and Sufferings. 360 A Defence of the People of England, in Anfwer to Sabna/ius's Defence of the King. . " 445 A Treatife of Livil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes : Shewing that it is not lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion. 554 Confiderations touching the likelieft means to remove Hirelings out of the Church, &c. » 560 The prefent Means and brief Delineation of a Free Commonwealth, eafy to be put in practice, and without delay. In a Letter to Ge- neral Monk. Publilhed from the Manufcript. 585 The ready and eafy Way to eftablifh a Free Commonwealth, and the Excellencies thereof compar'd with the Inconveniencies and Dangers of re-admitting Kings in this Nation.^ 587 Brief Notes upon a late Sermon, intitled, The Fear of God and the King, preach'd, and fince publifh'd, by Matthew Griffith D. D. and Chaplain to the late King, wherein many notorious Wreftings of Scripture, and other Falfities, are obferv'd. 602 Accedence commenc'd Grammar : Supply'd with fufficient Rules for the Ufe of fuch as, Younger or Elder, are defirous without more trouble than needs, to attain the Latin Tongue ; the Elder fort efpecially with little Teaching, and their own Induftry. 607 A N A N Hiftorical and Critical Account O F T H E LIFE and WRITINGS O F Mr, JOHN MILTON. By T ho m/ s Birch, M. A. a?id F. R. S. AS Mr. To/and has already publifh'd a Life of Milton, my Defign at firit was only to have corrected and fupply'd his Account. But upon a Review of it, I found, that he quotes no Authority for the particu- lar Facts related by him, which is juftly expected, in order to ef- tablifh the Credit of them •, that almofl: half the Life confifts of mere Ab- ftracts of Milton's Writings, which, before an Edition of them, appears to be nbfolutely unnecefiary ■, and that, befides his numerous Miftakes, he has omit- ted a great many particulars of importance. Upon thefe confiderations, I was induc'd to alter my former Scheme* and digeft my Collections into a regular and uniform Body; in which will be inferted feveral original Papers never before publifh'd, and the whole fupported by proper Authorities. MR. John Milton was defcended of an ancient Family of that Name at Milton near Abington in Oxfordjlrire, where it had been a long time feated, as appears from the Monuments ftill to be feen in the Church of Milton, till one of the Family having taken the unfortunate Side in the Contefts between the Houfes of York and Lancajler, was fequeiter'd of all his Eftate, except what he held by his Wife (a). Our Author's Grandfather, whole Name was John Milton, was an Under-ranger or Keeper of the Foreft of Shotover near Hul- ton in Oxford/hire (b). He being a zealous Papilf, difinhcrited his Son, Mr. John Milton, our Author's Father, on account of his embracing the Proteftant Religion, when he was young ; which oblig'd the latter 10 retire to London, where he applied himfelf to the Bufinefs of a Scrivener^ by the Advice of an intimate Friend of his, who was eminent in that Profeffiori ; and by his Diligence and Oeconomy gain'd a competent Eftate {£). He was a Man of good Tafle in Mufic, in which he made fo considerable a pfogfefs, tint he is faid to have compofed an In Nomine of forty Parts ; for which he was re- warded wifh a gold Medal and Chain by a Polifh Prince, to whom he pre- fented it. However, this is certain, that for feveral Songs of his Compofition, after the way of thole times, three or four of which arc ftill to be leen in old Wilby's, Set of Aiv, befides fomc Compofitior.s of his in Re. . fi's Pfalms; he gain'd the Reputation of a confiderable Mailer in this Science (d,. His Son complimuiis him upon this Head in one of his Lathi iV. ri is, ihtitled, Ad Palrchi, in which he has the following Lines: Nee (a) Life of- Mr. jo'.'.n Mfitb'n, p. 4. pref.x'd to <u7>. ; .A w«i given It liiin fo a Friend of bis. rteEngiifti Tranjluiion of Lis Lcttcis oi Suite, {b) Wood, Fafti! O\on. Vol.I.Cql. -bz. 2d. Edit. London tfii 4. 77 1 hifs am written by E,l t London 1721. in fat. bis Nepheiv Mr. Bdwatd Pniiips, as afpeyrs (.} I'! fuprq. p. 3, 4. 5- from a Not \ ' ■ . . ' . ( ' p, -\, J- Vol. I. a ;[ An Account of the Life and Writings Nee tuperge, precor, facras e'entemftere Mufas, Nee vanas inopefque puta, quorum ipfe peritus Munere, milk fonos ■ numeros cemponis ad aptos, Millibus fcf vocem modulis variare canoram Doilus, Arionii meritofis hominis hares. Nunc tibi quid mirum, ft me genuijje Pqetqm ^ Contigerit, charofi tamprope [anguine jiincli Cognatas artes ftudiumque affine fequamure ? Ipfe volens Phcebus fe' difpertire duohts. Altera dona mibi, dedit altera dona Parenti, Dividuumque Deum Geni torque Puerque tenemus. He married Sarah, of the Family of the Cajlons, originally deriv'd from Wales, as Mr. Philips tells us (*) ; but Mr. Wood (/) aliens, that fhe was of the ancient Family of the Bradfhaws. She was a Woman of incomparable Virtue and Goodnefs (g), and by her Mr. Milton had two Sons and one Daughter. The eldeft Son was John, the Subject of the prefent Hiftory •, the younger Christopher, who being defign'd for the ftudy of the common Law of England, was enter'd young a Student of the Inner -'Temple, of which Houfe he liv'd to be an ancient Bencher, and kept clofe to that Study and Profeiffidh all his Life-time, except during the civil Wars in England; when he adher'd to the royal Caufe, and became obnoxious to the Parlament by acting to the utmofl: of his power againft them, fo long as he kept his Station at Reading in Berk- Jhire; and therefore as foon as that Town was taken by the Parlament-Fosces, he was oblig'd to quit his Houfe there, and ftcer'd his Courfe according to the motion of the King's Army. When the War was ended, and his Oonrpo- fition made thro' his Brother's Intereft with the then prevailing Powers, he betook himfelf again to his former Study and Profeffion, following Chamber- Practice every Term •, yet came to no Advancement in a long time, except a fmall Employment in the Town oilpfwich, where and near it he fpent all the latter time of his Life. In the beginning of the Reign of King James II. he was recommended by force Perfons of Quality to his Majefty ; and at a call of fix Serjeants received the Coif, and the fame day was fworn one of the Barons of the Exchequer (h), and knighted (/) ; and foon after made one of the Judges of ths Common Pleas. But his Years and Indifpofition rendering him unable to bear the Fatigue of public Employment, he continued not long in either of thofe Sta- tions ; but obtaining his Quietus, retir'd to a Country Life, his Study, and Devo- tion (k). Mr. Toland tells us (/), that Sir Ckriflopher was " of a very fuperllitious " Nature, and a Man of no Parts or Ability •," and that King James II. want- ing a Set of Judges, that would declare his Will to be fuperior to our legal Confti- tulion, appointed him one of the Barons of the Exchequer. But Mr. Philips (m) reprefents him as a Perfon of a modefl quiet Temper, preferring Jujlice and Virtue before all worldly Pleafure or Grandeur ; and affiires us, that he was re- commended to that King by fome Perfons of Quality, for his known Integrity and Ability in the Law. Anne, the only Daughter of Mr. John Milton the Elder, had a confiderable Portion given her by her Father, in marriage with Mr. Edward Philips, Son of Mr. Edward Philips of Shrewsbury, who coming up to London young, was enter'd into the Crown-Office in Chancery, and at length became Secondary of that Office under Mr. Bembo. By him fhe had, befides other Children, who died Infants, two Sons, John and Edward. She married for her fecond Hufband Mr. Thomas Agar, who, upon the Death of his intimate Friend Mr. Philips, fucceeded him in his place, whichhe held for many Years, and left to Mr. Thomas Milton, Son of Sir Chriflopher. He had by Mr.Philips's Widow two Daughters, Mary, who died very young, and Anne, who was living in the Year 1694 (»). But to return to our Author, Mr. John Milton; he was born in his Father's Houfe at the Sign of the Spread-Eagle in Bread-Street within the City of London % December 9th, 1608 (0). Mr. Philips (p) and Mr. Toland (q) place his Birth in 1606, but erroneoufly ; for we find by the Inscription under his Effigies prefix'd to his (e) P. 5. See liktnhifi Tolnnd'j Life of Mil- (g) Philips, p. 0- {h) Id. p. 5, 6, 7. ton, t. 6. prcfo'd to Milton'; Hiflerical, Political, (i) Toland, ubi fupra, p. 6. (/) Philips,^.-. and Mifcelfaneout Works, Edit. Amfterdam [I.e. (/) f. 6. («) p. 6. («r) Philips, (p. 7. London] '1698, bifol, (f) Ubi fupra. (■>) Wood, ubi fupra. (/>)/. 3. (7)/. 6« of Mr. John M ilto n\ his Logic, that in 1671 he was fixty-three Years of Age ; and the very Cut of him before the Edition of his Hiftorical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works, to which T ' Life of htirh is prefix'd, informs us, that he was born in 1608. He a] rs to have had a tic Tutor from the fourth Elecry a- mong his Latin Poems, written in the eighteenth Year ol his Age, to Mr. Thomas To:<;:g, Paftor of the Englifh Company of Merchants at Hamburg, in which he ftiles Mr. Young his Mailer. He was fenr likewife, with his^Bro- ther, to St. Paul's School, of which Mr. (r) Alexani.r Gill the elder was then Mailer, to whofe Son, Dr. Alexander Gill, and not to the Father as Mr Toland miftakes, fome of his familiar Letters are written. While he' was at this School he made an uncommon Progrefs by his admirable Genius and indefatigable Application ; for from his twelfth Year he generally fate up half the Night, as well in voluntary Improvements, as in die perfecting of his School -exercifes •, and this, with his frequent Head -achs, was the firft ruin of his Eyes (s). Mr. Wood (/) and Mr. Toland (h) affeit, that he was fenc to the Univerfity of Cambridge at fifteen Years of Age. But this is undoubted- ly a Miftake ■, lor he tells us in his Defenfio fecunr 'a, that he fpent feven Years at the Univerfity •, and in his Apolo<jy for Smctlymnuus (x), that he continued there till after he had taken t-zvo Degree*. Now it appears from the Re°ifterof the Univerfity, that he took the Degree of Mailer of Ar:s in 163° ; a.i ! Confequently that he did not go to the Univerfity till 1625, in the (t\ teenth Year ot' his Age. He was enter'd in Cbrijl's College, where he was put under the tuition of Mr. William Chap-pell, aft xw.irds Biihop of Rcfs in Ireland (y). He had already given proofs of his early Genius for Poe'ry ; for at fifteen Years of age he tranflated the 1 14 and 136 P faints into Endifh Verfe. In his fixteenth Year he wrote a Latin Ode upon the Death of the Vice-Chan- cellor of the Univerfity ; and in his feventeenth Year, a Copy of Englijh Verfes on the Death of his Sifter's Child, who died of a Cough •, and a Latin Ele°y on the Death of the Blfhop of ' Winchefter, and another on that of the Bifhop'of Ely. It was then alfo, that he compoied his fine Latin Poem on the Gun- powder-Treafon ; concerning which, and the reft of his juvenile Poems, M'r- hof'm his Polykiflor declares, that they fnew Milton to have been a Man in his Childhood, and are vailiy fuperior to the ordinary Capacity of that A°-e. In his nineteenth Year he wrote the feventb of his Latin Elegies upon his fallino- in Love for the firft time with a Lady, whom he met upon fome Walks near London, but loft fight of her, and never knew who fhe was, nor faw her more • but refolv'd that Love fhould thenceforth give him no farther Trouble. He was extremely belov'd and admir'd by the whole Univerfity, and perform'd his Academical Exercifes with great Applaufe, fome of which are itil] extant among his Poems on feveral Occafions, and at the end of his familiar Letters. In 162S he took the Degree of Batchelor of Arts (2). In 1629 he wrote an excellent Ode on the Morning of Chrijl's Nativity ; and in 1630 his Verfes on Sbakefpcar, which were printed with the Poems of that Author at London m 1640. In the twenty-third Year of his Age he wrote a Letter to a Friend of his, who had importun'd him to enter into fome Profefllon. There are two Draughts of this Letter in his own hand-writing among his Manufcripts in Trinity College Library at Cambridge, the firft of which Draughts is as follows. " Sir, " Befides that in fundry refpects I muft acknowledge me to proffit by you, " whenever we meet, you are often, and were yefterday efpecially, to me ct as a good Watchman to admonifh, that the howres of the Night pafie on, " (for fo I call my Life as yet obfeure and unferviceable to Mankind,) " and that the Day is at hand, wherin Chrift commands all to labour, " while there is Light. Which becaufe I am perfuaded you doe to no other " purpofe, than out of a true Defire that God fhould be honour'd in every " one, I am ever readie, you know, when occafion is, to give you account, *' as I ought, though unafkt, of my tardie moving according to the pr^e- " cept of my Confcience, which I firmely truft is not without God. Yet " now (r) Afr. Toland, p. 6. trroneoujly Jli/es timDoc- Philips, p. $. (/) Cot. 262. [it) p. 6. [x] p. tor. (;) Miltont Defenfio fecunda/i. 81. Edit. 12. Edit, in ^.to. ( >•) Wood, Col. 263. 1654. Vol. II. p. 331 of the prcfent Edit, and [x) From the Uni<verf.ty Regijier. Ill iv An Account of the Life and Writings " now I will not ftreine for any fet Apologie, but only referre my felfe to " what my Mynd fliall have at any tyme to declare herfelfe at her beft eafe. " Yet if you thinke, as you faid, that too much Love of Learning is in fault, " and that I have given up my felfe to dreame away my Yeares in the arms of " a ftudious Retirement, like Endymion with the Moon on Latmits Hill ; yer " confider, that if it were no more but this, to overcome this, there is on the " other fide both ill more bewitchfull to entice away, and natural Yeares more " fwaying, and good more availeable to withdraw to that which you wifh me ; " as firft, all the fond hopes, which forward Youth and Vanitie are fledge with , " none of which can fort with this Plutoh Helmet, as Homer calls it, of " obfcurity, and would foon caufe me to throw it off, if there were nothing " elfe in't but an affected and fruitlefTe Curiofity of knowing. And then a. " naturall Defire of Honour and Renown, which, I think, pofleffes the breft " of every Scholar, as well of him that fliall, as of him that never fliall ob- *' taine it (if this be altogether bad,) which would quickly overfway this " flegme and melancholy of BafhfulnefTe* or that other Humor •, and pra- " vaile with me to prsferre a Life, tliat had at leaft fome Credit in it, lame " place given it, before a manner of living much disregarded and difcoun- " tenanc't. There is befides this, as all well know, about this tyme of a man's " life, a ftrong inclination, be it good or no, to build up a Houfe and Fa- " mily of his oWne in the bed manner he may ; to which nothing is more " helpful then the early entring into fome credible Employment, and no- " thing more croffe then my Way, which my wafting Youth would prse- *' ft-ntly bethinke her of, and kill one Love with another, if that were all. " But what Delight or what peculiar Conceit, may you in charitie thinke, " could hold out againft the long Knowledge of a contrarie Command from *' above, and the terrible feafure of him, that hid his Talent ? Therefore " committ Grace to Grace, or Nature to Nature, there will be found on " the other way more obvious Temptations to bad, as Gaine, Preferment, " Ambition, more winning Prnsfentments of Good, and more prone Affections *' of Nature to encline and difpofe, net counting outward Caufes, as Expecta- *' tions and Murmurs of Friends, Scandals taken, and fuch-like, then the " bare Love of Notions could refill. So that if it be that which you fuppofe. *' it had by this bin round about begirt and over-mafter'd, whether it had *' proceeded from Virtue, Vice, or Nature in me. Yet that you may fee* " that I am fom tyme fufpicious of my felf, and do take notice of a cer- • c taine Belatednefs ine me, I am the bolder to fend you fome of my night* " ward Thoughts fome while iince, fince they come in fitly, in a Petrarcbi&i " Stanza. " How foon hath Time, the futile Theefe of Youth, " Stolne on his Wing my three and twentieth Teere ! " My hafting Days fly on with full Care ere ; " But my late Spring no Bud or Bloffomfoew'tb. *' Perhaps my Semblance might decease the Truth, ' ' That I to Manhood am arrived fo mere, " And inward Ripen efjc doth much leffe appear " That fome more tymely-happie Spirits indu'th. *' Tet be it leffe or more, or foone or flow, " 7/ flmll be flill in jlriclefl Meafure even, " To that fame Lot, however meane or high, «' Towards which Tyme leads me, and the Will of Heaven, " All is y if I have Grace to ufe it fo, •* As ever in my great Tafk-maifer's Eye. The laft Draught is as follows. « Sir, «' Befides that in fundry other refpefls I muft acknowledge me to proffir. " by you, whenever wee meet, you are often to me, and were yefterday eft " pecially, as a good Watchman to admonifh, that the howres of the night " pufle on, (for fo I call my Life as yet obfeure and unferviceable to Man- r ^ « kind) (< of Mr. John Milto n. c kind) and that the Day with me is at hand, wherin Chriil commands ail : to labour, while there is Light; which becaufe I am perf waded you doe ' to no other purpofe then out of a true Defire that God ihou!d be honour'd ' in every one, I therfore thinke my felfe bound, tho' unafkt, to give you ; account, as oft as occafion is, of this my tardie moving, according to 1 the praeccpt of my Conscience, which, I firmely trull is not without G >d. : Yet now I will not ftreine for any fez Apologie, bur only referre my i ; to what my Mynd fhall have at any tyme to declare h r felfe at her belt ! eafe. But if you thinke, as you faid, that too mucli Love c f Learning is in ; fault, and that I have given up my felfe to dreame away my Yea°es in '• the armes of ftudious Retirement, like Endymion with the Moone as the : tale of Latmus goes ; yet confider that if it were no more but the meere • Love of Learning, whether it proceed from a Principle bad, good, or na- turall, it could not have held out thus long againft fo ftrong eppofuion ; on the other fide of every Kind -, for if it be bad, why fhould not all th : fond Hopes, that forward Youth and Vanitie are fledge with, to?ether with Gaine, Pride, and Ambition, call me forward more powerfully then a poore regardleffe and unprofitable Sin of Curiofity fhould be able to with- hold me, wherby a Man cutts himfelfe off from all Action, and becom the moft helplefs, pufilanimous, and unweapon'd Creature in the World, the moft unfit and unable to doe that which all Mortals moft afpire to, ei- ther to be ufefull to his Friends, or to offend his Enemies. Or if it be to be thought an naturall PronenefTe, there is againft that a much more po- tent Inclination inbred, which about this tyme of a Man's Life follicits meft, the Defire of Houfe and Family of his owne, to which nothing is efteem- ed more helpful then the early entring into credible Employment, and nothing more hindering then this affected Solitarinefle. And thouo-h this were anough, yet there is to this another Act, if not of pure, yet of re- fined Nature, no leffe availeabie to diffuade prolonged Obfcurity, a De- fire of Honour and Repute and immortall Fame feated in the Brett of every true Scholar, which al make haft to by the readieft Ways of publifhino- and. divulging conceived Merits, as well thofe that fhall, as thofe that never fhall obtaine it. Nature therefore would praefently worke the more pre- valent way, if there were nothing but this inferiour Bent of herfelf to re- ftraine her. Laftly, the Love of Learning, as it is the peri'uit of fome- thing good, it wou'd fooner follow the more excellent and fupream Good known and prrelented, and fo be quickly diverted from the emptie and fan- taftick chafe of fhadows and notions to the folid Good flowing from due and tymely Obedience to that Command in the Goipell fett out by the terrible feafing of him, that hid the Talent. It is more probable therefore, that not the endlefTe Delight of Speculation, but this very confideration of that great Commandment, does not preffe forward, as foon as many do, to undergoe, but keeps off with a facred Reverence and religious Advifement how belt to undergoe •, not taking thought of beeing late, fo it give ad- vantage to be more fit •, for thole that were iateft loft nothing, when the Maifter of the Vinyard came to give each one his hire. And here I am come to a ftreame-head, copious enough to difburden itfelfe like Nilus at fe- ven Mouthes into an Ocean. But then I fhculd alfo run into a reciprocal! Contradiction of ebbing and flowing at once, and do that which I ex- cule myfelf for not doing, preach and not preach. Yet that you may fee that I am fomething fufpicious of myfelfe, and doe take notice of a certaine Belatedneffe in me, I am the bolder to fend you fome of my nightward. Thoughts fome while fince, becaufe they come in not altogether unfitly, made up in a Pctrarchian Stanza, which I told you of. ' ' How foone hath Time^ &c. By this I believe you may well repent of having made mention at all of this matter ; for if I have not all this while won you to this, I have certainly wearied you of it. This therfore alone may be a fufficient reafon for me to keepe me as I am, leaft having thus tired you fingly, I fhould deale worfe with a whole Congregation, and fpoyle all the patience of a Parifh ; for I my felfe doe not only lee my owne Tedioufneffe, but now grow offended with Vol. I. b " it, vi An Account of the Life and Writings " it, that has hinder'd me thus long from coming to the laft and bed period " of my Letter, and that which muft now chiefely worke my pardon, that I " am your true and unfained Freind." It appears from this Letter, that his Friend, to whom he wrote it, had im- portun'd him to enter the fervice of the Church ; to which, fays he in one of his Tracts (a), by the intentions of my Parents and Friends I was defiin'd of a Child, and in mine own Refolutior.s, till comming to fome maturity of Teers, and perceavivg what Tyranny had invaded the Church, that he, who wculi take Orders, muft fitbfcribe Slave, and take an Oath withal!, which unleffe he took with a Confcicnce, that could retch, he muft either ftrait -perjure, or fplit his Faith ; I thought it better to prefcrre a blameleffe ftlence before the office of fpeaking bought and begun with fervitude and forfwearing. After he had taken the Degree of Mafler cf Arts, which, as we obferv'd above, was in 1632, he left the Univerfity. Mr. Toland remarks (i>), that fome Verfes in the firft of his Latin Elegies written from London to his Friend Charles Diodati, in which he feems to reflect upon the Univerfity, and prefer the Pleafures of the City, might probably give occafion to a Calumny, that he either was expell'd Cambridge, or left it in difcontent, becaufe he cou'.d ob- tain no Preferment ; and that at London he fpent his time with leud Women, or at Play-Houfes. The Verfes are thefe : Me tenet nrbs refiud quam T'hamefts clluit unda, Meque nee invitum patria dulcis ha bet. Jam nee arundiferum mihi cura revifere Camum, Nee dudiim vetiti me Laris angit amor. J\ T uda nee arva placent, umbrafque negantia molles ! Quam male Phcebicolis eonvenit ille Locust Nee duri libet v.fque minas per f err e Magiftri, Cateraque ingeniononfubeundameo. ,, ••. Si fit hoc exilium pa trios adiijje penates, Ft vacuum cur is ctia grata fequi, . - - Non ego vel profugi nomen fontemve recufo, Latus & exilii conditione fruor. Tempera nam licet hie placidis dare libera Mufs, Ft totum rapiunt me mea Vita Libri, Excepit hinc feffum finuofi pompa Theatri, _ Et vocat ad plaufus garrula Scenafuos. Sed neque fub tetlo femper nee in urba latemus, Irreta nee nobis tempora Veris euttt. Nos qucque lucus habet vicind conftlus ultno, Atque fuburbani nobilis umbra Loci. Sapius hie blandas fpirantia fyderafammas, Virgineos videas prateriifje Choros. The Author of the Modefl Confutation againft a Jlanderous and fcurrilous Libel havino- charged him with being vomited out of the Univerfity, after an inordinate and riotous Youth fpent there, Milton writes thus in Vindication of himfelf (c) : •* For which commodious Lye, that he may be incourag'd in the trade another " time, I thank him •, for it hath given me an apt occafion to acknowledge " publickly, with all gratefull Minde, that more then ordinary Favour and Re- " fpe<5t, which I found above any of my Equals at the Hands of thofe curteous « and learned Men, the Fellowes of that Colledge, wherein I fpent fome " Yeares ; who at my parting, after I had taken two Degrees, as the Manner is, " fionified many wayes, how much better it would content them that I would " ftay; as by many Letters full of Kindneffe and loving refpecT: both before «« that time and long after, I was afiured of their Angular good affection to- wards [ a ) Reafon of Church Government, B. II. (*) p. 7- (<) Apology for Smeflymnuus, p. 12. ^.41. Edit. 1 $4.1. in t,to. Edit, in 4/0. of Mr. John Milton. vii " wards me. Which being likewife propenfe to all fuch, as were for their «« ftudious and civill life worthy of eiteeme, I could not wrong their Judgments « and upright intentions fo much, as to think I had that regard from them for *' other caufe then that I might be ftill encourag'd to proceed in the honeft and " laudable courfes, of which they apprehended I had given good proofe. And " to thofe ingenuous and friendly Men, who were ever the Countenancers of " vertuous and hopefull Wits, I wiili the bell and happieft things that *■ friends in abfence wifh one to another." We find the abovemention'd Calumny repeated by the Author of Regit Sanguinis Clamor ad Ccelum adverfus Parricidas Anglicanos (d), who affirms, that it was reported, that Milton had been expell'd Cambridge for his fcandalous Behaviour •, and to avoid this difgrace, left his Countrey, and gone to Italy. Aitint bominem Cantabrigienfi Academid cb fiagitia. pulfum, dedecus & ' patriam fugip, & in Italiam comrnigraffe. In an- fwer to this our Author in his Dcfenfw fecunda (e) afTures us, that he had liv'd at Cambridge without the leaft of irregularity of Bduviour, and efteem'd by all good Men, till he had taken the Degree of Matter of Arts with applatife ; and did not fly into Italy, but went voluntarily to his Father's Houfe, to the great regret of molt of the Fellows of his College, by whom he ivas high- ly refpefted. For the fpace of five Years he liv'd for the moll part witfi his Father and Mo- ther at their Houfe at Horton near Coklrook in Buckii re (/), whither his Father, having got an Eftate to his content, and left off all Bufinefs, was re- tir'd(^). Here our Author at full Leifure read over all the Greek :ivA Latin Writers ; but was not fo much in love with his Solitude, as not to make now and then an Excurfion to London, fometimes to buy Books, or to meet his P'riends from Cambridge ; and at other times to learn ibmething new in the Ma- thematics or Mufic, with which he was extremely delighted (b). In 1634 he wrote his Majk perform' d before tbe Preftdent of Wales at Ludlow- Caftle. In the Library of '■Trinity College at Cambridge is the Original Manu- ■ fcript of this Piece, which I have compar'd with the printed Edition ; and as it will be extremely agreeable to fee the firft Thoughts and fubfequent Correc- tions of fo great a Poet as. Milton, I fhall fet them down, as I find them in the Manufcript, diftinguilhing the Lines, in which they occur, by inverted Comma's. Mr. Waller's Obfervation is a very juft one : Poets lofe balf the Praife they fhould have got, Could it be known what they difcreetly blot. A M A S K E. 1634. The firft Scene difcovers a wild Wood, A Guardian Spirit or Daemon. After the Line [In Regions milde, &c] follow thefe Lines crofs'd out : " Amidft th' Hefperian Gardens, on whofe Banks *« Bedew'd with Nectar and eelefiiall Songs, " ./Eternal Rofes grow, and Hyacinth, " And Fruits of golden Rind, on whofe faire Tree *' The fcalie-harneft Dragon ever keeps " His uninchanted (/) Eye, around the Verge " And facred Limits of this blisfull (k) Ifie. ** The jealous Ocean, that old River, winds *' His farre extended Armes, till with fteepe fall " Halfe his waft Flood the wide Atlantique fills, " And halfe the flow unfadom'd Stygian Poole (I). " But foft, I was not fent to court your Wonder " Withdiftant Worlds, and ftrange removed Climes. " Yet thence I come, and oft from thence behold •* Above the Smoake, &c. After (d) C. l. p. 9. Edit. Hague 1652. in \to. {b) Miltoni Dcfenfiofccunda,/>. S3. Edit. 1 (,) p. 82. Edit. i6j-2. Vol. II. p. J J 1. of tbe Vol. II. p. 331 of til prefent Edit. prifent Edit. (/) Philips, p. 7. WToland, p. 7. (/) never cnarmed. (*) happje. (g) Philips and Toland trrentouf.j fay Berkfhire. (I) Poole of S:yx. viii An Account of the Life and Writings A fee r the Line [Strive to keep up a frail and feaverifti Being] follows this crofs'd out. " Beyond the written Date of mortall Change. That opes the Palace of Eternity. MS." That fieiv the Palace of M tern ity." But to my Taftk, &c. MS." But to my Buifneffe now. Neptune, whofe fway " Of every fait Flood and each ebbing Streame " Tooke in by Lot twixt high and neatlur Jove " Imperiall Rule of all the fea-girt Ides." The great eft and the beft of all the Maine, MS. " The greater! and the beft of all his Empire" Whom therefore Jbe brought up, and Comus nam'd. MS. " Whom therefore fhe brought up, and nam'd him Comus.'' And in thick Shelter of black Shades imbower'd, &c. MS. " And in thick Covert of black Shade imbour'd, " Excells his Mother at her potent Art." For meft do tafte through fond intemperate Thirft. MS. " For moil doe tafte through wcake intemperate Thirft." All other parts remaining as they were, MS. " All other parts remaining as before." Likelieft and neereft to the prefent Ayd, &c. MS. " Neereft and likelieft to give prasfent Aide " Of tliis Occaf.on : But I hear the tread " Oi Virgin Steps : I muft be viewleffe now." Goes out. MS. " Comus enters, with a charmingRod andGIaffe of Liquor, with his Rout " all headed like fome wild Beafts, thire Garments •, fome like Men's, and " fome like Women's. They come on in a wild and antick Fafhion. Intrant In thefteep Atlantic Stream, Sec. MS. " In the lteepe Tartarian Streame " And the flope Sun his upward Beame " Shoots againft the Northern Pole." And Advice with f crapulous Head, MS. " And quick Law with her fcrupulous Head." And on the tawny Sands and Shelves. MS. " And on the yellow Sands and Shelves." Stay thy cloudy Ebon Chair, MS. " Stay thy polijht Ebon Chaire, " W r herein thou ridft with Hecate, " And favour our clofe Jocondrie, " Till all thy Dues bee done, and nought left out." In a light fantaftic Round, MS. " With a light and frolic Round." The Meafure. MS. " The Meafure in a wild, rude, and wanton Antick.' 1 Break off, break off, I feel the different Pace, &c. MS. " Breake off, breake off, I hear the different Pace " Of fome chaft footing neere about this Ground. " Some Virgin fure, benighted in thefe Woods, " For fo I can diftinguilh by myne Art. " Run to your Shrouds, within thefe Braks and Trees, " Our Number may affright." Now to my Charms And to my wily Trains, MS. " Now to my Trains " And to my Mother's Charmes." ■ Thus I hurl My dazzling Spells into the fpungy Air, Of power to cheat the Eye with blear Illufion, And give it falfe Preferments, left the Place, Src. -Thus of Mr. John Milton. ix « , Thus I hurle " My powder'd Spells into the fpungie Air " Of power to cheate the Eye v/hhfleight Illufion, " And give it falfe Preferments, elfe the Place, &V." And hug him into Snares MS." And huggehim into Nets" I Jhall appear fome harmlefje Villager, And hearken, if I may, her Bufmefs here. But here Jhe comes, 1 fairly ft ep afide. MS. " I fhall appeare fome harmeleflfe Villager, _ " Whom Thrift keeps up about his Countrie Geare. " But heere fhe comes, I fairly ftep afide, «« And hearken, if I may, her Buifnefle heere." IVhen for their teeming Flocks, and Granges full, MS. " When for thire teeming Flocks, and Gamers full." In the Mind Mazes of this tangled Wood, MS. " In the blind Alleys of this arched Wood." Rofe from the hindmoft Wheels of P/^zw Wain. MS. " Role from the hindmoft Wheeles of Phoebus Chaired They had ingag'd their wandring Steps too far, And envious Darknefs, e'er they could return, Hadftole them from me. MS. " They had ingag'd thire youthly Steps too farre " To the foone-parting Light, and envious Darknefs " Had ftolne them from me." With everlafting Oil to give due Light MS. " With everlafting Oyle to give thire Light." And ayrie Toungs, that fy liable Men's Names. MS. " And ayrie Toungs, that lure night-wanderers." Thou hovering Angell, girt with golden Wings, And thou unblemilht Form of Chafiity, &c. MS. " Thou flittering Angell girtwiih golden Wings, " And thou unfitted Forme of Chaftity, " I fee ye vifibly, and while I fee yee, " This dufkye Hollow is a Paradife, " And Heaven-gates ore my Head : now I beleeve " That the lupreme Good, to whome all things ill " Are butasflavifh Officers of Vengeance, " Would fend a gliftering Cherub, if need were, 63V." Within thy airy Shell MS. " Within thy ayrie Cell." Scylla wept, And chid her barking Waves into Attention, MS." ■ Scylla would weepe, " Chiding her barking Waves into Attention. Dvvell'ft here with Pan MS. Liv'ft heere with Pan." To touch the profperous Growth of this tall Wood, MS. " To touch the profptring Growth of this tall Wood." Could that divide you from neer-ujhermg Guides ? MS. " Could that divide you from thire ufhering Hands? Without thefure guefs of well-pracliz'd Feet. MS. " Without fure Steerage of well-prattiz'd Feet." Dingle, or bufloy Dell of this wild Wood MS. " Dingle, or bufhie Dell of this wide Wood." Square my Tryal. MS." Square this Tryal." But that haplefs Virgin, our loft Sifter ! Where may Jhe wander now, whither betake her From the chill Dew, amongft rude Burrs and Thiftles ? Perhaps fome cold Bank is her Boulfter now, Or 'gainft the rugged Bark of fome broad Elm ■ Leans her unpillow'd Head fraught with fad fears. ^^ Vol. I. c An Account of the Life and Writings What if in wild Amazement and Affright, Or -while we /peak, within the direful Grafp Of favage Hunger, er of favage Heat ? Elder Bro. Peace Brother, be not over-exquijite To caft the fafhion of uncertain Evils ; For grant they be fo, while they reft unknown. What need a Man for eft all his Date of Grief, And run to meet what he would mcft avoid ? Or if they be but falfe Alarms of Fear, How bitter is fuch Self-delufwn ? I do not think my Sifter, &c. MS." But oh that haplefle Virgin, our loft Sifter! " Where may fhe wander now, whither betake her " From the chill Dew in this dead Solitude? " Perhaps ibme cold Banke is her Boulfter now, " Or 'gainft the rugged Barke of Tome broad Elme " She leans her thoughtful I Head mujing at our Unkindneffe t " Or loft in wild Amazment and Affright " So fares, as did forfaken Proferpine " When the big wallowing Flakes of pitchie Clouds " And Darknefle wound her in. " i. Bro. Peace, Brother Peace, " I doe not thinke my Sifter, &c." Could ftir the conftant Mood of her calm Thoughts, MS. " Could ftirre the ft able Mood of her calme Thoughts." Benighted walks under the mid-day Sun ; Himfelf is his own Dungeon. MS. " Walks in black Vapours, though the noon-tyde Brand " Blaze in the Summer-iblftice. For who would rob a Hermit of his Weeds, His few Books, or his Beads, or maple Difh ? MS. For who would rob a Hermit of his Beads, His Books, or his haire-gowne, or maple Difh? M Uninjur'd in this wilde furrounding Waft. MS. " Uniniur'd in this vaft and hideous Wild" Elder Bro. I do not, Brother, Jnferr, as if I thought my Sifter's State Secure without all Doubt or Controverfy : Yet where an equal poife, &c. MS." i. Bro. I doe not, Brother, " Inferre, as if I thought my Sifter's State " Secure, without all Doubt or Queftion : No, " I could be willing, though now i'th' darke, to trie '• A tough Encounter (;») with the lhaggieft Ruffian, " That lurks by Hedge or Lane of this dead Circuit, " To have her by my Side, though I were fure ** She might be free from Perill where ftie is. " But where an equal Poife, &c." She that has that, is clad in compleat Steel, And like a quiver' d Nymph with Arrows keen May trace huge Forrefts and unharbour'd Heaths, Infamous Hill, and fandy perilous Wilds, Where through the facred Rays of Chaftity, No Savage fierce, Bandit e, or Mount aneer Will dare tofoyl her Virgin Purity. MS. " She that has that is clad incompleate Steele, " And may, on every needfull Accident, " Be it not don in Pride or wilful! tempting, " Walk through huge Forrefts and unharbour'd Heaths, " Infamous Hills, and fandie perilous Wilds, " Where, through the facred Awe of Chaftirie, ** No Savage feirce, Bandite, or Mountaneerc 2 Shall {m) Paflado. of Mr. John Milton. xi *' Shall dare to folk her Virgin Purkie." In Fog, or Fire, by Lake, or moorifh Fen, Blew meager Hag, orjlubborn unlaid Gbqft. MS. " In Fog, or Fire, by Lake, or moorie Fen, " Blue wrinckled Hagge, or ftubborne unlaid Ghoft." 'That wife Minerva wore, unconquer'd Virgin. MS. " That wife Minerva wore, eternal Virgin." With fudden Adoration and blank Awe. MS. " With fuddaine Adoration of her PurencJJe. That when a Soul is found ftncerely fo. MS. " That when it finds a Soule fincerely fo." But mofl by lend and lavifh Aft of Sin. MS. " And mod by the lafcivious AcT: of Sin." Oftfeen in Charnel -Vaults, and Sepulchres Lingering, &c. MS. " Oft feene in Charnel-Vaults and Monuments Hovering, &c. Eld. Bro. Lift, lift, I hear, &c. MS." Lilt, Hit, me thought, &c." Some roving Robber calling to his Fellows. MS. " Some curl'd Man of the Swoord calling to his Fellows." If he be friendly, he comes well ; if not, Defence is a good Caufe, and Heaven be for us. MS." If he be friendly, he comes well; if nor, " Had beft looke to his Forehead : heere be brambles." Come not too near ; you fall on iron Stakes elfe. MS. " Come not too neere ; you fall on pointed Stakes elfe." Spir. MS. " Dtem." And fweetned every mufk-rofe of the Dale. MS. " And fweetned every mufk-rofe of the Valley.*' S lipt from the Fold, MS. " Leapt ore the Penne." What fears good Thyrfis ? MS. " What feares, good Shepherd f Deep-fkill'd in all his Mother's Witcheries. MS. " Nurtured in all his Mother's Witcheries." Tending my Flocks hard by i'th' hilly Crofts. MS. " Tending my Flocks hard by i'th' paftur'd Lawns." With flaunting Honyfuckle. MS. " With fpreading Honyfuckle." The aidlefs innocent Lady. MS. " The helpleffe innocent Ladie." Harpyes and Hydro's, or all the monftrous Forms 'Twixt Africa and Inde, Fie find him out, And force him to reftore his purchafe back, Or drag him by the Curls, to a foul death Curs'd as his Life. MS. " Harpyes and Hydra's, or all the monftrous Buggs " 'Twixt Africa and Inde, He find him out, " And force him to releafe his new-got Prey, " Or drag him by the Curies, and cleave his Scalp " Down to the Hips. But here thy Sword can do thee little Stead. MS. " But here thy Steele can doe thee fmall Availed He with his bare Wand can unthred thy Joynts, And crumble all thy Sinews. MS. " He with his bare Wand can unquilt thy Joynts, " And crumble every Sinew." Andjhew me Simples of a thoufand Names. MS. " And fhew me Simples of a thoufand Hues* That Hermes once to wife Ulyjfes gave. MS. " Which Mercury to wife Ulyfies gave.'* {As xii An Account of the Life and Writings {As I will give you, when we go.) MS. " (As I will give you, as we go. Boldly affault the Necromancer's Hall, Where if he be, with dauntlefs hardihood, And brandijht Blade rujh on him, break his Glafs, And fhed the lujhious Liquor on the Ground. MS. " Boldly affault the Necromantik Hall, " Where if he be, -with fuddaine Violence, " And brandifh't Blade rufh on him, breake his Gla fie, " And powre the lufhious Potion on the Ground. Ihyrfis, lead on apace •, He follow thee, And fome good Angel bear a Shield before us. MS. " Thyrfis, lead on a-pace •, / follow thee, " And good Heaven caft his beft Regard upon us." That Fancy can beget on youthful Thoughts, When the frefh Blood grows lively. MS. " That Youth and Fancie can beget, " When the brijke Blood grows lively." To Life fo friendly, or fo cool to thirfi . Why fJoould you be Jo cruel to your felf ? MS. " To Life fo friendly, and fo coole to thirft. " Poor Ladie, thou haft need of fome refreshing. " Why fhould you, &V. But, fair Virgin, This will rejlore all foon. MS. ct Hcere, fair Virgin, " This will reftore all foone." Thefe o\ig\\\y-headed Monfters. MS. Thefe ougly-hezded Monfters." With vifor'd Falfoood and bafe Forgery. MS. " With vifor'd Falfhood and bafe Forgeries." To thefe budge Doclors of the Stoick Furr. MS. " To thofe budge Doctors of the Stoick Gowne." Thronging the Seas with Spawn innumerable, But all to pleafe, and fate the curious Taft. MS. " Cramming the Seas with Spawne innumerable, " The Feilds with Cat tell, and the Aire with Fowled Should in a Pet of Temperance feed on Pulfe. MS. " Should in a Pet of Temperance feed on Fetches. The Sea o'erfraught would fwell, and th' unfought Diamond Would fo emblaze the forehead of the Deep, And fo bejludd with Stars, that they below Would grow inur'd to light, and come at I aft To gaze upon the Sun with fhamelefs Brows. MS. " The Sea orefraught would heave her Waters up " Above the Stan, and th' unfought Diamonds " And fo beftudde the Center with thire Light, " Were they not taken thence, that they below " Would grow enur'd to Day, and come at laft " To gaze upon the Sun with fhamelefie Browes." It withers on the Stalk with languifht Head. MS. " It withers on the Stalke, and fades away." They had their name thence, coarfe complexions. MS. " They had thire name thence, coarfe beetle-brows." And bound him faft ; without his Rod reverft, MS. " And bound him faft •, without hhArt reverft." We cannot free the Lady, that fits here, MS. " We cannot free the Lady, that remains'* Some other Means I have. MS. " There is another Way." Sabrina is her Name, a Virgin pure. MS. " Sabrina is her Name, a Goddefs chafte." The guilt! efs Damfel flying the mad purfuit. MS. " She guiltleffe Damfell flying the mad perfuite." Com- of Mr. John Milton, x ;;i Commended her fair Innocence to the Flood. MS. " Commended her faire Innocence to the Streamed Held up their pearled Wrifis, and took her in, Bearing her jlrait to aged Nercus Hall. MS. " Held up thire white Wrifts, and receav'd her in 3 " And bore her ftraite to aged Nereus Hall." Helping all urchin Blajls, and ill luckfigns, That the farewd medling Elfe delights to make, IVhich [he with pretious viol'd Liquors heals. MS. " Helping all urchin Blafts, and ill luck fignes, " That the fhrewd medling Elfe delights to leave^ " And often takes our Cattel with fir ange pinches, " Which fhe with pretious viol'd Liquors heales." Carrol her Goodnefs loud in ruftick Layes. MS. " Carrol her Goodnefle loud in lively Layes. Of Panfies, Pinks, and gaudy Daffadils. MS. " Of Panfies, and of bonnie Daftadils." The clafping Charm, and thaw the numming Spell. MS. " Each clafping Charme, andfecret holding Spell." In hard befetting need, this I will try, And add the Power effome adjuring Verfe. MS. " In honour'd Venue's Caufe, this will I trie, " And add the Power of fome adjuring Verfe." That in the Channel ftrayes. MS. " That my rich V/heeles inlayes." Brighter! Lady, looke on me. MS. " Vertucus Ladie, looke on me." To wait in Amphitrite's Bovfr. MS. " To waite on Amphitrite in her Bowre." May thy brimmed Waves for this. MS. " May thy cryflall Waves for this." That, tumbled down the fnowy Hills. MS. " That tumbled down from fnowie Hills," Where this night are met in flat e. MS. *.' Where this night are come in ftat-e. Come let us hafte, the Stars grow high, But Night fits monarch yet in the mid Sky, MS. " Come let us hafte, the Stars are high, " But Night reignes monarch yet in the mil Skie." Of lighter toes, and fuch court guife As Mercury did firft devife. MS. " Of lighter toes, and courtly guife, " Such as Hermes did devife. With a Crown of deathlefs Praife. MS. " To a Crown of deathlefie Bays" Than her pur fled Scarf can floew. And drenches with Elyfian Dew, MS. " Than her purfled Scarfe can Ihew, " Yellow, watchet, greene and blew, " And drenches with Sab a an Dew" It appears from Sir Henry Wot ton's Letter to our Author dated April i^th, 1638, that this Mafk had been printed at the End of Mr. R's (w) Poems at Oxford. There was an Edition of it likewife at London in 1637 in 4/0, under the following Title ; A Mafk prefented at Ludlow Caftle, 1634, on Michael- mx^t- Night, before the Right Honorable, John Earle of Bridge water, Vicount Brackly, Lord Prafident of Wales, and one of his Majefties tnoft honorable Privie Counfell. The Dedication of it by Mr. H. Lowes' to the Right Honorable John Lord Vicount Brackly, Son and Heire Apparent to the Earle of Bridgwater, &c. is as follows : " My Lord, This Poem, which receiv'd its firft Occafion of " Birth (*) Perhaps Mr. Tho. Randolph ; but I la-^e never met •with ary Edition of bis Poems to v.&ich n'j Malk is added. Vol. I. d xiv An Account of the Life and Writings " Birth from your felfe and others of your noble Famiiie, and much honour " from your, own Perfon in the Performance, now returns againe to make a fij " Dedication of itfeife to you. Although hot openly acknowled - theAu- " thor, yet it is a legitimate Offspring, fo lovely and fo much <! ir , ; ci " often copying of it hath tired my Pen to give my feverai! Friends Lei " and brought me to a neceffitie of producing it to the publick vie* . *' to offer it up in all rightfull devotion to thoie faire Hopes and rare Endow- " ments of your much-promifing Youth, which give a full aflurance to & " know you of a future Excellence. Live, i'v/eet Lord, to be the Honour of " your Name, and receive this as your owne, from the hands of hi", . " hath by many Favours beene long oblig'd to your moft honour Vi Parents ; " and as in this Reprasfentation your attendant Thyrfts, fo now in all reail 1 . 6 ' preffion, " Your faithfull and moft humble Servant, H. Lawes." It appears by the End of this Edition of the Majk, that the principal Pcrfons, who perform'd in it, were the Lord Brackly, Mr. Tho. Egerton, and the Lady Alice Egerlon. This Piece is very beautiful, and, as Mr. Ricbardfon ob- ferves (o), of a kind purely original. A very learned and ingenious Friend of mine (p), in a Letter to me containing feverai curious Remarks upon Milton^ obferves, that in this Piece cur Author has Shckefptare very much in his Eye, and that there is a brighter Vein of Poetry intermixed with a foftnefs of DefiHption, than is to be found in the charming Scenes of Eden. In November 1637 Milton wrote his Lycidas, in which he laments the Death of his Friend Mr. Edward King, who was drown'd in his Pafiage from Cbefter on the Irijh Seas in 1637. This Poem of our Author's was printed the Year following at Cambridge in 4to, in a Collection of Latin and Englifh Poems u on Mr. King's Death. The Latin Poems have this title : Jttfta Edoardo King naufrago ab Amicis mxrentibusAmcris £■? pM\a.s yj<^>- This part coritaii 1 paj ;es, and confifts of Poems by T. Farnaby, H. More, J.Pearfon. The La : iph informs us, that Mr. King was Son of Sir John King, Secretary for Ireland to Queen Elizabeth, King James I. and Charles I. and that he was Fellow of Shrift's Col- lege Cambridge, and was drown'd in Auguft 1637, a g e< ^ 2 5 Years. The Eng- lijh Part is intitled, Obfequies to the Memory cf Mr. Edward King, Anno Dc;;;;;:i 1638. It contains 25 pages, and confifts of Poems by H. King, J. Beaumont, J. Cleavcland, W. More, W. Hall, Samf. Briggs, Ifaac Olivier, J. H, C. B, R. B. T. N. J. M. i. e. John Milton, whofe Lycidas is the laft of the Poems. I fhall fubjoin here the firft Thoughts of Mil/on, as they appear'd in his own Manufcript abovemention'd. Who would notfingfor Lycidas? he knew. MS. " Who would not fing for Lycidas ? he well knew." And bid fair Peace be to my fable jhrowd. MS. " To bid faire Peace be to my fable fhroud." Under the opening eye-lids of the morn. MS. " Under the glimmering eye-lids of the morne." Oft till the Star, that role at Ev'ning bright, Toward Heaven's Defcent had Jlop'd his weftering Wheel. MS. " Oft till the Even-Starre bright, " Toward Heaven's Defcent had floapt his hirnifht Wheele.f Or frojl to flowers, that their gay wardrop wear. MS. " Or froft to flowers, that thire gay buttons weare." Where your old Bards, the famous Druids, lie." MS. " Where the old Bards, the famous Druids, lie." What could the Mufe herfelf that Orpheus bore ? The Mufe herfelf for her inchanting Son, Whom univerfal Nature did lament, When by the rout y that made the hideous Roar, liii (0 Life of Milton, p. 14. prefix" d to Explana- (fi) T/>e Rev. Mr. William VVarburton Author tory Notes and Remarks on Milton 's Paradife af many excellent Notes publijh 'din Mr. Theobald"* Loft. By J. Ricbardfon, Father and Son. Edit. Edition of Shakefpeare. London 1734 in dvf. of Mr. J OHN MlLTO N. XV His goary vifare down the fir cam was'fent, Down the fwift Hebrus to the Lejbian Shore. MS. " What could the golden-hayr'd Calliope " For her inchaunting Son, " When fr.ee beheld (the Gods farre-fighted " His goarie Scalpe rowle downe the Thracian Lee.' 1 Or with the tangles of Ncsra's hair. MS. " Hid in the tangles of Nea?ra's haire." O Fountain Arethufe, and thou honour'd food, Smoth-fiding Mincius. MS. " Oh Fountain Arethufe, and thou fmccih flood, " ^//-Aiding Mincius." Inwrought with figures dim. MS. " Scraiii'd ore with figures dim." Daily devours apace, and nothing fed. MS. " Daily devours apace, and little ltd." On whofe frefh Lap the fw art Star fparely looks, Throw hither all your quaint enamel' d Eyes. MS. " On whole frefh Lap the fwart Starre ftintly looks, " Bring hither all your quaint entimel'd Eyes." Bring the rathe Pimrofe that forfaken dies, 'The tufted Crow-toe, and pale Geffamine, The white Pink, and' the Panfie frcakt with Jet, The glowing Violet ; The MnJk-rOfe, and the well attired Woodbine, With Cowflips wan that hang the penfive Head, And every Flower that fad Embroidery wears. Bid Amaranius all his Beauty fed, And Daffadillies fill their Cups with Tears. MS. " Bring the rathe Frimrofe, that unwedded dies, " Colouring the pale cheeke of uninjoy'd Love s " And that fad Floure that ftrove " To write his own Woes on the vermel Graine. " Next adde Narciffus, that ftill weeps in vaine : *' The Woodbine and the Panciefreakt with ]ct ; " The glowing Violet ; *' The Cowflip wan, that hangs his penfive head 5 *' And every Bud, that Sorrow's Liverie weares, '* Let Daffadillies fill thire Cups with Teares : " Bid Amaranthus all his Beautie fhed." Let our frail Thoughts dally with falfe furmife . MS. " Let our fad Thoughts, Z£c. Ay me ! whilft thee the Shores and founding Seas. MS. " Ay mee, whilft thee the Floods and founding Seas.' s Where thou perhaps under the whelming Tide. MS. " Where thou perhaps under the humming Tide," Sleepft by the Fable of Bellerus old. MS. " Sleepft by the Fable of Corineus old. And hears the unexprcffive nuptial Song. MS. " Liftening the unexpreffive nuptial Song, Upon the Death of his Mother he obtain'd leave of his Father to travel, and having waited upon Sir Henry Wotton, formerly Embaffadorat^v/uf, and then Provoft of Eaton College, to whom he communicated his Defign, that Gen- tleman foon after wrote to him the following Letter dated from the College April 1 8th, 1638. Sir, xvi An Account of the Life and Writings " Sir, " It was a fpecial Favour, when you lately beftow'd upon me here the fir ft " tafte of your Acquaintance, tho' no longer than to make me know, that f " wanted more time to value it, and to enjoy it rightly. And in truth, if " I could then have imagined your farther flay in thefe Farts, which I under- " ftood afterward by Mr. H. I would have been bold, in our vulgar phrafe, " to mend my draught, for you left me with an extreme Thirft •, and to have " begged your Converfation ag-ain jointly with your laid learned Friend, at a " poor Meal or two, that we might have banded together fome good Authors " of the antient time, among which I obferv'd you to have been familiar. " Since your going, you have charged me with new Obligations, both for '• a very kind Letter from you, dated the fixth of this Month, and for a dainty " piece of Entertainment, that came therewith ; wherein I fhould much commend " the Tragical Part, if the Lyrical did not raviih with a certain Doric Delicacy " in your Songs and Odes, wherein I miift plainly confefs to have feen yet no- " thing parallel in our Language, Jpfa mollifies. But I muft not omit to rrll " you, that F now only owe you thanks for intimating unto mc, howmodtftly *' foever, the true Artificer. For the Work it felf I had viewed fome good " while before with lingular Delight, having received it from our common " Friend Mr. R. in the very clofe of the late i<'s Poems printed at Oxford ; " whereunto it is added, as I now fuppofe, that the AcceiTory might help out " the Principal, according to the Art of Stationers, and leave the Reader . " la bocca dolce. " Now, Sir, concerning your Travels, wherein I may challenge n little " more Privilege of Difcourfe with you -, I fuppofe, you will not blanch Paris " in your Way. Therefore I have been bold to trouble you with a lew Lines " to Mr. M.B. whom you fhall eafily find attending the young Ford S. as " his Governor ; and you may furely receive from him good Directions for " fhaping of your farther Journey into Italy, where he did refide by my Choice " fome time for the King, after mine own Recefsfrom Venice. " I fhould think, that your beft Line will be through the whole Length of " France to Marfeilles, and thence by Sea to Genoa, whence the paflage into " Tufoany is as diurnal as a Grave/end Barge. I haften, as you do, to Florence " or Sienna, the rather to tell you a fhort Story, from the Intereft you have *' given me in your Safety. " At Sienna 1 was tabled in theHoufe of one Alberto Scipione, an old Roman " Courtier in dangerous times, having been Steward to theDucadi Paglic.no, who " with all his Family were ftrangled, fave this only Man, that efcaped by fcre- *' fight of the Tempeft. With him I had often much Chat of thofe Affairs ; " into which he took Pleafure to look back from his native Harbour ; and at *' my Departure toward Rome, which had been the center of his Experience, *' I had won confidence enough to beg his Advice, how I might carry myfclf " fecurely there, without Offence of others, or of mine own Confidence : Stg- " nor Arrigo mio, fays he, i p-enfieri ftretti, di? il vifo fciolto, that is, your " Thoughts clofe, and your Countenance loofe, will go fafely over the whole " World. Of which Delphian Oracle (for fo I have found it) your judgment " doth need no Commentary ; and therefore, Sir, I will commit you with it " to the beft of all Securities, God's dear Love, remaining, " Your Friend, as much at Command as any of longer date, " H. Wot ton. " P. S. Sir, I have exprefsly fent this by my Foot-Boy to prevent your " Departure, without fome Acknowledgment from me of the receipt of your " obliging Letter, having myfelf through fome Bufinefs, 1 know not how, " neglected the ordinary Conveyance. In any part where I fhall underftand " you fixed, I fhall be glad and diligent to entertain you with Home-novelties, " even for fome Fomentation of our Friendfhip, too foon interrupted in the " Cradle." Soon after the receipt of this Letter he fet out for France, accompanied only with one Man, who attended him thro' all his Travels. At Paris he waited upon the Lord Scudamore, EmbaiTador from King Charles I. in France. His Lordfhip of Mr. John Milton. xvii Lordfhip receiv'd him with great Civility ; and understanding that Mr. Milton had a defire to make a Vifit to Hugo Grotius, Embaflador from Chriftina Queen of Sweden to the Court of France, fent feveral of his Attendants to wait upon him, and introduce him in his name to that.great Man. After a few Days, not intending to make the ufual Tour of France, he took his Leave of the Lord Scudamore, who gave him Letters to the Englijh Merchants refiding in any part, thro' which he was to travel, in which they were requefted to do him all the good Offices, which lay in their power. From Paris he haften'd on his Jour- ney to Nice, where he embark'd for Genoa, from whence he went to Leghorn, and Pi fa, and fo to Florence. In this City he ftaid two Months, during which time he contracted an intimate Acquaintance with feveral Perfons of the hi»heft Diltinction for Learning and Quality, and was daily prefent at their private Academies, which they held, according to the laudable Cuftom of Italy, for the Improvement of Learning and Friendfhip (q). His principal Friends here were Jacomo Gaddi, Carlo Dati, Frefcobaldi, Coltellino, Bonmatthei, Clemen- tilli, Antonio Francini, &c. Carlo Dati gave him the following teftimonial of his Efteem. Johanni Milton i, Londinenfi, Juveni p'atrld, inrtutibus eximio : Viro, qui multa peregrinatione, fludio cuncla orbis terrarum loca pi fpexii, ut novus UlyJJes omnia ubique ab omnibus apprehenderet. Polyglotto, in cujus ore Lin- gua jam deperdita ftc revivi faint, ut idlomata cimvc Jlnt in ejus laudibus in- facunda ; & jure ea percallet, ut admirationes £•? plaujus populorum ab pro- pria fapientid excitatos intelligat. lilt, cujus Animi Dotes corporifque fenfus ad admirationem commovent, £s? per ipfam mctum cuique auferunt •, cujus opera- ad plaufus hcrtantur, fed venuflate vocetn auditoribus adimunt. Cui in memo- rid totus Orbis ; in IntelleiJu Sapientia ; in voluntate Ardor Gloria ; in ore E- loquentia. Harmonicas caleftium Sphararum fonitus, Ajlronomid duce, audienti ; characleres mirabilium Nature, per quos Dei magnitudo defcribitur, magiftrd Phi- hfophid, legenti ; Antiquitalum latebras, Ve tuft at is excidia, Eruditionis am- bages, comite affidud Autorum Leclione, exquirenti, rejlauranti, percurrenti . At cur niter in arduum ? Illi, in cujus Virtutibus evulgandis ora Fam.e non fuffi- ciant, nee Hominum ftupor in laudandis fat is eft. Reverentia & Amoris ergo hoc ejus Meritis debitum Admirationis tributum offert Carolus Datus Patricius Florentinus, Tanto homini Servus, tantce virtutis Amator, Antonio Francini is not lefs liberal of his Praifes of our Author in the long Italian Ode, which he compos'd in his honour, and in which he complements the Engl if} Nation, and foretold the future Greatnefs of Milton. The eighth of our Author's familiar Letters, dated at Florence, Sept. ioth, 1638, is written to Benedit to Bonmatthei, upon the latter's defign of publifning an Italian Gram- mar, in which he advifes him to add fome Obfervations concerning the true Pronunciation of that Language, for the fake of Foreigners. From Florence he took his Journey next to Sienna, and from thence to Rome, where he ftay'd about two Months, and became acquainted with feveral learned Men, particularly Lucas Holftenius, Keeper of the Vatican Library (r), who fhewed him all the Greek Authors, whether publifh'd or otherwife, which had pafs'd through his Correction ; and introdue'd him to Cardinal Barberini, who, at an Entertainment of Mufic perform'd at his own Expence, waited for him at the Door, and brought him into the AfTembly. To thank Holftenius forthefe Favours, Milton wrote the ninth of his familiar Letters, dated at Florence, March 30th, 1630. At Rome he likewife commene'd a Friendfhip with Gio- vanni Saljilli, who wrote the following Epigram upon him. Ad Joannem Miltonem, Anglum, triplici poefeos Laured coronandum, Gracd, nimirum, Latind, atque Hetrufcd, Epigramma Joannis Salfilli Romani. Cede, Meles -, cedat depreffd Mincius urna 5 Sebetus "Taffum definat ufque loqui : At Thamefis Viclor cunclis ferat altior undas, Nam per te, Milto, par tribus unus erit. Milton (y) Milton") Defenfio fecunda p. 84. Edit. 15,4. (r) Miltoni Defenfio fecunda, p. 84, 85. Edit. Vol. II. p. 332. oid Philip.-, p. 11, 12. ifS^d.. Vol. II. p„WLjf tbejrifent Edition; and Philips,/. 13. . Vo l. I. e xviii An Account of the Life and Writings Milton in return fent to Salfilli, foon after lying Tick, thofe fine Scazons, which may be read among his Juvenile Poems. Here likewife Selvaggi wrote the following Diftich upon him : Gratia Maonidem, jailet fibi Roma Maroncm : Anglia Milionum jail at Utrique par eta. From Rome he travell'd to Naples, where he was introduced by a Certain Hermit, who accompanied him in his Journey from Rome thither, to G Baptijla Manfo (s) Marquis of Villa, z. Neapolian by Birth, a Perfon of great Quality and Merit, to whom Taffo inferibed his Dialogue of Friendfhip, and whom that Poet makes honourable mention of in the xx Book of his Gier, lemme conqtiiftate : Fra Cavalier magnanimi e cortefi Refplende il Manfo. The Marquis received Milton with extraordinary Refpect and Civility, and went himfelf to mew him all the remarkable Places in the City, vifiting him often at his Lodging, and made this Diftich in honour of him : Ut mens, forma, decor, fades, mos,Ji pietasfie, Non Anglus, verum hereto Angelus ipfe fores. The Exception toMilton's Piety relates to his being a Proteftant ; and the Marquis told him at his Departure, that he mould have been glad to have done him fe veral other good Offices, if he had been more referv'd in matters of Religion (/). Our Author out of Gratitude for the Marquis's Civilities, before he left Na- ples, fent him a beautiful Latin Eclogue, intitled Manfus ; in which he inti- mates his Defign of writing a Poem upon the Story of King Arthur, as i pears from the following Lines : O mihi ft me a for s talem concedat Amicum, Phcebaos decor affe viros qui tarn bene norit, Si quando indigenas revocabo in carmina Reges, Arturumque etiamfub terris bella moventem: Aut die am invicla fociali feeder 'e menf<e Magnanimos Heroas, & (O modo Spiritus adfit) Frangam Saxonicas Britonum fub Marte phalanges. He was now preparing to pafs over into Sicily and Greece, when he was di- verted from his Resolution by the fad News of a Civil War breaking forth in England ; efteeming it an unworthy thing for him to be taking his Pleafure in foreign Parts, while his Countrymen were contending at home for Liberty. However, he refolv'd to fee Rome once more •, and tho* the Merchants gave him a Caution, that the Jefuits were framing Defigns againft him, by reafon of the Freedom, which he us'd in his Difcourfes about Religion, yet he ventur'd to go to Rome the fecond time, determining with himfelf not to begin any Difpute a- bout Religion; but being afk'd, not to diffemble his Sentiments. He flay'd two months in that City, neither concealing his Name, nor declining openly to defend the Truth, when any thought proper to attack him. Notwithrtand- ing this, he return'd fafe to his Friends at Florence, who received him with great Joy and Affection. Here he ftay'd as long as he had done before, except an Excurfion of a few Days to Lucca ; and then eroding the Appenine, pafs'd thro* Bononia and Ferrara to Venice, where having fpent one Month, and /hip- ped off" the Books, which he had collected in his Travels thro' Italy, he came thro' Verona, Milan, and along the Lake Leman to Geneva. In this City he contracted an intimate Friendfhip with Giovanni Dcodati, and Frederic Span- heim («), both Profeflbrs of Divinity there. He return'd thro' France by the fameWay, which he pafs'd in going to Italy ; and after having been abfent from England about a Year and three Months, arriv'd fafe in his own Country about the {1) Miltoni Defenfio fecunda, ubi fupra. tniftake, for Ezechiel ivas but ten Years old, ivben (t) Ibid. («) Toland p. 20. fays Ezechiel Milton ivas at Geneva, tho 1 the latter afterward > Spanheim, the celebrated Critic and Antiquary, had a correffondence wnth him, as af pears ' '■and Son gf" Frederic: But this is undoubtedly a the \-jth of his familial Lexers. of Mr. John Milton. xix the time oF the King's fecond Expedition againft the Scots, and not long before the calling of the Long Parliament (x). Upon his return, he had the misfor- tune of being affur'd of the Death of his deareft Friend and School-fellow, Charles Deodati, who was defcended from a Family at Lucca in Tuft any, but born in England. This Gentleman ftudied Phyfic, and was an excellent Scho- lar. Mr. Toland tells us (j), that he had in his Hands two Greek: Letters of Decdati's to Milton, written with great Elegance. Milton lamented his imma- ture Death in an excellent Latin Eclogue, intitled Damon, extant amon°- his Poems ; by which we find, that he had already conceiv'd the Plan of an Epic Poem, the fubjecT: of which he defign'd to be the warlike Actions of the old Britijh Heroes, and particularly of King Arthur, as he tells us himfelf in thefe Verfes : Ipfe ego Dardanias Rutupina per aqnora puppes Die am, fcf Pandrajidos regnum vet us Biogenic, Bfennumque Arviragumque duces, prifcumque Belinum, Et tandem Armoricos Britomim.fub lege colonos j 'Turn gravidam Arturo fat all fraude Jogemen, Mcndaces vullus, ajfumptaaue Gorki's anna, Mcrlini Dolus. He then declares his defign of performing fomething in his native Language, which might perpetuare his Name in thefe Iflands, tho' he ihould be the more obfeure and inglorious by it to the reft of the World. O mi hi turn fi Vita fuperfit, Tu prociu I annofd pendebis, Fijiula, pinu Multum oblita mihi, out patriis matata camanis Brittonicv.m Jlrides; quid en im? omnia non licet uni, Non fperdffe uni licet omnia ; mi fatis ampla Merces, & mihi grande decus. (Jim ignotus in <evunl Turn licet, externo penitufque inglorius Orbi) Si me flava comas legat Uja, fc? potor Alauni, Vorticibufque freqaens Abra, i£ nanus omne Treanta, Et Thamejis mens ante cranes, & fufca mctallis Tamara, & extremis me difcunt Orcades undis.. Soon after his Return, and Vifits paid to his Father and his Friends, he hir'd a Lodging in St. Bride's Church-yard in Fleet-ftreet, at the Houfe of Mr. RuJJel a Taylor, where he undertook the Education and Inftruction of his Sifter's two Sons, Edward and John Philips ; the elder of whom, John, had been wholly committed to his Care. And here it will not be impertinent to mention the many Latin and Greek Authors, which, thro' his excellent Judgment and Me- thod of teaching, far above the Pedantry of common Schools, (where fuch Au- thors are fcarce ever heard of) were read over, within no greater Compafs of time, than from ten to fifteen Years of Age (z). Of the Latin, the four grand Writers de Re Rufticd, Cato, Varro, Columella, and Palladius ; Cornelius Cel- fus, the Phyfician -, a great Part of Pliny's Natural Hiftory ; Vitruvius's Archi- ure; Front inns'* Stratagems •, and the Phi lofophical Poets, Lucretius and Manilius. Of the Greek Writers, Hejiod ; Aratus's Phenomena and Diofemeia ■, Dicnyfius de fitu Orbis ; Oppian ; Quintal Calaber ; Apollonius Rhodius ; Plu- tarch's Placita Philofophorum, & -urs^l iraQm dyoylxs -, Geminus's Aftronomy ; Xe- nophon's Inftitution of Cyrus and 'AvdZxo-v; ; Ailian's Tactics ; and Poly anus's Stra- tagems. Thus by teaching, he in fome meafure inlarg'd his own Knowledge, having the reading of all thefe Authors by Proxy •, and all this might poflibly have con- duced to the preferving of his Sight, if he had not been perpetually engag'd in reading and writing. Nor did this Application of his to the Latin and Greek Tongues hinder him from attaining the principal of the Oriental Languages, viz. the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac, and a good Skill in Mathematics and Aftro- (*) Miltoni Defenfio fecunda, p. 8<, 86, 87, (y) p. 10. Edit. i6j4> Vol- II. p. 332 of \nt Edit. (a) Philips, p. 16, £7, xx An Account of the Life and TVritings Aftronbmy. The Sunday's Work for his Pupils was for the mod part to read a Chapter of the Greek Teftament, and hear his Expofition of k. The next .Work after this was to write from his Dictation, fome part of a Syftem of Divinity, which he collected from the moft eminent Writers upon that fobjedfe, as Amefius, Wollebitts, &c. (a). He did not continue long in his Lodgings in St. Bride's Church-yard, but took an handibme Garden-Houfe in Aider fgate-ftreet, fituated at the End of a paffage, and the fitter for his purpofe by reafon of its privacy and freedom from Noife and Difturbance. Here it was, that he put his Academical Inilitution in practice, he himfelf giving an Example of hard Study and fpare Diet to thofe under him ; for it was not long before his elder Nephew, Mr. Edward Philips, was put to board with him. " Only this advantage he had, Jays Mr. " Philips (b), that once in three Weeks or a Month, he would drop into the ,c Society of fome young Sparks of his Acquaintance ; the chief whereof "/ere " Mr. Alphry undMr. Millar, two Gentlemen of Gray's-Inn, the Beaus of thofe " Days. With thefe Gentlemen he would fo fir make bold with his Body, as " now and then to keep a Gawdy-day." ' In this Houfe he continued feveral Years. In 1 641 he publifh'd at London in 4/0, a Piece, intitled, Of Reformation- touching Churcb-Difcipline in England, and the Caufes that hitherto have hindred it Two Bookes. Written to a Friend. About the fame time certain Minifters wrote a Treat ife againft Epifcopacy, printed at London 164.1, in \to, under the following Title : An Anfwcr to a Book y intitled, An humble Remonftrance ; in which the Originall of Liturgy and Epifcopacy isdifcuffed, and Queries propounded concerning both ; theParity oj Bijhops andPreJby- ters in Scripture demonftrated; the occafion of their Imparl tie in Ar.liauitie difcovercd j the Difparitie of the ancient and our moderne Bifiops manifejied; the Antiquitie of Ruling Elders in the Chuch vindicated ; the Prelalical Church bewnded. Written by Smectymnuus. The Authors of this Treatile were fr-e, the firft Letters of whofe Chriftian and Sur-Names compoie the Word Smeblymnuus \ viz. Stephen Marfhal, Edmund Calamy, Thomas Tcung, Matthew Newcomen, and William Spurftow. The Humble Remonjirance, to which this was defign'd as an Anfwer, was written by Dr. Jofeph Hall, Bifhop of Norwich. Archbifhop Ufher having publifh'd, in opposition to Smeclymnuus, a Tract concerning the Original of Bifhops and Metropolitans, printed at Oxford 1641 in 4/0 •, Milton publifh'd at London the fame Year in i.to, a Piece, intitled, Of Prelalical Epifcopacy, and 'whether it may be dedue'd from the Apoftolical times by virtue of thofe Tefiimonies, which are alledg'd to that purpofe in fome late Treatifes j one whereof goes under the Name of James Archbifhop of Armagh. Hisnext performance was The Reafon of Church Govemement urg'd againft Prelaty; By Mr. John Milton. In two Books. London 1641 in 4/0. In the beginning of the fecondBookhe mentions his Defign of writing a Poem in the Englifo Language ; where he tells us, that " in the privat Academies of Italy, whither I, fays he, was " favour'd to refort, perceiving, that fome trifles, which I had in memory, com- s ' pos'd at under twenty or thereabout, (for the manner is, that every one muft " give fome proof of his Wit and reading there) met with acceptance above •* what was lookt for, and other things, which I had fhifted in fcarfity of Books " and Conveniences to patch up amongft them, were receiv'd with written En- " comiums, which the Italian is not forward to beftow on Men on this fide the " Alps 5 I began thus farre to affent both to them and divers of my Friends " here at home, and not leffe to an inward prompting, which now grew daily " upon me, that by Labour and intent Study, (which I take to be my portion " in this Life) joyn'd with the ftrong Propenfity of Nature, I might perhaps " leave fomething fo written to after-times, as they fhould not willingly let it *' die. Thefe thoughts at once poffeft me, and thefe other, that if I were cer- ** tain to write as Men buy Leafes, for three Lives and downward, there ought " no Regard be fooner had, than to God's Glory by the Honour and In- *' ftruetion of my Country. For which Caufe, and not only for that I knew " it would be hard to arrive at the fecond Rank among the Latines, I apply'd " my felfe that refolution, which Ariofto follow'd againft the perfwafions of *« Bembo, to fix all the induftry and art I could unite, to the adorning of my *' native i {») Uid. p. 18, 19. [b) Ibid. p. 20, t*l of Mr. John Milton. xxi " native tongue ; not to make verbal Curiofities the End ; that were a toylfoni " Vanity ; but to be an Interpreter and Relater of the beft and fagelt things " among mine own Citizens throughout this Ifland in the mother Dialect. " That what the greateft andchoyceft Wits of Athens, Rome, or modemltaly, " and thofe Hebrews of old did for their Country, I in my proportion, with " this over and above of being a Chriftian, might doe for mine, not carir.o- to " be once nam'd abroad, though perhaps I could attaine to that ; but content " with thefe Britip Iflands as my World, whole Fortune hath hitherto bin, " that if the Athenians, as fome fay, made their final] deeds great and re- " nowned by their eloquent Writers ; England hath had her noble Atchiev- ** ments made fmall by the unfkilfull handling of Monks and Mechanicks. " Time fervs not now, and perhaps I might leem too profufe to give any " certain Account of what the Mind at home in the (pacious Circuits of her " mufing hath liberty to propofeto herfclf, though of higheft hope and harden; *' attempting ; whether that Epick form, whereof the two poems of Horner^ " and thofe other two of Virgil and Tajfo are a diifufe, and the Book of Job a " brief Model. Or whether the Rules of Ariftotle herein are ftrictly to be kept, " or Nature to be followed -, which in them that know Art, and ufe Jud^e- " ment, is no Tranfgreffion, but an inrichirig of Art. And laftly what King ' " or Knight before the Conquer! might be chofen, in whom to lay the pattern *« of a Chriftian Heroe. And as Tajfo gave to a Prince of Italy his chois, whe- " ther he would command him to write of Godfrey's Expedition againft the In- " fidels, or Belifartus againft the Gothcs, or Cbarlemain againft the Lombards ; " . if to the Inftinct of Nature and the imbold'ning of Art ought may be trufted, " and that there be nothing ad vers in our Climate, or the fate of this age, " it haply would be no rafhnefle from an equal Diligence and Inclination to " prefent the like offer in our own ancient Stories. Or whether thofe Drama- *' tick Conltitutions, wherein Sophocles and Euripides raigne, fhall be found " more doctrinal and exemplary to a Nation, the Scripture alio affords us a " divine Paftoral Drama in the Song of Salomon, confiding of two Perfons and " a double Chorus, as Origen rightly judges. And the Apocalyps of St. John is «« the majeftick Image of a high and ftately Tragedy, fhutting up and inter- <e mingling her folemn Scenes and Acts with afevenfold ChorusofHalleluja's and " harping Symphonies •, and this my opinion the grave Authority of Pareuscom- " menting that Booke is fufficient to confirm. Or if occafion fhall lead to *' imitat thofe magnifick Odes and Hymns, wherein Pindarus and Callimachus " are in moft things worthy, fome others in their frame judicious, in their " matter moft an end faulty ; but thofe frequent Songs through out the Law " and Prophets beyond all thefe, not in their divine Argument alone, but in " the very critical Art of Compofition, maybe eafily made appear over all the " Kinds of Lyrick Poefy, to be incomparable The thing, which I had " to fay, and thofe intentions, which have liv'd within me ever fince I could 4< conceiv myfelf any thing worth to my Countrie, I return to crave excufe, " that urgent reafon hath plukt from me by an abortive and fore-dated Dif- " covery. And the accomplifhment of them lies not but in a power above " Man's to promife ; but that none hath by more ftudious ways endeavour'd, " and with more unwearied Spirit that none fhall, that I dare almoft averre of my " felf, as farre as Life and freeLeafure will extend Neither doe I think " it fhame to covnant with any knowing Reader, that for fome few Yeers yet " I may go on truft with him toward the payment of what I am now indebted, " as being a Work not to be rays'd from the heat of Youth, or the Vapours " of Wine, like that which flows at waft from the pen of fome vulgar Amo- " rift, or the trencher-fury of a riming Parafite •, nor to be obtain'd by the " Invocation of Dame Memory and her Siren Daughters ; but by devout " Prayer to that Eternal Spirit, who can inrich with all utterance and know- " ledge, and fends out his Seraphim with the hallow'd Fire of his Altar, to " touch and purify the Lips of whom he pleafes. To this muft be added in- •* duftrious and felect reading, fteddy Obfervation, infight into all feemly '« and generous Arts and Affaires ; till which in fome meafure be compaft, at ** mine own peril and coft I refufe not to fuftain this Expectation from as many, " as are not loath to hazard fo much Credulity upon the beft pledges, that I " can give them." Vol. I. f Bifhop xxii An Account of the Life and JVritings Bifliop Hall having publifh'd a Piece intitled, A Defence of the Humble Rc- monftrance againft the frivolous and falfe Exceptions of Smeclymnuus ; wherein the Ri<rht ofLeiturgie and Epifcopacie is clearly 'vindicated from the vaine Cavils and Challenges of the Anfwerers. By the Author of the J aid Humble Remon- ftrance : London 1641 in \to ; Milton wrote his Ammadverjions upon the Re- monftrant's Defence againft Smeclymnuus. London 1641 in 4/1?. Soon after this there was publifh'd againft this Tract of our Author's, A modefi Confutation againft a flanderous and fcurrilous Libel; which Milton tells us (. ), was reported to be written by a Son of Bifhop Hall, In this Piece the Writer having feverely reflected on him, and reprefented him as having been expell'd the Univerfity, and as being a frequenter of Playhoufes and the Bordclloes ; Mil- ton publifh'd at London 1642 in 4/0, An Apology againft a Pamphlet call'd, A modeft Confutation of the Ammadverfions upon the kemonftrani againft Smeclym- nuus; or, as the Title-page is in fome Copies, An Apology for Smeclymnuus, with the Reafon of Church-Government. By John Milton, Gent. During the time of his Continuance in his Houfe in Alderfgate-ftreet, there happemd feveral Occafions of increafing his Family. His Father, who till the taking of Reading by the Earl of EJfex's Forces, had liv'd with his Son Chrijiopher at his Houfe there, was then oblig'd to remove to his eld- eft Son, with whom he liv'd for fome Years. He had likewife an Addition of Scholars (d) ; and in 1643 married Mary, the Daughter of Richard Powell* Efq; of Foreflhill in Oxford/hire. " About V/hitfuntide it was, or a little " after, fays Mr. Philips (e), that he took a Journey into the Countrey, no " body about him certainly knowing the Reafon, or that it was any more than " a Journey of Recreation. After a Month's ftay, home he returns a mar- " ried Man, who went out a Bachelor, his Wife being Mary, the eldcit " Daughter of Mr. Richard Powell-, then a Juftice of Peace, of Foreflhill near " Shotover in Oxfordfhire ; fome few of her neareft Relations accompanying the, " Bride to her new Habitation, which by reafon the Father nor any body elle " were yet come, was able to receive them •, where the Feafting held for fome " Days in celebration of the Nuptials and for entertainment of the Bride's " Friends. At length they took their Leave, and returning to Foreflhill, left " the Sifter behind ; probably not much to her Satisfaction, as appeared by il the Sequel. By that time fhe had for a Month or thereabout led a Philo- '•* fophical Life, after having been ufed at home to a great Houfe, and much " Company and Joviality, her Friends, poflibly incited by her own Defire, " made earned: iuit by Letter, to have her Company the remaining part of the *' Summer; which was granted, on condition of her Return at the time appoint- " ed, Michaelmas, or thereabout." In the mean time came his Father, and fome of the foremention'd Scholars ; and their Courfe of Studies was profecuted with great vigour. Milton diverted himfelf fometimes in an Evening in vifiting the Lady Margaret Leigh, Daugh- ter to the Earl of Marlborough, Lord High Treafurer of England, and Presi- dent of the Privy Council to King James 1. This Lady being a Woman of ad- mirable Wit and good Senfe, had a particular Efteem for our Author, and took much delight in his Company ', as likewife did herHufband, Captain Hobfon (/). And what Regard Milton had for her, appears from a Sonnet, which he wrote to her, extant among his Occafwnal Poems (g). Michaelmas being now come, and Milton receiving no Account of his Wife's Return, he fent for her by Letter, and having no Anfwer, wrote feveral o- ther Letters, which were alfo unanfwer'd ; fo that at laft hedifpatch'd a Mef- fenger with another Letter, defiring her to return ; but the Mefienger was dif- mifs'd with fome kind of Contempt. " This proceeding, fays Mr. Philips (b), " in all probability, was grounded upon no other Caufe but this, namely, that " the Family being generally addicted to the Cavalier Party, as they called it, " and fome of them pofiibiy engag'd in the King's Service, who by this time " had his Head-Quarters at Oxford, and was in fome profpect of Succefs ; they **■ began to repent them of having match'd the eldeft Daughter of their Fami- *i ly fo contrary to them in Opinion, and thought it would be a Blot in their " Efcutcheon, whenever that Court fhould come to flourifh again. However, " it (1) Apology for Smeflymnuus, p. 21. Edit. (g) Sonnet x. p. \$. Edit. London 1675. London, /« 4to. (d) Philips, p. z\, 22. {b) p. 24. {<) Toland, p. :8. (/) Philips, p. 23. of Mr. John Milton. xxjii " it fo incens'd our Author, that he thought it would be difhonourable ever " to receive her again, after fuch a Repulfe ; fo that he forthwith prepar'd to " fortify himfelf with Arguments for fuch aRefolution." He publifh'd there- fore in 1644 in /{.to, The Doclrine and Difcipline of Divorce, without his Name ; as not willing, fays he (i), it fhould fway the Reader either for me or againfi me. But when I was told, that the ft He, which what it ailes to be fofoon diftirguifhables, I cannot tell, was known by moft Men, and that fome of the Clergie began to inveigh and exclaim on what I was credibly inform' d they had not read, I took it for my proper Seafon both to fhew them a Name, that could eafily contemn fuch an indifcreet kind of Cenfure, and to reinforce the ^ueftion with a more accurat Diligence, Accord- ingly he publifh'd a fecond Edition of it the fame Year at Lo?idon in $to, un- der this title : The Doclrine and Bifcipline of Divorce reftor'd to the Good of both Sexes, from the Bondage of the Canon Law, and other Miftakes, to the true meaning of Scripture in the Law and Gofpel compar'd. Wherin alfo are fet down the bad Conferences of punifhing or condemning of Shi, that which the Law of God ' allow es, and Chrift aboliflot not. Now the fecond time revis'd and much augmented. In two Books. To the Parlament of England, with the AJJembly. The Author J. M. The grand Pofition, which he maintains in this Treatife is, " That In- vt difpofition, Unfitnefs, or Contrariety of Mind, arifing from a Caufe in nature " unchangeable, hindering and ever likely to hinder the main Benefits of con - " jugal Society, which are Solace and Peace, is a greater feafon of Divorce " than natural Frigidity, efpecially if there be no Children, and that there be ** mutual Confent." The fame Year he publifh'd at London in 4/0, The Judge- ment of Martin Bucer concerning Divorce. Writt'n to Edward the fixt, in his fecond Bock of the Kingdom of Chrift. And now Englifht. Wherin a late Book re- ftoring the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce is beer confirm' d and jullify'd by the Autboritie of Martin Bucer. To the Parliament of England. Publifiot by Au - thoritie. In 1645 he publifh'd at London in 4/0, Tetrachordon : Expeditions up- on the foure chief Places in Scripture, which treat of Mariage, or Nullities in Mariage, on Gen. 1. 27, 28. compar'd and explain' d by Gen. 2. 18, 23, 24. en Deut. 24, 1, 2. on Matth. 5. 31, 32. with Matth. 19. from the 7,d v. to the nth. on 1 Cor. 7. from the 10th to the 16th. V/herin the Doclrine and Dif- cipline of Divorce, as was lately publtft'd, is confirmed by explanation of Scripture? by teftimony of ancient Fathers, of civill Lawes in the Primitive Church, of fa- mmtfeft Reformed Divines,, and lcftly h by an intended Act of the Parlament and Church of England in the loft Tear of Edward the fixth. By the former Author J. M. On the firft appearance of the Doclrine and Difcipline of Divorce, the Clergy •were extremely offended at it, and daily follicited the Parliament to pafs a Cenfure upon it-, and at laft one of them, in a Sermon before the Parliament on a day of Humiliation in Auguft 1644, told them, that there was a wicked Book abroad, which deferv'd to be burnt •, and that among their other fins they ought to repent, that it had not yet been branded with a Mark of their Difpleafure (k). And Mr. Wood tells us (/), that upon Milton's publifhing his three Books of Divorce, " the Affembly of Divines, then fitting at Weft- " minfter, took fpecial Notice of them ; and thereupon, tho' the Author had *' obliged them by his Pen in his defence of Smeclymnuus and other their Con- " troverfies had with the Bifhops, they impatient of having the Clergy's Jurif- " diction (as they reckon'd it) invaded, did, infteadof anfwering or difprov- " ing what thefe Books had afTerted, caufe him to be fummoned before the *' Houfe of Lords. But that Houfe, whether approving the Doctrine, or not " favouring his Accufer, did foon difmifs him." His Treatife of Divorce was attacked by a piece intitled, Divorce at pleafure -, and by another printed at London 1644 in 4to, and intitled, An Anfwer to a Book, intituled, The Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce, or, a Plea for Ladies and Gentlemen, and all other married Women againft Divorce. Wherein both Sex- es are vindicated from all Bondage of Canon Law, and other Miftakes wbatfoever ; and the unfound Principles of the Author are examined and fully confuted by Autho- rity of Holy Scripture, the Laws of the Land, and found Reafon. Mr. Jofeph Caryl, (/) Pirfateto The Judgement t>f Martin Bucer. (/) Col. 264. (*) Milton's Preface to bis Tetrachordon. xxiv An Account of the Life and Writings Caryl, a Prefbyterian Divine, who wrote a very voluminous Commentary on the Book of Job, gave on the 14th of November 1644, his Imprimatur to this piece in the following Words : " To preferve the ltrength of the Marriage- " bond, and the Honour of that Eftate, againft thofe fad Breaches and dan- " gerous Abufes of it, which common Difcontents (on this fide Adultery) arc " likely to make in unftaied minds and men given to change, by taking in or " ^rounding themfelves upon the Opinion anfwcred, and with good Reafon " confuted in this Treatife, I have approved the printing and publifhing of it." In this piece the Author (?«) ftiles Milton's Book a frothie Difcourfe, and tells us, that ivere it not fugred over with a little neat language, would appear fo imme- ritous and undeserving, fo contrary to all humane Learning, yea Truth anil common Experience itfelf, that all that reade it, muft needs count it worthie to be burnt by the Hangman. In anfwer to this Piece, Milton publifh'd at London 164.5, in 4 Colafterion : A Reply to a nameles Anfwer againfi The Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce. Wherein the trivial Author of that Anfwer is difcover'd, the Licencer conferred with, and the Opinion which they traduce defended. By the former Au- thor, I. M. In this he complains, that when his Dotlrine and Difcipline of Divorce had been a whole Year publifh'd the fecond time with many Arguments added, and the former ones better 'd and confirm 'd, the Anfwer >\bove-ment\o:>'d was directed only ao-ainft the firft Edition. And he tells us that the Author of that Anfi er was a Servingman tum'd Sollicitor affifted by a young Divine or two. He treats his Antagonift with great Contempt •, but concludes with obferving, that " as for " the fubjedt itfelf, which I have writt, and now defend, according as the op- *' pofition beares, if any Man equal to the matter lhall think it appertains him " to take in hand this Controverfy, either excepting againft ought writt'n, or " perl waded hee can fhew better how this queftion of fuch moment to bee through- ** ly known may receav a true determination, not leaning on the old and rott'n " iuggeftions, whereon it yet leans, if his intents bee fincere to the public, " and fhall carry him without bitternes to the opinion, or to the perion dif- " fenting ; let him not, I intreate him, guefs by the handling, which merito- '« rioufly hath bin beftow'd on this object of contempt and laughter, that I ac- " count it any Difpleafure don mee to bee contradicted in prints but as it leads " to the attainment of any thing more true, fhall efteem it a Benefit, and fhall " know how to return his Civility and faire Argument in fuch a fort, as hee ' ' fhall confers that to doe fo is my choife, and to have don thus was my chance." About this time, he was ibllicitedby feveral Gentlemen of his acquaintance, to take upon him the Education of their fons, his great fuccefs in his firft Under- taking of that Kind being known. Upon this he hir'd a larger Houfe, than that in which he then liv'd ; but in the Interval before he removM into it, " there fell out, fays Mr. Philips (»), a paffage, which tho 5 it altered not the " whole Courfe he was going to fleer, yet it put a Stop or rather an End to a " grand Affair, which was more than probably thought to be then in agitation. " It was indeed a Defign of marrying one of Dr. Davis's Daughters, a very " handfome and witty Gentlewoman, but averfe, as it is faid, to this Motion. " However the Intelligence hereof, and the then declining State of the King's " Caufe, and confequently of the Circumftances of Juftice Powell's Family, *' caufed them to fet all Engines on work to reftore the late married Woman " to the ftation, wherein they a little before had planted her. At laft this De- " vice was pitch'd upon. There dwelt in the Lane of St. Martins-Le-Grand, " which was hard by, a Relation of our Author's, one Blackborough, whom it *' was known he often vifited, and upon this Occafion the Vifits were the more " narrowly obferv'd, and poflibly there might be a Combination between both " Parties ; the Friends on both fides concentring in the fame Action, tho' on *' different behalfs. One time above the reft, he making his ufual Vifit, the " Wife was ready in another Room, and on a hidden he was furpriz'd to fee " one, whom he thought to have never feen more, making fubmifiion, and *' begging Pardon on her Knees before him. He might probably at firft make *' fome fhew of Averfion and Rejection ; but partly his own generous Nature, " more inclinable to Reconciliation than to perfeverance in Anger and Revenge, " and partly the ftrong Interceffion of Friends on both fides, foon brought him " to an Act of Oblivion, and a firm League of Peace for the future. And it was (*) P. 41. («) P. 25, 16, 17. of Mr. John Milton. xxv " was at length concluded, that fhe mould remain at a Friend's Houfe till fuch " time as he was fettled in his new Houfe in Barbican, and all things for her " Reception in order. The place agreed on for her prefent Abode was the ** Widow Webber's, Houfe in St. Clement'- 's-Church-yard, whole fecond Daugh- " ter had been married to the other Brother many Years before. The firft " Fruits of her Return to her Hufbind was a brave Girl, born within a Year " alter ; tho' whether by ill Conftitution, or want of Care, lhe grew more and " more decrepit." Mr. Elijah Fenton obferves (0), that it is not to be doubt- ed, but the abovemention'd Interview between Milton and his Wife, muft wonderfully affect him •, and that perhaps the Impreffions it made on his Imagi- nation, contributed much to the painting of that pathetic Scene in Paradife Loft, B. x. Verf. 909. in which Eve addrefles herfelf to Adam for Pardon and Peace. After this Reunion, fo far was Milton from retaining an unkind Memory of the Provocations, which he had receiv'd from her ill Conduct, that he enter- tain'd her Father and feveral of her Brothers and Sifters in his Houfe till after his own Father's Death (p). About this time he wrote a fmall piece, printed in onefheet in 4/0, under this title, Of Education. To Mafter Samuel Flartlib. It was reprinted at the End of his Poems upon feveral Occafons, London 1673, in 8w. " In thisTreatife, " fays Mr. Wood (q), he prefcrib-d an eafy and delightful Method for the " training up of Gentry to all forts of Literature, that they might at the fame '' time by like Degrees advance in Virtue and Abilities to ferve their Country; " fubjoining Directions for their obtaining other neceffary and ornamental Ac- " complifhments." Mr. William Petty, afterwards Sir William, wrote likewife to Mr. Hartlib a piece upon rile fame fubjecl, printed at London 1647, in 4/0, under the following title, Advice to Mr. Samuel Hartlib/V the Advancement of fame particular Parts of Learning ; and Mr. John Durie wrote another to the fame purpofe, printed at London 1651, in Bvo, with this title: The Reformed School, and the Reformed Librarie-Keeper, by John Durie. In 1644, Milton publifh'd at London in 4/0. his Areopagitica: A Speech of Mr. John Milton for the Liberty of unlicencd Printing, to the Parliament of England. From a MS. Note in a Copy of this piece prefented by him to a Friend-, it apppears to have been publifh'd in November that Year. Mr. War- burton above-citedobfcrves, that it is in allrefpecls a Mafler-piece. A new E- dition of it in Bvo, isjuft now publifh'd (r), with a Preface by another Hand. Mr. Toland tells us (/), that fuch was the Effect of this Piece of our Author, that the following Tear, Mabol, a Licenfer, offer' d Reafons againfl Licenfing, and at his own Requejl -was difcharg'd that Office. But that Writer is guilty of two Miftakes in this PafTage ; for the Licenfer's Name was not Mabol, but Gil- bert Mabbot, who continued in his Office till May 2 2d, 1649, when, as Mr. IVhitelocke obferves (t), upon his defire, and Reafons againfl Licenfing of Books to be printed, he was difcharg'd of that Employment . And we finda particular Accounc of the Affair in a Weekly-Paper, printed in 4/0, andintitled, A perfecl Diurnall of fome Paffages in Parliament, and the daily Proceedings of the Army under his Excellency the Lord Fairfax. From Munday May 21, to Munday May 28, 1649. Collecled for the fatisfatlion of fuch as defire to be truly informed. N° 304. In which, under Tuefday May iid,p. 2531, we read as follows : " Mr. Mabbot " hath long defired feverall Members of the Houfe, and lately thcCouncell of " State, to move the Houfe, that he might be difcharged of Licencing Books " for the future upon the reafons following, viz. " I. Becaufe many thoufand of fcandalous and malignant Pamphlets have been . " publift'd with his Name thereunto, as if he had licenced the fame {though he " never faw them) on purpofe (<is he conceives) to prejudice him in his Reputation " amongft the bonefl Party of this Nation. " II. Becaufe that Imployment (as he conceives) is unjuft and illegall, as to the " Ends of its firft Ivjlitution, viz. to flop the Prejje for publiflnng any thing, that " might df cover the Corruption of Church and Stale in the time of Popery, Epifco- '•' pacy, and Tyranny, the better to keep the People in ignorance, and carry on their " Popijh, Fattious, and Tyrannical Defigns, for the enflaving and definition both " of the Bodies and Souls of all the free People of this Nation. [' Life of Milton, p. 13 prefixed to Paradife [r\ I write this in January 1737-8. Lolt, 'Edit'. London' \-jzy in 8vo. (■•) p. 23. (/) Memorials p- 4°3- Edit. [p"> Philips p. 27. ($) Ubi fupra, Col. z6\. London, 1732. \'() L. I. g xxvi An Account of the Life and Writings " III. Becaufe Licencing is as great a Monopoly as ever was in (bis Nation, in «• that all Men's Judgements, Reafons, &c. are to be bound up in the Licenced s " (as to Licencing;) for if the Author of any Sheete, Booke, or Treatife, writ not " to pleafe the Fancy, and come within the Compaffe of the Liccncer's 'Judgement, " then hee is not to receive any Stampe of Authority for publifhing thereof. " VI. Becaufe it is lawfull {in his Judgement) to print any Booke, Sheete, &c. *« without Licencing, fo as the Authors and Printers dofubferibe their true Names " thereunto, that fo they may be liable to anfwer the Contents thereof ; and if they ** offend therein, then to be punifhed byfuch Lawes as are or ft: all be for thofe Cajes « provided. '* A Committee of the Councell of State being fatisfied with thefe and other " Reafons of M. Mabbot concerning Licencing, the Councell of State reports «' to the Houfe •, upon which the Houfe ordered this Day, that the laid M. " Mabbot ihould be difcharged of licencing Books for the future." In 1645, our Author's Juvenile Poems appear'd under the following title: Poems ef Mr. John Milton, both Englifh and Latin, compos' d at fever al times. Primed by bis true Copies. The Songs were fet in Mufick by Mr. Henry Lawes, Gentle- man of the King's Chapel, and one of his Majefties private Mufick. Printed and publifh'd according to Order. London printed by Ruth Raworth, for Humphrey Molely, and are to be fold at the Signe of the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church- yard, 1645, in i2mo. The title of the Latin Poems is as follows : Jcannis Mil- toni Londtnenfis Poemata. Quorum pleraaue intra annum atatis vigefimum conferip- fit. Nunc primum edita. To this Edition is prehx'd the following Preface of Humphry Mcfeley the Stationer, to the Reader. " It is not any private refpecl: " of gain, gentle Reader, for the (lighten: pamphlet is nowadayes more vendi- " ble then the Works of learnedett Men ; but it is the Love I have to our «' own Language, that hath made me diligent to collect and fet forth fuch " peeces both in prole and vers, as may renew the wonted Honour andEftecm " of our Englifl] tongue : and it's the worth of thefe both Euglijb and Latin 11 Poems, not the ilouriih of any prefixed Encomions, that can invite thee to " buy them, though thefe are not without the higheft Commendations and "J Applaufe of the learnedeft Academies both domeitick and forreign ; and a- *' monglt thole of our own Countrey, the unparallel'd Provoft of Eaton, Sir " Henry Wool ton. I know not thy Palate how it relifhes fuch Dainties, nor how •* harmonious thy Soul is •, perhaps more trivial Airs may pleafe thee better. *' But howfoever thy Opinion is 1 pent upon thefe, that Incouragement I have " already receiv'd from the moft ingenious Men in theirclear and courteous En- " tertainment of Mr. Waller's late choice Peeces, hath once more made me ad- " venture unto the World, prefenting it with thefe ever-green, and not to " be blafted Laurels. The Author's more peculiar Excellency in thefe Studies " was too well known to conceal his Papers, or to keep me from attempting " to fo'.licit them from him. Let the Event guide itfelf which way it will, J " fhall deferve of the Age by bringing into the Light as true a Birth as the " Mufes have brought lorth fince our famous Spencer wrote, whole Poems " in thefe Englifh ones are as rarely imitated, as fweetly excell'd. Reader, if " thou art eagle-eied to cenfure their Worth, I am not fearful to expofe them " to thy exacteft perufal." This Edition contains the following Poems: On the Morning of drift's Nativity, compofed 1629. The Hymn. A Paraphrafe on Pfalm CXIV. Pfalm C XXXVI. The Paffion. On Time. Upon the Circumcifion. At a folemn Mufick. An Epitaph on the Marchionefs of Winchefter. Song on May Morning. On Shakefpeare, 1030. On the Univerfity Carrier, who fickn' d in the time of his Vacancy, being forbid to go to London, by reafon of the Plague. Ano- ther on the fame. L' Allegro. II Penferoib. X Sonnets. Averts., Part of an Entertainment prefented to the Countefs Dowager of Darby at Harefield by fome noble Perfons of her Family. Lycidas ; In this monody the Author bewailes a learn- ed Friend unfortunately drown'd in his paffage from Chefter on the Irifh Seas, 1637 i and by occafion foretels the ruine of our corrupted Clergy then in their height. A Mafk prefented at Ludlow-Caftle, 1634, before the Earl of Bridgewa- ter, then Prefident of Wales. Among the Latin Poems are contain'd all that are publilh'd in the Edition oi\v\% Poems, &c. upon feveral Occafions, ^London 1673, in 8vo, except Apologus de Rujlico & Hero ; and Ad Jeannem Roufium Oxonienfis Aca- of Mr. John Milton. xxvit Academic Bibliothecarium, de libro poematum amiffo, quern illefibi demo mitti pof tulabat, ut cum aliis noftris in Bibliothecd public d reponeret, Ode ; dated Jan. 23, 1646. To the Edition of 1645 is prefix'd the Author's Picture, with the fol- lowing Greek Epigram under it written by himfelf: 'AuaOTi yiy^atp^xt %£if 1 -raj's ph clyJvx $zit; Taj£ dv, irpoq hSoc; uvTO<pv\<; fixlnun Tov S IX.TVTTWTOV HX £7TI J'l/OVTf;' (plAoj Upon the Death of his Father, his Wife's Relations returning to their feverai Habitations, " his Houfe look'd again, fays Mr. Philips (a), like a Houfe of " of the Mufes only, tho' the acceflion of Scholars was not great. Poffibly his c ' proceeding thus far in the Education of Youth may have been the Occafion " of fome of his Adverfaries calling him Pedagogue and School-mafter ; where - «' as it is well known, he never fet up for a public School to teach all the young " Fry of a Parifli ; but only was willing to impart his Learning and Know- ** ledge to Relations, and the Sons of Gentlemen, that were his intimate " Friends; and that neither his Converfe, nor his Writings, nor his manner of " teaching ever favour'd in the leaft any thing of Pedantry. And probably he «' might have fome profpecl: of patting in praftice his Academical Inftitution, «* according to the Model laid down in his Sheet of Education. The Progreis ** of which Defign was afterwards diverted by a Series of Alteration in the Af- " fairs of State. For I am much miftaken, if there was not about this time a " Defign of making him Adjutant-General in Sir IVilliam Waller's Army •, but *' the new modelling of the Army foon following (.*), prov'd an Obftruclion «*« to that Defign." Soon after the March of Fairfax and Cromwell with the whole Army thro' the City, in order to fupprefs the Infurreftion, which Brozvn and Maffey were en- deavouring to raife there againft the Army's Proceedings, he left his great Houfe in Barbican tor a fmaller in High-Holborn, which open'd backward into Lincohh-lnn-Fields ; where he profecuted his Studies, till after the King's Tryal and Death, when the Form of Government being now chang'd into a Common- wealth, and the Prefbyterians declaring their Abhorrence of the King's Execu- tion, andafferting, that his Perfon was facred and inviolable, Milton publifh'd, The Tenure of Kings and Magiftrates \ proving that it is lawfull, and hath been held fo through all Ages, for any who have the Power to call to Account a Tyrant or wicked King, and, after due Conviclion, to depofe and put him to death, if the or- dinary Magiflrate have 'neglebled or denied to doe it ; and that they, who of late fo much blame depojhg, are the Men that did it themfelves. The Author J. M. Wood fuppofes (v), that this Piece was written before King Charles I's Death j but Milton himfelf afTures us (2), that it was not publifh'd till after it and even then, with a View rather to compofe the Minds of the People, than to determine any thing with relation to that Prince : Liber ifte, fays he, non nift poft Mortem Regis prodiit, ad componendos potius hominum animos fatlus % qtiam ad jlatuendum de Carolo quicquam, quod non mei, fed Magijlratuum intere- rat, & peranum jam turn erat. And I find by a MS. Note in a printed Copy of this Book, that it was publifh'd in February 1648-9. Not long after his he wrote his Obfervations on the Articles of Peace be- ttvecn James Earl of Ormond for King Charles the firft, on the one hand, and the Irifh Rebels and Papifls on the other hand ; and on a Letter fent by Ormond to Colonel Jones Governour of Dublin ; and a Reprefentation of the Scots Prejby- tcry at Belfaft in Ireland {a). After this, he applied himfelf to his own private Studies, and had already finifh'd four Books of his Hiftory of England, when he was taken into the fer- vice of the Commonwealth, and made Latin Secretary to the Council of State (b); who refolv'd, neither to write to others abroad, nor to receive any Anfwers, except in the Latin Tongue, which was common to them all (c). Ke («) p. 27, 28. (a) This Model of the Army f. 9$. Edit. 1654. Vol. II. p. 333, 334, tfthepri* took place about April .64;. See Whitelocke's Jevt Edit. (a) This Reprefentation is dated Memorials, p- i/j-'o, Edit. London 1731. February ljfi&, 1649. (b) Miltoni Defenfio (y) Oil. 164, *6f . (s) Defenfio fecumia, fecurida, p. g^„ Edit. 1654. (0 Philips, p .30. xxviii An Account of the Life and Writings He had not long difcharg'd the Bufinefs of his Office, when he was order'd to write an Anfwer to the 'Eixuv B*<riAi>oi, which had been publifh'd immediate- ly after King Charles I's Death under his Majefty's name. Miitcn's Anfwer was printed at London in 4/0, under the following title. EIKONOKAA'STH 1", in Anfwer to a BookintiWd "EIKnN BAEIAIKH\ The Portrature of his fa- cred Majefty in his Solitudes and Sufferings. The Author I. M. Pnblijb'd by Authority. There is a French Tranflation of it printed at London i 1 urno. un- der the following title : E'lKONOKAA'STHS, on Reponfe au Livre intitule 'EIKftN BASIAIKH': ou le Pourtraict de fa facree Majefte durant fa foli- tude & fes fouffrances. Par le Sr. Jean Milton. Traduite de P 'Anglais fur la feconde & plus ample Edition, & revue par I'Auteur. A laquelle font ajoutees di~ verfes pieces mentionnees en la dite Reponfe pour la plus grandeCommodile duLecleur. A Londres par Guill. Du-Gard, Imprimeur du Confeil d' Etat, Can 1652. It was anfwer'd in a Book printed in 1451, p-igg. 267. in \to. under the following title: 'EIKI2N AKAA2TOI: The Image unbroaken. A perfpeiiive of the Impudence, Faljhood, Vanitie, and Prophaunes, publiflied in a Libell intitled, EIKONOKAA2THI againft EIKX1NBASIAIKH, or the Portraiclure of his facred Majeftie in his Solitudes and Sufferings. And upon the reprinting our Au- thor's Book at Amficrdam 1690, in Svo, there was publifh'd at London i6gz, in 8vo, Vindicue Carolina : Or, a Defence of "Eiwj B««A»i«, the Portraiclure of his facred Majefty in his Solitudes and Sufferings. In a Reply to a Book in- tituled, 'EixovcxA^ri?, written by Mr. Milton, and lately reprintedat Amfterdam. Milton in his 'EikovokA* r»j, among other fevere Reproaches upon the King, charges him with borrowing one of his Prayers out of Sir Philip Sidney's Arca- dia (d), and with being Author or Injligator of the Rebellion in Ireland, and giving the Irifh aCommiffion under the Great Seal cf Scotland to rife in Arms ; who no fooner received fuch Command, but they obeyed, and begun the Maffacre (e). But as the Difcuflion of thefe points would too much interrupt the Thread of our Author's Life, I fhall referve it for the Appendix to this Life. In 1650, there was publilh'd at London in \to, pagg. 22. a piece, intitled, The Grand Cafe of Conscience concerning the Ingagement fated and refolved '. Or, A Jlricl Survey of the Solemn League and Covenant in reference to the prefent En- gagement. Mr. Wood tells us (/), that Milton was thought to be the Author of it ; but the ftyleand manner of writing do not the lealt favour that fuppofition. I comenexttohis moll celebrated Work, ImPropopulo Anglicano Defenjio contra Claudii Anonymi alias Sdmafii Defenfionem Regiam : London 1651, in fol. It was written upon this Occafion. King Charles II. had engaged Claudius Salmafius to write a Defence of his Father, the lateKing, which Defence was print- ed in 1649, with this title •, Defenjio Regia pro Carolo I. ad Carolum II. Salmafius was at that time an honorary Profeffor at the Univerfity of Ley den, and eminent for his Plinian* Exercitationes in Solinum and other Critical Wri- tings, and is allow'd to have been a Man of the moft extenfive Learning of any in that Age, Grotius himfelf fpeaking of his confummatiffima Eruditio {g) ; tho% as Herman Conringius obferves (h), his Defenjio Regia did not anfwer the Ex- pectation conceiv'd of it, and he was a'ways remarkable for an Haughtinefs of Temper and Virulency of Style. Mr. Toland fpesks of him in very fevere terms, where he obferves (z), that this Author " being better vers'd in Writings of " Grammarians and Lexicographers (which fort of Men were his chief Admi- " rers) than in thofe of Legislators and Politicians, gave a true Demonftration, *'• that mere Scholars, when they meddle with any thing, that requires Rea- " foning or Thought, are but mere Affes •, for being wholly occupied about " frivolous Etymologies, or the bare found of Words, and living moft of "their time excluded from Converfation, buried in Dull among Worms and *' moldy Records, they have no exact Knowledge of things, and are perfect " ftrangers to all the ufeful Bufinefs of the World. Accordingly the Royal De- " fence was deftitute of Eloquence or Art, being nothing elfe but a huge heap " of Rubbifh, confifting of injudicious Quotations, very diforderly piee'd to- " gether, feldom making for his purpofe; and when they feem'd to favour him, " quite ipoil'd by his own impertinent Comments. But what is worfe than all " the reft, he appear'd on this occafion fuch an abfolute ftranger and bungler " in his own province, as to open a large Field for Milton to divert himfelf with (/) Eiv.1 ov>a?nf, Sefl. i. (<•) Ibid. Se&. rileg. Edit. Paris 162?. (b) De Regno An- H. (/) Col. i6j. (x) Not. ad Stobcei Flo- glorum. (/) Life of Milton, p. 31. of Mr. John Milton. xxix <c with his barbarous Fhrafes and Solecifms. Nor had he more Wit likewife *« than to publiih his Defence of Monarchy in Holland, at the fame time that he " had aPenfion from that free State, and was actually entcrtain'd in their Service. " For tho' the Dutch were then no good Friends to the Englifh, being jealous " of their growing Power ; yet they could not be pleas'd with any Writing op- " pos'd to the common Caulc of Liberty, and accordingly they blam'd Salma- " Jh'.t, and order'd the "Defence to be fupprefs'd." Claudius Sarravius, Coun- fellor in the Parliament of Paris, and an intimate Friend of Sa'mrfius, in a Let- ter to him dated at Paris Feb. 18, 1650 (k), exprcfTeshisfurprize, that he mould write in the Preface to his Defenfio with fo much Zeal in defence of the Bifhops of England, when he had in another Work of his ^ Prejbyteris & Epif- copis, printed at Leyden 1641, in Svo, under the fictitious name of Walk Al.-f- falinus, attack'd them with the utmoft Acrimony ; which he obferves might cxpofe him to the Imputation of a Timc-ferver, who paid no regard to Truth itfelf. Hoc fane- dicent e£e tu v.xtp'Z Jvxdsiv potius quam tn aXnhla. Tz-efleaQxi. And in another Letter (/), dated at Paris March 5, of the fame Year, he reminds him of this Inconliitcncy, which would make his Sincerity qucftion'd. De Necef- fitate Erifcopatus Anglicani quod obiter dixtras in Prxfatione, uti jam monui, for- tius adbuc urges ipfo opere, contra diclata Wallonis MelTalini i quod tibi vitio ver tetnr, diceturque tc calidum £«f frigidtm eodemcx ore effiare, ncc generofitati tude id convenire exifiimabitur. Salmafius having wrote an aniwvr to Sartayius upon this point, the latter replied to him thus in a Letter dated March 12th, 1650. We ergo habemus renin fatentem Sec. i. e. " We have now your own Confcffion " of your Fault ; tor it is the lame thing to us, whether you adapt yourfelf to " the times or to the caufe. But before this, it was (aid, that you was a Man '* of an inflexible Difpofltion, who like the God Terminus, would not give " way to Jove himfelf. B^fides, I am of opinion, that even a King's Advocate " ought not, in his Mailer's caufe, to fpeak in public differently irom what he **■ {peaks and thinks in private ; as the Laws which we ufein private Life, are not " at all different from thofc, upon which Decrees are made in Courts of Judica- " ture. But you wrote, you fay, by command. And was it poffible lor any " Commands to prevail on you to change your opinion ? Your favourite Epic- " tetus tells us, that our Opinion is one of thofe things in our power, and fo far in •■* our power, that nothing can take it away from us without our Confent." As foon as Salmafius's Book appear'd in England, the Council of State unanimoufly appointed Milton, who was prefent, toanfwer it(«). Mr. Bayle obferves (»), that Milton's Defenfio " made him talk'd of every where ; that it fhews him " to have been a Matter of the Latin Tongue •, that his ftyle is flowing, *' lively, and elegant •, and that he has defended the Enemies to Monarchy " with great fkill and ingenuity ; but that he hastreatedthe fubjectin too ludi- " crousa manner." It was burnt at Paris, not by order of the Parliament, but that of the Lieutenant Civil ; and oxTouloufe by the hands of the common Hangman (0) -, but this ferv'd to procure it more Readers ; and it is certain, that it was read every where with the utmoft Attention, as Mr. Ziegler allures us in the Preface to his Exercitationes ad Regicidium Anglorum. And the Author of the Apologia pro Rege & Populo Anglicano contra Johannis Polypragmatici (alias Milto- ;/.•' Angli) Defenfioncm deftriiciivam Regis C5 1 Populi Anglicani, complains, that it was with the utmolt difficulty that one Edition of Salmafius's Book could be procur'd, while that of Milton was printed feveral times: &uod ornatiffimus Sal- mafius ad tuendum jus & honorem Caroli Britannia Monarch^, fceleratorum ma- nibtis interfecli prudent er fcripferat ', una tantum impreffione, idque magna cum difficul- tate in lucemerupit, tanto odio hifce ullimis temporibus veritatem mundus perfequi tur. Sedquod fcclefliffimus Milt onus, adlacerandam famam Regis defuncli, 13 'fubvertendum infubditos dominium haredilarium, invidiofe elaboravit, illius tot funt Exempla- ria, ut nefcio cui he el or em remitter em, fie mendaciorum 13 convitiorum amore fla- grant Homines (/>). Milton was likewife, on the firft Appearance of this Book, vifited or invited by all the Embaffadors at London, not excepting even thofe from Princes ; and was particularly cfteem'd by Adrian Paaw, Embafiador from the United Provinces. He was highly complimented at the fame time by Letters (k) See Burman'j Edition of Claudii Sarravii fecunda p. 95. Edit. 1654 (») Hift. and Critical Epifto'a ex Bibliotheca Gudiana aucliores, p. T>\&\ox\a.iy, Article h/Milton. (0) MiltoniDe- 224. Edit. Utrecht 1697, in ^to. fenfio fecunda; p. 127. (p) Apologia pro Rege & (/) Hid. p. 226. (»») Miltoni Defenfio Populo Anglicano &c. In Monito ad Ltclorem. Vol. I. h xxx An Account of the Life and Writings Letters From the moft ingenious Perfons in Germany and France (q) ; and Leonard Philaras, an Athenian born, and Embaffador from the Duke of Parma to the King of France, wrote a fine Commendation of his Defence, and fent him his Picture, as appears from Milton's Letter to Philaras, dated at London in June 1652. He was rewarded with a thoufand Pounds for this Performance (r). Mr. Toland obferves(jj, " that fome have blam'd Milton for his rough Ufage c; of Salmajius ; nor herein will I pretend wholly to excufe him. But when I *' confider how bafely the whole Lnglifh Nation was abus'd by Salmajius, as fo *' many Barbarians and Enthufiafts, it goes a great way with me towards Mil- " ton's Juftification ; and if we add to this, that he fpeaks not in his own " Perfon, but as the Mouth of a potent State tradue'd by a pitiful ProfeHbr, " there be thofe in the World, that will pofitively commend him." Mr. Richard/on likewife tells us (/), " that he will not wholly juftify his Plea- " fantry and perfonal Reflections, all foreign to the Argument, and unworthy " the importance of the Subject, and Love of Truth. Something mult how- " ever be allowed to the time and cuftom. The Ancients in their Wars were " barbarous compar'd to the Moderns: at prefcntWar is a polite Amufement *' to what it was an age or two ago. 'Tis much the fame in Controverfy. If " Milton was in fault here, his Adverfaries were no lefs fo ; I hope more ; for «' they loaded him with Lyes. After all, as Mr. Bayle obferves on this occa- *' calion, 'tis of ufe to get the Laughers on one's fide : It is not the ferious and the " reafonable, who are to determine, if the Majority are to be Judges." This Work was tranflated into Englijh by Mr JVafhington, and printed in 1692, in Hvo. In 1652 Sir Robert Filmer publilh'd fome Remarks upon it in a Piece, printed at London in 4/0, and intitled, Obfervations concerning the Originall of Government, upon Mr. HobbesV Leviathan ; Mr. Milton <?£«/«/? Sal mafius ; H. Grotius de Jure Belli. Salmaftus made a great Figure at this time in the Swedijh Court, whither Queen Chriflina invited all the moil eminent Men of Learning in Europe. But no fooner had Milton's Defence of the People of England reach'd Sweden, and was read to the Queen at her own defire, butSalmaJius, who till then had been her chief Favourite, and who, when he firft law the Book, fwore that he would de- ftroy Milton and the whole Parliament, declin'd fo much in her Efleem and the Opinion of others, that he thought it not proper to continue longer there, and was difmifs'd with extraordinary Coldnefs and Contempt (a). He died ztSpa in Ger- many, Sept. %d, 1652, leaving a pofthumous Reply toMilton, which was publilh'd at London in 1660, in 24/0, under the following title ; Claudii Salmafii ad Jo- annem Miltonum Refponfto, Opus pofihumum. The Dedication to King Charles II. by Salmajius's Son Claudius, is dated at Dijon Sept. 1, 1660. This Book is written with a prodigious feverity of ftile. He treats Milton as an ordinary School -matter ; QuiLudimagiJler in Schold triviali Londinenfi fuit (*)"> and charges him with divorcing his Wife after a year's marriage, for reafons beft known to himfelf, and defending the lawfulnefs of Divorce for any Caufes whatfoe- ver (y). He ftiles him impura BeJlua, qua nihil hominis fibi reliqui fecit prater lippientes oculos (z) ; and charges him with fome falfe Quantities in his Latin Juvenile Poems (a) ; and throughout the whole Book gives him the titles ofBel- lua, fanaticusLatro, Homunculus, Lippulus, Caculus, Homo per ditnffinus, Nebulo f impurus, fcelcftus audax & nefarius Alaftor, infandus Impoftor, &c. and declares that he would have him tortur'd with burning Pitch or fcalding Oil till he ex- pi r'd : Pro ceteris autem tuis fatlis diilifque dignum die am videri, qui pice ardenti, vel oleofervente, perfundaris, ufque dum Animam eff.es nocentem & carni- fici jam pridem debit am (b). In 1 651 there was publifh'd in nmo, a Piece, intitled, Apologia pro Rege & Populo Anglicano contra Johannis Polypragmatici {alias MiltoniAngli) Defenjionem defiruttivam Regis iSPopuli Anglic ani. Mr. Philips tells us (c), that fome fuppos'd this Piece to be written by one Janus a Lawyer of Grafs-Inn ; and others, by Dr. JohnBramhall, Bifhop oiDerry, made Archbifhop of Armagh in Ireland after the Reftoration. But Wlr,Wood\s of opinion(d), that there was no ground to imagine to have been the performance of that Prelate j as indeed it was very improbable, that {q) Miltoni Defenfio fecunda, f. 1*9, 130. (x) Salmafii Refponfio, p. 3. (y) Ibid. I dit. 1654. Vel.Il.f.^lcftbeprefentEdit. (z) Ibid, p, 4, (a) Ibid. p. 5. {b) Ibid. p. 11. {/) Toland, p. 32. (0/. 31. (/) p. 79. (<j p- 32. (<0 Athen. Oxon /V. //, in) Miltoni DefenfiQ fecunda, p. 11, 12. Col, m8. of Mr. John Milton. xxxi that a Piece written in fo barbarous a Latin Stile, and fo full of Solecifms, could come from the hands of a Man of fuch diftinguifh'd Abilities and Learning. " But whoever the Author was, fays Mr. Philips (<?), the Book was thought fit " to be taken into Correction ; and our Author not thinking it worth his own " undertaking, to the difturbing the progrefs of whatever more chofen Work " he had then in his hands, committed this Talk to the youn°eft of his Ne- " phews, but with fuch exacl Emendations before it went to the Prefs, that it " might very well have pafs'd for his, but that he was willing the Perfon, that «' took the pains to prepare it for his Examination and Polimment, Ihould " have the Name and Credit of being the Author." It was printed at Lon- don in 1652, under this title ; Joannis Pbilippi Angli Refponfto ad Apoloo-iam Anonymi cujufdam Tenebrionis pro Rege & Populo Anglicano infantiffimam . In this Book Mr. John Philips every where treats Dr. Bramhall with great Se- verity, as the Author of the Apology. During the writing and publishing of this Book, Milton lodg'd at one 'Tbomfon's next Door to the Bull-Head Tavern at Charing-Crofis, opening into the Spring-Garden ; which appears to have been only a Lodging taken, till his defign'd Apartment in Scotland-yard was prepared for him •, for hither he foon remov'd, and here his third Child, a Son, was born, which, thro' the ill ufa°-e or bad Conftitution of the Nurfe, died an Infant. From this Apartment, whe- ther he thought it not healthy, or otherwife inconvenient for his ufe, he foon remov'd to a Garden -Houfe in Petty France in Weftminjler, next Door to the Lord Scudamore's, and opening into St. James's Park ; where he remain'd ei^ht Years, viz. from the Year 1652 till within a few Weeks of the Restoration. In this Houfe his firft Wife dying in Childbed (/), he married a fecond, Ca- therine, the Daughter of Captain Woodcock of Hackney, who within a Year died alio in Childbed, and was about a Month after follow'd by her Child, whicli was a Girl (>). Upon the Death of this Wife he wrote the following beautiful Sonnet : Me thought I faw my late efpoufed Saint Brought to me like Alceftis from the Grave, Whom Jove's great Son to her glad Hufhand gave, Refcued from Death by force, though pale and fain. , Mine, as whom wajht from fpot of child-bed taint t Purification in the old Law didfave, And fuch, as yet once more I trufi to have Full fight of her in Heaven without reflraint 9 Came vefted all in white, pure as her Mind : Her Face was veiled, yet to my fancied Sight \ Love, Sweetnefs, Goodnefs in her Perfon Jhi?i'd So clear , as in no Face with more Delight. But ! as to embrace me floe inclin d, I wak'd, fhe filed, and Day brought back my Night. This fecond Marriage was about two or three Years after his being wholly de- priv'd of his Sight •, for by reafon of his continual Studies and the Head-ach, to which he was fubje<5t from his Youth, and his perpetual tampering with Phy- fic, his Eyes had been decaying for twelve Years before, and the Sight of one for a long time intirely loft (/;>). In his Defienfio fecunda (J) he tells us him- felf, that when he was injoin'd by public Authority to write his Defence of the People of England againft Salmafius, he was in an ill State of Health, and the Sight of one Eye was almoft loft already, the Phyficians declaring, that he would lofe the other, if he mould attempt that Work. In a Letter of his to Leonard Philaras, Envoy from the Duke of Parma to the King of France, dated at Weflminfier Sept. 28, 1654, he gives a particular Account of the manner, in which he loft his Sight ; which we fhall give an Extract of in Mr. Richardfon's Translation (k). " Since you advifed me not to fling away all hopes of reco- " vering my Sight, for that you have a Friend at Paris, Thevenot, the Phyfi- " cian, particularly famous for the Eyes, whom you offer to confult in my be- " half, if you receive from me an Account, by which he may judge of the " Caufe (e) p. 32. (/) Philips, p. 33. (g) Id. p. Edit. i6f4. Vol. II. p. 324 of the preftnt Edit- 33, and 41. [b] Id. p. 33, 34. («") p. 47. [k\ Lif? of Milton, p. 76, 77, 78. xxxii An Account of the Life and Writings " Caufe and Symptoms of my Difeafe ; I will do what you advife me to, that " I may not feem to refufe any Afiiftance, that is offered, perhaps from God. " I think 'tis about ten Years, more oriels, fince I began to perceive, that my " Eve- fi°ht grew weak and dim ; and at the fame time my Spleen and BoweN " to be opprefs'd and troubled with Flatus ; and in the Morning, when I be- «' dan to read, according to my Cuftom, my Eyes grew painful immediately, " and to refufe reading, but were refrefh'd after a moderate Exercife of the " Body. A certain Iris began to furround the Light of the Candle, if I look- " ed at it •, foon after which, on the left part of the left Eye (for that was fome " Years fooner clouded) a Miff, arofe, which hid every thing on that fide -, " and looking forward, if I fhut my right Eye, Objefts appeared fmaller. My " other Eye alfo, for thefe laft three Years, failing by degrees, fome months " before all Sight was abolifn'd, things, which I look'd upon, feem'd to fwim " to the ri^ht arid left. Certain inveterate Vapours feem to poiTefs my Fore- " head and Temples, which, after Meat efpecially, quite to Evening generally " urge and deprel's my Eyes with a fieepy Heavinefs. Nor would I omit, " that whilft there was as yet fome Remainder of Sight, I no fooner lay down " in my bed, and turn'd on my fide, but a copious Light dazzled out of my " fhut Eyes -, and as my Sight diminiih'd, every day Colours gradually more " obfeure flafh'd out with vehemence; but now that the Lucid is in a manner " wholly extinct, a direct Blacknefs, or elfe fpotted, and, as it were, woven with " Aih-colouf, is us'd to pour itfelf in. Neverthelefs the conftant and fettled *' Darknefs, that is before me, as well by Night as by Day, feems nearer to the *.« whitilh than the blackifh •, and the Eye rolling itfelf a little, feems to admit " I know not what little fmallnefs of Light as thro' a Chink." But what he thought of his Blindnefs, and how he bore it, may be feen by £is Sonnet to his Friend Cyriac Skinner, which is as follows : Cyriac, this three years day, thefe Eyes, the? clear To outward View of Blemj/h or of Sfot, Bereft of Sight, their feeing have forgot % Nor to their idle Orbs doth Day appear, Or Swf, or Moon, or Star, throughout the Tear, *Or Man or Woman. Yet I argue not Agaitiff Heaven's Hand or Will, nor hate one Jot Of Heart or Hope, hut fill bear up, and fleer Flight onward. What fupports me, deft thou afk? The Cohfcience, Friend, t'have loft them overply'd In Liberty's Defence, my noble Tafk, Whereof all -Europe rings from fide to fide. This Thought' might lead me thro' this world's vain Mafk, Content, tho' blind, had I no other Guide. In 1652 there had been publihVd at the Hague in 4/0, a Book intitled, Regit Sanguinis Clamor adverfus Parricidas Anglicanos. In this Book a great many fcandalous Imputations were caft upon Milton, who is treated with prodigious Scurrility, and among other Epithets is {filed, Tartareus Fnrcifer, teterrimus Carnifex, Hominis monflrum, &c. and at the end is a Satire in Iambic Verfe in impuriffimum Nebulonem Joannem Miltonum, Parricidarum ti? Parricidii Ad~ vocatum. The Book is dedicated to King Charles II. (whofe Picture is prefix'd to it) by Adrian Viae, the Printer, who calls Milton, Monflrum horrendum, in- form e, ingens, cui lumen ademptum, i£ Generis humani Dehonefi amentum. The true Author of the Book was Peter du Moulin the younger, afterwards Preben- dary of Canterbury, as he owns himfelf in the Edition of his Latin Poems (/), printed at Cambrigde 1670 in Svo ; where he tells us, that he had fent his Pa- pers to Salmafius, who committed them to the Care of Alexander Morns, a French Minifter, and this latter publifh'd them, with a Dedication to King Charles II. written in the Name of the Printer. This Morus was Son of a Scotfman, who was Principal of the Proteftant College at Cajlres in France, and was a Man of a very haughty Difpofition, his Contempt of his Collegues making him o- dious and uneafy wherever he liv'd; and was generally thought to be a Perfon of (0 L. III. P. 141, 142. of Mr. John Milton. xxxiii of immoderate Inclination for Women. He was extoll'd as an admirable Preacher ; but his chief Talent muft have confifted in the Gracefulnefs of his Pronunciation and Gefture, and in thofe quaint Turns, Allufions, and Puns, of which his Sermons were full ; for it is certain, that they do not now retain thole Charms in print, which they were faid to have had formerly in the Pu'pit. He being iufpecled to be the Author of the Book abovemention'd, Milton by public Command publifh'd a fecond Defence of the People of England at Lon- don, 1654, in Svo, under this title : Joannis Mikoni Angh 'pro Populo An^lica- no Defenfio fecnnda. Contra infamem Libellum anonymum, cui titulus, Regii San- guinis Clamor ad Ccelum adverfus Parricidas Anglicanos. In this Book he con* iiders Morus as the Author of the Regii Sanguinis Clamor, and accufes him of having behav'd in a very profligate and debauch'd Manner at Geneva and other Places, and inferts aDiftich made upon theReportof his having gotten Salmq/ius's Maid with child, which had been before printed in the News-papers at Lon~ don [m), and which is as follows : Galli ex concitbitu gravidam te, Pontia, Mori, Quis bene moratam morigeramque neget ? And Morus having threatned him with a fecond Edition of Salmqfus's Defence of the King, inlarg'd with Animadverfions on his Defence of the People, he in- troduces the following Epigram : Gaudete, Scombri, C5 1 quicquid efl pifcium Salo, Qui frigidd Hyeme incolitis algentes freta, Veftrum mifertus ille Salmafius Eques Bonus amicire nuditatem cogitat, Chart<eque largus apparat papyrinos Vobis Cucullos pr<eferentes Claudii Jnfignia, nomenque, cjf decus Salmaf.i ; Geftetis tit per cmne cetarium forum Equitis Clientes, fcriniis mungentium Cubito virorum, & capfulis gratijflmos. Morus publifh'd, in anfwer to this Book of Milton, a Piece intitled, /Ilex- endri Mori, Ecclefiafl* & facrarum Literarum Profcjforis, Fides Publica, contra Calumnias Joannis Miltoni : Hague 1654, in nmo : in which he inferteJ a great many Teftimoniesof his Orthodoxy and Morals, fign'd by the Confifto- ries, Academies, Synods, and Magiftrates of the Places where he had liv'd. This occafion'd Milton to reply in his Defenfio pro fe contra Alexandrum Morum Ecclefiaftem, Libelli famofi, cui titulus, Regii fanguinis Clamor, &c. Authorem retle diclum. London 1655, in Svo. Peter Du Moulin in the pafiage above- quoted, tells us, that Morus being uneafy at the fevere attack upon his Cha- racter by Milton in his Defenfio fecunda, begun to grow cool in the Royal Caufe ; and in his Anfwer appeal'd to two Gentlemen of great Credit with the Parlia- ment-Party, who knew the real Author of the Regii Sanguinis Clamor. This expos'd Du Moulin to great Danger, he being then in England; but he informs us, that Milton being unwilling to own himfell guilty of a miftake inhis charge upon Morus, perfifted in his Accufation ; fo that the Parliament-Party let the true Author efcape with impunity, left they fhould publicly contradict the Patron of their Caufe. At Morus, tanta invidix impar, in Regid Caufd frigere cwpit, (jj Clamoris Authorem Miltono indicavit. Enimvero in fud ad Miltoni Maledicla refponfione, duos adhibuit tefies pracipute apud per duellos Fidei, qui Authorem probe nojfent, & rogati poffent revelare. Unde fane mihi ci? capiti meo cert if mum impendebat exitium. At magnus ille Juftitite vindex, cui & banc operant hoc caput libens devoveram, per Miltoni fuperbiam falutem meam afjeruit, ut ejus fapientia folenne eft ex malis bona, ex tenebris luce?n elicere. Mil tonus enim, qui plenis canina Eloquenli<s velis in Morum inventus fuerat, quique id ferme uni- cum Defenfionis fecundfe fua fecerat argumentum, «/Mori vitam atque famam la- ceraret, adduci nunquampotuit, utfe tamcrafe hallucinatum effe fateretur. Scili- cet metuens ne Ccecitati ejus populus illuderet, eumque compararent Grammaticorum pucri Catulo illi csco apud Juvenalcm, qui pifcem Domitiano donatum laudaturus f plurima (in) Colomies, Bib'iictheqce Chcifif, />. 19. Vo L. I. i xxxiv An Account of the Life and Writings plurima dixit In lasvum converfus, at ill! dextra jacebat Bellua. Perfevcrantc igitur Miltono totum Mud periculqfiin Regem amoris crimen Moro im- pingere, non peter ant cater* perduelles fine magna boni patrcni fui injuria alium a Moro tanti crtminis rcv.m feragere. Ctimque Miltonus me falvum ejfe mallet quam Jcridiculum, hoc opene mea praminm tuli, tit Mi! ton urn, quern inclement! us ac- ceperam, habercm patronum, £s? capitis meifedulum Zittfounnrij). Milton being now at eafe from State-Adverfaries and public Contefts, had leifure again to profecute his own Studies, and private Defigns ; particularly his Hijlcry of Britain, and his new Thefaurus Lingua Latin*, according to the Me- thod of Robert Stephens ; " a Work, fays Mr. Philips (n), he had been long " fince collecting from his own Reading, and ftill went on with at times even " very near to his dying day. But the Papers after his Death were fo difcom- " pos'd and deficient, that they could not be made fit for the Prefs." Thefe Papers confiding of three large Volumes in folio, and containing a Collection out of all the beft and pureft Roman Authors, were made ufe of by the Editors of the Cambridge Dictionary printed in 1693 in 4/c, with the title of Lingu<e Romance DiStiondrium luculentum novum (0). But the grand Dcfign, to which he new be- gan to apply himfelf, was his Paradife Loft (p) We have a Letter of his to Emeric Bigot, a learned French Writer, dated at Weflminfier March 24th, 1656, in which " he thanks that Gentleman for " the Honour of his Vifir, when in England, and the Letter which he had re- " ceiv'd from him ; and takes notice, that he bore his Blind nefs with the great- " er patience, as he was in hopes, that this Misfortune would add new Vigour " to his Genius •, and was far from being averfe to his Studies, which had oc- " cafioned his Lois of Sight, being animated by the Example of Telephus Ki. n g " of the Myfians, who readily confented to be heal'd by the Weapon from which " he had rereiv'd his wound." Orbitatem arte Luminis quidni leniter feram, quod non tarn amiffum quam revocatum intus at que retraclum, ad acuendam potiui mentis Aciem quam ad hebetandam fperem? .^uoft, tit ne^tie Literis irafcar, nee earum undid penitus intermittam, etiamfi me tarn male multaverint ; tarn ev.im morofus ne Jim, Myforum Regis Telephi faltem Exemplum erudiit, qui eo tclo, quo vulneratus fuit, fanari poflea non recufavit. In 1655 there was publiih'd at London in 4/0, pagg. 4.2, Scriptum Don. Pro- tectoris Reipublica Angli<e, Scotia, Hiberni*, &c. ex Confenfu at que fententid Ccn- cilii fui editum ; in quo hujus Reipubliae Caufa contra Hispanos jnfta ejfe de- monjiratur. Londini excudebant Henricus Hills -6? Johannes Field, Impreffores Dom. Protectoris, 1655. This piece, from the peculiar Elegance of the Stile, ap- pears to have been drawn up in Latin by our Author, whofe Province it was, as Secretary to Cromwell'va that Language •, and is reprinted in the prefent Edition. In 1658 he publiih'd at London in Svo, a Piece of Sir Walter Raleigh'a under the following Title: The Cabinet -Council, containing the chief Arts of Empire, and Myft cries of State ; difcabineted in Political & Polemical Aphorifms, grounded en Authority and Experience, and illuflrated with the choicefl Examples and Hifto- rical Obfervations. By the ever renown' d Knight Sir Walter Raleigh. Publiffjed by John Milton Efq. To this our Author prefix'd the following Advertifement to the Reader. " Having had the Manufcript of this Treatife, wrirten by Sir " Walter Raleigh, many years in my hands, and finding it lately by chance a- " mong other Books and Papers -, upon reading thereof, I thought it a Kinde " of injury to withhold longer the work of fo eminent an Author from the pub- " lick, it being anfwerable in ftile to other Works of his already extant, as far " as the Subject would permit ; and given me for a true Copy by a learned Man " at his Death, who had collected feveral fuch pieces." In 1659 he publiih'd at London in nmo, A Treatife of the Civil Power in Ecclefwftical Caufes ; and another Tract, intitled, Confulerations touching the like- liefl Means to remove Hirelings out of the Church. Wherein is alfo difcotrrs'd of Tithes, Church-fees, Church-Revenues ; and whether any Maintenance of Mini- Jlers can be fettled by Law. The Author J. M. London 1659, in izmo. Upon the Diffolution of the Parliament by the Army, after Richard Crom- well had. been oblig'd to refign the Protedtorfhip, Milton wrote a Letter, in which ('■') /• 34- (0) See the Preface, p. 4. of Mr. compendiarius, Edit. London 1736, in 4ft. Rcbat Aivfowrtb's Thefaurus Lingua Latir.x {p) Philips, p. 34,. of Mr. John M ilton. xxxv which he lays down the Model of a Commonwealth ■, not fuch as he thought the beft, but what might be readied fettled at that time to prevent the Reftoration of Kingly Government and domeftic Diforders, till a more favourable Seafon, or better Difpofitions for erecting a perfect Democracy. This and another fmall Piece to the fame purpofe, which feems to be addrefs'd to General Monk, were communicated to Mr. Toland by a Gentleman, who, a little after Milton's Death, had them from his Nephew ; and Mr. Toland gave them to be publifh'd in the Edition of our Author's Works in 1698, in Fol. (q). Milton publifh'd his Ready and cafy Way to eftablifi a free Commonwealth ; and the Excellence thereof compar'd with the Inconveniences and Dangers of re-admit- ting Kingpoip in the Nation, at London 1659, In^to. Mr. Wood tells us (r), that this was publifh'd in February 1659-60. It was anfwer'd by G. S. in his Dignity of King/hip ; and foon after attack'd in a burlefque Pamphlet pretended to be written by Mr. James Harrington's Republican Club, and printed under the title of The Ceiifure of the Rota upon Mr. Milton'i Book, entituled, The Ready and eafie way to eftablifh a Free-Commonwealth. London printed ly Paul Giddy, Printer to the Rota, at the Sign of the Windmill in Tum-againe-Lane, 1660. Pagg. 16. In the Title-page is the following Order. " Die Luna 26, Martii, 1660. " Ordered by the Rota, that Mr. Harrington be defired to draw up a Nar- " rative of this Daye's Proceeding upon Mr. Milton's Book, called, The Rea ■ " and Eafie Way, &c. and to caufe the fame to be forthwith printed and pub- »' lifhed, and a Copy thereof to be fent to Mr. Milton. " Trundle Wheeler, Clerk to the Rota." Soon after this, our Author publifh'd his Brief Notes npon a late Sermon, in- titled, The Fear of God and the King, &c. London 1660, in 4/0. This Sermon, was preach'd by Dr. Matthew Griffith at Mercer's Chapel, March 25th, 1660, on Prov. xxiv. 2 1 . and printed at London 1660, in 4/0. Sir Roger Lcfirange publifh'd in anfwer to Milton's Notes on this Sermon, a Piece, intitled, No blind Guides, &c. printed in his Apolog y, London 1660, in 4*0. Juft before the Reftoration he wasremov'd from his Office of Latin Secretary, and oblig'd to leave his Houfe in Petty France, where for eight Years, before he had been vifited by all Foreigners of Note and feveral Perfons of Quality •, and by the Advice of his Friends abfconded, till fuch time as the Event of public Affairs fhould direct him what courfe to take. For this purpofe he retir'd to a Friend's Houfe in Bartholomew -Clofe near Weft Smithfield, till the Act of Obli- vion came forth ; " which, fays Mr. Philips {$), prov'd as favourable to him " as could be hoped or expected, thro' the interceffion of fome, that flood " his Friends both in Council and Parliament: particularly in the Houfe of ** Commons, Mr. Andrew Marvel, a Member for Hull, acted vigoroufly in " his behalf, and made a confiderable party for him ; fo that, together with " John Goodwin of Coleman-Jlreet, he was only lb far excepted, as not to bear " any Office in the Commonwealth." But we have the moft accurate Account of this Affair in Mr. Richardfon's Life of our Author (7), whole Words we fhall transcribe. " That Milton efcap'd, is well known, but not how. By the " Account we have, it was by the Adl of Indemnity ; only incapacited for " any public Employment. This is a notorious Miftake, tho' Toland, the " Bifhop of Sarion, Fenton, &c. have gone into it, confounding him with " Goodwin. Their Cafes were very different, as I found upon Enquiry. Not " to take a matter of this importance upon truft, I had firft recourfe to the " Act itfelf. Milton is not among the Excepted. If he was fo condi- " tionally pardoned, it muft then be by a particular Inftrument. That " could not be after he had been purified intirely by the general Indemnity ; " nor was it likely the King, who had declar'd from Breda, he would pardon " all but whom the Parliament fhould judge unworthy of it, and had thus " lodg'd the matter with them, fhould, before they come to a Determination, " beftow a private Act of Indulgence, and to one fo notorious as Milton. 'Tis " true, Rapin fays, feveral principal Republicans applied for Mercy, whilft the Act " was yet depending, butquotes no Authority ; and upon fearch, no fuchPardon " appears on Record, tho many are two or three Years after, but then they are with- al Toland, ;. 3-. (.) CV, 266. !j) p. 37. (/) p. S6, & fej, xxxvi An Account of the Life and Writings " without Reftrittions. Some People were willing to have a Particular as well " as the General Pardon. But whatever was the Cafe of others, there is a Rea- " fon befides what has been already noted, to believe no fuch Favour would now " be fhewn to Milton. The Houfe of Commons ( 1 6tb June 1 660) vote the King " be mov'd to call in Milton's two Books, and that oi'John Goodwin, written in " justification of the Murder of the King, in order to be burnt •, and that the Attcr- " ney-General do proceed againft them by Indictment or otherwife. June 2 jib, «' an Order of Council reciting that Vote of the 16th, and that the Peribns were «' not to be found, direfts a Proclamation for calling in Milton's two Books, « which are here explained to be that againft Salmn/ius (the Defence) and his " Jnfwer to Eikon Bafilike ; as alfo Goodwin's Book. And a Proclamation «« was iffued accordingly, and another to the fame purpofe 13th Augufi. As *« for Goodwin, he narrowly efcap'd with Life, but he was voted to be ex- " cepted out of the Acl: of Indemnity among the twenty defign'd to have « Penalties inflided fhort of Death. And Augufi the 2jtb, thofe Books of " Milton and Goodwin were burnt by the Hangman. The Acl: of Oblivion " was pafs'd the 29^, [Kemiet's Regifter]. 'Tis feen by this Account, that " Milton's Perfon and Goodwin's are feparated, tho* their Bjoks are blended " to°ether. As the King's Intention appear'd to be to pardon all but actual " Regicides, as Bifliop Burnet fays («) ; 'tis odd he mould fay in the fame " Breath, almoft all People were furpriz'd that Goodwin and Milton efcap'd « all Cenfure, (neither is that true, as has been feen). Why mould it be la " ftran^e, they being not concern'd in the King'sBlood ? That he was forgot, as " Toland fays lbme People imagin'd, w.is very unlikely. However it is certain, " by what has been fhewn from Bifliop Kennet, he was not. That he fhould be " diftinguifh'd from Goodwin with advantage, will juftly appear ftrange, for " his vaft Merit as an honeft Man, a great Scholar, and a mod excellent Wri- " ter, and his Fame on that account, will hardly be thought the Cauies, efpe- " cially when 'tis remember'd Paradife Lojl was not yet produe'd, and the ♦« Writings, on which his vaft Reputation flood, were now accounted Cri- " minal, every one of them-, and thofe moft, which were the main Pillars ** of his Fame. Goodwin was an inconfiderable Offender compar'd with him. " Some fecret Caufe muft be recurr'd to in accounting for this Indulgence. I have " heard that Secretary Morrice and Sir Thomas Clarges were his Friends, and " manag'd Matters artfully in his favour. Doubtlefs they or fomebody elfe " did, and they very prob.~My, as being very powerful Friends at that time. " But ftill how came they to put their Intereft on fuch a flretch in favour of a " Man fo notorioufly obnoxious ? Perplex'd and inquifitive as I was, I at length " found the Secret. 'Twas Sir William Davenant obtain'd his Remifllon in re- " turn for his own Life procur'd by Milton's Intereft, when himfelf was under " Condemnation, Anno 1650. A Life was owing to Milton, (Davenant's,) and " 'twas paid nobly : Milton's for Davenant's at Davenant's Interceffion. The <c Management of the Affair in the Houfe of Commons, whether by fignify- " ing the King's Defire, cr otherwife, was perhaps by thofe Gentlemen " nam'd." This Account Mr. Richardfon had from Mr. Pope, who was inform'd of it by Mr. Thomas Betterton, the celebrated Adtor, who was firft brought upon the Stage by Sir William Davenant. I cannot difcover upon what account Milton was in cuftody of the Serjeant at Arms of the Houfe of" Commons in December following, as he appears to have been from the following Minutes in the Books of that Houfe, for a Copy of which I am oblig'd to Mr. Richardfon. " Saturday, 15th Dec. 1660. " Ordered, That Mr. Milton, now in Cuftody of the Serjeant at Arms at- " tending this Houfe, be forthwith releafed, paying his Fees. " Monday, ijth Dec. " A Complaint made, that the Serjeant at Arms had demanded exceffive M Fees for the Imprilbnment of Mr. Milton. ** Ordered, That it be referr'd to the Committee for Privileges to examine <l this Bufincfs, and to call Mr. Milton and the Serjeant before them, and to '* determine what is fit to be given the Serjeant for his Fees in this Cafe." We («) Hiftory of his own Time, Vol. I. p. 1631 of Mr. John Milton. xxxvii Wc have no Account, when he was taken into Cuftody. Guy Patin indeed in 'a Letter dated 'July iph, 1660 (x) writes, that he had juft been told by Monf. dela Mothe le Vayer, that " Milton's Book againft the late King of Eng- " land was burnt by the hands of the common Hangman ; that Milton was in " Cuftody; that he would probably be hang'd ; that Milton wrote that Book " only in EngliJJo, and that a Perfon, nam'd, Peter du Moulin, Son of Peter du " Moulin of Sedan, who had trandated it into elegant Latin, was in danger of " his Life." There is one very grofs miftake here, fince du Moulin was a zealous Royalift, and Author of Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Cerium, as I have obferv'd above. However Monf. Demijfy in a Letter of his printed in the Biblu* theaue Br itannique, Tom. IX. Part 2. Art. i.p. 234,* obferve;, that this Letterof Patin may ferve to give us fome Light into the time, when Milton was taken into Cuftody. As this Letter is dated July iph, and mentions the News as juft then receiv'd •, it is poffible, that it might reach Paris from London in four or five days, being dated the eighth or ninth of July, new ftile, and the twenty- eighth or twenty-ninth of June, old ftile, Milton might have been taken one of thole days. The Order of Council, which fhews that he was not to be found, is dated the twenty -feventh, and would not flop the fearch after him. " I own, * : Ciys Monfieur Demijfy, that Patin adds another piece of News, which was not " exadtly true, viz. that Milton's Book againft the late King of England had been " burnt by the bands of the common Hangman. Milton's Book, or rather Books, " were not burnt till Aug. 27th. But one may eafily conceive how fuch a piece " of News, which was at the bottom true, might be anticipated on account of " the Order of Council for burning the condemn'd Books ; but it cannot be (o " eafily conceiv'd in my Opinion, that a Correfpondent in England, who ap- " pears to have known of this Order, in which Milton is faid not to be found, " fhould pofitively fay, Milton it in Cuftody, unlefs he was feiz'd after the pub- " lication of the Order." Milton being fecur'd by his Pardon, appear'd again in public, and remov'dto Jewen-Street near Alderfgate-Street, where he married his third Wife, Eliza- beth the Daughter of Mr. Minfhul of Chefhire, recommended to him by his Friend Dr. Paget of Coleman-Street, to whom fhe was related •, but he had no Children by her (y). She died at Nantwich in Chejhire a few Years ago. Soon after the Reftauration he is faid to have been ofter'd the place of Latin Secretary to the King, which he refus'd. Mr. Richardfon, who relates this Sto- ry, exprefies himfelf in thefe terms (z): " My Authority is Henry Bendijh Efq; " a Defcendantby his Mother's fide from the Protector Oliver Cromwell. Their " Family and Milton's were in great Intimacy before and after his Death ; and " the thing was known among them. Mr. Bendijh has heard the Widow or *' Daughter (of Milton) or both fay it, thatfoon after the Reftauration, the King " ofter'd to employ this pardon'd Man, as Latin Secretary ; the Poft in which " he ferv'd Cromwell with fo much Integrity and Ability. (That a like offer " was made to Thurloe, is not difputed, as ever I heard.) Milton withftood the " Offer, the Wife prefs'd his Compliance. Thou art in the right, fays he ; you, " as other Women, would ride in your Coach : for me, my Aim is to live and die «« an honeft Man." In 1 66 1 hepublifh'd his Accedence commene'd Grammar, at London in $vo, and a Tract of Sir ^Ftftor Ralegh, printed there in Svo, and intitled, Aphorifms of State. It appears, that Milton liv'd in Jewen-Street in 1662, from a paflfage in the Life of Thomas Ellwood, an eminent Quaker, who tells us(«), " that our Author ' having fill'd a public Station in the former times, liv'd now a private and " retired Life in London, and having wholly loft his Sight, kept always a Man to read to him, which was ufually the Son of fome Gentleman of his Acquain- tance, whom in Kindnefs he took to improve in his Learning." Mr. Ell- wood was recommended to him by Dr. Paget, and went every Day in the After^ noon, except Sunday (b), and read to him fuch Books in the Latin Tongue as Milton thought proper (c). " At my firft fitting to read to him, fays Air. " Ellwood (d), obferving that I us'd the Englifo Pronunciation, he told me, " if I would have the Benefit of the Latin Tongue, not only to read and un- derftand [x) Letters Choifies de feu Mr Guy Patin, (a) Hiftory of the Life of Thomas Elbuiood, Vol. II. Lettr. 187. Edit, de Cologne 1691. written by hk own Hand, p. i^\. 2d. Edit {y) Philips, p. 38, 41. (» Life of Mil- Londjn 1714. in Sva {b) Hid. p. 156 ton, p. 100. (<) Ibid. p. 154. • Hid. p- 156 Vol. I. k tt xxXviii An Account of the Life and JVr kings " derftand Latin Authors, but to converfe with Foreigners either abroad or at " home, I muft learn the Foreign Pronunciation. To this I contenting, he " inftruCted me how to found die Vowels, lb different from the common Pro- " nunciation ufed by the Englifh, who fpeak Anglice their Latin, that (with " fome few oiher Variations in founding fome Confonants in particular Calls, " asc before e and / \iko.ch, fc before i like fh, &c.) The Latin thus fpoken " feemed as different from that which was delivered as the Englijb generally " fpeak it, as if it were another Language. . . . This Change of Pronunciation " pro v'd a new Difficulty to me. It was now harder to me to read, than it " was before to underftand when read. But " — i Liibor omnia vincit " Imp obits ; " and fo did I ; which made my Reading the more acceptable to my Matter. " He, on the other hand, perceiving with what earneft Defire I purfued *' Learning, gave me not only all the Encouragement, but all the Help he « could. For having a curious Ear, he underftood by my tone, when I un- " derftood what I read, and when I did not; and accordingly would ftop me, " examine me, and open the moft difficult Paffages to me." It was not long after Milton's third Marriage, that he removed to an Houfe in the Artillery-Walk leading to Bunhill- Fields; and this, fays Mr. Pbilfps (/), was bislaft Stage in this World ; but it was of many Tears continuance ; more per- haps than he had had in any other Place befides. And Mr. Richardfon informs us (f), that " he ufed to fit in a grey coarfe Cloth Coat at the Door ci this Houfe, " in warm funny Weather, to enjoy the irefh Air ; and fo, as well as in his " Room, receiv'd the Vifits of People of diftinguifh'd Parts, as well as Quality. " And very lately I had the good Fortune, continues Mr. Richardfon, to have " another Picture ofhimfroman ancient Clergyman in Dorfetfhire, Dr. Wright. " He found him in a fmall Houfe •, he thinks but one Room on a Fioor. " In chat, up one pair of Stairs, which was hung with a rutty Green, he found " John Milton fitting in an Elbow Chair ; black Clothes, and neat enough -, " pale, but not cadaverous ; his Handsand Fingers gouty, and with Chalk-ttones. " Among other Difcourfe he exprefs'd himfe:r to this purpofe, that washelree " from the Pain this gave him, his Blindnefs would be tolerable." When the Plague began to encreafe in London in 1 665, Mr. Ellwood took a fmall Houfe for Milton and his Family at St. Giles Chalfont, in Buckingbairfkire; and after the Sicknefs was over, and the City well cleanfed and become lately habitable again, Milton return'd to London (h). I have in my hands a Sonnet laid to be written by Milton upon occafion of the Plague, and to have been lately found on a Glafs-Window at Chalfont. It is as follows : " Fair Mirrour of foul 'Times ! whefe fragile Sheen e " Shall as it blazeth, break ; while Providence " {Aye watching o'er his Saints with Eye urfeen,) " Spreads the red Rod of angry Peftilence, " To J weep the wicked and their Counfels hence ; " 2 r ea all to break the Pride cfluflful Kings, " Who Heaven's Lore reject for brutijh Senfe ; " As erjlhe fcourg'd Jeffides' Sin of yore " For the fair Hittite, when on Seraph's Wings " He fent him War, or Plague, or Famine fore" But the obvious Miftake in this Sonnet, in reprefenting the Peftilence as a Judgment upon David for his Adultery with Bathfhcba, whereas it was on ac- count of his numbring the People, renders it juftly fufpected not to be our Au- thor's, who was too converfant in Scripture to commit fuch an Error. For this and fome other Reafons, which I might mention, I confider it only as a very happy Imitation of Milton's Style and Manner. However I am inform'd by Mr. George Vertue, that he has feen a fatirical Medal 1 pen King Charles II. ftruck abroad, without any Infcription, the Device of which correfponds extremely with the Sentiment in this Sonnet. On one fide is reprefented ihe Xing, drett in the moft magnificent Manner; and on the Reverie, his Subjects perilhing by a raging Peftilence fent from Heaven. His (/) t- 3 s - (g) Life of Hilton,/. 4. (/•) Killory of the Life cf Tko. Elhxtod, p. 246, 2^7. of Mr. John Milton. xxxix His Paradife Loft was now finifh'd, for when Mr. Ellwood vifited him at St. Giles Chalfont, Milton lent him the Manufcript of it, in order that he mio-'ht read it over, and give him his Judgment of it. When Mr. Ellwood return 'd it, Milton afk'd him how he lik'd it, and what he thought of it •, " which I modeftly " but freely told him, fays Mr. Ellwood (0 ; and after fome further Difcourfe a- " bout it, I pleafantly faid to him, Thou haft [aid much of Paradife Loft-, but what " haft thou to fay of Paradife Found? He made me no Anfwer, but fate fome time " in a Mufe; then broke off that Difcourfe, and fell upon another Subject." When Mr. Ellwood afterwards waited upon him in London, Milton fhew'd him his Paradife Regain* 'd, and in a pleafant tone faid to him, This is owing to you ; for you put it into my Head by the ^ueftion you put to me at Chalfont •, which be- fore I had not thought of. Mr. Philips obferves (k), that the Subjecl of Milton's Paradife Loft was firft defign'd for a Tragedy ; " and in the fourth Book of " the Poem, fays he, there are ten Verfes, which, feveral Years before the Poem '« was begun, were fhewn to me and fome others, as defign'd for the very Be- *' ginning of the faid Tragedy." The Verfes were thefe j O then ! that, with furpajfing glory crown* d, Look'ft from thy fole dominion like the God Of this new World; at who fe fight all the Stars Hide their dhninijti 'd Heads ; to thee I call, But with 710 friendly Voice, and add thy name y Sun ! to tell thee, how I hate thy Beams, That bring to my Remembrance from what State 1 fell ; how glorious once above thy Sphere ; 'Till Pride, and worfe Ambition, threw me down, Warring in Heav'n againft heav'n's matchlefs King. There are. feveral Plans of Paradife Loft in the form of a Tragedy in our Au- thor's own hand-writing in the Manufcript in Trinity-College Library, which contains likewife a great Variety of other Subjects for Tragedies, and is as follows : " The Perfons. " The Perfons. " Michael «« Mofes " Chorus of Angels cc Divine J uft ice, Mercie, Wifdom, Hea. " Heavenly Love " venly Love " Lucifer <c The Evening Starre Hefperus «c p am f w i tn trie Serpent. CC Chorus of Angels Lucifer " Confcience cc Adam " Death CC Eve " Labour "\ cc Confcience " Sicknejfe / cc Labour ~\ « Difcontent f Mutes cc Sicknejfe 1 " Ignorance V cc Difcontent ! ,«■ . r J > Mutes Ignorance i Feare *' withothersj cc *' Faith cc " Hope cc Death j " Charity. cc Faith cc Hope cc Charity. Paradise Lost* The Perf ms. *-* Mofes Tr^oXoyi^it, recounting how he affum'd his true Bodie ; that it cor- " rupts not, becaufe 'tis with God in the .Mount ; declares the like of Enoch *' and Eliah ; befides the Purity of the Place, that certaine pure Winds, Dues, " and Clouds prseferve it from Corruption 5 whence exhorts to the Sight of " God ; tells they cannot fe Adam in the State of Innocence by reafon of thire «* Sin. » Juflid CO an. (*)ms« xl An Account of the Life and Writings " Jul ice ) " Mercie ^.debating what fhould become of Man, if he fall. " Wifdome\ " Chorus of Angels finging a Hymne of the Creation. " Ad II. «' Heavenly Love " Evening Starre. " Chorus fing the Mariage Song, and defcribfi Paradice. " Aft III. " Lucifer contriving Adam's ruine. " Chorus feares for Adam, and relates Lucifer's Rebellion and Fall. " Aft IV. , _ V-fallen " Eve y " Confcience cites them to God's Examination. " Chorus bewailes, and tells the Good Adam hath loft. " Aft V. " Adam and Eve driven out of Paradice : " Prasfented by an Angel with " Labour, Grief e, Hatred, Envie, IVarre, Famine, Pefti-\ Mutcs " lencc, Sickneffe, Difccntent, Ignorance, Feare, Deathy " to whome he gives thire Names : hkewife Winter, Heat, Tempeji, &c. " Faith " taito -\ " Hope > comfort him, and inftruct him. " Charitvi Charity ■ " Chorus briefly concludes. " The Deluge. Sodom. " Dinah. Vide Eufeb. Prasparat. Evang. L. 9. C. 22. " The Perfons. «' Dine. " Hamor. *' Dehor a, Rebecca's Nurfe. " Sichem. " Jacob. " Counfehrs 2. " Simeon. " Nuncius. " L<?w. " Chorus. " Tbamar Cuophorufa ; where 7«<&? is found to have bin the Author of that «« Crime, which he condemn'd in Tamar. " Tamar excus'd in what fhe attempted. " The Golden Calfe, or the Maffacre in Horeb. " The Quails, Num. 11. " The Murmurers, Num. 14. " G?rrt£, Dathan, &c. iVaw. 16, 17. " Moabitides, Num. 25. " Achan, Jofue 7 and 8. " Jcfuah in Giheon, J of. 10. " Gideon Idoloclafies, Jud. 6, 7. " Gideon purfuing, Jud.S. " Abimelech the Ufurper, 7«<i. 9. " Samfon marriingor in Ramah Lechi, Jud. 15. " Samfon puribphorus, or Hybriftes, ox D agon alia, Jud. 16. " Comazontcs, or the Benjaminites, or the Rioters, Ja^. 19, 20, 21. " Theriflria, a Paftoral out of Ruth. " Eliad<e, Hophni and Phinehas, Sa?n. 1, 2, 3, 4, beginning with the firft " Overthrow of Ifrael by the Philiftiv.s, interlac't with Samuel's Vifion concern- " ing E/«'j Familie. " Jonathan refcued, Sam. 1, 14. *' Doeg flandering, •&???;. 1, 22. " The Sheepfhearers in Carmel, a Paftoral, 1 Sam. 25. " Saul in Gilboa, 1 &w». 28, 31. »« D^r'^ revolted, 1 Sam. from the 27 C. to the 31. " David of Mr. John Milton. xli ** "David adulterous, 2 Sam. c. n, 12. " Tamar, 2 Sam. 13. " Achitopbel, 2 Sam. 15, 16, 17, 18. " AJoniah, 1 Reg. 2. " So/omcn, Idolomargus, or Gyn<ecocratumenus, aut 'Tbyjiazuf<e . Reg. 1. 11. " Reboboam, 1 Reg. 12. wher is difputed of a Politick Religion. 44 Abias Therfaus. 1 Reg. 14. The Queen after much Diipute, as the laft ** Refuge fent to the Profet Ahias oiShilo -, receavs the melTage. The Epitafis " in that fhee hearing the Child ihal! die as (he comes home, refufes to return, M thinking therby to elude the Oracle. The former part is fpent in bringing *' the fick Prince forth as it were defirous to fhift his Chamber and Couch as " dying Men ufe, his Father telling him what facrifize he had fent for his " Health to Bethel and Dan ; his fearlefnefle of Death, and puting his Father " in mind to fet to Ahiah. The Chorus of the Elders of Ifrael, bemoaning his '' Vertues bereft them, and at another time wondring why Jeroboam being bad " himfelf mould fo grieve for Son that was good, £sV. 44 Imbres, or the Showers, 1 Reg. 18. 19. " Nabotb <rvx(4>(xi/T»f*{V!)?, 1 Reg. 21. " Ahab, 1 Reg. 22. beginning at the Synod of fals Profets •, ending with re- " lation of Abab's Death ; his Bodie brought •, Zedechiah (lain by Ahab's Freinds " for his feducing. (See La-j at er, 2 Chron. 18.) " Elias in the Mount, 2 Reg. 1 . 'Oos»S«t»i;, or better Ellas Polemijles. 44 Elifaus Hudrocboes, 2 Reg. 3. Hudropbantes, Aquator. " Elijeus Adorodocetas. 44 Elifeeas Menutes, five in Dothaimis, 2 Reg. 6. " Samaria Libcrata, 2 Reg. 7. " Achaba'i Cunoborumeni, 2 Reg. 9. The Scene Jefrael: beginning from " the Watchman's Difcovery mi Jehu till he go out: in the mean while, mef- *' fitge of things paffing brought to Jefebel, &c. Laftly the 70 Heads of A- " hab's Sons brought in, and melTage brought of Ahaziah's brethren flain on die " Way, C. 10. " Jehu Bel/cola, 2 Reg. 10. " Athaliah, 2 Reg. 11. " Amaziab Doryalotus, 2 Reg. 14. 2 Chron. 25. " Hezechias TroXio^HfAivoc, 2 Reg. 18, 19. Hefechia befieg'd. The wicked " Hypocrify of Sbebna, fpoken of in the 11, or thereabout of Ifaiah, and the " Commendation of Eliakim will afford »(po^»; xiyv, together with a Faction, ** that fought help from Egypt. " Jofiah Aix^omenos 2 Reg. 23. " Zedechiah viot^uv, 2 Reg. but the Story is larger in Jeremiah. " Selytmv Halo/is •, which may begin from a meffage brought to the City, of " the Judgment upon Zedechiah and his Children in Ribla, and fo feconded 44 with the burning and deftruftion of City and Temple by Nebuzaradan ; la- 44 mented by Jeremiah. 44 A/a or ALthiopes, 2 Chron. 14, with the depofing his Mother, and burn- 44 ing her Idol. 44 The three Children, Dan. 3. " Briti/h Trag. 44 r. The Cloifter King Conftans fet up by Vortiger. 44 2. Vortiger poifon'd by Roena. 44 3. Vortiger immur'd. Vortiger marrying Roena. Reproov'd by Vodin 44 Archbifhop of London. Speed. 44 4. Sigher of the Eajl-Saxons revolted from the Faith, and reclaim'd by 44 Jarumanv. " 5. Ethclbert of the Eah- Angles flaine by Offa the Mercian. See Holinjh. 44 L. 6. C. 5. Speed in the Life of Offa and Ethelbert. 44 6. Scbert flaine by Penda after he had left his Kingdom. See Holinjhed, " 116 P- 44 7. IVulfer flaying his tow Sons for beeing Christians. 44 8. OJbert of Northumberland (lain for ravifhing the Wife of Bernbocard, 44 and the Dans brought in. See Stow. Holinjh. L. 6. C. 12. and efpecial- " ]y Speed, L. 8. C. 2. Vol I. 1 " 9. & xlii An Account of the Life and Writings " 9. Edmund laft King of the Eaft-Angles martyr'd by Hinguar the Dane. See " Speed, L. 8. C. 2. " 10. Sigbert, Tyrant of the Weft-Saxons flaine by a Swinheard. " 11. Edmund Brother of Athelfian flaine by a Theefe at his owne Table. " Mahnejb. " 12. Ed-Kin, Son to Edward the yonger, for Luft depriv'd of his Kingdom, " or ratheT by^Faction of Monks, whome he hated ; together the impcfter «' Dunftan. " 13. Edward Son of Edgar murder'd by his Step-mother. To which may " be inferted the Tragedie ftirr'd up betwixt the Monks and Priefts about *' Mariage. " 14. Etheldred, Son of Edgar, afiothful King, the Ruin of his Land by the " Danes. " 15. Ceaulin, King of Weft-Saxons, for Tyranniedepos'd, and banifh't, and " dying. " 16. The (laughter of the Monks of Bangor by Edelfride ftirr'd up, as is " faid, by Ethelbert, and he by Auftine the Monke, becaufe the Britains would " not receave the Rites of the Roman Church. See Bede, Gtffrey Monmouth, " and Hclirjhed, p. 104. which muft begin with the Convocation of Britijh " Clergie by Auftin to determin fuperfluous Points, which by them were re- " fufed. " 17. Edwin by Vifion promis'd the Kingdom of Northumberland on prc- " mife of his Converfion, and therin eftablifh't by Rodoald King of Eaft- u Angles. " 18. Ofwin King of Deira flaine by Ofwie his Friend King of Bernitia, " through Inftigation of Flatterers. See Holinjhed, p. 115. " 19. Sigibert of the Eoft- Angles keeping Companie with a Perfon excom- " municated, flaine by the fame Man in his Houfe, according as the Bifhop " Cedda had foretold. " 20. EgfrideK'mg of the Northumbers flaine in Battle againft the Puis, ha* " ving before wafted Ireland, and made warre for no reaibn on Men that ever *' lov'd the Englijk ; forewarn'd alfo by Cuthbert not to fight with the PiSfs. " 21. Kinewulf, King of Weft -Saxons, flaine by Kineard in the Hcufe of one " of his Concubins. " 22. Cunthildis, the Danijh Ladie, with her Hufband Palingus, and her " Son, flaine by appointment of the Traitor Edrick in King Etbelred's, Days. *• Holinjked, 7 L. C. 5. together with the Maflacre of the Danes at Oxford. " Speed. " 23. Brightrich of Weft -Saxons poyfon'd by his "Wife Ethelburge Ojfa's Daugh- *■* ter, who dies miferably alfo in beggery after adultery in a Nunnery. Speed ** inBithrick. " 24. Alfred in difguife of a Miniftrel difcovers the Danes negligence, fets " on with a mightie Daughter ; about the fame tyme the Devonftjire Men rout " Hubba and flay him. '• A Heroicall Poem may be founded fomwhere in Alfred's Reigne, efpe- " cially at his iffuing out o\ Edelingfey on the Danes, whofe Actions are wel " like thofe of UlyJJes. ** 25. Altheftan expofing his Brother Edwin to the Sea, and repenting. " 26. Edgar flaying Ethelwold for falfe play in woing, wherein may be {et " out his Pride, Luft, which he thought to clofe by favouring Monks and build " ing Monafteries: alfo thedifpofition of Women in Elfrida toward her Hufband. " 27. Swane befeidging London, and Ethelred repuls't by the Londoners. " && Harold flaine in Battle by William the Norman. " The firft Scene may begin with the Ghoft of Alfred, thefecond Son of Et- " helred, flaine in cruel manner by Godwin Harold's Father, his Mother and " Brother diftuading him. •' 29. Edmond lronfide defeating the Danes at Brentford, with his Combat " with Canute. " 30. Edmund Lronfide murder'd by Edrick the Traitor, and reveng'd by Canute. " 31. Cunilda, Daughter to King Canute and Emma, Wife to Henry the third " Emperour, accus'd of Inchaftitie, is defended by her Englift} Page in Combat u againft of Mr. John M i l t o n. xliii " againft a giant-like Adverfary ; who by him at two blows is flaine, &c. " Speed in the Life of Canute. '' 32. Hardiknute dying in his Cups, an example to Riot. « 33. Edward Confeffor's divoriing and imprifoning his noble Wife Editba, " Godwin's Daughter ; wherin is ihewed his over-affection to Strangers the " Cauie of Godwin's Iniurreetion, wherin Godwin's Forbearance of Battel " prais'd, and the Englifh moderation on both fides magnified. His flacknefle ** to redreffe the corrupt Clergie, and fuperftitious Pretence of Chaftitie. " Scotch Stories, or rather Brittifh of the North Parts. " ATHiRcoflain by Natholochus, whofe Daughter he had raviflit, and " this Natholochus ufurping thereon the Kingdom, feeks to flay the Kindred of " Aihirco, who fcape him and confpire againft him. He fends to a Witch to " know the Event. The Witch tells the Meffinger, that he is the Man lhall " flay Natholochus : he detefts it, but in his Journie home changes his mind, " and performs it.. Scotch Chron. Etigii/b, p. 68, 6q. " D u f f e and Do n w a l d, a ftrange Story of Witchcraft, and murder " difcover'd and reveng'd. Scotch Story, 149, &c. " H a 1 e, the Plowman, who with his tow Sons that were at plow running to " the Battel! that was between the Scots and Danes in the next Field, ftaid the " Flight of his Countrymen, renew'd the Battel!, and caus'd the Viftoric, " Sec. Scotch Story, p. 155. " Kenneth, who having privily poifon'd Malcolm Duffe, that his own Son " might fucceed, is flain by Fenella. Scotch Hi/}, p. 157, 158, fcff. " M a c b e th, beginning at the Arrival] of Malcolm at Mackduffe. The " matter of Duncan may be exprefs't by the appearing of his Ghoft. A b r a m from Mcrea, or Isack redeem' d. " The Oiconomie may be thus. The firft or fixt Day after Abraham's De- " parture, Eleazer Abram's Steward, firft alone, and then with the Chorus, *' c'ifcourfe of Abraham's ftrange voiage, thire Miftreffe forrow and perplexity, c< accompanied with frightful! Dreams •, and tell the manner of his rifing by " night, taking his fervants and his fon with him. Next may come forth Sa- tc rah herfeif ; after the Chorus, or Ifmael, or Agar % next fome Shepheard " or companie of Merchants parting through the Mount in the time that Abram ♦' was in the midwork, relate to Sarah what they faw. Hence Lamentations, " Fears,. Wonders •, the matter in the mean while divulg'd. Aner or Efchcol, " or Mamre Abram's Confederats come to the Hous of Abram to be more " certaine, or to bring news ; in the mean while difcourfing as the World " would, offuch an Action divers ways, bewayling the Fate of fo noble a Man " fain from his reputation, either through divin Juftice, or Superftition, or " coveting to doe fome notable Act through Zeal. At length a Servant lent *' from Abram relates the Truth ; and laft he himfelfe comes with a great " Traine of Melchizedec, whofe fhepheards beeing fecretlye witnefTes of all paf- " fages had related to thir Matter, and he conducted his Freind Abraham home " with joy. Baptistes The Scene, the Court. Beginning from the Morning of Herod's Birth-Day. " Herod by fome Counfeller perfuaded (/) on his Birth-Day to releafe John " Baptijl, purpofes it, caufes him to be fent for to Court from Prifon. The " Queen hears of it, takes occafion to paiTe wher he is, on purpofe, that un- *'• der prretence ot reconfiling to him, orleeking to draw a kind retraction from " him of the Cenfure on the Marriage; to which End the fends a Courtier *' before to found whether he might be perfuaded to mitigate his fentence, " which not finding, fhe herfeif craftily afiays, and on his conftancie founds an " accufition to Herod of a contumacious Affront on fuch a day before many " Peers, prepares the King to fome Patfion, and at laft by her Daughter's " dancing effects it. There may prologize the Spirit of Philip, Herod's Brother. *' It may alfo be thought, that Herod had well bedew'd himfelf with Wine, " which made him grant the eafier to his Wives Daughter. Some of his Dif- ciples (/) Or els the Queen may plot under prcctenfe of begging for his Liberty, to feek to draw him into a fnare by his freedom of fpeech xiiv An Account of the Life and Writings " ciplesalfo, as to congratulate his Liberty, may be brought in, with whom «« arter certain command of his Death many companioning Words of his " Difciples, bewayling his Youth cut off in his glorious Cours, he telling them « his Work is don, and wiihing them follow Chrift his Maifter. Sodom. The Scene before Lot's, Gate. " The Chorus confifts of Lot's Shepherds come to the Citty about fome Affairs " await in the Evening thire Maifter's return from his Evening Walk toward " the Citty-gates. He brings with him 2 young Men or Youths of noble form. " After likely Di courles prepares for thire entertainment. By then Supper " is ended, the Gallantry of tne Town pafTe by in proceffion with mufick and " foncr to the Temple of Venus Urania or Peor, and underftanding of tow noble " Strangers ai riv'd, they fend 2 of thire choyleft Youth with the Prieft to in- " vite them to their Citty Solemnities, it beeing an honour that thire Citty had " decreed to all fair perfonages, as beeing facred to thir Goddefte. Lot, that " knows thire Drift, anfwers thwartly at laft, of which notice given to the " whole Affembly, they haften thither, taxe him of prfefumption, fingularity, ** Breach of City-Cuftoms •, in fine, after Violence, the Chorus of Shepherds " praepare refiftance in thire Maifter's Defence, calling thereftof the ferviture ; " but beeing forc't to give back, the Ange's open the dore, refcue Lot, dif- " cover themfelves, warne him to gether his Friends and Sons in Law out of " the Citty. He goes and returns, as having met with fome incredulous. Some " other Friend or Son in Law out of the way, when Lot came to his houfe, " overtakes him to know his Bufines. Heer is dilputed of Incredulity of divine " Judgements, and fuch like matter : at laft is defcribed the. parting from the " Citty •, the Chorus depart with thir Maifter ; the Angels doe the deed with " all clreadfull execution •, the King and Nobles of the Citty may come forth, " and ferve to fet out the terror; a Chorus of Angels concluding, and th u* Angels relating the Event of Lot's Journey and of his Wife. The firft " Chorus beginning, may relate the Courfe of the Citty, eachevening every one with " Miftiefle or Ganymed, gitterning along the Streets, or folacing on the Banks " of Jordan, or down the ftream. At the Priefts inviting the Angels to the " folemnity, the Angels pittying thir beauty may difpute of Love, and " how it differs from Luft, feeking to win them. In the laft Scene, to the " King and Nobles, when the firce thunders begin aloft, the Angel appeares " all girt with Flames, which he faith are the flames of true Love, and tells " the King, who falls down with terror, his juft fufFering, as alfo Athene's, i. e. " Gener, Lot's Son in Law, for defpifing the continual admonitions of Lot : " thencallingto theThunders, Lightning, and Fires, he bids them heare the Call " and Command of God to come and deftroy a godlefie Nation : he brings " them down with fome fhort warning toother Nations to take heed. Adam unparadiz'd. " The Angel Gabriel either defcending or entring, fhewing fince this Globe " was created, his Frequency as much on Earth, as in Heaven : defcribesP^- " radife. Next the Chorus fhewing the reafon of his comming to keep his " Watch in Paradife after Lucifer's Rebellion, by command from God, and " withall exprefllng his defire to fee and know more concerning this excellent " new Creature, Man. The Angel Gabriel, as by his name fignifying a prince " of Power, tracing Paradife with a more free office, paffes by the ftation of the " Chorus, and defired by them relates what he knew of Man, as the Creation " of Eve, with thire Love and Mariage. After this Lucifer appeares after '* his overthrow, bemoans himfelf, leeks revenge on Man. The Chorus pre- " pare refiftance at his firft approach. At laft, after difcourfe of enmity on " either fide, he departs ; wherat the Chorus fings of the Battel!, and Vic- «' torie in Heaven againft him and his Accomplices -, as before, after the firft " Act, was fung a Hymn of the Creation. Heer again may appear Lucifer " relating and inlulting in what he had don to the Deftruftion of Man. Man " next, and Eve having by this time bin feduc't by the Serpent appeares " confufedly cover'd with Leaves. Confcience in a fhape accufes him, Juf- " tice cites him to the place, whither Jebova call'd for him. In the mean while " the Chorus entertains the Stage, and is informed by fome Angel the manner of of Mr. John Milton. xlv cc of his Fall. Heer the Chorus bewailes Adam's Fall. Adam then and Eve re- " turnc, accufe one another, butefpecially Adam layes the Blame to his Wife, " is ftubborn in his Offence. Juftice appears •, reafons with him convinces " him. The Chorus admonifheth Adam, and bids him beware Lucifer's Ex- " ample of Impenitence. The Angel is Tent to banifh them out of Paradife ; but " before caufes to pafle before his Eyes in fhapes a Malk of all the Evills of " this Life and World. He is humbl'd, relents, difpaires ; at laft appeares " Mercy, comforts him, promifes the Mejfmb ; then calls in Faith, Hope, •« and Charity ; inftructs him ; he repents, gives God the Glory, fubmitts to " his penalty. The Chorus briefly concludes. Compare this with the former «« Draught. MOAEITIDES OrPHINEAS. " The Epitafis wherof may lie in the Contention, firff between the Father of ct Zimri and Eleazer, whether he to have (lain his fon v/ithout Law. Next, *< the Embafiadors of the Moabites expoftulating about Cojbi a ftranger and a " noble Woman (lain by Phineas. It may be argued about Reformation and «* Punifhment illegal, and, as it were, by tumult : after all arguments driv'n " home, then the Word of the Lord may be brought acquitting and approv- 44 ins; Phineas. Christus Patiens. ,{ The Scene in the Garden beginning from the comming thither till Judas " betraies, and the Officers lead him away. The reft by MefTage and Chorus. " His Agony may receav noble Expreffions. " Chrijl born. " Herod majjacring, cr Rachel weepings Matt. * " Chrijl bound. ". Chrijl crucifi'd. " Chrifi rijhi. " Lazarus. Joan. I. Mr. Philips obferves (;»), that there was a very remarkable Circumftance in the Compofure of Paradife Loft, -which I have a particular Reafon, fays he, to remember ; for whereas I had the perufal of it from the very beginning, for fome Tears as I went from time to time to vifit him, in a parcel of ten, twenty, or thir- ty Verfes at a time, (which being written by whatever Hand came next, might pof- Jibly want Correction as to the Orthography and Pointing^) having, as the Summer came on, not been fiewed any for a confiderable while, and defiring the Reafon thereof was anfwer'd, that his Vein never happily fiozv'd but from the Autumnal Equinox to the Vernal ; and that whatever he attempted at other times was never to his Satisfaction, though he courted his Fancy never fo much ; fo that in all the Tears he was about this Poem, he may be faid to have fpent but half his Time therein. Mr. Toland imagines (n), that Mr. Philips was miftaken with regard to the time, fince Milton in his Latin Elegy, written in his twentieth Year upon the Approach of the Spring declares the contrary, and that his Poetic Talent return'd with the Spring. Fallor ? an & nobis redeunt in Carmina Vires> Ingcniumque mihi tnunere Veris adefl ? Munere Veris adefl, iterumque vigefcit ab illo, (®uis putet?) at que aliquodjamjibipofcit Opus. A Friend of Milton's likewife inform'd Mr. Toland, that our Author could never compofe well but in the Spring and Autumn. But Mr. Richardfon is of opinion (o), that neither of thefe Accounts is exactly true, nor " that a Man *' with fuch a Work in his Head can fufpend it for fix Months together, or but " one, though it may go on more (lowly ; but it muft go on. This laying ic ** afide is contrary to that Eagernefs to finifh what was begun, which he fays " \Epiflle to Deodatus, dated Sept. zd, 1637] was ^' s Temper." The fame Gentleman informs us (/>), that when he dictated, he us'd to fit leaning backward obliquely in an eafy Chair, with his Leg flung over the Elbow of it; that he fre- quently compos' d lying in Bed in a Morning ; and that when he could not Jleep, but lay awake whole Nights, he tried ; not one Verfe could he make : at other times fiow'd eafy his unpremediated Verfe, with a certain Impetus and CEftrum, as bim- (m) p. 36. («) Life of Milton, p. 40. (0) p. 113. (/>) p. 114, Vol. ra xlvi An Account of the Life and Writings bimfelf feem'd to believe. Then, at what Hour foever, he rung for his Daughter to fecure what came. I have been alfo told, he would diclate many, perhaps for- ty Lines in a Breath ; and then reduce them to half the Number. I would not o~ mit, fays Mr. Richardfon, the leafi Circumftance. Thefe indeed are Trifles ; but evenfuch contrail a fort of Great nefs, when related to what is great. After the Work was ready for the Prefs, it was near being fupprefs'd by the Io-norance or Malice of the Licenfer, who, among other frivolous Exceptions, imagin'd there was Treafon in that noble Simile (q), B. I. Verf. 594, and feqq. ■ as when the Sun new-ris'n Looks thro' the horizontal mijly Air., Shorn of his Beams ; or from behind the Moon, In dim Eclipfe, difafirous twilight fheds On half the Nations, and with Fear of Change Perplexes Monarchs. Mr. Philips (r) and Mr. Toland(s) aflert, that this Poem was publifh'd in 1666 ; but this is undoubtedly a Miftake, fince Milton's Contract: with his Bookfeller S. Simmons for the Copy bears Date April 2jth, 1667 ; in which Contract our Author fold his Copy for no more than fifteen Pounds ; the payment of which depended upon the fale of three numerous Imprefiions, as we are inform'd by Mr. Fenton (t), who with Mr. Wood is miftaken, in aflerting, that it was firit publifh'd in 1669 •, tho' it is true, there are of the firft Quarto Editions with that Year in the Title-page. The Cafe is thus ; there are feveral Titles, with a little Variation in each, befides that of the Date. There are of 1667 and 1668, as well as of 1669. **f he Sheets are the fame, only a Word and a Point or two alter'd ; the Sheet otherwife the fame, not cancell'd, but the Alteration made as it was printing ; fo that part of the Impreffion was fo far different from the other part. And there were not only three feveral Title-pages, but a fhort Advertifement to the Reader, the Argument to the feveral Books, and a Lift of Errata are added, with a little Difcourfe concerning the Kind of Verfe. But thefe Additions were not exactly the famein every Year, as neither were the Names of the Bookfellers, thro' whofe hands it pafs'd. The firft Title, viz. that of 1667, was immediately followed by the Poem, without the Advertife- ment, Errata, &c. In 1674 Milton publifh'd in 8vo a fecond Edition under this title, Paradife Loft. A Poem in twelve Books. The Author John Milton. The fecond Edition. Revifed and augmented by the fame Author . London, in Svo. In this Edition he made fome few Alterations, chiefly Additions ; and now the Poem, which at firft confifted of ten Books, was divided into twelve ; " not, *< fays Mr. Fenton («), with refpect to the Mneis (for he was, in both «' Senfes of the Phrafe, above Imitation,) but more probably, becaufe the *' length of the feventh and tenth requir'd a Paufe in the Narration, he divided «« them, each into two." Upon this Diftribution, to the beginning of thofe Books, which are now the eighth and twelfth, Milton added the following Verfes, which were necefiary to make a Connection : Book VIII. Verfe 1. The Angel added, and in Adam'j eare So charming left his Voice, that he a-while Thought him fill fpeaking \ ftill flood fix'd to hear; Then as new wak't, thus gratefully repli'd. The latter half of the Verfe was taken from this in the firft Edition : " To whom thus Adam gratefully reply'd." Book XII. Verfe 1. 'As one, who in his Journey bates at noon, Though bent on Speed ; fo heer th' Arch- Angel paus'd. Betwixt the World deflroy'd, and World refior'd ; If Adam aught perhaps might interpofe : Then, with Tranfition fweet, new Speech refumes. At the fame time he made fome few Additions in other Places of the Poem, which are as follow : Book {q) Toland/.. 40. (r) f. j8. (/) /.4c, £/) Life of MiltW, /, l9i *0> ?.«• («) Peftfsrijt f* bit Life of Milton. of Mr. John Milton. xlvii Book V. Verfe 637. " They eat, they drink, and with Refettion fweet " Are fill'd, before th' all-bounteous King, &c." were thus inlarg'd in the fecond Edition : They eat, they drink, and in communion fweet Quaff Immortality and Joy, fecure Of Surfeit, where full Meafure only bounds Excefs, before th' all-bounteous King, &V. Book XL Verfe 484. after, " Inteftine Stone, and Ulcer, Colic-pangs," thefe three Verfes were added, Damoniac phrenzie ) moaping melancholie, And moon-ftruck madnefs, pining atrophie, Marafmus, and wide-wafting peftilence. And Verfe 551 of the fame Book (which was originally thus*' " Of rend'ring up. Michael to him reply'd") receiv'd this Addition, Of rend'ring up, and patiently attend My Dijfolution. Michael reply'd. Another Edition of this Poem was publifh'd in 8vo in 1678; and in 1688 it was publifh'd in folio with Cuts by Subfcription. In 1695 Mr. Jacob Tonfon printed our Author's Poetical Works in fol. with the fame Cuts, and large Notes on Paradife Loft by P. H. who is faid to be Philip Humes. This is the fixth Edition. Since that it has been re-printed in feveral Sizes. The thir- teenth Edition was publifh'd at London 1727, in Svo, with an Account of Mil- tonV Life by Mr. Elijah Fenton. The fourteenth Edition was printed in 1730. It has been a current Opinion, that the late Lord Somers firft gave Para- dife Loft a Reputation •, but Mr. Richardfon obferves (*)> that it was known and efteem'd long before there was fuch a Man as Lord Somers, as appears from the pompous Edition of it printed by Subfcription in 1688, where among the Lift of the Subfcribers are the Names of Lord Dorfet, Waller, Dryden, Sir Robert How- ard, Duke, Creech, Flatman, Dr. Aldrich, Mr. Atterbury, Sir Roger L'Eftrange, Lord Somers, who was likewife a Subfcriber, was then only John Somers Efq; jVb doubt, fays Mr. Richardfon, when he was fo confpicuous himfelf as he after- wards was, his Applaufe and Encouragement fpread and brighten* d its Luftre ; but it had beamed out long before. However we find in the Dedication of one of the Editions of this Poem to Lord Somers, that it was his Lord/hip's Opinion and En- couragement, that occajion'd the firft Appearing of this Poem in the Folio Edition, •which from thence has been fo well received, that notwithfianding the Price of it was four times greater than before, the Sale increas'd double the Number every Tear. Mr. Richardfon tells us (y), that he was inform'dby Sir George Hungerford, an ancient Member of Parliament, that Sir John Denhamcame into the Houfe of Commons one Morning with a Sheet of Paradife Loft, wet from the Prefs, in his hand ; and being afk'd what it was, faid, that it was fart of the nobleft Poem, that ever was written in any Language or in any Age. However it is certain, that the Book was unknown till about two Years after, when the Earl of Dorfet produc'd it, as appears from the following Story related to Mr. Richardfon by Dr. Tancred Robinfon, an eminent Phyfician in London, who was inform'd by Sir Fleetwood Sheppard, that the Earl, in company with that Gentleman, looking over ibme Books in Little-Britain, met with Paradife Loft, and being furpriz'd with fome PafTages in turning it over, bought it. The Bookfeller defir'd his Lordfhip to fpeak in its favour, if he lik'd it, fince the ImprefTion lay on his hands as waft paper. The Earl having read the Poem, fent it to Mr. Dryden, who inafhort time return'd it with this Anfwcr : This Man cuts us all out, and the Antients too. In 1732, Dr. Richard Bentley publifh'd at London in 4/0, a new Edition of Paradife Loft ; in the Preface to which, the Doctor tells us, that " the Friend " or (x) p. 11 8. (.;•)/>. 119, xlviii An Account of the Life and Writings " or Acquaintance, whoever he was, to whom Milton committed his Copy " and the overfeeing of the Prefs, did fo vilely execute that truft, that Paradife " under his Ignorance and Audacioufnefs may be faid to be twice loft. A poor " Bookfeiler, then living near Aider/gate, purchafed our Author's Copy for ten " Pounds, and (if a fecond Edition fol'low'd) for five Pounds more, as appears " by the original Bond yet in being. This Bookfeiler and that Acquaintance, " who feems to have been the fole Corrector of the Prefs, brought forth their " firft Edition, polluted with fuch monftrous faults, as are beyond Example " in any other printed Book But thefe typographical Errors, occafion'd " by the Negligence of his Acquaintance, (if all may be imputed to that, and " not feveral willfully made) were not the worft blemifhes brought upon our " Poem. For this fuppos'd Friend (call'd in thefe Notes the Editor) knowing " Milton's bad Circumftances ; who, VII. 26. " Was fall* n on evil Days and evil Tongues, " In Darknefs, and with Danger t compafs'd round, " And Solitude, <c thought he had a fit Opportunity to foift into his Book feveral of his own " Verfes without the blind Poet's difcovery." He afterwards obferves, that the Proof-Sheets of the firft Edition were never read to Milton •, who, ur.lefs he was as deaf as blind, could not poffibly let pafs fuch grofs and palpable Faults. Nay, the Edition, when publifh'd, was never read to him in feveral Tears. The firft came out in 1667, and a fecond in 1674., in which all the Faults of the former are continued with the addition of new ones. This Edition of Dr. Bentley was at- tack'd by feveral Writers, particularly by Dr. Zachary Pearce, who in 1733, publifh'd at London in Svo, A Review of the Text of the Twelve Books of Milton'i Paradife Loft : in which the chief of Dr. Bentley'.! Emendations are confider'd, and feveral other Emendations and Obfervations are offer 'd to the Public. In the Pre- face he obferves, that " Dr. Bentley isdefervedly diftinguifh'd for his fuperior " Talents in Critical Knowledge, which are own'd by the unanimous Confent *' of the Learned World, and have gain'd him a Reputation, which is real *' and fubftantial. But this will be underftood with exception to what lie has *' done on Milton's Poem ; in which, tho' he has given us fome ufeful and ju- *' dicious Remarks, yet at the fame time he has made many Emendations, *' which may juftly be call'd in queftion." Dr. Pearce then tells us, that in the Emendations, which he offers as from himfelf, he never ventures farther than to propofe Words of like found, which a blind Poet's Ear may be prefunfd to have been fometimes miftaken in, when the Proof -fheets were read to him ; and but few of this fort are mention'' d. The greateft part arifes from the Alteration of the points- in which it is not improbable, that Milton trifled much to the Care of the Printer and Revifer. He remarks next, that " he cannot agree with Dr. Bent- «' ley, that there was any fuch P erf on of an Editor, as made alterations, and '« added verfes at his pleafure in ths firft Edition of this Poem •, becaufe the " Account, which Mr. Toland gives us of Milton's Life, will not leave us room '* to fufpecl:, that he wanted one, or indeed many learned Friends to have " done him Juftice on this occafion. Moft probably feveral of his Acquain- " tance, we are fure that fome of them, had had the perufal of the Poem be- " fore it was publifh'd ; and would none of them have difcovered it to Milton, " if he had received fuch an Injury ? Would none have warn'd him of the bold *« Alterations, time enough at leal? to have prevented their being continued in " the fecond Edition, publifh'd likewife in the Poet's Life-time. Befides the " firft Edition of Paradifc Regain' d appear'd in 1671 ; and Dr. Bentley fays, *' that this Edition is without Faults, becaufe Milton was then in high Credit, * c and had chang'd bis old Printer and Supervifor. How far this changing his '* Printer might contribute to make the firft Edition of this Poem more correct ■* than the firft Edition of Paradife Loft, we cannot certainly fay -, but it may be *' afk'd of the Doctor, why Milton's ftill higher Credit in 1674, when the «' fe. end Edition of Paradife Loft appear'd, could not have procur'd him the *' fame Supervifor, or one at leaft as good ?" Dr. Pearce afterwards obferves, that Milton took the firft Hint of his Defign of writing a Tragedy upon the fubject or his Poem, from an Italian Tragedy call'd II Paradifo perfo, ftill mant, and printed many Years before he enter'd upon his Defign. Mr. Ri- chardfon of Mr. John Milton. xlix tbardfon (z) likewife rejedts the Hypothefis of Dr. Bentley, and fhews (a) that the Edition of 16J4. is the finiflSd, the genuine, the uncorrupted Work of Milton. This Poem has been tranflated in Blank Verfe into Low Dutch, and printed at Harlem 1728, in 4/5. A French Tranflation of it by Monf. Dupre de S. Maur, with Mr. Add/fen's Remarks, and a Life of the Author, was printed at Pa- ra 1729, in three Volumes nmo, and reprinted at the Hague 1730 in three Vo- lumes in iDno ; to vvhichis added Dijfertation critique de M. Conftantin de Mag- ny, which is thought by fome to have been written by the Abbe Pellegrin, and La Chute de l* Homme, Poeme Francois par M. Durand. In this Edition feve- ral pafTages are reftor'd, which had been retrench'd in that of Paris. Signor Paolo Rolli, F. R. S. publifh'd an Italian Tranflation of this Poem at London 1736 in fob In 1690 Mr. William Hog or Hogaus publifh'd at London in 8vo a Tranflation of Paradife Loft, Paradife Regained, and Sampfon Agonifles, in Latin Verfe. But this Verfion is very unequal to the Original. In 1699 there appear'd in a Pamphlet, intitled, Lufus Amatorius, five Mufai Poema de Hero- neet Leandro, e Gracd in Latinam Linguam tranjlatum. Cui alia (tresfcilicet) acce- dunt Nugte Poetic*. Authore C. B. London in 4/0. which contains a Latin Tranf- lation of a Fragment of the fifth Book of Paradife Loft, beginning Verfe 6y, and ending Ver. 245. Mr. Powers alfo publifh'd a Latin Verfion ofthefirft Book of tint Poem ; as did Mr. Matthew Bold likewife in 1702, in 4/0, whole Tranflation was republifh'd in 1717. And in 1736, Mr. Richard 'Dawes, M. A. and Fellow of Emanuel College in Cambridge, publifh'd Propofals for print- ing by fubfeription Paradifi AmiJJi a CI. Miltono conferipti Liber primus Gracd I erfione donalus, una cum Annotationibus : of which he gave the following Spe- cimen, beginning B. I. V. 250. XxflfJ.XTOolii'KTOt' <$'&!pz\ $ ITTt^XlOiT £pJ/f*0» ILoGfj-os £iro%J)o\)H>s tj, <ru S"'A'h; supuSaOipoj Hysij.o]> ivotp&M) wnKxiSx, tm yi vottiACt O; 7T07TW »(Je J^pOVW y.iTXy.lSYiTOV (pOfiOVTX. AvTGTCnros voo; £S~i, xxi xvro-puKTfj txpiTAGV) O'Jpavov xj TTzptoiSe [/•erxWdfcou re x.x\"ASy\v. A'JT0TXT0$ J" OOP £UV T17TT XV '/.iXlT'j.' Ut TOTTOiO, T~ / J *v \ *C / . ' I u) [j.ovov oux itos ron nrtpyiyxAvji xspx-jvo; j 'AAA' oiSi 7rpo£8'/i>t£v tAEi/fijpi'nf a7roAaus , £iv '"Apbo.'OC, <zAA' EvSf'JlJ' 'TvJ/j'^uyof B7TGT C67r£lpJ/£»* STlh jj.fj iT'jp^io* f3a<r»A£u<ro«£j" avrxp iyu>yz *E:Sofcov Y.-M "AdVi o'ioij.xi iy.Qx<TtAevii)i' M^.AAov a.v 'A^OTopauuo; n OuposvoJaAof ecoj/^v. This Poem of our Author has met with an Approbation, which will continue as long as a true Tafte for Poetry fhall remain among Mankind. I lhall give the Judgments of fome Writers upon it. Mr. Edward Philips (b), on account of this Performance, ftiles M.ihon the exaffeft of Heroic Poets, either of the ancients or moderns, either of our own or whatfoever Nation elfe. However Mr. Tho- mas Rymer, who treated Shakefpeare with lb muchContempt, prefum'd likewife to declare War againlt Milton, threatning to write feme Reflexions upon Paradife Loft, which fome, fays he (c), are pleas' d to call a Poem ; and to afj'ert Rhime a- aga'mft the fender Sophiftry wherewith he attacks it. Mr. Drydcn [d) obierves, that for our Author, " whom we all admire with " fo much Juftice, his Defign is not that of an Heroic Poem properly focall'd. " His Defign is the lofingof our Happinefs ; his Event is not profperous like " that of oiher Epic Works-, his heavenly Machines are many; and his human " Perfons are but two. But I will not take Mr. Rymer' s Work out of his " hinds ■, he has promis'd the World a Critique on that Author, wherein, " tho' he will not allow his Poem for Heroic, I hope he will grant us, that " his Thoughts are elevated, his Words founding •, and that no Man has fo " happily copied the manner of Homer, or fo copioufly tranflated his Grecifms " and the Latin Elegancies of Virgil. 'Tis true, he runs into a flat Thought '* fometimes for a hundred Lines together •, but 'tis when he has got into a Track (a) P. 121, & feqq. (a) P. 138. mon Senfe of all Ages. InaLetterto Fleetwood (It) T heat mm Poetarum among the Modem Sbepbeard Efq; p. 143. Edit. London 1678 Po [-, 114, Edit. London id;,-. (<•) Tra- (</) Preface to his Tranflation of Jmeaal, p. ot the lad Age confider'd and examin'd 8, 9. by the Pra&iceof [he Ancients, and by the cum- VoL. I. n An Account of the Life and Writings " Track of Scripture. His antiquated Words were his Choice, not his N " ty ; for therein he imitated Spenfer, as Spenfer did Chaucer. And tho' per- " haps the Love of their Matters may have tranfported both too fur in the fre- " quent ufe of them •, yet, in my Opinion, obfolete Words may then be lau- *' d«tbly reviv'd, when either they are more founding or more fignificant than " thofe in practice, and when their Obfcurity is taken away by joining other " Words to them, which clear the fenfe, according to the Rule of Horace for " the admiffion of new Words. But in both Cafes a Moderation is to be ob- " ferv'd in the ufe of them, for unneceffary Coinage, as well as unnece " Revival, runs into Affectation, a fault to be avoided on either hand. Neither " will 1 ]uRify Milton for hh Blank Ferfe, tho' I may excufe him by the Example " of Hannibal Caro and other Italians, who have us'd it. For whatever Caufes " he alledges for the abolilhing of Rhime, his own particular Reafon is plainly " this, that Rhime was not his talent ; he had neither the Eafe of doing it, nor " the Graces of it ; which is manifeft in his Juvenilia, or Verfes written in his " Youth, where his Rhime is always conftrain'd and fore'd, and comes hardly " from him, at an age, when the Soul is molt pliant, and the Paffion of Love " makes almoft every Man a Rhimer, tho' not a Poet." He afterwards tells us (e), that he confulted Milton for the beautiful turns of Words and Thoughts: But as he endeavours every where, fays he, to exprefs Homer, whofe age had not crriv*d to that finenefs, I found in him a true Sublimity, lofty Thoughts, which •were cloath'd with admirable Grecifms and antient Words, which he had been dig- ging from the Mines of Chaucer and of Spenfer, and which, with all their Rujii- city, had femczvhat of venerable in them ; but I found not there what I look* d for, viz. any elegant Turns, either on the Word or en the Thought. But the Au- thor of the Taller (/) is of a different opinion from Mr. Dry den in this laft point, and having quoted that beautiful paffage in Paradife Loft, B. IV. 639. With thee converfing, &c. he obferves, that he could fhew fever al paffage s in Milton, that have as excellent Turns of this nature as any of cur Englifh Poets whatfoever. Mr. Addifon's Criticifm upon this Poem publifh'd in the Speclator, has been of great advantage to its Reputation ; and, as Dr. Fiddes remarks (g), has dis- covered a multitude of Beauties in it, fever al of which might perhaps have been un- dif covered for many ages. Bifhop Atterbury in a Letter to Mr. Pope, dated at Bromley, Nov. 8th, 171 7, writes thus concerning our Author : / return you your Milton, which, upon Col- lation, I find to be revifed and augmented in fever al Places, as the Title-page of my third Edition pretends it to be. When I fee you next, I will fhew you the fever al Paffages alter* d and added by the Author, hejide what you mention* d to me. I pro- teft to you, this laft perufal of him has given me fuch new Degrees, I will not fay of pleafure, but of admiration and aftoniftoment, that I look upon the Sublimity c/Ho- jner, and the Majefty of Virgil with fomewhat lefs reverence than I us'd to do. I challenge you, with all your Partiality, to floew vie in the firft of thefe any thing equal to the Allegory of Sin and Death, either as to the greatnefs and jvftnefs of the Invention, or the height and beauty of the colouring. What I look*d upon as a Rant //Barrow's, I now begin to think a ferious Truth, and could almoft venture to fet my Hand, to it ; Hsec quicunque legit, tantum ceciniffe putabit Mseonidem Ranas, Virgilium Culices. But more of this when we meet. Mr. Charles Gildon (h) obferves, that Mr. Addifon in his Criticifm upon Milton publifh'd in the Speclator, feems to have miftaken the matter in endeavouring to bring Paradife Loft to the Rules of the Epopceia, which cannot be done ; and that Sir Richard Blackmore in his Effay upon Epic Poetry, led by the fame Error, •ndeavours to defend Milton by his own Rules of the Epopceia. " But they " are both miftaken, fays Mr. Gildon ; it is not an Heroic Poem, but a Di- " vine one, and indeed a new Species. It is plain, that the Propofition of all « the [e] Ibid. p. 50. (/) N° 114. (g) Pre- 1 7 14. fi) Laws of Poetry explain'd and il- fatory Epiftle concerning fome Remarks to be lullrated, j>, 259, Edit, London 17a!. in 8vp. } ublifhcd on Homer t Iliad, p. 15. Edit. London of Mr. John Milton. ]j " the Heroic Poems of the Antients mentions fome one Perfon as the Subject of " their Poem. Thus Homer begins his Bias by propofing to fing the Anger of " Achilles ; and his Odyffey begins, Mufe, /peak the Man, who, Jince the Siege of Troy, " So many Towns, fitch Change of Manners faw. '* And Virgil begins his ALneis with, " Arms and the Man I fing, &c. " But Milton begins his Poem of Things, and not of Men ; as, " Of Man's firft Difobedicnce, and the Fruit " Of that forbidden Tree, &c." yioni.de Volt a ire (/) tells us, that Milton, as he was travelling thro'Italy in his Youth, few at Florence a Comedy call'd Adamo, written by oncAndreino, a Player, nni dedicated to Mary de\Medicis, Queen of France. The Subject of the Play was the Fall of Man ; the Actors, God, the Devils, the Angels, Adam, Eve, the Serpent, Death, and the feven mortal Sins. That Topic, fo improper for a Drama, but fo iuitable to the abfurd Genius of the Italian Stage, as it was at that time, was handled in a manner intirely conformable to the Extravagance of the Defign. The Scene opens with a Chorus of Angles, and a Cherubim thus fpeaks for the reft : " Let the Rainbow be the Fiddleftick of the Fiddle " of the Heavens ; let the Planets be the Notes of our Mufic ; let Time beat " carefully the Meafure, and the Winds make the Sharps, &c." Thus the Play begins •, and every Scene rifes above the laft in profufion of impertinence. " Milton, continues Voltaire, piere'd through the Abfurdity of that perform- " ance to the hidden Majefty of the Subject -, which being altogether unfit for " the Stage, yet might be, for the Genius of Milton, and for his only, the " Foundation of an Epic Poem. He took from that ridiculous Trifle the firft " Hint of the nobleft Work, which human Imagination hath ever attempted, " and which he executed more than twenty Years after. In the like manner Pj- " thagoras ow'd the Invention of Mufic to the Noife of the Hammer of a Black- " fmith. And thus in our days Sir Ifaac Newton walking in his Gardens had " the firft thought of his Syftem of Gravitation, upon feeing an Apple falling " from a Tree. If the Difference of Genius between Nation and Nation ever " appeared in its full Light, 'tis in Milton's Paradife Loft. The French an- " fwer with a fcornful Smile, when they are told there is in England an Epic '' Poem, the Subject whereof is the Devil fighting againft God, and Adam and " Eve eating an Apple at the perfuafion of a Snake. As that Topic hath af- " forded nothing among them but fome lively Lampoons, for which that Na- " tion is fo famous •, they cannot imagine it poffible to build an Epic Poem up- " on the Subject of their Ballads. And indeed fuch an Error ought to be ex- " cufed ; for if we confider with what Freedom the politeft part of Mankind " throughout all Europe, both Catholics and Proteftants, are wont to ridicule " in Converfation thofe confecrated Hiftories ; nay if thofe, who have the high- " eft refpect for the Myfteries of the Chriftian Religion, and who are ftruck " with Awe at fome parts of it, yet cannot forbear now and then making free "' with the Devil, the Serpent, the Frailty of our firft Parents, and the Rib, " which Adam was robb'd of, and the like •, it feems a very hard Tafk for a " profane Poet to endeavour to remove thofe Shadows of Ridicule, to reconcile " together what is Divine and what looks abfurd, and to command a Refpect, " that the facred Writers could hardly obtain from our frivolous Minds. What " Milton fo boldly undertook, he perform'd with a fuperior Strength of " Judgment, and with an Imagination productive of Beauties not dream'd " of before him. The meannefs (if there is any) of fome parts of the Subject is " loft in the Immenfity of the poetical Invention. There is fomething above M the reach of Human Forces to have attempted the Creation without Bombaft, " to have defcrib'd the Gluttony and Curiolity of a Woman without Flatnefs, M to have brought Probability and Reafon amidft the Hurry of imaginary things " belonging to another World, and as far remote from the Limits of our No- " tions, (0 EfTay upon the Epic Poetry of the European Nations from Homer down to Milton, p. 103. &f feqq. Edit. Ltncion 1727. Hi An Account of the Life and Writings " tions, as they are from our Earth; in fhorr, to force the Reader to fay, If " God, if the Angels , if Satan would fpeak, I believe they would fpeak as they " do in Milton. I have often admir'd how barren the Subject appears, artd " how fruitful it grows under his hands. The Paradife Loft is the only " Poem, wherein are to be found in a perfect degree that Uniformity, which '* fatisfies the Mind, and that Variety which pleafes the Imagination ; all its " Epifodes being necefTary Lines, which aim at the Centre of a perfect Cir- " cle. Where is the Nation, who would not be pleas'd with the Interview of " Adam and the Angel, with the Mountain of Vifion, with the bold Strokes, " which make up the relentlefs, undaunted, and fly Character of Satan ? " But above all, with that fublime Wifdom, which Milton exerts, when ever " he dares to defcribe God, and to make him fpeak ? He feems indeed to draw " the Picture of the Almighty, as like as human Nature can reach to, through " the Duft in which we are clouded. The Heathens always, the Jews often, " and our Chriftian Priefts fometimes, reprefent God as a Tyrant infinitely •« powerful. But the God of Milton is always a Creator, a Father, and a " Judge; nor is his Vengeance jarring with his Mercy, nor his Predetermi- " nations repugnant to the Liberty of Man. Thefe are the Pictures, which " lift up indeed the Soul of the Reader. Milton in that point, as well as in many " others, is as far above the antient Poets, as the Chriftian Religion is above " the Heathen Fables. But he hath efpecially an indifputable Claim to the " unanimous Admiration of Mankind, when he defcends from thofe high " Flights to the natural Defcription of human things. It is obfervable, that in " all other Poems Love is reprefented as a Vice ; in Milton only 'tis a Virtue. *' The Pictures he draws of it are naked as the Perfons he fpeaks of, and as " venerable. He removes with a chafte Hand the Veil, which covers every *' where elfe the Enjoyments of that Paffion. There is foftnefs, tendernefs, and '* warmth without Lafciviouihefs : the Poet tranfports himfelf and us into that " State of innocent Happinefs, in which Adam and Eve continued for a fhort " time. He foars not above human, but above corrupt Nature ; and as " there is no inftance of fuch Love, there is none of fuch Nature." Monf. de Voltaire then proceeds to remark, that the French Critics would not ap- prove of Milton's Excurfions {k) ; he touches upon his Errors, as Contra- dictions, his frequent Glances at the Heathen Mythology -, his prepoflerous and awk- ward Jefts, his Puns, and too familiar Expreffions (I) ; and objects to the Con- trivance of the Pandemonium (m) ; the Fiction of Death and Sin (n); the Bridge built by Death and Sin (o) ; the Paradife of Fools (p) ; and the War in Hea- ven (q). The Author of Lettres Critiques a Mr. le Comte *** fur le Paradis Perdu & Reconquis de Milton: Par R**. printed at Paris 1731, in 8w, tells us (r), that " Milton is in his Kind one of the greateft Geniules, which ever appear'd " in the World. His Imagination, which is ftrong, elevated, extenfive, live- " ly, brilliant, fruitful adorn'd with every thing, which the ftudy of polite " Learning can add to excellent natural Parts, gives him a fuperiority over all «' thole, who have run the fame courfe with him, which Virgil and Homer alone " can difpute with him." But he declares, that Paradife Lofi is very far from being fo faultlefs a Poem as Mr. Addifon reprefents it ; and he objects againft the Subject of it, which he obferves to be Original Sin ; whereas the Subject of an Epic Poem ought always to be an Action virtuous, or at leaft innocent, and happy in the Event of it (j). He concludes his Criticifm with remarking (/), that the SubjeSl and Fable of Milton's appear to be abfolutely faulty ; Jujlnefs, Me- thod, Probability, Decorum, in port, every thing, which requires Art and Re- flet! ion, is extremely negletled in Milton : one would often be tempted to think, that thefe Qualities efjcntial to an Epic Poem were never known to him. Of feven or eight Epic Poets, which I have now in my hands, there is not one, but is fuperior to him in all thefe Points. But thefe Defects are happily effaced by the Invention, the Fruitfulnefs, Force, and Beauty of Imagination, which pine throughout Para- dife Loft. "This Compenfation has the fame effeEl upon me as the fine Paffages in Homer, Archilochus, (£c. had upon Longinus : i" can readily fay with that learned Critic («) : *' One of thefe beautiful Strokes and fublime Thoughts in the (*)/>• HO. (/) p. 112, 113. (m) p. 113, (,) p. a, J, 4, 5, 12. (/) p. 1S2, 1S3. 114. {v) ^.114, 115, n6. (0) /. 117. (a) Longin, Traite du Sublime, Chap. 27. (/) Ibid. (?) /. 117, 118, 119. (r) p. 2. of Mr. John Milton. Hii " the Works of thefe excellent Authors, is fuffkient to atone for their De- •« feels." Mr. Richardfon obferves, (.v) that "Milton's Language is Englijh, but'tis Milton's *' Englijh ; 'tis Latin* 'thGreek Englijh. Not only the Words, the Phrafeology, the " Tranfpofitions, but the anticnt Idiom is feen in all he writes. ... Poetry pretends "■ to a Language of its own : that of the Italian Poetry is fo remarkably peculiar, " thataMan may well underftand a Profe-Writer, and nota Poet. Words, Tours " of Expreffion, the Order of them, all has fomething not Profaic. This is " obfervable particularly in Shakefpeare, Milton has applied it to that Sublimity «' ofSubject, in which he perpetually engages his Reader above what Shakefpeare ** ever aim'd at, and where this is peculiarly neceffary. Nor does he want a- ** bundant inftances of what all good Poets have : the Sound of the Words, " their Harfhnefs, Smoothnefs, or other properties, and the ranging and mix- " ing them, all help to exprefs, as well as their Signification A Reader " oiMilton muff, be always upon Duty : he is lurrounded with Senfe ; it rifes " in every Line, every Word is to the purpofe. There are no lazy Intervals : " all has been confider'd, and demands and merits Obfervation. Even in the " beft Writers you fometimes find Words and Sentences, which hang on fo " loofely, you may blow them off. Milton's are all Subftance and Weight: " fewer would not have ferv'd the turn, and more would have been fuper- «* fluous. His Silence has the fame effect, not only that he leaves Work for «' the Imagination, when he has entertained it, and furnifh'd it with noble Ma- * c terials ; but he exprefTeshimfelf fo concifely, employs Words fo fparing- " ly, that whoever will pofTefs his Ideas, muft dig for them, and oftentimes ** pretty far below the Surface. If this is called Obfcurity, let it be remem- " ber'd, 'tis fuch a one as is complaifant to the Reader, not miftrufling his Abi- " lity, Care, Diligence, or the Candidnefs of his Temper; not that vicious *' Obfcurity, which proceeds from a muddled inaccurate Head, not accuf- " tom'd to clear, well-feparated, and regularly-order'd Ideas, or from " want of Words and Method and Skill to convey them to another, from " whence always arifes Uncertainty, Ambiguity, and a fort of a moon- " light profpect over a Landfcape, at beft not beautiful. Whereas if a ce good Writer is not underftood, 'tis becaufe his Reader is unacquainted " with or incapable of the Subject, or will not fubmit to do the Duty " of a Reader, which is to attend carefully to what he reads. What Ma- " crobius fiys of Virgil, is applicable to Milton : He keeps his Eye fix'd and cc intent upon Homer, and emulates alike his Great nefs and Simplicity, his Rea- " dinefs of Speech and /dent Majefty. By filent Majejly he feems to mean with " Longinus, his leaving more to the Imagination than is exprefs' d." Mr. Ri- chardfon then obferves (y), that it is of no great importance, whether Paradife Lofl be call'd an Heroic or a Divine Poem, or only, as the Author himfelf has call'd it in his Title-page, a Poem. What if it were a Compofition intirely new, and not reducible under any known Denomination ? But 'tis properly andfiriclly He- roic, and fuch Milton intended it, as he has intimated in his JhortDifcourfe concerning the Kind of Verfe, which is prefix' d to it, as alfo in his Entrance on the ninth Book. And 'tis not his fault, if there have been thofe, who have not found a Hero, or who he is. 'Tis Adam •, Adam, the firfl, the reprefentative of Human Race. He is the Hero in this Poem, though, as in other Heroic Poems, fuperior Beings are introdue'd. The Bujinefs of it is to condutl Man thro' Variety of Conditions of Hap- pinefs and Difirefs, all terminating in the utmoft Good ; from a- State of precarious Innocence, through Temptation, Sin, Repentance, and finally a fecure Recumbency upon, and Intereft in the Supreme Good by the Mediation of his Son. He is not fuch a Hero as Achilles, UlyfTes, iEneas, Orlando, Godfrey, &V. all Romantic JVorthies, and incredible Performers of fortunate fav age Cruelties. He is one of a nobler Kind, fuch as Milton chafe to write of, and found he had a Genius for the purpofe. He is not fuch a Conqueror as fubdued Armies or Nations, or Enemies in Jingle Combat ; but his Conqueft was what juftly gave Heroic Name to Perfon and to Poem : His Hero was more than a Conqueror through him, that loved us-, as Rom. viii. 37. This was declared to be the Subjecl of the Poem at the Entrance on it, Man's firfl Difobedience and Mifery, till our Rejloration to a more happy State. The Defign of it is alfo declared ; 'twas to jujlify Providence ; all which (x) P. 142, & feqq. (y) P. 145- Vol, I. o liv An Account of the Life and Writings which is done. The Moral we are alfo direcled to ; and this the Poet has put inta the Mouth of an Angel. Many moral Reftecliom are excited throughout the whole Work ; but the great one is mark'dftronglyXIL 745, £3c. Piety and Virtue, ALL COMPRIZ'D IN ONE WORD, CHARITY, IS THE ONLY WAY TO HAP- PINESS. If the Sublimity and Peculiarity of the Matter of this Poem, if its Superi- ority in that refpeil has rais'd it above fame of the Rules given by Ariftotle, or whatever other Critics, and gather' d from or founded on the Iliad, Odyfiey, or JEneid •, it has diftinguifh'd it to its greater Glory. 'Tis not only an Heroic Poem r but the moftfo that ever was wrote. Milton did not defpife Rules, fuch as were built upon Reafon,fo far as thofe eftabliftSd reach* d; but as his free and exalted Ge- nius afpir'd beyond what had yet been attempted in the Choice of his Subjeil, himfelf was his own Rule, when in Heights, where none had gone before, and higher than which none can ever go. Milton^ true Character as a Writer is, that he is an Antient, but born two thoufand Years after his Time. His Language indeed is mo- dern, but thebeft, next to Greek and Lath, to convey thofe Images himfelf conceived -, and that moreover Greek'd and Latiniz'd, and made as uncommon and expreffive as our Tongue could be, and yet intelligible to us for whom he wrote. But all his Images are pure Antique, fo that we read Homer and Virgil in reading him ; we read them in our own Tongue, as we fee what they conceiv'd, when Milton fpeaks -,. yes, and we find ourfelves amongft Per fans and Things of a more exalted Char abler. Connoiffeurs in Painting and Sculpture can left tell what is the Difference of Tafte in Antient and Modern Work ; and can therefore beft under/land what I am now faying. It muft fuffice that I tell others, that there is a certain Grace, Majefty, and Simplicity in that Antique, which is its diflinguifhing Characler. The fame Kind of Tafte is feen in Writing ; and Milton has it, I think, to a degree beyond what we have ever found in any Modern Painter or Sculptor, not excepting Ra- fael'le himfelf " Thofe who are unaccuftomed to this Train of thinking, may '« only pleafe to dip into Chaucer, Spenfer, Ariofto, even Tajfo,. or any of " the Moderns, and obferve what Gothic Figures and Things prefent them- " felves to their Imagination, or what are comparatively mean. Let them " read even the Antients, the beft of them (always excepting the moft antient " of all, the Pentateuch, Job, and fome other of the facred Books;) and they " will find even thefe fill not, nor enrich the Mind, as Milton does. His E- *' den, his Chaos, Hell, Heaven, his Human Figures, his Angels good and «' evil, his Mediator, his God, all is fuperior to what is elfewhere to be found, *' all are with regard to the reft like what Rafaelle's Pictures exhibit, compar'd *' with what we fee in thofe of any other Matter ; or (to fpeak more familiarly " to common Obfervation) they are as Weftminfter- Abbey, or even St. Paul'% *' compar'd with the Pantheon, the Colifeum, the Temple of Thefeus, or other " Remains of Architecture of the pureft Antiquity. Even the Prints of them, " thofe I mean done by the beft Hands, and which are not very rare, will " explain and prove what I advance. In the Parnaffus (one of the famous Pic- *' tures of Rafaelle in the Vatican) Dante is reprefented as having his Eye upon «« Homer. Had Milton been put there, Homer and he ought to have been em- " bracing each other. He knew him perfectly ; it fhould not be faid he copied, " he imitated him, but that they both wrote by the felf-fame poetical Genius. " What is purely Milton's own, is equal at leaft to the beft of that Prince of " Poets ; and when he profits himfelf of what he has done, 'tis with equal cc Beauty and Propriety. A Simile, for inftance, in Paradife Loft, fhines no " lefs than in thelliad or the Odyffey ; and fome of Milton's have the fame tC peculiarity as we find in fome of Homer, they ftrike firmly on the point " they are directed to, and the main Bufinefs being done, the Poet gives the '* Rein a little to Fancy, entertaining his Reader with what is not otherwife «' to the purpofe. . . . Whatever Milton has woven into his Poem of others,, «' ftill hisfublimeft Pafiages are more fo than could enter the Heart ofOrpheus^ *' Hefiod, Homer, Pindar, Callimachus, &c. fuch as the Heathen World were " incapable of by infinite degrees ; fuch as none but the nobleft Genius could « attain to, and that afiifted by a Religion reveal'd by God himfelf. We have «' then in Paradife Loft a Collection, the QuintefTence of all that is excellent «' in writing, frequently improv'd and explain'd better than by the beft of *« their profefs'd Commentators, but never debas'd ; and a Sublimity, which " all other Human Writings put together have not. To compleat all, he ha* of Mr. John Milton. lv " has made ufe of all thefe, fo as to be fubfervient to the great End of Po- " etry, which is to pleafe and inrich the Imagination, and to mend the Heart, " and make the Man happy." Mr. Warburlon, in an excellent Work of his, jufb now publifh'd in dvo, under the title of The Divine Legation of Mofes demonjlrated on the Principles of a Religious Deift, from the Omiffion of the Dotlrine of a Future State of Reward and Punifhmnt in the Jewifh Difpenfation, obferves (z), that Milton produc'd a third Species of Poetry ; for juft as Virgil rivalled Homer, fo Milton emulated both. He found Homer poffefjed of the Province of Morality, Virgil of Politics, and nothing left for him but that of Religion. This he feized, as afpiring to fhare with them in the Government of the Poetic World ; and by means of the fuperior Dignity of his Subject, got to the Head of that Triumvirate, which took fo many ages informing. Thefe are the three Species of the Epic Poem ; for its largefl Pro- vince is human Action, which can be confidered but in a moral, a political, or religious View; and thefe the three great Creators of them ; for each of thefe Poems was firuck out at a Heat, and came to perfetlion from its firft Efjay. Here then the grand Scene is clofed, and all further improvements of the Epic at an end. In 1670 he publifh'd ?x London in 4/0 his Hiftory of Britain, that part efpecial- ly now caWd England. From the firft traditional Beginning, continu d to the Nor- man Conqueft. C die tied out of the antientejt and beft Aut hours thereof. It is re- printed in the firft Vo'ume of Dr. Kennet'j Complete Hiftory of England. Mr. Toland obferves (a), that " we have not this Hiftory as it came out of his hands j " for the Licenfers, thofe fworn Officers to deftroy Learning, Liberty, and " good Senfe, expung'd feveral Paflages of it, wherein he expos'd the Super- " itition, Pride, and Cunning of the Popilh Monks in the Saxon Times, but " applied by the i'agacious Licenfers to Charles the Second's Biihops." Milton beftow'd a Copy of the unlicens'd Papers on the Earl of Anglefea, who, as well as feveral of the Nobility and Gentry, was his conftant Vifiter (b). In 1681 a confiderable Pafiage, which had been fupprefs'd in the Publication of this Hiftory, was printed at London, in 4/0, under the following title : Mr. John MiltonV Charatler of the Long Parliament and Affembly of Divines in MDCXLI. Omitted in his other Works, and never before printed, and very fea- fonable for thefe times. To this is prefix'd a Preface to the Reader, which is as follows : " The Reader may take notice, that this Character of Mr. Milton's '•* was a part of his Hiftory of Britain, and by him defign'd to be printed ; but *' out of tendernefs to a party (whom neither this nor much more Lenity has " had the Luck to oblige) it was ftruck out for fome harfhnefs, being only " fuch a Digreffion, as the Hiftory itfelf would not be difcompos'd by its o- ** million : which," I fuppofe, will be eafily difcerned by reading over the be- " ginning of the third Book of the faid Hiftory, very near which Place this " Character is to come in. It is reported (and rrom the foregoing Character it " feems probable) that Mr. Milton had lent moft of his perfonal Eftate upon the " public Faith ; which when he fomewhat earneftly and warmly prefled to " have reftor'd, (obierving how all in Offices had not only feathered their " own Nefts, but had enrich'd many of their Relations and Creatures, before " the publick Debts were difchargedj after a long and chargeable Attendance, '* met with very fharp Rebukes •, upon which at laft defpairing of any Suc- " cefs in this Affair, he was forced to return from them poor and friendlels, " having fpent all his Money, and wearied all his Friends. And he had not *' probably mended his worldly Condition in thofe Days, but by performing " fuch Service for them, as afterwards he did, for which fcarce any thing '' would appear too great." Mr. Warburton, in a Letter of Obfervations onMil- ton, having obferv'd, tlvxt his ILngliih profe Stile has in it fometbingvery Jingular and original ; it has Grandeur, and Force, and Fire, but is quite unnatural, the idiom and turn of the Period being Latin •, remarks, that it is beft fuited to his Englifh Hiftory, this Air of Antique giving a good Grace to it ; and that this Hiftory is written with great Simplicity, contrary to his Cuftom in his profe Works, and is the better for it. But hefometimes rifes to afurprifing Grandeur in the Sentiment and ExpreJJion. In 1671 he publifh'd at London, in 8vo, Paradife Regain'd. A Poem in IV Books. To which is added, Samfon Agoniftes. The Author John Milton. This Book is licens'd July 2d, 1670. Paradife Regain'd was trandated into French, and («) B. II. SeX. 4. p. 188, {a) Life of Milton /. 43, (£) Id. Ibid, lvi An Account of the Life and Writings and printed at Paris 1730 in 12*00, under the title of, Le Paradis reconquis, traduit de I'Anglois de Milton •, avec quelques autres Pieces de Poefies. The four Pieces, which the Tranflator has added, are Lycidas, Allegro, II Penferofo, and the Ode on Cbriji's Nativity. Mr. Toland (Y) obferves, that Paradife Regained was generally efteem'd much inferior to Paradife Loft ■, which Milton could not endure to hear, being quite of another mind. Father Niceron (d) is of opinion, that the Title of Paradife Kegain'd is not a juft one, fince the Subject of the Poem is the Conqueft of Chrift over Satan in the Defert. Mr. Warburton ftiles this " a charming Poem, nothing inferior in the Poetry and Sentiments to the " Paradife Loft; but confider'd as a juft Compofition in the Epic Poem, infi- •' nitely inferior, and indeed no more an Epic Poem than his Mar.fm." The Author of the Lettres Critiques above cited obferves (V), that if there are not fo many furprizing Beauties in this Poem, as in Paradife Loft, yet there are fewer Faults, andthcfe lef grofs ones. The Rev. Mr. Johnjortin (J) obferves, that our Author's Paradife kegain'd " has not met with the Approbation that it deferves. It has not " the Harmony of Numbers, the Sublimity of Thought, and the Beauties of " Diction, which are in Paradife Loft. It is compofed in a lower and lei's " ftriking Stile, a Stile fuited to the Subject. Artful Sophiftry, falfe Rea- " foning let off in the moft fpecious Manner, and refuted by the Son ot God " with ftrong unaffected Eloquence, is the peculiar Excellence of this Poem " Satan there defends a bad Caufe with great Skill andSubtilty, as one through- " ly verfed in that Craft : " Qui facer e affuerat " Candida de nigris, & de candentibus atra. " His Character is well drawn." In 1732 there was printed at London, in 4/0, a Critique on this Poem, pointing out the Beauties of it. With regard to the Tragedy of Samfon Agoniftes, Biftiop Atterbury in a Let- ter to Mr. Pope, dated June \%th, 1722, writes thus: / hope you won't forget what pafs'd in the Coach about Samfon Agoniftes. Ifhan't prefs you as to time, but feme time or other 1 wifh you would review andpoliflo that Piece. If upon a new perufal of it {which I dejire you to make) you think as I do, that it is written in the very Spirit of the Antients ; it deferves your Care, and is capable of being im- proved with little trouble into a perfetl model andftandard of 'Tragic Poetry ; al- ways allowing for its being a Story taken out of the Bible, which is an Objetlion, that at this time of Day, I know is not to be got over. Mr. Warburton Yikewik obferves, that this Tragedy, as well us Paradife Loft and the. Majk, " is a perfect '* Piece ; and as an Imitation of the Ancients, has, as it were, a certain Gloom i- " nefs intermix'd with the Sublime (the Subject not very different, the Fall of ** two Heroes by aWomanj which fhines more ferenely in his Paradife Loft." In 1672 our Author publifh'd at London, in 12020, Artis Logic* plenior In- ftitutio ad Petri Rami Methodum concinnata ; and the Year following, a Dif- courfe, intitled, Of true Religion, Harefie, Schifm, Toleration, and what beft Means may be us'd againfl the Growth of Popery. The Author J. M. London 1673, in \to. He publifh'd likewife the fame Year, Poems, Sec. upon fever al Occafions. ByMr. John Milton. BothKngliOn and Latin, &c. Compofed at fever al times. With a fmallTraclate of Education to Mr. Hartlib. London 1673, in Svo. This Volume contains all the Poems printed in the Edition of 1645, with the addition of feveral others ; but in both thefe Editions are omitted a Sonnet to Fairfax, another to Cromwell, another to Sir Henry Vane the Younger, and that to Cyriac Skinner on his Blindnefs, which were firft printed by Mr. Philips at the End of his Life of Milton, and prefix'd to the Engliflj Tranflation of our Author's State-Letters. We fhall inlert from the Manufcript of Milton above quoted a Collation of it with the printed Copies of fome of his Poems. Part of a Masks. Lefs than half -we find expreft; Envy bid conceal the reft. MS. *• Lefs than hzlfe Jhe hath expreft : Envic (c) P. 43. [d) Memoires pour fervir a (/) Remarks on Sf>r>//er'$ Poems, f. 171, &c. l'Hilloire des Hommeslllultres, Tom. X. Part II. Edit. London 1734. f. 115. Edit. Paris 17J1. (f) LettreVI./. 251. of Mr. John Milton, Ivii <c Envie bid her hide the reft." Sitting like a Goddefs bright. MS. " Seated like a GaddeiTe bright." Who had thought this Clime hath hell. MS. " Who would have thought this Clime had he! '." What jhallow-fearching Fame had lej MS. •' Thofe Virtues which dull Fame hath left untold." For know by Lot from Jove I am the Power. MS. " For know by Lot from Jove I have the Power." Hath lock'd up mortal Senfe. MS. " Hath chain'd Mortalitie." At a folemn Mttfick, Wed your divine founds, and mix t power employ, &c. MS. " Mixe your choife Words, and happieft founds employ* " And as your equal! Raptures temper'd fweet " In high mifterious Spoufal! meet, " Snatch us from Earth a while, " Us of our Woes beguile, " And to our high-rays'd Phantafie prsefent " That undilturbed Song, &c. May rightly anfwtr, &c. MS. " May rightly anfwere that melodious noife, " By leaving out thofe haiih illfounding Jarres " Of clamourous Sin, di.it all our Mufick marres > '* And in our Lives and in our Song " May keepe in tune with Fleaven, till God ere long " To his Celeftial Conlorr us unite ** To live and fing with him in endleffe morne of light, On Time. MS. « To be fet on a Clock-Cafe." The Sonnet, which begins thus, Captain, or Colonel, hath this Title, On his Dore, when the Citty expecled an AJJault ; or, When the AJault was intended a- gainfb the Citty, 1642. In the Sonnet, beginning, Lady, that in the prime, inftead of this Verfe, And at thy growing Venues fret their Spleen, he had written at iirft, " And at thy blooming Vertue fret their Spleen." And inftead of Pafjes to Blifs dt the mid Hour of Night, he had written, " Opens the Bore of Blifs, that Howre of Night.*' His Sonnet to Mr. H. Lawes was at fir ft written thus : To my Friend Mr. Hen. Lawes, Feb. 0. 1645. MS. " Harry, whofe tuneful! and well-meafur'd Song " Firft taught our Engliflj Mufic how to fpan " Words with juft Notes, when moft were wont to fcan " With Midas Eares, misjoyning fhort and long ; . " Thy Worth and Skill exempts thee from the throng, " And gives thee praife above the Pipe of P<: : : '* To after age thou fhalt be writt a Man, " That didft reform thy Art, the chief among. *' Thou honourft Vers, and Vers muft lend her Wing " To honour thee, the Prieft of Phoebus Quire, " That tun'ft thir happieft Lines in Hymn or Story. " Fame, by the Tufcan's Leav, fhall fet thee higher " Than old Cafell, whom Dante won to fing " Met in the milder fhades of Purgatory." His Sonnet, which begins, I did but prompt the Age, &c. has this title in the Manufeript : On the Detraclion which follow d upon my writing certain Treatifes ; and inftead of this Line,. Vol. I. p And Iviii An Account of the Life and Writings Andfi'ill revolt, when Truth would Jet them fret ; he had written " And hate the Truth wherby they Jhould be free. The Sonnet beginning, When Faith and Love &c. has this title, On the re- ligious Memorie of Mrs. Catharine Thomfon, myChrijlianFreind deceased, 16 De- cemb. 1646 ; and inftead of thefe Lines, Meekly thou didft refigne this earthly Load Of Death, call'd Life, csV. he had written MS. " Meekly thou didft refigne this earthy Clod " Of Flejh and bin, which Man from Heav'n doth fever. " Thy Works and Alms, and all thy good Endeavor " Strait follow'd thee the path that Saints have trod, " Still as they journey'd from this dark Abode " Up to the Realm of Peace and Joy for ever. " Faith who led on the Way, and knew them befh " Thy Handmaids, &c." In the Sonnet beginning, J Book was writ of late, he had written, MS. " I writt a Book of late call'd Tetrachordon, " And weav'd it clofe both Matter, Form, and Stile : " It went off well about the Town awhile, " Numbering good &c." In the Verfes upon the Forcers of Confcience, inftead of this Line, To feize the widdow'd Whore Plurality, he had written the vacant Whore ; inftead of To force our Confciences, *' the Coniciences"j inftead of fhallow Edwards, " haire brain'd"i in- ftead of Clip your Phylatleries, though bauk your Ears, MS. " Crop yee as clofe as Marginall P s Ears." and inftead of When they fhallread this, " When you fhall read this £ffV. w The Sonnet to Sir Thomas Fairfax had this title : On the Lord General Fairfax at the Siege of Colchefter •, and in that Sonnet, inftead of thefe Lines, , while new Rebellions raife Their Hydra heads, and thefalfe North dijplays Her broken League to imp her Serpent-Wings, And public Faith be refcued from the Brand: he had written, MS. " . though new Rebellions raife "• Their Hydra-heads, and the fals North difplaies " Her broken League to impe their Serpent -Wings. fc£ " And public Faith clear'd from the floameful Brand." The Sonnet to Cromwell had this title : To the Lord General Cromwell, May 1652. On the Propof alls of certaine Minifters at the Committee for propa- Uon of the Gofpell. In the Sonnet to Sir Henry Vane, inftead of thefe Lines, — Befuies to know Both Spiritual and Civil, what each means, What ferves each, thou haft learn'd t which fw have done. The Bounds of either Sword to thee we owe •, Therefore on thy right hand Religion leans, And reckons thee in chief her eldejl Son : he had written : MS. " Befides to know " What Pow're the Church and what the Civill means " Thou teacheft beft, which few have ever don. " The Bounds of either Sword to thee we ow. " Therfore on thy firme Hand Religion leans " In Peace, and reckons thee her eldeft Son." In the Sonnet to Mr. Cyriac Skinner, upon his Blindnefs, inftead of thefe Lines, A/ainft Heaven's Hand or Will, nor bate one lot Of of Mr. John Milton. j] x Of Heart or Hope, but fi ill bear up and Jleer Right onward : he had written, MS. " Againft God's Hand or Will, nor bate a Jot " Of Heart or Hope, but flill attend to fteer " Uphillward." In 1 674 his Epiflolarum Familiar ium Lib. I. and Prolujiones qu.-edam Oratorio in Collegio Chrifti habit a, were printed at London in 8vo. Befidesthe Works already mentioned, he was prevail'd upon by the Danifh Refident to get his State-Letters tranfcrib'd, which were printed at London in 1676, in \%mo ; and tranflated into Englifh, and printed at London 1694; He tranflated likewife out of Latin into Englijh the Declaration of the Poles concerning the Eleclion of their Kinv John III. which Tranflation was printed at London 1674, in 4/0 ; and wrote The brief Hijlory of Mofcovie, and of thir lefs known Countries lying eqftward of Ruflla as far as Cathay •, printed at London 1682, in Svo. He died at his Houle in Bunhill-Row November 15th, according to Mr. Ri- chard Smith, his Neighbour, in hisObituary (g) ; tho' Mr. Wood tells us (h), that it was on the 9th, or 10th of that Month. He died of the Gout, but with ib lit- tle pain, that the time of his expiring was not perceiv'd by thofe in the Room (/). His Body was interr'd near that of his Father in the Chancel of the Church of St. Giles's Cripplegate, being attended by a great number of his Friends (A). Mr. Fenton obferves (/), that he had defired a Friend of his to enquire at that Church, whether there was any Monument there to Milton's Memory ; and the Sexton fhew'd a fmall one, which he faid was fuppos'd to be our Author's •, but the Infcription had never been legible fince he was em- ploy'd in that Office, which he had poffefs'd above forty Years. This Cure could never have happen' d, fays Mr. Fenton, info port a fpace of time, unlefs the E- pitaph had been induftrioujly eras' d; and that Suppofition carries with it fo much inhumanity, that I think -we ought to believe it was not erected to his Memory. In his Youth he is laid to have been extremely handfome, and while he was a Student at Cambridge, he was call'd the Lady of Chriji's College. The Colour of his Hair was a light brown ; the Symmetry of his Features exact ; enliven'd with an agreeable Air, and a beautiful Mixture of fair and ruddy («) ; which occafion'd John Baptijla Manfo to give his Epigram upon him above quoted the fame turn of thought, which Gregory Arch-Deacon of Rome had employ'd above a thoufand Years before, in praifing the amiable Complexion of lome Englijh Youths. But Mr. Wood obferves, that his Eyes were none of the quickeft. His Stature, as we find it meafur'd by himfelf(o), did not exceed the middle-fize; neither too lean, nor too corpulent ; his Limbs well proportion'd, nervous, and a&ive, ferviceable in all refpecls to his exercifing the Sword, in which he much delighted, and wanted neither Skill, nor Courage, to refent an Affront from Men of the mod athletic Conflitutions. In his Diet he was abftemious j not delicate in the choice of his Dilhes ; and ftrong Liquors of all kinds were his Averfion. Being too i ad 1 y convinc'd how much his Health had fuffer'ri by Night-ftudies in his younger Years, he us'd to go early (ieldom later than nine) to reft ; and rofe commonly in the Summer at four, and in the Winter at five in the Morning ; but when he was not difpos'd to rife at his ufual Hours, he always had one to read to him by his Bed-fide. When his Blind- nefs reftrnin'd him from other Exercifes, he had a Machine to fwing in for the prefervation of his Health -, and diverted himfelf in his Chamber with playing on an Organ. He had a delicate Ear, and excellent Voice, and great Skill in Vocal and Inftrumental Mufic. His Deportment was erect, open, and affable ; and his Converfation eafy, chearful, and inftrudive (p). As he look'd upon true and abfolute Freedom to be the greateft Happinefs of this Life, whether to Societies or fingle Peribns, fo he thought Conflraint of any fort to be the utmoftMifery ; forwhich reafon he us'd frequently to tell thofe about him {g) An ExtraS of •which is printed by Fran- lips, p. 41, <z;k/ Toland, p. 46. (/) Poftfciipt cis Peck. M. A. in the fecottd Volume of his De- to the Life of Milton. fiderata Curiola. L. XIV. p. 48. Edit. Lon- («} Wood, ubi fupra. (0) Defenfio Secun- don 173d, infpl. [h) Falli Oxon. Vol. I. da, p. 41. Edit. 1654. (/) Wood, Col. 266. Col. 166. (/') Id. ibid, (/i) Id. ibid, and ?hi- ToUnd, p. 46. and Fenton, p. 34. \%, An Account of the Life and Writings him of the intire Satisfaction of Mind, that he had conftantly imploy'd his Strength and Faculties in the Defence of Liberty, and in dire<5t Oppofition to Slavery (q). However his Attachment to Cromtvell has been thought by many a crreat inconftftency with the Zeal, which he profefs'd for Liberty •, fince it is certain, that Cromwell's afiuming the Protectorfhip was a mocking Ufurpation over the Rights and Liberties of the Nation, and render'd him deteftable to almoft all the Republican Party. What Milton did or might alledge in excufe for his ferving under fuch a Mafter, I cannot tell ; but fhall give the Reader a tranflation of lome PafTages of his Defcnfio Secunde, in which he gives Cromwell excellent Advice, not to abufe his Power in the Office of Protestor. He thus addreffes himfelf to Cromwell (r) : " You have juftly rejected the title of King ; " for if you, who when a private Perfon was able to reduce it to nothing, fhould, " now you are fo highly advane'd, be captivated with it, it would be exactly the *' fame cafe, as if after having, by the Afliftance of the true God fubdued an ido- " latrous Nation, you fhould worfhip the Deities, which you had conquer'd. 44 Confider often withyourfelf, that your Country has intrufted you with her dear- " eft Pledge, that of her Liberty. Regard the great Expectations conceived " of you •, reflect that your Countrey's Plope is intirely from you ; regard the " Countenances and Wounds of fo many brave Men, who, under your Conduct, " have fought for Liberty ; regard the Manes of thofe, who have died in Battle ; " regard what foreign Nations may think and fay of us, and the great Things, " which they have promis'd themfelves from our noble Acquifition of Liberty, •« and our new Commonwealth fo glorioufly begun to be eitablifh'd, which if " it prove abortive, will be the greateft Infamy to this Nation ; laftly, re- " o-ard your own Character, and never fufter that Liberty, for which you " have pafs'd thro' fo many toils and dangers, to be violated by yourfelf, or " in any meafure lefTen'd by others. You cannot be free yourfelf, unlefs we ' 44 are free -, for fuch is the neceffary Conftitution of things, that whoever in- 44 vades the Liberty of others, firft of all lofes his own, and will be firft fenfible " of his own being a Slave. But if he, who has been the Patron, and as it were " tutelar Deity of Liberty, and been efteem'd a Man of the greateft Sanctity and " Probity, fhould ufurp over that Liberty, which he has defended •, it will be a " pernicious and almolt fatal wound, not only to his Reputation, but even to that " of Virtue and Piety in general. Honefty and Virtue will feem to be loft ; Re- 44 ligion will have little regard paid to it, and Reputation will ever after be of " fmall account •, than which no greater Misfortune can befall Mankind.'* He ever exprefs'd the profoundeft Reverence to the Deity as well in Deeds as Words; and would fay to his Friends, that the divine Properties ofGood- nefs, Juftice, and Mercy were the adequate Rules of human Actions, nor lefs the Object of Imitation for private Advantage, than of Admiration or Refpect for their own Excellence and Perfection. In his early Years he was a Favourer of the Puritans ; in his middle Age he was beft pleas'd with the Independents and Anabaptifts, as allowing of more Liberty than others, and coming neareft, in his Opinion, to the primitive Practice ; but in the latter part of his Life he was not a profefs'd Member of any particular Sect among Chriftians ; he frequented none of their AfTemblies, nor made uie of any of their peculiar Rites in his Family (s). Mr. Richard/on obferves upon this occafion (/), that " it was very probable, that as he was always very Anti-Epifcopal, and " no Lover of our Eftablifh'd Church, neither could he bear with the tolerated "■ Preachers after the Reftoration •, thofe of whom he fpeaks, when he fays (u), 44 that they were feen under fubtle Hypocrify to have preached their own Follies, 44 moft of them, not the Go/pel, Time-fervers, covetous, illiterate Per/ecu tors, not 4 4 Lovers oj Truth, like in all things whereof they accufed their Predeceffors 44 His Averfion to and contempt of thefe pretended Divines, I am the more 44 perfuaded of, from a Story I well remember to have heard many times fince, 44 in fuch a manner as to make it credible, tho' otherwife, and without what 44 we learn from the little Tract juft now cited, I fhould ftill wifh it was not « true. Milton had a Servant, who was a very honeft, filly Fellow, and a " zealous and conftant Follower of thefe Teachers. When he came from the «« Meeting, (7) Toland p. 46. (/•) Defenfio Secun- Parliament, and of the Affembly of Divines: da, 152, y fiqq. Edit. 165-4. ( J ) Toland, p. inferted in the beginning of the third Book of tbt 46. (0 f. 46. («) Character of the Long Hiftory of Britain, in tbt prefent Edition. of Mr. John Milto n. Ixi 11 Meeting, his Mafter would frequently afk him what he had heard, and di- " vert himfelf with ridiculing their Fooleries, or, it may be, the poor Fel- 41 low's Understanding ; both one and t'other probably. However this was " fo grievous to the good Creature, that he left his Service upon it." Mr. Wood tells us (x), that " the Eftate, which his Father left him, was but •' indifferent ; yet by his Frugality he made itferve him and his. Out of his " Secretary's Salary he laved 2000/. which being lodg'd in the Excife, and " that Bank failing upon his Majefty's Reftoraticn, he utterly loft that Sum." Mr. Phillips likewife obferves (jy), that he loft another great Sum by Mifma- nagement and for want of good Advice. His Houfe in Bread-Jireet, which was all then remaining of his Paternal Eftate, and which Foreigners us'd to vifit out of ■pure Devotion, as Mr. IVood expreffes it, was burnt in the Fire of London (z). Towards the latter End of his Life he contracted his Library, both becaufe the Heirs he left could not make a right ufe of it, and that he thought he could fell it more to their advantage than they would be able to do themfelves [a). He died worth 1500/. in Money, befides his houfhold Goods (b). He had three Daughters, who furviv'd him, all by his firft Wife ; Anne, the eldeft ; Mary, the fecond ; and Deborah, the youngeft (c). The two youngeft us'd to read to him ; for Mr. Philips tells us {d), that tho' our Author " had " daily about him one or other to read, fome Perfons of Man's Eftate, who of •-' their own accord greedily catch'd at the Opportunity of being his Readers, ** that they might as well reap the Benefit of what they read to him, as ob- ** lige him by the Benefit of their reading •, and others of younger Years were " fent by their Parents to the fame End: yet excufing only the eldeft Daughter, " by reafon of her bodily Infirmity and difficult Utterance of Speech (which, •* to fay truth, I doubt was the principal Caufe of excufing her,) the other " two werecondemn'd to the performance of reading, and exactly pronouncing " of all the Languages of whatever Book he fhould, at one time or other, " think fit to perufe ; viz. the Hebrew (and I think the Syriac,) the Greek, " the Latin, the Italian, Spanifi, and French. All which forts of Books to be " confined to read, without underftanding one Word, muft needs be a Trial " of Patience almoft beyond endurance. Yet it was endur'd by both for a " long time •, yet the irklbmenefs of this Employment could net be always " concealed, but broke out more and more into Expreflions of uneafinefs ; fo «« that at length they were all (even the eldeft alfo) fent out to learn fome cu- *' rious and ingenious forts of Manufacture, that are proper for Women to learn, " particularly Imbroideries in Gold or Silver." And here I mall take the Opportunity of giving a more exact Account of Milton's Children and Defendants, communicated to me by my learned Friend, Mr. John Ward, F. R. S. and Profeffor of Rhetorick in Grefiam College Lon- don ; who juft now (e) received it from a Grand -daughter of our Author. Milton's firft Wife was Mary, Daughter of Richard Powell Efq •, Lord of the Manor of Forefthill in Oxfordflnre. By her he had four Children, viz. 1. Anne t born July 29th, 164.6. 2. Mary, bom OcJober 25th, 1648. 3. John, bom March 16th, 1650, who died an Infant. 4. Deborah, bom May 3d, 1652; of whom her Mother died in Childbed. The three Daughters all furviv'd him. Anne married a Mafter-Builder, and died in Childbed of her firft Child, which died with her. Mary Iiv'd fingle. Beborah married Mr. Abraham Clarke, a Weaver in Spittle-Fields, and died Auguft 24th, 1727, in the 76th year of her age. She had ten Children, viz. feven Sons and three Daughters. But none of them had any Children, except one of her Sons, nam'd Caleb, and the youngeft Daughter, whofe name is Elizabeth. Caleb went over to Fort St. George in the Eafi Indies, where he married, and had two Sons, Abraham and Ifaac. Of thefe Abraham the elder came to England with the late Governor Harrifon, but re- turn'd again upon advice of his Father's Death ; and whether he or his Brother be now living; is uncertain. Elizabeth, the youngeft Child of Deborah, married Mr. Thomas Fojler, a Weaver, and lives now in Pelham-Jlreet in Spit tie -fields. She has had feven Children, viz. three Sons and four Daughters, who are now all dead. Mr. Ward faw Mrs. Clarke, Milton's Daughter, at the Houfe of one of her Relations, not long before her Death, " when fhe informed me, " fays (x) Cot. 266. (_)•) p. 43. (z) Wood, ubi p. 43. (c) p. 40, 41. {J) p. 41, 42. fu[.r«. (a) Toland, p. 45, 46. (/>) Philips (f) Feb. io.'£, 1737-8. Vol. I. q lxii An Account of the Life and IVritings " fays that Gentleman, that (he and her Sifters us'd to read to their Father in " eio-ht Languages -, which by practice they were capable of doing with great " readinefs and accuracy, tho' they underftood what they read in no other " Language but Englijh ; and their Father us'd often to fay in their hearing, " one Tongue was enough for a Woman. None of them were ever fent to School, »« but all taught at home by a Mi ft re fs kept for that purpofe. Ifaiab, Homer, " and Ovid's Metamorpbofes were Books, which they were often call'd to read " to their Father-, and at my defirefhe repeated a confiderable number ofVer- " fes from the beginning of both thole Poets with great Readinefs. I knew « who fhe was, upon the firft fight or her, by the fimiiitudeof her Countenance " with her Father's Picture. And upon my telling her fo, fhe informed me " that Mr. Addifon told her the fame thing, upon her going to wait on him. " For he, upon hearing fhe was living, fent for her, and defired, if fhe had any " Papers of her Father's, fhe would bring them with her, as an Evidence of " her being Mr. Milton's Daughter. But immediately upon her being intro- " due'd to him, he laid, Madam, you need no other Voucher ; your Face is a fuffi- " cient Tefiimonial wbofe Daughter you are. And he then made her a hand- " fome Prelent of a purfe of Guineas, with a promife of procuring for her an " annual Provifion for her Life ; but he dying foon after, fhe loft the Benefit «' of his generous Defign. She appeared to be a Woman of good Senfc and " a crenteel Behaviour, and to bear the Inconveniencies of a low Fortune with " decency and prudence." Since I receiv'd this account, I vifited Mrs. Fqfler, her Daughter, from whofe Mouth I had the following particulars, which fhe had often heard from her Mother •, who meeting with very ill treatment from Milton's laft Wife, left her Father, and went to live with a Lady, whom fhe cali'd Lady Merian. This L.ady going over to Ireland, and refolvingto take Milton's Daughter with htr, if he would give his Confent, wrote a Letter to him of her Delign, and aiiur'd him, that as Chance had thrown his Daughter under her care, fie would treat her no otherwife than as his Daughter and her own Companion. She livM with that Lady, till her Marriage, and came over again to England during the Troubles in Ireland, under King J antes II. Milton's Widow, tho' fhe own'd, that he died worth 1500 /. yet allow'd his three Daughters but 100 /. each. Mrs. FoJ- ter inform'd me, that M tltcn'sF.xthtr was born in France. That Miltonloft ? 000/. by a Money-Scrivener, whom hehadintrufted with it-, andthatanEftateofabout 60/, per Ann. at IVeftminJhr, was taken away from him at the Reftoration, it belong- incrtothe Dean and Chapter there. That his fecond Wife did not die in Child- bed, as Mr. Philips and Toland relate, but above three Months after of a Con- fumption. That he kept his Daughters at a great diftance ; and would not al- low them to learn to write, which he thought unneccfiary for a Woman. That he feldom went abroad in the latter part of his Life, but was conftantly vifited even then by Perfons of Diilinction, both Foreigners and others. That there were three Pictures of him ; the firft, painted while he was at School ; the fe- cond, when he was about twenty-five or twenty-fix Years of Age -, and the third, y hen he was pretty well advane'd in Age. That her late Majefty Queen Cara- line fent his Daughter, Mrs. Clarke, fifty Pounds: and that fhe receiv'd feveral piefents of Money from other Gentlemen. The Arms that he us'd, and llal'd his Letters with, were Argent a fpreaJ Eagle, with two Heads gules, legg'd and beck'd fable (/). Before I conclude this Life, 1 mull not omit fome Verfes, faici to be written by our Author, (tho' others afcribe them to Mr. Andrew Marvel!), and fent with Cromwell's Picture to Cbrijlina, Queen of Sweden. In thefe Verfes Crow- wed is introduced fpeaking thus : Bcllipotens Virgo, fcptem Regi/.a Trionim, . Chriftina, An&ei lucida iielhi pelt; Ccrnis qv.as nterui dura fub CaJJide rugas, Utque fencx armis impiger or a tero; Invia fatorum dum per vefiigia nit or, Exequor & popv.lt fortia jujja tnttnu. 4$ {j t J/WFaAiOxon. Kit I. CoK zdz. of Mr. John Milton, Ixiii Aft t'vbi fubmittit frontem reverent ior umbra ; Necfunt hi vullus Regibus itfque truces. thus tranflated : '' Bright Martial Maid, Queen of the frozen Zone, " T1vj North's refplendent Star ; behold what Furrows, " The Helmet's Weight has made upon thefe Brows j " While thro' th' untrodden Paths of Fate I move, And glad perform the Nation's bold Commands. Yet this ftern Shade to you fubmits its Frowns, Nor are thefe Looks always fevere to Princes." c; is Mr. Philips tells us (g), that our Author " had prepar'd for the Prefs, an " Anfwer to fome little fcribbling Quack in London, who had written a fcur- " rilous Libel againft him : but whether by the dilTuafion of Friends, asthink- " ing him a Fellow not worth notice, or for what other caufe I know not, this * l Anfwer was never publifh'd." Milt en has been very injurioufly treated by the anonymous Author of Re- marque s Critiques fur la nouve'.le Edition de Diitionnaire Hijlorique de Moreri donneeen 1704, inthefecond Edition of the Book publifh'd by Monf. Baykzt Amfterdam 1706 in lZ/no. For this Writer reprefents him, not only as a Man abfolutely without the lead Religion, but likewife as a wretched Poet, and worfe Orator. But fuch a Judgment is a Reproach only to the Perfon, who is rafh enough to pafs it. A Monument is expected to be erefted to our Author's Memory in Weft- minjler- Abbey by William Ben/on Efq; one of the Auditors of the Impreft. In fhort, the public Honours paid to Milton, and the univerfal Admiration, with which his Works are read, juftify what he faid himfelf, in his Ode (h) to Mr. Roufe Library -Keeper of the Univerfity of Oxford, concerning his own Writings, even before fome of the moft considerable of them were compos'd ; At altimi Negates, Et cordatior <etas Judicia rebus cquiora for/it an Adbibebit integrofinu. Turn livore fepulto, Si quid meremur, fana Pojleritasfciet, (g) P. 40. (b) Dated Jan. 23d, 1646. APPENDIX lxiv APPENDIX T O The LIFE of MILTON. AS Mr. Toland in his Life of Milton and Edition of that Authors Profe Works, has offer'd to the Reader the Evidence on one Side only of the following controverted Points, viz. concerning the Author of Icon Bafilike, Pamelas Prayer, and the Commijfion faid to be given by King Charles I. in the Year 1641, to the Irifh Papijls, for taking up Arms againft the Proteftants in Ireland ; I think it neceflary to ex- hibit here the fuli Evidence on both fides of thefe Queftions, which I fhall endeavour to do with the utmoft Brevity, that the Nature of it will admits and fhall leave the Determination upon the Whole to the Impartial and In- telligent. DISSERTATION I. Concerning the Author of'Eot^BacnAixM' .• The Portraiture of his Jawed Majeffy i?i his Solitude, and Sufferings ; and concerning the Prayer of Pamela, fnbjoin'd to feveral Editions of that Book. 71/fI LTO N in fome few Paflages of his 'Eixwot&.urns has insinuated, as if there were fome doubt whether King Charles I. was really the Au- thor of "Eixav EaTiAix-i ; particularly in his Preface, where he fays, As to the Author of thefe Soliloquies, whether it were the late King, as is -vulgarly be- lieved, or any fecret Coadjutor, and fome flick not to name him. And again in the fourth Section (a), Whether the King, or Houficld Rhetorician ; and af- terwards in the fame Section (b), upon the Word Demagogue, 'lis bcliev'd this Wording was above his known Stile and Orthographic, and accufes the whole Compofure to be confcious of fome other Author. And again in the eighth Section, concerning the Fate of the Hothams (c), So like the Quibbles of a Court Sermon, that we may fafely reckon them either fetcht from fuch a Pattern, cr that the Hand of 'fome Houjliold Prieft foijled them in. Notwithstanding this, in a great many other Places he owns the Book to be the King's ; and when he quotes Pafiages out of it, he generally ufes thefe Exprcfhons, The King's own Language, his own Words, his own Tejlimony, his Apborifm, bis own Rule, the Difcourfes of a Prince, the Reafon by himfelf fet dcv. n, ccc. Befides, in his Pro Populo Anglicano Defenfio (d), printed in 1651 •, and in his Dcfenjio fecunda (c), printed in 1654, he refers to it as the King's Work ; as he does likewife in his Ready and eafy Way to efiablifh a free Common- wealth, publifh'd in 1 659, where he hath thefe Words, Epifcopacy, which no Son of Charles returning but will certainly bring back with him, if he regard the loft and ftricleft Charge of his Father : and then quotes the very Words out of the Chapter to the Prince, and prints them in Italic Character. But the Controverfy concerning the real Author of the Icon, began firft in the Year 1686, on occafion of a Memorandum, faid to be found by Mr. Millingtcn the Auctioneer in a vacant Page of a printed Copy of that Book, and (a) Page zS. Edit. 1649. gutiis & verborum Lenociniis pcpulo fe vendi (b) P. 36. (c) P. 72. tantem redarguit atque fummovit. (d) Quamque facili negotio nuper unus de (e) Jampridem Carolus hoc inter alia Prse- multis, ipi'umRegem velut ab inferis refurgen- cepta Filio mandaverat in il.a Icone Bafdid^ tern, inque illo Libro pod mortem edito novis ar- CSV. APPENDIX to the Life of Milt on. Ixv and fuppofed to be written by the Earl of Angle 'fey' 's own Hand ; which Me- morandum was in thefe Words : MEMORANDUM. " King Charles the Second, and the Duke of York, did both (in the Jail: " Seflion of Parliament 1675, when I fhew'd them, in the Lords Lloufe, " the written Copy of this Book, wherein are fome Corrections, written " with the late King Charles the Firft's own Hand) affure me, that this was " none of the faid King's compiling, but made by Dr. Gauden, Bifhop of " Exeter ; which I here infert for the undeceiving others in this Point, by " attefting fo much under my Hand, " ANGLESEY. " This occafioning a great deal of Converfation upon the Subject, fome Per- fons applied themfelves to Dr. Anthony Walker, Rector of Fyfield m Effex, who had been Curate to Dr. Gauden at Backing in that County, and were af- fur'd by him, that Dr. Gauden was really the Author of*Eixwv B^iAict. This Point afterwards came to be difcufs'd in Print, in feveral Pamphlets, of which I fhall give a Detail. The firft was intitled, A Letter from Major-General Ludlow to Sir E. S. [Edward Seymour] comparing the Tyranny of the firft four Years of King Charles the Martyr, with the Tyranny of the four Years Reign of the late abdicated King, occafiorfd by the reading Dotlor PellingV lewd Harangues upon the 30th of January, being the Anniverfary or general Madding Day. Amfterdam, printed Anno Domini i6gi, pagg. 28, in 4to. This was anfwer'd in A Defence of King Charles I. eccafion'd by the Lyes and Scandals of many bad Men of this Age. By Richard Hollingworth, D. D. their Majefties Chaplain, at St. Botolph Aldgate, London. London 1692, in 4to. Pagg. 40. In this Piece Dr. Hollingworth having reflected upon Dr. Anthony Wal- ker, abovementioned, for having reported, that Dr. Gauden was Author of"E«xu'v Bxo-iXixii ; Dr. Walker wrote A true Account of the Author of a Book entituled "Eiy.w BxtriXixri ; or, The Pourtraiture of his facred Majefty in his So- litudes and Sufferings. With an Anfwer to all Objections made by Dr. Hol- lingworth and others, in Defence of the faid Book. Publifhed for pullick Sa~ tisfatlion, and in Vindication of the Author hereof. London, 1692, in 4to. Pagg. 37. At the End of it is this Advertifement ; " The Reverend Au- " thor, Dr. Anthony Walker, coming to London to publifh this Treatife, it " pleafcd God, before it was finiuYd at the Prefs, to take him to himfelf. " But for the Satisfaction of any that are doubtful herein, there are feveral " credible Perfons, that can teftify the Truth hereof ; and the Manufcript " Copy, under the Doctor's own Hand, will evidence the fame." Dr. Hol- lingworth replied to this in a Piece, intitled, A Defence of King Charles the Firft's holy and divine Book againft the rude and undutiful s/Jfaults of the late Dr. Walker of Effex. London, 1692, in 4to. Pagg. 27. The fame Year was publifhed a Pamphlet, intitled, A Letter from General Ludlow to Dr. Hollingworth, their Majefties Chaplain, at St. Botolph Aid- gate. Defending his former Letter to Sir E. S. which compared the Tyranny of the firft four Years of King Charles the Martyr, with the Tyranny of the four Years of the late abdicated King ; and vindicating the Parliament, which began in November 1 640. Occafioncd by the Lyes and Scandals of many bad Men of this Age. Amfterdam 1692, in 4to, Pagg 70. Dated at Amfter- dam, January 30th, 1691-2. Upon this Dr. Hollingworth publifhed A fe~ cond Defence of King Charles I. By way of Reply to an infamous Libel, called Ludlow's Letter to Dr. Hollingworth. London, 1692, in 4to, Pagg. 53. with a Poftfcript of two Pages. Soon after this there appeared a Pamphlet intitled, Ludlow no Lyar ; or a DeteSion of Dr. HollingworthV Dijingenuity in his fecond Defence of King Charles I. and a further Vindication of the Par- liament of the ^d of November 1640. With exacl Copies of the Pope's Letter to King Charles the Firft, and of his Anfwer to the Pope. In a Letter from General Ludlow to Dr. Hollingworth. Together with a Reply to thefalfe and malicious Affertions in the Dotlor' s lewd Pamphlet, entituled, His Defence of the King's Holy and Divine Book, againft the rude and undutiful AfTaults of the late Dr. Walker of Effex. Amfterdam, 1692, in 4to. Dated at Ge- neva, May 29th, 169?.. The fame Year Dr. Hollingworth published The, Vol. I. r Cta \k Ixvj APPENDIX to Character of King Charles I, from the Declaration of Mr. Alexander Hender- fon, (principal Minifter of the Word of God at Edinburgh, and chief Commif- fioner from the Kirk of Scotland, to the Parliament and Synod of England) up- on his Death-bed. With a fartherDefenceof the King's Holy Dock. To which is an- nex% fome fhort Remarks upon a vile Book, called, Ludlow no Lyar. With a Defence of the King from the Irifh Rebellion. London, 1692, in -fto. Pagg. 28. This occafion'd the following Pamphlet ; Truth brought to Light : Or the grofs Forgeries of Dr. Hollingworth in his Pamphlet, intituled, The Cha- racter of King Charles the Firft, from the Declaration of Mr. Alexander Hen- derfon, &c. detetled. Being a Vindication of Mr. Henderfon and Dr. Walker from the Aid gate Chaplain's vile Scandals. To which is annex* d, A man: f ft Proof, that Dr. Gauden {not King Charles I.; was the Author of Icon Bafilike, by a late happy Difcovery of his Original Papers upon that Occafion. In a Let- ter from Lieutenant General Ludlow to Dr. Hollingworth. London, 1693, in 4to.Pagg. 40. The fame Year Thomas Long, B. D. Prebendary of Exeter, publifh'd a Piece, intituled, Dr. Walker\f true, modeft, and faithful Account of the Author of ElKIiN BAZIAIKH ftrifily examined, and demenftrated to be falfe, impudent and deceitful. In two Parts: The firft di [proving it to be Dr. Gauden'j ; the fecond proving it to be King Charles the Firft' s. London, 1693, in 4to. Pacg. 57. And Mr. Thomas Wagftaffe publifh'd, without his Name, A Vindication of King Charles the Martyr, proving that his Majcfty ivas the Au- thor of "Eixuv BxctXixf,, againft a Memorandum faid to be written by the Earl r/Anglefey, and againft the Exceptions of Dr. Walker, and others. London, 1693, in 8vo. This was reprinted with Additions at London, 1697, in 8vo. In 1698, Mr. Tcland'm his Life of Milton, endeavour'd to fhew, that King Charles was not the Author of that Book ; which AfTertion he further urg'd againft Mr. Wagflaffe's Vindication, in his Amyntor, or a Defence of Milton'* Life, printed at London, 1699, in 8vo. This occafion'd Mr. Wagftaffe to publifh A Defence of the Vindication of King Charles the Martyr, juftifying his Majefiy's Title to "Eixwv Bzo-iAixii. In Anfwer to a late Pamphlet, intitled, Amyntor. By the Author of the V indication. London, 1699, in 4to, Pagg. 96. There was alfo publifh'd on the fame Side, Several Evi- dences which have not yet appeared in the Controverfy, concerning, the Author o/EIKON BASILIKE ; produced in a Letter to the Rev. Mr. Wagftaffe. By J. Y. [Young] of Plymouth. In 171 1, Mr. Wagftaffe publifhed a third Edition of his Vindication, with large Additions, and prefix'd to it A Preface, wherein the bold and infolent After tions publiftjed in a Paffage of Mr. Bayle'j Diclionary, relating to the prefent Controvcrfy, are examined and confuted. Together with fome original Letters of King Charles I. tinder his own Hand, never before printed, and faithfully copied from the [aid Originals. The Evidence urg'd againft the King's being the Author of the Book in queftion, is the Earl of Ang'efey's Memorandum above-mentioned, and the Authority of Dr. Anthony Walker, who declares, 1. That " Dr. Gauden fome time before the whole was finifh'd, acquainted him •' with his Defign, and fhew'd him the Heads of divers Chapters, and " fome of the Difcourfes written of them ; and after fome time fpent in the " Perufal, he afked his Opinion concerning it ; and he (Dr. Walker) told " him, he fuppofed it would be for the King's Reputation, but he expreflv " added, he ftuck at the Lawfulnefs of it, and afk'd him how he latisfied " himfelf fo to impofe upon the World. To which Dr. Gauden replied, " look on the Title ; 'tis the Pourtraiture, &c. and .10 Man draws his awn " Pifture, &c. That he perfectly remember'd, that Dr. Gsudtn told him, that " by thefe Words in the fecond Chapter of the Death of the Earl of Strafford, *' He only hath been leaft vexed by them, who cour. felled me not to cenfent againft " the vote of my Confcience, he meant the then Biinop of London, Dr. Juxon " (/). 2. That being both in London, in an afternoon Dr. Gauden alk'd him " to walk with him to a Friend, and in the going told him, he was goir^ " to the Bifhop of Salifbury, Dr. Duppa, . (whom he had acquainted with his " Dehgn) to fetch what he had left with his Lordfhip to l-e perufed, or to <; fhew him what he had farther written. That Dr. Gauden defir'd him, " after a general Converf.ticn to withdraw,which he diJ-, and that upon their " return Dr. Gauden laid to him, that my Lord of Salifbury told him, there " were Walkefi true Account, p 4. the Life of M i L T o N. Ixvii " were two Subjects more he wifh'd he had thought on, and propounded " them, viz. the Ordinance againft the Common-Prayer, and the denying his " Majefty the Attendance of his Chaplains ; and defir'd him to write two " Chapters upon them ■, which the Bifhop recali'd, and defir'd him to finifh " what remain'd, and leave thofe to him ; and that Dr. Gauden did not pre- " tend to have written thofe, as he did to have done all the reft (g)". 3. That upon Dr. WalkerV a/king Dr. Gauden {after the King was murder d) whe- ther the King had ever fcen the Book, Dr. Gauden anfwer'd, I know it cer- tainly no more than you, but I us'd my beft Endeavours that he might ; for I delivered a Copy of it to the Marquifs of Hertford, when he went to the Treaty at the Ifle of Wight, and intreated his Lordflnp, if he could obtain any private Opportunity, he would deliver it to his Majefty, and humbly dtfire to know his Majefty s Pleafure concerning it. But the Violence, which threatned the King, haftnin^ fo fajl, he ventured to print it, and never knew what was the IJfue of fending it ; for when the thing was done, he judg'd it not prudent to make farther Noife about it by enquiry. 4. Dr. Walker afking him, (for we feldom, -fays he, were in private but fomewhat was difcourfed of this Book, even to the lajl time I faw him, after he was Lord Biftoop of Worcefter elcEi) whether King Charles II. knew that he wrote it ? he anfwer'd, / cannot pofitively and certainly fay he doth, becaufe he was never pleafed to take exprefs notice of it to me ; but I take it for granted he doth, for I am fure the Duke of York doth, for he hath fpoken of it to me, and own'd it as a feafonable and accepta- ble Service ; and he knowing it, I queftion not but the King alfo doth. 5. Mrs. Gauden the Doctor's Wife, Mr. Gifford and Dr. Walker, believed it as much as they could believe any thing, and were as much affured of it as 'tis poffible they could be of any Matter of Fail (h). 6. Dr. Gauden deliver' d to him with his own Hand what was laft fent up, {after part was printed, or at leaji in Mr. Royfton'^ hand to be printed) and after he bad fhewed it him, and feakd it up, gave himftriH caution to deliver it -, which he did on Saturday De- cember 23, 1648, in the Evening,according to direclionjo one Peacock (Brother to Dr. Gauden's Steward or Bailiff, fome time before deceafed) who was in- ftrucled by what hands to deliver it to Mr. Royfton ; and in the fame manner after the Impreffwn was finiftj'd, he received fix Books by the Hand of Peacock, as an Acknowledgment ; and one of them he hath ftill by him (*). To thefe Particulars Dr. Walker adds {k), that the Reafon why the Covenant is more t.ivourably mention'd in "Eihmu Baa-iAoc-i than the King or any other of his Party would do, was, becaufe Dr. Gauden himfelf had taken it ; that in the devotional part of the Book, there occur fevcral Exprefiions, which were ha- bitual to Dr. Gauden in his Prayers ; and that to his knowledge it was Dr. Gauden, who made that Collection of Sentences out of it, intitled Apotheg- mata Caroliniana. This Evidence in behalf of Bifhop Gauden fupported by fome Pa- pers, faid to be in the hands of Mr. Arthur North, a Merchant, living on Tower-Hill, which Papers are faid to be fent by Mrs. Gauden, the Bifhop's Wife, to her Son Mr. John Gauden ; after whofe Death they came into the hands of Mr. Charles Gauden, and after hi3 Death, to Mr. North. Amongft thefe Papers there is faid to be (/), A Letter from Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State, dated in January 1 660, to Dr. Gauden, then Bifhop of Exeter, wherein the Secretary tells him, that he wrote by the King's Command, to acquaint him, that his Majefty had received his Letter •, that lie had him in his Thoughts •, and that he fhould not have long Caufe to com- plain of his Removal from Booking. 2. A Copy of a Letter from the Bi- fhop to the Lord Chancellor Hyde, dated December 28th, 1 66 r , and a Copy of a Petition to the King, written by the Bifhop's own Hand •, in which he rcprefents what Hazards he had run of Life and Eftate, and what great Ad- vantage had accrued to the Crown by his Service •, that what he had done was/cr the comforting and encouraging of the King's Friends, expofing his Ene- mies', &c. and that what was done like a King, Jhould have a King-like Retri- bute/!, j. A Copy of a Letter from the Bifhop to the Duke of York, da- 3 ted (?) Ibid. p. 4. ;. (h) Ibid. p. 5. (i) Ibid p. 5, 6. (k) p. 7. (I) Truth brought en Light) p 36 & fec^. x kvifi APPENDIX to ted 17 Jan. i66i,ftrongly urging the great Service he had done, and impor- tunately begging his Royal Highnefs to intercede for him with the King. 4, An original Letter from the Lord Chancellor Hyde to the Bifhop, dated March 13th, 1661, importing, that the Chancellor had received feveral Letters from him; and that he was uneafy under the Bifhop's Importunity, excufing his not being yet able to ferve him, and mentioning a Commendam to his Bifhopric; and towards the Clofe there is this ExprelTion, The Parti- cular you mention has indeed been imparted to me as a Secret: lam forry I ever knew it ; and when it ceafes to be a Secret, it will pleafe none but Mr. Milton. 5. An Original Letter of Mrs. Gauden to her Son Mr. John Gau~ den, after the Death of her Hufband ; in which fhe fpeaks of the Baok com- monly called the King's Book, and calls it the Jewel ; and tells her Son, that her Hufband hoped to make a Fortune by it ; and wonders it lhould be doubt- ed whether her Hufband wrote it ; but fays, thatJJje has a Letter of a very great Man, which will clear if up. 6. A long Narrative of Mrs. Gauden's Hand- writing •, fhewing, that her Hufband wrote the Book ; which fhe fent to her Son with the Letter, wherein fhe fays fhe had fent it, that fhe might be a Clavis to him. This Narrative fets forth, " That after her Hufband had wrote " the Book, he fhew'd it to the Lord Capel, who approved of it, and was for " the printing of it •, but wifh'd the King might have a fight of it. That im- " mediately after an Opportunity was taken to convey it to his Majefty by the " Lord Marquis of Hertford, when he went to the Treaty at the Ifle of " Wight. That the Marquis, after his Return from thence, told her Hufband " that he gave the Book to the King ; and his Majefty did well like it ; but *' was for putting it out, not as his own, but another's. But it being urg'd, " that Cromwell and others of the Army having got a great Reputation with " the People for Parts and Piety, it would do belt, to be in the King's Name j " his Majefty took time to confider of it. That the Marquis told her Huf- " band, that he knew not what was become of the Papers, and faid, God " knows what will become of the King. That her Hufband not hearing " the King's Pleafure about it, and finding Danger haftening on him, he ha- " ving kept a Copy by him, fent it by one Mr. Simmons, a perfecuted Mi- " nifter, to the Prefs, together with a Letter. That Mr. Royftcn was the " Printer, but did not know but that the King wrote it. That part of it was " feiz'd in the Prefs, together with her Huiband's Letter, and Mr. Simmons " was taken. Neverthelefs the Work was carried on, and finifh'd a few Days " after his Majefty's Death. That when it was publifhed, the Parliament " was enraged, and infinitely follicitous to find out the Author, and they " took that very Manufcript which her Hufband had fent to his Majefty, " and faw that it was none of his Majefty's Hand- writing ; and they r.ppoin- " ted a Committee to examine the Bufinefs ; and her Hufband conceiving his " Life and Eftate in danger, fled to Sir John Wentwortb's near larmouth, " intending thence to pafs the Seas •, but Mr. Simmons falling fick, and dying " foon after, not having been examined, and it not being difcovered, that " her Hufband was concern'd in it (the Letter, which had been taken, having " no Name to it) he alter'd his Purpofe, and return'd home. That there " was an Epiftle at firft intended. That the firft Title was Sufpiria Rega- " lia, but chang'd to Icon Bafilike ; and that there were two Chapters " added. That the Marquis of Hertford, the Lord Capel, Bifhop Duppa, " and Dr. Morley, were at firft the only Perfons privy to it. That after " the King's Reftoration, Dr. Morley told her Hufband, that his Merit was " fuch, that he could afk nothing but he would receive it. That Bifliop " Duppa of Winchefter being very fick, her Hufband went to the King, and " acquainted him, that he was the Author of the Book ; and for the Truth " thereof appealed to Bifhop "Duppa his Majefty's Tutor, who was yet liv- " ing ; and made an Apology for printing it without his Majefty's Father's " Order, or his ; but pleaded the Circumftance of Time, and the King's " Danger. That his Majefty told her Hufband, that till then he never " knew, that he wrote it ; but thought it was his Father's ; yet wonder'd " how he could have Time ; and obferv'd, that it was wrote like a Scholar, " as well as like a King ; and laid, that if it had been publifhed foofler, it " might have fav'd his i ather's Life. That at the fame time the King gave " him cc the Life o/Milto n. lxix him a Promifeofthe Bifhopric of Wincheftcr. That he afterwards ac- ' quainted the Duke of Fork, that he was the Author of that Book, which " went under his Father's Name j and that the Duke anfwered, he had " thought that his Father wrote it. That her Hufband then told his High- " nefs, that the King had promis'd him the Bifhopric of Winchefter ; and " that his Highnefs aflur'd him of his Favour. That Bifhop Duppa dying, " her Hufband applied to the King upon his Promife ; but Dr. Morley, who " had told her Hufband, that he might have what he would afk, got it, and " her Hufband was made Bifhop of Worcefter; but having enjoy'd it but about " half a Year, fell fick and died. That fhe petition'd the King, fetting " forth, That her Hufband left her a Widow, with four Sons and a Daugh- ''• ter •, that it coft her Hufband 200 /. to remove from Exeter to Worcefter % " and pray'd his Majefty to beftow the half Year's Rents upon her ; which *' he denied, and gave them to another." I proceed now to ftate the Evidence on the other fide of the Queftion, iri favour of King Charles I. With regard to the Memorandum, it is obferv'd (m), I. That both King Charles II. and James II. have attefted the contrary to what is afferted in the Memorandum, by their Letters Patents to Mr. Royfton, granting him the fole Privilege to print all the Works of King Charles I. Thofe of King Charles II. bear date November 29th, 1660, and exprefly mention the Fidelity of Mr. Royfton to King Charles I. and to himfelf, and in thefe remarkable Words : In printing and publijhing many Meffages and Papers of our /aid blejjed Father, efpecially thofe moft excellent Difcourfes and Soliloquies by the Name of "Eixmi Bao-tAtxn. Thofe of King James II. bear date February 22d, 1685, and ex- prefly refer to the firft Edition of the King's Works in 1662, in which his Majefty declares, That all the Works of his Royal Father were colletled and publifhed. II. The Memorandum bears no Date, with refpecr. to the exact Time, when the King and the Duke gave the Lord Anglefey this Aflurance. It fays in- deed, in the loft Sejfion of Parliament, 1675. But this is exprefs'd very am- biguoufly •, and the Queftion is, Whether by laft Sejfion the Memorandum means the laft before the writing the Memorandum, or with refpect to it ; or the laft Sejfion of the Year. If the laft with refpect to the writing of the Memorandum, then we are not directed by the Memorandum, when that Sef- fion was ; for it felf having no date, v/e have no poffible Means to know the time of that Sejfion. And as it gives us no determinate time, when thofe Words were fpoken, fo likewife has it no Date, when the Memorandum it felf was written. It is penn'd, as if there was a Fear of having it difprov'd. Had the Day been nam'd, when the King and the Duke of York had faid this, perhaps by fome unlucky Circumftance or other it might have ap- pear'd, that one or both of them together (which was very rare) were not at the Houfe that Day. Had the Memorandum been punctually dated, fome- thing might have happen'd to have prov'd, that the Earl of Anglefey was at that time travelling, or in the Country from his Study, or otherwife unlikelv to have made fuch a Memorandum at that time (n). III. It is unattefted by any Witnefs, and (as the Cafe ftands) it is impof- fible it fhould be, except there were one or more Perfons, who faw the Earl of Anglefey write or fign it (0). IV. It was the moft improbable and unlikely Courfe, which could be taken, to anfwer thofe Ends mention'd in the Memorandum, viz. for the undeceiving cf others, to lodge it in a vacant Page of a Book, never to be ken 'till after the Earl's Death, and then liable to a thoufand Contingencies, to be torn, to fall into private Hands, to Jie neglected, and never fee the Light (p). V. The Memorandum afferts, that the Earl fhew'd the King and the Duke the written Copy of this Book. Nof is it not wonderful, that his Lord- fhip fhould not infert this Memorandum in that very Manufcript, which he fhew'd to thenij but go and fearch in his Study for another Book to place it in ? In the mean time it deferves Enquiry, Whether the Earl had fuch a Manufcript of the rf E»c«» ? If he had not, the Memoran- Voi. I. £ dum (m) V/ a ?Jlaffe% Vindication of King Charles, 3d Edit. p. 4. (n) Id p. 7, S, 9. (0) Id. p. 9, 10. (p) Id, p. 10, !i. lxx APPENDIX^ dum is at an end •, if he had, the Memorandum tells us, that there were in it Corrections written with King Charles the Firji's own Hand. Then the Quef- tion is, Was the printed Book according to thole Corrections, or not ? If ac- cording to the Corrections, then Dr. Gauden's Title is at an end •, for ail the Narratives and Accounts of that fide fay, that it was printed by a Copy, which the King never faw. If not according to thole Corrections, then that Manufcript fhew'd to the King in the Houfe could not properly be laid to be a Copy of that printed Book, in which the JWemorandum was written, be- caufe thofe Corrections ought to have been excepted (q). VI. There is reafon to believe, that there never was fuch a Manufcript, and confequently no fuch Memorandum, but that they were both fcrg'd at the fame Anvil -, becaufe, i . Mr. Millington, tho' he often pretended that he had it, and promis'd to fhew it to Mr. Wagftaffe, always refus'd it, when Mr. Wagftaffe waited up- on him for that purpofe. 2. Lord Altham, the Earl of Angle fey's Son, inform'd Mr. Wagftaffe in a Letter, " That he had fent to Mr. Millington, and defir'd a Sight of the " Memorandum, which Millington refus'd to fend, but promis'd to bring it " himfelf, either that or the next Day -, but he never came, fo that his Lord- " fhip could fay nothing as to the Hand- writing ; but if he may be allowed " to judge of the Memorandum by the confus'd manner, in which it is ex- " prefs'd, clogg'd with Parenthefes, he mould not think it was penn'd by " my Lord Anglefey, who was always obferv'd to have a great Happinefs in " expreffing himfelf eafily and plainly. And he looks upon it to be no more " his Father's Memorandum than Pamela's Prayer was the King's, but both " alike forg'd ; becaufe neither himfelf, nor any of the Family that he knows '* of, ever heard his Father queftion the King's being- the Author, or fay any " thing contained in the' Memorandum. And as to the Manufcript, which the " Memorandum refers to, he had oftentimes the Keys of his Father's Library, " and Liberty to perufe what Books he pleafed-, but he never faw fuch a Ma- " nufcript, nor doth he know that my Lord Anglefey ever had fuch a Manu- " fcript." In a fecond Letter the Lord Altham declar'd, That he had been turning over his Father's Papers, amongft which he found a Parliament-Diary,^;. by himfelf, and relating particularly to himfelf, of that Tear the Memo- randum refers to ; in which there are many things of far lefs Confequence, and particularly fome things the King faid to him in that Houfe, but not one Syllable of what is exprefs'd in the Memorandum (r). The Lord Altham had fre- quently and viva voce declar'd all the fame Matters (except what relates to the Parliament -Diary) to feveral Perfons (/"). VII. The Writers on the other fide reckon as a remarkable Piece of Pro- vidence, the cafual finding of this Memorandum. Dr. Walker fays (t), that Millington cafually opening the Book upon the Sale ; and Mr. Toland writes (u), that Millington putting up an Icon, an J a few bidding very low for it, he had leifure to turn over the Leaves, when to his great furprize he perceiv'd the Memorandum. Now, this is a grofs Falihood, fince long before the Auction of the Lord Angle fey% Library, Millington carried the Book about with him in his Pocket, and fhew'd it to feveral Perfons. And it feems extremely fufpicious, that he fhould take this particular Book from the whole Library, into his own private keeping, diftinct from the reft, and carry it about in his Pocket for a considerable time ; and when he fold the Book, he tore the Leaf, on which the Memorandum was written, and kept it ever after, that no body could fee it without his Licence and Prefence (■::). VIII. There is no Appearance, nor fo much as Prefumption, that the two Royal Brothers ever faid what is contain'd in the Memorandum to any o- ther Perfon (x). IX. Dr. James Canaries, in a Letter dated at Abingdon in Berks, July ij, 1695, writes, that his Father was alTur'd by Mr. James Wood, one of the Minifters of St. Andrews, and Provoft or Principal of the Old College in that Univcr- (q ) Id p. 11. iz. concerning the Author of *eikuv Tiaat (r) Id. p. 12,13,14- F- "• (0 P 3' (/) Young's leveral Evidences, which (*) Amyntor, p. 80. have no: vet appeared in the Controvsrfy (<w ) Wagftaffe, p. 15, 16 (*) "■ P the Life o/Milto n. Ixxi Univerfity, and one of the Commiihoners from Scotland to King Charles \\. at Breda, in 1650, " That when he waited upon the King there, his Ma- " jefty began a Difcourfe about his Father's Book, fevera! Perfo:is of ** Quality being prefeht; and aftc le Talk he turn'd to Mr. Wood, and " faid to him, Mr. Wood, I hear that J iber " was not the Author of that Book. But it is r " who have been fo injurious to him upon all other refpefts, Jhould not fpare ** bis Memory in an Affair of this nature. However, 1 will " great a Calum this is. Whereupon the King took Mr. Wood into his " Clofet with him, and there he fhew'd him the whole Book written all in " his Father's Hand, together with a Letter from his Father concerning it " to him. Then the King faid, But, Mr. Wood, that you may not entertain " any Scruple about tie Hand, here are fever al of my Father's Letters to me, " all written in his own Hand ; , and compare the Hands to- " getber. So Mr. Wood compar'd the Hands, and then laid to the King, " that he was fully convine'd, that the Book and the Letter about it, were " all written in his Father's Hand. Upon which the King faid to him, " Now Mr. Wood, / appeal to you, whether or not my Father would have " ever written over a Book that was not his own, and have _ : fitch a " Letter to me about it ? " Mr. Wood upon his Return to Scotland, told Dr. Canaries's Father the whole Paffage, with all its Circumftances (y). X. King Charles II. in a Letter dated at Beauvois, March 15th, 1650, to Monfieur Teftard, a Protectant Minifter of Blois, who was at that time tranf* lating "E;y-w BztnAtxj into French, ftiles it an incomparable Book compofed by the late King our Father of glorious Memory (z). XI. King James II. in his Letters to the Lords and others of the Privy Council, to be communicated to the reft of the Nobility, the Lord Mayor of London, &c. dated at St. Germains en Laye, January 14th, 1688-9, giving the Reafons of his withdrawing, among others hath thefe Words : Together with a ferious Reflection on a Saying of our Royal Father of bleffed Memory, when he was in like Circumftances, That there is little Diftance between the Prifons and the Graves of Princes, which afterwards prov'd too true in his Cafe ; could not but perfuade us to make ufeof that, which the Law of Na- ture gives to the meaneft, of freeing our /elves from Confinement and Reftraint. Thefe Expreftions are in the 28 th and laft Chapter of this Book, and in the firft Paragraph of that Chapter. Now this proves, in oppofition to the Memorandum, that King James believ'd, that his Father was the Author of that Book (a). I fhall now exhibit the Evidence brought to fhew, that King Charles I. and no other Perfon, was the Author of the Book. And this Evidence is of two kinds, external, relating to outward Teftimonies ; and internal, drawn from the Thing itfelf. With regard to the external Evidence, I fhall confider what is faid in an- fwer to the Atteftation of Dr. Walker, and the Evidence of the Papers i:i the hands of Mr. North. As for Dr. Walker's Account, I. All that is material in it, is refolv'd in- to the Teftimonv of Dr. Gauden himfelf, viz. That Dr. Gauden acr.iainted him with his Defign ; that Dr. Gauden told him the Difcourfe or the Bilhop of Salijhury, iftc. II. That which feems to be otherwife, is of no Validity at all ; becaufe, 1 . It only feems to be fomething more, but in truth is not. It i3 indeed ex- prefs'd, as if Dr. Walker had given us ocular Teftimonv, that he had ken the Heads and fome of the Difcourfes •, but this is very defective in a necef- fary and material Point, and does not come up to any ftrict Evidence ; for tho' he fays, that Dr. Gauden fhew'd him the Heads of divers Chapters, and fome of the Difcourfes written of tkem, and fome Time being fpent in the per- ufal ; yet that which fhould make this a Proof, that they were written by Dr. Gauden, is altogether wanting ; which is, that they were written with Dr. Gauden's own Hand. 3. About (y) Id p :-, ifi (z) Id p. 19, zo, zi. (a) Id. p. zz, 23, 24. hxii APPENDIX to 2. About a Year and a little more before the publishing of his printed Book, Dr. Walker gave an Account of his Knowledge concerning *£i*»v B*- Wwa to Dr. Charles Goodall, Prefident of the College of Phyficians in Lon- don, which deferves to be compar'd with his Book. For when Dr. Walker gave that Teftimony, he pretended that it was the whole Knowledge that he had, or that he could remember concerning the Icon. This Teilimony •was given March 23d, 1 690-1, a little more than a Year before his Book was publifh'd, probably not half a Year before it v. as compos'd. And yet by comparing it with his other Account, we fhall perceive a very great Difference between them -, and that there is not an entire Agreement in any one of the Paragraphs, but there are either Alterations, or Addition-, or Sub- tractions, or Contradiclions j of which Mr. Wagftaffe gives feveral Inftances, with Obfervations upon them (b). With regard to the Contradictions, we may remark, that Dr. Walker, in his Teftimony of March 23, 1690, writes thus : Dr. Walker and Mr. Gifford were both privy to thofe Affairs, living to- gether in the Bifiop's Houfe ; tho' the Doclor is uncertain, whether he ever read this Book in Manufcript, or only Jaw it with its Title of the Chapters, tho' he thinks that Mr. Giffard might copy it out. Now this is a flat Contradiction to his printed Relation {c), that Dr. Gauden acquainted him, fome time before the Whole was finiftid, with his De/ign, andfhew'dhimthe Heads of divers Chapters, and fome of the Difcourfes written of them ; and after fome time fpent in the pcrufal, he ajk'd his Opinion .concerning it. With regard like wife to Mr. Giff'ord's being privy to the Affair of Dr. Gauden's writing the "Eiv.mu Bzo-iAijw, there is Evidence to the contrary, viz. That he believ'd that Book to be written by King Charles (d). Befides, what Credit is to be given to Dr. Walker's Affeverations, will appear from hence, that in his Account, p. 8. he writes thus : / am as fare as I can be of any thing, that D;-. Gauden made the Extracl out of this Book, call'd Apothegmata Carolina •, and produces this as a ftrong Reafon, that Dr. Gauden made the Book. Now this isabfolute- Jy falfe ; for it was Dr. Hooker, who made that Extracl, the fame who cor- rected "Eixt.ii/ Ba<riAix»i itfelf, when it was printed at Mr. Dugard's Prefs (e) ; and Dr. Walker himfelf tells us, that the Apothegmata was printed by Du~ gard. Let us now confider the Papers in the hands of Mr. North, feveral Par- ticulars of which Mr. Wagftaffe clearly confutes {f ). He remarks among other things (g), with Regard to this Paflage in Lord Chancellor Hyde's Let- ter, The Particular you mention has indeed been imparted to me as .; Secret : I aM forry I ever knew it ; and when it ceafes to be a Secret, it will' pleafe none but Mr. Milton ; that the Earl of Clarendon, Son of the Lord Chan- cellor, inform'd him, in a Letter dated at Swallowfi 'eld, October 2 2d, 1694, " That preparing to attend his Father in France, in the beginning of the " Year 1674, his Lordfhip went firft to Farnham, to the lateBifhop oi'Win- " ton [Dr. Morley] on the 14th of May ; and among feveral things his " Lordfhip had in charge from the Bifhop to his Father, he bad him tell " him, that the King had very ill People about him, who turn'd all things '.' into Ridicule ; that they endeavour'd to bring him to have a mean Opi- " nion of the King his Father, and to perfuade him that his Father was not " the Author of the Book, which goes under his Name. And when (after " his Lordfhip's Arrival in France,May 30th, 1674,) his Lordfhip had deli- '* ver'd his Father thefe Particulars among others, to that concerning the " Book, his Father reply'd, Good God! I thought the Marquis of Hertford had " fatisfy'd the King in that Matter." From this Letter it appears, that the Lord Chancellor Hyde did not himfelf believe, that any other Perfon was the Author of that Book befides the King-, and that he was furprized, that any Perfon fhould go about to perfuade the King, that his Father was not the Author of it. And this being almoft thirteen Years after the Date of the former Letter from the Lord Chancellor to Dr. Gauden, it is evident, that whatever may be the Meaning of thefe Expreffions, the Secret that would pleafe none but Milton, they nei- ther (b) p. 29, & feq. (c) p. 4. (d) Dr. 43, 44. (f) p. 48. & fcq. (g) p. 4J , Walker's Account examin'd. By Tho. Long, 46,47. B. D. p. 6. (ej Id. p.|F. and W'ag/laffe, p. the Life o/Milton, lxxiii ther do nor can mean the Secret of Dr. Gauden's being the Author of that Book. Mr. Wagftaffe likewife obferves (g), that with refpect to Dr. Gauden's Ser- vices, which might be the Plea he made to the King, he did indeed write and publifh two Books, the one a Proteftation againji the King's Death, prin- ted for Mr. Royfton, dated Jan. 5, 1648 ; and another proving the Non-obligation of the Covenant ; which might put him into the King's favour. And in truth it is very probable, that the Protejlaticn was the only thing in which Dr. Gauden was concerned ; and being printed by Mr. Royfton, and about the fame time, might be the Occafion of all this Miftake, and might be the Book he gave to the Marquis of Hertford, c5V. if any fuch thing was ever done. He then tells us (b) t That the Whole of thefe Papers is finallv refolved in- to the fingle Teftimbny of Dr. Gauden himfelf; and of what Confideration that ought to be in this Cafe, will appear from thefe Particulars : I. That a Man's own Evidence in his own Caufe labours under very great Prejudices, efpecially when there is another Claim and Pretender in pofieflion of the Thing in Controverfy. II. It is always refus'd, when any Intereft or Advantage is to be reap'd by it. Now it is remarkable, that Mrs. Gauden owns, that her Hufland ho- ped to make a Fortune by it ; and thefe very Papers infinuate too much of an ambitious and felfifh Temper in Dr. Gauden ; for they lay before us a very ftrange and immodeft magnifying of his own Merits, and an immoderate De- fire of Reward, and undue Solicitation for it. III. Another thing, which would take off the Force of Dr. Gauden's Tefti- mony in this Cafe, fuppofing that he ever attefted it, is the Immorality and Infamy of the whole Practice, which muft be charged upon him on fuch a Suppofition •, and that is, writing a Book in the King's Name, and therein perfonating him in the Acts of Piety, Devotion and high Points of Confci- ence ; which, whatever the End might be, in the fofteft Language, is firft inventing a Fahhood, and then impofing it on the World, and (as thefe Papers intimate) on the King too ; for they plainly tell us, he never had the King's Confent (i). Thefe Papers likewife contradict Dr. Walker's Account in direct Terms ; and of thefe Contradictions, all of them in Matter of Fact, Mr. Wagftaffe gives us thirteen Inftances (k). In Dr. Walker's Evidence, Dr. Gauden did not certainly know, and no more than Dr. Walker himfelf whether King Charles I. had ever feen the Book. But in Mrs. Gauden's Evidence, the Marquis of Hertford told him, that he gave the Book to the King. In Dr. Walker's, He never knew what was the lffue of fending it. But in Mrs. Gauden's, That the King liked it well, but was for putting it out, not as his own, &c. In Dr. Walker's, When the Thing was done, he judg'd it not prudent 10 make further Noife about it by Enquiry ; nor was it neceflary for him to do fo, as Mrs. Gauden reprefents it, when the Marquis had told him already, and by fuch a remarkable Circumftance, that Cromwell, &c. having got a great Reputation with the People for Parts and Piety, it would do bejl to be in the King's Name; and his Majejly took time to confider of it. In Dr. Walker's Evidence, Dr. Gauden could not pofttively and certainly fay, that King Charles II. knew that he wrote it. But in Mrs. Gauden's, he told that King himfelf, that he was the Author of it, and appealed to Bifoop Duppa for the Truth of it. In Dr. Walker's he gave this as a Reafon why he could not pofitively fay it, viz. becaufe the King was never fleas' d to take exprefs Notice of it to him. But in Mrs. Gauden's, the King took exprefs Notice of it to him, and told him, that till then he never knew that he wrote it, but thought it I: a I been his Fa- ther's ; yet wondred how he cottb& have time, &c. and that had it been publijh'd fooner, it might have faved his Father's Life. And all this by a very good Token, that at the fame time the King promis'd him th: Bifoopric s/Wincheiler. In Dr. Walker's, he collects the King's knowing it by Inference, and takes it for granted, becaufe he is fure the Duke of York doth, and he knowing it, he does not quejlion but the King alfo doth. But in Mrs. Gauden's, he acquainted the King himfelf; and not only fo, but he acquainted the King firft, and the Vol. I. t Duke (s) P- 45» 46. (k) Defence of the Vindication, p. 53, 54, (h) p. 56. 55, 56. (') P 56, 57. 58. l*xiv APPENDIX to DukeofiV* afterwards, as Mrs. Gauden exprefly declare?, that he afterwards acquainted the Duke that he was the Author ; and by the fame Token, that he then told his Highnefs, that the King promts' d him the Bifiopric c/Winchefter. So that if it had not been faid fo exprefly, this telling the Duke mull: be fubfequent to that Promife, which (as Mrs. Gauden fays) was at the fame time that he told the King. And laftly, in Dr. FFalker's, the Reafon of Dr. Gauden's Affurance that the Duke knew it, was, becaufe the Duke bad Jpsken of it to him. But in Mrs. Gauden's, that he had acquainted the Duke himfelf. In fhort, either Dr. Gauden told thefe Things reflectively to Dr. Walker and Mrs. Gauden, or he did not •, if he did not, their Evidence is of no value ; if he did, his own is of no value, as contradicting himfelf. For a further Confirmation, we may add the Teftimony of Dr. Gauden himfelf, when Bifhop of Exeter, who was often heard by Mr. Thomas Long, Prebendary of that Church, to affirm, that he was fully convinc'd, that the "Emm BixviMm was entirely the King's Work {I). And Mr. Gauden, a Nephew of the Bifhop, in the Year 1694, expreffed his Indignation at the bafe Dealing of fame Men, who would endeavour to rob the King of his Book, and make his Uncle guilty of fo much Knavery as to ufurp it ; whereas he had often and often heard his Uncle fay, that the King himjelf was the Author of .•'/, andno body elfe ; and that of this he was well ajfur'd (ru). What Title Dr. Gauden had to this Book, and that he was only a Tran- fcriber of it, appears from a Letter of Mr. Le Pla, Minifter of Fincbingfield in EJJex, to Dr. Goodalljdzted November 27th, 1696; in which he gives an Account, that William Allen, formerly Servant to Dr. Gauden, affirmed to him, " That Dr. Gauden told him, that he had borrowed the Book, and " was obliged to return it by fuchatime. That (beliJes what other time " he might employ in it) he fat up one whole Night to tranferibe it. And that " himfelf fat up in the Chamber with the Doctor, to wait upon him, to " make his Fires, and fnuff his Candles." And Mr. Le Pla thinks, " That Allen faid, that the Book was borrowed of Mr. Symmons of " Rayne." That Mrs. Gauden herfelf had no fuch Notion of this Book, as the Nar- rative and Dr. Walker afcribe to her, is evident from a Letter of Mr. Luke Beaulteu, Prebendary of Gloucefter, to ~Dr.Goodall, dated May 30th, 1699, wherein he writes (») ; " That Bifhop Gauden's Widow, at her Death, gave " to one Mrs. Lamb many Parcels of Papers, written moft of them with her " own Hand, with a Charge that they fhould be all burnt after her Deceafe, " there being Verfes and other Compofuresof her own amongft thofe Papers, " which flie defir'd might not out-live her. That Mrs. Lamb had been dead *' feveral Years ; but her Hufband, who had been Alderman and Mayor of " Gloucefter, and was then living, often declar'd to many, and to Mr. Beaulteu " feveral times, that carting his eye on thefe Writings, which were by the " Author devoted to the Flames, he faw the Life of Bifhop Gauden, written " all of it by his Wife, and out of Curiofity took it and read it ; but there - " in found no manner of mention of the Bifhop's having any hand in compo- " fing King Charles's Meditations; tho', as Mr. Lamb judged, there was " great Care taken to bring in all Circumftances of whatever the Bifhop had " been, or had done, that might be for his Credit; about taking his Degrees, " being Chaplain to the Lord of Warwick's Family, preaching before the " Parliament, and being thereupon prefented with a 1'ankard bearing fuch " an Infcription ; and many PafTages of the like nature, which makes it " not probable, this vain Woman would have omitted the moft glorious " of all his Achievements, had the Bifhop indeed had any Hand in that hea- " venly Compofure, which is by fome afcribed to him. He himfelf is thought " to be oftentatious enough ; and it appears he had acquainted his Wife with " whatever could bring him Reputation." ' There is one further Obfervation to be made upon the Whole ; which is, that after the Publication of this Book, the Men in Power did all that was poffible for them to do, to blaft and difcourage it, and us'd every Method to fallen it upon any other Author. To this purpofe were feveral Committees held, ftridt Examinations had, all Arts us'd, Threatnings denoune'd, and all manner (I) Dr. Walker's Account examined, by (m) Wagftaffe, p. 63. Tho. Long, B. D. p. 4. (n) Id. p. 65, 66. the Life <?/Milton. J xxv manner of Rewards promifed ; no Enticements of any kind were wanting Great Sums of Money were proffer'd to Mr. Royfton ; great Rewards of hun- dreds of Pounds to Mr. Simmons 's Widow, to own that the King was not the Author. And yet, not one of the Perfons concerned in, or privy to this pre- tended Secret, made the leaft Difcovery of it. I mall now lay before the Reader the Evidence brought to prove the Kino- to be the Author of the Book •, fome of which Teftimonies are fumm'd up by Sir William Dugdale in thefe words (*). " I mail make it evident from the " Teftimony of very credible Perfons yet living, that he had begun the pen- " ning of them long before he went from Oxford to the Scots. For. the Manu- " fcript itfelf, written with his own Hand, being found in his Cabinet, which " was taken at Nafeby Fight, was reftored to him after he was brought to « Hampton-Court, by the hand of Major Huntington, through the Favour of « General Fairfax, of whom he obtain'd it •, and that whilft he was in the i' Me of Wight, it was there feen frequently by Mr. Thomas Herbert, who « then waited on his Majefty in his Bed- Chamber ; as alfo by Mr. William « Level, a Page of the Back-Stairs, (the Title then prefix'd to it being Suf- "piria Regalia,) who not only read feveral Parts thereof, but faw the Kino- " divers times writing further on it. Add hereunto the Teftimony of Mr° " Richard Royfton, a Bookfeller at the Angel in Ivy Lane; who having in «' thofe rebellious times adventured to print divers of his Majefty's Declara- " tions, Speeches, and Meflages ; about the beginning of October 1648, (the " King being then in the lfle of Wight,) was fent to by his Majefty to pre- " pare all things ready for the printing fome Papers, which he purpofed fhort- " iy after to convey unto him ; which was this very Copy, brought to him " on the 23d of December next following by one Mr. Edward Symmons, a " reverend Divine, who receiv'd it from Dr. Brian Duppa, then Bifhop of Sa- " UJbury, and afterwards of ' Winchefter. In the printing whereof Mr. Royfton " made fuch fpeed, that it was finifhed before that difmal 30th of January, " that his Majefty's Life was taken away." In this Summary there are four confiderable Evidences, Major Huntington, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Levet, and Mr. Royfton ; three of them directly to the thing, and Mr. Roy/Ion's fo circumftan- tiated, as amounts very near to a direct Evidence. Major Huntington's Tef- timony in particular is of the utmoft importance ; becaufe if it appears from thence, that any of the Papers relating to the Icon were written before Nafeby Fight, if they were then feiz'd, and recover'd afterwards, Dr. Gauden's Title is extinct for ever, fince all on that fide affirm, that the Book was begun long after that Fight, and that the King never faw it, till the Treaty at the lfle of Wight ; which was at leaft three years after. In order therefore to fupport the Major's Teftimony againft Dr. Walker's Exceptions, there are produe'd fe- veral other weighty and valuable Teftimonies, attefting that the Major had affirm'd the fame thing to feveral perfons, at feveral times, and upon feveral Occafions: as 1. Of Richard Duke Efq; a Juftice of the Peace in Devon, in a Letter to Dr. Goodall, dated June 15th, 1692 (0). 2. Of Mr. Cave Beck, a Clergyman of Ipfwich in Suffolk, in a Letter to Dr. Hollingworth (p). 3. Of Sir Paul JVbichcott, who declar'd, that he had often heard his Father Sir Jeremy Whichcott tell, that he had the "Ehcwij BzmAixr fome time in his hands, lent him by Major Huntington, and that he tranferibed about 17 Chapters, as he would have done the whole, had not the Major been in hafte to re/lore it to the King (q). 4. Of Dr. Robert Hall, Son to Bifhop Hall, attefted by Mr. Lon% (r). 5. Of Mr. Rowney of Oxford, attefted by Dr. Byrom Eaton, Prin- cipal of Gloucefter-Hall in Oxford (s). The Teftimony itfelf, which the Ma- jor gave to Sir William Dugdale, was in thefe Words : As to the Eikon Bafi- like, he faith, that after the King was brought to Hampton- Court, his Majef- ty there acquainting him with the Lofs of that Book at Nafeby Fight, and de- firing him to life his Intereft to regain it, he did apply bimfelf to General Fair- fax', and iy his means obtained it ; it being bound up in a white Vellum Cover, and (n) Short View of the Troubles ir. Eng. (q) tVagftaffe, p. 72. land, p. 380. (r) Dr. Walkers Account examin'd, by (0) tt'agftaffe, p. 69, 70, 71. Tho?na: Long, B.D. p. 37. (p) '. uortb's Charaftcr of King (s) Wagftaffe, p. 72, 73. Charles 1. | ■ - lxxvi APPENDIX/o and (as be well remembers) all the Chapters in it were written by the Hand of Sir Edward Walker, but much corretled with Interlineations by the King's own Handy the Prayers being all written with the King's ozvn Hand, whicl.\ h>e fays, he knew fo to be (/). That thefe Papers were taken at Nafeby, and afterwards reftor'd to the King, is prov'd by a Variety of other Teftimonies, independent of Major Huntington ; particularly of, I. The Author of a Book intitled, The Princely Pelican : Royal Rfohes prefented in fun dry choice Obfervations extracled from his Majefiy y s Meditations. With fatisfatlory Reafons to the whole Kingdom, that his facred Perfon was the only Author of them: Printed in 1649. II. The Author of "Eixui; * mrv, printed the fame year, in ^to. III. Mr. William Sanderfon, in his Hiftory of the Life and Reign of King Charles, printed in 1658, p. 324. IV. Dr. Perinchief, in his Life of King Charles I. who declares, that Arch- bifhop Ufher declared to feveral Perfons of his acquaintance, that he was employed by his Majefly to recover thefe Papers from the Enemy after the Battle of Nafeby. V. Dr. Gorge, atteft'ed by Bifhop Bull (u). VI. Dr. Luke Eales a Phyfician of Welwyn in Hertfordfiire, who heard the Earl of Manchcfter affirm, that when the King's Cabinet was taken at Nafeby, he found in it, in loofe Papers, the "Eixwu B*cnAi>c>) written and inter- lin'd with the King's own Hand («;). VII. Mr. John Jones, who foon after the publication of the Tow, heard Mr. Stroud, a Parliament Colonel, declare, that Mr. Prynne affiired him, that after Nafeby Fight, he read feveral Chapters of that Book in the King's own Hand (*•). VIII. Mr. William Fofter ; whofe Mother heard Colonel Oakey declare, that he had ken feveral Sheets of the Icon written with the King's own Hand, which were taken at Nafeby (y). IX. Mr. Thomas Herbert, afterwards Sir Thomas, who affirms, that the Icon was at firft intitled by the King Sufpiria Regalia; and that his Majefty gave him the original' Manufcript of it written with his own Hand (2). X. Mr. William Levet, who faw the King feveral times write part of it, read it often, and had the Charge of it, till he deliver'd it to the King at Hurfi Cajlle (a}. That the Icon was the genuine Work of King Charles I. appears from the following Teftimonies : viz. of I. The Author of the Princely Pelican, above cited, who gives an Account of the early Intentions of the King, before he fet pen to paper ; of the firft Steps and Lineaments ; and of the gradual Proceeding of his Majefty during the writing of it. II. Mrs. Rhodes, and her Son Captain Rhodes, who declare that Dr. Rhodes, Hufband of the former, read part of it in the King's Hand, in his Progrefs from Newark (b). III. Dr. Dillingham, who at Holdenby read one Chapter of it frefti written by the King himfelf (c). IV. Sir John Brattle, who affifted his Father in methodizing the loofe Pa- pers, all written with the King's own Hand (d). V. Mr. Anthony Mildmay, who had a Bible given him by the King, where- in feveral parts of Scripture, efpecially the Pfalms, were mark'd by the King; and comparing thefe mark'd Places with the Icon, found them to be the fame ufed in that Book (e). VI. Mr. Robert Hearne, who attefts, that " he had often heard Sir Philip " Warwick, Mr. Odart, and Mr. Whitaker declare, that they had tranfcrib'd " Copies of the King's Manufcript written with his own Hand (f)." VII. (t) Memoirs of the two lad Years Reign (a) Wa?ftafe, p. 84, &fej. of King Charles I. p 163. Edit. 1702. (b) Id. p. 90. (u) Young's feveral Evidences, 6V. p. ;. (c) Kauingvmrttis Cliara&er of King (<wj JVagjjaffe, p. 79, 80. Charles I. p. 7, 8. (x) Id. p. 8c. (y) Id. p. 8o, 81. (J) Dr. Hotlhigiuorth's Defence, p. 7. (x ) Herbert's Carolina Threnodia. (e) Wagfiaffe, p. 9$. (f) Id. ibid. the Life of M ilto n. Ixxvii VII. Dr. Fowler, Bifliop of Gloucefier, whole Aunt heard Captain Wade, who was one of thole that guarded the King in the Ifle of Wight^ declare, that he faw part of the Book in the King's own Hand-writing VIII. Robert Gun, . who heard Serjeant Brown declare, that he faw the Icon in ioofe Papers pinn'd up behind the Hangings at Carijbrook-Caftle (/.>). IX. Colonel Hammond, who confefs'd to feveral Perfons, that he i.e.! feen the Bock in the Xing' s band, beard bim read it, and feen birr, write part of it (i); and who, in the prefence of Jobn Wight Efq ; deciar'd, that he had in his pofieflion fome of the Sheets of the rough Draught of that Boole under the King's own Hand [k). X. Mr. Henry Margetts, who heard Mr. Robert Sparbam relate, thafi Oliver Cromwell being afle'd, whether he thought that Book to be the King's, anfwer'd, yes certainly •, for he was the greatefl Hypocrite in the World (/). XI. The Author of v E»x»» >; mn, above quoted ; who had (cen it in the Kino's own hand, and heard him own it. XII. Mr. Rujhwortb, who in his Colletlions (»), cites it as the King's. XIII. An original Letter of the King, written with his own hand, bear- ing date Tburfday Night, Auguft 31. 164S, directed to a perfon under the figures 48, and fubferibed 39, by which laft figure the King always meant himfelf. The Letter is as follows : '* This inclofed to N. is chiefly to have an Account from her of thofe Pa- " pers, that I left with her this day ; and becaufe I know ihe has defircd " your AfTutance therein, I pray you to take care to point them well, and ** be fure to put the Intei linings in their right Places. "59" This indeed is no direct Proof, becaufe it is not mention'd in the Letter what Papers thefe were ; but it is very probable, that they were thefe, be- caufe it does not appear, that the King at that time had any thing elfe, which he defign'd to publifh •, and there was good reafon for the retarding them, for the Treaty began 18 Days after ; and it is very probable that the King would fee the Succefs of that Treaty, before he would expofe them to the Eyes of the Nation. For it is very plain, that»they were then ready forthePrefs; becaufe as foon as the Treaty was over, or rather before it was quite over, the King fent to Mr. Royfton in Otlober, to prepare all things ready for the printing fome Papers, which he purpofed floor tly to fend them; I fay, before the Treaty was fully concluded, yet fo as the King could eafily fee what the End of it would be. And therefore as he then took a refolution to print his Book, f ) it is certain, that it was ready before, becaufe the inceflant Bufinefs of the Treaty could give him neither Leifure nor Time to proceed with it, or add much to it ; and we find the fubject matter of the Book ends before that Treaty began ; altho' it may be very probable,' that fo long as he kept it in his own hands he might be polifliing it, and adding fome interlinings, till he fent it away all together for the Prefs («). XIV. Mrs. Fotherley of Rickmanfworth in Hertfordfhire, Daughter of Sir Ralph IVhitfield, firfi Serjeant at Law to King Charles I. and Grand-daughter to Sir Henry Spelman, who declares, "that fome days before the King was ' brought to Tryal, ihe was in the room with the Lady Whitfield her Mother, *' when one Mr. Francis Boy ton, a Norfolk Gentleman, who had a place in the " Pipe-Office, difcourfing with her concerning the King, faid to her, Madam, " the King has wrote fuch a Book as never was wrote in the World. We labour *' all we can to get it printed; but I am afraid we fhall not be able, for could it " be publijhed and made known to the World, I am confident the People would " rife, and never fuffer him to be tryed. I and others have labour 'd night and " day, but cannot yet effeel it." Mrs. Fotherley further fays, that fhe heard Colonel James Proger declare, that he had been told by Mr. Reading, that he had often feen the King writing feveral parts of the Icon, and when his Ma- jeity was tir'd with writing;, wrote for him what he dictated (0). Vol. I. u XV. (g) Wagftaffe, p. 98, 99. (I) Id. p. 1 01. (b) Id. p. 99. (m) Hart ill. Vol. l. p. 403. (i) Dr. Perinckeifs Life of King Charlet I- (») Wagftaffe, p. 102, 103. (t) Wagjiaffe, p 9;, 100. (0) Id. p. 103, 19+. < Ixxviii APPENDIX to XV. Mr. Royfton, who inform'd Sir William Di'.gdale (p), " that about -' the beginning of October 1648, he was fent to by the King to prepare all " things ready for the printing fome Papers, which he purpofed fhortly after " to convey unto him ; and which was this very Copy brought to him on t: the 23d of December next following by Mr. Edward Symmons ; in the prin- " ting whereof Mr. Royfton made fuch fpeed, that it was. finim'd before the " 30th of January, on which his Majefty's Life was taken away." This Tdtimony of Mr. Royfton is corroborated by two others, viz. that of Mr. 'Thomas Milbov.m (q) and Mr. James Clifford, who both afiifted in the print- ing of it from the Copy of Mr. Qdart (r). XVI. Mr. Edward Hooker, who declares, that he corrected this Book, when it was printed at Mr. Dugard's Prefs, being brought thither by Mr. Edward Symmons, who affur'd Mr. Ditgard and Mr. Hooker, that the Copy was written with the King's own Hand, and deliver'd to him by the King himfelf (s). XVII. Mr. Ed-ward Symmons, who convey'd both the Copies, (viz. that written by Mr. Odart and that by the King) to the Prefs, and declar'd upon his Death-bed, that it was the King's Work (t) ; and affur'd feveral of his Friends at Ferny, when he fent them fome of the Books, that he had printed them from the King's own Copy («). I proceed now to the Intrinfic Evidence, which arifes from the Book itfelf j and it plainly appears to be the King's from thefe particulars : I. The general Style. By this, fays Mr. Wagftaffe (zv), I do not only mean the Phrafe and Expreffion, but together with that the Manner of management ; and to this I add, the great Weight of the Matter. All thefe are very great and majeftic, not only like a King, but like that very King to whom they are af- crib'd. And let any Man compare this Book with the other Works of this glo- rious Martyr, and he cannot but fee the fame generous and free Expreffion, the fame Clearness of Reafon, the fame Greatnefs of Mind, injhort, the fame Ma- jefty throughout. But for the Works of Dr. Gauden, there is nothing in the world more unlike ; a lufcious Style fluffed with gawdy Metaphors and Fancy, far more Expreffion than Matter, a fort of noify and romantic Eloquence. Thefe are the Ornaments of Dr. GaudenV Writings, and differ as much from the Gra- vity and Majefty of the King's Book, as Tawdrinefs does from a genteel and ac- compliftfd Dre/s. The truth is, of all the Authors of that Age, there are fear cely anv, whofe Writings were more light and thin, than thofe of Dr. Gauden. II. The Hiftorical Part of it ; which fhews the Author to be well vers'd in the Affairs which he wrote of, an excellent Statefman, and of a clear and penetrating Judgment ; all which very well agree with the Character of the King, tho' irreconcileable with that of Dr. Gauden, of whofe Faculty in Hi- ftory we have but one Inftance, and that is, the Life of Mr. Richard Hooker, prefix'd to one Edition of the Ecclefiaflical Polity, which is full of mif- takes, and certainly the moft injudicious Hiftory of a Man's Life, that ever was written (#). III. Some Particulars in the fubject matter of it. And thefe are fuch things as could only be known to the King himfelf, and confequently could have no Author but him •, as, 1. His fecret Intentions exprefs'd all over the Book ; and 2. The Matter of his Confcience, particularly in the Cafe of the Earl of Strafford (y). There is one Objection more, which deferves to be confidered ; and that is with relation to a Prayer added to fome Editions of the Icon, and intitled, A Prayer in time of Captivity, which feems to be borrowed from that of Pamela in Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia ; both which Prayers I fhall fubjoin for the Satisfaction of the Curious. Prayer (f) Dugdalfs Short View, p. 3S0. tion, p. 105, 106. (q) Hottiugivortb's Defence, p. iz, 13, 14. (u) Youngs feveral Evidence?, p. 17. (r) Id. ibid. (*<■) p. 112. (s) U'agftafft, p. 107. (x) Id. p. 113, 114. (t) Holtingwortb's Further Defence, p. 3, 4. (y) Id. p. 114, 113, 116. : Wagfiafffs Defence, p. 90, 91. a«d Vindica- ■> I °J The Prayer afcvib'd to King Charles I. the Life of Milton. IXX1X O Powerful and Eternal God, to whom nothing is fo great that it way rcfiJI, or fo fmall that it is con- temned ; look upon my Mifery with thine Eye of AJcrcy, and let thine in- finite Power vouchfafe to limit out fome Proportion of Deliverance unto me, as to thee fball feem moft convenient. Let not Injury, O Lord, triumph over me, and let my Fault by thy Hand be correcled ; and make not my uhjuji E- nemies the Miniflers of thy Juflice. But yet, my God, if in thy IVifdom this be the aptefi Chajlifement for my o The Prayer of Pamela. All-feeing Light, and eternal Life of all thing?, to whom no- thing is either fo great that it may re- fift, or fo fmall that it is contemned ; look upon my Mifery with thine Eye of Mercy, and let thine infinite Power vouchfafe to limit out fome Propor- tion of Deliverance unto me, as to thee fhall feem moft convenient. Let not Injury, O Lord, triumph over me, and let my Faults by thy Hand be corrected ; and make not mine un- juft Enemy the Minifter of thy Juftice. But yet, my God, if in thy Wifdom unexcufable Tranfgreffwns ; if this tin- this be the apteft Chaftifement for my grateful Bondage be fit left for my over- unexcufable Folly ; if this low Boi- highDefires ; if the Pride of my (not dage be fitteft for mv over-high De- enough humble) Heart be thus to be bro- fires ; if the Pride of my not-enough ken, O Lord, I yield unto thy Will, humble Heart be thus to be broken, O and cheerfully embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have me fuffer ; only thus much let me crave of thee ( let my crav- ing, Lord, be accepted of, fince it e- ven proceeds from Thee) that by thy Goodnefs which is thy felf, thou wilt Lord, I yield unto thy Will, and joy- fully embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have me fuffer •, only thus much let me crave of thee (let my craving, O Lord, be accepted of thee, fince even that proceeds from thee) let me crave even, fuffer fome Beam of thy Majefly fo to by the nobleft Title, which in my great fljine in my Mind, that I, who in my greateft Afflictions acknowledge it my nobleft Title to be thy Creature, may Jlill depend confidently on Thee. Let Calamity be the Exercife, but not the Overthrov) of my Vertue. O let not their prevailing Power be to my Deftruclion ; and if it be thy Will that they more and more vex me with Punifhment, yet, O Lord, never let their Wickednefs have fuch a hand but that I may Jlill carry ' a pure Mind and ftedfaft Refoluticn e- ver toferve thee without Fear or Pre- fumption, yet with that humble Confi- dence, which may beft pleafe thee ; fo that at the loft I may come to thy eter- nal Kingdom, through the Merits of thy Son our alone Saviour, Jefus Chrift. Am en. eft Affliction I may give my felf, that I am thy Creature ; and by thy Goodnefs, which is thy felf, that thou wilt fuffer fome Beam of thy Majefty to fhine into my Mind, that it may ftill depend confidently on thee. Let Calamity be the Exercife, but not the Overthrow of my Vertue ; let their Power pre- vail, but prevail not to Deftruclion ; let my Greatnefs be their Prey. • Let my Pain be the Sweetnefs of their Re- venge. Let them (if fo it feem good unto thee) vex me with more and more Punifhment-, but, O Lord, let never their Wickednefs have fuch a hand, but that I may carry a pure Mind in a pure Body. And paufing a while ; And, O moft gracious Lord, faidflie, whatever becomes of me, pre*- ferve the virtuous Mufnlorus. Milton, in his "EixovoxXar-i,- (z), fpeaks upon Occafion of this Prayer as follows •, Who would have imagined fo little Fear in him of the true All- feeing Deity, fo little Reverence of the Holy Ghoft, whofe Office it is to diclate and prefent our Chriftian Prayers ; fo little Care of Truth in his laft Words, or Ho- nour to him/elf, or to his Friends, or Senfe of his Afflictions, cr of that fad Horror, which was upon him, as immediately before his Death to pop into the Hand of that grave Bifiiop, who attended him, as a fpecial Relique of his Saintly Exercifcs, a Prayer ftoPn word for word from the Mouth of a Heathen Woman praying to a Heathen God ; and that in no Jerious Book, but in the vain and amatorious Poem of Sir Philip Sidney'.; Arca- dia •, a Book in that Kind full of Worth and Wit, but among religious Thoughts and Duties not to be named ; nor to be read at any time without good Caution, much lefs in time of Trouble and Affliction to be a Chrfi-ian's Prayer- fz) Sed. I. hxx APPENDIX to Praxer-Book.ln anfvver to this the Author of "Eixmv "AxXars?, The Image unbro- ken, publifti'din 1651, obferves(rt) ; "That after thefirfl Edition of his Majcf- " ty'sBook, the Printers finding the great Ventof them, in the following Edi- " tions, printed Prayers and other Things in the King's Name, not belonging ro " the Book. Among thefe Prayers there is a Prayer taken out of the Arca- " die. That Prayer is neither made by a Heathen Woman, nor to a Hca- " then God, but is compos'd by the Author, aChriflian, without reference " to any Heathen Deity ; and the Author is not thought to iinchriften " Prayer by it, the Libeller himfelf faying, the Book in its Kind is full cf " Worth and Wit. But as his Outcry hath no Caufe from the Matter, fo " here is no Evidence of the Fact, that his Majefty made ufe of the Prayer, " or popt into the Bijhop's Hands as a Re' i que of his Exercife, though l.e " might warrantably have ufed it, and profefs'd it. — If his Majefty had ufed " the Prayer, or deliver'd it, as he imagines, no Man of Chriftiaii Sobriety " could charge the Fact with Crime. "What oae Word cr Sentence is there " in that Prayer, which a Christian may not ufe?" Mr. Themes Wagfifrffe (If) reives us a very particular Account of this Affair; and obferves, That tho* he fees no reafon, why a Man may not ufe good Exprcjfions in his Prayers, let them he borrow" d from whom they will, as well as a good Sentence out of a Hea- then Writer ; and which was never any Blemifi, tho' on the mojl pious Occa- fwns ; yet there is great Reafon to believe, that the King did never make ufe cf that Prayer, for that is not found in the firft, nor in (everal other ihe tneft early Editions of this Book. He then gives us a Catalogue of the feve- ral Editions of "Eixuv B*<t»Ai>m, both with and without the Prayers, mentioning the Size of the Volume, the Time of Printing, the Number of Pages that the Contents confift of,and the Number ofthe Pages of the Book it felf, when there were any fuch. From this Catalogue it appears, that there are no lefs than twenty nine Editions without the Prayers, and feventeen of them printed in 1648. and that there were twenty feven Editions with the Prayers. Fie ac- quaints us likewife (c), that fmce the firft Edition of his Vindication, in 1695, he had received a full and convincing Information concerning the Myfiery of this Prayer, that it was an Artifice o/Bradfhaw or Milton, cr both, and by them furreptitioufly thruff into the King's Work to difcredit the Whole. This Informa- tion comes originally from Mr. Hills the Printer, but convey \l by two very worthy Gentlemen, and againft whom there can be no pojfible Exception, Dr. Gill and Dr. Bernard, who were both Phyfieians to him, and very intimate with him. And becaufe their Tefiimony is fo very important, ihe Reader fhall have it in their own Words, from a Letter oj Dr. Gill to the Honourable Charles Pint- ton, Efq; at the end of which is added the Tefiimony of Dr. Bernard, and which I have now in my Cuftody ; and is as follows, verbatim. "SIR, May 1, 1694. " T Moft readily comply with your Requeft,in informing you, from whom " J_ I heard what I was faying (the laft time I had the Honour to be in " your Company) that I was told, Pamela's Prayer was transferr'd out of Sir " Philip Sidney's Arcadia into "Emtov BxiriMw, by a Contrivance of Bradjbaw's " and Milton's. Sir. I make no Secret of it, and I frankly tell you myAn- " thor, who was Mr. Henry Hills, Oliver's Printer. And the Occafion, as " he many Years ago told me, was this : Mr. Dugard (//), who was Milton's " intimate Friend, happen'd to be taken printing an Edition of the King's " Book. Milton ufed his Intereft to bring him off, which he effected by the " means of BradJJpaw, but upon this Condition, that Dugard ihould add " Pamela's Prayer to the aforefaid Book he was printing, as an Atonement " for his Fault, they defigning thereby to bring a Scandal upon the Book, " and blaft theReputation of its Author ; purfuant to which Defign, they indu- " ftrioufly took care afterwards, as foon as publifhed, to have it taken notice of. " Mr. Hills hath affirm'd this to me feveral times of his own Knowledge ; and " I need not tell you how eafy it was for himto know it, whobeing a forward " and confiding Man, was in moft of the Intrigues of that time, and in- " trufted (a) p. 82. (b) Vindication p. uj.Ufe<\. (a) He printed MiUqn'i Deftnfio pre Pofuh \c) p. 117, Anglicam. the Life o/Milton. lxxxi " trufted with Bufmefs of the greateft Privacy by the then governing Parties; - *' and no Man that I have met with, was better vers'd in the fecret Hiftory " of that Time than himfelf, as I have found by the often Difcourfe I had " with him ; for being his Phyfician for feveral Years, I had many Oppor- " tunities to talk with him about thofe Affairs, from whom I have re- " ceived a different Account of the Tranfaclions of thofe Times, than what " was commonly known or made public, and many PafTages that I was a " Stranger to before. Thus, Sir, I have given you my Authority for what " I faid ; which, if you pleafe you may communicate to the reft of your " Friends; and believe me always, " Your moft humble Servant, " THO. GILL." " T Do remember very well, that Mr. Henry Hills the Printer told me, " J[_ that he had heard Bradjhaw and Milton laugh at their inferting a Paper " out of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia at the end of King Charles's Book; and " then Milton had jeer'd it in his Anfwer ; adding withal, that they were " Men would ftick at nothing, that might gain their Point. And this I " teftify, " May 10th, 1694. FRANCIS BERNARD." To this may be added part of a Letter written a Year before by Dr. Ber- nard to Dr. Goodall, in thefe Words ; " Concerning the Prayer out of Sir Philip Sidney (which Milton makes a " great buftle aboufj I remember Henry Hills, who was Oliver's Printer, and " my Patient, told me, amongft other Things, of the Artifice of that Party ; " that he had heard Bradjhaw and Milton laugh how they had put a Cheat " upon the World ; and in order thereunto had printed the whole Book a- " new, that they might add that Prayer thereunto ; and that they were not " more ftudious of any thing, than to rob that good King of the Reputation " of that Book. I doubt not, but Dr. Gill can remember fomething to this *' purpofe from the fame Henry Hills. " I am, March \%th, 1693. " Your moft allured humble Servant, " FRANCIS BERNARD." Dr. Edward Hooker, who was Corrector to Mr. Dugard's Prefs, when the Icon was firft printed there, declares (e), " That Mr. Dugard having printed " that Book, and it coming to be known, he was thrown into Prifon, and " turn'd out of Merchant-Taylor's School ;and Hooker, to fave himfelf, went " to travel for feveral Years ; and had during his Travels, by feveral Let- " ters, an Account given him by Mr. Dugard what he had fuffer'd in this " Service ; in which Letters he remembers the following Expreflions : 'They " have dealt with me worfe than the Devil did with Job, having taken all from " me, yet left me all my Children. And that the faid Mr. Dugard acquainted him " in the faid Letters, That his Wife made Applicatin to Prefident Bradfhaw " for his Releafe, who told her, that he might come out, if he would take Ad- " vice of a Friend of his, and then he need not lie in Prifon. And accordingly " Mr. Milton was fent to him, who offer'd him his Liberty, if he would do " what he\would have him, who refus'dhis Propofals, faying, God's Will be done, " tho' I be undone. But, faid he, how my Wife and they juggle together, I " know not ; but I fh all get out, and when I am, I will write to my dear " Hooker, and follow your Chriftian Advice, to be a free Prifoner in the In- " terim. And Hooker believes, that Mr. Dugard's Wife printed Pamela's " Prayer taken out of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, with the Alterations " made in it, as one of the Conditions of her Hufband's Releafe out of " Prifon.' To this we may add the following Obfervations of Mr. Wagdaffe : 1. That it does not any where appear, that Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia was a Book which the King ufed to read or delight in. And Sir Thomas Herbert, who Vol. I. x waited (t) Wagjlafft, p. 107. lxxxii APPENDIX to Waited on the King from the time of his Imprifonment at Koldehby to his Death, and had the Charge of the King's Books, and gives a particular Ac- count of what Books the King read, either in his ferious Studies, or for Di- verfion, makes not the leaft mention of the Arcadia ; whereas Milton was very well acquainted with that Book, and had fpent much time in reading it (f). 2. It deferves Enquiry, who it was, that caufed thefe Pravers to b<2 printed, or by whofe Hands they were conveyed to the Prefs ? All the Prints, which give any Account of them, only fay, that they were deliver'd by the King into the Hands of Dr. Juxon, Bijhop of London, at his Death. And this is confirm'd by Milton, who writes thus, As immediately before bis Death to fop into the Hands of that grave Biftjop who attended him, as a fpecial Relique of his Saintly Exercifes, a Prayer ftol'n ward fir word, &c. Now from hence it will appear plainly, That that Party, and they or.lv, were the Perfons who convey'd the Prayers to the Prefs, and caufed them to be printed-, fince what Papers foever the King might deliver toBiihop Juxon, he could print none of them, nor yet keep them to himfejf ; for the Regicides immediately feiz'd and imprifon'd him, and examin'd hirh with all poffible Rigour, and fearch'd him narrowly for all Papers, that he might have from the King, even to Scraps and Parcels ; and mere- over rifled all the King's Clothes, Scrutores, Cabinets, and Boxes ; and whatever they found,they kept in their own hands. This Mr. Wagftaffe, proves from the Author of Regit fanguinis Clamor, p. 83. Saunderfon's Hijlax, p. 1 139. Dr. Bates's Eknchus, and Dr. Perincheifs Life of King Charles I. And ihe obferves, from hence (g), " That it was utterly impoiTible for " Bifhop Juxon, or any Perfon from him, or indeed any of the Royal " Party, to tranfmit thofe Prayers to the Prefs, or any other Papers *' which the King deliver'd to Bifhop Juxon, or left behind him in * his Pockets, or any where elfe within the compafs of their Power : for " they were all taken, and never (like thofe of Nafeby) reftor'd again ; but '* all was kept in their own Cuftody. The Conclusion is this ; That after that " time, whatever was printed, muft come from themfelves ; and if any of " the Papers, that the King deliver'd to Bifhop Juxon at hisDeath, were made pub- " lick, they are the Perfons, who were the Publifhers, and no others. And there " is no doubt, but that Milton himfelf fir ft brought thefe Papers, and got them " printedat Dugard's Prefs, and from thence they were quickly tranflated to " 'M.r.Rcv/lon's ; for every little Addition having the King's Name to itquic- *' ken'd the Sale, and made all the Bookfellers, fo foon as they had notice of " it, add the Prayers to their own Editions, fuppofing them all genuine, not " being confeious of Milton's Forgery ; but however very instrumental, tho' ** innocently, to fpread and propagate it. 'Tis very probable, that fome of " thefe Prayers were fuch as were us'd and penn'd by the King. For it had «' been ridiculous and impolitic, to have counterfeited four Prayers, when " it was one only they had to play upon ; and they fuffer'd thofe that were " genuine to pafs, to give countenance to the other. And Milton hav- *' ing them in his hands, he added this of his own coining to the reft, to * c difcredit the Whole, and to fupply himfelf with Matter to burlefque the " Book, and to abufe the King." Mr. JVagjlaffe tells us (b), That he has a very good Evidence, that the King left but three Prayers behind him, and deliver'd to Bifhop Juxon no more but three Prayers ; and that is the Tefti- mony of Mrs. Fotherley above mentioned; who declares, That within two Days after the King's Death, Jhe faw in a Spanifh Leather-Cafe three thofe Prayers, that are printed in fome, if not in all the Editions of that B , which were faid to be us'd by him in the Time of his Reflraint, and deliver. ; to the Bijhop of London at his Death ; from whom they were taken away by the Officers of the Army ; and it was from one of thofe Officers, in whofe Cuftody they then were, that fhe had the favour to fee them ; and that the Perfon, who fhewed her thofe Prayers, fhewed her alfo the George with the Queen's Piclure in it, and two Seals, which were the King's. " This further confirms the Truth, fays Mr. Wagftaffe, that «« the Prayers were only in their Cuftody ; and moreover, that the " number of thefe Prayers was but three; the fourth is their own ■, " and {/) Wagftaje, p. 1 1 8, 119. (f) p. IZI. (*r p. 122. the Life 0/ M i l t o n. Ixxxii 111 " and Milton vouchfafed to print the other three, for the fake of the " fourth ; and he was contented the World fhould fee fome of the Kino-'s " Prayers, provided he might add one more to difparage all the reft." It appears alfo from the Teftimony of Mr. Roger Norton, Mr. Royfton's Printer, dated Auguft 8, 1693, that King Charles II. had fo little opinion of the Prayers added to the Icon, that when Mr.- Royfton afk'd his leave for the reprinting it in r68o, he gave him leave, but expreffly order'd him to omit thofe additio- nal Prayers. It is to be obferv'd, that this was five years after the pre- tended Memorandum. It feems, that King Charles II. was then fatisfied, that the Book was his Father's, and he took fo much care of it, as to throw out what he fufpecled might be fuppofititious. Mr. Norton obferves, that Mr. Roy ft on lik'd this Order of the King very well, for he feared, whilft he abfconded, his Servants had fome tricks put upon them in the Additional Prayers, tho' he could not fay certainly, that he who brought them to his Servants, was fent by Mr. Milton ; but he much fufpecled it. Mr. Norton added, that Mrs. Royfton could tell, that her Huftand, by the Men then in Power, had great Sums of Money offer' d him, if he would fay, that the King was not the Author of that Book ; and that he himfelf (Mr. Norton) had often heard him fay the fame (/). Mr. Toland in his Amyntor treats Mr. Hills's Evidence as of no Weight, he having turn'd Papift in King James IPs Reign, in order to be that King's Prin- ter, and takes a great deal of pains to prove, that Pamela's Prayer was us'd by the King •, " which from him, as Mr. Wagftaffe obferves (k), is the pleafanteft " thing in the world. He hath all along been endeavouring to prove the whole " Book a Forgery, and father'd it upon the King; and why not the Prayer " too? Why is not the Prayer Dr. Gauden's, as well as the Book alfo ? And " his reafon for this makes it yet more pleafant, which is, that Mr. Royfton " printed it (/). Why, Mr. Royfton printed the whole Book, and moreover " affirms, that it was brought to him from the King, which is more than " was ever faid of the Prayer. And if Mr. Royfton's printing and attefting " are not fufHcient to prove the Book genuine ; how comes his bare printing " without any further Circumftance, to be fuch an extraordinary Proof, for " the ufe of the Prayer ?" DISSERTATION II. Concerning the CommiJJion faid to be given by King Charles I. in the Year 1641, to the IriJJj Papifts, for taking up Arms againft the Proteftants in Ireland*. THIS Commiflion is in the following Words : " f^HARLES by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, " \_J and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, C5V. To all our Catholic " Subjects within our Kingdom of Ireland, Greeting: Know ye, that We for " the fafeguard and prefervation of our Perfon, have been enforc'd to make *' our abode and refidence in our Kingdom of Scotland for a long feafon, oc- " cafioned by reafon of the obftinate and diibbedient Carriage of our Parliament " in England againft Us ; who have not only prefumed to take upon them *' the Government and difpofing of thofe Princely Rights and Prerogatives " that have juftly defcended upon Us from our PredecefTors both Kings and " Queens of the faid Kingdom, for many hundred years paft, but alfo have *« pohefTed themfelves of the whole Strength of the faid Kingdom, in ap- " pointing Governours, Commanders, and Officers in all parts and places " therein, at their own wills and pleafures, without Our confent ; whereby " we are deprived of Our Sovereignty, and left naked without defence. " And for as much as we are (in our felf) very fenfible, that thefe Storms " biow aioft, and are very likely to be carried by the vehemence of the * Pro- tPun'/afi'mt- " teftant Party into our Kingdom of Ireland, and endanger our Regal Pow-no^r Copy. " er and Authority there alfo : Know ye therefore, that we repofing much " care and truft in your duties and obedience, which we have for many years " paft found-, do hereby give unto you full power and authoritv to affem- " ble (J J Id; p. 123. (A) Defence of the Vindication, p. 93. (I) Amyntor, p. 154. lxxxiv APPENDIX to " ble and meet together with all the fpeed and diligence that a bufinefs of To " great confequence doth require, and to advife and confult together by fuf- " ficient and difcreet numbers at all times, days, and places which you fhall ** in your judgments hold moft convenient and material, for the ordering, fet- " tling, and effecting of this great work (mentioned and directed unto you in " Our Letters:) And to ufe all politic ways and means poflible to pofTefs your " felves (for Our ufe "and fafety) of all the Forts, Caftles, and places of ftrength *' and defence within the faid Kingdom (except the Places, Perfons, and " Eftates of our loyal and loving Subjects the Scots :) And alfo to arreft and " feize the Goods, Eftates, and Perfons of all the Englijh Proteftants within " the faid Kingdom to Our ufe. And in your care and fpeedy performance " of this Our will and pleafure, We fhall perceive your wonted Duty and " Allegiance unto us, which We fhall accept and reward in due time. Witnefs Our felf at Edenbrough the firft day of October in the feven- teenth year of Reign. Milton (m) reprefents this Commiflion as genuine ; and Mr. Toland ob- ferves (»), " That whoever would, befides the Confeflion of the Rebels " themfelves, fee further Reafons to believe the faid Commiflion genuine, " (for in this Affair we determine nothing) may perufe the Irijb Remon- " firance, and Dr. Jones's Book, both publiih'd by Authority of Parliament ; *' and alio a Piece intitled, The My fiery of Iniquity, p. 35, 36. printed in 1643 ; " likewife Vicars' s Chronicle, part 3. p. 70. wherein this Commiflion is in- " ferted at large." Mr. Richard Baxter likewife, in his Life (0), lays great ftrefs upon the Cafe of the Marquis of Antrim, who had been one of the Irifh Rebels in the beginning of that War, when, in the horrid Maffacre, 200000 Proteftants were murthered. His Eft ate being feqiieftred, he fought his reftitution of it, when King Charles II. was reftor'd. Ormond and the Council judg'd againft him as one of the Rebels. He brought his Caufe over to the King, and affirmed that what he did was by his Father's Confent and Authority. The King referred it to fome very worthy Members of his Privy Council, to examine what he had to /hew. Upon Exa- mination they reported, that they found, that he had the King's Confent or Letter of Inftruclions for what he did ; which amazed many. Hereupon his Majefty, King Charles II. wrote to the Duke of Ormond and Council to reft ore his Eftates, becaufe it appeared to thofe appointed to examine it, that what he did was by his Father's Order or Confent. Upon this the Parliament's old Adherents grew more confident than ever of the Righteoufnefs of thofe Wars ; and the very De- frayers of the King (whom the firft Parliamentiers catt'd Rebels) did prefume alfo to juftify their Caufe, and faid that the Law of Nature did warrant them. But itftopt not here. For the Lord Mazarine, and others of Ireland, did fo far profecute the Caufe, as that the Marquis of Antrim was forced to produce in the Parliament of England, in the Houfe of Commons, a Letter of the King's (Charles I.) by which^he gave him orders for his taking up Arms ; which being read in the Houfe, did put them into afilence. But yet fo egregious was their Loyalty and Veneration of Majefty, that it put them not at all one fiep out of the way which they had gone in. But the People without doors talked ftrangely -, fome faid, Did you not perfuade us, that the King was againft the Irifh Rebel- lion ? and that the Rebels belyed him, when they faid, they had bis Warrant and Commiffion ? Do not we now fee, with what mind he would have gone himfelf with an Army into Ireland to fight againft them ? A great deal more, not here to be mentioned, was vented feditioufly among the People, th: fum of which was intimated in a Pamphlet, which was printed, called Murder will out •, in which they publijhed the King's Letter, and Animadverfions on it. Some that were ft ill loyal to the King did wijh, that the King that now is, had rather declared, that his Father did only give the Marquis of Antrim commiffion to raife an Army, as to have helped him againft the Scots : and that his turning againft the Englifh Proteftants in Ireland, and the Murdering of fo many hundred thoufands there, was againft (m) 'EuweoJtAariif, Seft. 12. (0) Part. iii. §.'73- /> 83. See likewife Dr. («) Edit, of Milton s Works, p 528. printed Calamy's Abridgment of Mr . Baxter's. Life, in 1698, /'/; fot. p. 43. Edit. 1713. t the Life o/Milton. Ixxxv againft his Will. But quod fcriptum erat, fcriptum erat. King Charles IPs Letter mentioned in this Parage, is as folJows : CHARLES R. " T? 'S nt trufty and well-beloved Coufins and Counfellors, &c. We greet " f\_ you well. How far we have been from interpofing on the behalf of " any of our Irijh Subjects, who by their mifcarriages in the late Rebellion in " that Kingdom of Ireland had made themfelves unworthy of Our Grace and " Protection, is notorious to all Men-, and We were fo jealous in that particu- " lar, that fliortly after our return into this Our Kingdom, when the Marquis " of Antrim came hither to prefent his Duty to Us. upon the Information We " received from thole Perfons who then attended Us, by a Deputation from " Our Kingdom of Ireland, or from thofe who at that time owned our " Authority there, that the Marquis of Antrim had fo mif-behaved himfelf to- " wards Us, and Our late Royal Father of blefled Memory, that he was in no " degree worthy of the leaft Countenance from Us, and that they had rnani- **■ fell and unquestionable Evidence of fuch his Guilt : Whereupon We refufed •* to admit the faid Marquis fo much as into Our Prefence, but on the con- " trary committed him Prifoner to Our Tower of London ; where after he had ** continued feveral Months under a ftrict reftraint, upon the continued Infor- " mation of the faid Perfons, We fent him into Ireland, without interpofing " the leaft on his behalf, but left him to undergo fuch a Tryal and Punimment, " as by the Juftice of that Our Kingdom mould be found due to his Crime, ex-* *' pecking ftill that fome heinous Matter would be objected and proved againft " him, to make him uncapable, and to deprive him of that Favour and Pro- « c tection from Us, which We knew his former Actions and Services had meri- «' ted. After many Months attendance there, and (We prefume) after fuch " Examinations as were requilite, he was at laft difmiffed without any Cenfure, " and without any tranfmiffion of Charge againft him to Us, and with a Li- *' cence to trafifport himfelf into this Kingdom* We concluded, that it was " then time to give him fome inftance of Our Favour, and to remember the " many Services he had done, and the Sufferings he had undergone, for his Af- " fections and Fidelity to our Royal Father and Our Self, and that it was time " to redeem him from thofe Calamities, which yet do lie as heavy upon him •' fince, as before our happy Return. And thereupon we recommended him to " you Our Lieutenant, that you fhould move Our Council there, for preparing " a Bill to be tranfmitted to Us, for the re-invefting him the faid Marquis into " the Poffeffion of his Eftate in that Our Kingdom, as had been done in " fome other Cafes. To which Letter, you Our faid Lieutenant returned us " anfwer, that you had informed Our Council of that Our Letter, and that " you were upon confideration thereof, unanimoufly of Opinion, that fuch a " Bill ought not to be tranfmitted to Us, the Reafon whereof would forthwith " be prefented to Us from Our Council. After which time We received the " inclofed Petition from the faid Marquis, which we referred to the Confide- " rations and Examinations of the Lords of Our Privy Council, whole Names " are mentioned in that Our Reference, which is annexed to the faid Petition ; " who thereupon met together, and after having heard the Marquis of Antrim, " did not think fit to make any Report to Us, till they might fee arid understand " the Reafons which induced you not to tranfmit the Bill We had propofed, " which Letter was not then come to Our Hands: After which time We have " received your Letter of the iSth of March, together with feveral Petitions " which had been prefented to you, as well from the Old Soldiers and Adventu- " rers, as from the Lady Marchionefsofyfe/r/w, all which we likewife tranfmitted " to the Lords Referees. Upon a fecond Petition prefented to Us by the Lord " Marquis, which is here likewifeenclofed, commanding our faid Referees to take " the fame into their ferious Confideration, and to hear what the Petitioner had " to offer in his own Vindication, and to report the whole matter to Us, which " upon a third Petition herein likewife inclofed, We required them to expedite " with what fpeed they could. By which deliberate Proceedings of Ours you " cannot but obferve, that no Importunity, how juft fo ever, could prevail with ■ *« Us to bring our felf to a Judgment in this Affair, without very ample Infor- Vol. I. y " mation. lxxxvi APPENDIX to mation. Our faid Referees, after feveral Meetings, and perufal of what hath been offered to them by the faid Marquis, have reported unto Us, That they have feen feveral Letters, all of them the hand-writing of Our Royal Father to the faid Marquis, and feveral InfiruEfions concerning his treating and joining with the Irifh, in order to the King's Service, by reducing to their Obedience, and by drawing fome Forces from them for the Service of Scotland. That befides the Letters and Orders under his Majefty's Hand, they have re- ceived fufficient Evidence and Teftimony of feveral private MefTages and Di- rections fent from Our Royal Father, and from Our Royal Mother, with the ; Privity and with the Directions of the King Our Father, ; by which they ; are perfuaded that whatever Intelligence, Correfpondence or Actings, the : faid Marquis had with the Confederate Irifh Catholicks, was directed or al- 1 lowed by the faid Letters, Inftruclions and Dirctlions ; and that it manifestly 1 appears to them, that the King Our Father was well pleafed with what the 1 Marquis did, after he had done it, and approved the fame. " This being the true ftate of the Marquis his Cafe, and there being no- ' thing proved upon the firft Information againft him, nor any thing contained ' againft him in your Letter of March 1 8 . but that you were informed, he had ' put in his Claim before the Commiffioners appointed for executing the Acl of ' Settlement ; and that if his Innocency be fuch as is alledged, there is no need of ' tranfmitting fuch a Bill to Us as is defired •, and that if he be Noccnt, it confifts ' not with the Duty which you owe to Us, to tranfmit fuch a Bill,as, if it fhould ' pafs into a Law, muft needs draw a great Prejudice upon fo many Adventu- ' rers and Soldiers, which are, as is alledged, to be therein concerned : We have ' confidered of the Petition of the Adventurers and Soldiers, which was tranf- ;t mitted to Us by you, the Equity of which confifts in nothing, but that they ; ' have been peaceably in Poffefiion, for the fpace of feven or eight years, of " thofe Lands,which were formerly the Eftate of the Marquis of Antrim, and " others, who were all engaged in the late Irifh Rebellion ; and that they fhall " fuffer very much, and be ruined, if thofe Lands fhould be taken from them. " And We have likewife confidered another Petition from feveral Citizens of " London, near fixty in number, directed to Our Self, wherein they defire, That " the Marquis his Eftate may be made liable to the Payment of his juft Debts, " that fo they may not be ruined in the favour of the prefent Poffeffors, who " (they fay) are but a few Citizens and Soldiers, who have difburfed very " frnall Sums thereon. Upon the whole matter, no man can think We are left " engaged by Our Declaration, and by the Act of Settlement, to protect thofe " who are innocent, and who have faithfully endeavoured to ferve the Crown, " how unfortunate foever, than to expofe to Juftice thofe who have been really *' and malicioufly guilty. And therefore we cannot in Juftice, but upon the " Petition of the Marquis of Antrim, and after the ferious and ftrict Inquifi- " tion into his Actions, declare unto you, That we do find him innocent from " any malice or rebellious purpofe againft the Crown ; and that what he did " by way of Correfpondence or Compliance with the Irifh Rebels, was in or- '* der to the Service of Our Royal Father, and warranted by his Inftructions, " and the Truft repofed in him ; and that the benefit thereof accrued to the Ser- " vice of the Crown, and not to the particular advantage and benefit of the " Marquis. And as We cannot in juftice deny him this Teftimony, fo We re- " quire you to tranfmit Our Letter to OurCommiffioners, that they may know " Our Judgments in this Cafe of the Lord of Antrim, and proceed accordingly. " And fo We bid you heartily farewell. Given at Our Court at White-Hall, July io, in the 15th Tear of Our Reign, 1663. By His Majefty's Command, To our Right Trufiy and Right en- ^ tirely Well-belo'ved Coujtn and £^fe2fi£S HENRY BEN NET. and General Governor of Our Kingdom of Ireland ; and to the Lords of Our Council of that Our £ t d a( . the Signet-Office, Kingdom. o July 13, 1663. Having the Life of M ilto n. lxxxvii Hiving thus ftated what has been urg'd againft King Charles 1. with rela- tion to the Irijh Rebellion ; let us proceed now to reprefent what is alieg'd ill Vindication of him. With refpecT: to the Commiflion pretended to be given by the Kinc a t £. dinburgh, Oftober ift, 1641, Monfieur Rapin (p) obferves, that " tho' for " many reafons it is more than probable, that the King never granted a Com- " million to the Irijh to take Arms ; it is however certain, that they boafted " of having fuch a Commiflion. But it is no lefs certain, that it cannot be " the fame with what has been juft read ; nor can this be the Commiflion " publifh'd by the Leaders of the Irijh Rebels. My reafon is, becaufe in " this Commiflion the King is made to fay things, which happen'd not till " feveral Months after the Day of the Date, and which thofe, who are fup- " pofed to have publifhed it the 4th of November, could not forefee. The " King is made to fay on the ift of Otlober 1641, that the Parliament had " poffefs'd themfelves of his Sovereignty, and appointed Governors, Com- " manders, and Officers in all places, which certainly was not done before " the Month of Otlober 164.1. It muft therefore be, that Ruth worth, who has " inferted this Commiflion in his Collcclions (q), had bad Memoirs and little " Judgment not to fee,in this pretended Commiflion of the 1 ft of Otlober 1641, " things, which happen'd not till the Year 164.2." Mr. Tindal, in his Notes upon his Tranflation of this Paflage, adds another Reafon, which fetms to de- monftrate the forgery of this Commiflion •, which is, that this Commiflion is fuppofed to be under the Great Seal of Scotland ; and yet in the Enumeration of the King's Titles, England is named before Scotland, which doubt lefs never was done in any Writings publifhed by Authority in that Kingdom. Before the late Union in Queen Anne'j Reign, the King's conftant Title in all the Scots publick ASis was, of Scotland, England, &c. King. Mr. Rujhworth like- wife obferves, that the words of the Commijfion are enough to foe w the vil- lainous Pratlice of the Authors, arid its bare recital a fufficient confutation and deteclion of the unparallel'd Forgery. And that it was forg'd by Sir Phelim O Neile, appears from the following Deposition of Dr. John Ker,Dem of Ar- magh, (r), publifh'd by Nalfon. " I John Ker, Dean of Ardagh, having occa/ionally difcourfed with the " Right Honourable George Lord Vifcount Lanefborough concerning the late; " Rebellion of Ireland ■, and his Lordfnip at that time having deiired to cer- " tify the faid Difcourfe under my hand and feal, do declare as follows : " That I was prefent in Court, when the Rebel Sir Phelim O Neile was " brought to his tryal in Dublin (s), and that he was tryed in that Court, which " is now the High-Court of Chancery •, and that his Judges were Judge Do- *' v.clan, afterwards Sir James Donelan ; Sir Edward Bolton Knight, fome- " time Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer i — Dungan, then called '* Judge Dungan •, and another Judge, whofe name I do not now remember. '* And that amongft other Witnefles then brought in againft him, there was ■* one Jofeph Travers Clerk, and one Mr. Michael Harrifon, if I miftake " not his Chi'iftian Name. And that I heard feveral Robberies and Murders " proved againft him the faid Sir Phelim, he having nothing material to plead " in his own Defence. And that the faid Judge, whofe name 1 remember not " as above faid, examin'd the faid Sir Phelim about a Commiflion, that the faid " Sir Phelim fhould have had from Charles Stuart, as the faid Judge then " called the late King, for levying the faid War. That the faid Sir Phelim " made anfwer, that he never had any fuch Commiflion. And that it was " proved then in Court by theTeftimony of the faid J cfeph Travers and others, " that the faid Sir Phelim had fuch a Commiflion, and did then in the begin- " ning of the faid Irijh Rebellion (hew the fame unto the faid Jofeph and feveral " others then in Court. Upon which the faid Sir Phelim con-feifed, that when " he furprized the Caftle of Charlemount and the Lord Caulfield, that he order'd " the faid Mr. Harrifon and another Gentleman, whofe name I do not now ■ " remember, to cut off the King's broad Seal from a Patent of the faid Lord's " they then found in Charlemount, and to affix it to a Commiflion, which he the (p) Hiftory of England. B. XX. ad ar.r.. I Impartial Collection, Vol. II. p 5 : '164.1. (q) Vol. IV. p. 400. ^30. 1 [n Feb vary, 1 65-i. Ixxxviii APPENDIX to " the faid Sir Pbelim had order'd to be drawn up. And that the faid Mr. Harri- " fon did in the faceof the whole Court confefs,that by the faid Sir Pbelim'sOrdev " he did flitch the (ilk Cord or Label of that Seal with filk of the Colours of the " faid Label, and fo fixed the Label and Seal to the laid Commiifion. And that " the faid Sir Edward Bolton and Judge Donclan urging the faid Sir Phelim " to declare, why he did fo deceive the People ? he did anfwer> that no Man " could blame him to ufe all means whatfoever to promote that Caufe, he had " fo far engaged in. And that upon the fecend day of his Tryal, fome of the " faid Judges told him, that if he could produce any material proof, that he " had fuch a Commiifion from the faid Charles Smart, to declare and prove " it before Sentence fhould pafs againft him ; and that he the faid Sir Phelim " fhould be reftor'd to his Eitate and Liberty. But he anfwered, that he " could prove no fuch thing. Nevertheless they gave him time to confidet" " of it till the next Day, which was the third and laft day of his Tryal. Up- " on which day the faid Sir Phelim being brought into the Court, and urg'd " again, he declared again, that he never could prove any fuch thing as aCom- " million from the King ; and added, that there were frveral Outrages com- '* mitted by Officers and others, his Aiders and Abettors in the Management " of that War, contrary to his Intention, and which now prefied his Con- ** fcience very much; and that he could not in Confcience add to them the " unjuft calumniating the King, tho' he had been frequently follicited there - " unto by fair Promifes and great Rewards while he was in prifon (/). And " proceeding further in this Dilcourfe, that immediately he was ftopt, before «' he had ended what he had further to fay, and the Sentence of Death was " pronounced againft him. " And I do further declare, That I was prefent, and very near to the faid •' Sir Phelim, when he was upon the Ladder at his Execution. And that " one Marfhal Peake and another Marfhal, before the faid Sir Phelim was cait, " came riding towards the Place in great hafte,and called aloud, Stop a little ; " and having paffed thro' the Throng of the Spectators and Guards, one of *' them whifpered a pretty while with the faid Sir Phelim -, and that the faid " Sir Phelim anfvvered in the hearing of feveral hundreds of People, of whom * Ludlow. " my felf was one, I thank the Lieutenant General* for his intended Mer- " cy ; but I declare, good People, before God and his holy Angels, and all of " you that hear me, that I never had any Commiffion from the King for what " / have done, in levying or ptofecution of this War \ and do heartily beg your " Prayers, all good Catholics and Chriftians, that God may be merciful unto " me, and forgive me my Sins. More of this Speech I could not hear, which " continued not long, the Guards beating off thofe that ftood near the Place " of Execution. " All that I have written as above, I declare to be true, and am ready, " if thereunto required, upon my Corporal Oath to atteft the Truth of " every particular of it. And in teftimony thereof, do hereunto fubferibe " my Hand, and affix my Seal, this 28th Day of February, 168 1. " JOHN KER.'» M.x.'Tloomas Carte likewife («) informs us of a Particular, out of an Ac- count of Sir Phelim O Neile's Trial, which he had often heard from a very worthy Clergyman, who was born in Ireland before the time of the Trial, and whofe Uncle, from whom he had the Relation, was prefent at it in the Chancery Court of Dublin, where the High-Court of Juftice fat, the Commilfioners whereof were directed by a Committee, that fat in an adjoining Room, called the Chancery Chamber, what Queftions they fhould propofe to O Neile ; a Communication being kept up bv means of a Meflenger, who went conftantly between them, and reprefented to the Com- mittee all Proceedings in the Court, and brought Inftruction? ;othe Commif- fioners on every Occafion, fpeaking to them thro' a fquare Hole in the Wall. Sir (/) Mr. 71)0. Carte, in his Life of James, " frequently to mention this, at told him the hrft Duke of Ormonde, Vol. I. /. r8i, " there by Sir Pbelim, with great Detefia- note [g), obferves, " That Sir Richard Kenne- " tion of the Offer. " " d\ (made Baron of the Exchequer of Ire- (a) The Irj/b MalTacre fet in a clear Light, " land by King Charles II) who attended p. 13. 2d Edit. London, 17J3, in 4W. " Sir Pbtlim in Prifon, as his Council, ultd the Life o/Milton. '. Ixxxik Sir Pbelim fccnid, fays Mr. Carte, to appear in the Court with a Remorfefor the Sins of his Life, and the Blood he hadfied in the Rebellion, and with an unfeigned Deftre of wafBing away the Guilt of his former Crimes by a fin- cere Repentance of them. And therefore when the Commiffioners, wbofe bar- barous Endeavours to extort from him an Accufation of the Kino-, during the Courfe of his Trial, (which was drawn out to the length of feveral Bays, that he might be worked upon in that Time) he had rejifled with a Conjlancy, that could hardly be expetled in his Circumftances, owning that he hadfhew d a Commiffwn, but it was of his drawing, he having been bred in the Inns of Court in England, and the Broad Seal affixed to it, as above related ; when they prefs'd him to plead this Commiffwn, as given him by the Kin°~, be anfwered, that he would not increafe his Crimes by accufing an inno- cent Man, who was dead. The fame Writer,, in his Hiflory of the Life of James the firjl Duke of Ormonde (x), obferves, that Dr. William Sheridan, formerly Bifhop of Kilmore, and the late Mr. Lock, (a very worthy Man, and well known in Ireland by the Name of Father Lock, as feme younger Members, who fat with him in the Houfe of Commons there, us'd to ftile him) were prefent at the Execution of Sir Pbelim Nrile, and have to many Gentlemen now living confirm'd the Truth of Dean Ker's Rela- tion. And Mr. Carte remarks ( v ), " That the very Patent, from which «« the Great Seal was torn, and which contained a Grant of feme Lands in »' the County of Tyrone, was about five or fix Years ago upon a Suit of *' Law in relation to thofe Lands, produe'd at the Affizes of Tyrone by " the late Lord Charlemont, having on it evident Marks of the Seal's *' being torn from it, and an Indorsement proving the Fad: ; and was al- « lowed by the Judges as a proper Evidence to prove his Lordfhip's Right u to the Lands in queftion." It is remarkable likewife, that the Commiflioh was pretended to be dated at Edinburgh, October i, 1641, and had the Great Seal of Scotland affix'd to it, tho' all the King's Ads, whilft he was in Scotland, were dated from Uohrood- Houfe ', where was his conftant Residence during his Stay there. And Dr. Gilbert Burnet, in his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton (2), tells us, that the Keeper of the Great Seal of that Kingdom declar'd, That it had never been out of his keeping for many Months before and after that Time ■, and was never put to any fuch CommifTion. Mr. Howell ob- ferves (a), That the King was fo far from giving the Irifh Rebels a Com- mifTion, that he had no Fore-knowledge of their Defign, as, fays he, (befides a world of other convincing Circumftances, which may clear him in this particular), appears from the Confeflion of the Lord Macguire before his Execution on February 20th, 1644, who, upon the Ladder, and another Perfon on the Scaffold, did abfolutely acquit the King in this point. And the fame Author afierts (b), that his Majefty was fo far from hav- ing any Intimation of the Infurreclion in Ireland, that the Spanifh Embaf- fador here, and his Confeflbr, an Irifhman, told him, that the Kino- knew no more of it than the Great Mogul did. Roger Earl of Orrery (c) writes upon this Affair, as follows; " In the Year 1641, the Irifh Papifts pre- "• tended his Majefty's Authority, the pretending whereof having been fo " horrid a Sin, (for it was no lefs than to have intitled his facred Maje- *' fty to all their unparallel'd Crimes, nay, to have made him Author " of them ;) I think it a Duty to the Memory of that glorious Martyr, " to prefent the Reader with what will clearly evince their Malice to be as u great as his Majefty's Innocence. I will therefore only cite the Preamble " of their own Remonjlrance, delivered by the Lord Vifcount Gorman/Ion, " Sir Lucas Dillon, and Sir Robert Talbot, Bart, to his Majefty's Corrimif- " fioners at the Town of Trim in the County of Meath, on the 17th of " March 1642. In which Remonjlrance of Grievances, for fo they call'd Vol. I. z it, (x) Vol. I. B. 3. p. 181. Edit. London, (b) Italian Perfpective, p. 289. 1736, in fol. (c) Anfwer to a fcandalous Letter lately (y) Ibid. p. 182. printed, and fubferibed by Peter Welcb,?ro- (z) p. 193, and jjo. curator for the fecular and regular Popilri (a) Glance on the Jfleof Wight, p. 381. Priefts in Ireland, p. 29. Edit. Dublin, 1662 2 xc APPENDIX/^ " it, after they had taken notice, - that his Majefty had authorized Commif- " fionersto hear what they {hould fay or propound, thefe very Words fol- " low, viz. Which your Majefty's gracious and princely Favour ue find ac- " companied with thefe Words, viz. Albeit We do extremely detest " the odious Rebellion, which the Recusants of Ireland " have without Ground or Colour raised against Us, Our " Crown and Dignity : Words which deferve to be written with a " Beam of the Sun, as an eternal Monument of his Majefty's Juftice and " their Guilt. Nor were they fpoken in a Corner, but fpoken under the " Great Seal of England, and even in that Commiffion, which thofe falfe " Accufers were to fee, and hear read ; and by thofe ExprelTions they were " fufficiently provoked to have pleaded the Authority, which they falfe- " ly pretended, had they had the leaft Shadow for fo black a Calumny." Father Welch or Waljh, in his Anfwer to the Earl's Book, p. 57. Seel. yy. acquits King Charles 1. of the Imputation of having given the pretended Com- miffion, which he acknowledges to have been the Invention of Neile. Sir Roger Manley (c), having given an Account of King Charles I's. caufing the Marquis of Ormonde to deliver up Dublin, then (Anno Dom. 1646) be- fieg'd by the Irifj Army by Land, and block'd up by the Parliament Ships on the Sea-fide, into the hands of the latter, rather than of the former ; and having briefly recited Sir Phelim O Neile's Atteftation of that King's Innocence, expreffes himfelf in thefe Words (d), Nor -was it only with him (O Neile) but with feveral other Prisoners, that they moft impioufly endeavou- red by Promifes of Life, Liberty and Eftate, and no lefs abominable Artifices, to footh them to Confeffions, that might entitle the King to that nefarious R.ebellion. Mr. Carte (e) likewife cbferves, that the King's granting fuch a Commiffion is contrary, i.(/)To the public and authentic Actsof the King him- felf and Lords Juftices, to the Proclamations of Otlober 20th, of January ift, and February 8th, 1641 •, Acts of fuch a nature, as to vacate, or at leaft, to render ufelefs all Commiffions inconfiftent with them, and granted in a clandeftine way, if any could be fo uncharitable as to fuppofe, that the King would grant any for the Crimes of Rapine, Murder and Rebellion ; or fo fenfelefs as to imagine, that he would grant it for no end, or for one, that it could ferve but a Day, (or ftrictly fpeaking) but a Week. 2. To the King's furprize at the breaking out of the Rebellion, exprefs'd in hid Letter {g ) to the Marquis of Ormcnd, wrote from Edinburgh, October, 31, 1641 ; and to his Care and improving every Hint and Intelligence he re- ceived of ill and feditious Defigns for preventing them. See his Letter wrote by his Order to the Juftices of Ireland, March 6th, 1640. 3. To his Profeffions of having had fince the beginning of that monftrous Rebellion no greater Sorrow, than for the bleeding Condition of the Kingdom of Ire- land, and of his being griev'd from the very Soul at the Calamities of his good Subjects there. 4. To his repeated folemn Appeals to God, and calling him to witnefs for the Truth and Sincerity of his Profeffions. 5. To his whole Conduct and Actions, to his zealous Endeavours and Ufe of all Means in his Power, that timely Relief might be fent over to the Succour of the diftrefs'd Proteftants ; to his leaving the Management of the War there to the Parliament, and parting with his Prerogative, already fufficiently pared, that, if poffible to move them by fuch a Sacrifice, it might be carried on the better ; to his confenting to all Propofitions (how difadvantageous foever to himfelf) that were offer'd to him for that purpofe •, to his fending over immediately, on the firft News of the Infurreftion of the Rebels, 1500 Men to oppofe them, and fending afterwards Arms and Ammunition in fuch Proportion and Quantities, and at fuch times as he could very ill fpare them ; to his inflexible Refolution (even after the Battle of Nafeby) when his Af- fairs feem'd defperate, that if the Condition of them were ftill more de- fperate, he would never redeem them by any Conccfiions to the Irijh Re- bels, which muft wound his Honour and Confcience ; and that, let his Cu- ff) Hiftoryofthe Rebellions in England, (/) Borlace, p. 53, 34, 6j, 30. append. Scotland and Ireland, Edit. 1691. 3- p- 21. 6. p. 27. (d) p. 92. (gj ^ir R. Ccx's Appendix to his Hibernia (<■) irijh Maflacre fet in a clear Light, /. Ar.gluana, 49. and /d/y^w/Z/s Abridgment, 18, & feq. „ Vol.JIJ. /. 168. the Life of Milton. xci Circumftances be what they would, he would run any Extremity, rather than do the leaft Act, that might hazard the Religion of the Church of England, in which, and for which he was refolv'd to die (h) ; and to his Or- ders from time to time to the Marquis of Ormond, in regard to which the Marquis (in his Anfwer to the Addrefs of Thanks of the two Houfes of Parliament in Ireland, for the Prefervation of themfelves and the reft of the Proteftant Party there, thro' his Care, March 17th, 1646-7) declares, " That in all the time he had the Honour to ferve the King his Mafter, " he had never received any Command from him, but fuch as fpalce him " a wife, pious, Proteftant Prince, zealous of the Religion he profefled, " the Welfare of his Subjects, and induftrious to promote and fettle Peace " and Tranquillity in all his Kingdoms." 6. To not only what he did, but what he would further have done ; and to his unfeigned Offers of venturing in his own Perfon all the Dangers of War ; of hazarding his very Life for the Defence of his Proteftants in Ireland, and for the Chaftifement of thofe perfidious and barbarous Rebels (as he ftiles them;) and of pawning or even felling his own Parks, Lands, and Houfes for this Service. 7. To not only his conftant Expreffions of Abhorrence of that Rebellion ; but alfo to his denying all Knowledge of it, with the ftrongeft Affeveratiorts and De- clarations of it to fuch a degree, as to vow, That if his own Son had a hand in it, he would cut off his Head. 8. To this Confideration, which alone, (fays Sir Richard Cox) muft convince all Mankind of the King'j Inno- cence in this Affair ; and that is, that an Irijh Rebellion was the moft un- lucky and fatal thing, that could happen to his Majefty at that Juncture ; it broke all his Meafures, and was fo evidently againft his Intereft, that no Perfon could fufpect him to contrive it, who did not at the fame time think him mad. I proceed now to cenfider the Cafe of the Marquis of Antrim, which has been frequently urg'd to caft an Odium upon the King, as concern'd in the Irijh Rebellion andMafTacre. Mr.Baxter,'m the PafTage above cited, affirms, that this Marquis had been one of the Irifh Rebels in the beginning of that War, when in the horrid Maffacre 200000 Proteftants were murther'd. But there will not appear the leaft Grounds for fuch an AfTertion, if we confider, that the Marquis is not mention'd in any of the Lifts or Accounts, which we have of thofe, who firft appear'd in the Province of Uljler, (in which Province the County of Antrim lies) for the Execution of the Conspiracy (z) -, nor in the Lift of the principal Rebels found among the Papers in the Clerk of the Com- mons Houfe of Parliament's Office (k) ; nor in the Account, which we have of them in Dowdale's Depofition (/) ; nor in the Proclamation againft the Rebels publifh'd by the Lords Juftices and Council February 8, 1 641, wherein thofe then in Rebellion are particularly named (;»). And when by fome falfe Reports carried over into England, he was afperfed there on account of the Rebellion, Sir William Parfons, under whofe Eye he liv'd at that time at Dublin, wrote into England a Vindication of him from that Charge («). It appears likewife from Dr. Robert Maxwell's Depofitions (0), that fome of the Rebels complaiivd of the Marquis's not taking up Arms, and that o- thers of them exclaim'd againft him fo long as the March following at the End of the Year 1641, becaufe their Cauie fuffer'd by his non-concurrence. He was very free in expreffing his Deteftation of their proceedings; and go- ing down to his Eftate in the County of Antrim in May 164.2, did good Ser- vice in relieving Colerain ; which was then befieg'd by the Rebels, and in danger of being taken for want of Provifions. Notwithftanding this Service, and tho' Mr. Archibald Stewart, his chief A^ent or Steward, had by his in- tereft and among his Tenants raifed a Regiment, which did good Service a- gainft the Rebels •, Major General Monroe, on pretence that fome other of his Tenants were in the Rebellion, but in reality to gratify the Paflions of a great Man in Scotland, and his own Avarice, by getting poffeiTion of his Eftate and plundering his Houfe, feized the Marquis of Antrim, whilft he was (b) Cox, Part II. C. 1. p. 152. (m) Id. p. 65, and Appendix from p. 27, ( i) Nalfoii's Collections, Vol. II. p. 632. to 3 5 (k) lb." p. 8S8 (>:) Cam's Life of James, the firft Duke (I) Borlace'i Hiftory, p. 39. of Ormond, Voh II. p 277. (0) See Bar/ace's Appendix, p. 126, & feq. xcii APPENDIX to was entertaining him in his own Caftle of Dunlace, and fent him prifoner to Garrickfergus. Thence he made his Efcape into England, where he waited on the Queen at York in March 1643. Msntrofs and fome other Scots Noble- men comincr thither, pvopos'd a Scheme for railing a Body of the King's Friends in Scotland, to oppofe the Covenanters, who were then in Treaty with the Parliament. The Marquis of Antrim undertook to bring over fome Irifh Troops to their affiftance ; and with that View went to the North of Ireland, but was taken by Monroe the very inftant of his landing, and im- prisoned again at Garrickfergus. He made thence a fecond Efcape into Eng- land, and never was concern'd in any action or engagement with the Rebels till after the Ceflation ; Monroe all that time enjoying his Eftate, and refufing to allow him or his Agents to receive the Rents of it, tho' repeated Orders were fent from the King and the State of Ireland for that purpofe. At the time of the Ceflation, the Scots had declared they would affift the Parliament, and were railing Forces to invade England. The Marquis of Montr -oj s coming to Oxford, propofed to cut them out work at home, and to make a diveriion in their own Country, if he had but a Body of Forces to begin the Affair, and to ferve for a Protection to the Royalifts, who would join with him, Antrim then at Oxford readily undertook to bring or fend a Body of Irifh Troops for that purpofe •, and in order thereto went to Ireland in 1644. He could not make good this promife without the affiftance or countenance of the Council of Kilkenny ; and in order to recommend himfelf to them, he took the Oath of Aflbciation, and was made a Member of that Body. There were ftill con- fiderable Expences to be defrayed, and great difficulties to be got over ; which at laft was done by the help and credit of the Marquis of Ormond. During this Negociation, Antrim had feveral Letters from the Queen, encouraging him to go on with the Affair, and prefling Difpatch. At laft he fent off about 1500 Men, which landing in Scotland, enabled Montrofs to raife the Royal Party there, and laid the Foundation of all the great Enterprizes, which he undertook, and the amazing Victories, which he gained in that Country. *' This, continues Mr. Carte (0), was certainly a very eminent Service, at- " tempted whilft the Marquis of Antrim was innocent ; and if in order to the " performance, he contracted any Guilt, by correfponding with the Rebels, " (when they were no longer in arms,) which was abfolutely neceffary, or by " taking the Oath of Aflbciation •, which tho' it was not, he might poffibly " deem ferviceable to that End, there was nothing in his Conduct but what " might be very well excufed and pardoned. But his After-actions did not " correfpond to thefe Beginnings •, and far from being proper or lawful means " of advancing the King's Affairs, were not fo much as directed or intended " for his Service." He join'd in all the violent Meafures of the Nuncio and his Party; oppofed the Peace of 1646, to the utmoft of his power; em- bark'd in the defign to put the Kingdom under fubjection to the Pope, or fome foreign Power; was a declar'd Enemy to the Marquis of Ormond; and upon his return from France, whither he went in the beginning of 164S, join'd with the Nuncio in oppofing the Ceflation lately made with Lord Inchiquin y and ftood out againft the Peace, which follow'd it, and which was thought by the Marquis of Ormond and the Roman Catholic Confederates (between whom it was concluded) the only means to prevent the Death of the King. He kept a Correfpondence with Cromwell from the time of his landing at Dublin ; fow'd difcontents among the Irifh Troops, raifing Jealoufies be- tween them and Lord Incbiquin's Party, which ruin'd the King's Affairs in Ire- land; was aconftant Spy on the Marquis of Ormond and all who adher'd to the King's Authority, giving intelligence to Jones and Ireton of all their Mea- fures and Defigns, and afterwards openly joining wit.': their Party ; and en- deavour'd to afperfe the Memory of the late King, by pretending to confefe an antecedent Defign, wherein he pretended to be concern'd himfelf, but which never was acted, nor had the leaft foundation of Truth or Probability {p). Soon after the Reftoration he came to England; but upon information from the Commiflioners of the Convention, that he had mifbehaved himfelf both in regard to his Majefty and his Father, the King refufed to fee, and com- mitted (0) Life of James the fuft Duke of Or- (f>) Id. p. 278, 279. mond, Vol. II. p. 278. the Life o/Milto N. Xciii jnitted him prifoner to the Tower of London. He was continued there feve* ral Months under a clofe Reftraint, upon the continued Information of the fame Commiffioners. But no Evidence being produced of his Gui!t, as was confidently promis'd, and a Petition being prefented by his Wife to the King in Council, on March 29th, 1661, it was order'd, that he ihould be bail'd, upon the Lords Moore, Dillon, and Taaffe entering into a Recognizance of /. 20COO, for his Appearance, within fix Weeks after the Date of it, before the Lords Juftices of Ireland ; to whom were remitted all the Papers, which they had fent over about him. However, after above fourteen months At- tendance, he was at laft difmiffed without any Cenfure, or Tranfmiflion of a Charge againft him, and with a Licence from the Lords Juftices to tranfport himfelf into England. He there follicited for the Reftitution of his Eftate, which confifted of 107611 Acres, and had been allotted to the Lord Majfa- reene and a few other Adventurers and Soldiers, in confideration of their Ad- ventures and Pay, which did not in all exceed the Sum of /. 7000. The Queen-Mother folliciting ftrongly in favour of the Marquis, and the King feeing nothing prov'd againft him, was prevail'd upon to write a Letter to the Duke of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, dated Decemb. 8, 1662, requiring him to move the Council of Ireland to prepare a Bill to be tranf- mitted over, according to Poyning's Law, for putting the Marquis in poffef- fion of his Eftate. The Council in Ireland were unanimoufly of opinion, that fuch a Bill ought not to be tranfmitted. Upon this Antrim prefented a Pe- tition to his Majefty, giving a favourable Account of his Cafe, and reprefen- ting, " that upon the breaking out of the Irijh Rebellion he had quitted that " Kingdom on account thereof, and had retired into England ; that he was " lent back by the late King's pofitive Command for the carrying on of fuch '* Services there and in Scotland, as were given him in charge ; and his En- " deavours therein were fo well accepted, that he was dignified with the title " of Marquis. That indeed he had been accufed of defaming the late King, " and on that account had been imprifon'd in the Tower, and forbid his Ma- " jefty's Prefence, but during all his Attendance in Ireland, the Fact had " been never proved, and was indeed without foundation ; and (as a Proof " of his conftant Adherence to his Majefty) that he had been deprived by the " Irijh and Ufurpers of his whole Eftate, and lived in great Mifery till his " Majefty's happy Reftoration." This Petition was referr'd to a Committee of the Council of" England, who, having heard the Marquis, did not think fit to make any Report, till they firft faw and underftood the Reafons, which induc'd the Council of Ireland not to tranfmit the Bill propofed. Thefe Rea- fons were fent in a Letter of March 18th, with feveral Petitions which had been prefented to them, as well from the Soldiers and Adventurers, as from the Marquis himfelf. The Reafons imported, " that they were informed, " that the Marquis had put in his Claim before the Commiffioners for execu- " ting the Aft of Settlement ; and if his Innocency were fuch as he alledged, *' there was no need of tranfmitting fuch a Bill as was defired ; and if he were •* nocent, it confifted not with their Duty to his Majefty to tranfmit fuch a " Bill, as, if ic fhould pafs into a Law, muft needs draw a great prejudice " upon fo many Adventurers and Soldiers, as were alledg'd to be there- •■ in concern'd." While thefe Papers were under Confideration, the Marquis prefented another Petition of the fame Tenor as the former, praying to be heard ; and afterwards a third, prefiing Difpatch, on account of the In- conveniences he fuffer'd by Delays. The Committee of the Council proceeded with great Deliberation in the Affair, and heard what the Marquis had to offer in his own Vindication. He produced King Charles I's Inftruftions and Letters in 1643 and 1644 for his going into Ireland, and treating with the Irifi, in order to reduce them to their Obedience, to draw from them Forces for the Service of Scotland, and to engage them to fend a Succour of 1 0000 Men to his Majefty's Afliftance in England. Daniel O Neile, who had been fent with him as an Advifer, was an unexceptionable Witnefs of his Behaviour at that time. The Committee therefore made a Report in his favour, and accordingly the King wrote a Letter to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, dated July 10th, 1663, and given at large above. This Letter arriv'd at Dublin July 20th, and the Vol.. I. a a Purport xciv APPENDIX to purport of it coming to be known, the Adventurers and Soldiers concem'd in Antrim's Eftate presented a Petition to the Council of Ireland, who transmitted it to his Majefty, with their own Letters of the 31ft of that Month. In thefe Letters they obferv'd, that the Marquis's Cafe had not been fully ftated to the Council in England, Since his Conduct had been very criminal in many In- ftances, in oppofmg the Peace of 1646 and 1648, joining with the Pope's Nuncio and his Adherents againft the Royal Authority, &c. The Peti- tion of the Adventurers, which they tranfmitted with thefe Letters, contain'd the Heads of their Accufation againft the Marquifs, upon which he was fcon after to be tried before the Court of Claims. When the Marquis's Friends found, that the Certificate, which had been fent to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, would not be tranfmitted to the Court of Claims, and that the Council were preparing a Remonftrance againft it, they procur'd from the King another Certificate, dated Auguft nth in the form of a Letter to the Commiifioners for executing the Act of Settle- ment, of the fame Import, and in the fame Words, except where the Form ne- ceffarily occafion'd a Variation. This Letter arriv'd at Dublin time enough to be made ufe of at the Marquis's Tryal, which was on the 20th ot that Month. Mr. Carte (p) thinks it very probable, that Sir Henry Bennet, Se- cretary of State, out of Complaifance to the Queen-Mother, who greatly fa- vour'd the Marquis, had fecreted the joint Letter of the Council of Ireland of Jufyls 1 ft, till after his Majefty's Letter to the Comrmflk ners of Augvjl 1 1 th was fent away. The Marquis's Tryal before the Commissioners of the Court of Claims in Ireland came on Auguft 20th, when his Majefty's Letter was firft read ; and four of the Commissioners thought, that this Letter was a fufficient ground for them to declare the Innocency of the Marquis ; but the other three thinking it proper to hear what Evidence could be offer'd for criminating the Plaintiff, and afterwards to confider, whether what they alledg'd was comprehended within the Instructions and Directions mentioned in the Letter, the Matter was argued by the Council on both fides. At laft the Council for the Defendants mov'd, '* that this Point of the King's Letters might be referred to the Lord Lieu- " tenant and Council, as had been before in Sarsfiela's Cafe." But this was carried in the Negative. The next Queftion, whether they fhould hear any Evidence on the Defendants part, was carried in the Affirmative. The firft thing, which the Defendants offer'd, was a Copy of the above-mentioned Letter of July 31, from the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in anfwer to his Majefty's •, but the reading of it was carried in the Negative. They then at- tempted to prove, that Antrim knew of the Plot for the furprifing of Dublin Caftle, on Oftob.23, 1641. But all the Evidence was two hear-fay Deposi- tions taken in 1642, from Perfons who were told fo by the common Soldiers of the Irijh, whilft they were Prifoners. The Conduct of his Tenants in the North was objected ; but the only thing of any confequence urg'd againft him before the Ceffation in 1643, was a Conference, which he was charg'd with having had with Roger Moore. Whether this was, fays Mr. Carte (q), in order to get a Pafs to go to his Eftate in the North, or for fome other lawful purpofe ; or whether it was abfolutely falfe, does not appear from any Witnefs on the Marquis's fide ; for his Council would examine none, choofing to reft their Caufe upon the King's Teftimony in his Letter, rather than to lefj'en its Weight by any Aft of their own, in appealing to other Evidence. The Defen- dants, to prove the Fact, produe'd another of the old hear-fay Depositions, taken juft after the Rebellion broke out, and Six living Witneffes, who all, fpeaking to one and the fame Fact, fix'd it, fome in January, others in Fe- bruary, another in April, and one (viz. Connor Donnogh, a Romifti Prieft) in June 1642, at which time Antrim was Prifoner at Carrickfergus. But as Sir William Parfons at that time vindicated the Marquis's Innocency ; as the Duke of Ormond confider' d him as a faithful Subjeft, when he waited upon him after the Battle of KilruSh, two or three days before Antrim went into the North ; as no Indiftment was laid, nor any Profecution carried on againft him, in a time of the fever eft Inquifition after the Adherents and Correfpon dents of the Rebels, when fuch Profecutions were made upon the ftighteft Sufpicions and weakeft {}) Ibid. p. 288, 289, (?) Ibid. p. 290. the Life o/Milton, xcv weakefl Grounds ; as no Objeclion was made in the Council, compofed as it was in Sir Will. ParfonsV time, when Orders were fent them about a Tear after* wards to put the Marquis in Po([cJfion of the Rents of his Eftate : I do not fee, fays Mr. Carte (r), the leaft reafon to lay any Jlrefs upon thefe difagreeing De- positions ; efpecially conftdering the Pratlices ufed at that time of the fitting of this Court of Claims, to procure and fuborn Witnefj'es, whofe Perjuries were fometimes prcv'd in open Court by the Teftimony of honourable Perfons, who hap- pened accidentally to be prefent. The Defendants next proceeded to fhew, that he had fign'd the Roll of Aflbciation ; that he had been of the fupreme Council of Kilkenny ; that he had acted as a Lieutenant-General among the Rebels •, that he had join'd with the Nuncio, and with Owen Ro O Neile, and oppos'd the Peace of 1 648 •, and that he came in 1 650 with a Pafs from Ireton to the Engliflj Camp, and had form*d a Defign to tranfport Soldiers to oppofe King Charles 11. in Scotland. When the Evidence of the Defendants was finifti'd, and Antrim's oppofing the Peace in 1646 and 164S was prov'd, without any Defence on the Plaintiff's fide, the Court was to determine. That Oppofition expreffly barred his Innocency according to the Act of Settle- ment •, the only Doubt was, whether thofe particular proofs were to be receiv'd in oppofition to the King's general Teftimony, and exprefs directions to pro- nounce the Marquis innocent ; as he was at laft adjudg'd to be by the Ma- jority of the Judges. As foon as the Tryal was over, the Adventurers and Soldiers aggriev'd by this Sentence, prefented at the Council-Board a Petition to his Majefty praying relief againft the Declaration of the Court of Claims, which they defir'd might be refpited and referr'd to the confideration of the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland. The King upon receipt of this Petition, immediately wrote another Letter to the Commifiloners (to whom he tranfmitted at the fame time his former Letters to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, and their Anfwer of July 31.) reprefenting therein, how he found by that Petition (a Copy whereof he fent them) " that upon the hearing of the Marquis of Antrim's '* Caufe on Aiiguft 20. there were offered unto them in Evidence againft the " faid Marquis feveral things, which by the Characters given of that Noble- *' man to his Majefty, he did not conceive he had been guilty of; upon " which particulars (fays his Majefty in the Words of the Letter) as they were " not made known to us before, fo now being made known unto us, we can- " not but take notice of them, and declare our Senfe, that they cannot con- " fift with the Marquis's Duty and Allegiance to our Royal Father or Our- " felf, neither can the fame be warranted by any Authority fuppofed to be *' derived from our Royal Father, or be any ways confident with the Service " of our Royal Father or Ourfelf. And therefore fince that we are given to " underftand, that the faid Marquis made not any defence againft the faid " Evidence, but relied wholly on our Letters to you directed, which were " by you held very comprehenfive for the acquitting the faid Marquis of all " the Matters objected againft him, and that the Crimes laid to his charge " (though conferred) were thereby avoided •, and that thereupon only, you " did adjudge the faid Marquis to be an innocent Perfon within the faid " Act ; we cannot therefore, but upon the whole matter declare unto you, " that we conceive, that fuch atlings of the faid Marquis can no ways be in- " tended to be warranted or excufed by any of the Authorities derived from our " Royal Father or Ourfelf; and that the fame were fo far from being a Service " to our Royal Father, that they did much reflect upon him. And there- " fore we do hereby require you to forbear iffuing out of any Decree for the " faid Marquis, until our further Pleafure be known therein ; and if any " Decree be ifTued forth, that you do give order and take care for fuperfe- " ding thereof; and for fo doing this fhall be your warrant, cirV." This Letter the King fent with another to the Lord Lieutenant and Coun- cil, wherein after acknowledging the Receipt of theirs of July 31. the Petition tranfmitted therewith, and the other laft mentioned, he adds, "That " upon ferious Confideration thereof he had thought fit to fignify his Royal *' Pleafure unto the faid Commiffioners by the inclofed, which he fent to " them, to the Intent that they fhould fee the fame duly obferved ; and " that (r) p. 291. xcvi APPENDIX /«, " that if the CommilTioners Decree in the Marquis's behalf mould be exe- " cuted before thefe his Letters came to their hands, then they fhould caufe " the Sheriffs of the Counties, where the -Lands lay, to put the Adven- " turers and Soldiers in pofieffion again, and continue them therein, until '• his Pleafure were further known, &c." There was afterwards upon this laft Petition of the Adventurers and Sol- diers a folemn Hearing before his Majefty at his Council-Board in England, againft the Judgment and Decree given by the major Part of the Commiffio- ners for the Marquis's Innocency. The King, after much time fpent in the Examination of the Cafe, declared, " That he faw no Caufe, why the " faid Marquis fhould be adjudged innocent, much lefs that the Commif- " fioners, not at all considering the Proofs, which they heard againft him, " fhould lay the whole Weight of their Judgment upon his Majeity's Certifi- " cate, the faid Certificate being only to declare, that the Marquis was employ - " ed into Ireland, to procure what Forces he could from thence, to be trdnf- " ported into Scotland for his late Majeflfs Service under the late Marquis " of Montrofe, to the end that the Converfation of the Caid Marquis in the Rebels " Quarters, which was neceffary for that Service, might not, according to the " Letter of the former AcJi render him Criminal, if that had been the only, " as it was the leaft Objection againft him; and therefore rcfolv'd that he " fhould undergo a new Tryal." To prevent this, Antrim, in an humble Petition to the King, acknovvledg'd himfelf guilty, and befcught his Maje- fty, that he might be fupported by his Mercy, fmce he was not able to fupport himfelf by his own Innocency. The King thereupon, reflecting on the Services performed for his Father by the Marquifs in the Scots Affair " and fome eminent Services of his likewife done to himfelf, (the Marquis, " befides affifting him with Arms and Ammunition, when he was in the " Weft, having alfo furnifh'd him with Ships to make his Efcape into " foreign Parts, when his Armies were defeated in the Weft ;) and confi- " dering that his Mercy was in the fame Act extended to fome, who had as " much dtmerited, did by the Act of Explanation provide for the Mar- " quis's being reftored to all his Eftate (except Impropriations) taking care " in the fame Act to have the Judgment of the Court of Ciaims declared " void and null to all intents and purpofes." Mr. Carte obferves (s), that there is nothing more unaccountable in this Relation of the Marquifs's Reftitution, than the wonderful Zeal, with which the Queen-Mother exerted her Intereft in his behalf ; and that fome Writers- fay, this was owing to the Influence of her Favourite the Earl of St, Al- bans, upon whom the Marquis had made a Settlement of his Eftate, while he was imprifoned in the Tower in 1660, in order to engage his In- tereft for his Reftitution •, tho' after the Marquis had carried his Point, and it was agreed, that he fhould be reftored to his Eftate by a particular Claufe in the Aft of Explanation, it appeared, that before he came from Ireland, he had made a prior Settlement on his Brother Alexander Macdonnel and his Heirs ; by which St. Albans was difappointed of the expected Re- compenfe of all his Trouble (t). With regard to the other Story in Mr. Baxter's Life about the Lord Maf- fareene's and others profecuting the Caufe fo far, as that the Marquis of An- trim was forced to produce in the Parliament of England, in the Houfe cf Commons, a Letter of the King's (Charles I.) by which he gave hhn Orders for his taking up Arms; which being read in the Houfe did put them to filence ; Mr. Carte obferves («), " That if this Letter of the King's was one of " thofe produced before the Lords Referees of the Council, it has been already confider'd and clear'd. And as it relates only to the Marquis's drawing Forces out of Ireland for the Service of Scot Ian d,thn King can be no " more blameable for giving theMarquis of Antrim fuch Order,than forgiving " one to the Marquis of Montrofsfoi the like purpofeand for the fame fervice. " If it is pretended, that it is none of thofe, which were laid before " the Lords of the Council; it will be hard to account how the Mar- " quis came not to produce it before them for his fuller Vindication." The fame (') P- 2 9- (') Itl. p. 29J. (» N Irijk Maffacre fee in a clear Light,/* 35. cc the Life <?/Milto n. xcvii feme Writer likewife in his Preface (x) to the Life of James, the firji Duke of Ormonde, remarks, that there was no Occafiosi for the Lord Maljareene or the Adventurers to appeal to the Parliament from the Sen- tence given at the Trial of the Marquis, becaufe it was immediately fuperfe- ded and annulled by the King's exprefs Orders ; and heafTures us, that he has fearched all the Journals of the Houfeof Commons from the Reftoration till after 1670 (y ), and could find no Entry nor Mention made of any fuch Letter, nor of the Marquis's appearing before the Commons, nor of the Lord Alajfareene's prefenting any Petition, or bringing the Caufe before that Houfe. And indeed-, fays he, if any fuch Application had been ever made, I fliould certainly have found fome mention of it in Lord AungierV Letters to the Duke, 0/" Ormonde, that Nobleman being a Member of the Houfe of Com- mons in England, a conftant Attender, fcarce ever miffing a Poft in writing te the Lord Lieutenant, and feldom omitting to fpeak particularly of Lord MafTareene'i Proceedings whilfl he was in England. Dr. Calamy tells us (z), that he had been inform'd, that the Original of this Letter was once in the Paper-Office. Upon which Mr. Carte obferves (a), That the Paper- Office is a Repofitory of Papers, not fuch as are prefented to the Houfe of Commons, but fuch as are repofed with the Secretaries of State ; however that he had fearch'd that Office likewife, but could find no fuch Letter, tho' he met with Petitions to the King in Council, and feveral other Papers rela- ting to the Marquis of Antrim. As Mr. Baxter refers to a Pamphlet, called, Murder will out, as an Authority for what he had advanced in the PafTage from his Life above cited, I mall give fome Account of it, as I met with it in the Earl of Ar- lington's Letters to the Duke of Ormond ; whence it appears, that this Pam- phlet was written and committed to the Prefs foon after the Date of the Let- ter of King Charles II. to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, which makes the Subftance, as it was the Ground of it. For Lord Arlington in a Letter dated Oclober 17th, 1663, writes, That the Surveyors of the Prefs had, among other malicious Papers, found one with this Title, Mur- der will out, accompanied with a Preamble, faying, the King has accufed his Father, to clear my Lord of Antrim •, and then follows his Majefifs Letter to the Duke of Ormond, to whom Lord Arlington recommends the making the Enquiry whether it was printed in Ireland ; and adds, that it is certain, at leaft, that the Instruction and Compofure of it came from thence. To this Letter and Account of the Pamphlet Lord Arlington refers in another Let- ter to the Duke of Ormond, dated January 30th, 1664, in thefe Words; " This Day is the Anniversary of our late King's Murder •, and fome vil- " lainous People, to blot the Remembrance of it, have (as I am told) dif- " perfed many Copies of that feditious Paper, call'd, Murder will out -, ** wherein his Majefty's Recommendation of my Lord Antrim is printed, " with fome villainous Application to his Majefty, whereof I fent you at its " firft coming abroad a Copy, and then fuppofed the firft ImprefTion there- " of came from Ireland. If your Grace could difcover any thing of it *' there, it would be a great Service to the King to have the Author and " Printer of it fufFer fome exemplary Puniihment. Fornow the Prefs andPen " is beginning as hot a War upon us, as if they intended fpeedily to follow it " with the Sword.'' In both thele Letters the Account given of the Pamphlet is exactly the fame ; and it is faid to confift only of the King's Letter, and of a Preamble applying it to him-,butnot the leaftHint is given of any Letter pro- duced by the Marquis of Antrim, in the Houfe of Commons in England; which furnilhes us with another Reafon to fufpect. that no fuch Letter was ever produe'd. (x) p. 1 1 . (_>>) Lord Majfareene died in ( z ) Abridgement of Mr. Baxter's Life, September 1665. /• 43- Edit - l 7 l i' l a ) P retace , P- 12- End of /^APPENDIX. Erratum, in the Life of Milton, P. 19. Line 37. inflead of elder read younger. Vol. I. B b O F REFORMATIO! in ENGLAND, AND The Caufes that hitherto have hundred it. In Two Books. TP r ritte?i to a Friend. SIR, AMidft thofe deep and retired Thoughts, which with every Man chri- ftianly inftrucled, ought to be molt frequent, of God, and of his mi- raculous Ways and Works amongft Men, and of our Religion and Works, to be perform'd to him ; after the Story of our Saviour Chriji, fu fit-ring to the loweft bent of weaknefs in the Flejh, and prefently triumphing to the high- eft pitch of Glory in the Spirit, which drew up his Body alio, till we in both be united to him in the Revelation of his Kingdom ; I do not know of any thing more worthy to take up the whole paffion of Pity on the one fide, and Joy on the other, than to confider firft, the foul and fudden Corruption, and then after many a tedious Age, the long deferr'd, but much more wonderful and happy Reformation of the Church in thefe latter Days. Sad it is to think how that Doctrine of the Go/pel, planted by Teachers divinely infpired, and by them winnow'd, and fifted from the Chaff of overdated Ceremonies, and refin'd to fucha fpiritual height and temper of Purity, and knowledge of the Creator, that the Body, with all the Circumftances of Time and Place, were purify'd by the Affections of the regenerate Soul, and nothing left impure but Sin ; Faith needing not the weak, and fallible Office of the Senfes, to be either the Ulhers or Interpreters of heavenly Myiteries, fave where our Lord himfelf in his Sacraments ordain'd, that fuch a Doctrine fhould, through the groffnefs and blindnefs of her Profeffors, and the fraud of deceivable Tradi- tions, drag fo downwards, as to backflide one way into the Jewifh beggary of old caft Rudiments, and (tumble forward another way into the new-vomited Paganifm of fenfual Idolatry, attributing Purity or Impurity to things indif- ferent, that they might bring the inward Acts of the Spirit to the outw.ird and cuftomary Eye-fervice of the Body, as if they could make God earthly and fleihly, becaufe they could not make themfelves heavenly zn&fpiritual ; they began to draw down all the divine Intercourfe betwixt God and the Soul, yea, the very fhape of God himfelf, into an exterior and bodily form, urgently pretending a neceffity and obi igement of joining the Body in a formal Re- verence, and Wor/loip circumfcrib'd ; they hallow'd it, they fum'd it, they iprinkied it, they bedeckt it, not in Robes of pure Innocency, but of pure Linen, with other deformed and fantaftick dreffes, in Palls and Miters, Gold, and Guegaws fetcht from Aaron 1 ?, old Wardrobe, or thtFlamins Vejlry: then was the Prieft fet to con his Motions and his Poftures, his Liturgies, and his Lurries, till the Soul by this means of over-bodying herfelf, given up juft- ly to flefhly delights, bated her Wing apace downward : And finding the eafe fhe had from her vifible and fenfuous Collegue the Body, in performance of religious Duties, her Pinions now broken, and flagging, fhifted off from her felf the labour of high foaring any more, forgot her heavenly flight, and left the dull and droyling Carcafe to plod on in the old Road, and drudgingTrade of outward Conformity. And here out of queftion from her perverfe con- ceiting of God, and holy things, fhe had fal'n to believe noGo^atall, hadno( cuftom and the worm of Confcience nipt her Incredulity hence to all the Du- Vol. I. B tief Of Reformation in England. ties of evangelical Grace, inftead of the adoptive and chearful boldnefil which our new Alliance with God requires, came fervile, and thrall-like fear : For in very deed, the fuperftitious Man, by his good will, is an Atheift ; but being fcar'd from thence by the pangs and gripes of a boiling Confcience^ all in a pudder muffles up to himfelf fuch a God, and fuch a Worjhip as is moft agreeable to remedy his fear ; which fear of his, as alio is his hope, fixt only upon ihe\FleJh, renders likewifethe whole faculty of his Apprehenfion carnal; and all the inward Acts of Worftjip, iffuing from the native Strength of the Soul, run out lavifhly to the upper Skin, and there harden into a Cruft of Formality. Hence Men came to fcan the Scriptures by the Letter, and in the Covenant of our Redemption, magnify d the external Signs more than the quickning Power of the Spirit; and yet looking on them through their own guiltinefs, witha fervile fear, and finding as little comfort; or rather terror from them again, they knew not how to hide their flavifh approach to God's Behefts by them not underftood, nor worthily receiv'd, but by cloaking their fervile crouching to all religious Prefentments, fometimes lawful, fometimes idolatrous, under the name of Humility, and terming the py-bald Frippery, and oftentation of Ceremonies, Decency. Then wasBaptifm chang'd into a kind of Exorcifm, and Water, fmfb'fy'd by Cbrijl's Inftitute, thought little enough to wafh off the original Spot with- out the Scratch, or crofs Impreffion of a Pricft's fore-finger : And thatFeaft of Free-grace, and Adoption to which Chrift invited his Difciples to fit as Brethren, and Co-heirs of the happy Covenant, which at that Table was to be feal'dtothem, even that Feaft of Love and heavenly-admitred Fellowfhip, the Seal of filial Grace, became the fubject of Hoi ror, and glouting Adoration, pageanted about like a dreadful Idol : which fometimes deceives well-mean- ing Men, and beguiles them of their Reward, by their voluntary Humility ; which indeed is flelhly Pride, preferring a foolifh Sacrifice, and the Rudiments of the World, as Saint Paul to the Cohjfians explaineth, before a favory Obe- dience to Chrift's Example. Such was Peter's unfeafonable Humility, as then his Knowledge was frnall, when Chrift came to wafh his feet •, who at an im- pertinent time would needs ftrain Courtefy with his Mafter, and falling trouble- fomly upon the lowly, alwife, and unexaminable intention of Chrift, in what he went with refolution to do, fo provok'd by his interruption the meek Lord, that he threaten'd to exclude him from his heavenly Portion, unlefs he could be content to be lefs arrogant and ftiff-neckt in his Humility. But to dwell no longer in characterizing the Depravities of the Church, and how they fprungj and how they took increafe ; when I recall to mind atlaft, after fo many dark Ages, wherein the huge overfhadowing Train of Error had almoft fweptall the Stars out of the Firmament of the Church; how the bright and bl'ifsful Reformat ion (by Divine Power) ftrook through the black and fettled Night of Ignorance and Antichriftian Tyranny, methinksa fovereign and reviving Joy muft needs rufh into the Bofom of him that reads or hears ; and the fweet Odour of the returning Gofpel imbath his Soul with the fragran- cy of Heaven. Then was the facred BIBLE fought out of the dufty Cor- ners where profane Falfhood and Neglect had thrown it, the Schools opened, Divine and Humane Learning rak'd out of the Embers of forgotten Tongues, the Princes and Cities trooping apace to the new-erected Banner of Salvation ; the Martyrs, with the unreiiftable might of JVeaknefs, fhaking the Powers of Darknefs, and fcorning theory Rage of the old red Dragon. The pleafing purfuit of thefe Thoughts hath oft-times led me into a feri- ous queftion and debatement with myfelf, how it fhould come to pafs that England (having had this Grace and Honour from God, to be the firft that fhould let up a Standard for the recovery of loft Truth, and blow the firft Evangelick Trumpet to the Nations, holding up, as from a Hill, the new Lamp of faving Light to all Chriftendom) fhould now be lall, and moft un- fettled in the enjoyment of that Peace, wherof fhe taught the way to others •, although indeed our Wicklef's preaching, at which all the fucczedlngRefcrmers more effectually lighted their Tapers, was to his Countrymen but a fhortBlaze, foon dampt and ftifled by the Pope and Prelates for fix or feven Kings Reigns ; yet methinks the Precedency which God gave this Iftand, to be the firft Re- ft orer of buried Truth, mould have been followed with more happy fuccefs, 2 and Of Reformation in England. and fooner attain'd Perfection ; in which as yet we are amongft the laft : for, albeit in purity of Doctrine we agree with our Brethren •, yet in Difci- pline, which is the execution and applying of Doilrine home, and laying the Salve to the very Orifice of the Wound, yea, tenting and fearching to the Core, without which Pulpit-preaching is but mooting at Rovers ; in this we are no better than a Schifm from all the Reformation, and a fore Scandal to them : for while we hold Ordination to belong only to Bifhops, as our Prelates do, we muft of neceiTity hold alfo their Minijlers to be no Minifters, and ihortly after their Church to be no Church. Not to fpeak of thofe fenfeleis Ceremonies which we only retain, as a dangerous earneft of Aiding back to Rome, and ferving merely, either as a Mift to cover nakednefs where true Grace is extin- guiih'd, or as an Enterlude to fet out the Pomp of Prelatifm. Certainly it would be worth the while therefore, and the pains, to enquire more parti- cularly, what, and how many the chief Caufes have been, that have ftill hindred our uniform Co7ifent td the reft of the Churches abroad, at this time efpecially when the Kingdom is in a good propcnfity thereto ; and all Men in Prayers, in Hopes, or in Difputes, either for or againft it. Yet will I not infill on that which may feem to be the Caufe on God's part; as his Judgment on our Sins, the trial of his own, the unmafking of Hypo- crites : nor fhall I ftay to fpeak of the continual Eagernefsand extreme Dili- gence of the Pope and Papifts to flop the furtherance of Reformation, which know they have no hold or hope of England their loft Darling, longer than the Government of Bifhops bolfters them out ; and therefore plot all they can to uphold them, as may be feen by the Book of Santa Clara the Popifh Pricfi in defence of Bifiops, which came out piping hot much about the time that one of our own Prelates, out of an ominous fear, had writ on the fame Argument; as if they had join'd their Forces, like good Confederates, to fupport one falling Babel. But I fhall chiefly endeavour to declare thofe Caufes that hinder the for- warding of true Di/cipline, which are among ourfelves. Orderly proceeding will divide our Inquiry into our Fore-fathers Days, and into our Times. Hen- ry VIII. was the firftthat rent this Kingdom from the Pope's Subjection total- ly i but his Quarrel being more about Supremacy, than other faultinefs in Re- ligion that he regarded, it is no marvel if he ftuck where he did. T'he next Default was in the Bijhops, who though they had renounced the Pope, they ftill hugg'd the Popedom, and fhar'd the Authority among themfelves, by their fix bloody Articles, perfecuting the Proteftants no flacker than the Pope would have done. And doubtlefs, whenever the Pope fhall fall, if his ruin be not like the fudden down-come of a Tower, the BiJJoops, when they fee him tot- tering, will leave him, and fall to fcrambling, catch who may, he a Patri- archdom, and another what comes next hand •, as the French Cardinal of late, and the See of Canterbury hath plainly affected. In Edward the VI's days, why a compleat Reformation was not effected, to any confiderate Man may appear. Firft, he no fooner entred into his King- dom, but into a War with Scotland ; from whence the Protector returning with Victory, had but newly put his hand to repeal the fix Articles, and throw the Images out of Churches, but Rebellions on all fides, ftirr'd up by ob- durate Papifts, and other Tumults, with a plain War in Norfolk, holding tack againft two of the King's Generals, made them of force content them- felves with what they had already Uone. Hereupon follow'd ambitious Con- tentions among the Peers, which ceas'd not but with the Protector's death, who was the moft zealous in this point : And then Northumberland was he that could do moft in England, who little minding Religion, (as his Apoftacy well fhew'd at his death) bent all his Wit how to bring the Right of the Crown into his own Line. And for the Bifljops, they were fo far from any fuch worthy Attempts, as that they fuffer'd themfelvesto be the common Stalesto countenance, with their proftituted Gravities, every politick Fetch that was then on foot, as oft as the potent Statifts pleas'd to employ them. Never do we read that they made ufe of their Authority, and high Place of Accefs, to bring the jarring Nobility to Chrijlian Peace, or to withftand their difloyal Projects: but if a Toleration for Mafsv/ere to be begg'd of the King for his Sifter Mary, left Charles the Fifth ihould be angry ; who but the grave Prelates, Cranmer Vol. I. B 2 and * D Of Reformation in England. and Ridley, muft be fentto extort it from the young King ? But out of the mouth of that godly and royal Child, Chrift himfelf return'd fuch an awiul repulfe to thofe halting and time-ferving Prelates, that after much bold im- portunity, they went their way not without Shame and Tears. Nor was this the firft time that they difcover'd to be followers of this World ; for when the Protector's Brother, Lord Sudley, the Admiral, through private malice and mal-engine was to lofe his Life, no Man could be found fitter than Bifhop Latimer (like another Dr. Shaw) to divulge in his Sermon the forged Aceufations laid to his charge, thereby to defame him with the People, who elfe 'twas thought would take ill the innocent Man's death, un- lefs the reverend Bifiop could warrant them there was no foul play. What could be more impious than to debar the Children of the King from their Right to the Crown ? To comply with the ambitious Ufurpation of a Traitor, and to make void the laft Will of Henry VIII. to which the Breakers had fworn obfervance? Yet Bifhop Cranmer, one of the Executors, and the other Bifuops none refufmg, (left they mould refill the Duke of Northumberland) could find in their Confciences to let their hands to the difinabling and defeating not only of Princefs Mary the Papift, but of Elizabeth the Proteftant, and (by the Bijhops judgment) the lawful IfTueofKing Henry. Who then can think (tho' thefe Prelates had fought a further Reformation) that the leaft wry Face of a Politician would not have hufht them ? But it will be faid,Thefe Men wcreMartyrs : What then ? Though every true Chri- ftian will be a Martyr when he is called to it •, not prefently does it follow, that every one fuffering for Religion, is without exception. Saint Paul writes, that A Man may give his Body to be burnt, (meaning for Religion) and yet not have Charity : He is not therefore above all poffibility of erring, becaufe he burns for fome points of Truth. Witnefs the Arians and Pela,gians, which were (lain by the Heathen for Chrift\ fake, yet we take both thefe for no true Friends of Chrift. If the Mar- tyrs (faith Cyprian in his 30th Epiftle) decree one thing, and the Go/pel an- other, either the Martyrs muft lofe their Crown by not obferving the Go/pel for which they are Martyrs, or the Majefty of the Go/pel muft be broken and lie flat, if it can be over-topt by the novelty of any other Decree. And herewithal I invoke the Immortal DEITY, rcvealer and judge of Se- crets, That wherever I have in this Book plainly and roundly (though wor- thily and truly) laid open the faults and blemifhes of Fathers, Martyrs, or Chriftian Emperors, or have otherwife inveighed againft Error and Superfti- tion with vehement Expreffions ; I have done it, neither out of malice, nor lift to fpeak evil, nor any vain-glory,but of mere necefllty to vindicate the fpot- lefs Truth from an ignominious Bondage, whole native worth is now become of fuch a low efteem, that fhe is like to find finall credit with us. for what flie can fay, unlefsfhe can bring a Ticket from Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley ; or prove herfelf a retainer to Conftantine, and wear his Badge. More tolerable it were for the Church of God, that all thefe Names were utterly abolilhed like the Brazen Serpent, than that Men's fond Opinion ihould thus idolize them, and the Heavenly Truth be thus captivated. Now to proceed, whatfoever the Bijhops were, it feems they themfelves were unfatisfy'd in matters of Religions they then flood, by thatCommif- fion granted to 8 Bijhops, 8 other Divines, 8 Civilians, 8 common Lawyers, to frame Ecclefiaftical Ccnftitutions •, which no wonder if it came to nothing, for (as Hayward relates) both their Profeffions and their Ends were different. Laft- ly, We all know by Examples, that exact Reformation is not perfected at the firft pufh, and thofe unwieldy Times of Edward VI, may hold fome Plea by this excufe. Now let any reafonable Man judge whether that King's Reign be a fit time from whence to pattern out the Conftitution of a Church-Difcipline, much lels that it ihould yield Occafion from whence to fofter and eftablifh the continuance of Imperfection, with the commendatory Subfcriptions oiConfef- fors and Martyrs, to intitle and engage a glorious Name to a grofs Corruption. It was not Epifcopacy that wrought in them the heavenly Fortitude of Mar- tyrdom, as little is it that Martyrdom can make good Epifcopacy -, but it was Epifcopacy that led the good and holy Men through the Temptation of the E- nemy\ and the fnare of this prefent World, to many blame-worthy and oppro- brious Of Reformation in England. brious Anions. And it is ftill Epifcopacy that before all our eyes worfens and flugs the moft learned, and feeming religious of our Minifters, who no foon- er advane'd to it, but like a Seething-Pot fet to cool, fenfibly exhale and reak out the greateft part of that Zeal, and thole Gifts which were formerly in them, fettling in a fkinny congealment of eafe and floth at the top : and if they keep their Learning by fome potent fway of Nature, 'tis a rare Chance; but their Devotion moft commonly comes to that queazy temper of Luke - warmnefs, that gives a Vomit to God himfelf. Bat what do we fofFer mif-fhapen and enormous Prelatifm, as we do, thus to blanch and varnifh her Deformities with the fair Colours, as before of Mar- tyrdom, fo now of Epifcopacy ? They are not Bijhops, Goo and all g ooa Men know they are not, that have fill'd this Land with late Confufion and Violence, but a tyrannical Crew and Corporation of Impoftors that have blinded and abus'd the World fo long under that Name. He that enabled with Gifts from God, and the lawful and primitive Choice of the Church afiembled in conve- nient number, faithfully from that time forward feeds his parochial Flock, has his coequal and comprefbyterial Power to ordain Minifters and Deacons by publick Prayer, and Vote ot Cbrift's Congregation in like fort as he himfelf was ordain'd, and is a true Apoftolick Bijhop. But when he fteps up into the Chair of Pontifical Pride , and changes a moderate andexemplary Houfe for a mif-govern'd and haughty Palace, fpiritual Dignity for carnal Precedence, andfecular high Office and Employment for the high Negotiations of his heaven- ly Embaffage : Then he degrades, then he un-bijhops himfelf ; he that makes him Bijhop, makes him no Biftjop. No marvel therefore if S Martin complain- ed to Sulpitius Severus, that fince he was Bifoop he felt inwardly afenfible decay of thofe Virtues and Graces that God had given him in great meafure before ; altho' the fame Sulpitius write that he was nothing tainted or alter'd in his Habit, Diet, or perfonal Demeanor from that firnple plainnefs to wliich he firft bc-rook himfelf. It was not therefore that thing alone which God took dif- pleafure at in the Bijhops of thofe times, but rather an univerfal rottennefs and gangrene in the whole Funtlion. From hence then I pafs to Queen Elizabeth, the next Proteftant Prince, in whofe days why Religion attain'd not a perfect reducement in the beginning of her Reign, I fuppofe the hindring Caufes will be found to be common with fome formerly alledg'd for King Edward VI. theGreennefs of the times, the weak Eftate which Queen Mary left the Realm in, the great Places and Of- fices executed by Papifts, the Judges, the Lawyers, the Juftices of Peace for the moft part Pcpijh, the Bifiops firm to Rome ; from whence was to be expected the furious flaming of Excommunications, and abfolving the People from their Obedience. Next her private Counsellors, whoever they were, perfuaded her (as Camden writes) that the altering of Eccle/iaftical Policy would move Sedition. Then was the Liturgy given to a number of moderate Divines, and Sir Tho. Smith a Statefman to be purg'd and phyfick'd : And furely they were mode- rate Divines indeed, neither hot nor cold ; and Grindal the beft of them, af- terwards Archbijhop of Canterbury, loft favour in the Court, and I think was difcharg'd the Government of his See, for favouring the Minifters, though Camden feem willing to find another Caufe : therefore about her fecond Year, in a Parliament, of Men and Minds fome fcarce well grounded, others belch- ing the four Crudities of yefterday's Popery, thofe Conftitutions of Edward VI. which as you heard before, no way fatisfied the Men that made them, are now eftablifh'd for beft, and not to be mended. From that time follow'd nothing but Imprifonments, Troubles, Difgraces on all thofe that found fault with the Decrees of the Convocation, and ftrait were they branded with the name of Puritans. As for the Queen herfelf, fhe was made believe that by putting down Bifliops her Prerogative would be infring'd, of which fhall be Ipofcen anon as the courfe of Method brings it in : And why the Prelates la- bour'd it fliould be fo thought, afk not them, but afk their Bellies. They had found a good Tabernacle, they fate under a fpreading Vine, their Lotwas fallen in a fair Inheritance. And thefe perhaps were the chief Impeachments of a more found rectifying the Church in the Queen's Time. From this Period I count to begin our Times, which becaufethey concern us more nearly, and our own Eyes and Ears can give us the ampler fcope to judg.% will 6 Of Reformation in England. will require a more exact fearch •, and to effect this the fpeedier, I fhali di- ftinguifh fuch as I efteem to be the hinderers ofReformaiion into three £orts,An- tiquitarians, (for fo I had rather call them than Antiquaries, whole Labour* are ufeful and laudable.) 2. Libertines. 3. Politicians. To the Votarifts of Antiquity I flia.ll think to have fully anfwer'd, if I ftiall be able to prove out of Antiquity, Firft, That if they will conform our Bifhops to the purer times, they muft mew their leathers, and their pounces, and make but curt-tail'd Bifhops of them -, and we know they hate to be dockt and dipt, as much as to be put down outright. Secondly, that thofe purer times were corrupt, and their Books corrupted foon after. Thirdly,. that the beft of thofe that then wrote, drfclaim that any Man fhouki repofe on them, and fend all to the Scriptures. Firft therefore, if thofe that over-affect Antiquity will follow the fqunre thereof, their Bifhops muft be elected by the hands of the whole Church. The ancrenteft of the extant Fathers, Ignatius, writing to the Philadehb'.ans, faith, that it belongs to them as to the Church of God to chufe a Bifiop. Let no Man cavil, but take the Church of God as meaning the whole coi fiftence of Orders- and Members, as St. Paul's Epiftles expreis, and this likewife being read over : Beftdes this, it is there to be mark'd, that thofe Philadelphia's are- exhorted to chufe a Bifhop of Antioch. Whence it feems by the way that there was not that wary limitation of Diocefs in thofe times, which is con- firm'd even by a faft Friend of Epifcopacy, Camden, who cannot but love: Bifhops as well as old Coins, and his much lamented Monalteries, for anti- quity's fake. He writes in his Defcription of Scotland, that over all the world. Bijhops had no certain Diocefs, till Pope Dionyfi.is about the year 26S did cut them out ; and that the Bijhops of Scotland executed their function in what place foever they came indifferently, and W'thout difiiv.tlion, till King Malcolm the third, about the Tear 1070. Whence may be guefs'd what their function was: Was it to go about circled with a band of rooking Officials, with Cloak-bags full of Citations, and Proceffes to be ferv*d by a corporalty of griffon-like Promoters and Apparitors ? Did he go about to pitch down his Court, as an Empirick does his Bank, to inveigle in all the Money of the Country ? No certainly it would not have bin permitted him to excrcife any fuch Function indifferently wherever he came. And verily fome fuch matter it was as want of a fat Diocefs tliat kept our Britain Bifhops fo poor in the primitive times, that being call'd to the Council of Ariminum in the Year 359, they had net wherewithal to defray the Charges of their Journey, but were fed and lodg'd upon the Emperor's coft ; which muft needs be no accidental, but ufual po- verty in them : for the Author Sulpitius Sevens in his 2d Book of Church- Hiftory praifes them, and avouches it praife-worthy in a Bifhop to be fo poor as to have nothing of his own But to return to the ancient election of Bifhops, that it could not lawfully be without the confent of the People is fo exprefs in Cyprian, and fo often to be met with, that to cite each place at large, were to tranflate a good part of the Volume ; therefore touching the chief paffages, I refer the reft to whom fo lift perufe the Author himfclf : In the 2.4th Epift. If a Bijljop, faith he, be once made and allow' d by the Tcjlhncny and Judgment of his Collegues and the People, no other can be made. In the 55. When a Bijhop is made by the fuff rage of all the People in peace. In the 63 . mark but what he fays -, The People chiefly hath power either of chufiug worthy ones, or refufing unworthy : This he there proves by Authorities out of the old and new Teftament, and with folid Reafons : thefe were his Antiquities. This voice of the People, to be had ever in Epifcopal Elections, was fo well known, before Cyprian's time, even to thofe that were without the Church, that the Emperor Alexander Severus defir'd to have his Governors of Provinces chofen in the fame manner, as Lampridius can tell ; fo little thought it he offenfive to Monarchy. And if fingle Authorities perfuade nor, hearken what the whole general Council of Nieaa, the firft and famoufeft of all the reft, determines, writing a Synodal Epift'e to the African Churches, to warn them of Arianifm •, it exhorts them to chufe orthodox Bifhops in the place of the dead, fo they be worthy, and the People chafe them, where- by they feem to make the People's affent fo neceflary, that Merit, with- out their free Choice, were not fufficient to make a Bifhop. What would yc fay now, grave Fathers, if you fhould wake and fee unworthy Bifhops, or ra- ttier Of Reformation in England. f ther no Bifhops, but Egyptian tafk-maftefs of Ceremonies thruft purpofely upon the groaning Church; to the affliction and vexation of God's people ? Jt was not of old that a Confpiracy of Bifhops could fruftrate and fob off the right of the people ; for we may read how St. Martin, foon after Conftantine, was made Bifliop of Turon in France, by the people's confent, from all places thereabout, maugre all the oppofition that the Bifhops could make. Thus went matters of the Church almoft 400 years after Chrifi, and very probably far lower : for Nicepborus Phocas the Greek Emperor, whofe reign fell near the 1000 year of our Lord, having done many things tyrannically, is faid by Ce- drenus to have done nothing more grievous and difpleafing to the people, than to have enacted that no Bifhop fhould be choi'en without his will ; fo long did this right remain to the people in the midft of other palpable Corruptions. Now for Epifcopal dignity, what it was, fee out of Ignatius, who in his E- piftle to thofe of Trallis, confeffeth, That the Prejfjyters are his Fellow Coun- sellors and Fellow-Benchers. And Cyprian in many places, as in the 6, 41, 52 Epift. fpeaking of Preflyters, calls them his Comprejbyters, as if he deem'dhim- felf no other, whenas by the fame place it appears he was a Bifhop, he calls them Brethren ; but that will be thought his meeknefs : yea, but the Prejbyters and Deacons writing to him, think they do him honour enough when they phrafe him no higher than Brother Cyprian, and dear Cyprian in the 26 Epift. For their Authority 'tis evident not to have bin fingle, but depending on the counfel of the Presbyters, as from Ignatius was erewhile alledg'd ; and the lame Cyprian acknowledges as much in the 6 Epift. and adds thereto, that he had determin'd, from his entrance into the Office of Bifhop, to do nothing without the confent of his people, and fo in the 3 1 Epift. for it were tedious to courfe through all his writings, which are fo full of the like affertions, in- fomuch that even in the womb and center of Apoftacy, Rome itfelf, there yet remains a glimpfe of this truth ; for the Pope himfelf, as a learned Engli/h writer notes well, performeth all Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiftion as in Confiftory amongft his Cardinals, which were originally but the Parifh-Priefts of Rome. Thus then did the Spirit of unity and meeknefs infpire and animate every joint and finewof themyftical body •, but now the graveft and worthieft Mi- nifter, a true Bifhop of his fold, fhall be revil'd andruffledby an infultingand only Canon-wife Prelate, as if he were fome flight paltry companion : and the people of God, redeem'd and wafh'd with Cbri/t's blood, and dignify 'd with fo many glorious titles of Saints, and Sons in the Gofpel, are now no better re- puted than impure Ethnicks •, and lay-dogs, ftones, and pillars, and crucifixes, have now the honour and the alms due to Chrijl's living members ; the Table of Communion, now become a Table of Separation, ftands like an exalted platform upon the brow of the Quire, fortify'd with bulwark and barricado, to keep off the profane touch of the Laicks, whilft the obfceneand furfeited Prieft fcruples not to paw and mammock the Sacramental Bread, as familiarly as his Tavern Bifket. And thus the people, vilify'd and rejected by them, give over the earneft ftudy of vertue and godlinefs, as a thing of greater purity than they need, and thefearch of divine knowledge as a myftery too high for their capacities, and only for Church-men to meddle with ; which is that the Pre- lates defire, that when they have brought us back to Popifli blindnefs, we might commit to their difpofe the whole managing of our Salvation, for they think it was never fair world with them fince that time. But he that will mould a modern Bifliop into a primitive, muft yield him to be elected by the popular voice, undioceft, unrevenu'd, unlorded, and leave him nothing but brotherly equality, matchlefs temperance, frequent fafting, inceffant prayer and preaching, continual watchings and labours in his Miniftry •, which what a rich booty it would be, what a plump endowment to the many-benefice- gaping mouth of a Prelate, what a relifh it would give to his canary-fucking, and fwan-eating palate, let old BifhopMountain judge forme. How little therfore thofe ancient times make for modern Bifhops, hath bin plainly difcours'd ; but let them make for them as much as they will, yet why we ought not to ftand to their arbitrament, fhall now appear by a threefold cor- ruption which will be found upon them. 1 . The beft times were fpreadingly infected. 2. The beft men of thofe times foully tainted. 3. The beft wri- tings of thole men dangeroufly adulterated. Thefe Pofiuons are to be made good 8 Of Reformation in England. o-ood out of thofe times witneffing of themfelves. Firft, Ignatius in his early days teftifies to the Churches of Afia, that even then Herefies were fprung up, and rife every where, as Eufebius relates in his 3 Book, 35 chap, after the Greek number. And Hegefippus, a grave Church-writer of prime Antiquity, affirms in the fame Book of Eufebius , c. 32. That while the Apcfiles were cu earth, the depravers ofDoclrine did but lurk ; but they once gone, with open fore- head they durjl preach down the Truth with Faljities. Yea, thofe that are reckon'd for orthodox, began to make fad and fhameful rents in the Church about the trivial Celebration ofFeafh,- not agreeing when to keep Eafter-day ; which Controverfy.grew fohot, that Victor the Bifhop of Rome excommunicated all the Churches of Afia for no other caufe, and was worthily therof reprov'd by Trenails. For can any found Theologer think that thefe great Fathers under- stood what was Gofpel, or what was Excommunication ? Doubtlefs that which led the good Men into fraud and error was, that they attended more to the near tradition of what they heard the Apoftles fometimes did, than to what they had left written, notconfidering that many things which they did were by the Apoftles themfelves profeft to be done only for the prefent, and of mere indulgence to fome fcrupulous Converts of the Circumciiion, but what they writ was of firm decree to all future ages. Look but a century lower in the leap, of Eufebius 8 Book. What a univerfal tetter of Impurity had invenom'd everyPart, Order, and Degree of the Church, to omit the lay-herd, which will be little regarded, thofe that feem'd to be our Paftors, faith he, overturning the Law of God's worjhip, burnt in Contentions one towards another, and increaftng in hatred and bitternefs, outragioujly fought to uphold Lordfh/p, and command as it were a Tyranny. Stay but a little, magnanimous Biihops, fupprefs your af- piring thoughts, for there is nothing wanting but Conftantine to reign, and then Tyranny herfelf fhall give up all her Citadels into your hands, and count ye thenceforward her truftieft Agents. Such were thefe that muft be called the ancienteft and moft virgin times between Chrift and Conjlantine. Nor was this general Contagion in their actions, and not in their writings : who is ig- norant of the foul errors, the ridiculous wrefting of Scripture, the Herefies, the Vanities thick fown through the Volumes oijujlin Martyr, Clemens, Ori- gen, Tertullian, and others of eldeft time? Who would think him fit to write an Apology for Chriftian Faith to the Roman Senate, that would tell them how of the Angels, which he muft needs mean thofe in Gene/is call'd the Sons of God, mixing with Women were begotten the Devils, as good Juftin Martyr in his Apology told them. But more indignation would it move to any Chri- ftian that fhall read Tertullian, terming St. Paula novice, and raw in Grace, for reproving St. Peter at Antioch, worthy to be blam'd if we believe the Epiftle to the Galatiafis : perhaps from this hint the blafphemous Jefuits prefum'd in Italy togive their Judgment of St. Paul, as of a hot-headed per- fon, as Sandys in his Relations tells us. Now befides all this, who knows not how many furreptitious works are in- grafiedinto the legitimate writings of the Fathers ? and of thofe Books that pafs for authentick, who knows what hath bin tamper'd withal, what hath bin raz'd out, what hath bin inferted ? Befides the late legerdemain of the Papifts, that which Sulpitius writes concerning Origen's Books, gives us caufe vehe- mently to fufpect, there hath bin packing of old. In the third chap, of his 1 Dialogue we may read what wrangling the Biihops and Monks had about the reading or not reading ofOrigen, fome objecting that he was corrupted by Hereticks, others anfwering that all fuch Books had been fo dealt with. How then fhall I truft thefe times to lead me, that teftify fo ill of leading themfelves? Certainly of their defects their own witnefs may be belt receiv'd, but of the rectitude and fincerity of their life and doctrine, to judge rightly, we muft judge by that which was to be their rule. " But it will be objected, that this was an unfettled ftate of the Church, want- ing the temporal Magiftrate to fupprefs the licence of falfe Brethren, and the extravagancy of ftill new opinions ; a time not imitable for Church-govern- ment, where the temporal and fpiritual Power did not clofe in one belief,- as under Conflantine. lam not of opinion to think the Church a Vine in this re- flect, becaufe, as they take it, fhe cannot fubfilt without clafping about the Elm of worldly ftrength and felicity, as if the heavenly City could not iiip- 2 port Of Reformation in England. port it fclf without the props and buttrefies of" fecular Authority. They ex- tol Conftantine becaufe he extol I'd them ; as our home-bred Monks in their Hiftories blanch the Kings their Benefactors, and brand thofe that went about to be their Correctors. If he had curb'd the growing Pride, Avarice, and Luxury of the Clergy, then every Page of his Story mould have fwell'd with his faults, and that which Zczimns the Heathen writes of him mould have come in to boot : we mould have heard then in every declamation how he flew his Nephew Commodus, a worthy Man, his noble and eldeft Son Crijpus, his Wife Faufta, befides numbers of his Friends ; then his cruel Exactions, his finfoundnefs in Religion, favouring the Ariam that had been condemn'd in a Council, of which himielf fat as it were Prefident ; his hard meafure and ba- nifhment of the faithful and invincible Athanaftus ; his living unbaptiz'd al- moft to his dying day ; thefe blurs are too apparent in his Life. But fince he m uft needs be the Load-ftar of Reformation, as fome Men clatter, it will be good to fee further his knowledge of Religion what it v/as, and by that we may likewife guefs at the fincerity of his times in thofe that were not Here- tical, it being likely that he would converfe with the famoufeft Prelates (for fo he had made them) that were to be found for Learning. Of his Arianifm we heard, and for the reft, a pretty fcantling of his Knowledge may be taken by his deferring to be baptiz'd fo many years, a thing not ufual, and repugnant to the tenor of Scripture, Philip knowino- no- thing that fhould hinder the Eunuch to be baptiz'd after profeffion of his Belief '. Next, by the exceffive devotion, that I may not fay Superftition both of him and his Mother Helena, to find out the Crofs on which Chrifi fufter'd, that had long lain under the rubbiih of old ruins, (a thing which the Difciples and Kindred of our Saviour might with more eafe have done, if they had thought it a pious duty :) fome of the nails wherof he put into his Helmet, to bear off blows in battel, others he faften'd among the ftuds of his bridle, to fulfil (as he thought, or his Court BiJJoops perfuaded him) the Prophecy of Zechariah; And it fhall be that that •which is in the bridle jhall be holy to the Lord. Part of the Crofs in which he thought fuch Virtue torefide, as would prove a kind of Palladium to fave the City wherever it remain'd, he caufed to be laid up in a Pillar of Porphyry by his Statue. How he or his Teachers could trifle thus with half an eye open upon St. Paul's Principles, I know not how to imagine. How fhould then the dim Taper of this Emperor's age that had fuch need of fnuffing, extend any beam to our times wherewith we might hope to be better lighted, than by thofe Luminaries that God hath fet up to fliineto us far nearer hand. And what Reformation he wrought for his own time, it will not be amifs to confider •, he appointed certain times for Fails and Feafts, built ftately Churches, gave large Immunities to the Clergy, great Riches and Pro- motions to Bifiops, gave and minifter'd occafion to bring in a deluge of Cere- monies, thereby either to draw in the Heathen by a refemblance of their Rites, or to fet a glofs upon the fimplicity and plainnefs of Chriftianity ; which to the gorgeous Solemnities of Paganifm, and the fenfe of the World's Children, feem'd but a homely and yeomanly (Religion, for the beauty of in- ward Sanctity was not within their profpect. So that in this mannenhe Prelates, both then and ever fince, coming from a mean and plebeian Life, on a fudden to be Lords of ftately Palaces, rich fur- niture, delicious fare, and princely attendance, thought the plain and home- fpun verity of Chrifl's, Gofpel unfit any longer to hold their Lordfliips ac- quaintance, unlefs the poor thread-bare Matron were put into better clothes ; her chafte and modeft vail, furrounded with celeftial beams, they over- laid with wanton treffes, and in a flaring tire befpeckl'd her with all the gaudy allurements of a Whore. Thus flourifh'd the Church with Conjlantine's wealth, and therafter were the effects that follow'd ; his Son Conjlantius proved a flat Arian, and his Ne- phew Julian an Apoftate, and there his Race ended : the Church that before by infenfible degrees welk'd and impair'd, now with large fteps went down hill decaying-, at this time Ant ichrift began firft to put forth his horn, and that faying wascommofl, that former times had wooden Chalices and golden Priefls ■, but they golden Chalices and wooden Priefts. Formerly (faith Sulpi- Vol. I. C r /».<■, io Of Reformation in England. this) Martyrdom by glorious death was fought more greedily than now BL fhopricksby vile Ambition are hunted after, (fpeaking ofthefe times: and in another place, they gape after poffeffions, they tend Lands and Livings, they coure over their Gold, they buy and fell r and if there be any that neither poffefs nor traffique, that which is worfe, they fit ftill, and expe& gifts, and proftitute every induement of Grace, every holy thing to fale. And in the end of his Hiftory thus he concludes, all things went to wrack by the Faction* Wtlfulnefs, and Avarice of the Biftoops, and by this means God's people, and every good Man was had in fcorn andderifion : which St. Martin round truly to be faid by his Friend Sulpitius ; for being held in admiration of all Men, he had only the Eijhops his enemies, found God lefs favourable to him after he was Bijhop than before, and for his laft 1 6 years would come at no BiJhop y s. meeting. Thus you fee, Sir, what Conftantine'^ doings in the Church brought forth, either in his own or in his Son's Reign. Now left it fhould be thought that fomething elfe might ail this Author thus to hamper the Bilhops ofthofe days; I will bring you the opinion of three the famoufeft Men for Wit and Learning that Italy at this day glories of, whereby it may be concluded for a receiv'd opinion even among Men pro- fefling the Rornifh Faith, that Conftantine marr'd all in the Church. Dante in his 1 9 Canto of Inferno hath thus, as I will render it you in Englijh blank Verfe i Ah Conftantine, of how much ill was caufe Not thy Conversion, but thofe rich demains That thefirft wealthy Pope receiv'd of thee? So in his 20 Canto of Paradife he makes the like complaint, and Petrarch feconds him in the fiunemindin his 108 Sonnet, which is wip'd out by the Inquifitor in fome Editions ; fpeaking of the Roman Ant ichrift as merely br-ed up by Conftantine. Founded in chaft and humble Poverty, 'Gainft them that rais'dthee doft thou lift thy horn, Impudent whoore, where haft thou plac'd thy hope ? In thy Adulterers, or thy ill got wealth ?■ Another Conftantine comes not in haft.. Ariofto of Ferrara, after both thefe in time, but equal in fame, following, the fcope of his Poem in a difficult knot how to reftore Orlando his chief Hera to his loft fenfes, brings Aftolfo the Englifh Knight up into the Moon, where St. John, as he feigns, met him. Cant. 34. And to be floor t, at laft his guide him brings- Into a goodly valley, where be fees A mighty mafs of things jlrangely confus'd, Things that on earth were loft, or were abus'J.. And amongft thefe fo abufed things,- liften what he met withal, under thq Conduct of the Evangelift. Then paft he to a flowry Mountain green, Which once fmelt fweet, now ft inks as odioufly ; This was that gift {if you the truth will have) That Conftantine to good Sy\vtft.xQ gave. And this was a truth well known in England before this Poet was burn, as- our Chaucer's, Plowman fhall tell you by and by upon another occafion. By aL l thefe circumftances laid together, I do not fee how it can be difputed what good this Emperor Conftantine wrought to the Church, but rather whether ever any, though perhaps not wittingly, kt open a door to more mifchief in Chriftendom. There is juft caufe therfore that when the Prelates cry out, Let the Church be reformed according to Conftantine, it fhould found to a ju- dicious ear nootherwife, than if theyihould fay, Make us rich, make us lofty. make Of Reformation in England. II make us lawlefs ; for if any under him were not fb, thanks to thofe ancient remains of Integrity, which were not yet quite worn out, and not to his Go- vernment. Thus finally it appears, that thofe purer times were not fuch as they are cry'd up, and not tobefollow'd without fufpicion, doubt and danger. The Lift Point wherein the Antiquary is to be dealt with at his own "Weapon, is to make it manifeft, that the ancienteft and bed of the Fathers have difclaim'd all Sufficiency in themfelves that Men fhould rely on, and fent all Comers to the Scriptures, as all-fufficient : That this is true, will not be unduly gather'd, -"by flu-wing whatefteem they had of Antiquity themfelves, and what validity they thought in it to prove Doctrine, or Difcipline. I mull of necefTity be- gin from the fecond Rank of Fathers, becaufe till then Antiquity could have no Plea. Cyprian in his 6$Epiftle : If any, faith he, ot our Anceftors, either ignorantly, or out of fimplicity, hath not obferved that which the Lord taught us by his Example, (fpeakingof the Lord's Supper) his fimplicity Go.'. may pardon of his Mercy •, but we cannot be excus'd lor following him, be ing initructed by the Lord And have not we the fame Inftructions ; and will not this holy Man, with all the whole Confiftory of Saints and Martyrs that liv'dof old, rife up and flop our mouths in Judgment, when we flial! go a- bout to father our Errors and Opinions upon their Authority ? In the 73 E- pift. he adds, In vain do they oppole Cuflom to us, if they be overcome by Reafon •, as if Cuficm were greater than Truth, or that in fpiritual things that were not to be follow'd, which is reveal'd for the better by the Holy Ghofl. In the 7.;, Neither ought Cuflom to hinder thatTruth fhould not pre- vail i for Cuilom without Truth is but agednefs of Error. Next Lailantius, he that was prefer'd to have the bringing up of Conflan- tine's Children, in his fecond Book of Infiitutions, Chap. 7, & 8. difputes a- gainflthe vaintrufl in Antiquity, as being the chiefeft Argument of the Hea- then againft the Chriflians : They do not confider, faith he, what Religion is; but they areconfident it is true, becaufe the Ancients deliver'd it •, they count itaTrefpafs to examine it. And in the eighth : Not becaufe they went be- fore us in Time, therfore in Wifdom •, which being given alike to all Ages, cannot be prepofifeft by the Ancients: Wherfore feeing that to feck the Truth is inbred to all, they bereave themfelves of Wifdom, the Gift of God, who without Judgment follow the Ancients, and are led by others like brute Beafts. St. Attftin writes to Fortunatian, that he counts it lawful in the Books of whomfoever, to reject that which he finds otherwife than true, and fo he would have others deal by him. He neither accounted, as it feems, thofe Fa- thers that went before, nor himfelf, nor others of his Rank, for Men of more than ordinary Spirit, that might equally deceive, and be deceiv'd : and oft- times fetting our fervile humours afide, yea, God fo ordering, we may find Truth with one Man, as foon as in a Council, as Cyprian agrees, 71 Epifl. Many things, faith he, are better reveal'd to Jingle Perfons. At Nica-a in the firft, and bell-reputed Council of all the world, there had gone out a Canon to divorce married Priefls, had not one old Man Paphnutius flood up, and reafon'd againft it. Now remains it to fhew clearly that the Fathers refer all decifion of Con- troverfy to the Scriptures, as all-fufficient to direct, to refolve, and to deter- mine. Ignatius taking his lafl leave of the Afian Churches, as he went to Mar- tyrdom, exhorted them to adhereclofe to the written Doctrine of the Apoflles, necefiarily written for Poflerity : fo far was he from unwritten Traditions, as may be read in the 36 cap. of Eufebius 3 b. In the 74 Epifl. of Cyprian againft Stefan, Bifhop of Rome, impofing upon him a Tradition ; Whence* quoth he, is this Tradition ? Is it fetch' d from the Authority of Chrift in the Go- fpel, or of the Apoflles in their Epiflles ? for God teftifies that thofe things are to be done which arewritten. And then thus, IVliat Obflinacy, what Prefumption is this, to prefer Human Tradition before Divine Ordinance ? And in the fame Epifl. If wejliall return to the head, and beginning of Divine Tradition, (which we all know he means the Bible) humane Error ceafes ; and the reafon of heaven- ly Myjieries unfolded, what faever was obf cure, becomes clear. And in the 14 Di- ftinct. of the fame Epifl. directly againft our modern Fantafies of a ftill Vifi- ble Church, he teaches, That fmceffmi of Truth may fail ; to renew which, we Vol. I. C 2 mifi ! 2, Of Reformation in England. muft have recourfe to the Fountains •, ufing rhis excellent Similitude, If a Chan- nel, or Conduit --pipe which brought in Water plentifully before, fuddenly fail, do we not go to the Fountain to know the Caufe, whether the Spring affords no more, or whether the Vein be ft opt, or turrtd afide in the mid-courfe ? Thus ought we to do % keepingGocfs Precepts, that if in ought the Truth fh all be changed, we may repair to the Gofpel, and to the Apoftles, that thence may arife thereafon of our doings, from whence our order andbeginning arofe. In the yg he inveighs bitterly againft Pope Stefanus, for that he could boaft his Succeffion from Peter, and yet foift in Traditions that were not Apoftolical. And in his Book of the Unity of the Church, he compares thofe that, neglecting God'a Word, follow the Doctrines of Men, to Corah, Dathan, and Abiram. The very firft Page of Athanqfius againft the Gentiles, avers the Scriptures to be fufficient of themfelves for the declaration of Truth •, and that if his Friend Macarius read other Religious Writers, it was but <PiXo-/.J,\un; come un viftuojb, (as the Italians fay) as a lover of Elegance : And in his fecond Tome, the 39 pag. after he hath reckon'd up the Canonical Books, In thefe onh, faith he, is the Dofirine of God! inefs taught - 3 Let no Man add to thefe, or take from thefe. And in \{\%Sy nop/is, having again fet down all the Writers of the Old and New Teftament, Thefe, faith he, be the Anchors and Props cf our Faith. Befides thefe, millions of other Books have been written by great and wife Men according to Rule, and agreement with thefe, of which I will not now fpeak, as being of infinite number, and mere dependance on the Canonical Books. Bafil in his 2d Tome, writing of true Faith, tells his Auditors, He is bound to teach them that which he hath learnt out of the Bible : And in the fame Treadle he faith, That feeing the Commandments cf the Lord are faithful, and fure for ever; it is a plain falling; from the Faith, and a high pride, either to make void .r.vv thing therein, or to intro- duce any thing not there to be found: And he gives the reafon, for Chrift faith y My Sheep hear my Voice, they will not follow another, hut fly from him, becaufe they know not his Voice. But not to be endlefs in Quotations, it may chance to be objected, that there be many Opinions in the Fathers which have no ground in Scripture ; fo much the lefs, may I fay, mould we follow them, for their own words fhall condemn them, and acquit us that lean not on them •, other- wife thefe their words will acquit them, and condemn us. But it will be re- ply'd, the Scriptures are difficult to be underftood, and therfore require the Explanation of the Fathers. 'Tis true, there be fome Books, and efpecially fome places in thofe Books, that remain clouded -, yet ever that which is moft necefiary to be known, is mofteafy ; and that which is moft difficult, fo far expounds itfelf ever, as to tell us how little it imports our faving Knowledge. Hence to infer a general Obfcurity over all the Text, is a mere Suggeftion of the Devil to diffuade Men from reading it, and cafts an Afperfion of Difho- nour both upon the Mercy, Truth, and Wifdom of God. We count it no gentlenefs, or fair dealing in a Man of Power amongft us, to require ftrict and punctual Obedience, and yet give out all his Commands ambiguous and obfeure, we fhould think he had a Plot upon us ; certainly fuch Commands were no Commands, but Snares. The very EfTence of Truth is plainnefs and brightnefs, the darknefs and crookednefs is our own. The Wifdom of God created Uuderftanding, fit and proportionable to Truth, the Object, and End of it, as the Eye to the thing vifible. If our Uuderftanding have a Film of Ignorance over it, or be blear with gazing on other falfe Glifterings ; what is that toTruth ? If we will but purge with foveregin Eye-falve that intellectual Ray which God hath planted in us, then we would believe the Scriptures proteft- ing their own plainnefs and perfpicuity, calling to them to be inftructed, not only the Wife and Learned, but the Simple, the Poor, the Babes, foretelling an extraordinary effufion of God's Spirit upon every Age, and Sex, attributing to all Men, and requiring from them the Ability of fearching, trying, exa- mining all things, and by the Spirit difcerning that which is good ; and as the Scriptures themfelves pronounce their own plainnefs, fo do the Fathers teftify of them. I will not run into a Paroxyfm of Citations again in this Point, only inftance Athanafius in his fore-mention'd firft page •, The knowledge of Truth, faith he, wants no humane Lore, as being evident in itfelf, and by the preaching of Chrift now opens brighter than the Sun. If thefe Doctors, who had fcarce half the Light 2 that Of Reformation in England. 1 1 that we enjoy, who all, except two or three* were ignorant of the Hebrew Tongue, and many of the Greek, blundering upon the dangerous and fufpect- ful Tranfiaaons of the Apoftate Aquila, the Heretical Tbeodotion, thejudaiz'd Symmacbus, the Erroneous Origen •, if thefe could yet find the Bible fo eafy, why mould we doubt, that have all the helps of Learning, and faithful Induilry that Man' in this Life can look for, and the Afliftance of God as near now to us as ever ? But let the Scriptures be hard; are they more hard, more crabbed, more abftrufe than the Fathers ? He that cannot underftand the fo- ber, plain, and unaffected ftile of the Scriptures, will be ten times more puzzled with the knotty Africanifms, the pamper'd Metaphors, the intricate and involv'd Sentences of the Fathers, befides the fantaftick and declamatory flafhes, the crofs- jingling Periods which cannot but difturb, and come thwart a fettled Devotion, worfe than the din of Bells and Rattles. Now, Sir, for the love of holy Reformation, what can be faid more againfl! thefe importunate Clients of Antiquity, thanfhe herfelf their Patronefs hath faid ? Whether think ye would flie approve (till to doat upon immealurable, innumerable, and therfore unnecefTary and unmerciful Volumes, chufing rather to err with the fpecious Name of the Fathers, or to take a found Truth at the hand of a plain upright Man, that all his days hath been dili- gently reading the holy Scriptures, and therto imploring God's Grace, while the admirers of Antiquity have been beating their Brains about their Ambones, their Diptycbs, and Meniaia's ? Now, he that cannot tell of S:ations and In- dictions, nor has wafted his precious hours in the endlefs conferring of Coun- cils and Conclaves that demolifh one another, although I know many of thofe tluit pretend to be great Rabbies in thefe ftudies, have icarce faluted them from the Strings, and the Title-Page •, or to give them more, have bin but the Ferrets and Moufe-huntsof an Index : Yet what Paftor cr Minifter, how learned, religious, or dilcreet foever, does not now bring both his Cheeks full blown with Oecumenical and Synodical, fhall be counted a lank, mallow, unfufficient Man, yea a Dunce, and not worthy tofpeak about Reformation of Church-Difcipline. But I truft they for whom God hath referv'd the honour of reforming this Church, will eafdy perceive their Adverfaries drift in thus calling for Antiquity •, they fear the plain Field of the Scripturesi, the Chafe, is too hot •, they feek the dark, the bufhy, the tangled Foreft, they would imboflc : they feel themfelves ftrook in the tranfparent Streams of Divine Truth, they would plunge, and tumble, and think to lie hid in the foul Weeds and muddy Waters, where no Plummet can reach the bottom. But let them beat themfelves like Whales, and fpend their Oil till they be drag'd afhore : though wherfore fhould the Minifters give them fo much Line for Shifts and Delays ? Wherfore fhould they not urge only the Gofpel, and hold it ever in their Faces like a Mirror of Diamond, till it dazle and pierce their mifty Eye-balls ? maintaining it the honour of its abfolute Sufficiency and Supremacy inviolable : for if the Scripture be for Reformation, and Anti- quity to boot, 'tis but an advantage to the Dozen, 'tis no winning Caft : And though Antiquity beagainft it, while the Scriptures be for it, the Caufe is as good as ought to bewifh'd, Antiquity itfelf fitting judge. But to draw to an end; the fecond fort of thofe that may be juftly number'd among the hinderers of Reformation, are Libertines ; thefe fuggeft that the Dif- cipline fought would be intolerable : for one Bifhop now in a Diocefs we fhould then have a Pope in every Parifh. It will not be requifite to anfwer thefe Men, but only to difcoverthem ; for Reafon they have none, but Luft and Licentioufnefs, and therfore Anfwer can have none. It is not any Dif- cipline that they could live under, it is the corruption and remifiuefs of Difci- pline that they feek. Epifcopacy dufy executed, yea, the Turkijb and Jewijb rigour againft whoring and drinking ; the dear and tender Difciphne of a Father, the fociableand loving Reproof of a Brother, the bofom Admonition of a Friend, is a Prefbytery, and a Confiftory to them. 'Tis only the merry Friar in Chaucer can difple them. Full fweetly beard be Confejfwn, And pleafant was bis Absolution, He was an eafy Man to give Penance. And fo I leave them ; and refer the political Dilcourfc of F-pifcopacy to a Second Book. Of *4 Of REFORMATION, 8V. 7$£ Second Book. SIR, IT is a work good and prudent to be able to guide one Man •, of larger ex- tended Virtue to order well one Houfe : but to govern a Nation pioufly and juftly, whicti only is to fay happily, is for a Spirit of the greateft fize, and divineft metal. And certainly of no lefs a mind, nor of lefs ex- cellence in another way, were they who by Writing laid the folid and true foundations of this Science ; which being of greateft Importance to the Life of Man, yet there is no Art that hath bin more canker'd in her Principles, more foil'd, and flubber'd with aphorifming pedantry, than the art of Policy; and that moll, where a Man would think fhould leaft be in Chriftian Com- monwealths. They teach not, that to govern well, is to train up a Nation in true Wifdom and Virtue, and that which fprings from thence, Magnani- mity, (take heed of that) and that which is our beginning, Regeneration, and happieft end, likenefs to God, which in one word we call Godlinefs ■, and that this is the true flourifhing of a Land, other things follow as the Shadow does the Subftance ; to teach thus were mere pulpitry to them. This is the Mafter- piece of a modern Politician, how to qualify and mould the fufFerance and f ubjection of the People to the length of that Foot that is to tread on their Necks •, how Rapine may ferve itfelf with the fair and honourable pretences of publick Good ; how the puny Law may be brought under the wardfhip and controul of Lull and Will : in which attempt if they fall fliort, then muft a fuperficial colour of Reputation by all means, direct or indirect, be gotten to wafh over theunfightly bruife of Honour. To make Men governable in this manner, their Precepts mainly tend to break a national Spirit and Cou- rage, by countenancing open Riot, Luxury, and Ignorance, till having thus disfigur'd and made Men beneath Men, as Juno in the Fable of Io, they deli- ver up the poor transform'd heifer of the Commonwealth to be (lung and vex- ed with the breefe and goad of Oppreffion, under the cuflody of fome Argus with a hundred Eyes of Jealoufy. To be plainer, Sir, how to foder, how to flop a Leak, how to keep up the floating carcafe of a crafy and difeafed Mo- narchy or State, betwixt wind and water, fwimming flill upon her own dead Lees, that now is the deep defign of a Politician. Alas, Sir ! a Com- monwealth ought to be but as one huge Chriftian perfonage, one mighty growth and ftature of an honeft Man, as big and compact in Virtue as in Body -, for look what the grounds and caufes are of fingle Happi- nefs to one Man, the fame ye fhall find them to a whole State, as Arif- totle both in his Ethicks, and Politicks, from the principles of Reafon lays down : by confequence therfore that which is good and agreeable to Mo- narchy, will appear fooneft to be fo, by being good and agreeable to the true welfare of every Chriftian ; and that which can be juftly prov'd hurtful and offenfive to every true Chriftian, will be evinc'd to be alike hurtful to Monarchy : for God forbid, that we fhould feparate and difbin- guifh the end and good of a Monarch, from the end and good of the Monarchy, or of that, from Chriftianity. How then this third and laft fort thac hinder Reformation, will juilify that it ftands not with reafon of State, I much mufe : For certain I am, xht Bible is fhut againft them, as certain that neither Plato nor Ariflotle is for their turns. What they can bring us now from the Schools of Loyola with his Jefuits, or their Malvezzi, that can cut Tacitus into flivers and fteaks, we fhall prefently hear. They alledge, i. Thac the Church-government muft be conformable to the civil Polity •, next, that no form of Church-Government is agreeable to Monarchy, but that of Bifhops. Muft Church-Government that is appointed in the Golpel, and has chief re- Of Reformation in England. fpecttothe Soul, be conformable and pliant to Civil, tint is Arbitrary, and chiefly converfant about the vifible and external part of Man ? This is the very Maxim that moulded the Calves ofBetbelandof Dan ; this was the quinteffence of Jeroboam's Policy, he made Religion conform to his politick Interefts ; and this was the Sin that watch'd over the Ifraelites till their final Captivity. If this State-principle come from the Prelates, as they affect to be counted Sta- tifts, let them look back to Elutherius Bifhop of Rome, and fee what lie thought of the Policy of England; being requir'd by Lucius, thefirft Chriftian King of this Ifland, to give his Counfel for the founding of Religious Laws, little thought he of this fage Caution, but bids him betake himfelf to the Old and New Teftament, and receive direction from them how to adminifter both Church and Commonwealth ; that he was God's Vicar, and therefore to rule by God's Laws ; that the Edicts of Cafar we may at all times difallow, but the Statutes of God for noreafon we may reject. Now certain if Church-Govern- ment be taught in the Gofpel, as the Bifhops dare not deny, we may well conclude of what late Handing this Pofition is, newly calculated for the al- titude of Bifhop-elevation, and lettice for their Lips. But by what example can they fhew that the form of Church-Difcipline muff, be minted, and mo- delld out to fecular pretences? The ancient Republick of the Jews is evident to have run through all the changes of civil Eftate, if we furvey the Story from the giving of the Law to the Herods ; yet did one manner of Prieftly Go- vernment ferve without inconvenience to all thefe temporal Mutations •, it ferv'd the mild Ariftocracy of elective Dukes, and heads of Tribes join'd with them •, the dictatorfhip of the Judges, the eafy or hard-handed Mo- narchies, the domeftick or foreign Tyrannies : Laftly, the Roman Senate from without, the JeioiJJj Senate at home, with the Galilean Tetrarch ; yet the Le- vites had fome right to deal in civil Affairs : but feeing the evangelical Pre- cept forbids Churchmen to intermeddle with worldly Employments, what in- terweavings, or interworkings can knit the Minifler and the Magiftrate in their feveral Functions, to the regard of any precife Correfpondency ? Seeing that the Churchman's Office is only to teach Men the Chriftian Faith, to ex^ hortall, to encourage the Good, toadmonifh the Bad, privately the lefs Of- fender, publickly the fcandalous and ftubborn •, to cenfure and feparate from the Communion of Cbrift's Flock, the contagious and incorrigible, to receive with Joy and fatherly Compaffion the Penitent: all this muft be done, and more than this, is beyond any Church- Authority. What is all this either here or there, to the Temporal Regiment of Weal-publlck, whether it be Popular, Princely, or Monarchical ? Where doth it intrench upon the temporal Go- vernor ? Where does it come in his walk ? Where does it make inroad upon his Jurifdiction ? Indeed if the Minifter's part be rightly difcharg'd, it renders him the People more confcionable, quiet, and eafy to be govenrd •, if other- wife, his Life and Doctrine will declare him. If therfore the Conftitution of the Church be already fet down by divine Prefcript, as all fides cpnrefs, then can fhe not be a Hand-maid to wait on civil Commodities, and Reflects : and if the Nature and Limits of Church-Difcipline be fuch, as are either help- ful to all political Eftates indifferently, or have no particular relation to any, then is there no neceffity, nor indeed poflibility of linking the one with the other in a fpecial conformation. Now for their fecond conclufion, That no form of Church-Government is a- greeable to Monarchy, but that of Bifhops, although it fall to pieces of itfelfby that which hath been faid •, yet to give them play, front, and rear, it fhall be my talk to prove that Epifcopacy, with that Authority which it challenges in England, is not only not agreeable, but tending to the deftrilction of Monar- chy. While the Primitive Paftors of the Church of God labour'd faithfully in their Miniftry, tending only their Sheep, and not feeking, but avoiding all worldly matters as clogs, and indeed derogations and debafements to their high Calling ; little needed the Princes and Potentates of the Earth, which way foever the Gofpel was fpread, to ftudy ways how to make a Coherence between the Church's Polity, and theirs : therfore when Filaie heard once our Saviour Chrift profefling that his Kingdom was not of this JVorld^ he thought the Man could not ftand muchinCf/rtr's light, nor much indamagethe Roman Empire •, for if the Life of Chrift be hid to this World, much more is his S( cpter 15 1 6 Of Reformatio)! in England. Scepter unoperative, but in fpiritual things. And thus liv'd for 2 or 3 Age« T the Succeffors of the Apoftles. But when through Conftantiue's l.ivilh Super- ftitionthey forfook tntir firft Love, and fet themfelves up too in God's ftead ; Mammon and their Belly, then taking advantage of the fpiritual Power which they had on Men's Confciences, they began to cad a longing eye to get the Body alfo, and bodily things into their command ; upon which their carnal defires, the Spirit daily quenching and dying in them, knew no way to keep themfelves up from falling to nothing, but by boiftcring and fupporting their inward rottennefs, by a carnal and outward Strength. For a while they rather privily fought opportunity, than haftily diiclos'd their Projeft; bat when Conftantine was dead, and 3 or 4 Emperors more, their drift became notori- ous and offenfive to the whole World ; for while Iheodoftus the younger reign'd, thus writes Socrates the Hiftorian, in his 7th Book Chap. n. Now beo-an an ill Name to flick upon the Bifhops of Rome and Alexandria, who beyond their Prieflly bounds now long ago had ftept into Principality, and this was fcarce 80 years fince their raifing from the meaneft worldly Condition. Of courtefy now let any Man tell me, if they draw to themfelves a temporal Strength and Power out of Cafafs Dominion, is not Csfar's Empire thereby diminifh'd ? But this was a ftolen bit, hitherto he was but a Caterpillar fecret- ly gnawing at Monarchy, the next time you fhall fee him a Wolf, a Lion, lifting his Paw againft his Raifer, as Petrarch exprefs'd it, and finally an o- pen enemy and fubverter of the Greek Empire. Pbitippicus and Leo, with di- vers other Emperors after them, not without the advice of their Patriarchs, and at length of a whole Eaftern Council of three hundred thirty eight Bi- Jhops, threw the Image? out of Churches as being decreed idolatrous. Upon this goodly occalion, the Bijhop of Rome not only feizes the City, ami all the Territory about into his own hands, and makes himfelf Lord therof, which till then was govern'd by a Greek Magiftrate, but abfolves all Italy of their Tribute and Obedience due to the Emperor, becaufe he obey'd God's Commandment in abolifhing Idolatry. Mark, Sir, here how the Pope came by S. Peter's, Patrimony, as he feigns it ; not the Donation of Conflantine, but Idolatry and Rebellion got it him. Ye need but read Sigonius, one of his own Sect, to know the Story at large. And now to fhroud himfelf againft a Storm from the Greek Continent, and pro- vide a Champion to bear himoutin thefe practices, he takes upon him by Pa- pal Sentence to unthrone Chilpericus the rightful King of France, and gives the Kingdom to Pepin for no other caufe, but that he feem'd to him the more active Man. If he were a Friend herein toMonarchy, I know not ; but to the Monarch, I need not afk what he was. Having thus made Pepin his faft Ffiend,he calls him into Italy againft Ai- jlulphus theLomaard, that warr'd upon him for his late Ufurpation of Rome, as belonging to Ravenna which he had newly won. Pepin not unobedient to the Pope's call, paffing into Italy, frees him out of danger, and wins for him the whole Exarchate of Ravenna; which though it had bin almoft immediately before the hereditary Poffeffion of that Monarchy which was his chief Patron and Benefactor, yet he takes and keeps it to himfelf as lawful prize, and given to St. Peter. What a dangerous fallacy is this, when a Spiritual Maa may fnatch to himfelf any temporal Dignity or Dominion, under pretence of receiving it for the Church's ufe? Thus he claims Naples, Sicily, England, and what not ? To be lhort, under fhew of his zeal againft the errors of the Greek Church, he never ceas'd baiting and goring the Succelfors of his beft Lord Con'lantme, what by his barking Curies and Excommunications, what by his hindring the Weftern Princes from aiding them againft the Sarazens and Turks, unlefs when they humour'd him ; fo that it may be truly affirm'd, he was the fubverfion and fall of that Monarchy, which was the hoiftmg of him. This befides Petrarch, whom I have cited, our Chaucer alfo hath ob- ferv'd, and gives from hence a caution to England, to beware of her Bijhops in time, for that their ends and aims are no more friendly to Monarchy, than thr Popes. Thus he begins in the Plow-man fpeaking, Part z, Sta<:z. 28. 5fe Of Reformation in England. 1 7 The Emperor yafe the Pope fome time So high Lord/hip him about, That at laft the ftlly Kime, The proud Pope put him out ; So of this Realm is no doubt, But Lords beware, and them defend ; For now thefe Folks be wonders ft out, The King and Lords now this amend. And in the next Stanza, which begins the third part of the Tale, he argues that they ought not to be Lords. Mofes Law forbade it tho That Priefts fhould no Lordfhips welde, Chri/i's G of pel biddeth alfo That they fhould no Lordflrips held: Ne Chrifts Apoftles were never fo bold No fitch Lordfhips to hem embrace, But finer en her Sheep, and keep her Fold. And fo forward. Whether the Bifhops of England have deferv'd thus to be fear'd by men fo wife as our Chaucer is efteem'd ; and how agreeable to our Monarchy and Monarchs, their demeanour has been, he that is but meanly read in our Chronicles needs not be inftrudted. Have they not been as the Ca- naanites, and Philiftins, to this Kingdom ? what Treafons, what revolts to the Pope ? what Rebellions, and thofe the bafeftand molt pretencelefs, have they not bin chief in? What could Monarchy think, when Becket durft challenge the Cuftody of Rochefter Caflle, and the Tower of London, as appertaining to his Signory ? To omit his other infolencies and affronts to regal Majefty, 'till the Lames inflicted on the anointed Body of the King, wafh'doff the holy Unclion with his Blood drawn by the polluted hands of Bifhops, Abbots, and Monks. What good upholders of Royalty were the Bifhops, when by their rebellious oppofitio.i againft King John, Normandy was loft, hehimfelf depos'd, and this Kingdom made over to the Pope? When the Bifhcp oi VVinchcfter durft tell the Nobles, the Pillars of the Realm, that there were no Peers in England, as in France, but that the King might do what he pleas'd. What could Tyranny fay more ? It wou'd be pretty now, if I fhou'd infill upon the rendring up of Tourney by IVoclfey's Treafon, the Excommunications. Curfings and Interdicts upon the whole Land : For haply I mall be cut off fhort by a Reply, that thefe were the faults of men and their Popifh Errors, not of Epifcopacy, that hath now renoune'd the Pope, and is a Proteftant. Yes fure ; as wife and famous men have fufpedled and fear'd the Proteftant Epifcopacy in England, as thefe that have fear'd the Papal. You know, Sir, what was the Judgment of Padre Paolo, the great Venetian Antagonift of the Pope, for it is extant in the hands of many men, wherby he declares his fear, that when the Hierarchy of England fhall light into the hands of bufy and audacious men, or fhall meet with Princes tradable to the Prelacy, then much mifchief is like to enfue. And can it be nearer hand, then when Bifhops fhall openly affirm that, No Bifhop, no King ? A trim Para- dox, and that ye may know where they have been a begging for it, I will ietch you the Twin-brother to it out of the Jeiuits Cell ; they feeling the Ax of God's Reformation, hewing at the old and hollow trunk of Papacy, and find- ing the Spaniard their fureft friend, and fafeft refuge, to footh him up in his Dream of a fifth Monarchy, and withal to uphold the decrepit Papalty, have invented this fuper politick Aphorifm, as one terms it, One Pope, and one Kin §- Surely there is not any Prince in Chriftendom, who hearing this rare So- phiftry, can choofe but fmile •, and if we be not blind at home, we may as well perceive that this worthy Motto, no Bifhop, no King, is of the fame batch, and infanted out of the fame fears, a meer Aaue-Cake coagulated of a certain Vol. I. D Fever 1 8 . Of Reformation in England. Fever they have, prefaging their time to be but fhort : and now like thofe that are finking, they catch round at that which is likelieft to hold them up ; and would perfuade Regal Power, that if they dive, he muft after. B.it what greater debafement can there be- to Royal Dignity, whofe tow'ring and ftedfaft height refts upon the unmoveable foundations of Juftice, and Heroick Vertue, than to chain it in a dependance of fubfifting, or ruining, to the painted Battlements and gaudy Rottennefs of Prelatry, which want but one puff of the King's to blow them down like a paft-board Houfe built o'iLourt- Cards. Sir, the little ado which methinks I find in untacking thefe plealant Sophifms, puts me into the mood to tell you a Tale e'er I proceed further j and Menenius Agrippa fpeed us. A Tale of the Upon a time the Body fummon'd all the Members to meet in the Guild for Head and a ^ e cornmon good, (as yEfop's Chronicles aver many Arranger Accidents:) The Head by right takes the firft feat, and next to it a huge and monftrous Wen little lefs than the Head it felf, growing to it by a narrower excrefcency. The Members amaz'd began to afk one another what he was that took place next their chief ; none could refolve. Whereat the Wen, though unwieldy, with much ado gets up, and befpeaks the AfTembly to this purpofe ; That as in place he was fecond to the Plead, lb by due of merit; that he was to it an ornament, and flrength, and of fpecial near relation •, and that if the Head Ihould fail, none were fitter than himfelf to ftep into his place : therfore he thought it for the honour of the Body, that fuch Dignities and rich Endow- ments ihould be decreed him, as did adorn, and let out the nobleft Members. To this was anfwer'd, that it mould be confulted. Then was a wife and learned Philolbpher fent for, that knew all the Charters, Laws and Tenures of the Body. On him it is impos'd by all, as chief Committee to examine, and difcufs the Claim and Petition of Right put in by the Wen ; who foon perceiving the matter, and wondring at the boldnefs of fuch a fwoln Tu- mor, Wilt thou (quoth he) that art but a bottle of vicious and harden'd Excrements, contend with the lawful and free-born Members, whofe certain number is fct by ancient, and unrepeatable Statute ? Head thou art none, though thou receive this huge fubftance from it : what Office beared thou ? What good canft thou fhew by thee done to the Common- weal ? The Wen not eafily daftit replies, that his Office was his Glory •, for fo oft as the Soul would retire out of the Head from over the fteaming vapours of the lower parts to divine Contemplation, with him fhe found the pureft and quieten; retreat, as being moft remote from foil, and difturbance. Lourdan, quoth the Philofopher, thy folly is as great as thy filth : know that all the faculties of the Soul are confin'd of old to their feveral vefTels and ventricles, from which they cannot part without difTolution of the whole Body -, and that thou contain'ft no good thing in thee, but a heap of hard and loathfome Un- cleannefs, and art to the Head a foul disfigurement and burden •, when I have cut thee off, and open'd thee, as by the help of thefe Implements I will do, all men fliall fee. But to return whence was digrefs'd : Seeing that the Throne of a King, as the wife King Solomon often remembers us, is cftabliftfd in Juftice, which is the univerfal Juftice that Ariftotle fo much praifes, containing in it all other Vertues, it may affure us that the fall of Prelacy, whofe actions are fo far diftant from Juftice, cannot fhake the leaft fringe that borders the royal Canopy •, but that their {landing doth continually oppofe and lay battery to regal fafety, fhall by that which follows eafily appear. Amongft many fe- condary and acceflary Caufes that fupport Monarchy, thefe are not of leaft reckoning, though common to all other States : the love of the Subjects, the multitude and valour of the People, and ftore of Treafure. In all thefe things hath the Kingdom bin of late fore weaken'd, and chiefly by the Prelates. Firit, let any man confider, that if any Prince fhall fufter under him a com- miflion of Authority to be exercis'd, 'till all the Land groan and cry out, as againft a whip of Scorpions, whether this be not likely to lefTen, and keel the affections of the Subject. Next what numbers of faithful, and free-born Englijhmen, and good Chriftians, have bin conftrain'd to forfake their deareft home, their friends, and kindred, whom nothing but the wide Ocean, and the lavage Deferts of America could hide and fhelter from the fury of the t Bifhops ? Of Reformation in England. ig Bifhops ? O Sir, if we could but fee the fhape of our dear Mother England t as Poets are wont to give a perfonal form to what they pleafe, how would me appear, think ye, but in a mourning weed, with afhes upon her Head, and tears abundantly flowing from her Eyes, to behold fo many of her Chil- dren expos'd at once, and thruft from things of dearefl neceflity, becaufe their Confcience could not aflent to things which the Bifhops thought in- different ? What more binding than Confcience ? What more free then In- dTfferency ? Cruel then muft that Indifferency needs be, that fhall violate the flrict neceflity of Confcience ; mercilefs and inhuman that free choice and liberty that fhall break afunder the bonds of Religion. Let the Aftrologer be difrnay'd at the portentous blaze of Comets, and imprefllons in the Air, as foretelling troubles and changes to States : I fhall believe there cannot be a more ill-boding Sign to a Nation (God turn the Omen from us) than when the Inhabitants, to avoid infufferable Grievances at home, are inforc'd by heaps to forfake their Native Country. Now wheras the only remedy and amends againft the depopulation and thinnefs of a Land within, is the bor- rowed ftrength of firm alliance from without, thefe Prieftly Policies of theirs having thus exhauftedour domeftick Forces, have gone the wayalfo to leave us as naked of our firmeft and faithfulleft Neighbours abroad, by difparaging, and alienating from us all Proteftant Princes, and Commonwealths, who are not ignorant that our Prelates, and as many as they can infect, account them no better than a fort of facrilegious and puritanical Rebels, preferring the .' our deadly Enemy before them, and fet all orthodox Writers at nought in comparifon of the Jefuit c , who are indeed the only corrupters of Youth and good Learning •, and I have heard many wife and learned men in Italy fay as much. It cannot be that the ftrongefl knot of Confederacy fhould not daily flacken, when Religion, which is the chief engagement of our League, fhall be turn'd to their reproach. Hence it is that the profperous and prudent States of the United Provinces, whom we ought to love, if not for themfelves, yet for our own good work in them, they having bin in a manner planted and erected by us, and having been fince to us the faithful watch men and difcoverers of many a Popifh and Auftrian complotted Treafon, and with us the partners of many a bloody and victorions Battel ; whom the fimi- litude of Manners and Language, the commodity of Traffick, which founded the old Burgundian League betwixt us, but chiefly Religion, fhould bind to us immortally -, even fuch Friends as thefe, out of fome Principles inftill'd into us by the Prelates, have been often difmift with diftaflful Anfwers, and fome- times unfriendly Actions : nor is it to be confider'd to the breach of confede- rate Nations, whofe mutual Intereft is of fuch high confequence, though their Merchants bicker in the Ecfi-Indies ; neither is it fafe, or wary, or indeed chriflianly, that the French King, of a different Faith, fhould afford our neareft Allies as good Protection as we. Sir, I perfuade my felf, if our zeal to true Religion, and the brotherly ufage of our truefl Friends, were as no- torious to the world, as our Prelatical Schifm, and Captivity to Rochet Apo- thegms, we had e'er this feen our old Conquerors, and afterwards Liege- men the Normans, together with the Britains our proper Colony, and all the Go/coins that are the rightful Doicry of our ancient Kings, come with cap and knee, defiring the fhadow of the Englijh Sceptre to defend them from the hot Perfections and Taxes of the French. But when they come hither, and fee a Tympany of Spanioliz'd Bijhops fwaggering in the fore-top of the State, and meddling to turn and dandle the Royal Ball with unfkilful and Pedantic Palms, no marvel though they think it as unfafc to commit Re- ligion and Liberty to their arbitrating as to a Synagogue of Jefuits. But what do I ftand reckoning upon Advantages and Gains loft by the mif- rule and turbulency of the Prelates ? what do I pick up fo thriftily their fcat- terings and diminifhings of the meaner Subject, whilfl they by their feditious Practices hive eiiang;rd to lofe the King one third of his main Stock? What have they not done tobanifh him from his own Native Country ? But to fpeak of this as it ought, would afk a Volume by it felf. Thus as they have unpeopled the Kingdom by expulfion of fo many thou- fands, as they have endeavour'd to lay the fkirts of it bare by difheartening and difhonouring our loyalkft Confederates abroad, fo have they hamftrung Vol. I. D z the 20 Of Reformation in England. the Valour of the Subject by feeking to effeminate us all at home* Well knows every wife Nation that their Liberty confifts in manly and honeft La^ bours, in fobriety and rigorous honour to the Marriage-Bed, which in bothi Sexes fhould be bred up from chafte Hopes to loyal Enjoyments ; and when the People flacken, and fall to Loofenefs and Riot, then do they as much as if they laid down their Necks for fome wild Tyrant to get up and ride. Thus learnt Cyrus to tame the Lydians? whom by Arms he could not whiht they kept themfelves from Luxury •, with one eafy Proclamation to fet up Stews* dancing, feafting, and dicing, he made them foon his Slaves. I know noc what drift the Prelates had, whofe Brokers they Were to prepare, and fupple us either for a foreign Invafion or domeftick Oppreffion •, but this I am Jure, they took the ready way to defpoil us both of Manhood and Grace at once, and that in the fhamefulleft and ungodlieft manner, upon that Day which- God's Law, and even our own Reafon hath confecrated, that we might have one day at leaft of feven fet apart wherin to examine and encreaie our knowledge of God, to meditate, and commune of our Faith,, our Hope, our eternal City in Heaven, and to quicken withal the ftudy and exercife of Charity ; at fuch a time that Men fhould be pluck'd from their fobereft and faddeft Thoughts, and by Bijhops, the pretended Fathers of the Church, infngated, by publick Edict, and with earned: endeavour pufh'd forward to gaming, jigging, waffailing, and mixt dancing, is a horror to think. Thus did the Reprobate hireling Prieft Balaam feek to fubdue the Israelites to Moab, if not by force, then by this devilifh Policy, to draw them from the Sanctuary of God to the luxurious and ribald Feafts of Baal-pecr. Thus have they trefpafs*d not only againft the Monarchy of England, but of Heaven alfo, as others, I doubt not, can profecute agamft them. I proceed within my own bounds to fhew you next what good Agents they are about the Revenues and Riches of the Kingdom, which declares of what moment they are to Monarchy, or what avail. Two Leeches they have that ft III fuck, and fuck the Kingdom, their Ceremonies and their Courts. If any man will contend that Ceremonies be lawful under the Gofpel, he may beanfwer r d other where. This doubtlefs, that they ought to be many and over-coftly, no true Proteftant will affirm. Now I appeal to all wife Men, what an exceffive wafle of Treafure hath been within thefe few years in this Land, not in the expedient, but in the idolatrous erection of Temples beautified exquifitely to out-vie the Papifts, the coftly and dear-bought Scandals and Snares of Images, Pictures, rich Copes, gorgeous Altar-cloths : and by the courfes they took, and the opinions they held, it was not likely any ftay would be, or any end of their MadnefS, where a pious Pretext is (o ready at hand to cover their infatiate Defires. What can we fuppofe this will come to? What other materials than thefe have built up the fpiritual Babel to the height of her Abominations ? Believe it, Sir, right truly it may be fard, that Antichrift is Mammon's Son. The four Leven of human Traditions, mixt in one putrify'd Mafs with the poifonous dregs of Hypocrify in the Hearts of Prelates, that lie balking in the funny warmth of Wealth and Promotion, is the Serpent's Egg that will hatch an Antichrift wherfo- ever, and engender the fame Monfter as big, or little, as the Lump is which breeds him. If the Splendor of Gold and Silver begin to lord it once again in the Church of England, we fhall fee Antichrift fhortly wallow here, though his chief Kennel be at Rome. If they had once thought upon God's Glory, and the advancement of Chriftian Faith, they would be a means that with thefe Expences, thus profufely thrown away intrafh, rather Churches and Schools might be built, where they cry out for want, and more added where too few are ; a moderate maintenance diftributed to every painful Minifter > that now fcarce fuftains his Family with Bread, while the Prelates revel like Belfljazzar with their full caroufes in Goblets, and Vejfeb of Gold fnatch'd from, God's Temple : Which (I hope) the worthy Men or our Land will confider. Now then for their Courts. What a Mafs of Money is drawn from the Veins into the Ulcers of the Kingdom this way ; their Extortions, their open Corruptions, the multitude of hungry and ravenous Harpies that fwarm about their Offices declare fufficiently. And what though all this go not over Sea > 'twere better it did : better a penurious Kingdom, than where exceffive Wealth Of Reformation in England.' 21 Wealth flows into the gracelefs and injurious hands of common fponges, to the impoverifhing of good and loyal men, and that by fuch execrable, fuch ir- religious courfes. If the facred and dreadful works of holy Difcipline, Cenfure, Penance, Ex- communication, and Abfolution, where no prophane thing ought to haveac- cefs, nothing to be affiftant but fage and chriftianly Admonition, brotherly Love, flaming Charity and Zeal ; and then according to the effects, paternal Sorrow or paternal Joy, mild Severity, melting Companion ; if fuch divine Mi- nifteries as thefe, wherein the Angel of the Church represents the Perfon of Chrift Jefits, muff, lie proftitute to fordid Fees, and not pafs to and fro be- tween our Saviour that of free Grace redeem'd us, and the fubmiffive Peni- tent without the truccage of perifhing Coin, and the butcherly execution of Tormentors, Rooks and Rakefhames fold to lucre, then have the Babylonifh Merchants of Souls jiift excufe. Hitherto, Sir, you have heard how the Prelates have weaken'd and withdrawn the external Accomplilhments of Kingly pro- fperity, the love of the People, their multitude, their valour, their wealth ; mining and topping the out- works and redoubts of Monarchy. Now hear how they ftrike at the very heart and vitals. We know that Monarchy is made up of two parts, the Liberty of the Sub- ject, and the Supremacy of the King. I begin at the root. See what gentle and benign Fathers they have been to our Liberty. Their trade being, by the fame Alchymy that the Pope ufes, to extract heaps of Gold and Silver out of the droffy Bullion of the People's fins ; and juftly fearing that the quick- fighted Proteftant's eye, clear'd in great part from the mift of Superftition, may at onetime or other look with a good judgment into thefe their deceitful Pedleries •, to gain as many aflbciates of guiltinefs as they can, and to infect the temporal Magiftrate with the like lawlefs, tho' not facrilegious extortion, fee a while what they do ; they ingage themfelves to preach, andperfuade an aflertion for truth the moil falfe, and to this Monarchy the moil pernicious and deftructive that could be chofen. What more baneful to Monarchy than a po- pular Commotion, for the Diffolution of Monarchy Aides apteft into a Democra- ty, and what ftirs the Englijhmen, as our wifeft Writers have obferved, fooner to Rebellion, than violent and heavy hands upon their goods and purfes ? Yet thefe devout Prelates, fpight of our great Charter, and the Souls of our Pro- genitors that wrefted their Liberties out of the Norman gripe with their dear- eft blood and higheft prowefs, for thefe many years have not ceas'J in their Pulpits wrinching and fprainingthe Text, to fet at nought and trampie under foot all the moil facred and life-blood Laws, Statutes, and Acts of Parlament y that are the holy Covenant of Union and Marriage between the King and his Realm, by profcribingand confifcating from us all the right we have to our own Bodies, Goods and Liberties. What is this but to blow a trumpet, and proclaim a fire-crofs to a hereditary and perpetual Civil War ? Thus much againft the Subjects Liberty hath been affaulted by them. Now how they have fpar'd Supremacy, or are likely hereafter to fubmit to it, remains laftly to be confider'd. The emulation that under the old Law was in the King towards the Prieft, is now fo come about in the Gofpel, that all the danger is to be fear'd from the Priejl to the King. Whilfl the Prieft s Office in the Law was fet out with an ex- teriour luftre of Pomp and Glory, Kings were ambitious to be Prieft s •, now Prieft s not perceiving the heavenly brightnefs and inward fplendor of their more glorious Evangelick Miniftry, with as great ambition affect to be Kings, as in all their courfes is eafy to be obferv'd. Their eyes ever imminent upon worldly matters, their defires ever thirfting after worldly employments ; in- ftead of diligent and fervent ftudy in the Bible, they covet to be expert in Canons and Decretals, which may inable them to judge and interpofe in tem- poral Caufes, however pretended Eccleftaftical. Do they not hord up Pelf, leek to be potent in fecular Strength, in St ate Affairs, in Lands, Lord/hips, and Demeans, to /way and carry all before them in High Courts and Privy Councils, to bring into their grafp the high and principal Offices of the Kingdom ? Have they not been bold of late to check the Common Law, to flight and brave the indiminifhable Majefty of our higheft Court, the Law-giving and Sacred Parla- vient ? Do they not plainly labour to exempt Churchmen from the Magiftrate ? i Yea, a 3, Of Reformation in England. Yea, fo prefumptuoufly as to queftion and menace Officers that reprefent th? King's Per/on for ufing their Authority againft drunken Priefts ? The caufe of protecting murderous Clergymen was the firft heart-burning that fwell'd up the audacious Becket to the peftilent and odious vexation of Henry the Second. Nay more, have not fome of their devoted Scholars begun, I need not fay to nibble, but openly to argue againft the King's Supremacy ? Is not the Chief of them accus'd out of his own Book, and his late Canons, to affect a certain unqutftionable Patriarchate, independent and unfubordinate to the Crown ? From whence having firft brought us to a fervile Ejlate of Religion and Man- hood, and having predilpos'd his Conditions with the Pope, that lays claim to this Land, or fome Pepin of his own creating, it were all as likely for him to afpire to the Monarchy among us, as that the Pope could find means fo on the fudden both to bereave the Emperor of the Roman Territory with the favour of Italy, and by an unexpected friend out of France, while he was in danger to lofe his new-got Purchafe, beyond hope to leap into the fair Exarchate of Ra- venna. A good while the Pope futtl'y acted the Lamb , writing to the Emperor, my Lord Tiberius, my Lord Mauritius ; but no fooner did this his Lord pluck at the Images and Idols, but he threw off his Sheep's clothing, and itartedup a Wolf, laying his paws upon the Emperor's Right, as forfeited to Peter. Why- may not we as well, having been forewarn'd at home by our renowned Chau- cer, and from abroad by the great and learned Padre Paolo, from the like be- ginnings, as we fee they are, fear the like events ? Certainly a wife and pro- vident King ought tofuipect a Hierarchy in his Realm, being ever attended, as it is, with two fuch greedy Purveyors, Ambition and Ufurpation •„• I fay, he ouo-ht to fufpecla Hierarchy to be as dangerous and derogatory trom his Crown as a Tetrarchy or a Heptarchy. Yet now that the Prelates had almoft attain'd to what their infolent and unbridl'd minds had hurried them •, to thruft the Lai- ty under the defpotical rule of the Monarch, that they themfelves might con- fine the Monarch to a kind of Pupillage under their Hierarchy, obferve but how their own Principles combat one another, andfupplant each one his fellow. Having fitted us only for Peace, and that a fervile Peace, by lefieningour numbers, draining our Eftates, enfeebling our Bodies, cowing our free Spirits by thofe ways as you have heard, their impotent actions cannot fuftain them- felves the leaft moment, unlefs they would rouze us up to a War fit tor Cain to be the Leader of •, an abhorred, a curfed, a fraternal War. England and Scotland, dearcft Brothers both in Nature and in Christ, mull be lotto wade in one another's blood •, and Ireland our free Denizen upon the back of us both, as occafion mould ferve : a piece of Service that the Pope and all his Factors have been compafiing to do ever fince the Reformation. But evetbleffed be he, and ever glorify'd, that from his high Watch-Tower in the Heavens, difcerning the crooked ways of perverfe and cruel men, hath hitherto maim'd and infatuated all their damnable Inventions, and deluded their great Wizards with a deluiion fit for Fools and Children : had God been fo minded, he could have fent a Spirit of Mutiny amongft us, as he did between Abimelech and the Sechemites, to have made our Funerals, and flain ' heaps more in number than the miferable furviving remnant •, but he, when we leaft deferv'd, fent out a gentle gale and meffage of Peace from the wings of thofe his Cherubims that fan his Mercy-feat. Nor mall the Wifdom, the Moderation, the Chriftian Piety, the Conftancy of our Nobility and Com- mons of England be ever forgotten, whofe calm and temperate connivance could fit ftill and fmileout the ftormy blufter of men more audacious and pre- cipitant than of folid and deep reach, 'till their own fury had run it felf out of breath, affailing by rafh and heady Approaches the impregnable fituation of our Liberty and Safety, that laught fuch weak enginery to fcom, fuch poor drifts to make a National War of&Surplice Brabble, a Tippet-fcuffie, and ingage the untainted Honour of Englifi Knighthood to unfurl the ftreaming Red Crofs, or to rear the horrid Standard of thofe fatal guly Dragons for fo un- worthy a purpofe, as to force upon their Fellow-Subjects that which them- felves are weary of, the Skeleton of a Mafs-Book. Nor muft the Patience, the Fortitude, the firm Obedience of the Nobles and People of Scotland, ftriving againft manifold Provocations ; nor muft their fincerc and moderate proceed- Of Reformation in England. ings hitherto be unremember'd, to the ffiameful Conviction of all their De- tractors. Go on both hand in hand, O NATIONS, never to be dif-united ; be the Praife and the Heroick Song of all Posterity ; merit this, but feek only Vertue, not to extend your Limits ; lor what needs ? to win a fading triumphant Laurel out of the tears of wretched Men, but to fettle the pure "Worfhip of God in his Church, and Juftice in the State : then /hall the hardefl difficulties fmooth out themfelves before ye ; Envy mail fink to Hell, Craft and Malice be confounded, whether it be homebred mifchief or outlanai/h cunning: yea, other Nations will then covet to ferve ye, for Lordfhip and Victory are but the pages of Juftice and Vertue. Commit fecurely to true "Wifdom the vanquishing and uncafing of craft and fubtlety, which are but her two runnagates : join your invincible might to do worthy and godlike deeds ; and then he that feeks to break your Union, a cleaving Curie be his inheritance to all Generations. Sir, you have now at length this queftion for the time, and as my memory would belt ferve me in fuch a copious and vaft Theme, fully handled, and you your felf may judge whether Prelacy be the only Church-government agreea- ble to Monarchy. Seeing therefore the perillous and confufed eftate into which we are fallen, and that to the certain knowledge of all men, through the irreligious Pride and hateful Tyranny of Prelates, (as the innumerable and grievous complaints of every Shire cry out) if we will now refolve to fettle affairs either according to pure Religion or found Policy, we muft firit of all begin roundly to cafhier and cut away from the public body the noifom and difeafed tumour of Prelacy, and come from Schiifn to Unity with our neigh- bour Reform'd Sifter-Churches, which with the blefiing cf Peace and pure Doctrine have now long time fiourilh'd ; and doubtlefs with all hearty Joy and Gratulation will meet and welcome our Chriftian Union with them, as they have bin all this while griev'd at our ftrangenefs, and little better than fepara- tion from them. And for the Difcipline propounded, feeing that it hath bin inevitably prov'd that the natural and fundamental caufes of political Hap- pinefs in all Governments are the fime, and that this Church-difcipline is ta - ghtin the Word of God, and, as we fee, agrees according to wifh with all fuch States as have receiv'd it ; we may infallibly afiure our felves that it will as well agree with Monarchy, though all the Tribe of Aphorijmers and Pcliticafters would perfuade us there be fecret and myfterious reafons againft it. For upon the fettling herof mark what nourifhing and cordial reliore- ments to the State will follow, the Minifters of the Gofpel attending only to the work of Salvation, every one within his limited charge •, befides the diffu- fiveBleffingsof God upon all our actions, the King fhall fit without an old Di'urber, a daily Incroacher and Intruder; fhall rid his Kingdom of a firong fequefter'd and collateral Power; a confronting Miter, whofe potent Wealth and wakeful Ambition he had juft caufe to hold in jealoufy : not to repeat the other prcfent evils which only their removal will remove, and becaufe things fimply pure are inconfiltent in the mafs of Nature, nor are the Elements or Humours in a Man's Body exactly homogeneal\ and hence the beft- founded Commonwealths and leaft barbarous have aim'd at a certain mixture and temperament, partaking the feveral Virtues of each other State, that each part drawing to it felf may keep up a fteady and even uprightnefs in common. There is no Civil Government that hath been known, no not the Spartan, rot the Roman, though both for this refpect fo much prais'd by the wife Poly- bius, more divinely and harmonioufiy tun'd, more equally balanc'd as it were by the hand and fcale of Juftice, than is the Commonwealdi of Eng- land ; where, under a free and untutor'd Monarch, the nobleft, worthieft, and •mot prudent men, with full approbation and fuffrage of the People, have in their power the fupreme and final determination of higheft Affairs. Now if Conformity of Church-Difcipline to the Civil be fo defir'd, there can be no- thing more parallel, more uniform, than when under the Sovereign Prince, Chart's Vicegerent, ufing the Scepter of David, according to God's Law, the gocllieft, the wifeft, the learnedeft Minifters in their feveral charges have the initrueting and difciplining of God's People, by whofe full and free Election they 2 4 Of Reformation in England. they are confecrated to that holy and equal Ariftocracy. And why fhould not the Piety and Confcience of ' Englijhmen, as Members of the Church, be trufl> eft in the Election of Paftors to Functions that nothing concern a Monarch, as well as their worldly Wifdoms are privileg'd as Members of the State in fuf- fracnno- their Knights andBurgeffes to Matters that concern him nearly? And if in weighing theie feveral Offices, their difference in time and quality be caft in, I know they will not turn the beam of equal Judgment the moiety of a Scruple. We therfore having already a kind of apoftolical and ancienz Church-Election in our State, what a perverfenefs would it be in us of all others to retain forcibly a kind of imperious and ftately Election in our Church ? And what a blindnefs to think that what is already evangelical, as it wereby a happy chance in our Polity, fhould be repugnant to that which is the fame by divine Command in the Miniftry ? Thus then we fee that our Ecclefial and Political Choices may confent and fort as well together without any rupture in the State, as Chriftians and Freeholders. But as for Honour, that ought indeed to be different and diftinct, as either Office looks a feveral way •, the Minifter whofe Calling and End is fpiritual, ought to be honour'd as a Father and Phyfician to the Soul, (if he be found to be fo) with a Son-like and Dif- ciple-like Reverence, which is indeed the deareft and moft affectionate Ho- nour, moft to be defir'd by a wife man, and fuch as will eafily command a free and plentiful provifion of outward neceffaries, without his further care of this World. The Magiftrate, whofe Charge is to fee to our Perfons and Eftates, is to be honour'd with a more elaborate and perfonal Courtfhip, with large Salaries and Stipends, that he himfelf may abound in thole things wherof his legal Juftice and watchful Care gives us the quiet En j oyment. And this diftir.ction of Honour will bring forth a ilemly and graceful Uniformity over all the Kingdom. Then (hall the Nobles poffefsall the Dignities and Offices of temporal Ho- nour to themfelves, fole Lords without the improper mixture of fcholaflic and pufillanimous upftarts -, the Parlament fhall void her Upper Hcufc of the fame annoyances ; the Common and Civil Laws fhall be both lit free, the for- mer from the controul, the other from the meer Vaffalage and Copy-hold of the Clergy. And wheras temporal Laws rather punifh men when they have tranfgrefs'd, than form them to be fuch as fhould tranfgrefs feldomeft, we may conceive oreat hopes, through the fhowers of Divine Benediction watering the unmo- lefted and watchful pains of the Miniftry, that the whole inheritance of God will orow up fo ftraight and blamelefs, that the Civil Magiftrate may with far lefs toil and difficulty, and far more eafe and delight, fteer the tall and goodly Veffel of the Commonwealth through all the gufts and tides of the World's mutability. Here I might have ended, but that fome Objections, which I have heard commonly flying about, prefs me to the endeavour of an Anfwer. We muft not run, they fay, into hidden extremes. This is a fallacious Rule, unlefs un- derftood only of the actions of Vertue about things indifferent: for if it be found that thofe two extremes be Vice and Vertue, Falfhood and Truth, the greater extremity of Vertue and fuperlative Truth we run into, the more vertuous and the more wife we become ; and he that flying from degenerate and traditional Corruption, fears to fhoot himfelf too far into the meeting Embraces of a divinely warranted Reformation, had better not have run at all. And for the fuddennefs, it cannot be fear'd. Who fhould oppofe it r The Papifts ? they dare not. The Proteftants otherwife affected ? they were mad. There is nothing will be remov'd but what to them is profeilcdly in- different. The long affection which the People have born to it, what for it felf, what for the odioufnefs of Prelates, is evident : From the firft year of Queen Elizabeth it hath ftill been more and more propounded, defir'd, and bc- feech'd, yea fometimes favourably forwarded by the Parlamsnts themfelves. Yet if it were fudden and fwift, provided ftill it be from worfe to better, cer- tainly we ought to hie us from evil like a torrent, and rid our fclves of cor- rupt Difcipline, as we would fhake fire out of our bofoms. Speedy Of Reformation in England. 35 Speedy and vehement were the Reformations of all thegood Kings ofjuda, though the People had been nuzzl'd in Idolatry ever lo long before ; they fear'd not the bug-bear danger, nor the Lion in the way that the fluggim anil timorous Politician thinks he fees ; no more did our Brethren of the Reforni'J Churches abroad, they ventured (God being their guide; out of rigid Popery, into that which we in mockery call precife Puritanijhii and yet we fee no inconvenience befel them. Let us not dally with God when he offers us a full Bleffing, to take as much of it as we think will ferve our ends, and turn him back the reft upon his hands, left in his anger he fnatch all from us again. Next, they alledge the Antiquity of Epifcopacy through all Ages. What it was in the Apoftle's time, that queltionlefs it muft be ftill -, and therin I trull the Minifters will be able tofatisfy the Parlament. But if Epifcopacy be taken for Prelacy, all the Ages they can deduce it through, will make it no more venerable than Papacy. Moft certain it is (as all our Stories bear witnefs) that ever fince their coming to the See of Canterbury for near twelve hundred years, to fpeak of them in general, they have been in Englandto our Souls a fad and doleful fuc- ceffion of illiterate and blind guides ; to our purfes and goods a waftful band of robbers, a perpetual havock and rapine •, to our State a continual Hydra of mifchief and moleftation, the forge of difcord and rebellion : This is the Trophy of their Antiquity, and boafted Succeffion through fo many ages. And for thofe Prelate-Martyrs they glory of, they are to be judg'd what they were by the Gofpel, and not the Gofpel to be tried by them. And it is to be noted, that if they were for Bifhopricks and Ceremonies, it was in their Profperity and fulnefs of Bread; but in their Perfecution, which puriry'd them, and near their death, which was their Garland, they plainly diilikedand condemn'd the Ceremonies, and threw away thofe Epifcopal Or- naments wherein they were inftall'das foolifh and deteftable; forfo the words of Ridley at his Degradement, and his Letter to Hooper, exprefly fhew. Nei- ther doth the Author of our Church-Hiftory fpare to record fadly the Fall (for fohe terms it) and Infirmities of thefe Martyrs, though we would deify them. And why fhould their Martyrdom more countenance corrupt Doctrine or Difcipline, than their Subfcriptions juftify their Treafon to the Royal Blood of this Realm, by diverting and intailing the Right of the Crown from the true Heirs, to the Lloufes of Northumberland and Suffolk ? which had it took effect, thisprefent King had in all likelihood never fat on this Throne, and the happy Union of this Iflandhad bin fruftrated. Laftly, Wheras they add that fome the learnedeft of the Reformed abroad admire our Epifcopacy -, it had bin more for the ftrength of the Argument to tell us, that fome of the wifeft Statefmen admire it, for thereby we might guefs them weary of the prefent Difcipline, as offenfiveto their State, which is the bug w r e fear : but being they are Churchmen, we may rather fufpect them for iomcPrelatiping Spirits that admire ourBifhopricks, not Epifcopacy. The next Objection vanifhes of itfelf, propounding a doubt, whether a greater Inconvenience would not grow from the corruption of any other Dif- cipline than from that of Epifcopacy. This feems an unfeafonable forefighr, and out of order, to defer and put off the moft needful Conftitution of one right Difcipline, while we ftand ballancing the Difcommodities of two cor- rupt ones. Firft conftitute that which is right, and of itfelf it will difcover and rectify that which fwerves, and eafdy remedy the pretended fear of having a Pope in every Parifh, unlefs we call the zealous and meek cenfure of the Church a Popedom, which whofo does, let him advife how he can reject the Paltorly Rod and Sheep-hook of Christ, and thole Cords of Love, and not tear to fall under the iron Scepter of his Anger, that will dafh him to pieces like a Potfherd. At another Doubt of theirs I wonder, whether this Difcipline which we de- fire be fuch as can be put in practice within this Kingdom •, they fay it cannot ftand with the common Law nor with the King's Safety, the Government of Epifcopacy is nowfo weav'd into the common Law. In God's name let it weave out again •, let not human Quillets keep back divine Authority. 'Tis not the common Law, nor the civil, but Piety and Juftice that are our foun- dreffes ; they (loop not, neither change colour for Ariftocracy, Democracy, or Vol. I. E ' Mo- 2,6 Of Reformation i?i England. .' ' narcbj, r.or yet at all interrupt their juft courfes •, but far above the taking notice of thefe inferior Niceties, with perfect Sympathy, wherever they meet, kifs each other. Laftly, they are fearful that the Discipline which will fucceed cannot ftand with the King's Safety. Wherefore ? it is but Epif- copacy redue'd to what it mould be : were it not that the tyranny of Prelates under the name of Bifcops hath made our ears tender, and ftartling, we might call every 2;ood Minifter a Bijhop, as every Bijhop, yea the Apoftles themfelves are call'd A&ri/ters, and the Angels minijirhig Spirits, and the Ministers again Ards. But wherin is this propounded Government fo fhrewd ? Became the Government of AfTemblies will fucceed. Did not the Aptftles govern the Church bv AfTemblies? How mould it elfe be Catholick: How mould ic have Communion ? We count it Sacrilege to take from the rich Prelates their Lands and Revenues, which is 'Sacrilege in them to keep, uiingthem as they do ; and can we think it iafe to defraud the living Church of God of that right which God has given her in AfTemblies ? O but the Conk-quence ! AfTemblies draw to them the Supremacy of Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction. No Curdy, they draw no Supremacy, but that Authority which Christ, arid St. Paul in his Name, confers upon them. The King may ftill retain the fame Supremacy ii the AfTemblies, as in the Parlament -, here he can do nothing alone againft the Common Law, and there neither alone, nor with Content, againft the Scrip- tures. But is this all ? No, this Ecclefiaftical Supremacy draws to it the Power to excommunicate Kings ; and then follows the worft that can be ima- o-ined. Do they hope to avoid this, by keeping Prelates that have fo often done it? Not to exemplify the malapert Infolence of our own Bijhops in this kind towards our Kings, I mail turn back to the P ..nd pure Times, which the Objectors would have the Rule of Reformation to us. Not an AfTemblv, but one Bijhop alone, Saint Ambrose of Milan, held 72y the moft Chriftian Emperor under Excommunication above eight Months together, drove him from the Church in the prefence of his Nobles -, which the good Emperor bore with heroic humility, and never ceas'd by Prayers and Tears, till he was abfolvM-, for which coming to the Bifhop with Supplication into the Salutatory, Tome Out-porch of the Church, he was char- ged by him of tyrannical madneis againft God, for coming into holy Ground. At laft, upon Conditions abfolved, and after great humiliation approaching to the Akar to offer, (as thofe thrice pure times then thought meet) he had fcarce withdrawn his hand, and ftood a while, when a bold Arch-deacon comes in the Bifhop's name, and chaces him from within the Rails, telling him peremp- torilv, that the place wherin he ftood, was for none but the Priejis to enter, or to touch •, and this is another piece of pure P \ Divinity. Think ye then our Bifhopswill forego the Power of Excommunication on whomibever? No certainly, unlefs to compafs finifter Ends, and then revoke when they'fee their time. And yet this moft mild, though withal dreadful and inviolable Prerogative oiChriJi's Diadem, Excommunication, ferves for nothing with them, but to prog and pander for Fees, or to difplay their Pride, and fharpen their Revenge, debarring Men the protection of the Law ; and I remember not whether in Tome Cafes it bereave not Men all right to their worldly Goods and Inheritances, befides the denial of Chriftian Burial. But in the Evange- lical, and reformed ufe of this facred Cenfure, no fuch Projiitution, no fuch IJcariotical Drifts are to be doubted, as that fpiritual Doom and Sentence fhould invade worldly pofleffion, which is the rightful Lot and Portion even of the wickedeft Men, as frankly beftow'd upon them by the all-difpenfing Bounty as Rain and Sunjline. No, no, it feeks not to bereave or deftroy the Bo- i it feeks to fave the Soul by humbling the Body, not by Imprifonment, or ■ ur.iary Mulct, much lefe by Stripes or Bonds, or difinheritance, bur by fa- therly Admonifhment and chriftian Rebuke, to caft it into godly Sorrow, whofeEnd is Joy, and ingenuous bafhfulnefs ro Sin : If that cannot be wrought, then as a tender Mother takes her Child and holds it over the Pit with fea- ring words, that it may learn to fear where danger is ; lb doth Excommuni- cation as dearly and as freely, without Money, ufe her wholefome and laving Terrors : fhe is inftant, fhe befeeches, by all the dear and fweet Promifes of Salvation fhe entices and woos-, by all the Threatnings and Thunders of the £«w, and rejected Go/pel, fhe charges, and adjures : this is all her Armory, her Of Reformation in England. - . ■ • I alLtfae Errand Man : "J - ~. Brow, hi - _ - ; Ar .e can be ar peac ' Hell, : t Farthing, Dkuntks, ■ - ' " ! i ■ - pit r fear i I or ignorant Civil .' ' ' . M^f, a more fever "thisC - - - =. King] - . . : .....-.- ] r '-■-.- ;. . .. if there be fbch gr - n fu - more fix : tin 2: But let as not, for dm red to be refonn'd, Hand ha keri g and p l fpread tt is, and point - . .is, unl- . blinded us, ■ - glnti "■' "d ar :" B - md Bellies, thai - : - . - - ricks, Deaneries. I ,andC -.ot be corrupt, * is Bribe of ■ 1 - - - it - - - . .ens, and hx>m : " -~ t : ' I . ; [ - - - 1ST be, ha " . ih.Cz : ; thee . out i__ : : Sir, : ::eR:-:^:;;r:; :f: ..'..-. :_lir_-r; r - : - : - .".":. ;■_.-£ -'"":.: '.-:._-"■ . ourlx : - " _ . . . - I ------ " rr. zr.t C:;k ^r.z . . _ - . .or the. -a^Jr, or to come to : pefl ..:-:.--. ~. : - . ._- - ■ '-'--'- : - - . f . - . : I : " ::.i's L_ '. is : '.:. : ' .'-... ::r; ..: ; .: -.;.._ :;:il: ■-:-.; -v j..-v. :: betas' . :: be - - • ; : ■: : ' - '" . . . . . ' .:....._.-. _- i ' ' - '■ i - : -: . ■ , ■ . Fir fh from our I fide w - - - the Oil of Tartar, "•".•_-. ., _ ._ .' i. ■ . . -I. E : 28 Of Reformation in England. furely a right reafonable, innocent, and foft-hearted Petition. O the relenting Bowels of the Fathers! Can this be granted them, unlefs God have frrut lis with Frenfy from above, and with a dazling-giddinef at noon-day ? Should not thofe Men rather be heard that come to plead againft their own Preferments, their worldly Advantages, their own Abundance •, for Honour and Obedience to God's Word, the Converfion of Souls, the Cbriftian Peace of the Land, and Union of the Reformed Catholick Church, the unappropriating and unmonopclizing the Rewards of Learning and Ir.duftry, from the greafy clutch of Ignorance, and high feeding. We have try'd already, and miltrably felt what Ambition, worldly Glory and immoderate Wealth can do, what the boifterous and contradittional hand of a temporal, earthly, and corporeal Spi- rituality can avail to the edifying of Chrift's holy Church ; were it fuch a de- fperate hazard to put to the venture the univerfal Votes of Chrift's, Congrega- tion, the fellowly and friendly Yoke of a teaching and laborious Miniftry, the Paft'orlike and Apoftolick Imitation of meek and unlordly Difcipline, the o-entleand benevolent Mediocrity of Church-maintenance, without the igno- ble Hucfterace of pidling Tithes? Were it fuch an incurable mifchiefto make a little trial, what all this would do to the flourifhing and growing up of Chrift's myftical Body ? As rather to ufe every poor fhitt, and if thatferve not, to threaten Uproar andCombuftion, and (hake the Brand of civil Difcord r O Sir, I do now feel myfelf inwrapt on the Hidden into thofe Mazes and Labyrinths of dreadful and hideous thoughts, that which way to get out, or whi'ch way to end, I know not, unlefs I turn mine eyes, and with your help lift up my hands to that eternal and propitious Throne, where nothing is rea- dier than Grac e and Refuge to the diftrefies of mortal Suppliants : And it were a fhame to leave thefe ferious thoughts lefs pioufly than the Pieathen were wont to conclude their graver Difcourfes. Thou therefore that fitted in Light and Glory unapproachable, Parent of Angels and Men! next thee I implore Omnipotent King, Redeemer of that loft Remnant whofe Nature thou didft afTume, ineffable and everlafting Love ! And thou the third fubfiftence of Divine Infinitude, illumining Spirit, the Joy and Solace of created Things ! one Tri-perfonal Godhead! look upon this thy poor and almoft fpent and expiring Church, leave her not thus a Prey to thefe importunate Wolves, that wait and think long till they devour thy ten- der Flock ; thefe wild Boars that have broke into thy Vineyard, and left the print of their polluting Hoofs on the Souls of thy Servants. O let them not brin^ about their damned Defigns, that ftand now at the entrance of the bot- tomlefs Pit, expecting the Watch-word to open and let out thofe dread id Locufts and Scorpions, to re-involve us in that pitchy Cloud of infernal Dark- tiefs, where we fhall never more fee the Sun of thy Truth again, never hope for the chearful Dawn, never more hear the Bird of Morning ling. Be mov'd with pity at the afflicted ftate of this our fhaken Monarchy, that now lies la- bouring under her Throws, and ftruggling againft the Grudges of more dreaded Calamities. O thou that after the impetuous rage of five bloody Inundatio-.s, and the fucceedino- Sword of inteftine War, ioaking the Land in her own Gore, didft pity thefad and ceaflefs Revolution of our fwift and thick-coming Sorrows, when we were quite breathlefs, of thy free Grace didft motion Peace, and terms of Covenant with us ; and having firft well-nigh freed us from Anti- chriftian Thraldom, didft buildup this Britannick Empire to a glorious and en- viable height, with all her Daughter-Iftands about her •, ftay us in this Felicity, let not the Obftinacy of our Half-obedience and Wil!-worfnip bring forth that Viper of Sedition , that for thefe fourfcore Years hath bin breeding to eat through the Entrails of our Peace •, but let her caft her abortive Spawn with- out the danger of this travelling and throbbing Kingdom. That we may ftill remember in our folemn Thank [givirgs, how forus, the Northern Ocean even to the frozen Thule, was fcatter'd with the proud Shipwrecks of the Spanijh Ar- mado, and the very Maw of Hell ranfack'd, and made to give up her con- ceal'd Deftrudion, ere the could vent it in that horrible and damned blaft. O how much more glorious will thofe former Deliverances appear, when we fhall know them not only to have fav'd us from greateft Miferies paft, but to have referv'dus for greateft Happinefs to come ?• Hitherto thou haft but free i us, and Of Reformation in England. 29 and that not fully, from the unjuft and tyrannous Claim of thy Foes, now unite us entirely, and appropriate us to thy felf, tie us cverlaftingly in willing Homage to the Prerogative of thy eternal Throne. And now we know, O thou our moft certain Hope and Defence, that thine Enemies have been confulting all the Sorceries of the great Whore, and have join'd their Plots with that fad intelligencing Tyrant that mifchicfs the World with his Mines of Ophir, and lies thirfting to revenge his naval Ruins that have larded our Seas : but let them all take Counfel together, and let it come to nought •, let them decree* and do thou cancel it •, let them gather them- felves, and be fcatter'd ; let them imbattel themfelves, and be broken ; let them imbattel, and be broken, for thou art with us. Then amidft the Hymns and Hallelujahs of Saints, fome one may perhaps be heard offering at high Strains in new and lofty Meafures, to fing and cele- brate thy divine Mercies, and marvellous Judgments in this Land throughout all Aces ; wherby this great and warlike Nation, inftructed and hur'd to the fervent and continual practice of Truth and Right eoufnefs, and carting far from her the Rags of her old Vices, may prefs on hard to that high and happy Emulation to be found the fober eft, wifeft, and moft Chriftian People at that day, when thou the eternal and fhortly- expected King, fhaltopen the Clouds to judge the feveral Kingdoms of the World, and diftributing National Ho- nours and Rewards to religious and juft Commonwealths, fhall put an end to all earthly Tyrannies, proclaiming thy univerfal and mild Monarchy through Heaven and Earth. Where they undoubtedly, that by their Labours, Coun- fels, and Prayers, have bin earneft for the common Good of Religion and their Country, fhall receive above the inferior Orders of the Blejfed, the regal Ad- dition of Principalities, Legions, and Thrones into their glorious Titles, and in fupereminence of beatific Vifton, progreffing the datelefs and irrevoluble Circle of Eternity, fhall clafp infeparable hands with Joy and Blifs, in over-mea- fure for ever. Bat they contrary, that by the impairing and diminution of the true Paith, the DiftrefTes and Servitude of their Country, afpire to high Dignity, Rule and Promotion here, after a fhameful end in this Life, (which God grant them) fhall be throwndown eternally into thedarkeft and deepeJIGulf of Hell, -where under the dejpiteful Contrcul, the Trample and Spurn of all the other Lamned, that in the anguifh of their Torture, fhall have no other eafe than to exercife a raving and beftial Tyranny over them as their Slaves and Negroes^ they fhall remain in that plight for ever, the bafeft, the lowermoft, the moft dejeiled y moft underfoot , and down- trodden Vajfals of Perdition. OF 3° O F And whether it may be deduced from the Apo- flolical Times by virtue of thofe Tejii monies which are al~ ledgd to that purpofe in fame late Treatifes ; one ivher- of goes under the Name of James Arcbbifljop ^Armagh. EPISCOPACY, as it is taken for an Order in the Church above a PreJLy- ter, or as we commonly name him the Minifler of a Congregation, is either of Divine Conftitution, or of Human. If only of Human, we have the fame human Privilege that all Men have ever had fince Adam, being born free, and in the Miftrefs Ifland of all the Britijh, to retain this Epifcopacy, or to remove it, confulting with our own Occafions and Conve- niences, and for the prevention of our own Dangers and Difquiets, in what belt manner we can devife, without running at a lofs, as we mufl needs in thofe ftale and ufelefs Records of either uncertain or unfound Antiquity ; which, if we hold faft to the grounds of the Reformed Church, can neither fkill of us, nor we of it, fooft as it would lead us to thi broken reed of Tradition, If it be of Divine Conftitution, tofatisfy us fully in that, the Scripture only is able, it being the only Book leftus of Divine Authority, not in any thing more divine than in the all-fufficiency it hath to furnifh us, as with all other ipiri- tual Knowledge, fo with this in particular, fetting out to us a perfect Man of God, accomplifh'd to all the good works of his charge : through all which Book can be no where, either by plain Text, or folid reafoning, found any difference between a Bifhop and a Prefbyter, five that they be two names to fignify the fame Order. Nqtwithftatading this clearnefs, and that by all evi- dence of Argument, Timothy and Titus (whom our Prelates claim to imitate only in the controlling part of their Office) had rather the Vicegerency of '2 Tim. 4. an Apoftlefhip committed to them, than the ordinary charge of a Bifhoprick, as being Men of an extraordinary calling ; yet to verify that which St. Paul foretold of fucceeding times, when Men began to have itching Ears, then not contented with the plentiful and wholefom fountains of the Gofpel, they began after their own Lulls to heap to themfelves Teachers, and as if the divine Scripture wanted a Supplement, and were to be eke'd out, they cannot think any doubt refolv'd, and any Doctrine confirm'd, unlefs they run to that indigefted heap and fry of Authors, which they call Antiquity- Whatfoever time, or the heedlefs hand of blind chance, hath drawn down from of old to this prefent, in her huge Drag-net, whether Fifh, or Sea- weed, Shells, or Shrubs, un-pick'd, unchofen, thofe are the Fathers. Seeing therfore fome Men, deeply con verfant in Books, have had fo little care of late to give the World a better account of their reading, than by divulg- ing needlefs Tractates, ftuff'd withfpecious names of Ignatius and Polycarpus\ with fragments of old Martyrolcgies, and Legends, to diffract and flagger the multitude of credulous Readers, and miflead them from their flrong Guards and places of Safety, under the tuition of Holy Writ ; it came into my thoughts to perfuade myfelf, fetting all diftances, and nice refpects afide, that I could do Religion, and my Country no better fervice for the time, than doing my utmofl endeavour to recall the People of God from this vain for- raging after Straw, and to reduce them to their firm Stationsunder the ftan- dard of the Gofpel ; by making appear to them, firif the iniufficiency, next the inconveniency ; and laflly, the impiety of thefe gay Teltimonies, that their great Doctors would bring them to dote on. Arid in performing this, I fhall not fbrive to be more exact in Method, than as their citations lead me. 1 Firflv Of Prelatical Epifcopacy. % t Firft, therefore concerning Ignatius fliall be treated fully, when the Author Pull come to infift upon fome places in his Epiftles. Next, to prove a fuccef- fion of 27 Bifhops from Timothy, he cites one Leontius Bifhop of ' Magnefia, out of the 1 ith Aft of the Chalcedonian Council : this is but an obfeure and finolc witnefs, and for his faithful dealing who fhall commend him to us, with this his Catalogue of Bifljops ? "What know we further of him, but that he might be as factious and falfe a Bifhop, as Leontius of Antioch, that was a hundred years his Predecefibr ? For neither the praife of his Wifdom, or his Yirtue» hath left him memorable to Pofterity, but only this doubtful relation, which we mull take at his word: and how fhall this Teftimony receive credit from his word, whofe very Name had fcarce bin thought on but for this bare Tef- timony ? But they will fay, he was a Member of the Council, and that may deferve to gain him Credit with us. I will not Hand to argue, as yet with fair allowance I might, that we may as juftly fufpeci there were fome bad and flippery Men in that Council, as we know there are wont to be in our Convocations : Nor fliall I need to plead at this time, that nothing hath bin more attempted, nor with more fubtlety brought about, both anciently by other Hereticks, and modernly by Papifts, than to falfify the Editions of the Councils, of which we have none but from our Adveriaries hands, whence Ca- nons, A els, and whole fpurious Councils are thruft upon us •, and hard it would be to prove in all, which are legitimate againft the lawful rejection of an ur- gent, and free difputer. But this I purpofe not to take advantage of -, for what avails it to wrangle about the corrupt Editions of Councils, whenaswe know that many Years ere this time, which was almoft 500 Years after Chrifi, the Councils themfelves were foully corrupted with ungodly Prelatifm, andfo far plung'd into worldly Ambition, as that it Hood them upon long ere this to uphold their now well-tafted Hierarchy by what a fair pretext foever they could, in like manner as they had now learnt to defend many other grofs Cor- ruptions by ne ancient, and fuppofed authentick Tradition as Epifcopacy ? And what hope can we have of this whole Council to warrant us a matter, 400 Yeats at Ieaft above their time, concerning the diftindtion of Bifhop and Pref- byter, whenas we find them fuch blind Judges of things before their eyes, in their decrees of precedency between Bfjop and Bi/hop, acknowledging Rome for the Apollolick Throne, and Peter in that See for the Rock, theBafis, and the Foundation of the Catholick Church and Faith, contrary to the interpre- tation of more ancient Fathers ? And therfore from a miftaken Text did they give to Leo, as Peter's SuccefTor, a kind of Preheminence above the whole Council, as Euagrius exprelTes (for now the Pope was come to that height, as to arrogate to himfelf by his Vicars incompetible honours) and yet having thus yielded to Rome the univerfal Primacy for fpiritual Reafons, as they thought, they conclude their fitting with a carnal and ambitious Decree, to give the fecond place of Dignity to Conjiantinople from reafon of State, becaufe it was New ROME ; and by like confequence, doubtlefs of earthlyPrivileges annext to each other City, was the Bishop therof to take his place. I may fay again therfore, what hope can we have of fuch a Council, as be- ginning in the Spirit, ended thus in the Flefh ? Much rather fhould we attend to what Eufebi us, the ancienteft Writer extant of Church- Hiflory, notwith- standing all the helps he had above thefe, confeffes in the 4th Chapter of his 3d Book, That it was no eafy matter to tell who were thofe that were left Bifllops of the Churches by the Apoflles, more than by what a Man might ga- ther from the Atls of the Apoftles, and the Epiftles of St. Paul, in which number he reckons Timothy for Bifhop of Ephefus. So as may plainly appear, that this Tradition of Bifhoping Timothy over Ephefus, was but taken for granted out of that place in St. Paid, which was only an intreating him to tar- ry at Ephefus, to do fomething left him in charge. Now if Eufebius, a famous 'Tim. \. 3. Writer, thought it fo difficult to tell who were appointed Bifhops by the A- poflles, much more may we think it difficult to Leontius, an obfeure Bifhop, fpeaking beyond his own Diocefs : and certainly much more hard was it for either of them to determine what kind of Bifhops thefe were, if they had fo little means to know who they were; and much lefs reafon have we to rtand to their definitive Sentence, feeing they have bin fo rafh to raife up fuch lofty Bifhops and Biihopricks out of places in Scripture merely mifunderftood. Thus 3 2 Of P relatival Epifcopaty, Thus while we leave the Bible to gad after thcfe Traditions of the Ancients; we hear the Ancients themfelves confeffing, that what knowledge they had in this point was fuch as they had gather'd from the Bible. Since therefore Antiquity itfelfhath turn'd over the Cor.troverfy to that fovereign Book which we had fondly ftraggl'd from, we fhall do better not to detain this venerable Apparition of Lccntius any longer, but difmifs him with his Lift of feven and twenty, to deep unmolefted in his former ob- fcurity. Now for the word wptrw, it is more likely that Timothy never knew the word in that fenfe ; it was the vanity of thofe next fucceeding times not to content themfelves with the fimplicity of Scripture-phrafe, but muft make a new Lexicon to name themfelves by ; one will be call'd Sr^owwj, or Antiftes, a word of Precedence ; another would be term'd a Gnoftick, as Clemens ; a third Sacerdos, or Prieft, and talks of Altars •, which was a plain fign that their Dodrine began to change, for which they muft change their expreffions. But that place of Juftin Martyr ferves rather to convince the Author, than to make for him, where the name ■srgferw twj ah\(puv, the Prefident, or Paftor of the Brethren (for to what end is he their Prefident, but to teach them ? ) cannot be limited to fignify a Prelatical Bifhop, but rather communicates that Greek appellation to every ordinary Prejbyter : For there he tells what the Chriftians had wont to do in their feveral Congregations, to read and ex- pound, to pray and adminifter, all which he fays the ir^oir^;, or Antiftes did. Are thefe the Offices only of a Bifhop, or fhall we think that every Congre- gation where thefe things were done, which he attributes to this Antiftes, had a Bijhop prefent among them ? Unlefs they had as many Antiftites as Presbyters, which this place rather feems to imply ; and fowe may infer even from their own alledg'd Authority, that Antiftes was nothing elfe but Presbyter. As for that namelefs Treatife of Timothy's Martyrdom, only cited by Pho- tius that liv'd almoft 900 Years after Chrijl, it handfomly follows in that Au- thor, the Martyrdom of the feven Sleepers, that flept (I tell you but what mine Author fays) three hundred feventy and two Years •, for lb long they had bin fhut up in a Cave without meat, and were found living. This Story of Timothy's Ephefian Bifhoprick, as it follows in order, fo may it for truth, if it only fubfift'upon its own Authority, as it doth-, for Photius only faith he read it, he does not aver it. That other legendary piece found among the iu l ' " 'lives of the Saints, and fent us from the fhop of the Jefuits at Lovain, does ' but bear the name of Poly crates, how truly who can tell? and fhall have fome more weight with us, when Polycrates canperfuade us of that which he af- firms in the fame place of Eufebius's 5th Book, that St. John was a Prieft, and wore the golden Breaft-plate : and why fhould he convince us more with his Traditions of Timothy's Epifcopacy, than he could convince Vitlcr Bifhop of Rome with his Traditions concerning the Feaft of Eafter, who not regarding his irrefragable inftances of examples taken from Philip and his Daughters that were ProphetefTes, or from Polycarpus, no nor from St. John himfelf, excommunicated both him, and all the AJian Churches, for celebrating their Eajler judaically ? He may therfore go back to the feven Bifhops his Kinf- men, and make his moan to them, that we efteem his traditional Ware as lightly as Vitlor did. Thofe of Theodoret, Felix, and John of Antioch, are Authorities of later times, and therfore not to be receiv'd for their Antiquities fake to give in evidence concerning an Allegation, wherin Writers, fo much their Elders, we fee fo eafily mifcarry. What if they had told us that Peter, who as they fay left Ignatius Bifhop of Antioch, went afterwards to Rome, and was Bifhop there, as this Ignatius, and Irenaus, and all Antiquity with one mouth de- liver ? there be neverthelefs a number of learned and wife Proteftants, who have written, and will maintain, that Peter's being at Rome as Bifhop, cannot ftand with concordance of Scripture. Now come the Epiftles of Ignatius to fhew us firft, that Onefitnus was Bi- fhop of Ephefus •, next, toafTert the difference of Bijhop and Presbyter, wherin I wonder that Men, teachers of theProteftant Religion, make no more difficul- ty of impofing upon our Belief a fuppofuitious offspringof fome dozen Epiftles, wherof five are rejected as fpurious, containing in them Herefies and Trifles ■, z which Of Prelatical Epifcopacy. which cannot agree in Chronology with Ignatius, entitling him Archbifhop of Antioch Iheopolis, which name of Theopolis that City had not till Juftinian's time, long after, as Cedrenus mentions ; which argues both the barbarous time, and the unfkilful fraud of him that foifted this Epiftle upon Ignatius. In the Epiftle to thofe of Tarfus, he condemns them for Minifters of Satan, that fay thrift is God above all. To the Pbilippians them that kept their Eafter as the Afian Churches, as Polycarpus did, and them that rafted upon any Sa- turday, or Sunday, except one, he counts as thofe that had (lain the Lord. To thofe of Antioch, he falutes the Sub-Deacons, Chaunters, Porters and Exorcifts, as if thefe had bin Orders of the Church in his time : thofe other Epiftles lefs queftion'd, are yet lb interlarded with Corruptions, as may juftly indue us with awholefome fufpicion of the reft. As to the Trallians, he writes that a Bijhop hath Power over all beyond all Government and Authority ivhatfoever. Surely then no Pope can defire more than Ignatius attributes to every Bifhop ; but what will become then of the Archbifhops and Primates, if every Biihop in Ignatius's judgment be as fupreme as a Pope ? To the Ephefians, near the Very place from whence they fetch their proof for Epifcopacy, there ftands a line thattafts an ill hue upon all the Epiftle ; Let noMan err, faith he ; unlefs a Man be within the rays or enclofure of the Altar, he is depriv'd of the bread of Life. I fay not but this may be ftretch'd to a figurative conftruction, but yet it has an ill look, efpecially being follow'd beneath with the mention of I know not what Sacrifices. In the other Epiftle to Smyrna, wherin is written that they mould follow their Bifhop as Chrift did his Fa- ther, and the Prejhytery as the Apoftles ; not to fpeak of the infulfe, and ill- kid comparifon, this cited place lies upon the very brim of another Cor- ruption, which had they that quote this pafiage, ventur'd to let us read, all P ". n would have readily km what grain the Teftimony had bin of, where it is faidj that it is not lawful without a Bifhop to baptize, nor to offer, nor to do facrifice. What can our Churches make of thefe Phrafesbut fcandalous? And but a little further he plainly tails to contradict the Spirit of God in So- lomon, judg'd by the words themfelves -, My Son, faith he, honour God and the King -, but I fay, honour God and the Bifhop as High-Prieft, bearing the Imao-e of God according to his ruling, and of Chrift according to his Prieftino-, and after him honour the King. Excellent Ignatius ! can ye blame the Prelates for making much of this Epiftle? Certainly if this Epiftle can ferve you to Cct a Bifhop above zPreJhyter, it may ferve you next to fethim above a Kino-. Thefe, and other like places in abundance through all thofe fhort Epiftles, inuft either be adulterate, or elfe Ignatius was not Ignatius, nor a Martyr, but moil adulterate, and corrupt himfelf. In the midft therfore of fo many forgeries, where fhall we fix to dare fay this is Ignatius? As for his ftile, who knows it, fo disfigur'd and interrupted as it is ? except they think that where they meet with any thing found, and orthodoxal, there they find Ignatius, and then they believe him not for his own Authority, but for a truth's fake, which they derive from elfewhere : to what end then fhould they cite him as Authentic for Epifcopacy, when they cannot know what is authentic in him, but by the judgment which they brought with them, and not by any judgment which they might fafely learn from him ? How can they bring fatisfaction from fuch an Author, to whofe very efTencethe Reader muft be" fain to con« tribute his own Underftanding ? Had God ever intended that we fhould have fought any part of ufeful Inftruction from Ignatius, doubtlefs he would not have fo ill provided for our knowledge, as to fend him to our hands in this broken and disjointed plight; and if he intended no fuch thing, we do injuri- oufly in thinking to tafte better the pure Evangelic Manna, by feafoning our mouths with the tainted fcraps and fragments of an unknown Table, and fearching among the verminous and polluted Rags dropt over- worn from the toiling fhoulders of Time, with thefe deformedly to quilt and interlace the intire, the fpotlefs, and undecaying robe of Truth, the daughter not of Time, but of Heaven, only bred up here below in Chriftian Hearts, between two grave and holy Nurfes, the Doctrine and Difcipline of the Gofpel. Next follows Ir-enaus Bifhop of Lyons, who is cited to affirm that Polycar- pus was madeBiJhop ^/Smyrna by the Apoftles ; and this, it may feem, none could barer tell than he who had bothfeen and heard Polycarpus: But when did he Vol. I. F hear 34 Of Prelatical Epifcopacy. heir him? himfelf confefles to Flor'mus, when he was a Boy. Whether, that Age in Irenaui may not be liable to many miftakings ; and whether a Boy may be crafted to take an exact account of the manner of a Church-Conftitution, and upon what terms, and within what limits, and with what kind of Com- miffion Polycarpus receiv'd his Charge, let a Man confide^ ere he be cre- dulous. It will not be deny'd that he might have feen Polycarpus in his youths . a Man of great eminence in the Church, to whom the other Prejlyters might give way tor his Virtue, Wifdem, and the reverence of his Age ; and Jo did Anicetus Bifhop of Rome, even in his own City, give him a kind of Priority in adminiftringthe Sacrament, as maybe read in Eufebius: butthat we fhouiJ hence conclude a diftinct, and fuperior Order from the young observation of Jren<cus, nothing yet alledg'dcan warrant us, unlefs we (hall believe fuch as would face us down, that Calvin* and after him Beza were BiJhops of Geneva, becauie that in the unfettled ftate of the Church, while things were not fully compos'd, their worth and learning caft a greater fhare of bufinefs upon diem, and directed Men's eyes principally towards them : and yet thefe Men were the diffolvers of Epifcopacy. "We fee the fame necefTity in State- Affairs ; Bru- tus that expell'd the Kings out oi Rome, was for the time fore'd to be as it were a King himfelf, till matters were fet in order, as in a free Commonwealth. He that had feen Pericles lead the Athenians which way he lifted, haply would have faidhehadbin their Prince-, and yet he was but a powerful and eloquent Man in a Democraty, and had no more at any time than a tempo- rary and elective fway, which was in the will of the people when to abrogate. And it is moft likely that in the Church, they which came after thefe Apo- ftolic Men, being lei's in Merit, but bigger in Ambition, ftrove to invade thoi'e Privileges by intrufion and plea of right, which Polycarpus, and others like him polTeft from the voluntary furrender of Men fobdu'd by the excel- lency of their heavenly Gifts ; which becaufe their Succeiibrs had not, and fo could neither have that Authority, it was their policy to divulge that the e- minence which Polycarpus and his equals enjoy'd, was by right of conftitution, not by free will of condefcending. And yet thus far Iren<eus makes againft them, as in that very place to call Polycarpus an Apoftolical Prejbyter. But what fidelity his relations had in general, we cannot fooner learn than by Eufebius, who near the end of his third Book, fpeaking of Papias a very ancient Wri- ter, one that had heard St. John, and was known to many that had feen, and bin acquainted with others of the Apoftles, but being of a mallow wit, and not underftanding thofe Traditions which he receiv'd, fili'd his Writings with many new Doctrines, and fabulous Conceits •, he tells us there, that divers Ec- clefiaftical Men, and Irenaus among the reft, while they look'd at his Anti- quity, became infected with his Errors. Now if Irenaus were fo rafh as to take unexamin'd opinions from an Author of fo fmall capacity, when he was a Man, we fhould be more rafh ourielves to rely upon thofe obfervations whichhe made when he was a Boy. And this may be a fufficient reafon to us why we need no longer mufe at the lpreading of many idle Traditions fo foon after the Apoftles, whilft fuch as this Papias had the throwing them about, and the inconfiderate zeal of the next Age, that heeded more the Perfon than the Doctrine, had the gathering them up. Wherever a Man, who had bin any way converfant with the Apoflles, was to be found, thither flew all the inquifitive ears, although the exercife of right inftructing was chang'd into thecuriofity of impertinent fabling: where the Mind was to be edify'd with ibiid Dotlrine, there the Fancy was iboth'd with folemn Stories: withlefs fervency was ftudied what Saint Paul, or Saint John had written, than was liften'd to one that could fay here he taught, here he flood, this was his ftature ; and thus he went habited, and O happy this houfe that har- bour'd him, and that cold ftone wheron he relied, this Village wherin he wrought fuch a miracle, and that pavement bedew'd with the warm effufion of his laft blood, that fprouted up into eternal Rofes to crown his Martyr- dom. Thus while all their thoughts were pour'd out upon circumftances, and the gazing after fuch Men as had fat at table with the Apoftles (many of which Chrift hath profeft, yea tho' they had caft out Devils in his name, he will not know at the laft day) by this means they loft their time, and truauted in the fundamental grounds of faving knowledge, as was feen fhortly by Of Prelatical Epifcopacy. by their Writings. Laftly for Irenaus, we have caufe to think him lefs judi- cious in his reports from hand to hand of what the Apoftles did, when we find him fo negligem ping the Faith which they writ, as to fay in his third Book againft Herefies, that the obedience of Mary was the caufe of Salvation to herfelf, and all Mankind ; and in his fifth Book, that as Eve was fe lue'd to fly God, fo the Virgin Mary was perfuaded to obey God, that the Virgin Mary might be made the Advocate of the Virgin Eve. Thus if Irenaus for his nearnefs to the Apoftles, mull be the Patron of Epifcopacy to us, it is vo marvel though he be the Patron of Idolatry to the Papift, lor the fame caufe. To the Epiftle ofthofe Brethren of Smyrna, that write the Martyr- dom of Poly carpus, and ftile him an Apoftolical, and Prophetical Doctor, and Bifhop of the Church in Smyrna, I could be content to give fome credit for the great honour and afFeclion which I fee thofe Brethren bear him, and not undefervedly, if it be true which they there fay that he was a Prophet, and had a voice from Heaven to comfort him at his death, which they could hear, but the reft could not for the noife and tumult that was in the place ; and belides, if his Body were fo precious to the Chriftians, that he was never wont to pull orl' his lliocs for one or other that ft ill ftrove to have the Office, that they might come to touch his feet, yet a light fcruple or two I would gladly be refolv'd in : If I'olycarpus (who, as they fay, was a Prophet that never fail'd in what he foretold) had declar'd to his friends, that he knew by Vifion, he fhould die no other death than burning, how it came to pals that the fire when it came to proof, would not do his work, but flarting off like a full fail from the malt, did but reflect a golden light upon his unviolated limbs, exhaling filch a fweet odour, as if all the incenfe of Arabia had bin burnino- ; in ;o much that when the bill-men faw that the fire was over-aw'd, and could not do the deed, one of them fteps to him and ftabs him with a fword, at which wound fuch abundance of Blood gufh'd forth, as quench'dthe fire. By all this relation it appears not how the fire was guilty of his death, and then how can his Prophecy be fulfill'd ? Next, how the ftanders-by could be fo foon weary of fuch a glorious fight, and fuch a fragrant fmell, as to haften the Executioner to put out the fire with the Martyr's Blood; unlefs per- haps they thought, as in all perfumes, that the Smoak would be more odo- rous than the Flame : yet thefe good Brethren fay he was Bifhop of Smyrna. No Man qu' (lions it, if Bifhop and Presbyter anciently wereall one, and how does it appear by any thing in this teftimony that they were net ? If among his other high titles of Prophetical, Apoftolical, and moft admired of thofe times, he be alfo ftiled Bilhop of the Church of Smyrna in a kind of fpeech, which the Rhetoricians call y.xr tfryjx, for his excellence fake, as being the moft famous of all the Smyrnian Prejbyters ; it cannot be prov'd neither irom this nor that other place of Irenaus, that he was therefore in diftincl and monarchical order above the other Prejbyters ; it is more probable, that if the whole Prefiytery had been as renowned as he, they would have term'd every one of them feverally Bifhop ol Smyrna. Hence it is that we read fometimes of two Bifhops in one place ; and had all the Pre/liters there been of like worth, we might perhaps have read of twenty. Tertullian accofts us next, (for Polycrates hath had his Anfwer) whofc Teftimony, ftate but the queftion right, is of no more force to deduce Epifco- pacy, than the two former. He fays that the Church of Smyrna hid Poly carpus plac'd there by John, and the Church of Rome Clement ordain'd by Peter ; and fo the reft of the Churches did fhew what Bifhops they had receiv'd by the ap- pointment of the Apofiles. None of this will be contradicted, lor we have it out of the Scripture that Bifhops or Prejbyters, which were the lame, were left by the Apcjiles in every Church, and they might perhaps give fome fpe- cial charge to Clement, or Poly carpus, or Linus, and put fome fpecial truft in them for the experience they had of their Faith and Conftancy ; it remains yet to be evine'd out of this and the like places, which will never be, that the word Bifhop is ctherwife taken, than in the language of Saint Paul, and the A&s, for an order above Prejbyters. We grant them Bifhops, we grant them worthy Men, we grant them plac'd in feveral Churches by the Apojlles ; we grant that Irenaus and Tertul affirm this, but that they were plac'd in a fupe- rior Order above the Prejbytery, fhew from all thefe words why we fhould Vol. I. F 2 grant. 35 36 Of Prelatkal Kpifcopacy. grant. 'Tis not enough to fay the Apoftle left this Man Bifnop in Re me, and that other in Ephejus, but to fhew when they alter'd their own Decree fet down by St. Paul, and made ail the Prejbyters underlings to one Bifiiop. But fuppofe Tcrtul/ian had made an imparity where none was originally, mould he move us, that goes about to prove an imparity between God the Father, and God the Son, asthefe words import in his Book againft Praxeas ? The Father is the whole fubftance, but the Son a derivation, and portion of the whole, as he himfelf profeffes, becaufe the Father is greater than me. Be- lieve him now for a faithful relater of Tradition, whom you fee fuch an unfaithful expounder of the Scripture -, befides, in his time all allowable Tra- dition was now loft. For this fame Author whom you bring to teftify the Ordination of Clement to the Bifhoprick of Rome by Peter, teftifies alfo in the beginning of his Treatife concerning Chaftity, that the Bifhop of Rome did then ufe to fend forth his Edicts by the name of Pontifex Maximus, and Epijcopus EpifcGpcrum, chief Prieft, and Bifhop of Bifhops : For fhame then do not urge that Authority to keep up a Bifhop, that will neceflarily engage you to fet up a Pope. As little can your Advantage be from Hegefippus anHi- torian of the fame time not extant, but cited by Eiifebius ; his words are, that in every City all things fo flood in his time as the Law, and the Prophets, and our Lord did preach. If they ftood fo, then ftood not Bifhops above Prejlty- ters; for what our Lord and his Difciples taught, God be thanked, we have no need to go learn of him : and you may as well hope to perfuade us out of the fame Author, that James the Brother of our Lord was a Nazarite > and that to him only it was lawful to enter into the Holy of Holies ; that his food was not upon any thing that had life, Fifh or Flefh ; that he ufed no woollen Garments, but only Linen, andfo as he trifles on. If therfore the Tradition of the Church were now grown fo ridiculous, and difconfenting from the Doftrine of the Apcjlles, even in thofe points which were of Ieaft moment to Men's particular ends, how well may we be afTur'd it was much more degenerated in point of Episcopacy, and Precedency, things which could afford fuch plaufible Pretences, fuch commodious traverfes for Ambition, and Avarice to lurk behind? As for thofe Britain Bifhops which you cite, take heed what you do ; for our Britain Bifhops, lefs ancient than thefe, were remarkable for nothing more than their Poverty, as Sulp. Sevcrus, and Beda can remember you of Examples good ftore. Laftly (for the fabulous Metaphrafies is not worth an Anfwer) that Au- thority of Clemens Alexandrinus is not to be found in all his Works; and wherever it be extant, it is in controverfy, whether it be Clemens or no ; or if it were, it fays only that Saint John in fome places conftituted Bifhcps : queftionlefs he did, but where does Clement fay he fet them above Prejbyters ? No Man will gainfiy the conftitution of Bijhops •, but the raifing them to a fuperior, and diftincl: order above Prejbyters, feeing the Gofpel makes them one and the fame thing, a thoufand fuch Allegations as thefe will not give Prelatical Epijcopacy one Chapel of Eafe above a Parifh Church. And thus much for this cloud I cannot fay rather than petty-fog of Witneffes, with which Epifcopal Men would caft a Mift before us, to deduce their exalted Epijcopacy from Apoftolic Times. Now although, as all Men well know, it be the wonted fhift of Error, and fond Opinion, when they find them- felves outlaw r d by the Bible, and forfaken of found Reafon, to betake them with all fpeed to their old ftarting-hole of Tradition, and that wild, and overgrown covert of Antiquity, thinking to frame v there a large room, and find good ftabling, yet thus much their own deify'd Antiquity betrays them, to inform us that Tradition hath had very feldom or never the gift of Per- fuafion ; as that which Church-Hiftories report of thofe Eajl and Wejlcrn P Jchalijls, formerly fpoken of, will declare. Who would have thought that P 'ycarpus on the one fide could have err'd in what he faw Saint John do, 01 Anicetus Bifhop of Rome on the other fid?, in what he or fome of his Friends might pretend to have feen St. Peter or St. Paul do •, and yet neither of thefe could perfuade either when to keep Eajler? The like frivolous Contention troubled the Primitive Englift Churches, while Colmanus, and Wilfride on cither fide deducing their Opinions, the one from the undeniable Example of Saint Of Prelatical Epifcopacy. * y Saint John, and the learned Bifhop Anatolius, and laftly the miraculous Columba, the other from Saint Peter and the Nicene Council, could o-ajn no ground each of other, till King Ofwy perceiving no likelihood of ending the Controverfy that way, was fain to decide it himfelf, good King, with that fmall knowledge wherewith thole times had furnifh'd him. So when thofe pious Greek Emperors began, as Cedrenus relates, to put down Monks, and abolifh Images, the old Idolaters finding themfelves blafted, and driven back by the prevailing Light of the Scripture, fent out their fturdy Monks call'd the Abramitesy to alledge for Images the ancient Fathers Biomfms, and this our objected Iren<eus : nay, they were fo high flown in their Antiquity, that they undertook to bring the Apoftles, and Luke the Evangelift, yea Cbrift himfelf, from certain Records that were then current, to patronize their Idolatry. Yet for all this the worthy Emperor Theophilus, even in thofe dark times, chofe rather to nourifh himfelf and his People with the fincere Milk of the Gofpel, than to drink from the mix'd Confluence of fo many cor- rupt and poifonous Waters, as Tradition would have perfuaded him to, by moft ancient feeming Authorities. In like manner all the reform'd Churches abroad, unthroning Epifcopacy, doubtlefs were not ignorant of thefe Teftimo- nies alledg'd to draw it in a line from the Apoftles days ; for furely the Author will not think he hath brought us now any new Authorities, or Confiderations into the World, which the Reformers in other places were not advis'd of: and yet we fee, the interceifion of all thefe Apoftolic Fathers could not prevail with them to alter their refolv'd Decree of reducing into order their ufur- ping and over-provender'd Epifcopants ; and God hath bleft their Work this hundred years with a profperous and ftedfafl, and ftill happy Succefs. And this may ferve to prove the Infufficiency of thefe prefent Epifcopal Teftimo- nies, not only in themfelves, but in the account of thofe ever that have bin the followers of Truth. It will next behoove us to confider the Inconvenience we fall into, by ufing ourlelves to be guided by thefe kind of Teftimonies. Fie that thinks it the part of a well-learned Man to have read diligently the ancient Stones of the Church, and to be no ftranger in the Volumes of the Fathers, fhall have all judicious Men confenting with him ; not hereby to controul, and new-fangle the Scripture, God forbid, but to mark how Cor- ruption and Apoftacy crept in by degrees, and to gather up wherever we find the remaining fparks of original Truth, wherewith to flop the mouths of our Adverfaries, and to bridle them with their own curb, who willingly pafs by that which is Orthodoxal in them, and ftudioufly cull out that which is commentitious, and befl for their turns, not weighing the Fathers in the balance of Scripture, but Scripture in the balance of the Fathers. If we therfore, making firft the Gofpel our Rule and Oracle, fhall take the good which we light on in the Fathers, and fet it to oppofe the evil which other Menfeek from them, in this way of fkirmifh we fhall eafily mailer all Super- ftition and falfe Doctrine-, but if we turn this our difcreet and wary ulage of them into a blind devotion towards them, and whatfoever we find written by them, we both forfake our own grounds and reafons which led us at firfl: to part from Rome, that is, to hold to the Scriptures againft all Antiquity ; we remove our Caufe into our Adverfaries own Court, and take up there thofe cait Principles which will foon caufe us to foder up with them again, in as much as believing Antiquity foritfelf in any one point, we bring an engage- ment upon ourfelves of aflenting to all that it charges upon us. For fuppofe we fhould now, neglecting that which is clear in Scripture, that a Bifhop and Prcjbyler is all one both in Name and Office, and that what was done by Timo- thy and Titus, executing an extraordinary place, as fellow-labourers with the Apoftles, and of a univerfal charge in planting Chriftianity through divers Regions, cannot be drawn into particular and daily example •, fuppofe that neglecting this clearnefs of the Text, we fhould by the uncertain, and cor- rupted Writings of fucceeding times, determine that Bifliop and Prejbyter are different, becaufe we dare not deny what Ignatius, or rather the Perkin Warbeckoi Ignatius, fays •, then muft we be conftrain'd to take upon our felves a thoufand Superftitions and Falfities which the Papifls will prove us down in from as good Authorities, and as ancient as thefe that fet a Bifhop above a Presbyter. And the plain truth is, that when any of our Men of thofe that Of Prelatical Epifcopacj. that are wedded to Antiquity come to difpute with a Papift, and leaving x\\? Scriptures put themielves without appeal to the Sentence of Synods and Coun- cils, ufino- in the caufe of Sion the hir'd Soldiery of revolted IJrael, where they give the Romanifts one buff, they receive two counterbuffs. Were it therfore but in this regard, every true Bifhop fhould be afraid to conquer ki his Caufe by fuch Authorities as thefe, which if we admit for the Authori- ty's fake, we open a broad paiiage for a multitude of Doctrines that have no- ground in Scripture to break in upon us. Laftly, I do not know, it being undeniable that there are but two Ecclefi- aftical Orders, Bifhops and Deacons, mention'd in the Go/pel, how it can be lefs than Impiety to make a demur at that, which is there lb perfpicuous, con- fronting, and parallelling the facred Verity of Saint Paul with the offals and fweepings of Antiquity, that met as accidentally andabfurdly, as Epkurushis. Atoms, to patch up a Leucippean Ignatius, inclining rather to make this phantafm an expounder, or indeed a depraver of Saint Paul, than SaintP<-:.\'< an examiner, and difcoverer of this Impoftorfhip ; nor caring how (lightly they put off the verdict of holy Text unfalv r d, that fays plainly there be but two Orders, fothey maintain the Reputation of their imaginary Doctor that proclaims three. Certainly if Cbriji's Apoftle have fet down but two, then according to his own words, though he himfelf mould unfay it, and not only the Angel of Smyrna, but an Angel from Heaven fhould bear us down that there be three, SxmtPaul has doom'd him twice,Let him be accurs'd, for Chrift hath pronoune'd that no tittle of his Word mall fall to the ground •, and if one jot be alterable, it is as poffible that all fhould perifh : and this fhall be our Right eoufnefs, our ample warra'nt, and ftrong affurance both now, and at the lafl day never tobe afham'dof, againft all the heaped names of Angels, and Martyrs, Councils, and Fathers urg'dupon us, if we have given ourfelvesup to be taught by the pure, and living Precept of God's Word only ; which without more additions, nay with a forbidding of them, hath within itfelf the promife of Eternal Life, the end of all our wearifome Labours, and all our fuflaining Hopes. But if any fhall ftrive to fet up his Ephod, and Teraphim of Antiquity againft the brightnefs and perfection of the Gofpel ; let him fear left he and his Baal be turn'd into Bofieth. And thus much may fuffice to fhew that the pretended Epifcopacy cannot be dedue'd from the Apojlolical Times. THE 39 THE Reafon of Church-Government Urg'd againft P RE L A T Y, In TWO BOOKS. The Preface. IN the publifhing of human Laws, which for the mofl part aim not be- yond the good of civil Society, to fet them barely forth to the People without reafon or preface, like a phyfical Prefcript,or only with thi ear- nings, as it were a lordly Command, in the judgment of Plato was thought to be done neither generoufly nor wifely. His advice was, feeing that perfuafion certainly is a more winning, and more manlike way to keep Men in obedience than fear, that to fuch Laws as were of principal moment, there mould be us'd as an induction, fome well-temper'd difcourfe, fhewing how good, how gainful, how happy it muft needs be to live according to honefly and juftice ; which being utter'd with thole native colours and graces of fpeech, as true eloquence, the daughter of virtue, can bell bellow upon her mother's praifes, would fo incite, and in a manner charm the multitude into the love of that which is really good, as to embrace it ever after, not of cuftom and awe, which moft Men do, but of choice and purpofe, with true and conftant delight. But this practice we may learn from a better and more ■ancient authority than any heathen writer hath to give us ; and indeed being a point offo high wifdom and worth, how could it be but we mould find it in that Book, within whofe facred context all wifdom is infolded ? Mofes there- fore the only Lawgiver that we can believe to have been vifibly taught of God, knowing how vain it was to write Laws to Men whofe hearts were not firfc feafon'd with the knowledge of God and of his works, began from the book of Genr/is, as a prologue to his Laws ; which Jofephus right well hath noted : That the nation of the Jews, reading therin the univerfal goodnefs of God to all Creatures in the Creation, and his peculiar favour to them in his election of Abraham their anceftor, from whom they could derive fo many bleiTings upon themfelves, might be mov'd to obey fincerely, by knowing fo good a reafon of their obedience. If then in the adminiltratkm of civil Juftice, and under the obicurity of Ceremonial Rites, fuch care was- had by the wifeft of the Heathen, and by Mofes among the Jews, to inftrucT: them at leafr. in a ge- neral reafon of that Government to which their fubjection was requir'd; how much more ought the Members of the Church under the Gofpel, feek to in- form their underftanuing in the reafon of that Government which the Chun it claims to have over them ? efpeciaily for that the Church hath in her imme- diate cure thofe inner parts and affeclions ot the mind where the feat ofReafou is, having power to examine our fpiritual knowledge, and to demand from us in God's behalf, a fervice entirely reasonable. But becaufe about the manner and order of this Government, whether it ought to be Preibyterial or Prela- tical, fuch endlefs queftion, or rather uproar is arifen in this Land, as may be juftly term'd what the Fever is to the Phyficians, the eternal Reproach of our Divines-, whilft other profound Clerks ol late greatly, as they conceive, to the advancement ofPrelaty, are foearneilly meting out th&L,ydian Proc , : i- fuSsr AJia, to make good the prime Metropolis of Epbefus, as if fome of our Pne I . ao "The Reafon of 'Church-Government , Book I. Prelates in all hafte meant to change their Soil, and become Neighbours to the £»p7//7jBifhop of Chalcedon ; andwhilftgoodSmro-m/asbufily beftirshimfelf in our vulvar tongue,to divide precifely the three Patriarchates oi'Rcme, Alexan- dria and Antioch ; and whether to any of thefe E?igland doth belong. I jfhall in the mean while not ceafe to hope, through the Mercy and Grace of Cbr-.Jl, the Head and Hufband of his Church, that England fhortly is to belorg, neither to See Patriarchal, nor See Prelatical, but to the faithful feeding and difciplining of that minifterial Order, which the blefied Apoftles conflicted throughout the Churches •, and this I fhalleffay to prove, can be no other than that of Prefbyters and Deacons. And if any Man incline to think I undertake a talk too difficult for my years, I truft, through the fupreme inlightning af- ftftance far otherwife •, for my years, be they few or many, what imports it ? fo they bring reafon, let that be look'd on : and for the talk, from hence that the queftion in hand is fo needful to be known at this time, chiefly by every meaner capacity, and contains in it the explication of many admirable and heavenly privileges reach'd out to us by the Gofpel, I conclude the tafk mult be eafy : God having to this end ordain'd his Gofpel to be the revelation of his power and wifdom in Chriftjefus. And this is one depth of his Wifdom, that he could fo plainly reveal fo great a meafure of it to the grofs diftorted apprehenfion of decay'd mankind. Let others therfore dread and fhun the Scriptures for their darknefs, I fhall wifh I may deferve to be reckon'd a- mong thofe who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnefs. And this feems to be the caufe why in thofe places of holy Writ, wherin is treated of Church-Government, the Reafons therof are not formally and profeftly fet down, becaufe to him that heeds attentively the drift and fcope of Chriftian Profeffion, they eafily imply themfelves ; which thing further to explain, having now prefac'd enough, I fhall no longer defer. CHAR I. That Church-Government is prefcritid in the Gofpel^ and that to fay otherwife is unfound, TH E firfl and greateft reafon of Church-Govern menr, we may feeurely, with the aflent of many on the adverfe part, affirm to be, becaufe we find it fo ordain'd and kt out to us by the appointment of God in the Scrip- tures ; but whether this be Prefbyterial, or Prelatical, it cannot be brought to the fcanning, until I have faid what is meet to fome who do not think it for the eafe of their inconfequent Opinions, to grant that Church-Difcipline is platform'd in the Bible, but that it is left to the difcretion of Men. To this conceit of theirs I anfwer, that it is both unfound and untrue -, for there is not that thing in the World of more grave and urgent importance through- out the whole Life of Man, than is Difcipline. What need I inftance ? He that hath read with judgment, of Nations and Common-wealths, of Cities and Camps, of Peace and War, Sea and Land, will readily agree that the flourifhing and decaying of all Civil Societies, all the moments and turnings of human Occafions are mov'd to and fro as upon the Axle of Difcipline. So that whatfoever power or fway in mortal things weaker Men have attri- buted to Fortune, I durft with more confidence (the honour of Divine Provi- dence ever fav'd) afcribe either to the vigour or the flacknefs of Difcipline. Nor is there any fociable Perfection in this Life, Civil, or Sacred, that can be above Difcipline •, but flie is that which with her mufical cords preferves and holds all the parts therof together. Hence in thofe perfect Armies of Cyrus in Xenophon, and Scipio in the Roman Stories, the excellence of military Skill wasefteem'd, not by the not needing, but by the readieft fubmitting to the Edicts of their Commander. And certainly Difcipline is not only the remo- val of Diforder ; but if any vifible fhape can be given to divine things, the very vifible fhape and image of Virtue, wherby fhe is not only feen in the regular geftures and motions of her heavenly Paces as fhe walks, but alfo makes the harmony of her Voice audible to mortal ears. Yea, the Angels themfelves, in whom no diforder is fear'd, as the Apoftle that faw them inC I his ■ Book I. urg\I againftVREL at Y. 41 his rapture defcribes, are diftinguifh'd and quaternion'd into their Celeftial Princedoms, and Satrapies, according as God himfelf has writ his Imperial Decrees through the great Provinces of Heaven. The ftate alfo of the blef- fed in Paradife, though never fo perfect, is not therfore left without Difci- pline, whofe golden furveying Reed marks out and meafures every Quarter ami Circuit of Neiv Jcrufakm. Yet is it not to be conceiv'd that thole eter- nal Erfkii-nces of Sanctity and Lovein the glorified Saints, fhould by this means be confin'd and cloy'd with repetition of that which is prefcrib'd, but that our happinefs may orb itfelf into a thoufand vagancies of glory and delight, and with a kind of eccentrical Equation be, as it were, an invariable Planet of Joy and Felicity ; how much lefs can we believe that God would leave his frail and feeble, trio' not lefs beloved Church here below, to the perpetual Mumble of Conjecture and Difturbance in this our dark Voyage, without the Card ant! Compafs of Difcipline ? which is fo hard to be of Man's making that we may fee even in the guidance of a Civil State to worldly happinefs, it is not for every learned, or every wife Man, though many of them confuk in common, to invent or frame a Difcipline : but if it be at all the work of Man, it muft be of fuch a one as is a true knower of himfelf, and himfelf in whom Contemplation and Practice, Wit, Prudence, Fortitude, and Eloquence, muft be rarely met, both to comprehend the hidden caufes of things, and (pan in his thoughts all the various effects that Paffion or Complexion can work in Man's nature ; and hereto muft his hand be at defiance with Gain, and his heart in all Virtues heroic. So far is it from the ken of thefe w retched Pro- jectors of ours, that befcraul their Pamphlets every day with new Forms of Government for our Church. And therfore all the ancient Lawgivers were ei- ther truly infpired, as Mofes, or were fuch Men as with Authority enough might give it out to be fo, as Minos, Lycurgus, Numa, becaufe they wifely forethought that Men would never quietly iubmit to fuch a Difcipline as had not more of God's hand in it than Man's. To come within the narrownefs of Houfhold-Government, obfervation will fhew us many deep Counfellors of State and Judges do demean themfelves incorruptly in the fettled courfe of Affairs, and many worthy Preachers upright in their Lives, powerful in their Audience : but look upon either of thefe Men where they are left to their own difcipliningat home, and you mall icon perceive, for all their fingle know- ledge and uprightnefs, how deficient they are in the regulating of their own Family; not only in what may concern the virtuous and decent compofure of their minds in their feveral places, but that which is of a lower and eafier performance, the right pofielTingofthe outward Veffel, their Body, in Health or Sicknefs, Reft or Labour, Diet or Abftinence, wherby to render it more pliant to the Soul, and ufeful to the Common-wealth : which if Men were but as good to difcipline themfelves, as fome are to tutor their Horfes and Hawks, it could not be fo grofs in moft houfholds. If then it appear fo hard, and fo little known how to govern a Houfe well, which is thought of fo eafy dif- charge, and for every man's undertaking •, what Skill of Man, what Wifdom, what Parts can be fufficient to give Laws and Ordinances to the elect Houf- hold of God ? If we could imagine that he had left it at random without his provident and gracious ordering, who is he fo arrogant, fo prefumptuous, that durft difpofe and guide the living Ark of the Holy Ghoft, though he fliould find it wandring in the Field of Bethfiemefh, without the confeious warrant of fome high Calling ? But no profane Infolence can parallel that which our Prelates dare avouch, to drive outragioufly, and fhatter the holy Ark of the Church, not borne upon their fhoulders with pains and labour in the Word, but drawn with rude Oxen their Officials, and their own brute In- ventions. Let them make fhews of reforming while they will, fo long as the Church is mounted upon the Prelatical Cart, and not as it ought, between the hands of the Minifters, it will but fhake and totter •, and he that lets to his hand, though with a good intent to hinder the fhogging of it, in this unlaw- ful Waggonry wherin it rides, let him beware it be not fatal to him as it was to Uzza. Certainly if God be the Father of his Family the Church, wherin could he exprefs that Name more, than in training it up under his own ali- wife and dear Oeconomy, not turning it loofe to the havock of Strangers and Wolves, that would afk no better plea than this to do in the Church of Chrift, Vol. I. G what- 42 The Reafon of Church-Government $ Book I. whatever Humour, Faction, Policy, or licentious Will would prompt them to ? Again, if Chrift be the Church's Hufb.ir.d, expecting her to be preftnted before him a pure unfpotted Virgin •, in what could he fliew his tender Love to her more, than in prefcribing his own ways, which he beft knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty, with much greater care doubtlefs than the Per/tan King could appoint for his Queen Ejlher, thofe maiden dietings and fet prefcriptions of Baths and Odours, which may ren- der her at laft the more amiable to his eye ? For of any Age or Sex, moft unfitly may a Virgin be left to an uncertain and arbitrary Education. Yea, though fhe be well inftructed, yet is fhe ftill under a more ftrait tuition, es- pecially if betroth'd. In like manner the Church bearing the fame refem- blance, it were not reafon to think fhe mould be left deftitute of that care which is as neceffary and proper to her, as Inftruction. For publick Preach- incr indeed is the Gift of the Spirit, working as beft feems tohis fecret Will ; but Difcipline is the praftic work of preaching directed and apply'd, as is moft requifite, to particular Duty •, without which it were all one to the be- nefit of Souls, as it would be to the cure of Bodies, if all the Phyficians in London fhould get into the feveral Pulpits of the City, and affembling all the difeafed in every Parifh, fhouki begin a learned Lecture of Plcurifies, Pal- fies, Lethargies, to which perhaps none there prelent were inclin'd ; and fo without fo much as feeling one Pulfe, or giving the leaft order to any fkiliul Apothecary, fhould difmifs them from time to time, fome groaning, fome languifhing, fome expiring, with this only charge, to look well to them- felves, and do as they hear. Of what excellence and necefilty then Church- Difcipline is, how beyond the faculty of Man to frame, and how dangerous to be left to Man's Invention, who would be every foot turning it to finifter Ends ; how properly alfo it is the Work of God as lather, and of Chrift as Hufband of the Church, we have by thus much heard. CHAP. II. 'That Church-Government is fet down in Holy Scripture, a?id that to fay other wife is unt?~ue. AS therfore it isunfound to fay, that God hath not appointed any fet Go- vernment in his Church, fo is it untrue. Of the time of the Law there can be no doubt ; for to let pafs the firft Inftitution of Priefts and Levites y which is too clear to be infilled upon, when the Temple came to be built, which in plain judgment could breed no efiential change either in Religion, or in the Prieftly Government ; yet God, to fhew how little he could endure that Men fhould be tampering and contriving in his Worfhip, though in things of lefs regard, gave to David for Solomon, not only a pattern and model of the Temple, but a direction for the courfes of the Priefts and Levites, and for all the work of their Service. At the return from the Captivity, things were only reftor'd after the Ordinance of Mofes and David ; or if the leaft alteration be to be found, they had with them infpired Men, Prophets ; and it were not fober tofiiy they did aught of moment without divine Intimation. In the Prophecy of Ezekicl, from the 40th Chapter onward, after the deftructi- on of the Temple, God by his Prophet feeking to wean the hearts of the Jews from their old Law, to expect a new and more perfect Reformation un- der Chrift, fets out before their eyes the ftately Fabric and Conftitution of his Church, with all the Ecclefiaftical Functions appertaining ; indeed the De- scription is as forted beft to the apprehenfion of thofe times, typical and fhadowy, but in fuch manner as never yet came to pafs, nor never muft li- terally, unlefs we mean to annihilate the Gofpel. But fo exquifite and lively the defcription is in pourtraying the new ftate of the Church, and efpecially in thofe points where Government feems to be moft active, that both Jews and Gentiles might have good caufe to be aflur'd, that God, whenever he meant to reform his Church, never intended to leave the Government therof de- lineated here in fuch curious Architecture, to be patch'd afterwards, and var- nifh'd 2 Bbok fi urg\/ agair/ft ?rel at Y. 43 nifti'd over with the devices and imbellifhings of Man's Imagination. Did Gad Elke inch delight in measuring out the Miliars, Arches, and Doors or" a material Temple ? Was he lb punctual and circumipecl: in Lavers, Altars, and Sacrifices loon after to be abrogated, left any of thei'e fhould have bin made contrary to his mind? Is not a far more perfect work, more agreeable to his perfection in the molt perfecf itate of the Church Militant, the new Al- liance of God to Man ? Should not he rather now by his own prefcribed Dis- cipline have caft his Line and Level upon the Soul of Man which is his rati- onal Temple, and by the divine Square and Compafs tberof, form and rege- nerate in us the lovely fhapes of Virtues and Graces, the fooner to edify and aceomplim that immortal ftature of Chrift's Body, which is his Church, in all her glorious Lineaments and Proportions ? And that this indeed God hath done for us in the Golpel w<_ fhall fee with open eyes, not under a Vail. We may pafsover the Hiitory of theAHis and other places, turning only to thofe Epiftles of St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; where the fpiritual eye may difcern more goodly and gracefully creeled, than all the magnificence of Temple or Tabernacle, l'uch a heavenly Structure of Evangelic Difcipline, fo diffufive of Knowledge and Charity to the profperous increafe and growth of the Church, that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artful Symmetry of the promifed new Temple in Ezekiel, and all thofe fumptuous things under the Law were made to fignify the inward beauty and fplendor of the Chriftian Church thus govern'd. And whether this be commanded, let it now be judo-'d. St. Paul after his Preface to the firft of Timothy, which he concludes in the 1 7 th Vefffe with Amen, enters upon the fubject of his Epiftle, which is to eftablifh iheCnurch-Government, with a command : This charge I commit to thee,SonTi- mcthy •, according to the Prophecies which went before on thee, that thou by thou mighteft war a good Warfare. Which is plain enough thus expounded : This charge I commit to thee, wherin I now go about to inftruft thee how thou ihak fet up Church-difcipline, that thou mighteft war a good War- fare, bearing thyfelf conftantly and faithfully in the Miniftry, which in the ift to the Corinthians is alfo called a Warfare ; and fo after a kind of Paren- thefis concerning Hymenaus, he returns to his command, though under the mild word of Exhorting, Chap, 2.ver. 1. / exhort therfore % as if he had interrupted his former command by the occafional mention of Hymetueus. More beneath in the i4thverfeofthe 3d Chapter, when he hath delivered the Duties of Bifhops or Prefbyters, and Deacons, not once naming any other Order in the Church, he thus adds •, Thefe things write I unto ihee, hoping to come unto thee jkortly (fuch neceffity it feems there was) but if I tarry long, that thou may eft know how thou ought eft to behave thyfelf in the Houfe of God. From this place it may be juftly afk'd, whether Timothy by this here written, might know what was to be known concerning the Orders of Church- Governours or no ? If he might, then in fuch a clear Text as this may we know too without further jangle ; if he might not, then did St. Paul write in- fufficiently, and moreover laid not true, for he faith here he might know ; and I perfuade myfelf he did know ere this was written, but that the Apo- ftle had more regard to the inftruction of us, than to the informing of him- In the fifth Chapter, after fome other Church-Precepts concerning Difcipline, mark what a dreadful Command follows, Ver. 1 . 1 charge thee before God and the Lord Jtfus thrift, and the eletl Angels, that thou obferve thefe things. Ar.d as if all were not yet fure enough, heclofes up the Epiftle with an adjuring charge thus ; I give thee charge in the fight of God, who quickneth all things, and before Chrift J ejus, that thoukeep this commandment: that is, the whole Commandment concerning Difcipline, being the main purpofe of the Epiftle : although Hook- er would feign hive this denouncement refer'd to the particular Precept going before, becaufe the word Commandment is in the fingular number, not re- .membring that even in the firft Chapter of this Epiftle, the word Command- ment is us'd in a plural Senfe, Ver. 5. Now the end of the Commandment is Charity : And what more frequent than in like manner to fay the Law of Mo- fes? So that either to refrain the fignificance too much, or too much to in- large it, would make the Adjuration either not fo weighty, or not fo pertinent. And thus we find here that the Rules of Church-difcipline are not only com- manded, but hedg'd about with fuch a terrible impalement of Commands, Vo l. I, G 2 as 44 ^he Reafon of Church-Government, Book I. as he that will break through wilfully to violate the leaft of them, muft ha- zard the wounding of his Confcience even to death. Yet all this notwith- standing, we fhall find them broken well nigh all by the fair pretenders even of the next Ages. No lefs to the contempt of him whom they feign to be the Arch-founder of Prelaty, St. Piter, who by what he writes in the 5th Chapter of his firft Epiftle, mould feem to be far another Man than Tradi- tion reports him : there he commits to the Prefby ters only full Authority, both of feeding the Flock, and Epifcopating •, and commands that obedience be given to them as to the mighty hand of God, which is his mighty Ordinance. Yet all this was as nothing to repel the ventrous boldnefs of Innovation that enfu'd, changing the Decrees of God that are immutable, as if they had bin breath'd by Man. Neverthelefs when Chrift, by thole Vilions of St. John, forelhews the Reformation of his Church, he bids them take his Reed, and pete it out again after the firft Pattern, for he prefcribes him no other. Arife, faid the Angel, and meafure the Temple of God, and the Altar, and them that worfhip therin. What is there in the World can meafure Men but Difci- pline? Our word Ruling imports no lefs. Doctrine indeed is the meafure, or at leaft the reafon of the meafure, it's true •, butunlefs the meafure be appli- ed to that which it is to meafure, how can it actually do its proper work ? Whether therfore Difcipline be all one with Doctrine, or the particular Ap- plication therof to this or that Pcrfon, we all agree that Doctrine muft be fuch only as is commanded ; or whether it be fomething really differing from Doctrine, yet was it only of God's appointment, as being the moft adequate meafure of the Church and her Children, which is here the Office of a great Evangelift, and the Reed given him from Heaven. But that part of the Temple which is not thus meafur'd, fo far is it from being in God's tuition or delight, that in the following Verfe he rejects it •, however, in fhew and vifibihty it may feem a part of his Church, yet in as much as it lies thus un- meafur'd, he leaves, it to be trampl'd by the Gentiles ; that is, to be polluted with idolatrous and Gentilifti Rites and Ceremonies. And that the principal Reformation here foretold, is already come to pals, as well in Difcipline as in Doctrine, the ftatc of our neighbour Churches afford us to behold. Thus through all the periods and changes of the Church, it hath been prov'd that God hath ftill referved to himfelf the right of enacting Church-Govern- ment. CHAP. III. l%at it is dangerous and unworthy the Go/pel, to hold that Church-Government is to be pattern d by the L,aii\ as Bifhop Andrews and the Primate of Armagh maintain. WE may return now from this interpofing difficulty thus remov'd, to af- firm, that fince Church-Government is fo ftrictly commanded in God's Word, the firft and greateft reafon why we ffiould fubmit thereto, is be- caufe God hath fo commanded. But whether of thefe two, Prelaty, or Pref- bytery can prove itfelf to be fupported by this firft and greateft reafon, muft be the next difpute : Wherin this Pofition is to be firft laid down, as grant- ed ; that I may not follow a Chafe rather than an Argument, that one of thefe two, and none other, is of God's ordaining; and if it be, that Ordinance muft be evident in the Gofpel. For the imperfect and obfeure Inftitution of the Law, which the Apoftles themfelves doubt not oft-times to vilify, can- not give Rules to the compleat and glorious Miniftration of the Gofpel, which looks on the Law as on a Child, not as on a Tutor. And that the Pre- lates have no fure foundation in the Gofp-1, dieir ownguiltinefs doth manifeft •, they would not elfe run quefting up as high as Adam to fetch their Original, as 'tis faid one of them lately did in public. To which affertion, had I heard it, becaufel fee they are fo infatiable of Antiquity, I ffiould have glad- ly aflented, and confeft them yet more ancient : For Lucifer before Adam, was Book I. urgd ' aiairiil PRELATY. 4.3 was the firft Prelate Angel ; and both he, as is commonly thought, and our forefather .•/.'<?;•/?, as we all know, tor afpiring above their Orders, were sii- ferably degraded. But others better advis'd, are content to receive their be- ginning from/iaroit and his Sons, among whom B\(hbp/fndrews of late yearsj and in thefe times the Prirnate of rirtftagh, for their learning, are reputed the beft able to lay what may be faid in this Opinion. The Primate in his dif- courfe about the original of Epifcopacy newly revis'd, begins thus : The ground of Epifcopacy is fetch'd partly from the pattern prefcribed by God in the Old Teftament, and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the Apoltles. Herin I muft entreat to be excus'dof the defire I have to be fatlf- fy'd, how for example the ground of Epifcopacy is fetch'd partly from the ex- ample of the Old Teftament, by whom next, and by whofe Authority. Se- condly, how the Church-Government under the Gofpel, can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the Old Teftament •, for that the Gofpel is the cud and fulfilling ot the Law, our liberty alio from the Bondage of the Law, I plain- ly read. How then the ripe age of the Gofpel fhould be put to fchooi again, and learn to govern herlell from the infancy of the Law, the ftronger to imi- tate the weaker, the Freeman to follow the Captive, the learned to be lefTon'd by the rude, will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of thofe principles which either Art or Infpiration hath written. If any thing done by the A- poftles may be drawn howfoevcr to a likenefs of fomething Mofaical, if it cannot be prov'd that it was done ofpurpofe in imitation, as having the right therof grounded in Nature, and not in Ceremony or Type, it will little a- vail the matter. The whole Judaic Law is either political, and to take pat tern by that, no Chriftian Nation ever thought itfelf oblig'd in Confidence ; or moral, which contains in it the obfervation of whatfoever is hibftantially, and perpetually true and good, either in Religion, or Courfe of Life. That which is thus Moral, befides what we fetch from thofe unwritten Laws and Ideas which Nature hath ingraven in us, the Gofpel, as ftands with her dig- nity moft, lectures to us from her own authentic hand-writing and com- mand, not copies out from theborrow'd Manufcript of a iubfervientferowl, by way of imitating : As well might ftie be faid in her Sacrament of Water, to imitate the Baptifm of John. What though fhe retain Excommunication us'd in the Synagogue, retain the morality of the Sabbath ? fhe does not therfore imitate the Law her underling, but perfect her.. All that was morally deliver'd from the Law to the Gofpek in the Office of ths Priefts and Levites, was, that there fhould be a Miniftry fet apart to teach and difcipline the Church ; both which Duties the Apoftles thought good to commit to the Prefbyters. And if any distinction of Honour were to be macle among them, they directed it fhould be to thofe not that only rule well, but efpecially to thofe that labour in the Word and Doctrine. By which we « Tim - f' are taught, that laborious teaching is the moft honourable Prelaty that one Minifter can have above another in the Gofpel : If therfore the Superiority of Bifhopfhip be grounded on the Priefthood as a part of the Moral Law, it cannot be faid to be an Imitation ; for It were ridiculous that Morality fhould imitate Morality, which ever was the fame thing. This very word of pat- terning or imitating, excludes Epifcopacy from the folid and grave Ethical Law, and betrays it to be a mere Child of Ceremony, or likelier fome mif- begotten thing, that having pluckt the gay Feathers of her obfolete bravery, to hide her own deformed barrennefs, now vaunts and glories in her ftolen Plumes. In the mean while, what danger there is againft the very Life of the Gofpel, to make in any thing the Typical Law her Pattern, and howim- poffible in that which touches the Prieftly Government, I (hall ufe fuch light as I have receiv'd, to lay open. It cannot be unknown by what Expreffions the holy ApoftleSt. Pw/fpares not to explain to us the nature and condition of the Law, calling thofe Ordinances which were the chief and effential Of- fices of the Priefts, the Elements and Rudiments of the World, both weak and beggarly. Now to breed, and bring up the Children of the Promife, the Heirs of Liberty and Grace, under fuch a kind of Government as is profeft to be but an imitation of that Miniftry which engender'd to bondage the fbns of Agar ; how can this be but a foul injury aad derogation, if not a cancel- ling of that Birth : right and immunity which Chrift hath purchas'd for us with a6 The Reafon of Church-Government > Book I. with his blood ? For the miniftration of the Law confiftirg of carnal things, drew to it fuch a Miniftry as confifted of carnal refpe&s, dignity, prece- dence and the like. And fuch a Miniftry eftablifh'd in the Gofpel, as is founded upon the points and terms of fuperiority, and nefts itfelf in world- ly honours, will draw to it, and we fee it doth, fuch a Religion as runs back a^ain to the old pomp and glory of the flefh : For doubtlefs there is a certain attraction and magnetick force betwixt the Religion and the minifterial Form therof. If the Religion be pure, fpiritual, fimple and lowly, as the Gofpel moil truly is, fuch mult the face of the Miniftry be. And in like manner if the Form of the miniftry be grounded in the worldly degrees of Authority, Honour, temporal Jurifdi&ion, we fee with our eyes it will turn the in- ward power and purity of the Gofpel into the outward carnality of the Law ; evaporating and exhaling the internal worfhip into empty conformities, and gay fhews. And what remains then but that we mould run into as dange- rous and deadly Apoftacy as our lamentable neighbours the Papifts, who by this very fnare and pitfall of imitating the Ceremonial Law, fell into that ir- recoverable Superftition, as muft needs make void the Covenant of Salvation to them that perfift in this blindnefs ? CHAP. IV. That it is impojjible to make the Priefthood of Aaron, a pat- tern whereon to ground Epifcopacy. THAT which was promisM next, is to declare the impoffibility of ground- ing Evangelic Government in the imitation of the Jewijh Priefthood ; which will be done by confidering both the Quality of the Perlbns, and tta Office itfelf. Aaron and his Sons were the Princes of their Tribe before they were fanctify'd to the Priefthood : that perfonal eminence which they held above the other Levites, they receiv'd not only from their Office, but partly brought it into their Office ; and fo from that time forward the Priefts were not chofen out of the whole number of the Levites, as our Bifhops, but were born inheritors of the dignity. Therfore unlets we fhall chufe our Prelates only out of the Nobility, and let them run in a blood, there can be no poffible imitation of Lording over their Brethren in regard of their per- fons altogether unlike. As for the Office, which was a Reprefentation of Chrift's own Perfon more immediately in the High-Prieft, and of his whole Prieftly Office in all the other, to the performance of which the Levites were but as Servitors and Deacons, it was neceffary there mould be a diftinclion of dignity between two Functions of fo great odds. But there being no fuch difference among our Minifters, unlets it be in reference to the Deacons, it is impoffible to found a Prelaty upon the imitation of this Priefthood : For wherin, or in what work is the Office of a Prelate excellent above that of a Paftor ? In Ordination, you'll fay, but flatly againft Scripture ; for there we know Timothy receiv'd Ordination by the hands of the Prefbytery, notwith- ftandino- all the vain delufions that are us'd to evade that Teftimony, and maintain an unwarrantable Ufurpation. But wherfore fhculd Ordination be a caufeof fetting up a fuperior degree in the Church? Is not that wherby Chrift became our Saviour a higher and greater work, than that wherby he did ordain Meffengers to preach and publifh him our Saviour? Every Minifter fuftains the Perfon of Chrift in his higheft work of communicating to us the Myfteries of our Salvation, and hath the power of binding and ab- folving •, how fhould he need a higher dignity to reprefent or execute that which is an inferior work in Chrift ? Why fhould the performance of Ordi- nation, which is a lower Office, exalt a Prelate, and not the feldom difcharge of a higher and more noble Office, which is preaching and adminiftring, much rather deprefs him ? Verily, neither the nature, nor the example of Ordina- tion doth any way require an imparity between the Ordainer and the Or- dained : Book I. urgd againfl Prelaty. 47 d.iined : For what more natural than every like to produce his like, Man to beget Man, Fire to propagate Fire ? And in examples of higheft opinion the Ordaineris inferior to the Ordained; for the Pope is not made by the pre- cedent Pop.", hut by Cardinals, who ordain and confecrate to a higher and greater Office than their own. CHAP. V. To the Arguments of BiJJjop Andrews, and the Primate. IT follows here to attend to certain objections in a little Treatife lately printed among others of like fort at Oxford, and in the Title faid to be out of the rude draughts of Bifhop Andrews: And furely they be rude draughts indeed, in fo much that it is marvel to think what his Friends meant to let come abroad fuch fhallow reafonings with the name of a Man fo much bruited for learning. In the 12 and 23 Pages he feems mod notorioufly in- conftant to himfclf •, for in the former place he tells us he forbears to take any argument of Prelaty from Aaron, as being the type of Chrift. In the latter he can forbear no longer, but repents him of his rafh gratuity, affirm- ing, that to fay, Chrift being come in the Flefh, his figure in the High-Prieft ceaieth, is the fhift of an Anabaptift ; and ftiffiy argues, that Chrift being as well King as Prieft, was as well fore-refembled by the Kings then, as by the High-Prieft : So that if his coming take away the one Type, it mult alfo the other. Marvellous piece of Divinity ! and well worth that the Land mould pay fix thouland pounds a year for, in a Bifhoprick ; although I read of no Sophifter among the Greeks that was fodear, neither Hippias nor Pro- tagoras, nor any whom the Socratk School famoufly refuted without hire. Here we have the type of the King few'd to the typet of the Bifhop, futt'ly to caft a jealoufy upon the Crown, as if the right of Kings, like Meleager in the Metamorphofis, were no longer-liv'd than the firebrand of Prelaty. But more likely the Prelates fearing (for their own guilty carriage protefts they do fear) that their fair days cannot long hold, praftife by pofTeffing the King with this moft falfe dodtrine, to engage his power for them, as in his own quarrel, that when they fall they may fall in a general ruin, juft as cruel 'Xiberius would wifh, When I die, let the Earth be roll'd in Flames. But where, O Bifhop, doth the purpofe of the Law fet forth Chrift to us as a King ? That which never was intended in the Law, can never be abolifh'd as part therof. When the Law was made, there was no King : if before the Law, or under the Law, God by a fpecial type in any King would fore- fignify the future Kingdom of Chrift, which is not yet vifibly come ; what was that to the Law ? The whole ceremonial Law and Types can be in no Law elfe, comprehends nothing but the propitiatory Office of Chrift's Priefthood, which being in fubftance accomplifh'd, both Law and Priefthood fades away of itfelf, and paffes into air like a tranfitory vifion, and the Right of Kings neither ftands by any Type nor falls. We acknowledge that the civil Magiftrate wears an Authority of God's giving, and ought to be obey'd as his Vicegerent. But to make a King a Type, we fay is an abufive and un- fkilful fpeech, and of a moral folidity makes it feem a ceremonial fhadow: therfore your typical chain of King and Prieft muft unlink. But is not the type of Prieft taken away by Chrift's coming ? No, faith this famous Prote- ftant Bifhop of Winchefter, it is not •, and he that faith it is, is an Anabaptift. What think ye, Readers, do ye not underftandhim ? What can be gather'd hence, but that the Prelate would ftill facrifice ? Conceive him, Readers, he would miffificate. Their Altars indeed were in a fair forwardnefs ; and by fuch arguments as thefe they were fetting up the molten Calf of their Mafs again, and of their great Hierarch the Pope. For if the Type of Prielt be not taken away, then neither of the High-prieft, it were a ftrange beheading ; and Pligh-prieft more than one there cannot be, and that one can be no lefs than 48 The Reafon of Church-Government, BGokl. than a Pooe. And this doubtlefs was the bent of his career, though never fo covertly. Yea, but there was fomething elfe in the High-Prieft befidesthe fi<mre, as is plain by St. Paul's acknowledging him. 'Tistrue, that in the 17th of Beat, whence this authority arifes to the Prieft in matters too hard tor the fecular judges, as muft needs be many in the occafions of thole times, involv'd fo with ceremonial Niceties, no wonder though it be commanded to enquire atthemouthofthePriefts, who beiides the Magiftrates their Collegues, had the Oracle of Urim to confult with. And whether the High-Prieft Ananias had not incroach'd beyond the limits of his Prieftly Authority, or whether us'd it rightly, was no time then for St. Paid to contcft about. But if this inftance be able to'aflert any right of jurifdi&ion to the Clergy, it muft impart it in common to all Minifters, fince it were a great tolly to feek tor Counfel in a hard intricate fcruple from a Dunce Prelate, when there might be found a fpeedier folution from a grave and learned Minifter, whom God hath gifted with the judgment of "Urim more amply oft-times than all the Prelates toge- ther and now in the Gofpel hath granted the privilege of this oraculous Ephod alike to all his Minifters. The reafon therfore of imparity in the Priefts beino-now, as is aforefaid, really annull'd both in their Perfon, and in their representative Office, what right of jurifdi&ion foever can b: from this place levitically bequeath'd, muft defeend upon the Minifters of the Gofpel equally, as it finds them in all other points equal. Well then, he is finally content to let. Aaron go-, Eleazar will ferve his turn, as being a Supe- rior of Superiors, and yet no type of Chrift in Aaron's life-time. O thou that would'ft wind into any Figment, or Phantafm, to lave thy Miter ! yet all this will not fado-p, though it be cunningly interpolilh'd by fome fecond hand with Crooks and° Emendations: Here then, the type of Chrift in fome one parti- cular as of entrino- yearly into the Holy of Holies, and fuch like, refted up- on the High-prieft only as more immediately perforating our Saviour: but to refemble his whole fatisfaftory Office, all the lineage of Aaron was no more than fufficient. And all, or any of the Priefts conlider'd feparately without relation to the higheft, are but as a lifelefs trunk, and fignify nothing And this fhews the excellence of Chrift's Sacrifice, who at once and in one Perfon fulfill'd that which many hundreds of Priefts many times repeating had enough to forefhew. What other imparity there was among themfelves, we maylafely fuppofe it depended on the dignity of their Birth and Family, to- gether with the circumftances of a carnal Service, which might afford many Priorities. And this I take to be the fum of what the Bifhop had laid together to make plea for Prelaty by imitation of the Law : Though indeed, if it may ftand, it will infer Popedom all as well. Many other courfes he tries, en- forcing himfelf with much oftentation of endlefs Genealogies, as if he were the Man that St. Paul forewarns us of in Timothy, but fo unvigoroufly, that I do not fear his winning of many to his Caule, but fuch as doting upon great names are either over-weak, or over-fudden of Faith. I ftiall not refufe therfore to learn fo much prudence as I find in the Roman Soldier that at- tended the Crofs, not to ftand breaking of legs, when the breath is quite out of the Body, but pais to that which follows. The Primate of Armagh at the beginning of his Tractate feeks to avail himfelr or that place in the 66th of Ifaiah, I will take of them for Priefts and Levites, faith the Lord, to up- hold hereby fuch a form of Superiority among the Minifters of the Gofpel, fucceedinc thofe in the Law, as the Lord's-day did the Sabbath. But certain if this method may be admitted of interpreting thofe prophetical paflagts concerning Chriftian times in a punctual correfpondence, it may with equal probability be urg'd upon us, that we are bound to obferve fome monthly So- lemnity anfwerable to the New Moons, as well as the Lord's-day which we keep in lieu of the Sabbath : for in the 23d verfe the Prophet joins them in the lame manner together, as before he did the Priefts and Levites, thus. A7id itfhallcome to pafs that from one New Moon to another, and from one Sabbath to another, Jhall all ficfi come to wor /lip before me, faith the Lord. Undoubtedly with as good confequence may it be alledg'd from hence, that we are to fo- lemnize fome religious monthly meeting different Irom the Sabbath, as from the other any diftinift formality of Ecclefiaftical Orders may be inferr'd. This rather will appear to be the lawful and unconftrain'd fenfebF the Text, 2 that Book I . urg V againfl Pr e l a t y. 40, that God in taking of them for Priefls and Levites, will not efleem them unworthy, though Gentiles, to undergo any function in the Church, but will make of them a full and perfect Minillry, as was that of the Priefls and Le- vites in their kind. And Bifhop Andrews himfelf, to end the controverfy, fends us a candid Expofition of this quoted verfe from the 24th page of his faid book, plainly deciding that God by thofe legal names there of Priefls and Levites means our Prefbyters and Deacons ; for which either ingenuous con- feffion, or flip of his pen, we give him thanks, and withal to him that brought thefe Treatifes into one volume, who fetting the contradictions of two learned Men fo near together, did not forefee. What other deducements or analogies are cited out of St. Paul to prove a likenefs between the Minifters of the Old and New Teflament, having try'd their finews, I judge they may pafs without harm- doing do our Caufe. We may remember then that Pre- laty neither hath nor can have foundation in the Law, nor yet in th<? Goipel ; which afTertion as being for the plainnefs therof a matter of eye-fig it, ra- ther than of difquifition, I voluntarily omit, not forgetting to fpecify this note again, that the earneft defire which the Prelates have to build their Hie- rarchy upon the fandy bottom of the Law, gives us to fee abundantly the little affurance which they find to rear up their high roofs by the authority of the Gofpel, repuls'd as it were from the writings of the Apoflles, and driven to take fanftuary among the Jews. Hence that open confeffion of the Primate before mention'd ; Epifcopacy is fetch'd partly from the pattern of the Old Teflament, and partly from the New as an imitation of the Old ; though nothing can be more rotten in Divinity than fuch a pofuion as this, and is all one as to fay, Epifcopacy is partly of divine inflitution, and partly of man's own carving. Eor who gave the authority to fetch more from the pattern of the Law than what the Apoflles had already fetcht, iftheyfetcht any thing at all, as hath been prov'd they did not ? So was Jeroboam's Epifco- pacy partly from the pattern of the Law, and partly from the pattern of his own Carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd Epifcopacy : and what can this be lefs than a monflrous ? Others therfore among the Prelates, perhaps not fo well able to brook, or rather to juftify this foul relapfing to the old Law, have condeicended at lafl to a plain confeffing that both the names and offices of Bifhops and Prefbyters at firfl were the fame, and in the Scriptures no where diilinguifh'd. This grants the Remonflrant in the filth Section of his defence, and in the Preface to his lafc fhort anfwer. But what need reipecl be had whether he grant or grant it not, whenas through all Antiquity, and even in the loftiefl times of Prelaty, we find it granted? Jerome the learned'fl of the Fathers hides not his opinion, that Cuflom only, which the Proverb calls a Tyrant, was the maker of Prelaty ; before his audacious workmanlhipthe Churches were rul'din common by the Prefbyters : and fuch a certain truth this was efleem'd, that it became a Decree among the Papal Canons compiled by Gratian. Anfehn alfo oi Canterbury, who to uphold the points of his Prelatifm made himfelf a traytor to his Country, vet commenting the Epiflles to 'Titus and the Philippians, acknowledges from the clearnefs of the Text, what Jerome and the Church-Rubric hath before acknowledg'd. He little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of Reforma- tion would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from infultingover the o-ood corn . Though fince fome of our Briti/lj Prelates, feeing themfelves prefl to produce Scripture, try all their cunning, if the New Teftament will not help them, to frame of their own heads as it were with wax a kind of Mimic Bifhop limm'd out to the life of a dead Prieflhood : Or elfe they would . flrain us out a certain figurative Prelate, by wringing the collective allegory of thofe feven Angels into feven fingle Rochets. Howfoever, fince it thus ap- pears that cuflom was the creator of Prelaty, being lefs ancient than the government of Prefbyters, it is an extreme folly to give them the hearing that tell us of Bifhops through fo many ages : and if againfl their tedious mufter of Citations, Sees, and Succefiions, it be reply'd that wagers and Church-antiquities, fuch as are repugnant to the plain dictate of Scripture, are both alike the arguments of fools, they have their anfwer. W T e rather are to cite all thofe ages to an arraignment before the Word of God, wherfore, and what pretending, how preiuming they durft alter that divine Inflitution Vo l. I. H of co The Reafon of Church-Government ', Book I. ofPrefbyters, which the Apoftles who were no various and inconftant men l'urely had fet up in the Churches ; and why they chute to live by cuilom and catalogue, or as St. Paul faith by fight and viability, rather than by faith ? But firft I conclude from their own mouths, that God's command in Scripture^ which doubtlefs ought to be the firft and greateft reafon of Church-govern- ment is wanting to Prelaty. And certainly we have plenteous warrant in the doctrine of Chrift to determine that the want of this reafon is of it felf Efficient to coufute all other pretences that may be brought in favour of it. CHAP. vr. 'That Prelaty was not fet up for prevention of Schifm, as is pretended ; or if it ivere, that it performs not what it was jirfi fet up for, but quite the contrary. YET becaufe it hath the outfide of a fpecious reafon, and fpecious things we know are apteft to work with human lightnefs and frailty, even ^gainft the folideft truth that founds not plaufibly, let us think it worth the examining for the love of infirmer Chriftians, of what importance this their fecond reafon may be. Tradition they fay hath taught them, that for the prevention of growing Schifm, the Bifhop was heav'd above the Prefbyter. And muft Tradition then ever thus to the world's end be the perpetual can- ker-worm to eat out God's Commandments ? Are his Decrees fo inconfiderate and fo fickle, that when the Statutes of Solon or Lycurgus fhall prove durably o-oodto many ages, his in forty years fhall be found defective, ill-contriv'd, and for needful caufes to be alter'd ? Our Saviour and his Apoftles did not only forefee, but foretel and forewarn us to look for Schifm. Is it a thing to be imagin'd of God's wifdom, or at leaft of Apoftolic prudence, to fet up fuch a Government in the tendernefs of a Church, as fhould incline, or not be more able than any others to oppofe itfelf to Schifm ? it was well known what a bold lurker Schifm was, even in the houfhold of Chrift between his own Dif- ciples andthofe of John the Baptift about falling: and early in the Acts of the Apoftles the noife of Schifm had almoft drown'd the proclaiming of theGo- fpel ; yet we read not in Scripture that any thought was had of making Pre- lates, no not in thofe places where difienfion was molt rife. If Prelaty had been then efteem'd a remedy againft Schifm, where was it more needful than in that great variance among the Corinthians which St. Paul fo labour'd to re- concile ? and whofe eye could have found the fitteft remedy fooner than his ? and what couldkave made the remedy more available, than to have us'd it fpeedily ? Andlaftly, what could have bin more necelfary than to have writ- ten it for our inftruftion ? yet we fee he neither commended it to us, nor us'd it himfelf. For the fame divifion remaining there, or elfe burfting forth again more than twenty years after St. Paul's death, we find in Clement's Epiftle of venerable Authority, written to the yet factious Corinthians, that they were ftill govern'd by Prefbyters. And the fame of other Churches out of Hernias, and divers other the fcholars of the Apoftles, by the late induftry of the learn- ed Salmafius appears. Neither yet did this worthy Clement, St. Paul's Difci- ple, though writing to them to lay afide Schifm, in the leaft word advife them to change the Pretbyterian Government into Prelaty. And therfore if God afterward gave or permitted this infurreftion of Epifcopacy, it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath, as he gave the Ifraelites a King. With fo good a will doth he ufe to alter his ownchofen Government once eftablifh'd. For mark whether this rare device of man's brain, thus preferr'd before the Ordinance of God, had better fuccefs than flefhly wifdom, not counfelling with God, is wont to have. So far was it from removing Schifm, that if Schifm parted the Con- - ;■ " 'tions before, now it rent and mangl'd, now it rag'd. Herefy begat He- '*■ certain monftrous hafte of pregnancy in her birth, at once born and Book I. urgd againft Prelaty. ;r and bringing forth. Contentions, before brotherly, were now hoftiie. Mi. went to choofe their Bifhop as they went to a pitcht field, and the lAyy of his election was like the lacking of a City, fometimes ended with the blood oi thoufands. Nor this among Heretics only, but men of the fafne belief, yea Confeflbrs ; and that with fuch odious ambition, that Eufebius in his eighth Book teftifies he abhorr'd to write. And the reafon is not bbfcufe, for the poor dignity, or rather burden, of a Parochial Prcfbyter could hot engage any great party, nor that to any deadly feud : but Prelaty was a power of that extent and fway, that if her election were popular, it was feldom not the caufe of fome faction or broil in the Church. But if her dignity came by fa vour of fome Prince, fhe was from that time his creature, and obnoxious to comply with his ends in date, were they right or wrong. So that inftead of rinding Prelaty an impeacher of Schifm or Faction, the more I fearch, the more I grow into all perfuafion to think rather that faction and (he, as with a fpoufal ring, are wedded together, never to be divcre'd. But here let every one be- hold the juft and dreadful judgment of God meeting with the audacious, pride of man, that durft offer to mend the Ordinances ot Heaven. God out of the ftrife of men brought forth by his Apoftles to the Church that beneficent and ever diftributing office of Deacons, the Stewards and Mjnifters of holy alms : Man, out ot the pretended care of peace and unity, being caught in the fnare of his impious boldnefs to correct the will of Chriil. brought forth to himfelf upon the Church that irreconcileable Schifm cf Perdition and Apoftacy, the Roman Antichrift ; for that the Exaltation of the Pope arofe out of the reafon of Prelaty, it cannot be deny'd. And as I noted before, that the pattern of the High-Pricft pleaded for in the Gofpel (for take away the head Prieil, the reft are but a carcafs) fets up with better reafon a Pope than an Archbifhop ; for if Prelaty muft ftill rife and rife 'till it come to a Primate, why fhould it flay there? whenas the Catholic Government is not to follow the divifiori of Kingdoms, the Temple beft reprefenting the univerfal Church, and the High Prieft the univerfal Head : fo I obferve here, that if to quiet Schifm there muft be one head of Prelaty in a Land, or Monarchy, rifing from a provincial to a national Primacy, there may upon better grounds of reprefling Schifm be let up one Catholic Head over the Catholic Church. For the Peace and Good of the Church is not terminated in the fchifmlefs eftate of one or two King- doms, but fhould be provided for by the joint confultation of all reformed Chriftendom : that all controverfy may end in the final pronounce or canon of one Arch-primate or Proteftant Pope. Although by this means, for aught I fee, all the diameters of Schifm may as well meet and be knit up in the cen- ter of one grand falfhood. Now let all impartial men arbitrate what goodly inference thefe two main reafons of the Prelates have, that by a natural league of confequence make more for the Pope than for themfelves ; yea, to fay more home, are the very womb for a new Sub-antichrift to breed in, if it be not rather the old force and power of the fame man of fin counterfeiting Pro- teftant. It was not the prevention of Schifm, but it was Schifm it frit, and the hateful thirft of Lording in the Church, that firft beftow'd a being upon Prelaty ; this was the true caufe, but the pretence is ftill the fame. The Pre- lates, as they would have it thought, are the only mawls of Schifm. Forfooth if they be put down, a deluge of innumerable Sects will follow ; we fhall be all Browr.ills, Familifts, Anabiptifts. For the word Puritan feems to be quaiht, and all that heretofore were counted fuch, are now Brownifts. And thus do they rai'fe an evil report upon the expected reforming Grace that God hath bid us hope for, like thole faithlefs fpies, whofe carcaffes fhall perifh in the wildt rnefs of their own confufed ignorance, and never tafte the good of Reformation. Do they keep away Schifm ? if to bring a numb and chill flu- pidity of Soul, an unactive blindnefs of mind upon the people by their leaden Doctrine, or no Doctrine at all ; if to perfecute all knowing and zealous Chriftians by the violence of their Courts, be to keep away Schifm, they keep away Schifm indeed : and by this kind of Difcipline all Italy and Sfain is as purely and politically kept from Schifm as Enghndhxth. been by them. With as good a plea might the dead-palfy boaft to a man, 'tis I that free you from flitches and pains, and the troublefome feeling of cold and heat, of wounds and ftrokes ; if I were gone, all thefe would moleft you. The winter might Vol. I. H 2 as 2 The Reafon of Church-Government l ? Book I. as well vaunt it felfagainft the Spring, I deftroy all noifome and rank weeds* I keep down all peftilent vapours -, yes, and all wholefomc herbs, and all frefh dews, by your violent and hide-bound freft : but when the gentle welt winds fhall'open the fruitful bofom of the Earth, thus over-girded by your irnprifon- ment, then the flowers put forth and fpring, and then the Sun (hall fcatter the mifts, and the manuring hand of the tiller fhall root up all that burdens the foil without thank to your bondage. But far worie than any frozen captivity is the bondage of Prelates ; for that other, if it keep down any thing which is o-ood within the Earth, fo doth itlikewife that which is ill ; but thefe let out freely the ill, and keep down the good, or elfe keep down the lefler ill, and let out the greateft. Be afham'd at Iaft to tell the Parlament, ye curb Schif- maticks, whenas they know ye cherifhand fide with Papifts, and are now as it were one party with them, and 'tis faid they help to petition for ye. Can we believe that your Government ftrains in good earneft at the petty gnats or Schifm, whenas we fee it makes nothing to f wallow the camel Hereiy of Rome, but that indeed your Throats are of the right Pharilaical ftrain ? Where are thofe Schifmaticks with whom the Prelates hold fuch hot fkirmifh ? mew us your Acts, thofe glorious Annals which your Courts of loathed memory lately deceas'd have left us ? Thofe Schifmaticks I doubt me will be found the moft of them fuch as whole only Schifm was to have fpoke the truth againft your high abominations and cruelties in the Church ; this is the Schifm ye hate moft, the removal of your criminous Hierarchy. A politic Government ol yours, and of a pleafant conceit, let up to remove thofe as a pretended Schifm, that would remove you as a palpable Herefy in Government. If the Schifm would pardon ye that, the might go jagg'd in as many cuts and flafhes as fhe pleas'd for you. As for the rending of the Church, we have many reafons to think it is not that which ye labour to prevent, fo much as the rending of your pon- tifical fleeves : that Schifm would be the foreft Schifm to you, that would be Brownifm and Anabaptifm indeed. If we go down, fay you, as if Adrian's wall were broke, a flood of Sects will rufh in. What Sects ? What are their opinions ? give us the Inventory ; it will appear both by your former prole - cutions and your prefent inftances, that they are only fuch to ipeakof, as are offended with your lawlefs Government, your Ceremonies, your Liturgy, an extract of the Mafs-book tranllated. But that they fhould be contemners of publick prayer, and Churches us'd without fuperftition, I truftGod will ma- nifeft it e'er long to be as falfe a flander, as your former flanders againft the Scots. Noife it 'till ye behoarfe, that a rabble of Sects will come in •, it will be anfwer'd ye, No rabble, Sir Prieft, but a unanimous multitude of good Proteftants will then join to the Church, which now becaufe of you ftand fe- parated. This will be the dreadful confequence of your removal. As for thofe terrible names of Sectaries and Schifmaticks which ye have got together, we know your manner of fight, when the quiver of your arguments, which is ever thin, and weakly ftor'd, after the firft brunt is quite empty, your courfe is to betake ye to your other quiver of (lander, wherin lies your belt archery. And whom ye could not move by fophiftical arguing, them you think to con- fute by fcandalous mifnaming ; therby inciting the blinder fort ol people to miflike and deride found Doctrine and good Chriftianity, under two or three vile and hateful terms. But if we could eafily endure and diiib'.ve your doubtieft reafons in argument, we fhall more eafily bear the worft of your unreafonablenefs in calumny and falfe report : Especially being foretold by Chrift, that if he our Matter were by your predeceflbrs call'd Samaritan and Belzebub, we muft not think it ftrange if his beft Difciples in the Reforma- tion, as at firft by thofe of your Tribe they were cali'd Lollards -And Hujjites, fo now by you be term'd Puritans and Brownifts. But my hope is, that the people of England will not fuffer themlelves to be juggl'd thus out of their Faith and Religion by a milt of names caft before their eyes, but will fearch wifely by the Scriptures, and look quite through this fraudulent afperfion of a difgraceful name into the things themfelves: knowing that the Primitive Chri^ ftians in their times were accounted fuch as are now call'd Families and Ada- mites, or worfe. And many on the PreLuic fide, like the Church of Sardis y have a name to live, and yet are dead •, to be Proteftants, and are indeed Pa- pifts in moft of their Principles. Thus perfuaded, this your old fallacy we 3 mail B ook I . urg V again ft Prelaty. ^3 fhall foon unmade, and quickly apprehend how you prevent Schifm, and who are your Schematics. But what if ye prevent and hinder all good means oj preventing Schilrn ? That way which the Apo.'lles us'd, was to call a Council : from which by any thing that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the a'^s, no faithful Christian was debarr'd, to whom knowledge and piety might give en- trance. Of fuch a Council as this every parochial Confiftory is a right homo- geneous and constituting part, being in it felf as it were a little Synod, and towards a general AfTembly moving upon her own bafis in an even and firm progrefhon, as thole fmaller Squares in battel unite in one great Cube, the main Phalanx, an emblem of truth and ftedfaftnefs. Wheras en the other fide Prelaty afcending by a gradual monarchy from Bifhop to Archbifhop, from thence to Primate, and from thence, for there can be no reafon yielded neither in Nature, nor in Religion, wherfore, if it have lawfully mounted thus high, it fhould not be a Lordly Afcendant in the Horofcope of the Church, from Primate to Patriarch, and fo to Pope : I fay, Prelaty thus afcend- ing in a continual pyramid upon pretence to perfect, the Church's unity, if not- withstanding it be found molt needful, yea the utmoft help to dearn up the rents of Schifm by calling a Council, what does it but teach us that Prelaty is of no force to effect this work which fhe boafts to be her mafter-piece ; and that her pyramid afpires and Sharpens to ambition, not to perfection or unity? This we know, that as often as any great Schifm difparts the Church, and Sy- nods be proclaim'd, the Prefbyters have as great right there, and as fn e vote of old, as the Bifhops, which the Canon-law conceals not. So that Pre'aty, if flic will feek to dole up divifions in the Church, mult be forced to diflbfve and unmake her own pyramidal figure, which fhe affirms to be of fuch uniting power, whenas indeed it is the molt dividing and fchifmatical form that Geo- metricians know of, and mull be fain to inglobe or incube her felf among the Prefbyters •, which fhe hating to do, fends her haughty Prelates from all parts with their forked Miters, the badge of Schifm, or the Stamp of his cloven foot whom they ferve I think, who according to their Hierarchies acuminating (till higher and higher in a Cone of Prelaty, inftead of healing up the gafhesofthe Church, as it happens in fuch pointed bodies meeting, fall to gore one ano- ther with their Sharp fpires for upper place and precedence, 'till the Council it felf proves the greateft Schifm of all. And thus they are fo far from hindring diSTenfion, that they have made unprofitable, and even noifome, the chiefeft icdy we have to keep Chriftendom at one, which is by Councils : and thefe, if we rightly confider Apoftolic example, are nothing elfe but general Pref- byteries. This feem'd fo far from the Apoftles to think much of, as if hereby their dignity were impai'-'d, that, as we may gather by thole Epiftles of Pe- ter and John, which are likely to be lateft written, when the Church grew to a fettling, like thofe heroic Patricians of Rome (if we may ufe fuch compari- fon) halting to lay down their Dictatorship, they rejoie'd to call themfelves, and to be as Fellow-elders among their Brethren •, knowing that their high office was but as the fcaffolding of the Church yet unbuilt, and would be but a troublcfome disfigurement, fo foon as the building was finifh'd. Bat the lofty minds of an age or two after, Inch was their fmall difcerning, thought it a poor indignity, that the high-rear'd Government of the Church fliould fo on a Sudden, as it feem'd to them, fquatinto a Prefbytery. Next, or rather be- fore Councils, the timelielt prevention of Schifm is to preach the Gofpel abundantly and* powerfully throughout all the Land, to inftruft the Youth re ligioufly, to endeavour how the Scriptures may be eafieft understood by all men ; to all which the proceedings of thefe men have been on fet purpofe contrary. But how, O Prelates, Should you remove Schifm ? and how fhould you not remove and oppofe all die means of removing Schifm ? when Prelaty is a Schifm itfelf from the molt reformed and molt flourifhing of cur neigh'- bour Churches abroad, and a fad fubjeel cf difcerd and offence to the whole nation at home. The remedy which you alledge, is the very difeafc we groan under ; and never can be to us a remedy but by removing itfelf. Your pre- deceffors werebeliev'd toafTume this pre-eminence above their brethren, only that they might appealed iffenfion. Now God and the Church calls upon you, for the fame reafon, to lay it down, as being to thoufands of good men olfen- fiye, burdenforne, intolerable. Surrender that pledge, which, unlefs you foully ufurpt 54 The Re a fon of Church-Government ^ Book I. trfurpt it, the Church gave you, and now claims it again, for the reafon fee firft lent it. Diicharge the truit committed to yon, prevent Schifin -, and that ye can never do, but by discharging your felves. That Government which ye hold, we confefs, prevents much, hinders much, removes much -, but what? the Schiims and Grievances of the Church? no, but all the peace and unity, all the welfare not of the Church alone, but of the whole King- dom. And if it be ftill permitted ye to hold, will caufe the moft fad, I know not whether feparation be enough to fay, but fuch a wide gulph of diftracdion in this Land, as will never cloie her difmal gap until ye be forc'd (for of your felves ye will never do as that Roman Curtius nobly did) for the Church's peace and your Country's, to leap into the midft, and be no more fecn. By this we fhall knew whether yours be that ancient Prelaty which you Jay was firft conftitured for the reducement of quiet and unanimity into the Church, for then you will not delay to prefer that above your own preferment. \f ■othtrwifc, we muft be confident that your Prelaty is nothing elfe but your ambition, an infolent preferring of your felves above your brethren ■, and aH your learned fcraping in antiquity, even todifturb the bones of old Aaron and his fons in their graves, is but to maintain and fet upon our necks a ftateJyarid fevere dignity, which you call iacrcd, and is nothing in very deed but a Brave and reverent gluttony, a fanctimonious avarice ; in companion of which,' ail the duties and dearneffes which ye owe to God or to his Church, to Law Cuftom, or Nature, ye have refolv'd to fet at nought. I could put you in mind what Counfel Clement a Fellow-labourer with the Apoitles gave to the Prefbyters of Corinth, whom the people, though unjuiliy, fought to remove Who among you, faith he, is noble-minded, who is pitiful, who is charitable ? let him lay thus, If for me this fedition, this enmity, thefc differences be I willingly depart, I go my ways •, only let the flock of Chrift be at peace w'irh the Prefbyters that are i"ct over it. He that fhall do this, faith he, fhall get him great honour in the Lord, and all places will receive him. This was Clement's Counfel to good and holy men, that they mould depart rather from their jufb office, than by their ftay to ravle out the feam.'efs garment of Con- cord in the Church. But I have better counfel to give the Prelates, and far more acceptable to their ears, this advice in my opinion is fitter for them : Cling faft' to your Pontifical Sees, bate not, quit your felves like Barons ftand to the utmoft for your haughty Courts and Votes in Parlament. Still tell us, that you prevent Schifm, though Schifm and Combuftion be the very iffue of your bodies, your firft-born •, and fet your Country a bleedino- jna Prelatical mutiny, to fight for your pomp, and that ill-fa voui'd weed of temporal honour that fits difhonourably upon your laic moulders, that ye may be fat and fleihy, fwoln with high thoughts, and big with mifohievous de- figns, when God comes to vifit upon you all this fourfcore years vexation of his Church under your Egyptian Tyranny. For certainly of all thofe blelTed Souls which you have perfecuted, and thofe miferable ones which you have loll the juft vengeance does not deep. CHAP. VII. That thofe many Seels and Schifms by fome fuppos d to he a- mong usy and that Rebellion in Ireland, ouo-ht not to be a hindrance, but a hafteni?ig of Reformation. AS for thofe manySecds and Divifions rumour'd abroad to be amono-ft us, it is not hard to perceive that they are partly the mere ficdions and falfe alarms of the Prelates, therby to caff, amazements and panic terrors into the hearts of weaker Christians, that they fhouki not venture to change the pre- iVnt deformity of the Church for fear ofl know not what worfe inconveni- encies. With the fame objected fears and fufpicions, weknow that futtle Pre- late Gardner fought to divert the fir ft Reformation. Itmay fufficeus to be taught. 5 bv Book L urg\i aga/'v/l Prel at y. r^ by St. Paul, that there muft be Sects for the manifefting of thofe that are - iound-hearted. Theft- are but winds and flaws ro try the floating veiled ofour Faith, whether it be ftanch and fail well, whether our ballaft be juft, our an- chorage and c .ible ftrong. By this isfeen who lives by Faith and certain know- ledge, and who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age j whofe virtue is of an unchangeable grain, and whofe of a flight wafh. If God come to try our conftancy, we ought not to lhrink or (land the Ids firmly for that, but pafs on with more ltedtaft refolutionto eftabilfh the Truth, though it were through a lane of Sects and Herefies on each fide. Other things men do to the glory of God : but Seels and Errors, it feems, God fuffers to be for the glory of good men, that the World may know and reverence their true fortitude and undaunted conftancy in the Truth. Let us not therfore make thefe things an incumbrance, or an excufe ofour delay in reforming, which God fends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity. For if there were no oppofition, where were the trial of an unfeigned goodnefs and magnanimi- ty ? Virtue that wavers is not virtue, but vice revolted from it felf, and after a while returning. The actions ofjuft and pious men do not darken in their middle courfe; but Solomon tells us, they are as the fhining light, that fhineth more and more unto the perfect day. But if we fhall fufter the trifling doubts and jealoufies of future Sects to overcloud the fair beginnings of purpos'd Re- formation, let us rather fear that another proverb of the fame wife man be not upbraided to us, that the way of the wicked is as darknefs, diey ftumble ar they know not what. If Sects andSchifms be turbulent in the unfettled eftate of a Church, while it lies under the amending hand, it beft befeems our Chriftian Courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of Reformation, and that the work it felf is now in doing. For if we look but on the nature of elemental and mixt things, we. know they can- not fufter any change of one kind or quality into another, without theftruggle of contrarieties. And in things artificial, feldom any elegance is wrought without a fuperfluous wafte and refufe in the tranfaction. No marble ftatue can be politely carv'd, no fair edifice built without almoft as much rubbilh and f weeping. Infomuch that even in the fpiritual conflict of St. Paul's converfion, there lell fcales from his eyes that were not perceiv'd before. No wonder then in the reforming of a Church, which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and falfhood together, if, as it were the fplin- tersand fhares of fo violent a joufting, there fall from between the ftiock many fond errors and fanatic opinions, which when Truth has the upper hand, and the Reformation fhall be perfected, will eafily be rid out of the way, or kept fo low, as that they fhall be only the exercife of our knowledge, not the difturbance or interruption of our faith. As for that which Barclay in his image of Minds writes concerning the horrible and barbarous conceits of Eng- liflmien in their Religion, I deem it fpoken like what he was, a fugitive Pa- pift traducing the Iiland whence he fprung. It may be more judicioufly ga- ther'd fromhence, that the Englifiman of many other Nations is leaft atheifti- cal, and bears a natural difpofition of much reverence and awe towards the Deity •, but in his weaknefs and want of better inftruction, which among us too frequently is neglected, efpecially by the meaner fort, turning the bent of his own wits, with a fcruDulous and ceafelefs care, what he mis;ht do to inform himfelf aright of God and his Worftnp, he may fall net unlikely fometimes, as any other Land-man, into an uncouth opinion. And verily if we look at his native towardlinefs in the rough caft without breeding, fome Nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a natural civility and right judgment than he. But if he get the benefit once of a wife and well-rectify'd nurture, which muft firft come in general from the godly vigilance of the Church, I fuppoie that where-ever mention is made of Countries, Manners or Men, the Englijh People among the firft that fhall be prais'd, may deferve to be accounted a right pious, right honeft, and right hardy Nation. But thus while fomeftand dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which fhould mainly haften them forward, left Schifm and Error fhould encreafe, we may now thank our felves and our delays, it inftead of Schifm a bloody and inhuman rebellion be ftrook in between our flow movings. Indeed againft violent and powerful op- pofition there can be no juft blame of a lingring difpatch. But this I urge againft c6 The Reafon of Church-Government, Book I. againft thofethat difcourfe it for a maxim, as if the fwift opportunities of eftablifliing or reforming Religion were ro attend upon the fleam of ftate-bufi- ntfs. In State many things at firft are crude and hard to digeft, which only time and deliberation can iupple and concoct. But in Religion, wherln is no immaturity, nothing out of feaibn, it goes far otherwife. The door of Grace turns upon fmooth hinges wide opening to fend out, but foon flatting to recal the precious offers of mercy to a Nation : which unlefs watchrulnets and zeal, two quick-fighted and ready-handed virgins, be there in our behalf to receive, we lofe : and ft ill the ofter we lofe, the ftraiter the door opens, and the lefs is offer'd. This is all we get by demurring in God's fervice^ 'Tis not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of Reformation, but it is the want of this which is the caufe of that. The Prelates which boaft themfelves the only bridlers ofSchiim, God knows have been lb cold and backward both there and with us to reprefs Herefy and Idolatry, that either through their careleffnefs or their craft all this mifchief is befaln. What can the Iriflo Sub- ject do lefs in God's juft difpleafure againft us, than revenge upon Englijb bo- dies the little care that our Prelates have had of their Sculs? Nor hath their negligence been new in that Ifland, but ever notorious in Queen Elizabeths days, as Camden their known friend forbears not to complain!. Yet fo little are they toucht with re mode of thefe their cruelties, for thefe cruelties arc theirs, the bloody revenge of thofe Souls which they have familhM, that whenas- againft our brethren the Scots, who by their upright and loyal deeds have now bought themfelves an honourable name to poiterity, wh.itfoever malice by flander could invent, rage in hollilky attempt, they greedily at- tempted toward thefe murdrous Irijh y the enemies of God and Mankind, a curfed off-fpring of their own connivance, no man takes notice bat that they feem to be very calmly and indifferently affected. Where then fhould we begin to extinguish a rebellion that hath its caufe from the mifgovernment of the Church ? where, " but at the Church's reformation, and, the removal of that Government which purfues and wars with all good Chriftrans under the name of Schifmatics, but maintains and fofters all Papifts and Idolaters as to- lerable Chriftians ? And if the ficred Bible may be our light, we are nei- ther without example, nor the witnefs of God himfelf, that the corrupted eftate of the Church ;s both the caufe of tumult and civii wars, and that to ftint them, the peace of the Church muft firlt be fettle d. Now far a kr.gfeafon, faith Azariah to King Afa, Ifrael hath been without the true God, and without a teaching Priefi, and without Law : and in thofe times there was noplace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were u;on all the inhabit a> of the countries. And Nation was deftroy'd of Nation, and City of City, for God did vex them with alladverfiiy. Beyejlrong thcrfore, faith he to the Reformers of that age, and let not your tends be weak, for your work fhall be rewarded. And in thofe Prophets that liv'd in the times of Reformation after the Captivity, often doth God ftir up the People to confider that while eftablifliment of Church-matters was neglected, and put off, there was no peace to him that : Zech. 8. ou i or C ame in ; for I, faith God, had Jet all men every one againft his neighbour. But from the very day forward that they went ferioufly and effectually about H z the welfare of the Church, he tells them that they themfelves might perceive the fudden change of things into a profperous and peaceful condition. Bat in will here be fiid that the Reformation is a long work, and the miferies of Ire- land are urgent of a fpeedy redrels. They be indeed •, and how fpeedy we are, the poor afflicted remnant of our martyr'd Countrymen that fit thereon the Sea-fhore, counting the hours of our delay with their fighs, and the mi- nutes with their falling tears, perhaps with the diftilling of their bloody wounds, if they have not quite by this time call off", and almoft curit the vain hope of our founde/'d ihips and aids, can belt judge how fpeedy we are to their relief. But let their fuccours be halted, as all need and reafon is •, and let not thcrfore the Reformation, which is the chiefelt caufe of fuccefs and viftory, be ft ill procraftinated. They of the Captivity in their greateft extre- mities could find both counfel and hands enough at once to build, and to ex- pect the enemies afiault. And we for our parts, a populous and mighty Nation, muft needs be fain into a ftrange plight either of effeminacy or confufion, if* * Ireland that was once the conqueft of one fingle Earl with his private forces, * and Book II. urg\I again ft Pre l at y. 57 and the fnaall afliftahce of a petty Kcrnifh Prince, fhould row take up all the Wifdom and Prowefs of this potent Monarchy, to quell a barbarous crew of Rebels, whom if we take but the right courie to fiibdue, that is, begin- ning at the Reformation of our Church, their own horrid Murders and Rapes will lb fight agaihtf them, that the very Surtlers and Horfe-boys of the Camp will be able to rout and chafe them without the ftaining of any noble Sword. To proceed by other method in this Enterprize, be our Captains and Com- manders never fo expert, will be as great an Error in ihe Art of War, as any Novice in Soldierfhip ever committed. And thus I Lave it as a declared Truth, that neither the fear of SecTs, no nor Rebellion^ can be a fit Pica to ftay Reformation, but rather to pulh it forward with all poflible diligence and ipeed. H THE SECOND BOOK, OW happy were it for this hail, and as it may be truly call'd; mortal Life of Man, fince all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily ufe, are withal lb cumberiom; and lull of trouble, if Knowledge, yet which is the beit and light- fomeft. pofieffionofthe mind, were, as the common faying is, no burden -. and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body, it did not with a heavy advantage overlay upon the Spirit ? For not to ipeak of that Knowledge that refts in the contemplation of natural Caufes and Dimeufions, which muft needs be a lower Wifdom, as the ObjecT: is low, certain it is, that he who hath obtain'd in more than the fcantieff. meaiure to know any thing diftindtly of God, and of his true Worfhip, and what is infallibly good and happy in the ftate of Man's Life, what in itfelf evil and miferable, though vulgarly not fo efteem'd •, he that hath obtain'd to know this, the only high valuable Wifdom indeed, remembring alio that God even to a ftrictnefs requires the improvement of thefe his entrufted Gifts, cannot but Ibftain a forer burden of mind, and more preffing than any fupportable toil or weight which the Body can labour under : how and in what manner he lhall difpofe and employ thole fums of Knowledge and Illumination which God hath {ent him into this World to trade with. And that which aggravates the burden more, is, that having receiv'd amongft his allotted parcels, cer- tain precious Truths of fuch an orient luftre as no Diamond can equal ; which neverthelefs he has in charge to put off at any cheap rate, yea, for no- thing to them that will •, the great Merchants of this World fearing that this courfe would foon difcover* and difgrace the falfe glitter of their deceitful Wares wherwith they abufe the People, like poor Indians, with Beads and GlafTes, praftife by all means how they may fupprefs the .venting of fuch Rarities, and at fuch a cheapnefs as would undo them, and turn their Trafh upon their hands. Therfore by gratifying the corrupt defires of Men in flefh- ly Doctrines, they ftir them up to perfecute with hatred and contempt all thofe that leek to bear themfelves uprightly in this their lpiritual fac- tory : which they forefeeing, though they cannot but terrify of Truth, and the excellency of that heavenly Traffick which they bring, againft what Oppofition or Danger foever, yet needs mull it fit heavily upon their Spirits, that being in God's prime Intention and their own, fe- lected Heralds of Peace, and Difpcnfers of Treafure ineftimable, with- out price to them that have no Pence, they find in ths difcharge of their CommifTion, that they are made the greatelt Variance and Offence, a very Sword and Fire both in Houfe and City over the whole Earth. This is that which the fad Prophet Jeremiah laments,^ is me my Mother, that then haft born me a Man of ft rife and contention ! And although div ine Infpiration muff, certain- ly have bin fweet to thofe ancient Prophets, yet the irkfomnefs of that Truth which they brought, was fo unpleafant unto them, that every where they call it a Burden. Yea, that myfterious Book of Revelation, which the greatEvan- Vol. I. I gehft r8 The Reafon of Church-Government^ Book IF. gelift was bid to eat, as it had bin fome eye-brightning Electuary of Know-* fed^e and Forefight, though it were fweet in his mouth, andin t: , m r , it was bitter in his belly, bitter in the denouncing. Nor was this hid from the wile Poet Sophocles, who in that place of his Tragedy, whcreTire/ias is call'd to refolve K. CEdipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous, brings him in bemoaning his lot, that he knew more than other Men. For furely to eve- ry o-ood and peaceable Man, it muft in nature needs be a hateful thing to be the^difpleafer and molefter of thoufands ■, much better would it like him doubt- lefs to be the Mefienger of Gladnels and Contentment, which is his chief in- tended bufinefs to all Mankind, but that they refift and oppofe their own true happinefs. But when God commands to fake the Trumpet, and blow a do- lorous or a jarring Waft, it lies not in Man's Will what he (hall fay, or what he fhall conceal. If he mail think to be iilent, as Jeremiah did, becaufe of the re- proach and derifionhe met with daily, and all his familiar Friends watch' d for his halting, to be reveng'd on him for (peaking the Truth, he would be fore'd to confefs as he confeft ; his Word was in my heart as a burning fire font tip in my bones i I was weary -with forbearing, and could not flay. Which might teach theie times not fuddenly to condemn all things that are fharply fpoken, or ve- hemently written, as proceeding out of Stomach, Virulence, and Ill-nature ; but to confider rather that if the Prelates have Lave to fay the worft that can be faid, or do the worft that can be done, while they ftrive to keep to them- felves, to their great plcafure and commodity, thole things which they ought to render up, no man can be juftly offended with him that mail endeavour to impart and beftow, without any gain to himfelf, thofe iharp but faving words, which would be a terror and a torment ii him to keep back. For me, I have determin'd to lay up as the beftTreafure, and folace of a good old A°-e, if God vouchfafe it me, the honeft liberty of free lpeech from my Youth^where I fhall think it available in fo dear a Concernment as the Church's good. For if I be either by difpofition, or what otner caufe, too inqui- fuve, or fufpicious of myfelf and mine own doings, who can help it ? But this I forcfee, that mould the Church be brought under heavy opprefTion, and God have given me ability the while to reafon againftthatMan that Ihould be the Author of lb foul a deed •, or fhould fhe, by bleffing from above on the induftry and courage of faithful Men, change this her diffracted eftate into better days, without the leaft furtherance or contribution of thofe few Talents which God at that prefent had lent me, I forefee what ftories I fhould hear within myfelf, all my life after, of Difcourage and Reproach. Timorous and ingrateful, the Church of God is now again at the foot of her infulting Ene- mfes, and thou bewaileft ; what matters it for thee, or thy bewailing? When time was, thou could'ft not find a fyllable of all that thou haft read, or ftudi- ed, to utter in her behalf. Yet eafe and leifure was given thee for thy re- tired Thoughts, out of the fweat of other Men. Thou hadft the diligence, the parts, die language of a Man, if a vain Subject were to be adorn'd or beautify'd ; but when the caufe of Godand his Church was to be pleaded, for which purpofe that Tongue was given thee which thou haft, God liften'd if he could hear thy voice among his zealous Servants, but thou wert dumb as a beaft ; from henceforward be that which thine own brutifh filence hath made thee. Or elfe I Ihould have heard on the other ear ; Slothful, and ever to be fet light by, the Church hath now overcome her late Diftreffes after the. un- wearied labours of many her true Servants that flood up in her defence ; thou alfo would ft take upon thee to fhare amongft them of their joy : But where- fore thou ? Where canft thou fhew any Word or Deed of thine which might have haften'd her peace ? Whatever thou dofl now talk, or write, or look, is the Alms of other Men's active prudence and zeal. Dare not now to fay, or do any thing better than thy former floth and infancy ; or if thou dar'ft, thou doft impudently to make ajthrifty purchafe ol boldnefs tothyfelf, out of the pain- . ful Merits of other Men ; what before was thy Sin, is now thy Du:y, to be abject and worthlefs. Thefe, and fuch like leflbns as thele, I know would have bin my Matins duely, and my Even- long. But now by this lictle dili- gence, mark what a privilege I have gain'd with good Men and Saints, to claim my right of lamenting the tribulations of the Church, if fhe fhould fuffer, when others that have ventur'd nothing for her fake, have notthe ho- nour Book II. urg V ' againft Prelaty. eg riour to be admitted Mourner';. But if fhe lift up her drooping head and profper, among thofe that have fomething more than wifh'd her welfare, I have my charter and freehold of rejoicing to me and my Heirs. Concerning therfore this wayward Subject againft Prelaty, the touching wherofis !o diftaftful and difquietous to a number of Men, as by what hath bin faid I may deferve of charitable Readers to be credited, that neither Envy nur Gall hath entred me upon this Controvrrly, but the enforcement ofConfci- enceonly, and a preventive fear left the omitting, of this Duty fhould be a- gainft me when I would ftore up to myfelf the good provifion of peaceful hours: So left it mould be ftill imputed to me, as I have found it hath bin, that fomefeif-pleafing humour of vain-glory hath incited me to conteft with Men of high eftimation, now while green years are upon my head, from this needlefs furmifal I ihall hope to difiuade the intelligent and equal Au- ditor, if I can but fay fuccefsfully that which in this Exigent behoves me •, al- though I would be heard only, if it might be, by the elegant and learned Reader, to whom principally tor a while I ihall beg leave I may addrefs my felf. To him it will be no new thing, though I tell him that if I hunted after praife, by theofteiitation of Wit and Learning, I ihould not write thus out of mine own feafon, when I have neither yetcompleated to my mind the full Circle of my private lludies, although I complain not of any infufficieney to the matter in hand ; or were I ready to my wifheSj it were a folly to commit- any thing elaborately compos'd to r he carelefs and interrupted lifteriing of thefe tumultuous times. Next, li I were wife only to my own ends, J would ^ certainly take fuch a Subject as of itfelf might catch applauie, wheras this hath all the Difadvantages on the contrary, and fuch a Subject as the publifh- ingwherof might be delay 'd at pleafure, and time enough to pencil it over with all the curious touches of Art, even to the perfection of a faultlefs Pic- ture ; whenas in this Argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good fpeeding, that if Solidity have leifure to do her office, Art cannot have much. Laftly, I fhould not chufe this manner of writing, wherin knowing myfelf inferior to myfelf, led by the genial Power of Nature to another Talk, I have the ufe, as I may account it, but of my left hand. And though I fhall be foolifh in faying more to this purpofe, yetfince it will be fuch a folly, aswifeft Men go about to commit, have only confefs'd and fo committed, I may truft with more reafon, becaufe with more folly, to have courteous par- don. For although a Poet, foaring in the high Region of his Fancies, with his Garland and finging Robes about him, might, without Apology, fpeak more of himfelf than I mean to do •, yet for me fitting here below in the cool Ele- ment of Profe, a mortal thing among many Readers of no Empyreal Conceit, to venture and divulge unufual things of myfelf, I fhall petition to the gen- tler fort, it may not be envy to me. I muft fay therfore, that after I had* from my firft years, by the ceafelefs diligence and care of my Father, whom God recompence, bin exercis'd to the Tongues, and fome Sciences, as my Age would fuffer, by fundry Mafters and Teachers both at home and at the Schools, it was found, that whether aught was impos'd me by them that had the over-looking, or betaken to of mine own choice in Englija, or other Tongue, profing or verfing, but chiefly this latter, the ftile by certain vital Signs it had, was likely to live. But much latelier in the private Academies of Italy, whither I was favour'd to refort, perceiving that fome Trifles which I had in memory, compos'd at under twenty or therabout, (for the manner is, that every one muft give fome proof of his wit and reading there) met with acceptance above what was look'd for ;and other things which I had fhifted in fcarcity of Books and Conveniences to patch up amongft them, were receiv'd with written Encomiums, which the Italian is not forward to beftow on Men of this fide the Alps, I began thus far to afTent both to them and divers of my Friends here at home ; and not lefs to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me, that by labour and intent ftudy, (which I take to be my portion in this Life) join'd with the ftrong propenfity of Nature, I might perhaps leave fomething fo written to after-times, as they fhould not willingly let it die. Thefe thoughts at once pofTefs'd me, and thefe other ; That if I were certain to write as Men buy Leales, for three Lives and dovvnwardj there ought no regard be fooner had than to God's glory, by the honour and in- Vol. I. I 2 ftrudion 6o ¥he Reafon of Church-Government^ Book I L ftruftionof my Country. For which caufe, and not only for that I knew it would be hard to arrive at the lecond Rank among the Latins, I apply'd my- felf to that Refolution which Ari oft o follow'd againil the perfuafions of Bern- bo, to fix all the Induftry and Art I could unite to the adorning of my native Tongue ; nottomakeverbal Curiofuies the end, that were a toilfome Vanity, but to be' an Interpreter and Relater of the beft and fageft things among mine own Citizens throughout this Ifland in the mother dialect. That what the gpeateft and choiceft Wits of Athens, Rome, or modern Italy, and thofe //<?- bretos of old did for their Country, I, in my proportion, with this over and above, of being a Chriitian, might do for mine ; not caring to be once nam'd abroad, though perhaps I could attain to that, but content with thefe Britijb Iflands as my World, whofe Fortune hath hitherto bin, that if the Athenians, as fome fay, made their fmall Deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers, England hath had her noble Achievements made fmall by the un- fkilful handling of Monks and Mechanics. Time ferves not now, and perhaps I might fcem too profufe to give any certain account of what the mind at home, in the fpaeious circuits of her mu- fine hath liberty to propofe to herfelf, though of higheft hope, and hard- eft attempting; whether that Epic Form wherof the two Poems of Homer, and thofe other two of Virgil and Tajjo are a diffufe, and the Book of Job a brief Model : or whether the Rules of Ariftotle herin are ftrictly to be kept, or Na- ture to be follow'd, which in them that know Art, and ufe Judgment, is no tranfnefiion, butan inriching of Art. And laftly, wliat King or Knight before the Conqueft, might be chofen in whom to lay the pattern of a Chriftian Hero. And as Taftb gave to a Prince of Italy his choice, whether he would command him to write oi Godfrey's expedition againft the Infidels, or Belifarius againft the Goths, or Charlemain againft the Lombards ; if to the inftinct of Nature and the imboldning of Art aught may be truftcd, and that there be nothing adverfe in our Climate, or the late of this Age, it haply would be no rafhnefs from anequal diligence and inclination, to prefent the like offer in our own ancient Stories. Or whether thofe Dramatic Conftitutions, wherin Sopho- cles and Euripides reign, fha.ll be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a Na- tion. The Scripture alio affords us a Divine paftoral Drama in the Song of Solomon, confifting of two Pcrfons, and a double Chorus, as Origen rightly judges. And the Apocalypfe of Saint John is the majeftic Image of a high and ftately Tragedy, fhutting up and intermingling her folemn Scenes and Acts with a fevenfold Chorus ofHalielujah's and harping Symphonies : and this my opinion the grave authority of Parens, commenting that Book, is fufficient to confirm. Or if occafion fhall lead, to imitate thofe magnific Odes and Hymns wherin Pindarics and Callimachus are in moft things worthy, fome o- thers in their frame judicious, in their matter moft an end faulty. But thofe frequent Songs throughout the Law and Prophets beyond all thefe, not in their divine Argument alone, but in the very critical Art of Compofition, may be eafily made appear over all the kinds of Lyric Poefy, to be incomparable. Thefe abilities, wherefoever they be found, are the infpired gift of God rare- ly beftow'd, but yet to fome (though moft abufe) in every Nation : and are of power, befide the Office of a Pulpit, to inbreed and cherifh in a great People the feeds of Virtue, and public Civility, to allay the perturbations of the Mind, and fet the affections in right tune •, to celebrate id glorious and lofty Hymns the Throne and Equipage of God's Almightinefs, and what he works, and what he fuffers to be wrought with high Providence in his Church ; to fing victorious Agonies of Martyrs and Saints, the Deeds and Triumpiis of juft and pious Nations, doing valiantly through Faith againft the Enemies ofChrift-, to deplore the general relapfes of Kingdoms and States from juftice and God's true worfhip. Laftly, whatfoever in Religion is holy and fublime, in Virtue amiable or grave, whatfoever hath Paffion or Admiration in all the changes of that which is called Fortune from without, or the wily fubtleties and refluxes of Man's thoughts from within ; all thefe things with a folid and treatable fmoothnefs to paint out and defcribe. Teaching over the whole Book of Sanctity and Virtue, through all the inftances of Example, with fuch delight to thofe, efpecially of foft and delicious Temper, who will not fo much as look upon Truth herfelf, unlefs they fee her elegantly dreft ; ■z that Book II. urgd agdinft Prelaty. 6i that wheras the Paths of LTonefty and good Life appear now rugged and dif- ficult, though they be indeed eafy and pleafant, they would then appear to i Men both eafy and pleafant, though they were rugged and difficult indeed. And what a benefit this would be to our Youth and Gentry, may be foon it by what we know of the Corruption and Bane which they fuck in daily from the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant Poetafters, who having fcarce ever heard of that which is the main confiftence of a true Poem* the choice of fuch Perfons as they ought to introduce, and what is moral and decent to each one, do for the moft part lay up vicious Principles in fweet Pills to be fwallow'd down, and make the tafte of virtuous Documents harm and lour. Butbecaufe the Spirit of Man cannot demean itfelf lively in this Body without fome recreating intermiffion of Labour, and ferious things, it were happy for the Commonwealth, if our Magiftrates, as in thofe famous Governments of old, would take into their care, not only the deciding of our contentious Law-cafes and Brawls, but the managing of our public Sports, and feftival Paftirnes, that they might be, not fuch as were authoriz'd a while fince, the provocations of Drunkennefs and Lull, but fuch as may in- ure and harden our Bodies by martial exercifes to all war-like fkill and per- formance •, and may civilize, adorn, and make dilcreet our Minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent Academies, and the procurement of wife and artful recitations, f.veeten'd with eloquent and graceful inticements to the love and practice of Juftice, Temperance, and Fortitude, inftructih<* and bettering the Nation at all opportunities, that the call of Wifdom and. Virtue may be heard every where, as Solomon faith ; She cricth without, Jlje uttereth her voice in the Streets, in the top of high places, in the chief cencourfe, and in the openings of the Gates. Whether this may be not only in Pulpits, but after another perfuafive method, at let and folemn Paneguries, in Theatres, Porch- es, or what other place or way, may win moft upon the People to receive at once both Recreation, and Inftruction ; let them in Authority confult. The thing which I had to fay, and thofe Intentions which have liv'd within me ever fince I could conceive myfelf any thing worth to my Country, I return to crave excufe that urgent Reafon hath pluckt from me, by an abortive and lore-dated difcovery. And the accomplifhment of them lies not but in a power above man's topromife; but that none hath by more ftudious ways endeavour'd, and with more unwearied Spirit that none mall, thatl darealmoft aver of my felf, as far as life and free leifure will extend ; and that the Land had once infranchis'd herfelf from this impertinent yoke of Prelaty, under whole inquifitorious and tyrannical duncery, no free and fplendidWit can rlou- rilh. Neither do I think it ihame to covenant with any knowing Reader, that for fome few years yet I may go on truft with him toward the payment of what I am now indebted, as being a work not to be rais'd from the heat of Youth, or the vapours of Wine •, like that which flows at wafte from the Pen of fome vulgar Amorift, or the trencher fury of a riming Parafite ; nor to be obtain'd by the invocation of Dame Memory and her Siren Daughters, but by devout Prayer to that eternal Spirit, who can enrich with all utter- ance and knowledge, and fends out his Seraphim, with the hallow'd Fire of his Altar, to touch and purify the Lips of whom he pleafes : to this muft be ad- ded, induflrious and felect Reading, fteady Obfervation, infight into all feemly and generous Arts and Affairs •, till which in fome meafure be compafs'd, at mine own peril and coft, I refiife not to fuftain this expectation from as many as are not loth to hazard fo much credulity upon the beft Pledges that I can give them. Although it nothing content me to have dilclos'd thus much be- fore hand, but that I truft hereby to make it manifeft with what fmall willing nefs I endure to interrupt the purfuit of no lefs hopes than thefe, and leave a calm and pleafing Solitarinefs, fed with chearful and confident thoughts, to imbark. in a troubled Sea of Noifes and hoarfe Difputes, from beholding the bright countenance of Truth in the quiet and ftill air of delightful Studies, to come into the dim reflection of hollow Antiquitiesfold by the feemingbulk, and there be fain to club quotations with Men whofe learning and belief lies in marginal ftuffings •, who when they have, like good fumpters, laid ye down their horfe-load of Citations and Fathers at your door, with a Rapfodv of who and who were Bifhops here or there, ye may take off their Packfaddles, their 6 2 The Rcafon of 'Church-Government, Book 1L their day's work is done, and Epifcopacy, as they think, ftoutly vindicated. Let any gentle Apprehenfion that can diftinguifli learned Pains from unlearned Drudgery, imagine what pleafure or profoundnefs can be in this, or what ho- nour to deal againft fuch Adverfaries. But were it the meaneft under-fcrvice, if God by his fecretary Confcience enjoin it, it were fad for me if I mould drawback •, for me efpecialiy, now when all Men offer their aid to help, eafe and lighten the difficult labours of the Church, to whofe fervice, by the in- tentions of my Parents and Friends, I was deftin'd of a Child, and in mine own relblutions, till coming to fome maturity of years, and perceiving what Tyranny had invaded the Church, that he who would take Orders mull fub- fcribe Slave, and take an Oath withal -, which unlefs he took with a Confci- ence that would retch, he mull: either ftrait perjure, or fplit his Faith •, I thought it better to prefer a blamelefs filence before the facred Office of fpeak- ing, bought and begun with fervitude and forfwearing. Howlbever thus Church-outed by the Prelates, hence may appear the right I have to meddle in thefe matters, as before the neceffity and conftraint appear'd. i CHAP. I. i That Prelaty oppofeth the reafon and end of the Gofpei three: ways-, and jirjl in her outward Form. AFTER this digreffion, it would remain that I mould fingle out fome other reafon which might undertake for Prelaty to be a fit and lawful Church-Government-, but finding none of like validity with thefe that have already fped according to their fortune, I fhall add one reafon why it is not to be thought a Church-Government at all, but a Church-Tyranny, and is at hoftile Terms with the end and reafon of Chrift' s Evangelic Miniftry. Al- beit I muft confefs to be half in doubt whether I fhould bring it forth or no, it being fo contrary to the eye of the World, and the World id potent in moft Men's Hearts, that I fhall endanger either not to be regarded, or not to be underftood: For who is there almoft that meafures Wifdom by Simplicity, Strength by Suffering, Dignity by Lowlinefs ? Who is there that counts it firft to be laft, fomething to be nothing, and reckons himfelf of great command in that he is a Servant ? Yet God when he meant to fubdue the World and Hell at once, part of that to Salvation, and this wholly to Perdition, made choice of no other Weapons, or Auxiliaries than thefe, whether to fave or to deftroy. It had bin a fmall Maftery for him to have drawn out his Legions into array, and flank'd them with his Thunder •, therfore he fent Foolifhnefs to confute Wifdom, Weaknefs to bind Strength, Defpifednefs to vanquifh Pride : And this is the great myftery of the Gofpei made good in Chrift him- felf, who as he teftifies came not to be miniftred to, but to miniller •, and muft be fulfill'd in all his Minifters till his fecond coming. To go a- gainft thefe Principles St. Paul fo fear'd, that if he fhould but affecl: the Wif- dom of words in his preaching, he thought it would be laid to his charge, that he had made the Crofs of Chrift to be of none effeft. Whether then Prelaty do not make of none effeft the Crofs of Chrift, by the principles it hath fo contrary to thefe, nullifying the power and end of the Gofpei, it fhall not want due proof, if it want not due belief. Neither fhall I ftand to trifle with one that will tell me of Quid- dities and Formalities, whether Prelaty or Prelateity in abftracl notion be this or that •, it fuffices me that I find it in his Skin, fo I find it infeparable, or not oftner otherwife than a Phenix hath bin feen ; although I perfuade me that whatever faultinefs was but fuperficial to Prelaty at the beginning, is now by the juft Judgment of God, long fince branded and inworn into the very ef- fence therof. Firft therfore, if to do the work of the Gofpei, Chrift our Lord took upon him the form of a Servant; how can his Servant in thisMiniftry take upon him the form of a Lord ? I know Rilfon hath decypher'd us all the galan- teries of Signore z\\^MonJjgnore. ) ^.n6.Monfjcm\ as circumftantially as any puncdu- alift Book II. u/'g'dagafn/l Prelaty. 63 alift of Cafteel, Naples, or Fountain-Mean could have done: but this muft not fo complement us out of our right minds, as to be to learn that the form of a Servant was a mean, laborious, and vulgar Life apteit to teach ; which form Chrift thought fitteft, that he might bring about his Will according to his own Principles, chufing the meaner things of this World, that he might put under the high. Now whether the pompous Garb, the lordly Life, the Wealth, the haughty diftance of Prelaty be thofe meaner things of the World, wherby God in them would manage the myftery of his Gofpel, be it the ver- dict of common fenfe. For Chrift faith in St. John, The Servant is not great- er than his Lord, nor he that is fent greater than he that fent him ; and adds If ye know tbefe things, happy are ye if ye do them. Then let the Prelates well ad vile, if they neither know, nor do thefe things, or if they know, and yet do them not, wherin their Happinefs confifts. And thus is the Gofpel fruf- trated by the lordly Form of Prelaty. C H A P. II. That the ceremonious DoSirine. of Prelaty oppofeth the rca- fon and end of the Go/pel. THAT which next declares the heavenly Power, and reveals the deep myftery of the Gofpel, is the pure fimplicity of Doctrine, accounted the foolifhnefs of this World, yet crofting and confounding the Pride and Wif- dom of the Fleih. And wherin confifts this fleftily Wifdom and Pride ? In being altogether ignorant of God and his Worfhip ? No fu rely, for Men are naturally afham'd of that. Where then ? It confifts in a bold prefumption of ordering the Worfhip and Service ol God after Man's own Will in Traditions and Ceremonies. Now if the Pride and Wifdom of the Flefh Were to be de- feated and confounded, no doubt but in that very point wherin it was proud- eft, and thought itfelf wifeft, that fo the victory of the Gofpel might be the more illuftrious. But our Prelates, inftead of exprefling the fpiritual Power of their Miniftry, by warring againll this chief bulwark and ftrong-hold of the Flefli, have enter'd into faft League with the principal Enemy againll whom they were fent, and turn'd the ftrength of fleflily Pride and Wifdom a- gainft the pure fimplicity offaving Truth. Firft, miftrufting to find the Authority of their Order in the immediate Inftitution of Chrift, or his Apoilles, by the clear evidence of Scripture, they fly to the carnal fupportment of Tradition-, when we appeal to the Bible, they to the unwieldy Volumes of Tradition : And do not fhame to reject, the Ordinance of him that is eternal, for the perverfe iniquity of fixteen hundred years •, chufing rather to think Truth itfelf a Lyar, than that fixteen Ages Ihould be rax'd with an error ; not conlidering the general Apoftacy that was foretold, and the Church's flight into the Wildernefs. Nor is this enough •, inftead of fhewing the reafon of their lowly Condition from divine example and command, they feek to prove their high pre-eminence from human Confentand Authority. But let them chaunt while they will of Prerogatives, we fhall tell them ol Scripture ; ofCuftom, we of Scripture; of Acts and Statutes, ftill of Scripture ; till the quick and piercing Word enter to the dividing of their Souls, and the mighty weaknefs ofthe Gofpel throw down the weak mightinefs of Man's rea- foning. Now for their demeanor within the Church, how have they disfigur'd and defac'd that, more than angelic brightnefs, tiie unclouded ferenity of Chriftian Religion, with the dark overcafting of fuperftitious Copes and fla- minical Veftures, wearing on their Backs, and I abhor to think, perhaps in fome worfe Place, the unexpreflible Image of God the Father ? Tell me, ye Priefts, wherfore this Gold, wherfore thefe Robes and Surplices over the Gofpel ? Is our Religion guilty of the firft Trefpafs, and hath need of cloath- ing to cover her nakednefs ? What does this elfe but caft an ignominy upon the perfection of Chrift's miniftry, by feeking to adorn it with that which was the 6 a *fbe Reafin of Church-Government k , Book J I. the poor remedy of our Shame ? Believe it, wondrous Doctors, all corporeal refemblances of inward Holinefs and Beauty are now pad ; he that will cloach the Gofpel now, intimates plainly, that the Gofpcl is naked, uncomely, that I may not fay reproachful. Do' not, ye Church-rnalkers, while Chrift is cloathing upon our Barrennefs with his righteous Garment, to make us accept- able in Ins Father's fight •, do not, as ye do, cover am I hide his righteous verity with the polluted clothing of your Ceremonies, to make it feem more decent in your own eyes. Hcvj beautiful, faith Ifaiah, are the Feet cj him (bet bring* eth good, tydings, that fublijhetb Salvation ! Are the feet fo beautiful, and is rhe very bringing of thefe tydings fo decent of itfelf? What new Decency then can'be added to this by your fpinftry ? Ye think by thefe gaudy glifterings to ftir up the devotion of the rude Multitude -, ye thinkib, beeaule ye forfake the heavenly teaching of St. Paul for the hellifh Sophiftry of Papiftn. Ifthe Mul- titude be rude, the lips of the Preacher mull give Knowledge, and not Cere- monies. And although fome Chriftians be new-born Babes comparatively to feme that are ftronger, yet in refpect of Ceremony, which is but a rudiment of the Law, the weakeft Chriftian hath thrown oh" the robes of his Minority ^ and is a perfect Man, as to legal Rites. What children's food there is in the Gofpel, we know to be no other than thzjincerily of /be Word, thai they may grow therby. But is here the utmoft of your out-braving the ferviee of God ? No. Ye have bin bold, not to fet your thrcfhold by hi* threihold, or your ports by his polls •, but your Sacrament, your bign, call it what you will, by his Sacrament, baptizing the Chriftian Infant with a folemn fprinkle, and un- baptizing for your own part with a prophaneand impious Fore-finger : as if when ye had laid the purifying element upon his Forehead, ye meant to can- cel and crofs it out again with a character not of God's bidding. O but the In- nocence of thefe Ceremonies ! O rather the fottifn abfurdity of this excufe! What could be more innocent than the wafhing of a cup, a glafs, or hands be- fore meat, and that under the Law when fo many Warnings were command- ed, and by long tradition ? yet our Saviour detefted their Cuftoms, though never fo feeming harmlefs, and charges them feverely that they had tranf- grefs'dthe Commandments of God by their traditions, and worihip'd him in vain. How much more then mufl thefe, and much groffer Ceremonies now in force, delude the end of Chrift's coming in the flefh againft the flefh, and ftifle the fincerity of our new Covenant, which hath bound us to forfake all carnal Pride and Wifdom, efpecially in matters of Religion ? Thus we fee again how Prelaty, failing in oppofition to the main end and power of the Gofpel, doth not join in that myfterious Work of Chrift, by lowiinefs to con- found height, by fimplicity of doctrine the wifdom of the world, but contra - riwife hath made itfelf high in the world and the flefh, to vanquifh things by the world accounted low, and made itfelf wife in tradition and rlefhly cere- mony, to confound the purity of doctrine which is the Wifdom of God. CHAP. III. That Prelatical Jurifdi&ion oppofeth the reafon and end -of the Gofpel a?id of State. THE third and laft Confederation remains, whether the Prelates in their Function do work according to the Gofpel, praclifing to fubdue the mighty things of this World by things weak, which St. Paulhnh fet forth to be the power and excellence of the Gofpel ; or whether in more likelihood they band themfelves with the prevalent things of this world, to over-run the weak things which Chrift hath made choice to work by ; and this will fooneft be difcern'd by the courfe of their Jurifdiction. But here again I find my thoughts almoft in fufpenfe betwixt yea and no, and am nigh turning mine eye which way .1 may beft retire, and not proceed in this fubject, blaming the ardency of my mind that fix'd me too attentively to come thus far. For Truth, I know Book H. urgd againft Prelatv. 6 c know not how, hath this unhappinefs fatal to her, ere fhe can come to the trial and inflection of the Underftanding ; being to pafs through many little wards and limits of the feveral Affections and Defires, fhe cannot Jhift it, but mult put on fuch colours and attire, as thofe pathetical handmaids of the Soul pleafe to lead her in to their Queen : And if fhe find fo much favour with them, they let her pafs in her own likenefs ; if not, they bring her into the prefe nee habited and colour'd like a notorious Falfhood. And contrary, when any Falfhood comes that way, if they like the errand fhe brings, they are fo artful to counterfeit the very fhape and vifage of Truth, that the Under- ftanding not being able to difcern the fucus which thefe InchantrefTes with fuch cunning have laid upon the feature fometimes of Truth, fometimes of Falfhood interchangeably, fentences for the moft part one for theocher at the firft blufh, according to the fubtle impofhire of thefe fenfual MiftrefTes that keep the ports and paffages between her and the objedt. So that were it not for leaving imperfect that which is already laid, I fhould go near to relin- quifh that which is to follow. And becaufe I fee that moft Men, as it happens in this world, either weakly or falfly principled, what through ignorance, and what through cuftom of licence, both in difcourfe and writing, by what hath bin of late written in vulgar, have not feem'd to attain the decifion of this point, I fhall likewife affay thole wily ArbitrefTes who in moft Men have, as was heard, the fole ufhering of Truth and Falfhood between the Senfe and the Soul, with what loyalty they will ufe me in convoying this Truth to my underftanding •, the rather for that by as much acquaintance as I can obtain with them, I do not find them engag'd either one way or other. Concerning therfore Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction, I find ftill more controverfy, who fhould adminifterit; than diligent enquiry made to learn what it is: for had the pains bin taken to fearch out that, it had bin long ago. enroll'd to be nothino- die but a pure tyrannical forgery of the Prelates ; and that jurifdictive power in the Church there ought to be none at all. It cannot be conceiv'd that what Men now call Jurifdiction in the Church, fhould be other thing than a Chriftian Cenforihip •, and therfore is it moft commonly and truly nam'd Ecclefiaftical Cenfure. Now if the Roman Cenfor, a civil function, to that fevere affize of furveying and controlling the privateft and flieft manners of all men and all degrees, had no Jurifdiction, no Courts of Plea, or Inditement, no punitive force annex'd-, whether it were that to this manner of correction the intanglement of (bits was improper, or that the notice of thofe upright In- quifitors extended to fuch the moft covert and fpiritous vices as would flip eafily between the wider and more material grafp of the Law ; or that it flood more with the Majefty of that Office to have no other Serjeants or Maces about them but thofe invifible ones of Terror and Shame: Or laftly, were it their fear, left the greatnefsof this Authority and Honour, arm'd with Jurif- diction, might ftep with eafe into a Tyranny : In all thefe reipects, with much more reafon undoubtedly ought the cenfure of the Church be quite diverted anddifintail'd of all Jurifdiction whatlbever. For if the courfe of Judicature to a political Cenforihip feem either too tedious, or too contentious, much more may it to the Difcipline of the Church, whofe definitive decrees are to be fpeedy, but the execution of rigour flow, contrary to what in legal pro- ceedings is moft ufual ; and by how much the lefs contentious it is, by fo much will it be the more Chriftian. And if the Cenfor, in his moral Epifcopy, being to judge moft in matters not anfwerable by writ or action, could not ufe an inftrument fo grofs and bodily as Jurifdiction is, how can the Minifter of the Gofpel manage the corpulent and fecular trial of Bill and Procefs in things merely ipiritual ? Or could that Roman Office, without this juridical Sword or Saw, ftrike fuch a reverence of itfelf into the moft uu Jaunted hearts, as with one fingle dafh of ignominy to put all the Senate and Knighthood of Rome into a tremble ? Surely much rather might the heavenly Miniftry of the Evangel bind herfelf about with far more piercing beams of majefty and awe, by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the ufe of her powerful Keys. For when the Church without temporal fupport is able to do her great works upon the unfore'd obedience of Men, it argues a Divinity about her. But when fhe thinks to credit and better her fpiritual efficacy, and to win herfelf refpect and dread by ftrutting in the falfe vizard Vol. I. K of 66 The Reafon of Church-Government ^ Book IL of worldly Authority, 'tis evident that God is not there, but that her apofto- lie virtue is departed from her, and hath left her Key cold: "Which fhe per- ceiving as in a decay'd nature, feeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help, and external flourifhes, to fetch, if it be poffible, forne motion into her extreme parts, or to hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and artificial heat of Jurifdktion. But it is obfervable, that fo long as the Church, in true imitation of Chrift, can be content to ride upon an Afs, car- rying herfclf and her Government along in a mean and fimpie guife, me may be, as he is, a Lion of the tribe of Judo, ; and in her humility all Men with loud Hofanna's will confefs her greatnefs. But when defpifing the mighty operation of the Spirit by the weak things of this world, fhe thinks to make herfelf bigger and more confiderable, by ufing the way of civil force and jurifdiction, as fhe fits upon this Lion fhe changes into an Afs, and inftead of Hofanna's every Man pelts her with ftones and dirt. Laftly, if the wifdom of the Romans fear'd to commit Jurifdiction to an Office offo high efteem and dread as was the Cenfors, we may fee what a folecifm in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through Chriftendom to give Jurifdiction to Eccle- fiaftical Cenfure. For that Strength, jcin'd with Religion, abus'd and pre- tended to ambitious ends, mud ofneceffity breed theheavieft and moft quel- ling Tyranny not only upon the necks, but even to the fouls of Men : which if Chriftian Rome had been fo cautelous to prevent in her Church, as Pagan Rome was in her State, we had not had fuch a lamentable experience therof as now we have from thence upon all Chriftendom. For although I faid be- fore, that the Church coveting to ride upon the lionly form of Jurifdict ion, makes a transformation of herfelf into an Afs, and becomes defpicable, that is, to thofe whom God hathenlighten'd with true knowledge •, but where they remain yet in the reliques of Superftition, this is the extremity of their bondage and blindnefs, that while they think they do obeifance to the Lord- ly vifige of a Lion, they do it to an Afs, that through the juft judgment of God is permitted to play the dragon among them becaufe of their wilful ftu- pidity. And let England here well rub her eyes, left by leaving Jurifdiction and Church-Cenfure to the fame perfons, now that God hath bin fo long medicining her eye-fight, fhe do not with her over-politic fetches mar all, and bring herfelf back again to worfhip this Afs beftriding a Lion. Having hitherto explain'd, that to Ecclefiaftical Cenfure no jurifdictive power can be added, without a childifh and dangerous over-fight in Policy, and a perni- cious contradiction in Evangelic Dilcipline, as anon more fully ; it wili be next to declare wherin the true reafon and force of Church-Cenfure confifts, which by then it fhall be laid open to the root ; fo little is it that I fear left any crookednefs, any wrinkle or fpot fhouldbe found in Prefbyterial Govern- ment, that if Bodin the famous French Writer, though a Papift, yet affirms, that the Commonwealth which maintains this Dilcipline will certainly fiourifh in Virtue and Piety ; I dare affuremyfelf that every true Proteftant will ad- mire the Integrity, the Uprightnefs, the divine and gracious Purpofes therof, and even for the reafon of it fo coherent with the doctrine of the Gofpel, befide the evidence of command in Scripture, will confefs it to be the only true Church-government ; and that contrary to the whole end and myfterv of Chrift's coming intheflefh, a falfe appearance of the fame is exercis'd by Prelaty. But becaufe fome count it rigorous, and that hereby Men fhall be liable to a double Punifhment, I will begin fomewhat higher, and fpeak of Punifhment. Which, as it is an evil, I efteem to be of two forts, or rather two degrees only, a reprobate Confcience in this life, and Hell in the other world. Whatever elfe Men call Punifhment or Cenfure, is not properly an Evil, fo it be not an illegal violence, but a laving medicine ordain'd of God both for the public and private good of Man ; who coniiitlngof two parts, the inward and the outward, was by the eternal Providence left under two forts of cure, the Church and the Magiftrate. The Magiftrate hath only to deal with the outward part, I mean not of the Body alone, but of the Mind in all her out- ward acts, which in Scripture is call'd the outward Man. So that it would be helpful to us if we might borrow fuch Authority as the Rhetoricians by patent may give us, with a kind of Promethean fkill to fhape and faihion this out- ward Man into the fimilitude of a Body, and let him vifible before us ; ? imagining Book IL urgd againJIPREL at y. 6 J imagining the inner Man only as the Soul. Thus then the civil Magistrate looking only upon the outward Man, (I fay as a Magiftrate, for what he doth further, he doth it as a Member of the Church) if he find in his complexion, fkin, or outward temperature the Signs and Marks, or in his doings the Ef- fects of Injuftice, Rapine, Luft, Cruelty, or the like, fometimes he fhuts up as in frenetick or infectious Difeafes ; or confines within doors, as in every fickly eftate. Sometimes he fhaves by Penalty or Mulct, or elfe to cool and take down thofe luxuriant Humours which Wealth and Excefs have caus'd to abound. Otherwhiles he fears, he cauterizes, he fcarifies, lets blood ; and finally, for utmoft remedy cuts off. The Patients, which molt an end are brought into his Hofpital, are fuch as are far gone, and befide themfelves, (unlefs they be falfly accus'd) fo that Force is neceffary to tame and quiet them in their unruly fits, before they can be made capable of a more humane cure. His general End is the outward Peace and Welfare of the Common- wealth, and civil Happinefs in this Life. His particular End in every Man is, by the infliction of pain, damage, and difgrace, that the Senfes and com- mon perceivance might carry this MefTage to the Soul within, that it is nei^ ther eafeful, profitable, nor praife-worthy in this Life to do evil. Which muft needs tend to the good of Man, whether he be to live or die ; and be un- doubtedly the firft means to a natural Man, efpecially an Offender, which might open his eyes to a higher confideration of Good and Evil, as it is taught in Religion. This is feen in the often penitence of thofe that fuffer, who, had they efcap'd, had gone on finning to an immeafurable heap, which is one of the extremeft punifhments. And this is all that the Civil Magiftrate, a3 fo being, confers to the healing of Man's mind, working only by terrifying Plaifters upon the rind and orifice of the Sore ; and by all outward applian- ces, as the Logicians fay, a pofteriori, at the Effect, and not from the Caufe; not once touching the inward bed of Corruption, and that hectic difpofition to evil, the fource of all Vice and Obliquity againft the Rule of Law. Which how infufficient it is to cure the Soul of Man, we cannot better guefs than by the Art of bodily Phyfic. Therfore God, to the intent of further healino- Man's deprav'd Mind, to this Power of the Magiftrate, which contents itfelf with the reftraint of evil doing in the external Man, added that which we call Cenfure, to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmoft Soul. In the beginning thisAuthority feems to have been plac'd, as all both civil and religious Rites once were, only in each Father of a Family : Afterwards a- mong the Heathen, in the wife Men and Philofophers of the Age •, but fo as it was a thing voluntary, and no fet Government. More diftinctly amon°- the Jews, as being God's peculiar, where the Priefts, Levites, Prophets, and at laft the Scribes and Pharifees took charge of inftructing and overfeeino- the Lives of the People. But in the Gofpel, which is the ftraiteft and the deareft Covenant can be made between God and Man, we being now his adopted Sons, and nothing fitter for us to think on than to be like him, united to him, and, as he pleafes to exprefs it, to have fellowfhip with him ; it is all neceffity that we fhould expeft this bleffed Efficacy of healing our inward Man to bemini- ftred to us in a more familiar and effectual Method than ever before. God be- ing now no more a Judge after the Sentence of the Law, nor, as it were, a Schoolmafter of periihable Rites, but a moft indulgent Father, governing his Church as a Family of Sons in their difcreet Age : and therfore in the fweet- eft and mildeft manner of paternal Difcipline, he hath committed this other Office of preferving in healthful conftitution the inner Man, which maybe term'd the Spirit of the Soul, to his fpiritual Deputy the Minifterof each Con- gregation ; who being beft acquainted with his own Flock, hath beft reafon to know all the fecreteft Difeafes likely to be there. And look by how much the internal Man is more excellent and noble than the external, by fo much is his Cure more exactly, more throughly, and more particularly to be perfo.m'd. For which caufe the Holy Ghoft by the Apoftles join'd to the Minifter, as affiftant in this great Office, fometimes a certain number of grave and faithful Brethren, (for neither doth the Phyfician doall in reftoring his Patient, he pre- fcribes, another prepares the Medicine, fome tend, fome watch, fome vifit) much more may a Minifter partly not fee all, partly err as a Man : Befides, that nothing can be more for the mutual honour and love of the People to their Vol. I. K 2 Paftor, 68 The Reafon of * Church-Government, Book IL Paftor, and his to them, than when in felect numbers and courfes they arc- led! partaking, and doing reverence to the holy Duties of DifcipHne by their ferviceable and folemn Prefence, and receiving honour again from their Em- ployment, not now any more to be feparated in the Church by Vails and Par- titions as Laics and unclean, but admitted to wait upon the Tabernacle as the rightful Clergy of Chriil, a chofen Generation, a royal PriefthooJ, to of- fer up fpiritual Sacrifice in that meet place to which God and the Congrega- tion mall call and aflign them. And this all Chriftians ought to know, that the Title of Clergy St. Peter gave to all God's People, till Pope Hhinus and the fucceeding Prelates took it from them, appropriating that Name to them- felves and their Priefts only ; and condemning the reft of God's Inheritance to an injurious and alienate condition of Laity, they feparated from them by local Partitions in Churches, through their grofs ignorance and pride imi- tating the old Temple, and excluded the Members ofChrift from the pro- perty of being Members, the bearing of orderly and fit Offices in the Eccle- fiaftical Body, as if they had "meant to few up that Jevn/h Vail which Chrift by his death on the Crofs rent in funder. Although thefe Ufurpers could not foprefently over- m after the Liberties and lawful Titles of God's freeborn Church •, but that Origen, being yet a Lay-man, expounded the Scriptures pub- lickly, and was therin defended by Alexander of Jernfalem, and TheoBifius of Cafarea, producing in his behalf divers Examples, that the privilege of teach- ino- was anciently permitted to many worthy Lay-men : And Cyprian in his Epiftles profefles he will do nothing without the advice and affent of his affi- ftant Laics. Neither did the firft Nicene Council, as great and learned as it was, think it any robbery to receive in, and require the help and prefenceof many learned Lay-brethren, as they were then cal'l'd. Many other Authorities to confirm this Aflertion, both out of Scripture and the Writings of next Antiquity, Golartius hath collected in his Notes upon Cyprian -, wherby it will be evident, that the Laity, not only by Apoftolic permilfion, but by confent of many the ancienteft Prelates, did participate in Church-Offices as muchas is defir'd any Lay-elder fhould now do. Sometimes alio not the Elders alone, but the whole Body of the Church is interefted in the Work of Difcipline, as oft as public Satisfaction is given by thofe that have given public Scandal. Not to fpeak now of her right in Elections. But another reafon there is in it, which though Religion did not commend to us, yet moral and civil Pru- dence could not but extol. It was thought of old in Philofophy, that ihame, or to call it better, the reverence of our Elders, our Brethren and Friends, was the greateft Incitement to virtuous Deeds, and the greater!. diiTuafion from unworthy Attempts that might be. Hence we may read in the Iliad, where Hetlor being wifh'd to retire from the Battel, many of his Forces being routed, makes anfwer, that he durft not for fhame, left the Trojan Knights and Dames fhould think he did ignobly. And certain it is, that wheras Ter- ror is thought fuch a great ftickler in a Commonwealth, honourable Shame is a far greater, and has more reafon : for where Ihame is, there is fear ; but where fear is, there is not prefently fhame. And if any thing may be done, toinbreed in us this generous and chriftianly Reverence one of another, the very Nurfe and Guardian of Piety and Virtue, it cannot fooner be than by fuch a Difcipline in the Church, as may ufeus to have in awe the Affcmblies of the Faithful, and to count it a thing mod grievous, next to the grieving of God's Spirit, to offend thofe whom he hath put in Authority, as a healing fu- perintendence over our Lives and Behaviours, both to our own happinefs,and that we may not give offence to good men, who without amends by us made, dare not, againft God's Command, hold Communion with us in holy things. And this will be accompanied with a religious dread of being out-caft from the company of Saints, and from the fatherly protection of God in his Church, to confort with the Devil and'his Angels. But there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honefl fhame, or call it, if you will, an elleem, where- by Men bear an inward Reverence toward their own Perfons. And if the Love of God, as a Fire fentfrom Heaven to be ever kept alive upon the Altar of our Hearts, be the firft Principle of all godly and virtuous Aciions in men, this pious and juft honouring of ourfelves is the fecond, and may be thought as the radical moifture and fountain-head, whence every laudable and wor- thy Book II. urgd againjl PreLaty. 60 thy Enterprize iffues forth. And although I have given it the name of aJi- quid thing, yet is it not incontinent to bound itfelf, as humid things are, but hath in it a moft reftraining and powerful abftinence to Hart back, and glob itfelf upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbefeeming mo- tion, or any Soil wherwith it may peril to ftain itfelf. Something I confefs it is to beafham'd of evil doing in the prefence of any ; and to reverence the Opinion and the Countenance of a good Man rather than a bad, fearino- moft in his fight to offend, goes fo far asalmoft to be virtuous •, yet this is butftill the fear of Infamy, and many fuch, when they find themfclves alone, favin°- their Reputation, will compound with other Scruples, and come to a clofe treaty with their dearerVicesinfecrct. But he that holds himfelf in reverence and due eftecm, both for the dignity of God's Image upon him, and for the price of his Redemption, which he thinks is vifibly mark d upon his Forehead, accounts himfelf both a fit Perfon to do the nobleft and godlieft Deeds, and much better worth than to deject and defile, with fuch a debafement, and fuch a pollution as Sin is, himfelf fo highly ranfom'd and enobled to anew Friend- fhip and filial Relation with God. Nor can he fear fo much the offence and reproach of others, as he dreads and would blufh at the reflection of his own fevere and modeft eye upon himfelf, if it Ihould fee him doing or imagining that which is finful, though in the deepeft fecrecy. Howfhall a Man knowto do himfelf this right, how to perform this honourable duty of Eftimation and Refpecl towards his own Soul and Body ? which way will lead him belt to this Hill-top of Sanctity and Goodnefs, above which there is no higherafcent but to the Love of God, which from this felf-pious regard cannot be afunder ? No better way doubtlefs, than to let him duly underltand, that as he iscall'd by the high Calling of God, to be holy and pure, fo is he by the fame appoint- ment ordain'd, and by the Church's call admitted to fuch Offices of Difcipline in the Church, to which his own fpiritual Gifts, by the Example of Apofto- Jic Inftitution, have authoriz'd him. For we have learnt that the fcornful term of Laic, the confecrating of Temples, Carpets, and Table-cloths, the railing in of a repugnant and contradictive Mount Sinai in the Gofpel, as if the touch of a Lay-chriftian, who is never the lefs God's living Temple, could prophane dead Judaifms, the exclufion of Chrift's People from the Offices of holy Difcipline through the pride of a ufurping Clergy, caufes the reft to have an unworthy and abject Opinion of themfclves, to approach to holy Duties with a flavifh fear, and to unholy doings with a familiar boldnefs. For feeing fuch a wide and terrible diftance between religious things and them- fclves, and that in refpect of a wooden Table, and the perimeter of holy Ground about it, a flagon Pot, and a linen Corporal, the Prieft efteems their Lay-fhips unhallow'd and unclean, they fear Religion with fuch a tear as loves not, and think the purity of the Gofpel too pure for them, and that any uncleannefs is more fuitable to their unconfecrated Eftate. But when every good Chriftian throughly acquainted with all thofe glorious Privileges of Sanc- tification and Adoption, which render him more iacred than any dedicated Altar or Element, fhall be reftor'd to his right in the Church, and not ex- cluded from fuch place of fpiritual Government, as his Chriftian Abilities, and his approved good Life in the eye and teftimony of the Church fhall pre- fer him to, this and nothing fooner will open his eyes to a wife and true valu- ation of himfelf •, which is fo requifite and high a point ofChriftianity, and will ftir him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave Employment wherwith God and the Church hath dignify'd him •, not fearing left he Ihould meet with fomc outward holy thing in Religion, which his Lay-touch or prefence might profane ; but left fomething unholy from within his own Heart, fhoulddifho- nour and prophane in himfelf that Prieftly Unction arid Clergy-right wherto Chrift hath entitled him. Then would the Congregation of the Lord foon re- cover the true likenefs and vifageof what fhe is indeed, a holy Generation, a royal Priefthood, a faintly Communion, the Houfhold and City of God. And this I hold to be another confiderable Reafon why the Functions of Church- Government ought to be free and open to any Chriftian man, though never fo laic, if his Capacity, his Faith and prudent Demeanor commend him. And this the Apoftles warrant us to do. But the Prelates object, that this will bring Prophanenefs into the Church: to whom may be reply'd, that none have brought 7G *The Reafon of Churchy-Government , Book I L brought that in more than their own irreligious courfes, nor more driven Ho- linefsout of living into lifelefs things. For wheras God, who hath cleans'd every beaft and creeping worm, would not fuffer S. Peter to call them com- mon or unclean, the Prelate Bifhops, in their printed Orders hung up in Churches, have proclaim'd the beft of Creatures, Mankind* lb unpurify'd and contagious, that for him to lay his Hat or his Garment upon the Chancel- Table', they have defin'd it no lefs heinous, in exprefs words, than to pro- phane 'theTable of the Lord. And thus have they by their Canaanitijh Doctrine* (for that which was to the Jew but Jewijh, is to the Chriftian no better than Canaanitijh) thus have they made common and unclean, thus have they made prophane that nature which God hath not only cleans'd, but Chriftalfo hath af- fum'd. And now that the equity and juft reafon is fo perfpicuous, why in Ecclefiaftic cenfure the afiiftance Ihould be added of fuch, as whom not the vile odour of Gain and Fees (forbid it God, and blow it with a Whirlwind out of our Land) but Charity, Neighbourhood, and duty to Church-Govern- ment hath call'd together, where could a wife Man wilh a more equal, gratu- itous," and meek examination of any Offence that he might happen to commit againft Chriftianity than here ? Would he prefer thofe proud limoniacal Courts ? Thus therfore the Minilter affifted attends his Heavenly and Spiri- tual Cure: where we lhall fee him both in the courie of his proceeding, and firft in the excellency of his end, from the Magiftrate far different, and not more different than excelling. His end is to recover all that is of Man, both Soul and Body, to an everlafting Health : and yet as for Worldly Happinefs, which is the proper Sphere wherin the Magiftrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from Law, fo little aims the Minifter, as his intended fbope, to procure the much Profperity of this Life, that oft- times he may have caufe to wilh much of it away, as a Diet puffing up the Soul with a flimy flelhinefs, and weakning her principal Organic parts. Two heads of evil he has to cope with, Ignorance and Malice. Againlt the for- mer he provides the daily Manna of incorruptible Doctrine, not at thofe fet Meals only in public, but as oft as he lhall know that each Infirmity or Conftitution requires. Againft the latter with all the branches therof, not meddling with that reftraining and ftyptic Surgery which the Law ufes, noc indeed a°-ainft the Malady, but againft the Eruptions, and outermoft Effects therof-, he onthe contrary, beginning at the prime caufes and roots of the Difeafe, fends in thofe two divine Ingredients of moll cleanfing power to the Soul, Admonition and Reproof ; befides which two there is no Drug or An- tidote that can reach to purge the mind, and without which all other Experi- ments are but vain, unlefs by accident. And he that will not let thefe pals into him, though he be thegreateft King, as Plato affirms, muff, be thought to remain impure within, and unknowing of thofe things wherin his pure- nefs and his knowledge Ihould moll appear. As foon therfore as it may be difcern'd that the Chriftian Patient, by feeding otherwhere on Meats not al- lowable, but of evil juice, hath difordered his Diet, andfpread an ill Humour through his Veins, immediately difpofing to a Sicknefs, the Minifter, as be- in°- much nearer both in Eye and Duty than the Magiftrate, fpeeds him be- times to overtake that diffus'd Malignance with fomegentle Potion of Admo- nifhment ; or if aught be obstructed, puts in his opening anddifcufiive Confec- tions. This not fucceeding after once or twice, or oftner, in the prefence of two or three his faithful Brethren appointed therto, he advifes him to be more careful of his deareft Health, and what it is that he fo rafhly hath let down into the divine Veffel of his Soul, God's Temple. If this obtain not, he then, with the counfel of more Affiftants, who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd, with more fpeedy Remedies lays nearer fiege to the entrench'd Caufes of his Diftemper, not fparing fuch fervent and well-aim'd Reproofs as may beft give him to fee the dangerous eftate wherin he is. Tothisalfo his Brethren and Friends intreat, exhort, adjure; and all thefe Endeavours, as there is hope left, are more or lefs repeated. But if neither the regard of himfelf, nor the reverence of his Elders and Friends prevail with him, to leave his vitious Appetite; then as the time urges, fuch Engines of Terror God hath given into the hand of the Mimifter, as to fearch the tendereft Angles of the Heart : one while he fhakes his ftubbornnefs 2 with Book II. Wrg'd agamftPkwATY. with racking convf,!fi:v,:. nigh defpair, otherwhiles with deadly cbrrofives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death. Hereto the whole Church befeech him, beg of him, deplore him, pray for him. Afrer all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is poffible, and no relenting on his part, having done the utmoft of their cure, in the name of God and of the Church they difiblve their felJowfhip with him, and holding forth the dreadful fpongeofExcomrhuniori, pronounce him wiped out of the lift of God's Inheritance, and in thecufiody of Satan till he repent. Which horrid fentence, tho' it touch neither life nor limb, nor any worldly poffeffion, yet has it fuch a penetrating force, that fwifter than any chymical fulphur, or that lightning which harms not the ikin, and rifles the entrails, it fcorchesthe inmoft Soul. Yet even this terrible denouncement is left to the Church for no other caufe but to be as a rough and vehement cleanfing medicine, where the malady is obdurate, a mortifying to life, a kind of laving by undoing, And it may be truly laid, that as the mercies of wicked Men are cruelties, fo the cruelties of the Church are mercies. For if repentance fent from Heaven meet this loft wanderer, and draw him out of that fteep journey wherin he was halting towards deitruftion, to come and reconcile to the Church, if he bring with him his bill of health, and that he is now clear of infection, and of no danger to the other fheep ; then with incredible expreffions of joy all his brethren receive him, and fet before him thofe perfumed bankets of Chriftian Confolation •, with precious ointments bathing and fomenting the old, and now to be forgotten ftripes which terror and fhame had inflicted ; and thus with heavenly folaces they cheer up his humble remorfe, till he regain his firft health and felicity. This is the ap- proved way which theGofpel prefcribes, thefe are the fpiritual weapons of holy cenfure, and minifterial warfare, not carnal, but mighty through God to the pull- ing down offirong holds, cqjling down imaginations, and every high thing that exalt - eth itfelf againft the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Chrift. "What could be done more for the healing and reclaim- ing that divine particle of God's breathing, the Soul, and what could be done lefs ? he that would hide his faults from fuch a wholefom curing as this, and count it a two-fold punifhment, as fome do, is like a Man that having foul difeafes about him, perifhes for fhame, and the fear he has ofa rigorous inci- fion to come upon his flefh. We fhall be able by this time to difcern whether Prelatical Jurifdiclrion be contrary to the Gofpel or no. Firft therfore the Go- vernment of the Gofpel being ceconomical and paternal, that is, of fuch a fa- mily where there be no fervants, but all fons in obedience, not in fervility, as cannot be denied by him that lives but within the found of Scripture ; how can the Prelates juitify to haveturn'd the fatherly orders of Chrift's houfhold, the bleffed meeknefs of his lowly roof, thofe ever-open and inviting doors of his dwelling-houfe, which delight to be frequented with only filial acceffes ; how can they juftify to have turn'd thefe domeftic privileges into the bar of a proud judicial Court, where fees and clamours keep fhop and drive a trade, where bribery and corruption folicites, paltring the free and moneylefs power of difcipline with a carnal fatisfaction by the purfe ? Contrition, humiliation, confeffion, the very fighs of a repentant Spirit are there fold by the penny. That undefloiu'd and unblemifhable fimplicity of the Gofpel, not fhe herfelf, for that could never be, but a falfe-whited, a lawny relemblance of her, like that air-born Helena in the fables, made by the forcery of Prelates, inftead of calling her Difciples from the receit of cuftom, is now turn'd Publican her- felf; and gives up her body to a mercenary whoredom under thofe fornicated Arches which fhe calls God's houfe, and in the fight of thofe her altars which fhe hath fet up to be ador'd, makes merchandize of the bodies and fouls of Men. Rejecting Purgatory for no other reafon, as it feems, than becaufe her greedinefs cannot deter, but had rather ufe the utmoft extortion of redeemed penances in this life. But becaufe thefe matters could not be thus carried without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly authority, therfore Prela- ty flightingthe deliberate and chofen counfel of Chrift inhis fpiritual govern- ment, vvhofe glory is in the weaknefs of flefhly things, to tread upon the creft of the world's pride and violence by the power of fpiritual Ordinances, hath on the contrary made thefe her friends and championswhich are Chrift's ene- mies 2 Cor. x. 7* The Reafon of Church-Government^ Book II. mies in this his high defign, (mothering and extinguifhing the fpiritual force of his bodily weaknefs in the difcipline of his Church with the boiftrous and carnal tyranny of an undue, unlawful, and ungofpel-like Jurifdiction. And Ehus Prelaty both in her flefhly fupportments, in her carnal Doctrine of Ce- remony and Tradition, in her violent and fecular power, going quite counter to the prime end of Chrift's coming in the flefh, that is, to reveal his Truth* his Glory, and his Might, in a clean contrary manner than Prelaty feeks to do, thwarting and defeating the great myftery of God ; I do not conclude that Prelaty is Antichriftian, for what need I ? the things themfelves con- clude it. Yet if fuch like practices, and not many worfe than thefe of our Prelates, in that great darknefs of the Roman Church, have not exempted bothher and her prefent Members from being judg'd to be Antichriftian in all orthodoxal efteem •, I cannot think but that it is the abiblute voice of Truth and all her children to pronounce this Prelaty, and thefe her dark deeds in the midft of this great Light wherin we live, to be more Antichriftian than Antichrift himfelf. The CONCLUSION. The M;fchief that Prelaty does in the State. I Add one thing more to thofe great ones that are fo fond of Prelaty : this is certain, that the Gofpel being the hidden might of Chrift, as hath bin heard, hath ever a victorious power join'd with it, like him in the Revelation that went forth on the white Horfe with his bow and his crown conquering, and to conquer. If we let the Angel of the Gofpel ride on his own way, he does his proper bufinefs, conquering the high thoughts, andthe proud reafon- inss of the flefh, and brings them under to give obedience to Chrift with the Salvation of many Souls. But if ye turn him out of his road, and in a man- ner force him to exprefs his irrefiftible power by a Doctrine of carnal might, as Prelaty is, he will ufe that flefhly ftrength which ye put into his hands to fubdue your Spirits by a fervile and blind Superftition ; and that again (hall hold fuch dominion over your captive minds, as returning with an infatiate greedinefs and force upon your worldly wealth and power, wherwith to deck and magnify herfelf, and her falfe worfhips, (he mall fpoil and havock your eftates, difturb your eafe, diminifh your honour, inthrall your liberty under the (welling mood of a proud Clergy, who will not ferve or feed your Souls with fpiritual food •, look not for it, they have not wherwithal, or if they had, it is not in their purpofe. But when they have glutted their ingrateful bodies, at leaft if it be poflible that thofe open Sepulchres fhould ever be glut- ted, and when they have ftuff'd their idolifh Temples with the waftful pillage of your eftates, will they yet have any companion upon you, and that poor pittance which they have left you ; will they be but fo good to you as that ravilher was to his filler, when he had us'd her at his pleafure ; will they but only hate ye, and fo turn ye loofe ? No, they will not, Lords and Commons, they will not favour ye fo much. What will they do then in the name of God and Saints, what will thefe man-haters yet with more defpight and mifchief do ? Pll tell ye, or at leaft remember ye, for mod of ye know it already. That they may want nothing to make them true merchants of Babylon, as they have done to your Souls, they will fell your Bodies, your Wives, your Children, your Liberties, your Parlaments, all thefe things ; and if there be aught elfe dearer than thefe, they will fell at an out-cry in their Pulpits to the arbitrary and illegal difpofe of any one that may hereafter be call'd a King, whofe mind (hall ferve him to liften to their bargain. And by their corrupt and fervile Doctrines boring our ears to an everlafting flavery, as they have done hitherto, fo will they yet do their bed to repeal and erafe every line and claufe of both our great Charters. Nor is this only what they will do, but what they hold as the main reafon and myftery of their advancement that they Book II. urgdagainft Prelaty. yi they mull do ; be the Prince never lb juit and equal to his Subjects, yet fuch are their malicious and depraved eyes, that they lb look on him, and fo un- derstand him, as if he requir'd no other gratitude, or piece of fervice from them than this. And indeed they ftand fo opportunely for the difturbing or the deftroying of a State, being a knot of creatures, whofe dignities, means, and preferments have no foundation in the Gofpel, as they themfelves ac- knowledge, but only in t h ■ .- Prince's favour, and to continue fo lono- to them as by pleafing him they ilull deferye : whence it muft needs be they mould bend all their intention, and fervices to no other ends but to his, that if it ihould happen that a Tyrant (God turn fuch a fcourge from us to our ene- mies) mould come to gralp the Scepter, here were his fpear-men and his lances, here were his fire-locks ready, he fliould need no other Pretorian band nor Penfionary than thefe, if they could once with their perfidious preach- ments awe the people. For although the Prelates in time of Popery were fometimes friendly enough to Magna Cbarta, itwasbecaufe they ftood upon their own bottom, without their main dependance on the Royal Nod : but now being well acquainted that the Protellant Religion, if Ihe will reform herfelf rightly by the Scriptures, muft undrefs them of all their gilded vanities, and reduce them, as they were at firft, to the lowly and equal order of Prefbyters, they know it concerns them nearly to ftudy the times more than the text, and to lift up their eyes to the hills of the Court, from whence only comes their help; but if their pride grow weary of this crouching and obfervance, as ere long it would, and that yet their minds climb ftill to a higher afcent of world- ly honour, this only refuge can remain to them, that they muff of neceffity contrive to bring themfelves and us back again to the. Pope's Supremacy, and this we fee they had by fair degrees of late been doing. Thefe be the two fair fupporters between which the ftrength of Prelaty is borne up, either of inducing Tyranny, or of reducing Popery. Hence alio we may judge that Prelaty is mere falfhood. For the property of Truth is, where lhe is public- ly taught, to unyoke and fet free the minds and fpirits of a Nation firft from the thraldom of Sin and Superftition, after which all honeft and legal freedom of civil Life cannot be long abfent •, but Prelaty, whom the tyrant Cuftom begot a natural tyrant in Religion, and in State the agent and minifter of Ty- ranny, feems to have had this fatal gift in her nativity, like anotherMzdas, that whatfoever llie fliould touch or come near either in ecclefial or political Go- vernment, it fliould turn, not to Gold, though fhe for her part could with it but to the drofs and fcum of flavery, breeding and fettling both in the Bodies and the Souls of all fuch as do not in time, with the fovereign treacle of found Doctrine, provide to fortify their hearts againft her Hierarchy. The fervice of God who is Truth, her Liturgy confeffes to be perfect freedom •, but her works and her opinions declare that the fervice of Prelaty is perfect flavery, and by confequence perfect falfhood. Which makes me wonder much that many of the Gentry, itudious Men, as I hear, Ihould engage themfelves to write, and fpeak publicly in her defence ; but that I believe their honeft and ingenuou; natures coming to the Univerfities to (tore themfelves with good and folid Learning, and there unfortunately fed with nothing elfe but the fcragged and thorny Lectures of monkifh and miferable Sophiftry, were lent home a- gain with fuch a fcholaftical Bur in their throats, as hath ftopp'd and hinder'd all true and generous Phiiofophy from entring, crack'd their voices forever with meraphyfical Gargarifm?, and hath made them admire a fort of forma! out Men prelatically addicted, whofe unchaften'd and unwrought minds were never yet initiated or fubdu'd underthe true lore of Religion or moral Virtue, which two are the belt and greateft points of Learning, but either (lightly trained up in a kind of hypocritical and hackney courfe of literature to get their living by, and dazle the ignorant, or elfe fondly overftudied in ulelefs controver- fies, except thole which they ufe with all the fpecious and delufive futtlety they are able, to defend their prelatical Sparta, having a Gofpel and Church- government fet before their eyes, as a fair field wherin they might exercife the greateft virtues and the greateft deeds of Chriftian Authority, in mean for- tunes and little furniture of this world ; which even the fage Heathen Writers, and thofe old Fabritii and Curii well knew to be a manner of working, than which nothing could liken a mortal Man more to God, who delights moft to Vol. I. L work 74 The Reafon of 'Church-Government , Book IT* work from within himfelf, and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal inftru- ments, they underftand it not, and think no filch matter, but admire and dote upon worldly riches and honours, with an eafy and intemperate life, to the bane of Chriftianity : yea, they and their Seminaries fhame not to profefs, td petition, and never lin pealing our ears, that unlefs we fat them like Boars, and cram them as they lift with Wealth, with Deaneries, and Pluralities, with Baronies andftately Preferments, all Learning and Religion will go un- der foot. Which isfuch afhamelefs, fuch a beftial plea, and of that odious impudence in Church-men, who fhould be to us a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity, who fhould teach us to contemn this World, and the gaudy things ther of, according to the promife which they themfelves require from us in Baptifm, that mould the Scripture ftand by and be mute, there is not that feci: of Philofophers among the Heathen fo diffolute, no not Epicurus, nor Ariftippus with all his Cyrenaic rout, but would fhut his School- doors againft fuch greafy Sophifters ; not any College of Mountebanks, but Would think fcorn to difcover in themfelves with fuch a brazen forehead the outragious defire of filthy lucre. Which the Prelates make fo little confidence of, that they are ready to fight, and if it lay in their power, to maffacre all good Chriftians under the names of horrible Schifmatics, for only finding fault with their temporal dignities, their unconfcionable wealth and revenues, their cruel authority over their Brethren that labour in the Word, while they fnore in their luxurious excefs : Openly proclaiming themfelves now in the fight of all men, to be thofe which for a while they fought to cover under fheeps clothing, ravenous and favage wolves, threatening inroads and bloody incurfions upon the flock of Chrift, which they took upon them to feed, but now claim to devour as their prey. More like that huge Dragon of Egypt, breathing outwafte and defolation to the Land, unlefs he were daily fatten'd with Virgin's blood- Him our old Patron St. George by his matchlefs valour flew, as the Prelate of the Garter that reads his Collect can tell. And if our Princes and Knights will imitate the fame of that old Champion, as by their order of Knighthood folemnly taken, they vow, fir be it that they fhould up- hold and fide with this Englifo Dragon ; but rather to do as indeed their oath binds them, they fhould make it their knightly adventure to purfue and vanquifh this mighty fail-wing'd Monfter that menaces to fwallow up the Land, unlefs her bottomlefs gorge may be fatisfy'd with the blood of the King's daughter the Church •, and may, as fhe was wont, fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the Saints. Nor will any one have reafon to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be fpoken of Prelaty, if he confider wejl from what a mafs of flime and mud the flothful, the covetous and ambitious hopes of Church-promotions and fat Bifhopricks, fhe is bred up and nuzzled in, like a great Python from her youth, to prove the general pbifon both of Doctrine and good Difcipline in the Land. For certainly fuch hopes and fuch principles of earth as thefc wherin fhe welters from a young one, are the im- mediate generation both of a flavifh and tyrannous life to follow, and a pef- tiferous contagion to the whole Kingdom, till like that fen-born Serpent fhe be fhot to death with the darts of the Sun, the pure and powerful beams of God's Word. And this may ferve to defcribe to us in part, what Prelaty hath bin, and what, if fhe ftand, fhe is like to be toward the whole body of peo- ple in England. Now that it may appear how fhe is not fuch a kind of evil, as hath any good or ufe in it, which many evils have, but a diftill'd quint- efTence, a pure elixir of mifchief, peftilent alike to all, I fhall fhew briefly, ere I conclude, that the Prelates, as they are to the fubjects a calamity, fo are they the greateft underminers and betrayers of the Monarch, to whom they feem to be moft favourable. I cannot better liken the ftate and perfon of a King than to that mighty Nazarite Sampfon ; who being difciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of temperance and fobriety, without the ftrong drink of injurious and exceflive defires, grows up to a noble ftrength and perfection with thofe his illuftrious and funny Locks, the Laws, waving and curling about his god-like fhoulders. And while he keeps them about himundiminifh'd and unfhorn, he may with the jaw-bone of an Afs, that is, with the word of his meaneft officer, fupprefs and put to confufion thou- fands of thofe that rife againft his juft power. But laying down his head among " >ok 1 1. urg V againft Pr e l a t y. among the (trumpet flatteries of Prelates, while he fleeps and thinks no harm, i y wickedly fhaving ofFall thole brightand weighty trefies of his Laws, and Prerogatives, which were his ornament and ftrength, deliver him over to indirect and violent counfels, which as thofe Pbilijlines put out the fair and far-fighted eyes of his natural difcerning, and make him grind in the prifon- houfc of their finiiler ends and practices upon him : Till he, knowing this Prelatica] Rafor to have bereft him of his wonted might, nouriih again hispu- iflant hair, the golden beams of Law and Right: and they fternly fhook, thunder with ruin upon the heads or thofe his evil Counfellors, but not with- out gre.it affliction to himfelf. This is the fum of their loyal fervice to Kings •, yet thefeare the men that ftill cry, The King, the King, the Lord's Arointed. We grant it, and wonder how they came to light upon any thing fo true •, and wonder more, if Kings be the Lord's Anointed, how they dare thus oil over and befmear fo holy an Unction with the corrupt and putrid ointment of their bale flatteries-, which while they fmooth the Ikin, ftrike inward and envenom the life-blood. What fidelity Kings can expect from Prelates, both examples paft, and our prefent experience of their doings at this day, wheron is grounded all that hath bin faid, may fuffice to inform us. And if they be fuch clippers of Regal Power, and fhavers of the Laws, how they (land affected to the Law-giving Parlament, yourfelves, worthy Peers and Commons, can bed teftify •, the current of whofe glorious and immor- tal actions hath bin only oppos'd by the obfeure and pernicious defigns of the Prelates, until their infolence broke out to fuch a bold affront, as hathjuftly immur'd their haughty looks within ftrong walls. Nor have they done any thing of late with more diligence, than to hinder or break the happy afiem- bling of Parlaments, however needful to repair the fhattered and disjointed frame of the Commonwealth ; or if they cannot do this, tocrofs, to diiinable, and traduce all Parlamentary Proceedings. And this, if nothingelfe, plainly accufes them to be no lawful Members of the Houfe, if they thus perpetually mutiny againft their own body. And though they pretend, like Salomon's harlot, that they have right therto, by the fame judgment that Salomon gave, it cannot belong to them, whenas it is not only their aflent, but their endea- vour continually to divide Parlaments in twain -, and not only by dividing, but by all other means to abolifh and deftroy the free ufe of them to all pofte- rity. For the which, and for all their former mifdeeds, wherof this Book and manyVolumes more cannot contain the moiety, I fhallmoveye Lords in the behalf I dare fay of many thoufand good Chriftians, to let your juftice and fpeedy fentence pafs againft this great malefactor Prelaty. And yet in the midft of rigour I would befeech ye to think of mercy ; and fuch a mercy, I fearl fhall overfhoot with a defire to fave this falling Prelaty, fuch a mercy fifl may venture tofay it) as may exceed that which for only ten righteous Perfons would have fav'd Sodom. Not that I dare advife ye to contend with God, whether he or you fhall be more merciful, but in your wife efteems to ballance the offences of thofe peccant Cities with thefe enormous riots of un- godly mif-rulethat Prelaty hath wrought both in the Church of Chrift, and in the State of this Kingdom. And if ye think ye may with a pious prefumption ftrive to go beyond God in mercy, I fhall not be one now that would difftiade ye. Though God for lefs than ten juft Perfons would not fpare Sodom, yet if you can find after due fearch, but only one good thing in Prelaty, either to Religion or Civil Government, to King or Parliament, to Prince or People, to Law, Liberty, Wealth, or Learning, fpare her, let her live, letherfpread among ye, till with her fhadow all your Dignities and Honours, and all the glory of the Land be darken'd and obfeur'd. But on the contrary, if fhe be found to be malignant, hoftile, deftruclive to all thefe, as nothing can be furer, then let your fevere and impartial Doom imitate the divine Vengeance ; rain down your punifhing force upon this godlefs and oppreifing Government : and bring fuch a dead Sea of fubverfion upon her, that fhe may never in this Land rile more to afflict the holy reformed Church, and the elect People of God. Vol. I. L z ANIMAD. 75 7 6 ANIMADVERSIONS UPON THE Remonftrants Defence aaainft Smectymnuus. The PREFACE. ALthough it be a certain Truth that they who undertake a religious Caufe need not care to be Men-pie afers ; yet becaufe thefattsfaclion of tender and mild Confciences is far different from that which is call'd Men-pleaftng, to fatisfy fuch, I ft all addrefs myfelf in few words to give notice before- hand offomething in this Book, which to feme Men perhaps may feem offenfive, that when I have render' d a lawful reafon of what is done, I may truft to havt fav'd the labour of defending or excufing hereafter. IVe all know that in private or perfonal Injuries, yea in public Sufferings for the caufe of Chrift, his Rule and Ex- ample teaches us to be fo far from a readinefs tofpeak evil, as not to anfwer there- viler in his Language, though never fo much provok'd: yet in the detecling, and convincing of any notorious Enemy to Truth and his Country's peace, efpecially that is conceited to have a voluble and /mart fluence of Tongue, and in the vain confi- dence of that, and out of a more tenacious cling to worldly refpetls, fiands up for all the reft to jujlify a long Ufurpation and convitled Pfeudepifcopy of Prelates, with all their Ceremonies, Liturgies, and Tyrannies which God and Man are now ready to explode and hifs out of the Land; Ifuppofe, and more than fuppofe, it will be nothing difagreeing from Chriftian Meeknefs, to handle fuch a one in a rougher Accent, and to fend home his Haughtinefs well befpurted with his own Holy-water. Nor to do thusarewe unautoritied either from the moral Precept of Salomon, to anfwer himther after that prides him in his Folly ; nor from the example of Chrift, end all his Followers in all Ages, who in the refuting of thofe that rejijled found Doilrine, and by fubtile Diffimulations corrupted the minds of Men, have wrought up their "zealous Souls into fuch vehemencies, as nothing could be more kiilingly fpo- ken : for who can be a greater enemy to Mankind, who a more dangerous deceiver \ than he who defending a traditional Corruption ufes no common Arts, but with a wily Stratagem of yielding to the time a greater part of his Caufe, feeming to forgo all that Man's Invention hath done therin, and driven from much of his hold in Scripture ; yet leaving it hanging by a twin' 'd Thread, not from Divine Com;nand > but from Apoftolical Prudence or Affent ; as if he had thefurety of fame rolling Trench, creeps up by this means tohis relinqitifh' d fortrefs of divine Authority again, andftill hovering between the Confines of that which he dares not be openly, and that which he will not befincerely, trains on the eajy Chriftian infenjibly within the clofe ambuflmient of worft Errors, a7id with a fly Jhuffie of counterfeit Principles, chopping and changing till he have glean' d all the good ones cut of their Minds leaves them atlaft, after a flight refemblance of fweeping and garnijhing, under the fevenfold poffeffion of a defperate Stupidity ? And therfore they that love the Souls of Men, which is the dear eft love, andftirs up the nobleft jealoufy, when they meet with fuch Collujion, cannot be blam'd though they be tranjponed with the zeal of Truth to a well-heated fervency ; efvecially, feeing they which thus offend againfi the Souls of their Brethren, do it with delight to their great gain, eafe, and ad- vancement in this World ; but they thatfeek to dij cover andoppofe their falfe trad* of Deceiving, do it not without a fad and unwilling Auger, not without many Ha- zards ; but without allprivate and perfonal fpleen,and without any thought of earth- ly Reward, whenas this very courfe they take flops their hopes of often ding above a lowly and unenviable pitch in this Life. And although in the ferious uncafing of a grand Impofture (for to deal plainly with you Readers, Prelaty is no better) ihere be mix'd here and there fuch a grim laughter, as may appear at the fame time in an auftere Vifage, it cannot be taxt of Levity or Infolence : for even this vein of laugh- ing (as I could produce out of grave Authors) hath oft-times aftrong andjinewy force in teaching and confuting ; nor can there be a more proper objetl of Indignation and Scorn together, than a falfe Prophet taken in the great eft^ dear eft > and moft dan- gerous AnimadverfionSj &c. jy gerous cheat, the cheat of Souls: in the difclofing wherof, if it be harmful to be an- gry, and withal to cafl a lowring Smile, when the proper eft Objeil calls for both, it will be long enough ere any be able to fay, why thofe two moft rational faculties of human intelletl, Anger and Laughter, were firft feated in the breafl of Man. Thus much (Readers) in favour of the fofter-fpirited Chriftian,for other exceptioners there was no thought taken. Only if it bea/k'd, why this clofe and fuccincl man- ner of coping with the Adverfary was rather chofen, this was the reafon chiefly, that the ingenuous Reader, without further amufing himfelf in the Labyrinth of controverfal Antiquity, may come to the fpeediefl way to fee the 'Truth vindicated, and Sophiftry taken fhort at the firft falfe bound. Next, that the Remonftrant him- felf, as oft as he pleafes to be frolick, and brave it with others, may find no gain of Money, and may learn not to infult info bad a Caufe. But now he begins. Sect. i. Remonftrant. My fingle Remonftrance is encounter'd with a plural Adverfary. Pag. Anfwer. Did not your fingle Remonftrance bring along with it a hot icent of your more than lingular Affection to fpiritual Pluralities, your finglenefs would be lefs fufpecled with all good Chriftians than it is. Remonft. Their Names, Perfons, Qualities, Numbers, I care not to know. Anfw. Their Names are known to the all-knowing Power above -, and in the mean while doubtlefs they wreck not whether you or your Nomenclator know them or not. Remonft. But could they fay my name is Legion, for we are many ? Anfw. Wherfore mould you begin with the Devil's Name, defcanting upon the number of your Opponents ? wherfore that conceit of Legion with a by- wipe ? Was it becaufe you would have Men take notice howyou efteem them, whom through all your Book fo bountifully you call your Brethren ? we had not thought that Legion could have furnifh'd the Remonftrant with fo many Brethren. Remonft. My caufe, ye Gods, would bid me meet them undifmay'd, fcV. . Anfw. Ere a foot further we muft be content to hear a preambling boaft of your Valour, what a St. Dunftan you are to encounter Legions, either infernal or human. Remonft. My caufe, ye Gods. Anfw. What Gods ? uhlefs your Belly, or the God of this World be he ? Shew us any one point of your Remonftrance that does not more concern Su- periority, Pride, Eafe, and the Belly, than the Truth and Glory of God, or the Salvation of Souls. Remo7ift. My caufe, ye Gods, would bid me meet them undifmay'd, and to fay with holy David, though an Hoft, &c. Anfw. Do not think toperfuade us of your undaunted Courage, by mifap- plying to yourfelf the words of holy David % we know you fear, and are in an Agony at thisprefent, left you mould lofe that fuperfluity of Riches and Honour which your party ufurp. And whofoever covets, and fo earneftly labours to keep fuch an incumbring furcharge of earthly things, cannot but have an Earthquake ftill in his Bones. You are not arm'd Remonftrant, nor any of your Band •, you are not dieted, nor your Loins girt for fpiritual Va- lour, and Chriftian Warfare, the luggage is too great that follows your Camp ; your hearts are there, you march heavily : How mall we think you have not carnal Fear, while we fee you fo fubjeel: to carnal Defires ? Remonft. I do gladly fly to the Bar. Anfw. To the Bar with him then. Gladly you fay. We believe you as Pa S- gladly as your whole Faction wifh'd, and long'dforthe aflemblingof this Par- lamcnt, as gladly as your Beneficiaries the Priefts came up to anfwer the complaints and out-cries all of the Shires. Remonft. The Areopagi ? who were thofe ? truly my Mafters, I had thought this had bin the name of the Place, not of the Men. Anfw. A Soar-Eagle would not ftoop at a Fly •, but fure fome Pedagogue flood at your Elbow , and made it itch with this parlous Criticifm ; they urg'd you with a decree of the fage and fevere Judges of Athens, and you cite them to appear for certain Paragogical Contempts, before a capacious Pedanty of hot- liver'd Grammarians. Miftake not the matter, courteous Remonftrant, they were not making Latins ; if in dealing with an outlandifh Name, they thought it beftnot to fcrew the Englifh Mouth to a harfh foreign Termina- i tion, 7 8 Animadverfwns upon the tion, fo they kept the radical word, they did no more than *h# eleg Authors among the Greeks, Romans, and at this day the Italians in i'corn o» fuch afervilityufeto do. Remember how they mangle our liritijh Names abroad ; what trefpafs were it, if we in requital fhou'd as mu ± negledt theirs ? and our learned Chaucer did not ftick to do ib, writing Semyramus tor S&nira- mis, Amphiorax for Amphiaraus, K. £*/'« for K. Cgw the. hufband of Alcyone^ with many other names ftrangely metamorphos'd from true Orthography, it he had made any account of that in thefe kind of words. At the be™ Remonft. Left the World mould think the Prefs had of late (ergot to fpeak ning of his any Language other than libellous, this honeft Paper hath broken through the Remon- throng. pance. ^^ Mj nce tne matter while you will, it fhew'd but green_ practice in the Laws of difcreet Rhetorique to blurt upon the ears of a judicious Parlament with fuch a prefumptuous and over-weening Proem : but you do well to be the Sewer of your own mefTe. Remonft. That which you mifcall the Preface, was- a too juft complaint of the fhameful number of Libels. Anfw. How long is it that you and the PrelaticalTroop have bin ;n fuch dii- tafte with Libels? afk. your Lyfimachus Nicanor what detaining Invectives have lately flown abroad' againft the Subjects of Scotland? and our poor ex- pulfed Brethren of New-England, the Prelates rather applauding than (hewing any diflike : and this hath bin ever fo, inlbmuch, that Sir Francis Bacon iu one of hisDifcourfes complains of the Bifhops uneven hand over thefe Pam- phlets, confining thofe againft Bifhops to darknefs, but licenfing thole a- gainft Puritans to be utter'd openly, though with the greater mifchief of lead- ing into contempt the exercife of Religion in the perfons of fundry Preachers, and difgracing the higher matter in the meaner perfon. Remonft. A point no lefs effential to that propofed Remonf ranee. Anfw. We know where the fhoe wrings you, you fret, and are gali'd at the quick ; andO what a Death it is to the Prelates to be thus un-vilarded, thus uncas'd, to have the Periwigs pluck'd off that cover your Baldnefs, your in- fide Nakednefs thrown open to publick view ! The Romans had a time once every year, when their flaves might freely fpeak their minds ; ':were hard if the free-born People of England, with whom the voice of Truth for thefe many years, even againft the Proverb, hath not bin heard but in corners, after all your Monkifh Prohibitions, and expurgatorious Indexes, your Gags and Snaffles, your proud Imprimaturs not to be obtain'd without the (hallow furview, but not (hallow hand of fome mercenary, narrow-foul'd, and illite- rate Chaplain •, when liberty of fpeaking, than which nothing is more fweet to Man, was girded, and ftreight-lac'd almoft to a broken-winded Tizzic, ifnowatagood time, our time of Parlament, the very Jubilee and Refur- reftion of the State, if now the conceal'd, the aggrieved, and long perfe- cuted Truth, could not be fuffer'd to fpeak ; and though ihe burft out with fome efficacy of words, could not be excus'd after fuch an injurious ftrangle of filence, nor avoid the cenfure of Libeling, 'twere hard, 'twere fomething pinching in a Kingdom of tree Spirits. Some Princes, and great Statifts, have thought it a prime piece of neceflary Policy to thruft themfelves under difguife into a popular throng, to ftand the night long under eaves of houles, and low windows, that they might hear every where the free utterances of private Breads, and amongft them find out the precious gem of Truth, as amongft the numberlefs pebbles of the (liore •, wherby they might be the abler to difcover, and avoid that deceitful and clofe-couch'd evil of Flattery that ever attends them, and mifleads them, and might ikilfully know how to apply the feveral Redreflesto each Malady of State, without trufting the dif- loyal Information of Parafites and Sycophants : wheras now this pcrmiffiou of free writing, were there no good elfe in it, yet at fome times thuslicenc'd, is fuch an unripping, fuch an Anatomy of the (hieft and tendered particular Truths, as makes not only the whole Nation in many points the wifer, but alfo prefentsand carries home to Princes, and Men moil remote from vulg<i r Concourfe, fuch a full infight of every lurking Evil, or reftrained G^od among the Commons, as that they (hall not need hereafter in oid Cloak?, and falfeBeards, to ftand to the courtefy of a night-walking Cudgeller for eaves- dropping, Rcmonjlrants Defence, 8cc. 70 dropping, nor to accept quietly as a Perfume, the over-head emptying of fome fait Lotion. Who could be angry therfbre, but thole that are guilty, with there free-fpoken and plain-hearted Men that are the Eyes of their Coun- try, and the Profpective-glafTes of their Prince ? But thefe are the Nettlers, thefe are the blabbing Books that tell, though not halfy our fellows feats. You love toothlefs Satyrs ; Jet me inform you, a toothlefs Satyr is as improper as a toothed ileek-ftone, and as bullilh. Remonft. I befeech you Brethren fpend your Logic upon your own works. Anfw. The peremptory Analyfis that you call ir, I believe will be fo hardy as once more to unpin your fpruce faftidious Oratory, to rumple her laces her frizzles, and her bobins, tho' fhe wince, and fling never fopeevifhly. Remonft. Thole verbal Exceptions are but light froth, and will fink alone. Pag. 4. Anfw. O rare futtlety, beyond all that Cardan ever dreamt of ! when I be- feech you, will light things link ? when will light froth fink alone ? Here in yourphrafe, the fame day that heavy plummets will fwim alone. Truft this Man, Readers, if you pleafe, whofe Divinity would reconcile England with Rome, and his Philofophy make friends Nature with the Chaos-, fine pondere ba- bentia pondus. ■* Remonft. That fcum may be worth taking off which follows. Anfw. Spare your Ladle, Sir, it will be as bad as the Bifhop's foot in the broth •, the fcum will be found upon your own Remonft r ance. Remonft. I iliall defireall indifferent eyes to judge whether thefe Men do not endeavour to caff uniuft envy upon me. Anfw. Agreed. Remonft. I had faid that the civil Polity as in general Notion, hath fome- times varied, and that the Civil came from Arbitrary Impofers; thefe ora- cious Interpreters would needs draw my words to the prefent and particular Government of our Monarchy. Anfw. Anddefervedly have they done fo •, take up your Logic elfe and fee : Civil Polity, fay you, hath fometimes varied, and came from Arbitrary Im- pofers •, what Propofition is this ? Bilhop Downam in his Diale&ics will tell you it is a general Axiom, though theuniverfal Particle be not exprefs'd, and youyourfelr in your Defence fo explain in thefe words as in general notion. Hence is juitly inferr'd, he that fays civil Polity is arbitrary, fays that the ci- vil Polity of England is Arbitrary. The inference is undeniable, a thejiad hypothefin, or from the general to the particular, an evincing Argument in Logic. Remonft. Brethren, whiles ye defire to' feem godly, learn to be lefs ma- p a «. c. licious. Anfw. Remonftrant, till you have better learnt your principles of Lo<ric, take not upon you to be a Dodlor to others. Remonsl. God blefs all good Men from fuch Charity. Anfw. I never found that Logical Maxims were uncharitable before, yet mould a Jury of Logicians pais upon you, you would never be fav'd by the Book. Remonft. And your facred Monarchy from fuch Friends. Anfw. Add, as the Prelates. Remonsl. If Epifcopacy have yoked Monarchy, it is the Infolcnce of the Perfons, not the fault of the Calling. Anfw. It was the fault of the Perfons, and of no Calling ; we do not count Prelaty a Callings Remonsl. The Teftimony of a Pope (whom thefe Men honour highly.) p g Anfw. Thatilanderouslnfertion was doubtlefsa pang of your incredible Cha- rity, the want wherof you lay fo often to their charge ; a kind token of your favour lapt up in a parenthefis, a piece of the Clergy benevolence laid by to maintain the Epifcopal broil, whether the ioooHorfe or no, time will dif- cover : for certainly had thofe Cavaliers come on to play their parts, fuch a ticket as this of highly honouring the Pope, from the hand of a Prelate, might have bin of fpecial ufe and fafety to them that had car'd for fuch a ranfom. Remonsl. And what fays Antichrift ? Anfw. Afk your Brethren the Prelates that hold Intelligence with him, aflc not us. But is the Pope Antichrift now ? good news ! take heed you be not 2 ihent So Animadverfions upon the fhent for this ; for 'tis verily thought, that had this Bill bin put inagainft him in your laft Convocation, he would have bin clear'd by moft voices. Remonsl. Any thing ferves againft Epifcopacy. Anfw. See the frowardnefs of this Man, he would perfuade us that the Suc- ceffion and divine Right of Bifhopdom hath bin unqueftionable through all A°es •, yet when they bring againft him Kings, they were irreligious ; Popes, they are Antichrift. By what ./Era of Computation, through what Faery Land, would the Man deduce this perpetual bead-roll of uncontradicted Epifcopacy ? The Pope may as well boaft his ungainfaid Authority to them that will believe that all hisContradicters were either irreligious or heretical. P"I-7' Remonsl. If the Bifhops, faith the Pope, be declar'd to be of divine Right, they would be exempted from regal Power-, and if there might be this danger in thofe Kingdoms, why is this envioufly upbraided to thofe of ours ? who do gladly profefs, i£c. Anfw. Becaufe your diffever'd Principles were but like the mangled pieces of a o-afh'd Serpent, that now begun to clofe, and grow together Popifh again. "Whatfoever you now gladly profefs out of fear, we know what your drifts were when you thought yourfelves fecure. Remonsl. It is a foul (lander to charge the name of Epifcopacy with a Fac- tion, for the Fact imputed to fome few. Anfw. The more foul your Faction that hath brought a harmlefs name into obloquy, and the Fact may juftly be imputed to all of ye that ought to have withftood it, and did not. Remonsl. Fie Brethren ! are ye the Prefbyters of the Church of England, and dare challenge Epifcopacy of Faction ? Anfw. Yes, as oft as Epifcopacy dares be factious. Remonsl. Had you fpoken fuch a word in the time of holy Cyprian, what had become of you ? Anfw. They had neither bin hal'd into your Gehenna at Lambeth, nor ftrap- pado'd with an Oath ex officio by your Bow-men of the Arches : and as for Cy- prian'sume, the caufe was far unlike, he indeed fucceeded into an Epifco- pacy that began then to prelatize ; but his perfonal Excellence like an Anti- dote overcame the malignity of that breeding Corruption which was then a Difeafethat lay hid for a while under fhew of a full and healthy Conftitution, as thole hydropic humours not difcernable at firft from a fair and juicy fleflii- nefs of body, or that unwonted ruddy colour which feems graceful to a cheek otherwife pale •, and yet arifes from evil caufes, either of fome inward obftruc- tion or inflammation, and might deceive the firft Phyficians till they had learnt the fequel, which Cyprian's days did not bring forth ; and the Prelatifm of E- pifcopacy which began then to burgeon and ipread, had as yet, efpecially in famous Men, a fair, though a falfe imitation of flourifhing. Pag. 8. Remonsl. Neither is the wrong lefs to make application of that which was moft juftly charg'd upon the practices and combinations of libelling Separating, whom I defervedly cenfur'd, i£c. Anfw. To conclude this Section, ova Remonstrant we fee is refolv'd to make good that which was formerly faid of his Book, that it was neither humble, nor a Remonstrance, and this his Delence is of the fame complexion. When he is conftrain'd to mention the notorious violence of his Clergy attempted on the Church of Scotland, he nightly terms it a Fact imputed to fome tew ; but when he fpeaks of that which the Parlament vouchhks to name the City Petition, which I, faith he, (as if the State had made him public Cenfor) de- fervedly cenfur'd. And how ? as before for a tumultuary and underhand way of procured Subfcriptions, lb now in his Defence more bitterly, as the prac- tices and combinations of libelling Separatifts, and the mifzealous Advocates therof juftly to be branded for Incendiaries. Whether this be for the honour of our chief City to be noted with fuch an Infamy for a Petition, which not without fome of the Magiftrates, and great numbers offober and confiderable Men, was orderly, and meekly prefented, although our great Clerks think that thefe Men, becaufe they have a Trade, (as Christ himfeif, and St. Paul had) cannot therfore attain to fome good meafure of knowledge, and to a reafon of their Actions, as well as they that ipend their youth in loitering, bezzling, and harlotting, their Studies in unprofitable Queftions and barba- rous Remonftrants Defence, Sec. Si rous Sophiftry, their middle Age in Ambition and Idlenefs, their old A<*e in Avarice, Dotage, and Difeafes : And whether this reflect not with a Con- tumely upon the Parlament it felf, which thought this Petition worthy, not only of receiving, but of voting to a Commitment, after it had been advocated, and mov'd for by fome honourable and learned Gentlemen of the Houfe, to be call'd a Combination of libelling Separatilts, and the Advocates therof to be branded for Incendiaries ; whether this appeach not the Judgment and Approbation of the Parlament, I leave to equal Arbiters. Sect. 2. Remonft. After the overflowing of your Gall, you defcend to Liturgy and Epifcopacy. Anfw. The overflow being pair, you cannot now in your own Judgment impute any Bitternefs to their following Difcourfes. Remonft. Dr. Hall, whom you name, I dare fay for Honour's fake. Page 9. Anfw. You are a merry Man, Sir, and dare fay much. Remonft. And why fhould not I fpeak of Martyrs, as the Authors and Ufers of this holy Liturgy ? Anjw. As the Authors ! the Tranflators, you might perhaps have faid : for Edward the Sixth, as Hayward hath written in his Story, will tell you upon the word of a King, that the Order of the Service, and the ufe therof in the Engli/b Tongue, is no other than the old Service was, and the fame words in Engli/b which were in Latin, except a few things omitted, fo fond, that it had been a fhame to have heard them in Englip ; thefe are his words : wher- by we are left uncertain who the Author was, but certain that part of the work was efteem'd fo abfurd by the Tranflators therof, as was to be afham'd of in Englijh. O but the Martyrs were the Refiners of it, for that only is left you to fay. Admit they were, they could not refine a Scorpion into a Filh, though they had drawn it, and rine'd it with never fo cleanly Cookery, which made them fall at variance among themfelves about the ufe either of it, or the Ceremonies belonging to it. Remonft. Slight you them as you pleafe, we blefs God for fuch Patrons of our good Caufe. Anfw. O Benedicite ! Qui color ater erat, nunc eft contrarius atro. Are not thefe they which one of your Bifhops in print fcornfully terms the Foxian Confeflbrs? Are not thefe they whole Acts and Monuments are not only fo contemptible, but fo hateful to the Prelates, that their Story wasalmoft come to be a prohibited Book, which for thefe two or three Editions hath crept into the World by Health, and at times of advantage, not without the open Re* gret and Vexation of the Bifhops, as many honeft Men that had to do in fet- ting forth the Book will juftify ? And now at a dead lift for your Liturgies you blefs God for them : out upon fuch Hypocrify. Remonft. As if we were bound to make good every word that falls from p a ge ( o. the mouth of every Bifhop. Anfw. Your Faction then belike is a fubtile Janus, and has two faces : your bolder face to fet forward any Innovations or Scandals in the Church, your cautious and wary face to difavow them if they fucceed not, that fo the fault may not light upon the Function, left it fhould fpoil the whole Plot by giving it an irrecoverable wound. Wherfore elfe did you not long ago, as a good Bifhop fhould have done, difclaim and protell againtt them ? wherfore have you fate ftill, and comply'd and hood-wink'd, till the general Complaints of the Land have fqueezedyou to a wretched, cold and hollow-hearted Confeffi- on of fome prelatical Riots both in this and other places of your Book ? Nay, what if you ftill defend them as follows? Remonft. If a Bifhop have faid that our Liturgy hath been fo wifely and charitably fram'd as that the Devotion of it yieldeth no caufe of offence to a very Pope's ear. Anfw. O new and never heard of Supererogative height of Wifdom and Charity in our Liturgy ! Is the Wifdom of God or the charitable framing of God's Word otherwife inoffenfive to the Pope's ear, than as he may turn it to the working of his myfterious Iniquity? A little pulley would have ftretch'd your wife and charitable frame it may be three Inches further, that the Devo- tion of it might have yielded no caufe of offence to the very Devil's ear, and Vol. I. ' M that g 2 Anuria dverfions ■ upon, the that had been the fame wifdom and charity -farrhounting to the higheft .. t o-ree. For Aniuhrift we know is but the Devil's Vicar, and therlcre pic. him with your Liturgy, and you pkafe his Mailer. Remonft. Would you think it requifite that we mould chide and quarrd when we fpeak to the God of Peace ? Anfw. Fie, no Sir, but forecaft our Prayers fo, that Satan and his Inftrumer.ts may take as little exception againft them as may be, kit they iliould chide and quarrel with us. Remonft. It is no little advantage to our Caufe and Piety, that our Liturgy is taught to fpeak feveral Languages for ufe and example. Anfw. The Language of Aft.dod is one of them, and that makes fo mar,-/ Engltjhmen have fuch a fmattering of their Rhiliftian Mother. And indeed our Liturgy hath run up and down the World like an Englii}} galloping Nun proffering her felf, but we hear of none yet that bids money for her. Remdnji. As for that fharp Cenfure of learned Mr. Calvin, it might well have been forborn by him in aliena Repv.blica. Anfw. Thus this untheological Remonftrc.nt would divide rhe individual Ca- tholic Church into feveral Republics : Know therfore that every worthy Paftor of the Church ot'Cbrift hath a univerfal right to admonifh over ail the world within the Church -, nor can that care be alien'd from him by any diiiance or diftinction of Nation, fo long as in Chriit all Nations and Lan- guages are as one houfho'd. Pag. ii. Remonft. Neither would you think it could become any of our grcatefl Di- vines to meddle with his charge. Anfw. It hath ill become 'em indeed to meddle fo malicioufiy, as many of them have done, though that patient and Chriftian City hath born hitherto all their profane feoffs with filenee. Remonft. Our Liturgy pail the Judgment of no lefs reverend heads than his own. Anfw. It brib'd their Judgment with worldly engagements, and fo pail it. Remonft. As for that unparallel'ddifcourfe concerning the antiquity oi Litur- gies ; I cannot help your wonder, but fhall juftify mine own afiertion. Anfw. Your Justification is but a miferable fhifting off thofe teilimonies of the ancienteft Fathers alledg'd againft you, and the authority of fome Synodal Canons, which are no warrant to us. We proiefs to decide our Controver- fies only by the Scriptures ; but yet to reprefs your vain-glory, there will be voluntarily beitow'd upon you a iufficient conviction of your novelties out of fucceeding antiquity. Paz 12 ' Remonft. I cannot fee how you will avoid your own contradiction, fori demand, is this order of praying and admin iitration let or no ? if it be not fet, how is it an order ? and if it be a let order both formatter and form. Anfw. Remove that Form, left you tumble over ir, while you make fuch* haftetoclapa contradiction upon others. Remonft. If the forms were merely arbitrary, to what ufe was the pre- fcription of an order ? Anfw. Nothing will cure this Man's Underitanding but fome familiar and kitchen Phyfic, which, with pardon, mufl for plainnefs fake be adminiiter'd to him. Call hither your Cook. The order of Brcakfait, Dinner, and Sup- per, anfwer me, is it fet or no ? Set. Is a Man therfore bound in the morning to poacht Eggs and Vinegar, or at noon to Brawn or Beef, or an night to freih Salmon, and French Kickfhofe ? may he not make his meals in order, though he be not bound to this or that viand ? Doubtlefs the ncat- finger'd Artift will anfwer yes, and help us out of this great ControvenV without more trouble. Can we not underitand an order in Church- AirembJi es of praying, reading, expounding, and adminiitring, unlets our Prayers be itill the fameCrambe of words ? Remonft. What a poor exception is this, that Liturgies were compos'd by fome particular Men ? Anfw. It is a greater prefumption in any particular Men to arrogate to themfelves that which God univerfally gives to all his Miniiters. A Miniiter that cannot be trufted to pray in his own words without being chew'd to, and felcu'd to a formal injunction of his Rotelefion, ihould as little be trufted to preachy Remonjlrants Defence y &c. £3 preach, bcfidcs the vain babble of praying over the fame things immcd again ; for there is a large difference in the repetition of fome pathetical Eja- culation rais'd out of the hidden eameflnefs and vigour of the infl.im'd Sou! (fuchas was that oi'Cbrift in the Garden) from the continual rehearfal of our daily orifons ; which if a Man (hall kneel down in a morning, and fay over and prefently in another part of theRoomkneel down again, and in other words afk but ftiil for the lame things as it were out of one Inventory, I cannot fee how he will efcape that heathenifh Battology of multiplying words, which Cbrift himfelf that has die putting up of our Prayers, told us would not be acceptabJe in Heaven. Well may Men of eminent Gifts frt forth as many forms and helps to Prayer as they pleafe -, but to impofe them upon Minifters lawfully cal'.'d, and fufficiently try'd, as all ought to be ere they be admitted, is a fu- percilious Tyranny, impropriating the Spirit of God to themfclves. Remonft. Do weabridge this liberty by ordaining a public form ? p a „ x , Anfw. Your Bifhops have fet as fair to do it as they durft for that old Ph'arf- faical fear that It ill dogs them, the fear of the People; thoughyou will fay you are none of thofe, ftill you would feem not to have join'd with the worft and yet keep aloof off from that which is heft. I would you would either mingle, or part : mod true it is what Savonarola complains, that while he endeavour'd to reform the Church, his greateft Enemies were ftill thefe lukewarm ones. Remonft. And if the Lord's Prayer be an ordinary, and ftinted form, why not others ? Anfw. Becaufe there be no other Lords that can flint with like Authority Remonft. Ifjuftin Martyr faid that the Inftructor of the People pray'd (as Pag. 14. they falfly turn it) according to his ability. Anf. 'dm SSvKfMt «u7w will be fo render'd to the world's end by thofe that are not to learn Greek of the Remonftrant, and fo Langus renders it to his face if he could fee •, and this ancient Father mentions no Antiphonies, or Refpon- fories of the People here, but the only plain acclamation of Amen. Remonft. The Inftructor of the People pray'd according to his ability, 'tis true, fodo ours •, and yet we have a Liturgy, and fo had they. Anfw. A quick come-off. The Ancients us'd Pikes and Targets, and there- fore Guns and great Ordnance, becaufe we ufe both. Remonft. Neither is this liberty of pouring out our felves in our Prayers ever the more impeacht by a public form. Anfw. Yes the time is taken up with a tedious number of Liturgical Tauto- logies, and Impertinencies. Remonft. The words of the Council are full and affirmative. Pa<r x (, Anfw. Set the grave Councils up upon their fhelves again, and firing them hard, left their various and jangling opinions put their leaves into a Mutter. 1 (hall not intend this hot Seafon to bid you the Bafe through the wide and thirty champaine of the Councils, but lhall take counfel of that which coun- fel'd them, Reafon : and although I know there is an obfolete reprehenfion now at your tongue's end, yet I fhall be bold to fay, that Reafon is the gift of God in one Man as well as in a thoufand •, by that which we have tafted al- ready of their Cifterns, we may find that Reafon was the only thing, and not any divine Command that mov'd them to enjoin fet Forms of Liturgy. Firft, left any thing in general might be miffaid in their public Prayers through ig- norance, or want of care, contra -y to the Faith : and next, left the Arians and Pelagians in particular fhould infect the People by theirhymns, and forms of Prayer. By the leave of thefe ancient Fathers, this was nofoiid preven- tion of fpreading Herefy, to debar the Minifters of God the ufe of their nobleft talent, Prayer in the Congregation, unlefs they had forbid the life of Sermons, and Lectures too, but fuch as were ready made to their hands as our Homclies ; or elfe he that was heretically difpos'd, had as fair an opportunity of infecting in his difcourfe, as in his Prayer or Hymn. As infufficiently, and to fay truth, as imprudently did they provide by their contrived Liturgies, left any thing fhould be crroncoufly pray'd through ignorance, or want of car* in the Minifters. For if they were carelefs, and ignorant in their Prayers, certainly they would be more carelefs in their preaching, and yet more care- lefs in watching over their Flock ; and what prefcription could reach to bound Vol. I. M 2 them 84 Animadverfions upon the them in both thefe ? What if Reafon, now illuftrated by the word of God* fhall be able to produce a better prevention than thefe Councils have left us acainft herefy, ignorance or want of care in the Miniftry, that fuch wifdom and diligence be us'd in the education of thole that would be Minifters, and fuch ftritt and ferious examination to be undergone ere their admiffion, as Saint Paul to Timothy fets down at large* and then they need net carry fuch an un- worthy fufpicion over the Preachers of God's word, as to tutor their unfound- nefs with the Abcie of a Liturgy, or to diet their ignorance, and want of care, with the limited draught of a Mattin, and even-fong drench. And this may fuffice after all their labcurfome fcrutiny of the Councils. p a „ 17 . Remonft. Our Saviour waspleas'd to make ufe in the celebration of his laft and heavenly Banquet both of the fafliions, and words which were ufual in the Jewj/h Feafts. Anfvo. What he pleas'd to make ufe of, does not juftify what you pleafe to force. Remonft. The fet forms of Prayer at th&Mincha. Anf We will not buy your Rabbinical fumes, we have one that calls us to buy of him pure Gold try'd in the lire. Remo7tft. In the Samaritan Chronicle. Anfw. As little do we efteem your Samaritan trumpery, of which People Chrifi himfelf teftifies, Ye worfhip ye know not what. Pag. iS. Remonft. They had their feveral Songs. Anfw. And fo have we our feveral Plalms for feveral occafions, without gramcrcy to your Liturgy. Pag. 19. Remonft. Thofe forms which we have under the names of Saint James, &c. though they have fome interfertions which are plainly ipurious, yet the fub- ftance of them cannot be taxt for other than holy and ancient. Anfw. Setting afide the odd coinage of your phrafe, whichno mint-mafter of Language would allow for fterling, that a thing fliould be taxt for no other than holy and ancient, let it be fuppos'd the fubftance of them may favour of fomething holy or ancient, this is but the matter •, the form, and the end of the thing may yet render it either fuperftitious, fruitlefs, or impious, and fo worthy to be rejected. The Garments of a Strumpet are often the fame ma- terially, that clothe a chafte Matron, and yet ignominious for her to wear: the fubftance of the Tempter's words to our Saviour were holy, but his drift no- thing lefs. Remonft. In what fenfe we hold the Roman a true Church, is fo clear'd that this Iron is too hot for their fingers. Anfw. Have a care it be not the iron to fear your own Conference. Pag. 23- Remonft. Yeneednotdoubt but that the alteration of thcLiturgy will becoa- fider'd by wifer heads than your own. Anfw. We doubt it r.ot, becaufe we know ycur head looks to be one. Remonft. Our Liturgy fymbolizeth not with Popiftj Mafs, neither as Mafs nor as Popiftj. Anfw. A pretty flip-fkin conveyance to fift Mafs into no Mafs, and Popi/h into not Popifh ; yet faving this palling fine fophiftical boulting hutch, fo long as fhe fymbolizes in form, and pranks herfelf in the weeds of Popiftj Mafs, it may be juftly rear'd fire provokes the jealoufy of God, no otherwife than a Wile affecting whorifh attire kindles a dillurbance in the eye of her dif- cerning Huiband. Pa? i± Remonft. If I find Gold in the Channel, lhall I throw it away becaufe it was * + ' ill laid ? Anfw. You have forgot that Gold hath been anathematiz'd for the idolatrous ufe •, and to eat the good creatures of God once offer'd to Idols, is in Saint Paul's account to have fellowfhip with Devils, and to partake of the Devil's Table. And thus you throttle your felf with your own Similies. Remonft. If the Devils confeft the Son of God, lhall I difclaim that truth ? Anfw. You fifted not fo clean before, but you fhuffle as foully now ; as if there were the like neccfiity of confeffing Chrift, and ufing the Liturgy : we do not difclaim that truth ; becaufe we never believ'd it for his teftintany, but we may well reject a Liturgy ; which had no being that we can know of, but from the corrupter!: limes : if therfore the Devil mould be given 2 never Remonftrants Defence^ &c. 8% never fo much to Prayer, I mould not therfore ceafe from that Duty, becaufe 1 learnt it not from him ; but if he would commend to me a new Pater-nofter, though never fo feeming holy, he fhould excufe me the form which was his but the matter, which was none of his, he could not give me, nor I be laid to take it from him. 'Tis not the gcodnefs of matter, therfore which is not, nor can be ow'd to the Liturgy, that will bear it out, if the form, which is the EfTence of it, be fantaftic and fuperftitious, the End finifter, and the Impofition violent.' Remonft. Had it been compofed into this frame on purpofe to bring Papifts to our Churches. Anfw. To bring them to our Churches ? alas, what was that ? unlefs they had been firft fitted by Repentance, and right Inftruction. You'll fay, the Word was there preacht which is the means of Converfion -, you mould have given fo much honour then to the Word preacht, as to have" left it to God's working without the interloping of a Liturgy baited for them to bite at. Remonft. The Project had been charitable and gracious. Anfw. It was Pharilaical, and vain-glorious, a greedy defire to win Pro- felytes by conforming to them unlawfully ; like the defire of Tamar, who to raife up Seed to her Hufband, fate in the common Road dreft like a Courtezan, and he that came to her committed Inceft with her. This was that which made the old Chriftians paganize, while by their fcandalous and bafe conform- ing to Heathenifm they did no more, when they had done their utmoft, but bring fome Pagans to chriftianize ; for true Chriftians they neither were themfelveSj nor could make other fuch in this fiihion. Remonft. If there be found aught in Liturgy that may endanger a Scandal, p a „. 2 c. it is under careful hands to remove it. Anfw. Such careful hands as have mown themfelves fooner bent to remove and expel the Men from the Scandals, than the Scandals from the Men, and to lofe a Soul rather than a Syllable or a Surplice. Re7nonft. It is idoliz'd they fay in England, they mean at Amfterdam. Anfw. Be it idoliz'd therfore where it will, it is only idolatriz'd in Eng- land. Remonft. Multitudes of People they fay diftafte it j more lhame for thofe that have fo miftaught them. Anfw. More fhame for thofe that regard not the troubling of God's Church with things by themfelves confeft to be indifferent, fince true Charity is af- flicted, and burns at the offence of every little one. As for the Chriftian multitude which you affirm to be fo miftaught, it is evident enough, though you would declaim never fo long to the contrary, that God hath now taught them to deteftyour Liturgy and Prelacy ; God who hath promis'd to teach all his Children, and to deliver them out of your hands that hunt and worry their Souls : hence is it that a Man fhall commonly find more favoury know- ledge In one Lay-man, than in a dozen of Cathedral Prelates ; as we read in our Saviour's time that the common people had a reverend efteem of him, and held him a great Prophet, whilft the gowned Rabbies, the incomparable, and invincible Doctors were of opinion that he was a Friend of Beelzebub. Remonft. If the multitude diftafte wholefome Doctrine, fhall we to humour p a . 2 g, them abandon it ? Anfw. Yet again ! as if there were the like neceflity of faving Doctrine, and arbitrary if not unlawful, or inconvenient Liturgy : who would have thought a Man could have thwackt together fo many incongruous Similitudes, had it not been to defend the motley incoherence of a patch'd Miffal ? Remonft. Why did not other Churches conform to us ? I may boldly fay ours was, and is the more noble Church. Anfw. O Laodicean, how vainly and how carnally doft thou boaft of noble- nefs, and precedency ! more Lordly you have made our Church indeed, but not more noble. Remonft. The fecond qiucre is fo weak* that I wonder it could fill from the p Pens of wife men. " s ' Anfw. You're but a bad Fencer, for you never make a proffer againft another Man's weaknefs; but you leave your own fide always open: mark what follows. Remonft, , S6 Animadverfions upon the Remonft. Brethren, can ye think that our Reformers had any other Inten- tions than all the other Founders of "Liturgies, theleaft part of whofe care was the help of the Minifter's weaknefs ? Pay. 12. Anfw. Do you not perceive the noife you have brought your felf into whilft you were fo brief to taunt other Men with weaknefs? Is it clean out of your mind what you cited from among the Councils ; that the principal fcope of thofe L«7«r£y-Founders was to prevent either the malice or the weak- nefs of the Minifters, their malice of infufing Hcrefy in their Forms of Prayer; their weaknefs, left fomething might be compofed by them through ignorance or want of care contrary to the Faith ? Is it not now rather to be wondred that fuch a weaknefs could fall from the Pen of fuch a wife Remon- jlrant Man ? Remonft. Their main drift was the help of the People's Devotion, that they knowing before the matter that fhould be fued for. Anfw. A foilicitous care, as if the People could be ignorant of the matter to be pray'd for •, feeing the heads of public Prayer are either ever conftant, or very frequently the fame. Remcpft. And the words wherewith it fhould be cloth'd, might be the more prepar'd, and be fo much the more intent, and lefs diffracted. Anfw. As for the words, it is more to be fear'd left the fame continually fhould make them carelefs or fleepy, than that variety on the fame known Subject fhould diffract ; variety (as both Mufic and Rhetoric teacheth us) erects and rouzes an Auditory, like the Mafterful running over many Cords and Divifions ; wheras if Men fhotild ever be thumming the Drone of one plain Song, it would be a dull Opiat to the moft wakeful attention. Paz. 50. Remonft. Tell me, is this Liturgy good or evil ? Anfw. It is evil : repair the Acheloian horn of your Dilemma how you can, againft the next pufh. Remonft. If it be evil, it is unlawful to be us'd. Anfw. We grant you, and we find you have not your Sak/e about you. Remonft. Were the Impofition amifs, what is that to the People ? Anfw. Not a little, becaufe they bear an equal part with the Prieft in ma- ny places, and have their Cues and Verfets as well as he. p r Remonft. The ears and hearts of our people look for a fettled Liturgy. Anfw. You deceive your felf in their ears and hearts, they look for no fuch matter. Remonft. The like anfwer ferves for Homelies, furely were they enjoin'd to all, &c. Anfw. Let it ferve for them that will be ignorant, we know that Hayward their own Creature writes, that for defect of Preachers, Homilies were appoint- ed to be read in Churches, while Edw. 6. reigned. Remonft. Away then with the Book, whilft it may be fupply'd with a more *' 3 profitable nonfenfe. Anfw. Away with it rather, becaufe it will be hardly fupply'd with a more unprofitable nonfenfe, than is in fome pafTages of it to be feen. Sect. 3. Pag. 32. Remonft. Thus their Cavils concerning Liturgy are vanifht. Anfw. You wanted but Hey-paffe to have made yourtranfition like a myfti- cal Man of St ur bridge. But for all your Height of hand, ourjuft exceptions againft Liturgy are not vanifht, they ftare you ftill in the face. Remonft. Certainly had I done fo, I had been no lefs worthy to be fpit upon for my faucy uncharitablenefs, than they are now for their uncharitable falfhood. Anfw. We fee you are in choler, therfore 'till you cool a while we turn us to the ingenuous Reader. See how this Remonfrant would inveft himfelf conditionally with all the Rheum of the Town, that he might have fuffici- ent to befpaul his Brethren. They are accus'd by him of uncharitable falf- hood, wheras their only Crime hath been, that they have too creduloufljr thought him, if not an over-logical, yet a well-meaning Man •, but now we find him either grofly deficient in his Principles of Logic, or elfe purpoiely bent to delude the Parlament with equivocal Sophiftry, fcattering among his Periods Remonjlrants Defence, Sec. Sj Periods ambiguous words, whofe interpretation he will afterwards difpenfe according to his pleafure, laying before us univerfal Propofitions, and then thinks when he will to pinion them with a limitation : for fay Remcnjlrant, Remonft. Epifcopal Government is cry'd down abroad by either weak or factious Perfons. Anfw. Choofeyou whether you will have this Propofition prov'd to you to be ridiculous, or fophiftical ; for one of the two it muff. be. Step again to Biihop Do-wnam your Patron, and let him gently catechife you in the grounds of Logic, he will fhew you that this Axiom, Epifcopal Government, is cry'd down abroad by either weak or factious Perfons, is as much as to fay, they that cry down Epifcopacy abroad, are either weak or faclious Perfons. He will tell you that this Axiom contains a Diftribution, and that all fuch Axi- oms are general ; and laftly, that the Diftribution in which any part is want- ing, or abundant, is faulty, and fallacious. If therfore diftributing by the adjuncts of Faction, weakens the Perfons that decry Epifcopacy, and you made your diftribution imperfect for the nonce, you cannot but be guilty of fraud intended toward the honourable Court, to whom you wrote. Ifyba had ra- ther vindicate your honefty, and fufFer in your want of Art, you cannot con- demn them of uncharitable falfhood, that attributed to you more fkill than you had, thinking you had been able to have made a diftribution, as it oii"ht to be, general, and full ; and fo any Man would take it, the rather as bein°-' accompanied with that large word (Abroad) and fo take again either your manifeft lefing, or manifeft ignorance. Remonjl. Now come thefe brotherly Slanderers. P"g 34- Anfw. Go on dxffzmbYmvJoab, as ftill your ufe is, call Brother and fmite ; call Brother and fmite, 'till it be faidofyou, as the like was of Herod, a Man had better be your Hog than your Brother. Renwnjt. Which never came within the verge of my thoughts. Anfw. Take a Metaphor or two more as good, the Precinct, or the Dio- cefs of your thoughts. Remonjl. Brethren, if you have any remainders of Modefty or Truth, cry God mercy. Anfvj. Remonflrant, if you have no ground-work of Logic, or plain-deal- ing in you, learn both as faft as you can. Remonft. Of the fame ftrain is their witty defcant of my confoundednefs. ■ Anfw. Speak no more of it, it was a fatal word that God put into your mouth when you began to fpeak for Epifcopacy, as boding confufion to it. Remonft. I am ftill, and fhall ever be thus felf-confounded, as confidently to P<ig. 35.' fay that he is no peaceable, and right-affected Son of the Church of England, that doth not wifh well to Liturgy and Epifcopacy. Anfw. If this be not that faucy uncharitablenefs, with which in the fore- going Page you voluntarily invefted your felf with thought to have fhifted it off", let the Parlament judge, who now thcmfelves are deliberating whether Liturgy and Epifcopacy be to be well wifht to, or not. Remonft. This they fay they cannot but rank amongft my notorious — fpeak outMafters, I would not have that word flick in your Teeth, or in your Throat. Anfw. Take your Spectacles, Sir, it flicks in the Paper, and was a pectoral Roule we prepar'd for you to fwallow down to your Heart. Remonft. Wanton Wits muft have leave to play with their own fterne. Pag. 36. Anfw. A Meditation of yours doubtlefs obferv'd at Lambeth from one of the Arcbiepifcopal Kittens. Remonjl. As for that form of Epifcopal Government, furely could thofe Remonft. look with my Eyes, they would fee.caufe to be afhamed of this their injuri- p - l8 - ous mifconceit. Anfw. We muft call the Barber for this wife Sentence ; one Mr. Ley the other day writ a Treatife of the Sabbath, and in his Preface, puts the wifdom of Baalam's Afs upon one of our Bijhops, bold Man for his labour; but we fhall have more refpeft to our Remonjl rant, and liken him to the Afs's Mafter, though the Story fays he was not fo quick-fighted as his Beaft. Is not this Baalam the Son of Bear, the Man whofe Eyes are opehj that faid to the Parla~ went, furely could thofe look with my Eyes ; boaft not of your Eyes, 'tis fear'd you have Baalam's Difeafe, a pearl in your Eye, Mammon's Preftriction. Rc?ncnft. t 88 Animadverfions upon ihe Tag. i-]. Remonft. Alas we could tell you of China, Japan, Peru, Brazil, NewEng* land, Virginia, and a thoufand others that never had any Bi/hcps to this da} . Anfw. O do not foil your Caufe thus, and trouble Ortelius ; we can help you, and tell you where they have been ever fince Conftantine's timeatleaft, in a place call'd Mundus alter & idem, in the fpacious and rich Countries ot'Cra- pulia, Pamphagonia, Yuronia, and in the Dukedom ofOrgilia, and Variana, and their Metropolis oillcalegonimn. It was an overfight that none of your prime Antiquaries could think of thefe venerable Monuments to deduce Epij'copacy by j knowing: that Mercurius Britannicus had them forth-coming. Sect. 4. Remonft. Hitherto they have flourifh'd, now I hope they will ftrike. Anfw. His former tranfition was in the Fair about the juglers, now he is at the Pageants among the Whifflers. Pag. 4> Remonft. As if Arguments were Almanacks. Anfw.You will find ibme fuch as will prognosticate your Date, and tell you that after your longSummer Solftice, the Mauator calls for you, to reduce you to the ancient and equal Houfe of Libra. Remonft. Truly Brethren, you have not well taken the height of the Pole. Anfw. No marvel, there be many more that do not take well the height of your Pole ; but will take better the declination of your Altitude. Paz 44 Remonft. He that faid I am the Way, laid that the old way was the good Way. Anfw. He bids afk of the old Paths, or for the old Ways, where or which is the good Way •, which implies that all old Ways are not good, but that the good Way is to be fearcht with diligence among the old Ways, which is a thing that we do in the oldeft Records we have, the Gofpel. And if other* may chance to fpend more time with you in canvaffing later Antiquity, I fup- pofe it is not for that they ground themfelves theron ; but that they endea- vour by mewing the corruptions, incertainties, and difagreements of thofe Volumes, and the eafinefs of erring, or overflipping in fuch a boundlefs and vaftfearch, if they may not convince thofe that are fo ftrongly perfuaded thereof •, yet to free ingenuous Minds from that over-awful Efteem of thole more ancient than trufty Fathers, whom Cuftom and fond Opinion, weak Principles, and the neglect of founder and fuperiour Knowledge hath exalted lb high as to have gain'd them a blind Reverence •, whofe Books in bignefs, and number fo endlefs and immeafurable, I cannot think that either God or Nature, either divine or human Wifdom, did ever mean ihould be a rule or reliance to us in the decifion of any weighty and pofitive Doclrine : For certainly every Rule and Inftrument of neceflary Knowledge that God hath given us, ought to be fo in proportion, as may be wielded and manag'd by the Life of Man, without penning him up from the duties of human Society ; and fuch a rule and inftrument of Knowledge perfectly is the Holy Bible. But he that fhall bind himfelf to make Antiquity his Rule, if he read but part, befides the difficulty of choice, his Rule is deficient, and utterly unfatisfying ; for there may be other Writers of another mind, which he hath not ieen ; and if he undertake all, the length of Man's Life cannot extend to give him a full and requifite knowledge of what was done in Antiquity. Why do we therfore ftand worfhipping and admiring this unaclive and lifelefs Colojfus, that like a carved Gyant terribly menacing to children and weaklings, lifts up his Club, but ftrikes not, and isfubject to the muting of every Sparrow r If you let him reft upon his Bafts, he may perhaps delight the Eyes of fome with his huge and mountainous Bulk, and the quaint Workmanfhip of his mafiy Limbs : but if ye go about to take him in pieces, ye marr him ; and if you think, like Pigmies, to turn and wind him whole as he is, befides your vain Toil and Sweat, he may chance to fall upon your own Heads. Go therfore, and ufe all your Art, apply your Sledges, your Levers, and your Iron Crows, to heave and hale your mighty Polypbeme of Antiquity to the delufion of Novices, and unexperienc'd Chriftians. We fhall adhere dole to the Scriptures of God, which he hath left us as the juft and adequate mea- fure of Truth, fitted and proportion'd to the diligent ftudy, memory, and ufe of every faithful Man, whofe every part confenting and making up the harmonies Remonftrants Defence, Sec. 8o armonious Symmetry ofcompleat Inftruftioh, is able to fee out to us a perfect Man of God, or Bijhop throughly furnifiVd to aJJ the good Works of his 2 Tim. iii. Charge: and with this Weapon, without ftepping a foot further, we fhall not l6, '7* doubt to batter and throw down your Nebuchadnezzar's Image, and crumble it lik : the* haffof the Summer Threfhing- Floors, as well as the Gold of thofe Apoltolic Succeffors that you boaft of, as your Conflantinian Silver, together with the Iron, the Brafs, and the Clay of thofe muddy and ftrawy Ages that 1 . 'Rem ■?. Let the bolde'ft forehead of them all deny that Epifcopacy hath con- Pag. 45. tinued thus long in our Illand, or that any till this Age contradicted it.' Anfw. That bold Forehead you have cleanly put upon yourfelf, 'tis you who deny tiiatany till this Age contradicted it ; no forehead of ours dares do fo much : you have row'd yourfelf fairly between the Scylla and Charybdis, either of impudence or nonfenfe, and now betake you to whether you pleafe. Remonft. As for that fupply of acceflbry Strength which I not beg. Anfw. Your whole Remonjlrance does nothing elfe but beg it, and your Fel- lovr-Prelates do as good as whine to the Parian t heir Flefh-ppts 6f-Egypt, making fad Orations at the Funeral of your dear Prelacy, like that doubty Centurion Afranius in Lucian ; who to imitate the noble Ferities in his Epita- ph! an Speech, ftepping up after the Battle to bewail the (lain Severianus, iixlh into a pitiful Cqndolement, to think of thofe coftly Suppers, and drinking Banquets which he muft now tafte of no more ; and by then he had done, lack'd but little to lament the dear-loved Memory, and calamitous Lois of his Capon and White Broth. Remonft. But raife and evince from the light of Nature, and the rules ofjuft Policy, for the continuance of thofe things which long Ufe, and many Laws have firmly eftablifh'd as neceffary and beneficial. Anfw. Open your eyes to the light of Grace, a better guide than Nature. Look upon the mean Condition of Chrijl and his Apojlles, without that accef- lbry ftrength you take fuch pains to raife from the light of Nature and Poli- cy: take divine counfel, Labour not for the things that perifh ; you would be the fait of the Earth, if that favour be not found in you, do not think much that the time is now come to throw you out, and tread you under foot : Hark how St. Paul, writing to Timothy, informs a true Bifhop ; Bifiops (faith he) invfil not be greedy of filthy lucre -, and having food and reyment, let us be therwitb content : but they (faith he, meaning more efpecially in that place Bijhops) that will be rich, fall into temptation, and a fnare, and into many foolijb and hurtful Lufls, which drown M drutlion and perdition : for the love of Money is the root of all evil, which while fame coveted after, they have erred from the Faith, How can we the rfore expect lound Doctrine, and the folution of this our Controverfy from any covetous and honour- hunting Bifloop, that fhall plead fo ftiffly for thefe things ? while St. Paul thus exhorts every Bijhop ; But thou, O Man of Cod, flee tbcfe things. As for the juft Policy, that long Ufe and Cuftom, and thofe many Laws which you lay have conferred thefe Benefits upon you ; it hath been nothing elfe but the fuperftitious Devotion of Princes and great Men that knew no better, or the bafe importunity of begging Fri- ers, haunting and haraffing the death-beds of Men departing this .Lite, in a blind and wretched Condition of hope to merit Heaven for the building of Churches, Cloyfters, and Convents. The moft of your vaunted Poffeffions, and thofe proud Endowments that ye as finfully wafte, what are they but the black revenues of Purgatory, the price of abufed and murder'd Souls, the damned Simony of Tren.'als, and Indulgences to mortal Sin ? How can ye chufe but inherit the Curfe that goes along with fuch a Patrimony ? Alas ! if there be any releafeinent, any mitigation, or more tolerable being for the Souls of ourmifguided Anceftors -, could we imagine there might be any recovery to fome degree of cafe left for as many of them as are loft, there cannot be abetter wa than to talqe the mifb;ftowcd Wealth which they were cheated of, from thefe our Prelates, who are the true Succefiors of thofe that popt the other World, with this conceit of meriting by their Goods, their final undoing ; and to bellow their beneficent Gifts upon id Means of Chriftian Education, and the faithful Labourers in God's II..- ft, that may inceffantly warn the pofterity of Dives, left they come Vol. I. N where po Animadvcrftons upon the where their miferable Forefather was fent by the coufenage and mifleading of avaritious and worldly Prelates. Remcnft. It will ftand long enough againft the battery of their paper-pellets. Jnfw. That muft be try'd with a fquare Cap in the Council •, and if Pellets will not do, your own Canons fhall be turn'd againft you. Rcmonfl. They cannot name any Man in this Nation that ever contradicted Epifcopacy, till this prefent Age. Anfw. What an over-worn and bed-rid Argument is this, the laft Refuge ever of old falfhood, and therfore a good iign I truft that your Caftle cannot hold out long. This was the plea of Judaifm, and Idolatry againft Chrift and his Apoflles, of Papacy againft Reformation ; and perhaps to the frailty of Flefh and Blood in a Man deftituteof better enlightening, may for fome while be pardonable : for what hasflcfhly apprehenfion other to lubfift by than Suc- ceffion Cuftom, and Vifibility •, which only hold, if in his weaknefs and blindnefs he be loth to lofe, who can blame ? But in a Proteflant Nation that ftiould have thrown off thefe tatter'd Rudiments long ago, after the many ftrivino-s of God's Spirit, and our fourfcore Years vexation of him in this our Wildernefs fince Reformation began, to urge thefe ratten Principles, and twit us with the prefent Age, which is to us an age of ages wherin God ismanifeft- ly come down among us, to do fome remarkable good to our Church or State, is as if a Man fliould tax the renovating and re-ingendring Spirit of God with Innovation, and that new Creature for an upftart Novelty •, yea, the new Je- rufalem, which without your admired link of Succefiion defcends from Heaven, could not efcape fome fuchlikecenfure. If you require a further anfwer, it will not mifbecomea Chriftian to be either more magnanimous, or more de^ vout than Snpio was ; who inftead of other anfwer to the frivolous accufations of Petilius the Tribune, This day Romans (faith he) I fought with Hanibal prof- ■percujly ; let us all go and thank the Gods that gave us fo great a Vitlory : in like manner will we now fay, not caring otherwife to anfwer this Un-proteftant- like Objection •, In this age, Britains, God hath reform'd his Church after ma- ny hundred years of Popijh corruption ; in this Age he hath freed us from the intolerable yoke of Prelates and Papal Difcipline ; in this Age he hath renew- ed our Proteftation againft all thofe yet remaining dregsof Superftition. Let us all go, every true protefted Britain, throughout the three Kingdoms, and render thanks to God the Father of Light, and Fountain of heavenly Grace, and to his Son Christ our Lord •, leaving this Remonfirant and his Adherents to their own Defi^ns. and let us recount evenhere without delay, the patience and long- fufferinor that God hath ufed towards our blindnefs and hardnefs time after time. For he being equally near to his whole Creation of Mankind, and of free pow- er to turn his benefic and fatherly regard to what Region or Kingdom he p'eafes, hath yet ever had this Ifland under the fpecial indulgent eye of his Providence : and pitying us the firft of\all other Nations, after he had decreed to purify and renew his Church that lay wallowing in Idolatrous Pollutions, fent firft to us a healing Meffenger to touch foftly our Sores, and carry a gentle hand over our Wounds : he knock'd once and twice and came again, opening our drow- fy Eye lids leifurely by that glimmeringlight which Wicklef, and his Followers difperfed ; and ftill taking off by degrees the inveterate fcales from our nigh perifh'd fight, purg'd alio our deaf Ears, and prepared them to attend hisfe- cond warning Trumpet in our Grandfires days. Flow elfe could they have been able to have receiv'd the fudden affault of his reforming Spirit, warring a"ainft human Principles, and carnal fenfe, the pride of Fleih that ftill cry'd up Antiquity, Cuftom, Canons, Councils and Laws ; and cry'd down the Truth for Novelty, Schifm, Prophanenefs and Sacrilege : whenas we that have liv'd f > long in abundant Light, befides the funny reflection of all the nci°hbouring Churches, have yet our hearts riveted with thofe old Opinions, and fo obftracted and benumb'd with the fame flefhly reafonings, which in our Forefathers foon melted and gave way, againft the morning-beam of Reformation. If God hath left undone this whole work fo contrary to Flefh and Blood, till thefe times •, how fliould we have yielded to his heavenly Call, had we been taken, as they were, in the ftarknefs of our Ignorance ; that yet after all thefe lpiritual Preparatives and Purgations, have our eaith- Remonftrants Defence , &£. p x \y Apprehenfions fo clamm'd, and furr'd with the old Leven. Oifwe freeze at noon after their early Thaw, let us fear left the Sun for ever hide him- felf, and turn his orient fteps from our ingrateful Horizon, juftly condemn'd to be eternally benighted. Which dreadful Judgment, O thou the ever-be- gotten Light and perfect Image of the Father, intercede, may never come up- on us, as we truft thou haft •, for thou haft open'd our difficult and fad times, and given us an unexpected breathing after our long Oppreffions ; thou haft done Juftice upon thole that tyrannized over us, while fome Men waver'd and admir'd a vain fhadow of Wifdom in a Tongue nothing flow to utter Guile, though thou haft taught us to admire only that which is good, and to count that only praife-worthy which is grounded upon thy divine Precepts. Thou haft difcover'd the plots, and fruftrated the hopes of all the wicked in the Land* and put to fhame the Perfecutors of thy Church ; thou haft made our falfe Prophets to be found a lye in the fight of all the People, and chaced them with fudden Confufion and Amazement before the redoubled brightnefs of thy de- fending Cloud, that now covers thy Tabernacle. Who is there that cannot trace thee now in thy beamy Walk through the midft of thy Sanctuary, atnidft thofe golden Candlejlics, which have long fuffered a dimnefs amongft us through the violence of thofe that had feiz'd them, and were more taken with the mention of their Gold than of their ftarry Light; teaching the Doctrine of Balaam, to caft a ftumbling-block before thy fervants, commanding them to eat things facrificed to Idols, and forcing them to Fornication ? Come there- fore, O thou that haft the feven Stars in thy right hand, appoint thy chofen Priefis according to their Orders and Courfes of old, to minifter before thee, and duly to prefs and pour out the confecrated Oil into thy holy and ever-burn- ing Lamps. Thou haft fentout the Spirit of prayer upon thy Servants overall the Land to this effect, and ftirr'd up their vows as the found of many waters about thy throne. Every one can fay, that now certainly thou haft vifited this Land, and haft not forgotten the utmoft corners of the Earth, in a time when Men had thought that thou waft gone up from us to the fartheft end of the Heavens, and hadft left to do marvelloufly among the Sons of thefe laft Ages. O perfect and accomplifh thy glorious Acts ; for Men may leave their Works unfinifh'd, but thou art a God, thy Nature is Perfection : fhouldft thou bring us thus far onward from Egypt to deftroy us in this Wildernefs, though we deferve •, yet thy great Name would fufter in the rejoicing of thine Enemies, and the deluded hope of all thy Servants. When thou haft fettled Peace in the Church, and righteous Judgment in the Kingdom, then fhall all thy Saints addrefs their voices of Joy and Triumph to thee, ftanding on the fhore of that red Sea into which our Enemies had almoft driven us. And he that now for hafte fnatches up a plain ungarnifh'd Prefent as a Thank-offer- ingto thee, which could not be deferr'd in regard of thy fo many late deli- verances wrought for us one upon another, may then perhaps take up a Harp, and fing thee an elaborate Song to Generations. In that day it fhall no more be faid as in fcorn, this or that was never held fo till this prefent Age, when Men have better learnt that the times and feafons pafs along under thy feet, to go and come at thy bidding : and as thou didft dignify our Father's days with many Revelations above all the foregoing Ages, fince thou took'ft the Flefh ; fo thou canft vouchfafe to us (though unworthy) as large a portion of thy Spirit as thou pleafeft ; for who fhall prejudice thy all-governing Will ? feeing the power of thy Grace is not paft away with the primitive times, as fond and faithlefs Men imagine, but thy Kingdom is now at hand, and thou ftanding at the door. Come forth out of thy Royal Chambers, O Prince of all the Kings of the Earth, put on the vifible Robes of thy imperial Ma- jefty, take up that unlimited Scepter which thy Almighty Father hath be- queathed thee •, for now the voice of thy Bride calk thee, and all Creatures figh toberenew'd. Sect. 5. Remonjl. Neglect not the Gift which was given thee by Prophecy, and by laying on the hands of Presbytery. Anfw. The Englijh Tranflation expreflfes the Article {the), and rer.d.TS it the Presbytery, which you do injury to omit. Vo l, I. N 2 Remonjl t p 2 Animadverfwns upon the fag. 50. Removfi. Which I wonder ye can fo prcfs, when Calvin himfelf takes it of the Office, and not of the Men. Anfw. You think then you are fairly quit of this proof, becaufe Calv'm in- terprets it for you, as if we could be put off with Calvin's name, unlefs we be convinc'd with Calvin's reafon ; the word tifttftoiiatm is a collective Noun, Signifying a certain number of Men in one order, as the word Privy-Council wTth us, and fo Beza interprets, that knew Calvin's mind doubtlefs, with whom he liv'd. If any amongft us mould fay the Privy-Council ordain'd it, and therby conftrain us to underftand one Man's Authority, fhould we not laugh at him ? And therfore when you have us'd all your cramping Irons to the Text, and done your utmoft to cram a Prejbytery into the fkin of one Perfon, 'twill' be but a piece of frugal nonfenfe. But if your meaning be with a vio- lent Hyperbaton to tranfpofe the Text, as if the words lay thus in order, neg- lect not the gift of Prejbytery ; this were a conftruction like a Harquebuze fhoc over a file of words twelve deep, without authority to bid them ftoop ; or to make the word Gift, like the River Mole in Surrey, to run under the bottom of a long line, and fo ftart up to govern the word Prejbytery, as an immediate Syntaxis; a device ridiculous enough to make good that old wife's tale of a certain Queen of England that funk at Charing- crofs, and rofe up at ^neenhithe. No marvel though the ?>-<?/«/« be a troublefome Generation, and which wayfo- ever they turn them, put all things into a foul difccmpofure, when to maintain ' their domineering they feek thus to rout and dif- array the wife and well-couch'd' order of Saint Paul's own words, ufmg either a certain textual Riot to chop off the hands of the word Prejbytery, or elfe a like kind of Simony to clap the word Gift between them. Befides, if the verfe ifiuft be read according to this tranfpofition, ^. ffynEXsw a <w j^'V*™? n tt^j^t::!*, it would be improper to call Ordination x^icr^a, whenas it is rather only x- : i- : '< T !^, an outward Tes- timony of Approbation, unlefs they will make it a Sacrament, as the Papijfs do : But furely the Prelates would have Saint Paul's words ramp one over a- nother, as they ufe to climb into their Livings and Bifiopricks . Remonjl. Neither need we give any other fatisfaction to the point, than from Saint Paul Himfelf, 2 Timothy i. 6. Stir up the gift of God which is in thee by the impofition of my hands ■, mine, and not others. Anfw. Ye are too quick •, this laft place is to be understood by the former, as the Law of Method, which bears chief fway in the Art of teaching, requires, that cleareft and plaineft Expreffions be fet foremoft, to the end they may en- lighten any following Obfcurity ; and wherfore we fhould not attribute a right method to the teachablenefs of Scripture, there can be no reafon given : to which Method, if we fhall now go contrary, befides the breaking of a logical Rule, which the Remonftrant hitherto we fee hath made little account of, We fhall alfo put a manifeft Violence and Impropriety upon a known word againft his common Signification, in binding a collective to a Angular Perfon. But if we fhall, as Logic (or indeed Reafon) inftrufts us, expound the latter place by the former cited, and underftand, (by the Impofition of my hands) that is, of mine chiefly as an Apoflle, with the joint Authority and Affiftance of the Pref- bytery, there is nothing more ordinary or kindly in Speech, than fuch a Phrafe as expreffes only the chief in any Action, and underftands the reft. So that the Impofition of Saint Paul's hands, without more expreffion in this place, cannot exclude the joint Aft of the Presbytery affirmed by the former Text. Pag. -6. Remonfi. In the mean while fee Brethren how you have with Simon fifh'd all night, and caught nothing. Anfw. If we fifhing with Simon the Apoftle can catch nothing, fee what you can catch with Simon Magus; for all his hooks and fifhing Implements he be- queathed among you. Sect. 13. Remonft.'We do again profefs, that if our Bifoops challenge any other Power than was delegated to, and required of Timothy and Titus, we fhall yield them Ufurpers. Anfw. Ye cannot compare an ordinary Bifhop with Timothy, who was an ex-, traordinary Man, foretold and promis'd to the Church by many Prophecies, and Remonftrants Defence ', Sec. 03 dhis BBftns join' d as collateral with Saint Paul, in moft of his Apoftolic E- piftles, even where he writes to the Biftjops of other Churches, as thofe in Phi- lippi. Nor can you prove out of the Scripture that Timothy was BifJjop of any particular place •, for that wherin it is laid in the third Verfe of the firft Epiftle^ As Ibefought thee to abide ft HI at Epbefus, will be fuch a glofs to prove the con- ftitution of a Bijhop by, as would not only be not fo good as a Bourdeaux glofs •, but fcarcs be receiv'd to varnilh a Vizard of Modona. All that can be ga- thered out of holy Writ concerning Timothy is, that he was either an Apojlle, or an Apoftle's extraordinary Vicegerent, not confin'd to the charge of any place. The like may be faid of Titus, (as thofe words import in the 5th verfe) that he was for that caufe left in Crete, that he might fupply or proceed to fet in order that which Saint Paul in Apoftolic manner had begun, lor which he had his particular Commifiion, as thofe words found, {as I had appointed thee) So that what he did in Crete, cannot fo much bethought the exercife of an ordinary Function, as the direction of an infpired mouth. No lefs alio may be gather'd from the 2 Cor. viii. 23. Remonft. You defcend to the Angels of the feven Aftan Churches,,your fhift is, that the word Angel is here taken collectively, not individually. Anfw. That the Word is colledtive, appears plainly, Revel, ii. Firft, Becaufe the Text itfelf expounds it fo •, for having fpoken all the while as to the Angel, the feventh Verfe concludes that this was fpoken to the Churches. Now if the Spirit conclude collectively, and kept the lame tenor all the way, for we fee not where he particularizes •, then certainly he mult begin collectively, elfe the Conftruction can be neither Grammatical nor Lo- gical. - Secondly, If the word Angel be individual, then are the faults attributed to him individual : but they are fuch as for which God tbiv.ii.-ns to remove the Candleftick out of his place, which is as much as to take away from thatChurch the Light of his Truth : and we cannot think he would do fo for one Bijhop's fault. Therfore thofe faults mull be underftood collective, and by confequence the fubject of them collective. Thirdly, an individual cannot branch itfelf into Subindividuals ; but this word Angel doth in the tenth Verfe. Fear none of thofe things which thoufloalt fuffer ; behold the Devil Jh all c aft fome of you into prifon. And the like from o- ther places of this and the following Chapter may be obierved. Therfore it is no individual word, but a collective. Fourthly, In the 24th Verfe this word Angel is made capable of a Pronoun plural, which could not be, unlels it were a Collective. As for the fuppofed Manufcript of Tecla, and two or three other Copies that have expung'd the Copulative, we cannot prefer them before the more receiv'd reading, and we hope you will not againft the Tranflation of your Mother the Church of Eng- land, that paft the revife of your chiefeft Prelates : Befides this, you will lay an unjuft cenfure upon the much-praifed Bijhop ot'Thyatira, and reckon him among thofe that had the Doctrine of Jefabel, when the Text fays, he only fuf- fer' d her. Wheras, if you will but let in a charitable conjunction, as we know your fo much calPd-for Charity will not deny, then you plainly acquit the Bijhop, if you comprehend him in the name of Angel, otherwife you leave his cafe very doubtful. Remonft. Thou fuffer -ejl thy Wife Jesabel : was ihe Wife to the whole Compa- p ag . ,05. ny, or to one Bijhop alone ? Anfw. Not to the whole Company doubtlefs, for that had but worfe than to have bin the Levite's Wife in Gibeah : but here among all thofe that conftantly read it otherwife, whom you trample upon, your good Mother of England is down again in the throng, who with the reft reads it, that Woman Jefabel : but fuppofe it were Wife, a Man might as well interpret that word figurative- ly, as her name Jefabel no Man doubts to be a borrow'd Name. Remonft. Yet what makes this for a Diocefan Bijhop ? much every way. P , , ,. Anfzv. No more than a fpecial Endorfcment could make to puff up the Fore- man of a Jury. If we deny you more precedence, than as the Senior of any Society, or deny you this priority to be longer than annual ; prove you th^ contrary from hence, if you can. That you think to do from the title of e- minence, Angel : alas your wings are too Ihurt. 'Tis not Ordination nor Ju- 2 rifdicuon P4 Ammadverfions upon the rifdiction that is Angelical, but the heavenly Meffage of the Gofpel, which is Mat. xi. the Office of all Minifters alike ; in which fenfe "John the Bafttfi is call'J an Angel, which in Greek fignifiesa Meffenger* as oft as it is meant by a Man, and micht be fo rendered here without treafon to the Hierarchy ; but that the whole Book foars to a prophetic pitch in Types, and Allegories. Seeing, then the reafon of this borrow'd Name is merely tofignify the preaching of the Gofpel, and that this preaching equally appertains to the whole Minijiry -, hence may be drawn a fifth argument, that if the reafon of this borrow'd Name Angel be equally collective, and communicative to the whole preaching Mini- ftry of the place, then muft the name be collectively and communicatively taken ; but the reafon, that is to fay, the office of preaching and watching over the Flock, is equally collective and communicative : Therfore the borrow'd name itfelfis to be underftood as equally collective and communicative to the whole preaching Miniftry of the place. And if you will contend ftill for a Su- periority in one Perfon, you mull ground it better than from this Metaphor, which you may now deplore as the Ax-head that fell into the water, and fay, Alas Mafter, for it was borrow'd ; unlefs you have as good a faculty to make Iron fwim, as you had to make light Froth fink, Pag. 124; Remonft. "What is, if this be not Ordination and Jurifdiction ? Anfw. Indeed in the Constitution, and founding of a Church, that fome Men infpired from God fhould have an extraordinary Calling to appoint, to or- der and difpofe, muft needs be. So Mafes, though himfelf no Prieft, fanc- tify'd, and ordained Aaron and his Sons ; but when all needful things be fet, and regulated by the Writings of the Apoftles, whether it be not a mere folly to keep up a fuperior Degree in the Church only for Ordination and Jurif- diction, it will be no hurt to debate a while. The Apoftles were the Build- ers, and, as it were, the Architects of the Chnftian Church ; wherin con- fifted their Excellence above ordinary Minifters ? a Prelate would fay in commanding, in controuling, in appointing, in calling to them, and fending from about them to all Countries their Biihops and Archbifhops as their De- puties, with a kind of Legantine Power. No, no, vain Prelates, this was but as the Scaffolding of a new Edifice, which for the time muft board, and overlook the higheft Battlements ; but if the Structure once finifh'd, any Pafieno-er mould fall in love with them, and pray that they might ftill ftand, as being a fingular Grace, and ftrengthning to the Houfe, who would other- wife think, but that the Man were prefently to be laid hold on, and fent to his Friends and Kindred ? The Eminence of the Apoftles confided in their powerful preaching, their unwearied labouring in the Word, their unquench* able Charity, which above all earthly reipects like a working flame, had fpun up to fuch a height of pure defire, as might be thought next to that Love which dwells in God to fave Souls ; which, while they did, they were con- tented to be the OfT-fcouring of the World, and to expofe themfelves wil- lingly to all Afflictions, perfecting therby their hope through patience to a Joyunfpeakable. As for Ordination, what is it, but the laying on of hands, an outward fign or fymbol of Admiffion ? It creates nothing, it confers no- thing •, it is the inward Calling of God that makes a Minifter, and his own painful ftudy and diligence that manures and improves his minifterial Gifts. In the Primitive times, many before ever they had receiv'd Ordination from the Apoftles, had clone the Church noble fervice, as Apollos and others. It is but an orderly form of receiving a Man already fitted, and commit- ting to him a particular charge ; the employment of preaching is as ho- ly, and far more excellent ; the care alio and judgment to be ufed in the winning of Souls, which is thought to be fufficient in every worthy Minifter, is an Ability above that which is required in Ordination : For many may be able to judge who is fit to be made a Minifter, that would not be found fit to be made Minifters themfelves ; as it will not be deny'd that he may be the competent Judge of a neat Picture, or elegant Poem, that cannot limn the like. Why therfore we fhould conftitute a fuperior Order in the Church to perform an Office which is not only every Minifter's Function, bat infe- rior alfo to that which he has a confeft right to ; and why this Superiority fhould remain thus ufurp'd, fome wife Epimenides tell us. Now for Juris- diction, this dear Saint of the Prelates, it will be heft to confider, firft, "What Remonflrants Defence •, &c. p ? what it is: That Sovereign Lord, who in the difcharge of his holy Anoint- ment from God the Father, which made him fup re me Bifhop of our Souls, was fo humble as to fay, Who made me a Judge, or a Divider over ye ? hath taught us that a Churchman's Jurifdiftion is no more but to watch over his Flock in feafon, and out of feafon, to deal by fweet and efficacious In- ftructions, gentle Admonitions* and fometimes rounder Reproofs ; againft negligence or obftinacy, will be required a roufing Volley of paftorly Threats nings ; againft a perfifting ftubbornnefs, or the fear of a reprobate fenfe, a timely f-paration from the Flock by that interdiclive Sentence, left his Con- verfation unprohibited, or unbranded, might breathe a peitilential murrain in- to the other Sheep. In fum, his Jurifdi&ion is to fee the thriving and profpering of that which he hath planted : what other work the Prelates have found for Chancellors and Suffragans, Delegates and Officials, with all the hell-peftering rabble of Sumners and Apparitors, is but an invafion upon the temporal Magiftrate, and affected by them as Men that are not afham'd of the Enfign and Banner of Antichrift. But true Evangelical Jurifdi&ion or Difcipline is no more, as was faid, than for a Minifter to fee to the thrivino- and profpering of that which he hath planted. And which is the worthieft work of thefe two, to plant, as every Minifter's Office is equally with the Bifhops, or to tend that which is planted, which the blind and undifcernino- Prelates call Jurifdiftion, and would appropriate to themfelves as a Bufinefs of higher dignity ? Have patience therfore a little, and hear a Law-cafe : A certain Man of large Poffeflions, had a fair Garden, and kept therin an honeft and laborious Servant, whofe fkill and profeflion was to fet or fow all wholefome Herbs, and delightful Flowers, according to every feafon, and whatever elfe was to be done in a well-hufbanded Nurfery of Plants and Fruits; now, when the time was come that he fhould cut his Hedges, prune his Trees, look to his tender (lips, and pluck up the Weeds that hindered their growth, he gets him up by break of day, and makes account to do what was needful in his Garden ; and who would think that any other fhould know better than he how the day's work was to be fpent ? Yet for all this there comes another ftrange Gardener that never knew the Soil, never handled a Dibble or Spade to fet the leaft Pot-herb that grew there, much lefs had en- dur'd an hour's fweat or chilnefs, and yet challenges as his right the bindino- or unbinding of every Flower, the clipping of every Bufh, the weeding and worming of every Bed, both in that and all other Gardens therabout. The honeft Gardener, that ever fince the day-peep, till now the Sun was grown fomewhat rank, had wrought painfully about his Banks and Seed-plots, at his commanding Voice turns fuddenly about with fome wonder ; and although he could have well beteem'd to have thank'd him of the eafe he profer'd, yet loving his own handy-work, modeftly refus'd him, telling him withal, that for his part, if he had thought much of his own pains, he could for once have committed the Work to one of his fellow-labourers, forasmuch as it is well known to be a matter of lefs fkill and lefs labour to keep a Garden handfome, than it is to plant it, or contrive it, and that he had already perform'd himlelf. No, laid the Stranger, this is neither for you nor your fellows to meddle with, but for me only that am for thispurpofe in dignity far above you ; and the provifion which the Lord of the Soil allows me in this Office is, and that with good reafon, ten-fold your Wages. The Gardener fmil'd and fhook his head ; but what was determined I cannot tell you till the end of this Par- lament. Remonft. If in time you fhall fee wooden Chalices, and wooden Priefls, P*s- >*7. thank yourfelves. Anfw. It had been happy for this land, if your Priefts had been but only wooden •, all England knows they have been to this Ifland not wood, but wormwood, that have infected the third part of our waters, like that Apo- ftate Star in the Revelation, that many Souls have died of their bitternefs •, and if you mean by wooden, illiterate or contemptible, there was no want of that fort among you ; and their number increaiing daily, as their lazinefs, their Tavern-hunting, their neglect of all found Literature, and their liking of 'doltifh and monaftical School-men daily increas'd. What fhould I tell you how the Univerfities, that Men look fhould be fountains of Learning and; Knowledge,! r>5 Animadverfions upon the Knowledge, have been poifon'd andchoak'd under your Governance ? And if to be wooden, be to be bale, where could there be found among all the reform- ed Churches, nay, in the Church of Rome itfelf, a baier brood of flattering and time-ferving Priefts, according as God pronounces by Ifaiah, the Prophet that teacheth lyes, he is the tail. As for your young Scholars that petition for Bilhoprics and Deanaries to encourage them in their ftudies, and that many Gentlemen elfe will not put their Sons to learning-, away with fuch young mer- cenary Striplings, and their Simoniacal Fathers, God has no need of fuch, they have no part or lot in his Vineyard : they may as well fue for Nun- neries, that they may have fome convenient fiowage for their wither'd Daugh- ters, becaufe they cannot give them portions anfwerable to the pride and vanity they have bred them in. Tnis is the root of all our mifchief, that which they alledge for the encouragement of their ftudies, fhould be cut away forthwith as the very bait of pride and ambition, the very garbage that draws together all the fowls of prey and ravin in the land to come and o-oro-e upon the Church. How can it be but ever unhappy to the Church of ^England, while ihe (hall think to entice Men to the pure iervice of God by the fame means that were us'd to tempt our Saviour Co the fervice of the Devil, by laying before him honour and preferment? Fit pro&ffors indeed are they like to Iv, to teach others that Godlinefs with content is great gain, whenas their godiinefs of teaching had not been but for worldly gain. The heathen Philofoprrers thought that virtue was tor its own fake ineftimable, and the crreateft gain of a Teacher to make a foul virtuous ; fo Xenophon writes of Socrates, who never bargain'd with any for teaching them ; he fear'd not left thofe who had receiv'd fo high a benefit from him, would not of their own free will return him all poffible thanks. Was moral Virtue fo love- ly, and fo alluring, and heathen Men fo enamour'd of her, as to teach and ftudy her with greateft neglect and contempt of worldly profit and advance- ment ? And is Chriftian Piety fo homely and fo unpleafant, and Chriftian Men fo cloy'd with her, as that none will ftudy and teach her, but for lucre and preferment ! O ftale-grown Piety ! O Gofpel raced as cheap as thy Mafter, at thirty pence, and not worth the ftudv, unlefs thou canft buy thofe that will f ll thee ! O race of Caperna'itar.s, fenfelefs of divine doctrine, and capable only of loaves and belly-cheer ! But they will grant, perhaps, piety may thrive, but learning will decay : I would fain afk thefe Men at whofe hands they leek inferior things, as wealth, honour, their dainty fare, their lofty houies ? No doubt but they will foon anfwer, that all thefe things they feek at God's hands. Do they think then that all thefe meaner and fuper- fluous things come from God, and the divine gift of Learning from the den of Plutus, or the cave of Mammon ? Certainly never any clear fpirit nurs'd up from brighter influences, with a foul enlarg'd to the dimenfions of fpacious art and high knowledge, ever enter'd there but with fcorn, and thought it ever foul difdain to make pelf or ambition the reward of his ftudies, it being the greateft honour, the greateft fruit and proficiency of learned ftudies to de- fpife thefe things. Not liberal fcience, but illiberal muft that needs be, that mounts in contemplation merely for Money. And what would it avail us to have a hireling Clergy, though never fo learned ? For fuch can have neither true wifdom nor grace, and then in vain do Men truft in Learning, where thefe be wanting. If in lefs noble and almoft mechanic Arts, according to the definitions of thofe Authors, he is not efteem'd to defcrve the name of a compleat Architect, an excellent Painter, or the like, that bears not a ge- nerous mind above the peafantly regard of wages and hire ; much more muft we think him a moll imperfect, and incompleat Divine, who is fo far from being a contemner of filthy lucre, that his whole Divinity is moulded and bred up in the beggarly, andbrutifh hopes of a fat Prebendary, Deanery, or Bifhopric ; which poor and low-pitch'd defires, if they do but mix with thofe other heavenly intentions that draw a Man to this ftudy, it, is juftly ex- pected that they fhould bring forth a bafe-born iflue of Divinity, like that of thofe imperfect, and putrid creature? that receive a crawling life from two moft unlike procreants, the Sun and Mud. And in matters of Religion, there is not any thing more intolerable than a learned Fool, or a learned Hypo- crite ; the one is ever coopt up at his empty fpeculations, a fot, an ideot 2 for Remonflrants Defence , Sec. p y for any ufe that Mankind can make of him, or elfe fowing the World with nice and idle qucflions, and with much toil and difficulty wading to his audi- tors up to the eye-brows in deep fhallows that wet not the inftep : a plain un- learned Man that lives well by that light which he has, is better and wifcr, and edifies others more towards a godly and happy life than he. The other is flill ufing hisfophilticated arts, and bending all his ftudies how to make his ini- tiate avarice and ambition feem pious and orthodoxal, by painting his lewd and deceitful Principles with a finooth and glo/Ty varnifh in a doctrinal way, to bring about his wickedeft purpofes. Inllead of the great harm therfore that thefe Men fear upon the difiolving of Prelates, what an eafe, and hap- pinefswill it be to us, when tempting rewards are taken away, that the' cunningeft and in oft dangerous mercenaries will ceafe of themfl-Ives to fre- quent the fold, whom otherwife fcarCe all the prayers of the faithful could have kept back from devouring the flock ? But a true Pallor of Chrift's fend- ing hath this efpecial mark, that for greateft labours, and greateft merits in the Church, he requires either nothing, if he could lb fubfiif, or a very com- mon and reafonable fupply of human neceffaries : We cannot therfore do better than to leave this care of ours to God, he can eafily fend labourers into his Harveft, that fh ill not cry, Give, give, but be contented with a mo- derate and befeeming allowance •, nor will he fuffer true learning to be want- ing, where true grace and our obedience to him abounds : for if he give us to know him aright, and to pradife this our knowledge in right eftablifh'd difci- pline, how much more will he replenifh us with all abilities in tongues and arts, that may conduce to his glory, and our good ? He can ftir up rich Fathers to beftow exquifite education upon their Children, and fo dedicate them to the fcrvice of the Gofpel •, he can make the Sons of Nobles his Mi- nifters, and Princes to be his Nazarites •, for certainly there is no employment more honourable, more worthy to take up a great fpirit, more requiring a generous and free nurture, than to be the Meffenger and Herald of heavenly Truth from God to Man, and by the faithful work of holy doctrine, to pro- create a number of faithful Men, making a kind of Creation like to God's, by infufing his Spirit and Likenefs into them, to their falvation, as God did into him •, ariling to what climate foever he turn him, like that Sun of righteouf- nefs that fenthim, with healing in his wings, and new light to break in up- on the chill and gloomy hearts of his hearers, raifing out of darkfome bar- rennefs a delicious and fragrant fpring of faving knowledge, and good works. Can a Man thus employ'd, find himfelf difcontented, or difhonoured for want of admittance to have a pragmatical voice at SefTions, and Jail- deliveries ? or becaufe he may not as a Judge fit out the wrangling noife of litigious Courts to fhreeve the purfes of unconfeTng and unmortify'd finners, and not their fouls, or be difcourag'd though Men call him not Lord, when- as the due performance of his office would gain him even from Lords and Princes, the voluntary title of Father ? Would he tug for a Barony to fit and vote in Parlament, knowing that no Man can take from him the gift of wifdom and found doctrine, which leaves him free, though not to be a mem- ber, yet a teacher, and perfuader of the Parlament ? And in all wife ap- prehenfions the perfuafive power in Man to win others to goodnefs by in- ft ruction is greater, and more divine, than the compulfive power to re- ftrain Men from being evil by terror of the Law-, and therfore Chrift left Mofes to be the Law-giver, but himfelf came down amongft us to be a teach- er, with which office his heavenly Wifdom was fo well pleafed, as that he was angry with thofe that would have put a piece of temporal Judicature into his hands, difclaiming that he had any Commilfion from above for fucli matters. Such a high Calling therfore as this, fends not for thofe droffy fpifits that need the lure and whiftle of earthly preferment, like thofe animals that fetch and carry for a morfel -, no. She can find fuch as therfore ftudy her precepts, becaufe fhe teaches to defpife preferment. And let not thofe wretched Fathers think they fhall impoverish the Church of willing and able fupply, though they keep back their fordid f perm begotten in the luftinefs of their avarice, and turn them to their making-kilns ; rather let them take heed what lefibns they inftil into that lump of flelh which they are the caufe Vol. I, O of, gg Ariimadverfwns upon the of left thinking to offer him as a prefent to God, they difh him out for the Devil. Let the Novice learn firft to renounce the world, and fo give himfelf to God, and not therfore give himfelf to God that he may clofe the better with the World, like that falfe Shepherd Palinode in the Eclogue of May, under whom the Poet lively perfonates our Prelates, whofe whole life is a recantation of their paftoral vow, and whofe profeffion to forfake the World, as they ule the matter, bogs them deeper into the World : Thofe our admired Spencer inveighs a°-ainft, not without fome prefage of thefe reforming times. The time was once, end may again return, {For oft may happen that hath been beforn) When Shepherds had none inheritance, Ne of land, nor fee in fufferance, But what might arife of the bare fheep, {Were it more or lefje,) whic h they did keep. Well ywis was it with Shepherds, tho Nought having, nought feared they to forgo : For Pan himfelf e was their inheritance, And little them ferv'd for their maintenance : The Shepherds Godfo well them guided, That of naught they were unprovided. Butter enough, honey, milk, and whey, And their flock fleeces them to array. But trail of time, and long profperity {That nttrfe of vice, this of infolency) Lull'd the Shepherds infuch fecurity, That not content with loyal obeyfance, Some gan to gape for greedy governance, And match themfelves with mighty Potentates, 'Lovers of Lord/hips, and troublers of States. Tho gan Shepherds Swains to looke aloft, And leave to live hard, and learne to lig foft. Tho under colour of Shepherds fome while There crept in Wolves full of fraud and guile , That often devoured their own Sheep, And often the Shepherd that did them keep. This was the firft fource of Shepherds for row, That now nill be quit with bale, nor borrow. By all this we may conjecture, how little we need fear that the ungilding of our Prelates, will prove the woodening of our Priefts. In the mean while, let no Man carry in his Head either fuch narrow, or fuch evil eyes, as not to look upon the Churches of Belgia and Helvetia, and that envied City Geneva : Where in the Chriftian World doth Learning more flourifh than in thefe pla- ces ? Not among your beloved Jefuits, nor their Favourers, though you take all the Prelates into the number, and inftance in what kind of learning you pleafe. And how in England all noble Sciences attending upon the train of Chriftian Dodbrine may flourifh more than ever ; and how the able profeffbrs of every Art may with ample ftipends be honeftly provided •, and finally, how there may be better care had that their hearers may benefit by them, and all this without the Prelates, the courfes are fo many and fo eafy, that I mall pafs them over. Sea. 14. Remonft. It is God that makes the Bifhop, the King that gives the Bifhopric ; Pag. 129. What can you fay to this ? ■ Anfw. What you fhall not long ftay for : We fay it is God that makes a Bifhop, and the Devil that makes him take a prelatical Bifhopric ; as for the King's gift, regal bounty may be excufable in giving, where the Bifhop's co- vetoufnefs is damnable in taking. Pag. 137. Remonft. Many eminent Divines of the Churches abroad have earneftly wifh- ed themfelves in our condition. Anfw. I cannot blame them, .they were not only eminent, but fupereminent -• Divines, Remonflrants Defence, Sic. 99 Divines, and forftomach much like to Pompey the great, that could endure no equal. Remotift. The Babylonian note founds well in your Ears, down with it, down Pag. 139. with it even to the ground. Anfw. You miftake the matter, it was the Edomitifo note, but change it, and if you be an Angel, cry with the Angel, It is fallen, ic is fallen. Remonsl. But the God of Heaven will, we hope, vindicate his own Ordi- nance fo long perpetuated to the Church. Anfw. Go rather to your God of this World, and fee if he can vindicate your Lordfnips, your temporal and fpiritual Tyrannies, and all your pelf; tor the God of Heaven is already come down to vindicate his Ordinance from your fo long perpetuated Ufurpation. Remcnft. If yet you can blufh. ScJI _ Anfw. This is a more Edcmitifl) conceit than the former, and muft be fi- Vag. 14':. Iencedwitha cour.ter-quip of the fame Country. So often and fo unfavourily has it been repeated, that the Reader may well cry, Down with it, down with it for fhame. A Man would think you had eaten over-liberally of Efau's red Porridge, and from thence dream continually of blufhing ; or perhaps, to heighten your fancy in writing, are wont to fit in your Doctor's fcarlet, which through your eyes infecting your pregnant imaginative with a red Suffufion, Ivgets a continual thought of blufhing : That you thus perfecute ingenuous Men over all your Book, with this one over-tired rubrical conceit ftill of blufh- ing •, but if you have no mercy upon them, yet fpare yourfclf, left you bejade the good Galloway, your own opinialler Wit, and make the very Conceit itfelf blufh with fpur-galling. Remonsl. The fcandals of our inferior Minifters I defired to have had lefs Se6l , 6 P'ablic. p a g, , 4 3. Anfw. And what your fuperior Archbifhop or Bifhops ? O forbid to have it told in Gatb ! fiiy you. O dauber ! and therfore remove not Impieties from Ifrael. Conlfantine might have done morejuftly to have punifh'd thofe Cler- gical faults which he could not conceal, than to leave them unpunifh'd, that they might remain conceal'd : better had it been for him that the Heathen had heard the fame of his Juftice, than of his wilful Connivance and Partiality ; and fo the name of God and his Truth had been lefs blafphem'd among his Enemies, and 'the Clergy amended, which daily, by this Impunity, grew worfe and worfe.. But, O to publifh in the Streets of Afcalon ! Sure fome Colony of Puritans have taken Afcalon from the Turk lately, that the Remonftrant is fo afraid of Afcalon. The Papifts we know condole you, and neither Ccusfan- tinople nor your Neighbours of Morocco trouble you. What other Afcalon can you allude to ? Remonsl. What a death it is to think of the fport and advantage thefe watch- ful Enemies, thefe oppofite Spectators will be fure to make of our fin and *™A««'4 fhame ? *' 37 " Anfw. This is but to fling and ftruggle under the inevitable net of God, that now begins to inviron you round. Remonsi. No one Clergy in the whole Chriftian World yields fo many emi- nent Scholars, learned Preachers, grave, holy and accomplifh'd Divinej, as p^^™""' this Church of England doth at this day. "*' J Anfw. Ha, ha, ha ! Remonjl. And long, and ever may it thus flourifh. Anfw. O peftilent imprecation ! flourifh as it does at this day in the Pre- lates ? Removft. But oh forbid to have it told in Gatb ! Anfw. Forbid him rather, facred Parlament, to violate the fenfe of Scrip- ture, and turn that which is fpoken of the afflictions of the Church under her Pagan Enemies, to a pargetted concealment of thofe preluical crying Sins : for from thefe is prophanenefs gone forth into all the Land ; they have hid their eyes from the Sabbaths of the Lord ; they have fed themfelves, and not their Flocks; with force and cruelty have they ruled over God's People : They have fed his Sheep (contrary to that which Saint Peter writes) not of a ready mind, but for filthy lucre ; not as examples to the Flock, but as being 1 Pet. v. Lords over God's heritage : and yet this Dauber would daub ltill with his Vol. I. O > untem- ! 00 Anhnadverjions upon the Ezck. xiii. untempered Mortar. But hearken what God lays by the Prophet Ezekiel, Say unto them that daub this Wall with untcmper'd Mortar, that it fhal! fail } there mall be an overflowing fliowcr, and ye O great halftones ihall fall, and a ftorrny wind fliall rend it, and I will fay unto you, the Wall is no more, nei- ther they that daub'd it. Pag. 149. Remonft. Whether of us fliall give a better account of our Charity to the God of Peace, I appeal. Anfw. Your Charity is much to your fellow- offenders, but nothing to the numberlefs Souls that have been loft by their falfe feeding : ufe notthcrrbre io fiilily the name of Charity, as moft commonly you do, and the peaceful attri- bute of God to a prepoftorous end. to,?. 17. Remonft. In the next Section, like ill-bred Sons, you fpit in the face of your Mother the Church of England. Anfw.'Wha.t mould we do or fay to this Remonftrant? that by his idle and fhallow reafonings, feems to have been converiant in no Divinity, but that •- which is colourable to uphold Bifliopricks. We acknowledge, and believe the Catholic reformed Church •, and if any Man be difpofed to ufe a trope or ficuire, as Saint Paul once did in calling her the common Mother of us ail, let him do as his own Rhetoric fliall perfuade him. If therfore we rauft needs have a Mother, and if the Catholic Church only be, and mult be fhe, let all Genealogy tell us, if it can, what we muft call the Church of England, unleis we fliall make every Englijh Proteftant a kind of poetical Bacchus, to have two Mothers : but mark, Readers, the crafty fcope of thefe Prelates, they endea- vour to imprefs deeply into weak and fuperftitious Fancies, the awful notion of a Mother, thatherby they might cheat them into a blind and implicite Obedi- ence to whatfoever they fliall decree, or think fit. And if we come to aik a reafon of aught from our dear Mother, fhe's invifible, under the lockand key of the Prelates her fpiritual adulterers ; they only are the internuncio's, or the go- betweens, of this trim devis'd mummery : whatfoever they fay, flie fays mult be a deadly fin of difobedience not to believe. So that we, who by God's fpe- cial Grace have lhaken off the fervitudeof a great male Tyrant, our pretend- ed Father the Pope, fliould now, if we be not betimes aware of thefe wily Teachers, fink under the flavery of a female notion, the cloudy conception of a demy-Ifland Mother •, and while we think to be obedient Sons, fhould make ourl'elves rather the Baltards, or the Centaurs of their fpiritual Forni- cations. Remonft. Take heed of the Ravens ofthe Valley. Anfw. The Ravens we are to take heed on arc yourfelves, that would peck out the Eyes of all knowing Chriftians. Remonft. Sit you merry, Brethren. Anfw. So we fliall when the Furies of Prelatical Confciences will not give them leave to do fo. Sea. iS. Queries. Whether they would not jeopard their Ears rather, &c. Pag. 160. Anfw. A punifliment that awaits the merits of your bold accomplices, for the lopping, and ftigmatizing of fo many free-born Chriftians. Pag,\6t. Remonft. Whether the profeffed llovenlincfs in God's fervice, &c. Anfiv.We have heard of Aaron and his linen Amice, but thofe days are paft-, and for your Prieft under the Goipel, that thinks himfelf the purer, or the cleanlier in his Office for his new-walh'd Surplice, we efteem him for Sanc- tity little better than Apollonius Tbya>i<rns in his white Frock, or the Prielt of Ifis in his lawn Sleeves, and they may all for Holinefs lie together in the Suds. Remonft. Whether it were not molt lawful and juft to punifli your prefump- tionand difobedience. Anfw. The punifliing of that which you call our prefumption and difobe- dience, lies not now within the execution of your flings ; the merciful God above, and our juft Parlament will deliver us from your Ephcftan Beafts, your cruel Nimrods, with whom we fliall be ever fearlefs to encounter. Remonft. God give you wifdom to fee the Truth, and Grace to follow it. Anfw. I wifh the like to all thofe that refift not the Holy Gholt ; for officii God commands Jeremy, fliying, Pray not thou for them, neither lift up cry or prayer for them, neither make interceffion to me, for I will not hear thee ; and of fuch St.Jobn faith, He thatbidsthem God Ipeed, is partaker of their evil Deeds. 2a Remonftrants Defence, &c. 101 To the Pojlfcript. Rmonfi. A goodly j'afquin borrow'd for a great part out of Sion's Plea, or the Breviate confuting of a Rhapfody of Hiftories. Jnfw. How wittily you tell us what your wonted courfe is upon the like oc- cafion : the Colle&ion was taken, be it known to you, from as authentic Au- thors in this kind, as any in a Biftiop's Library ; and the Collector of it fays moreover, that if the like occafion come again, he mall lefs need the help of Breviates, or hiftorical Rhapfodies, than your Reverence to eke out your fermon- ings mail need repair to Pojiils, or Poliantkea's. Remonft. They were Bifhops, you fay, true, but they were Potifi Bifhops. p ag ,6. Jnfw. Since you would bind us to your JurifdicTrion by their Canon-law, fince you would inforce upon us the old riff-raff of Sarum, and other monafti- cal reliques ; fince you live upon their unjuft purchafes, alledge their autho- rities, boaftof their fucceffion, walk in their fteps, their pride, their titles, their covetoufnefs, their perfecuting of God's people ; fince youdifclaim their aftions, and build their fepulchres, it is moft juft, that all their faults fhouldbe imputed to you, and their iniquities vifited upon you. Remonft. Could you fee no Colleges, no Hofpitals built ? Pag. 166. Jnfw. At that primero of Piety, the Pope and Cardinals are the better Game- fters, and will cog a Die into Heaven before you. Remonft. No Churches re-edify'd ? Jnfw. Yes, more Churches than Souls. Remonft. No learned Volumes writ ? Jnfw. So did the mifcreant Bifhop of Spalatto write learned Volumes againft the Pope, and run to Rome when he had done ; ye write them in your Clofets and unwrite them in your Courts •, hot Volumifts and cold Bifhops ; a fwalh- buckler againft the Pope, and a dormoufe againft the Devil, while the whole Diocefe be fown with tares, and none to refill the enemy, but fuch as let him in at the Poftern ; a rare fuperintendent at Rome, and a cypher at home. Hypocrites, the Gofpel faithfully preach'd to the poor, the delblate Parifhes vifited and duly fed •, Loiterers thrown out, Wolves driven from the fold had been a better confutation of the Pope and Mafs, than whole Hecaton- tomesof Controverfies •, and all this careering with Spear in reft, and thun- dring upon the fteel Cap of Baronius or Bellarmine . Remonft. No feduced Perfons reclaim'd ? Jnfw. More reclaim'd Perfons fedue'd. Remonft. No Hofpitality kept ? Jnfw. Bacchanalias good ftore in every Biftiop's Family, and good "Ieekin°-. Remonft. No great offenders punifh'd ? Jnfw. The trophies of your High Commiffion are renown'd. Remonft. No good Offices done for the Public ? Jnfw. Yes, the good Office of reducing Monarchy to Tyranny, of breaking pacifications, and calumniating the People to the King. Remonft. No care of the Peace of the Church ? Jnfw. No, nor of the Land ; witnefs the two Armies in the North, that now lies plunder'd, and over-run by a Liturgy. Remonft. No diligence in preaching ? Jnfw. Scarce any preaching at all. Remonft. No holinefs in living? Jnfw. No. Remonft. Truly, Brethren, I can fay no more, but that the fault is in your Lyes. Jnfw. If you can fay no more than this, you were a proper Remonftrant to ftand up for the whole Tribe. Remonft. Wipe them, and look better. Jnfw. Wipe your fat Corpulencies out of our light. Remonft. Yea, I befeech God to open them rather that they may fee good. Jnfw. If you mean good Prelates, let be your prayer, afk not Impoflibilities. Remonft. As for that Proverb, the Biftiop's foot hath been in it, it were more fit for a Scurra in Trivio, or fome Ribald upon an Ale-bench. Jnfw, t 102 Animadverfions upon the Anfiv. The fitter for them then of whom it was meant. Fag. 167. Remonft. I doubt not but they will fay, the Bifhop's foot hath been in youf Book, ior I am fure it is quite fpoil'd by this juft confutation ; for your P/o- verb, Sapit Ollam. Anfw. Spoil'd, quoth ye ? indeed it is fo fpoil'd, as a good Song is fpoil'd by a lewd Singer, or as the faying is, God fends meat, but the Cooks work their wills : in that fenfe we grant your Bifhop's foot may have fpoil'd it, and made it Sapere ollam, if not Sapere aulam ; which is the fame in old Latin, and per- haps in plain Englifh. For certain your confutation hath atchieved nothing a- o-ainltit, and left nothing upon it, but afoul tafte of your fkillet foot, and a more perfect, and diftinguifhable odour of your Socks, than of your Night-cap. And how the Bifhop fhould confute a Book with his Foot, unlefs his Brains were dropt into his great Toe, I cannot meet with any Man that can refolve me, only they tell me that certainly fuch a Confutation muft needs be gouty. So much for the Bifhop's foot. Renwnft. You tell us of Bonner's Broth ; it is the fafhion in fome Countries to fend in their Keal in the laft Service, and this it feems is the manner amongft our Smeclymnuans. Anfw. Your latter Service at the high Altar you mean; but foft Sir, the Feaft was but begun, the Broth was your own, you have been inviting the Land to it thisfourfcore years -, and fo long we have been your fiaves to ferve it up for you, much againftour wills : we know you have the Beef to it, ready in your Kitchens, we are fure it was almoft fod before this Parlament begun ; what direction you have given fince to your Cooks to ftt it by in the Pantry till fome fitter time, we know not, and therfore your dear Jeft is loft •, this Broth was but your firft Service : Alas, Sir, why do you delude your Guefts ? Why do not thole goodly Flanks and Brifkets march up in your ib.tely Char- ters ? Doubtlefs, if need be, the Pope that owes you for mollifying the mat- ter fo well with him, and making him a true Church, will furnifh you with all the fat Oxen of Italy. Remonft. Learned and worthy Doctor Moulin fhall tell them. Anfw. Moulin fays in his Book of the calling of Pallors, that becaufe Bi- fhops were the Reformers of the Englifi Church, therfore they were left re- maining : This Argument is but of fmall force to keep you in your Cathe- drals. For firft it may be. deny'd that Bifhops were our firft Reformers, for JVickliffe was before them, and his egregious Labours are not to be neglected -, befides, our Bifhops were in this work but the Difciples of Priefts, and began the Reformation before they were Bifhops. But what though Luther and other Monks were the Reformers of other places? does it follow therfore that Monks ou^ht to continue ? No, though Luther had taught fo. And laftly, Moulin's Argument directly makes againft you -, for if there be nothing in it but this, Bifhops were left remaining becaufe they were the Reformers of the Church, by as good a Confequence therfore they are now to be remov'd, becaufe they have been the moft certain deformers and miners of the Church. Thus you fee how little- it avails you to take Sanctuary among thofe Churches which in the general fcope of your actions formerly you have difregarded, and defpifed , however, your fair words would now fmooth it over otherwife. Remonft. Our Bifhops, fome wherof being crown'd with Martyrdom, fub- Pa£m ,6S ' fcrib'd the Gofpel with their Blood. Anfw. You boaft much of Martyrs to uphold your Epifcopacy •, but if you would call to mind whatEufebius in his 5th Book recites IromApollinarius ox Hi- erapolis, you fhould then hear it efteemed no other than an old heretical Argu- ment, to prove a Pofition true, becaufe fome that held it were Martyrs : This was that which gave boldnefs to the Marcionifts and Cataphryges to avouch their impious Herefies for pious Doctrine, becaufe they could reckon many Martyrs of their Sect ; and when they were confuted in other Points, this was ever their lalt and ftouteft Plea. Remonft. In the mean time I befeech the God of Heaven to humble you. Anfiv. We fhall befeech the fame God to give you a more profitable and per- tinent Humiliation than yet you know, and a lefs miltaken charitablentfs, with that peace which you have hitherto fo perverfely mifaffected. AN io 3 A N APOLOGY FOR SMECTYMNUUS. IF, Readers, to that fame great difficulty of well-doing what we certainly know, were not added in moil Men as great a careleffiiefs of knowing what they and others ought to do, we had bin long ere this, no doubt but all of us, much farther on our way to fome degree of Peace and Happinefs in this Kingdom. But fince our finful neglect of praclifing that which we know to be undoubtedly true and good, hath brought forth among us, through God's juft Anger, fo great a difficulty now to know that which otherwife might be foon learnt, and hath divided us by a Controverfy of great importance indeed, but of no hard folution, which is the more our Punifhment; I refolv'd (of what final I moment foever I might be thought) to ftand on that fide where I faw both the plain Authority of Scripture leading, and the Reafon of Juftice and Equity perfuading ; with this Opinion, which efteems it more unlike a Chriflian to be a cold neuter in the caufe of the Church, than the Law of So- lon made it punifhable after a Sedition in the State. And becaufe I obferve that Fear and dull Difpofition, Lukewarmnefs and Sloth, are not feldomer wont to cloak themfelves under the affected name of Moderation, than true and lively Zeal iscuftomably difparag'd with the term of Indifcretion, Bit- ternefs, and Choler, I could not to my thinking honour a good Caufe more from the heart, than by defending it earneftly, as oft as I could judge it to be- hoove me, notwithstanding any falfe name that could be invented to wrong or undervalue an honeft meaning. Wherin although I have not doubted to fingle forth more than once fuch of them as were thought the chief and mofb nominated Oppofers on the other fide, whom no Man elfe undertook ; if I have done well cither to be confident of the Truth, whofe force is beft feen againft the ablefl Refiftance, or to be jealous and tender of the hurt that might be done among the weaker by the intrapping Authority of great Names titled to falfe Opinions; or that it be lawful to attribute fomewhat to Gifts of God's imparting, which I boafl not, but thankfully acknowledge, and fear alfo left at my certain account they be reckon'd to me many rather than few ; or if laftly it be but Jufiice not to defraud of due efteem the wearifome labours and fludious watchings, wherin I have fpent and tir'd out almoft a whole Youth, I fhall not diftruft to be acquitted of prefumption : knowing, that if heretofore all Ages have receiv'd with favour and good acceptance the earlieft induftry of him that hath bin hopeful, it were but hard meafure now, if the freedom of any timely Spirit fhould be opprefs'd merely by the big and blunted fame of his elder adverfary •, and that his fufficiency muft be now fen- tenced, not by pondering the reafon he fhews, but by calculating the years he brings. However, as my purpofe is not, nor hath been formerly, to look on my Adverfary abroad, through the deceiving glafs of other Men's great opinion of him, but at home, where I may find him in the proper light of his own worth; fo now againft the rancour of an evil tongue, from which I ne- ver thought fo abfurdly, as that I of all Men fhould be exempt, I muft be forc'd to proceed from the unfeigned and diligent inquiry of mine own Con- fidence at home (for better way I know not, Readers) to give a more true ac- count of myfelf abroad than this modeft Confuter, as he calls himfelf, hath given of me. Albeit, that in doing this I fhall be fenfible of two things which to me will be nothing pleafant ; the one is, that not unlikely I fhall be thought too much a Party in mine own Caufe, and therin to fee leaft : the other, that I fhall be put unwillingly to moleft the public view with the vindication of a private name ; as if it were worth the while that the People fhould care whether fuch a one were thus, or thus. Yet thofe I intreat who have found the 104 -An Apology for Smectymnuus. theleifure to read that Name, however of fmal! repute, unworthily defam'd, would be focrood and fo patient as to hear the fame Perfon not unneedfully defended. I'will not deny but that the befl Apology againft falfe Accufers is filence and fufFerance, and honeft deeds fet againft difhonell words. And thai I could at this time moft eafily and fecurely, with the leaft lofs of Reputa- tion, ufe no other defence, I need notdefpair to win belief; whether I confi- derboth the fool ifh contriving and ridiculous aiming of thefe his flanderous bolts, mot fo wide of any fufpicion to be faften'd on me, that I have oft with inward contentment perceived my friends congratulating themfelves in my in- nocence, and my Enemies afham'd of their partners folly: Or whether I look at thefe prefent times wherin moft Men, now fcarce permitted the liberty to think over their own concernments, have remov'd the feat of their thoughts more outward to the expectation ot public events. Or whether the examples of Men, either noble or religious, who have fat down lately with a meek fi- lence and fufFerance under many libellous Endorfements, may be a rule to o- thers, I mio-ht well appeafe myfelf to put up any reproaches in fuch an honour- able Society of fellow- fufferers, ufing no other Defence. And were it that Slander would be content to make an end where it firft fixes, and not feek tc* caft out the like infamy upon each thing that hath but any relation to the Per- fon tradue'd, I mould have pleaded againft this Confuter by no other Advo- cates than thofe which I firft commended, Silence and Sufferance, and fpeak- inf deeds againft faltering words. But when I difcern'd his intent was not fo much to finite at me, as through me to render odious the Truth which I had written, and to ftain with ignominy that Evangelic Doctrine which oppofes the tradition of Prelaty ; I conceiv'd myfelf to be now not as mine own Perfon, but as a Member incorporate into that Truth wherof I was perfuaded, and wherofl haddeclar'd openly to be a partaker. "Wherupon I thought it my duty, if not to myfelf, yet to the religious Caufe I had in hand, not to leave on my garment the leaft fpotor blemifh in good name fo long as God ihould give me to fay that which might wipe it off". Left thofe difgraccs which I ought to fuffer, if it fo befall me, for my Religion, through my de- fault Religion be made liable to fuffer for me. And, whether it might not fomething reflect upon thofe reverent Men whofe Friend I may be thought in writing the Animadverfions, was not my laft care to confider ; if I mould reft under thefe reproaches, having the fame common Adverfary with them, it might be counted fmall credit for their caufe to have found fuch an affiftant as this babbler hathdevis'd me. What other thing in his Book there is of dif- pute or queftion, in anfwering therto I doubt not to be juftify'd ; except there be who will condemn me to have wafted time in throwing down that which could not keep itfelfup. As for others, who notwithftanding what I can al- ledge have yet decreed to mif-interpret the intents of my Reply, I fuppofe they would have found as many caufes to have mif-conceiv'd the reafons of my filence. TO begin therfore an Apology for thofe Animadverfions which I writ againft the Remonftrant in defence of SmeSjmnuus ; fince the Preface, which was purpofely kt before them, is not thought apologetical enough, it will be beft to acquaint ye, Readers, before other things, what the meaning was to write them in that manner which I did. For I do not look to be alk'd wherfore I writ the Book, it being no difficulty to anfwer that I did it to thole ends which the beft Men propofe to themfelves when they write : But wher- fore in that manner neglecting the main bulk of all that fpecious Antiquity, which might ftun Children, but not Men, I chofe rather to obferve lb me kind of military advantages to await him at his forragings, at his waterings, and whenever he felt himfelf fecure, tofolacehis vein in derifion of his more ferious opponents. And here let me have pardon, Readers, if the Remem- brance of that which he hath licenced himfelf to utter contemptuoufly of thofe reverend Men provoke me to do that over again which fome expect I fhould excufe as too freely done ; fince I have two provocations, his lateft iniiiking in his fhort anfwer, and their final patience. I had no fear but that the Au- thors of SmeSjmnuus., to all the fhew of folidity which the Remonftrant could bring, were prepared both with Ikill and purpofe to return a fuffjeing anfwer, and were able enough to lay the duft and pudder in antiquity, which he and i his, An Apology for Smectymnuus. i o his, out of ftratagem* are wont to raife ; but when I taw his weak A rgil- ments headed with fharp taunts, and that his defign was, if he could no: re» fute themi yet at leaft with quips and fnapping Adagies to vapour them outj which they bent only upon the bufinefs were minded to Jet pafs, by how much I faw them taking little thought for their own Injuries, I muft confefs I took it as my part the lels to endure that my refpcded Friends, through their own unrieceflary patience, ihould thus lie at the mercy of a coy flurtirg ftile ; to be girded with frumps and curtail gibes, by one who makes fentences by the Statute, as if all above three inches long were confifcate. To me it feem'd an indignity, that whom his whole wifdom could not move from tlieir place, them his impetuous Folly ihould prefume to ride over. And if I were more warm than was meet in any paffage of that Book, which yet I do not yield, I might ufe therin the patronage of no worfe an Author than Gregory NyJJen, who mentioning his fharpnefs againft Euhomiiis in the defence of his Brother Baft!, holds himfelf irreprovable in that it was not for himfelf, but in the caufe of his Brother ; and infuch cafes, faith he, perhaps it is worthier par- don to be angry than to be cooler. And wheras this Confater taxes the whole Difcourie of Levity, I ihal! lhew ye, Readers, wherfoever it mall be objected in particular, that I have aniwer'd with as little lightnefs as the Remonftrant hath given example. I have not been fo light as the palm of a Bifhop, which is the lighted: thing in the world when he brings out his Book of Ordination : For then, contrary to that which is wont in releaftng out of prifon, any one that will pay his fees is laid hands on. Another reafon, it would not be amifs though the Remonftrant were told, wherfore he was in that unufual manner beleaguer'd ; and this was it, to pluck out of the heads of his Ad- mirers the conceit that all who are not Prelatical, are grofs-headed, thick- witted, illiterate, ihallow. Can nothing then but Epifcopacy teach Men to fpeak good EngliJIo, to pick and order a fet of words judicioufly ? Muft we learn from Canons and quaint Sermonings, interlin'd with barbarous Latin, to illumine a period, to wreath an Enthymema with maflerous dexterity ? I ra- ther incline, as I have heard it obferv'd, that a Jefuit's Italian when he writes, is ever naught, though he be born and bred a Florentine ; fo to think that from like caufes we may go near to obferve the fame in the ftile of a Prelate. For doubtlefs that indeed according to Art is molt eloquent, which returns and ajjproaches neareft to Nature from whence it came ; and they exprefs Nature beft, who in their lives leaft wander from her fafe leading, which may be call'd regenerate Reafon. So that how he ihould be truly eloquent who is not withal a good Man, I fee not. Neverthelefs, as oft as is to be dealt with Men who pride themfelves in their fuppofed Art, to leave them unexcufable wherin they will not be bettered ; there be of thofe that efteem Prelaty a figment, who yet can pipe if they can dance, nor will be unfur- nifh'd to ihew that what the Prelates admire and have not, others have and ad- mire not. The knowledge wherof, and not of that only, but of what the Scripture tcacheth us how we ought to withftand the perverters of the Gofpel, were thofe other motives which gave the Animadverfions no leave to remit a continual vehemence throughout the Book. For as in teaching doubtlefs the fpirit of meeknefs is moft powerful, fo are the meek only fit perfons to be taught : as for the proud, the obftinate, and falfe Doctors of Men's devices, be taught they will not, but difcovered and laid open they muft be. For how can they admit of teaching, who have the Condemnation of God already upon them for refilling divine Inftruclion ? Thatis, to befll'd with their own devices*, as in the Proverbs we may read : therfore we may fafely imitate the method that God ufes ; with thefroward to be froward, and to throw f corn upon the [corn- er, whom, if any thing, nothing elfe will heal. And if the righteous Jhall laugh at the deftruSiion of the ungodly, they may alio laugh at their pertinacious and in- curable obftinacy, and at the fame time be mov'd with deteftation of their fe- ducing malice, who employ all their wits to defend a Prelaty uiurp'd, and to deprave that juft Government which Pride and Ambition, partly by fine fetches and pretences, partly by force, hath ihouldered out of the Church. And againft fuch kind of deceivers openly and earneftly to proteft, left any one fhould be inquihtive wherfore this or that Man is forwarder than others, lec him know that this Office goes not by Age or Youth, but to whomfoever God fhall give apparently the Will, the Spirit, and the Utterance. Ye have heard Vol. I. P the J 1 06 Art Apology for S m e c t y m n u u s. the reafons for which I thought not myfelf exempted from afibciating with trood Men in their labours toward the Church's welfare : to which, if any one brought oppofition, I brought my beft refiftance. If in requital of this* and for that I have not been negligent toward the reputation of my friends, I have o-ain'd a name beftuck, or as I may fay, bedeck'd with the reproaches and reviles of this rnodeft Confuter, it mall be tome neither flrange nor unwel- come, as that which could not come in a better time. Having render'd an account what induc'd me to write thofe Animadverfl- ons in that manner as I writ them, I come now to fee what the Confutation hath to fay againil them ■, but io as the Confuter ihall hear firfl what I have to fay againft his Confutation. And becaufe he pretends to be a great Conjeftor at other Men by their Writings, I will not tail to give ye, Readers, a pre- fent tafte of him from his title, hung out like a toling fign-poft to call PafTeno-ers, notfimplya Confutation, but a rnodeft Confutation, with a Lauda- tory or itfelf obtruded in the very firft word. Wheras a modeft title mould only inform the buyer what the Book contains without further infinuation j this officious Epithet fo haftily afiumingthe modefty which others are to judge of by reading, not the Author to anticipate to himfelf by foreftalling, is a ftrong prefumption that his modefty fet there to falein the froritupiece, is not much addicted to blufh. A furer fign of his loft fhame he could not have given, than feeking thus unfeafonably to prepoffcfs Men of his modefty. And ieein°- he hath neither kept his word in the fequel, nor omitted any kind of boldnefs in flandering, 'tis manifeft his purpofe was only to rub the forehead of his title with this word modeft, that he might not want colour to be the more impudent throughout his whole Confutation. Next, what can equally favour of Injuftice and plain Arrogance, as to prejudice and forecon emn his Adverfary in the title for Jlanderous and fcurrilous , and as the Remonftrants fafhion is, for frivolous, tedious, and falfe, not ftaying till the Reader can rear him prov'd fo in the following Difcourfe ; which is one caufe of a fufpicion that in fetting forth this Pamphlet the Remonftrant was not unconfulted with : thus his firft addrefs was an humble Remonftrance by a dutiful Son of the Churchy almoft as if he had faid her white-boy. His next was a Defence (a wonder how it efcap'd fomepraifing adjunct) againft the frivolous and falfe Exceptions of Smetlymnuus, fitting in the chair of his Title-page upon his poor caft Ad- verfaries both as a Judge and Party, and that before the Jury of Readers can be impannell'd. His laft was ajhort Anfwer to a tedious Vindication ; fo little can he fuffer a Man to meafure either with his eye or judgment, what is fhort or what is tedious, without his preoccupying direction : and from hence is begotten this modeft Confutation againft a Jlanderous and fcurrilous Libel. I con- ceive, Readers, much may be guefs'd at the Man and his Book, what depth there is, by the framing of his Title ; which being in this Remonftrant fo raih and unadvifed as ye fee, I conceit him to be near a-kin to him who iet forth a Paffion Sermon with a formal Dedicatory in great Letters to our Saviour. Al- though I know that all we do ought to begin and end to his Praife and Glory, yet to infcribe him in a void place with flourifhes, as a Man in compliment ufes to trick up the name of fome Efquire, Gentleman, or Lord Par.nnont at Common Law, to be his Book-Patron, with the appendant form of a ceremo- nious prefentment, will ever appear among the judicious to be but an infuk and frigid affectation. As no lefs was that before his Book againft the Brown* ifts, to write a Letter to a Profopopceia, a certain rhetoriz'd Woman whom he calls Mother, and complains of fome that laid Whoredom to her charge ; and certainly had he folded his Epiftlewith a Superfcription to be deliver'd to that female figure by any Poft or Carrier who were not a Ubiquitary, it had been a moft miraculous greeting. We find the Primitive Doctors as oft as they writ to Churches, fpeaking to them as to a number of faithful Brethren and Sons, and not to make a cloudy Tranfmigration of Sexes in fuch a familiar way of writing as an Epiftle ought to be, leaving the track of common addrefs, to run up, and tread the Air in metaphorical Compellations, and many fond utterances better let alone. But I ftep again to this Emblazoner of his Title-page, (whether it be the fame Man or no, I leave it in the midft) and here I find him pronouncing, without reprieve, thofe Animadverfions to be a Jlanderous and fcurrilous Libel. To which I, Readers, that they are neither ilanderous, nor fcurrilous, will anfwer in what place of his Book he fhall be found An Apology for Smect ymnuus. 107 found with reafon, and not ink only in his mouth. Nor can it be a Libel more than his own, which is both namelefs and full of flanders ; and if in this that it freely fpeaks of things ami fs in Religion, but efbblifh'd by Act of State, I fee not how Wickleffe and Luther, with all the firft Martyrs and Reformers, could avoid the imputation of libelling. I never thought the human frailty of erring in cafes of Religion, Infamy to a State, no more than to a Council: it had therfore been neither civil nor chriftianly, to derogate the Honour of the State for that caufe, efpecially when I law the Parlament itftfpioufly and magnanimoufly bent to fupply and reform the defects and overfights of their Fore-fathers, which to the godly and repentant ages of the Jews w< re often matter of humble confeffing and bewailing, not of confident aflerting and maintaining. Of the State therfore I found good reafon to fpeak all ho- nourable things, and to join in petition with good Men that petition'd : but againft the Prelates who were the only feducers and mif- leaders of the State to conftitute the Government of the Church not rightly, methought I had no* vehemence enough. And thus, Readers, by the example which he hath let me, I have given ye two or three notes of him out of his Title-page •, by which his firftlings fear not to guefs boldly at his whole lump, for that gucfs will not fail ye ; and although I tell him keen truth, yet he may bear with me, fince I am like to chafe him into fome good knowledge, and others, I truft, fhall not mif-fpend their leifure. For this my aim is, if I am forc'd to be unpleafing to him whofe fault it is, I fhall not forget at the fame time to be ufeful in fome thing to the ftander-by. As therfore he began in the Title, fo in the next leaf he makes it his firft bufinefsto tamper with his Reader by fycophanting and mif-naming the work of his adverfary. He calls it a Mime thruft forth upon the ft age to make up the breaches of thofefolcmn Scenes between the Prelates and the Smeclymnuans. Wher- in while he is fo over-greedy to fix a name of ill found upon another, note how ftupid he is to expofe himfelf or his own friends to the fame ignominy ; likening thofe grave Controverfies to a piece of Stagery, or Scene-work, where his own Remonftrant, whether inBufkin or Sock, muft of all right be counted the chief Player, be it boafting Thrafo, or Davits that troubles all things, or one who can fhift into any fhape, I meddle not ; let him explicate who hath refembled the whole Argument to a Comedy, for Tragical, he fays, were too ominous. Nor yet doth he tell us what a Mime is, wherofwe have no pattern from ancient writers, except fome fragments, which contain many acute and wife fentences. And this we know in Laertim; that the Mimes of Sophron were of Inch reckoning with Plato, as to take them nightly to read on, and after make them his pillow. Scaliger defcribes a Mime to be a Poem imitating any action to itir up laughter. But this being neither Poem, nor yet ridiculous, how is it butabufively tax'd to be a Mime ? For if every Book which may by chance excite to laugh here and there, muft be term'd thus, then may the Dialogues of Plato, who for thofe his writings hath obtain'd the furname of Divine, be efteemed as they are by that Detractor in Athemeus, no better than Mimes. Becaufe there is fcarce one of them, efpecially wherin fome notable Sophifter lies fweating and turmoiling under the inevitable and mercilefs Dilemma's of Socrates, but that he who reads, were it Saturn himfelf, would be often robb'd of more than a fmile. And wheras he tells us that fcurrilous Mime was a perfonated grim lozvring Fool, his foolifh language unwittingly writes Fool upon his own friend, for he who was there perfo- nated, was only the Remonftrant ; the Author is ever diftinguifh'd from the pcrfon he introduces. But in an ill hour hath his unfortunate rafhnefs (tum- bled upon the mention of miming, that he might at length ceafe, which he hath not yet fince he ftept in, to gall and hurt him whom he would aid. Could he not beware, could he not bethink him, was he fo uncircumfpect, as not to forefee, that no fooner would that word Mime be fet eye on in the Pa- per, but it would bring to mind that wretched Pilgrimage over Afiujheic's Dictionary call'd Mundus alter & idem, the idleft and the paltrieft Mimethat ever mounted upon bank ? Let him aik the Anther of thofe toothlefs Satyrs who was the maker, or rather the anticreator of that univerfal foolery, who he was, who like that other principle of the Manicbces the Arch evil-one, when he had look'd upon all that he had made and mapt out, could lay no other but contrary to the Divine Mouth, that it was all very foolilh. That grave and Vo l.I. P 1 noble 1 08 An Apology for Smectymnuus. noble invention which the greateft and fublimeft Wits infundry ages, Plato In Critias, and our two famous Countrymen, the one in his Utopia, the other in his new Atlantis chofe, I may not fay as a Field, but as a mighty Continent, wherin to difplay the largenefs of their Spirits, by teaching this our World better andexacler things than were yet known or us'd : this petty Prevarica- tor of America, the Zany of Columbus (for fo he muft be till his world's end) having rambled over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts, no mar- vel if he brought us home nothing but a mere tankard drollery, a venereous parjetory for a flews. Certainly, he that could endure with a fober Pen to fit and devife Laws for Drunkards to caroufe by, I doubt me whether the very fobernefs of fuch a one, like an unlicour'd Silenus, were not ftark drunk. Let him go now and brand another Man injurioufly with the name of Mime, being himfelf the loofeft and molt extravagant Mime that hath bin heard of, whom no lels than almoft half the world could ferve for ftage-room to play the Mime in. And let him advife again with Sir Francis Bacon, whom he cites to con- fute others, what it is to turn the fins of Chrijlendom into a mimical mockery, to rip up thefaddeft vices with a laughing countenance, efpecially where neither re- proof nor better teaching is adjoin'd. Nor is my meaning, Readers, to fhift off a blame from myfelf, by charging the like upon my accufer, hut fhall only defire that Sentence may be refpited, till I can come to fome inftance wherto I may give anfwer. Thus having fpent his firft Onfet, not in confuting, but in a reafonlefs de- faming of the Book, the method of his Malice hurries him to attempt the like againft the Author -, not by Proofs and Teftimonies, but having no certain notice of me, as he profeffes, further than what he gathers from the Animadver- fions, blunders at me for the reft, and flings out flray Crimes at a venture, which he could never, though he be a Serpent, fuck from any thing that I have writ- ten, but from his own fluffed magazine, and hoard of fhnderous Inventions, o- ver and above that which he converted to venom in the drawing. To me, Readers, it happens as a lingular contentment ; and let it be to good Men no flight fatisfadlion, that the Slanderer here confeffes, he has no further notice of me than his own conjetlure. Although it had been honefl to have inquir'd, before he uttered fuch infamous words, and I am credibly inform'd he did in- quire •, but finding fmall comfort from the intelligence which he receiv'd, wheron to ground the Falfities which he had provided, thought it his like- liefl courfe under a pretended ignorance to let drive at random, left he fhould lofe his odd Ends, which from fome penurious Book of Characters he had been culling out and would fain apply. Not caring to burden me with thofe "Vices, wherof, among whom my Converfation hath been, I have been ever leaft fufpecled •, perhaps net without fome futtlety to caft me into envy, by bringing on me a neceffity to enter into mine own praifes. In which Argu- ment I know every wife Man is more unwillingly drawn to fpeak, than the moft repining ear can be averfe to hear. Neverthelefs, fince I dare not wifli to pafs this Life unperfecuted of flanderous tongues, for God hath told us that to be generally prais'd is woful, I fhall rely on his Prcmife to free the in- nocent from caufelefs Afperfions : wherof nothing fooner can afTure me, than if I fhall feel him now aflifling me in the juit vindication of myfelf, which yet I could defer, it being more meet that to thofe other matters of public debatement in this Book, I fhould give attendance firft, but that I fear it would but harm the Truth for me to reafon in her behalf, fo long as I fhould fuffer my honefl eflimation to lie unpurg'd from thefe infolent fuipi- cions. And if I fhall be large, or unwonted in juflifying myfelf to thofe who know me not, for elfe it would be needlefs, let them confider that a fhort Slander will oft-times reach further than a long Apology •, and that he who will do juflly to all Men, muft begin from knowing how, if it fo happen, to be not unjuft to himfelf. I muft be thought, if this Libeller (for now he fhews himfelf to be fo) can find belief, after an inordinate and riotous Youth fpent at the Univerjity, to have bin at length vomited out thence. For which commodious Lye, that he may be encourag'd in the trade another time, I thank him, for it hath given me an apt occaiion to acknowledge pub- licly with all grateful mind, that more than ordinary favour and refpect which I found above any of my Equals at the hands of thofe courteous and learned Men, the Fellows of that College, wherin I fpent fome Years : who at An Apology for Smectymnuus. i oq .it my parting, after I had taken two Degrees, as the manner is, fignify'd many ways, how much better it would content them that I would ftay ; as by ma- ny. Letters full of kindnefs and losing refpect, both before that time, and lono after, I was affur'd of their fingular good affection towards me. Which being likewife propenfe to all fuchas as were for their ftudious and civil Life wor- thy of eiteem, I could not wrong thtir Judgments, and upright Intentions, ib much as to think I had that regard from them for other caufe than that I mi°ht be ftill encouraged to proceed in the honeft and laudable courfes, of which they apprehended I had given good proof. And to thole ingenuous and friendly Men, who were ever the countenancers of virtuous and hopeful Wits, I wifhthe beft and happieft things that Friends in abfence wilh one to another. As for the common approbation or diflike of that place, as now it is, that I mould efteem or difefteem myfelf, or any other the more for that •, too fimple and too credulous is the Confuter, if he think to obtain with me, or any right Difcern- er. Of fmall practice were that Phyfician, who could not judge by what both ihe or her Sifter hath of long time vomited, that the worfer fluff Ihe ftron°-ly keeps in her ftomach, but the better fhe is ever kecking at, and is queafy. She vomits now out of ficknefs •, but ere it be well with her, Ihe mull vomit by ftrong Phyfic. In the mean while that Suburb fink, as this rude Scavenger calls it, and more than fcurriloufly taunts it with the plague, having a worfe plague in his middle Entrail, that Suburb wherin I dwell, fliali be in my account a more honourable place than his Univerhty. Which as in the time of her bet- ter health, and mine own younger judgment, I never greatly admired, fo now much lefs. But he follows me to the City, ftill ufurping and forging beyond his Book notice, which only he affirms to have had ; and where my morning haunts are, he wiffes not . 'Tis wonder, that being fo rare an Alchymift of dan- der, he could not extract that, as well as the Univerfity vomit, and the Suburb fink which his Art could diftill ib cunningly; but becaufe his Limbec fails him, to give him and envy the more vexation, 111 tell him. Thofe mornino- haunts are where they fhould be at home, not fleeping, or concodling the fur- feits of an irregular Feaft, but up and ftirring, in Winter often ere the found of any Bell awake Men to labour, or to devotion ; in Summer as oft with the Bird that firft roufes, or not much tardier, to read good Authors, or caufe them to be read, till the Attention be weary, or Memory have its full fraught : Then with ufeful and generous labours preserving the Beiiy'j health and har- dinefs -, to render lightfome, clear, and not lumpifh. obedience to the mind, to the caufe of Religion, and our Country's liberty, when it ihall require firm hearts in found Bodies to ftand and cover their (lations, rather than to fee the ruin of our Proteftation, and the inforcement of aflavifh Life. Thefe are the morning Practices, proceed now to the afternoon •, in Playhoufes, he fays, and the Bordelloes. Your intelligence, unfaithful Spy of Canaan : he gives in his evidence, that there he hath trae'dme. Take him at his word, Readers, but let him bring good Sureties ere ye difmifshim, that while he pretended to doo- others, he did not turn in for his own pleafure : for fo much in effect he con- cludes againft himfelf, not contented to be caught in every other Gin, but he muft be fuch a novice, as to be ftill hampered in his own Hemp. In the Ani- madverfions, faith he, I find the mention of old Cloaks, falfe Beards, Night- walkers, and fait Lotion ; therfore the Animadverter haunts Playhoufes and Bordelloes ; for if he did not, how could he fpeak of fuch Gear ? Now that he may know what it is to be a Child, and yet to meddle with edg'd tools, I turn his Antifirephon upon his own head •, the Confuter knows that thefe things are the furniture; of Playhoufes and Bordelloes, therfore by the fame reafon the Confuter himfelf hath been trae'd in tbofe places. Was it fuch a diffolute Speech, telling of fome Politicians who were wont to eavefdrop indifguifes, to fay they were often liable to a night-walking Cudgeller, or the emptying of a Urinal ? What if I had writ as your Friend the Author of the aforefaid Mime, Mundus alter & idem, to have been ravifh'd like fome young Cephalus or Hy- las, by a troop of camping Houfewives in Viraginea, and that he was there for- ced to fwear himfelf an uxorious Varlet •, then alter along fervitude to have come into Aphrodifia that pleafant Country, that gave fuch a fweet fmell to his Noftrils among the fhamelefs Courtezans of Defvergonia? Surely he would have then concluded me as conftant at the Bordello, as the Galley -flave at his no An Apology for S M ecty m n u u s. his Oar. But fince there is fuch necefiityto the hear- fay of a Tire, a Peri- v/io- or a Vizard, that Plays muft have bin feen, what difficulty was there inthat ? when in the Colleges fo many of the young Divines, and thofe in next aptitude to Divinity, have bin feen fo otten upon the Stage, writhing and unbonino- their Clergy- limbs to all the antic and difhoneit geftures of Trinculo's, Buffoons, and Bawds •, proftituting the fhame of that Miniftry, which either they had, or were nigh having, to the eyes of Courtiers and Court-Ladies, with their Grooms and Madamoifellaes. There while they atted, and over-acted, among other young Scholars, I was a Spectator •, they thought themfelves gallant Men, and I thought them fools ; they made fport, and I Iatigh'd -, they mif-pronounc'd, and I miflik'd; and to make up the At- ticifin, they were out, and Ihift. Judge now whether fo many good Text- Men were not fufficient to inftruct me of falfe beards and vizards, without more Expofitors : and how can this Coniuter take the face to object to me the feeino- of that which his reverend Prelates allow, and incite their young Dif- ciples to aft ? For if it be unlawful to fit and behold a mercenary Comedian perfonating that which is leaft unfeemly for a hireling to do, how much more blameful is it to endure the fight of as vile things acted by Perfons either en- ter'd, orprefently to enter into the Miniftry, and how much more fou! and ignominious for them to be the Actors ? °Butbecaufe as well by this upbraiding to me the Bordello's, as by other fufpicious glancings in his Book, he would feem privily to point me out to his Readers, as one whole cuftom of Lite were not honeft, but licentious ; I fhall intreatto be born with, though I digrefs ; and in a way not often trod, acquaint ye with the fum of my thoughts in this matter, through the courfe of my Years and Studies. Although I am not ignorant how ha- zardous it will be to do this under the nofe of the Envious, as it were in ikirmifh to change the compact Order, and inftead of outward Actions, to bring inmoft thoughts into front. And I muft tell ye, Readers, that by this fort of Men I have bin already bitten at ; yet fhall they not for me know how flightly they are efteemed, unlets they have fo much learning as to read what in Greek ATmfoxaAw is, which together with envy, is the common difeafe of thofe who cenfure Books that are not for their reading. With me it fares now, as with him whofe outward garment hath bin injur'd and ill-bedighted ; for having no other ihift, what help but to turn the -infide outwards, efpe- cially if the lining be of the fame, or, as it isfometiir.es, much better? So if my name and outward demeanor be not evident enough to defend me, I muft make trial, if the difcovery of my inmoft thoughts can : Wherin of two purpofes both honeft, and bothfincere, the one perhaps I fhall not mifs ; al- though I fail to gain belief with others, of being fuch as my perpetual thoughts fhall here difclofe me, I may yet not fail of fuccefs in perfuading fome to be fuch really themfelves, as they cannot believe me to be more than what I fain. I had my time, Readers, as others have, who have good learning beftow'd upon them, to be fent to thofe Places, where the opinion was, it might be fooneft attain'd •, and as the manner is, was not unftudied in thofe Authors which are moft commended ; wherof fome were grave Ora- tors and Hiftorians, whofe matter methought I lov'd indeed, but as my Age then was, fo I underftood them •, others were the fmooth Elegiac Poets, wherof the Schools are not fcarce, whom both for the pleafing found of theirnumerous Writing, which in imitation I found moft eafy, and moft a- greeable to nature's part in me, and for their matter, which what it is, there be few who know not, I was fo allur'd to read, that no recreation came to me better welcome : For that it was then thofe Years with me which areex- cus'd, though they be leaft fevere, I may be fav'd the labour to remember ye\ Whence having obferv'd them to account it the chief glory of their wit, in > that they were ableft to judge, to praife, and by that could elteem them- felves worthier!: to love thofe high perfections, which under one or other name they took to celebrate ; I thought with myfelf by every inftinct and prefage of Nature, which is not wont to be falfe, that what imboldned them to this tafk, might with fuch diligence as they us'd imbolden me •, and that what Judgment, Wit, or Elegance was my fhare, would hcrin beft appear, and belt value itfelf, by how much more wifely, and with more love of Vertue I An Apology for S M ectymnuus. i r i I (hould chufe (let rude ears be abfent) the object of not Unlike praifes : For albeit thefe thoughts to fome will feem virtuous and commendable, to others only pardonable, to a third fort perhaps idle ; yet the mentioning of them now will end in ierious. Nor blame it, Readers, in thofe Years to pro- pofe tothemfelves fuch a reward, as the nobleft DiJpofitions above other things in this Life have fometimes preferr'd : wherof not to be fen/ible, when good and fair in one Perfon meet, argues both a grofs and mallow judge- ment, and withal an ungentle, and fwainifhBreaft. For by the linn lettlino- of thefe perfuafions, I became, to my belt memory, fo much a proficient, that if I found thofe Authors any where fpeaking unworthy things of them- 'felves, or unchaite of thofe Names which before they had extoll'd ; this ef- fect it wrought with me, from that time forward their Art I ftill applau Jed* but the Men I deplor'd •, and above them all, preferred the two famous re- nowners of Beatrice and Laura, who never write but honour of them to whom they devote their Verfe, diiplaying fublime and pure thoughts* with- out tranfgreffion. And long it was not after, when I was confirmed in this opinion, that he who w 7 ould not be fruftrate of his hope to write well here- after in laudable things, ought himfelf to be a true Poem ; that is, a com- pofition and pattern of the beft and honourable!!: things ; not prefumino- lo fing high praifes of heroic Men, or famous Cities, unlels he have in him elf the experience and the practice of all that which is praife-worthy. Thefe reafonings, together with a certain nicenefs of Nature, an honeft hau^hti- nefs, and felf-efteem either of what I was, or what I might be, (which let envy call pride) and lallly that Modefty, wherof though not in the Title- page, yet here I may be excus'd to make fome befeeming prof effion ; all thefe uniting the fupply of their natural aid together, kept me Hill above thofe low defcents of Mind, beneath which he muft deject and plunge himfe'f, that can agree to faleable and unlawful proftitutions. Next, (for hear me out now Readers) that I may tell ye whither my younger feet wander' J •, I betook me among thofe lofty Fables and Romances, which recount in folemn Canto's, the deeds of Knighthood founded by our victorious Kings^ and from hence had in renown over all Chriftendom : There I read it in the Oath of every Knight, that he fhould defend to the expence of his beft Blood, or of his Life, if it fo befel him, the honour and chaftity of Virgin or Ma- tron : From whence even then I learnt what a noble virtue Chaftity fure muft be, to the defence of which fo many Worthies by fuch a dear adventure of themfelves had fworn ; and if I found in the ftory afterward, any of them byword or deed, breaking that Oath, I judg'd it the fame fault of the Poet, as that which is attributed to Homer, to have written undecent things of the Gods : Only this my mind gave me, that every free and gentle fpirit, without that Oath, ought to be born a Knight, nor needed to expect the gilt Spur, or the laying of a Sword upon his Shoulder to ftir him up both by hiscounfel and his arm, to fecure and protect the weaknefs of any attempt- ed Chaftity. So that even thofe Books, which to many others have been the fuel of wantonnefs and loofe living, I cannot think how, unlefs by divine indulgence, prov'd to me fo many incitements, as you have heard, to the love and ftedfaft obfervation of that Virtue wdiich abhors the fociety of Bor- dello's. Thus from the Laureat fraternity of Poets, riper years, and the ceafelefs round of ftudy and reading, led me to the fhady fpaces of Philofo- phy ; but chiefly to the divine Volumes of Plato, and his equal Xenophon ; where if I fhould tell ye what I learnt cf Chaftity and Love, I mean that which is truly fo, who fe charming cup is only Virtue, which fhe bears in her hand to thofe who are worthy •, the reft are cheated with a thick intoxicating potion, which a certain Sorcerefs, the abufer of Love's name carries about, and how the firlt and chiefeft office of Love begins and ends in the Soul, producing thofe happy twins of her divine generation, Knowledge and Virtue*.-, with fuch abftracted fublimities as thefe, it might be worth your liftning, Readers, as I may one day hope to have ye in a ftill time, when there mall be no chiding ; not in thefe noifes, the Adverfary, as ye know, barking at the door, or fearching fur me at the Bordello's, where it may be he has loft himfe'f, and raps up without pity the fage and rheumatic old Prdatrfs, with all her young Corinthian Laity, to inquire for fuch a one. Laft of all, not ill An Apology for Smectymnuus. not in time, but as perfection is lafl, that care was ever had of me, with my earlieft capacity, not to be negligently train'd in the precepts of Chriftiari Religion : This that I have hitherto related, hath bin to fhew, that though Chriftianity had bin but flightly taught me, yet a certain refervednefs of na- tural difpofition, and moral difcipline, learnt out of the nobleft Philofophy* was enough to keep me in difdain of far lefs incontinences than this of the Bordello. But having had the doctrine of Holy Scripture, unfolding thofe: chafte and high Myfteries, with timelieft care infus'd, that the body is for the Lord, and the Lord for the body ; thus alio I argu'd to myfelf} that if tinchafti- ty in a Woman, whom Saint Paul terms the glory of Man, be fuch a fcandai and difhonour, then certainly in a Man, who is both the image and glory of God, it mull, though commonly notfo thought, be much more deflouring and di {honourable ', in that he fins both againft his own body, which is the per- fefler Sex, and his own glory which is in the Woman ; and that which is worfL, againft the image and glory of God which is in himfelf. Nor did I dumber over that place, expreffing fuch high rewards of ever accompanying the Lamb, with thofe celeftial Songs to others inapprehensible, but not to thofe who were not defiled with Women, which doubtlefs means Fornication : For Marriage muft not be call'd a defilement. Thus large I have purpofely bin* that if I have been juftly tax'd with this Crime, it may come upon me after all this my confeffion, with a ten-fold fhame : Bat if I have hitherto deferv'd no fuch opprobrious word, or fufpicion, I may hereby engage myfelf now openly to the faithful obfervation of what I have profeft. I go on to fhew you the unbridled impudence of this loofe railer, who having once begun his race, regards not how far he flies out beyond all truth and fhame •, who from the fingle notice of the Animadverfions, as he protefts, will undertake to tell ye the very cloaths I wear, though he be much miftaken in my Ward- robe : And like a fon of Belial, without the hire of Jefabel, charges me of blafpheming God and the King, as ordinarily as he imagines me to drink Sack and fwear, merely becaufe this was a ihred in his Common-place Book* and feem'd to come off roundly, as if he were fome Empiric of falfe Accufa- tions to try his poifons upon me, whether they would work or no. Whom what fhould I endeavour to refute more, whenas that Book which is his only Teftimony returns the lye upon him ; not giving him the leaft hint of the Author to be either a Swearer, or a Sack-drinker. And for the Readers, if they can believe me, principally for thofe reafons which I have alledg'd, to be of Life and Purpofe neither difhoneft, nor unchafte, they will be eafily induc'd to think me fober both of wine, and of word; but if I have bin al- ready fuccefflefs in perfuading them , all that I can further fay, will be but vain •, and it will be better thrift to fave two tedious labours, mine of excufing, and theirs of needlefs hearing. Proceeding further, I am met with a whole ging of words and phrafes not mine, for he hath maim'd them, and like a fly depraver mangled them in this his wicked Limbo, worfe than the ghoft of Deiphobus appear'd to his friend JEneas. Here I fcarce know them, and he that would, let him re- pair to the place in that Book where I fet them : For certainly this tor - menter of Semicolons is as good at difmembring and flitting Sentences, as his grave Fathers the Prelates have bin at ftigmatizing and flitting Nofes. By fuch handy-craft as this what might he not traduce ? Only that odour which being his own muft needs offend his fenfe of fmelling, fince he will needs be- ftow his foot among us, and not allow us to think he wears a Sock, I fhall endeavour it may be offencelefs to other Men's ears. The Remonftrant having to do with grave and reverend Men his adverfaries, thought it became him to tell them in fcorn, that the Bifljop's foot had been in their Bcok and confuted it ; which when I faw him arrogate, to have done that with his heels that furpaft the beft confideration of his head, to fpurn a confutation among re- fpefted Men, I queftioned not the lawfulnefs of moving his jollity to bethink him, what odour a Sock would have in fuch painful bufinefs. And this may have chane'd to touch him more nearly than I was aware; for indeed a Bifhop's foot that hath all his toes mauger the Gout, and a linen Sock over it, is the apteft emblem of the Prelate himfelf; who being a Plural iff, may under one Surplice, which is alfo linen, hide four Benefices, befides the metropo- 2 litan An Apology for Smecty m n u u s. 113 litan toe, and fends a fouler ftench to Heaven, than that which this yoiuicr queafinefs retches at. And this is the immediate reafon here why our enrao-'d Confuter, that he may be as perfect an hypocrite as Caiphas, ere he be a High Pried, cries out, Horrid blafphemy ! and like a recreant Jew, calls for Stones. I befeech ye, friends, ere the brick-bats fly, refolve me and yourfelves, is it blafphemy, or any whit difagreeing from Chriftian meeknefs, whenas Chrift himfelf fpeaking of unfavory traditions, fcruples not to name the Dun°-hill and the Jakes, for me to anfwer a flovenly wincer of a confutation, that, i he would needs put his foot tofuch a fweaty fervice, the odour of his Sock wa« like to be neither Mufk, nor Benjamin? Thus did thatfoolifh Monk in a bar- barous Declamation accufe Petrarch of blafphemy for difpraifing the French Wines. But this which follows is plain Bedlam fluff, this is the Demoniac Legion indeed, which the Remonftrant fear'dhad been againft him, and now he may fee is for him: You that love Chrift, faith he, and know this mifcreant wretch ft one him to death, left you /mart for his impunity. What thinks the Remonftrant? does he like that fuch words as thefe fhould come out of his fhop, out of his Trojan horfe ? to give the watch-word like a Guifian of Paris to a mutiny or maflacre ; to proclaim a Crufada againft his Fellow-Chrirtian now in this trou- blous and divided time of the Kingdom ? If he do, I fha'l fay that to be the Remonftrant, is no better than to be a Jefuit ; and that if he and his accom- plices could do as the Rebels have done in Ireland to the Proteftants, they would do in England the fame to them that would no Prelates. For a more feditious and butcherly Speech no Cell of Loyola could have belch'd againft one who in all his writing fpake not, that any Man's fkin fhould be rais'd. And yet this curfing Sbimei, a hurler of ftones, as well as a railer, wants not the face inftantly to make as though he defpair'd of viclory unlefs a modeft defence would get it him. Did I err at all, Readers, to foretel ye, when firft I met with his title, that the epithet of modeft there, was a certain red portending fign, that he meant ere long to bemoft tempeftuoufly bold, and (hamelefs ? Neverthelefs he dares not fay hut there may be hid in his nature as much venomous Atheifm and Prophanation, as he thinks hath broke out at his adverfary's lips ; but he hath not the fore running upon him, as he would intimate I have. Now truft me not, Readers, if I be not already weary of pluming and footing this Sea-gull, fo open he lies to ftrokes, and never offers at another, but brings home the dorre upon himfelf. For if the fore be running upon me, in all judo-. ment I have fcap'd the difeafe ; but he who hath as much infection hid in him, as he hath voluntarily confeft, and cannot expel it, becaufe he is dull, for venomous Atheifm were no treafure to be kept within him elfe, let him take the part he hath chofen, which muft needs follow, to f.vell and burft with his own inward venom. Section i. But mark, Readers, there is a kind of juftice obferv'd among them that do evil, but this Man loves injuftice in the very order of his malice. For having all this while abus'd the good name of his adverfary with all manner of li- cence in revenge of his Remonftrant, if they be not both one perfon, or as I am told, Father and Son, yet after all this he calls for Satisfaction, when as he himfelf hath already taken the utmoft farthing. Violence hath been done fays he, to the perfon of a holy and religious Prelate. To which, fomethino- in ef- fect to what St. Paul anfwer'd of Ananias^ I anfwer, I<wift not brethren that he was a holy and religious Prelate •, for evil is written of thofe who would be Pre- lates. And finding him thus in difguife without his fuperfcription or Phylaclery either of holy or Prelate, it were no fin to ferve him as Longchamp Bifhop of Ely was ferv'd in his difguife at Dover: he hath begun the meafure namelds, and when he pleafes we may all appear as we are. And let him be then whathe will, he fhall be to me fo as I find him principl'd. For neither muft Prelate or Arch-Prelate hope to exempt himfelf from being reckon'd as one of the vul- gar, which is for him only to hope whom true wifdom and the contempt of vul- gar opinions exempts, it being taught us in the Pfalms, that he who is in ho- nour and undcrftandeth not, is as the beafts that perifh. And now firft the manner of handling that Caufe which I undertook, he thinks is fufpicious, as if the wifeft, and the beft words were not ever to fome or other fufpicious. But where is the offence, the diiagree ment from Chriftian meeknefs, or the Vol. I. Q_ precept i 1 4 An Apology for Smectymnuus. precept of Solomon in anfwering folly ? When the Remonftrant talks of froth andfcum, I tell him there is none, and bid him fpare his ladle : when he brings in the mefs with Keai, Beef, and Brewefs, what ftomach in England could forbear to call for flanks and brifkets ? Capon and white Broth having bin likely fometimes in the fame room with Chrift and his Apoftles, why does it trouble him that it fhould be now in the fame leaf, efpeciallyj where the dif- courfe is not continued, but interrupt ? And let him tell me, is he wOntto fay grace, doth he not then name holieft names over the fteam of coftlieft Su- perfluities ? Does he judge it foolifh or dilhoneft to write that among religious things, which when he talks of religious things, he can devoutly chew ? Is he afraid to name Chrift where thofe things are written in the fame leaf, whom he fears not to name while the fame things are in his mouth ? Doth not Chrift himfelf teach the higheft things by the fimilitude of old Bottles andpatch- ed Cloaths? Doth he not illuftrate beft things by things moft evil ? his own coming to be as a thief in the night, and the righteous Man's wifdom to that of an utijuft Steward? He might therfore have done better to have kept in his canting Beggars, and heathen Altar, to facrifice his thread-bare criticifm of Bomolochus to an unfeafonable Goddefsfit for him cali'd Importunity, and have referved his Greek derivation till he lecture to hisfrefh Men, for here his itch- ing pedantry is but flouted. But to the end that nothing may be omitted which may further fatisfy any confcionable Man, who notwithftanding what I could explain before the Animadverfions, remains yet unfatisfy'd concerning that way of writing which I there defended, but this confuter whom it pinches, utterly difapproves; I fhall aflay once again, and perhaps with more fuccefs. If therfore the queftion were in oratory, whether a vehement vein throwing out indignation or fcorn upon an object that merits it, were among the apteft Ideas of fpeech tobeallow'd, it were my work, and that an eafy one, to make it clear both by the rules of beft Rhetoricians, and the famoufeft examples of the Greek and Roman Orations. But fince the Religion of it is difputed, and not the Art, I fhall make ufe only of fuch reafons and authorities, as Religion cannot except againft. It will be harder to gainfay, than for me to evince that in the teaching of Men diverfly-temper'd different ways are to be try'd. The Bap- tift, we know, was a ftrict Man, remarkable for aufterity and {et order of life. Our Saviour who had all gifts in him, was Lord to exprefs his indoctrinating power in what fort him beft feem'd ; fometimes by a mild and familiar con- verfe, fometimes with plain and impartial home-fpeaking, regardlefs of thofe whom the auditors might think he fhould have had in more refpect ; other- whiles with bitter and ireful rebukes, if not teaching, yet leaving excufe- lefs thofe his wilful Impugners. What was all in him, was divided among many others the teachers of his Church ; fome to be fevereand ever of a fad gravity, that they may win fuch, and check fometimes thofe who be of nature over-confident and jocond •, others were fent more chearful, free, and ftill as it were at large, in the midft of an untrefpafting honefty; that they who are fo tempered, may have by whom they might be drawn to falvation, and they who are too fcrupulous, and dejected of fpirit, might be often ftrengthen'd with wife confolations and revivings : no Man being forc'd wholly to diflblve that ground-work of nature which God created in him, thefanguine to empty out all his fociable livelinefs, the choleric to expel quite the unfinning pre- dominance of his anger ; but that each radical humour and paflion wrought upon and corrected as it ought, might be made the proper mould and foun- dation of every Man's peculiar gifts and virtues. Some alfo were indued with a ftaid moderation, and foundnefs of argument, to teach and con- vince the rational and fober-minded ; yet not therfore that to be thought the only expedient courfe of teaching, for in times of oppofition, when either againft new herefies arifing, or old corruptions to be reform'd, this cool un- paflionate mildnefs of pofitive wifdom is not enough to damp and aftonifh the proud refiftance of carnal and falfe Doctors, then (that I may have leave to foar a -while as the Poets ufe) then Zeal, whofe fubftance is ethereal, arming in compleat diamond, afcends his fiery Chariot drawn with two blazing Mete- ors figur'd like beafts, but of a higher breed than any the Zodiac yields, re- fembling two of thofe four which Ezekiel and St. Joh?i faw, the one vifag'd like An Apology for Smectymn'uus. 115 like a Lion to exprefs Power, high Authority, and Indignation ; the other of countenance like a Man tocafl derifion and fcorn upon perverfe and fraudu- Ie t feducers : with thefe the invincible warrior Zeal fhaking loofiy the flack reins drives over the heads of fcarlet Prelates, and fuch as are infolent to maintain traditions, bruifing their ftifF necks under his flaming wheels. Thus did the true Prophets of old combat with the falfe ; thus Chrift himfelf the fountain ofmeeknefs found acrimony enough to be ftill galling and vexing the Prelatical Pharifees. Rut ye will fay thefe had immediate warrant from God to be thus bitter ; and I lay, fo much the plainlier is it prov'd, that there may be a fanctify'd bitternefs againflthe enemies of truth. Yet that ye may not think Infpir.ition only the warrant therof, but that it is as any other ver- tue, of moral and general obfervation, the example of Luther may ftand forall, whom God made choice of before others to be of higheft eminence and power in reforming the Church -, who, not of revelation, but of judgment- writ fo vehemently againft the chief defenders of old untruths in the Romijb Church, that his own friends and favourers were many times offended with the fiercencfs of his fpirit ; yet he being cited before Charles the Fifth to anfwer for his Books, and having divided them into three forts, wherof one was of thofe which he had fharply written, refus'd, though upon deliberation given him, to retract or unfiy any word therin, as we may read in Sleidan, Yea, he defends his eagernefs, as being of an ardent fpirit, and one who could not write a dull Jt He : and affirmed, be thought it God's will to have the inventions of Men thus laid open, feeing that matters quietly handled were quickly forgot . Anil herewithal how ufeful and available God had made this tart Rhetoric in the Church's caufe, he often found by his own experience. For when he betook himfelf to lenity and moderation, as they call it, he reap'd nothing but con- tempt both from Cajetan and Erafmus, from Cocleus, from Ecchius, and others ; infomuch that blaming his friends who had fo counfeli'd him, he refolv'd ne- ver to run into the like error : if at other times he feem to excufe his vehe- mence, as more than what was meet, I have not examined through his works, to know how far he gave way to his own fervent mind ; it fhall luffice me to look to mine own. And this I fhall eafdy aver, though it may feem a hard faying, that the fpirit of God, who is purity itfelf, when he would reprove any fault feverely, or but relate things done or fiid with indignation by others, abftains not from fome words not civil at other times to be fpoken. Omitting that place in Numbers at the killing of Zitnri and Cofbi, done by Pbineas in the height of zeal, related, as the Rabbins expound, not without an obfeene word, we may find in Deuteronomy and three of the Prophets, where God denouncing bitterly the punifhments of Idolaters, tells them in a term im - modeft to be uttered in cool blood, that their Wives fhall be defil'd openly. But thefe, they will fay, were honeft words in that age when they were fpoken. "Which is more than any Rabbin can prove ; and certainly had God been fo minded, he could have pick'd fuch words as mould never have come into abufe. What will they fay to this ? David going againft Nabal, in the very fame breath when he had but jufl before nam'd the name of God, he vows not to leave any alive of Nabal* s houfe that piffeth againflthe Wall. But this was unadvifedly fpoke, you will anfwer, and ftt down to aggravate his infirmity. Turn then to the firfb of Kings, where God himfelf ufes the phrafe, I will cut offfrom Jeroboam him that pijfeth againft the Wall. Which had it been an un- feemly fpeech in the heat of an earneft expreffion, then we muff conclude that Jonathan or Onkelos the Targumijls were of cleaner language than he that made the tongue ; for they render it as briefly, I will cut of all who are at years of difcretion, that is to fiy, fo much difcretion as to hide nakednefs. Wheras God, who is the Author both of purity and eloquence, chofe this phrafe as fit- teft in that vehement character wherin he fpake. Otherwife that plain word might have eafily bin forborn ': which the Maforeths and Rabbinical Schcliafls not well attending, have often us'd to blur the margent with Keri inftead of Ketiv, and gave us this infulfe rule out of their 'Talmud, That all words which in the Law are writ obfeene ly, muft be changed to more civil words : Fools who would teach Men to read moxe decently than God thought good to write. And thus I take it to be maniftft, that indignation againft Men and their actions r.ororioully bad, hath leave and authority oft-times to utter fuch words and Yo i.. I. Q^2 phrales n6 j4% Jpology for Sue ctym^u us. phrafes as in common talk were not fo mannerly to ufe. That ye may know* not only as the Hiftorian fpeaks, that all thofe things for which Men plough, build, or fail, obey vertue, but that all words, and whadbever may be fpoken, fhall at fome time in an unwonted manner wait upon her purpofes. Now that theConfutantmay alfo know as he defires, what force of teach- ing there is fometimes in laughter ; I fhall return him in fhort, that Laugh- ter beino- one way of anfwering a Fool according to his folly, teaches two forts of Perfons, firft, the Fool himfelf not to be wife in his own conceit, as Solomon affirms ; which is certainly a great document, to make an unwife Man know himfelf. Next, it teacheth the Hearers, in as much as fcorn is one of thofe » Puhifhments which belong to Men carnally wife, which is oft in Scripture de- clar'd ; for when fuch are punifh'd, the fimple are therby made wife, if Solo- mon's rule be true. And I would alk, to what end Eliah mock s d the falfe Pro- phets ? was it to fhew his wit, or to fulfil his humour ? doubtlefs we can- not imagine that great fervant of God had any other end in all which he there did, but to teach and inftrudt the poor milled People. And we may fre- quently read, that many of the Martyrs in the midft of their troubles, were not fparing to deride and feoff their fuperltitious perfecutors. Now may the Confutant ad vife again with Sir Francis Bacon, whether Eliah and the Martyrs did well to turn Religion into a Comedy or Satyr ; to rip up the wounds of Ido- latry and Superftition with a laughing Countenance : So that for pious gravity his Author here is match'd and over-match'd, and for wit and morality in one that follows. —laughing to teach the truth What hinders ? as fome teachers give to Boys Junkets and knacks, that they may learn apace. Thus Flaccus in his firll Satyr, and his tenth : — Jefling decides great things Stronglier, and better oft than earnefl can. I could urge the fame out of Cicero and Seneca, but he may content him with this. And henceforward, if he can learn, may know as well what are the bounds, and objects of Laughter and vehement Reproof, as he hath known hitherto how to deferve them both. But left fome may haply think, or thus expoftulate with me after all this debatement, who made you the bufy Almoner to deal about this dole of laughter and reprehenfion, which no Man thanks your bounty for ? To the urbanity of that Man, I mould anfwer much after this fort : That I, friend Objecter, having read of Heathen Philofophers, fome to have taught, that whofoever would but ufe his ear to liften, might hear the voice of his guiding Genius ever before him, calling, and as it were pointing to that way which is his part to follow ; others, as the Stoics, to account reafon, which they call the Hegemonicon, to be the common Mercuby conducting without error thofe that give themfelves obediently to be led ac- cordingly : having read this, I could not efteem fo poorly of the Faith which I profefs, that God had left nothing to thofe who had forfaken all other doctrines for his, to be an inward witnefs and warrant of what they have to do, as that they fhould need to meafure themfelves by other Men's meafures, how to give fcope or limit to their proper actions ; for that were to make us the moft at a ftand, the moft uncertain and accidental wanderers in our do- ings, of all Religions in the World. So that the queftion ere while mov'd, who he is that fpends thus the benevolence of laughter and reproof fo li- berally upon fuch Men asthe Prelates, may return with a more juft demand, who he is not of place and knowledge never fo mean, under whofe contempt and jirk thefe Men are not defervedly fallen ? Neither can Religion receive a- ny wound by difgrace thrown upon the Prelates 5< fince Religion and they furely were never in fuch amity. They rather are the Men who have wounded Re- ligion, and their ftripes muft heal her. I might alfo tell them, what Eleclra in Sophocles, a wife Virgin anfwered her wicked Mother, who thought herfelf too violently reprov'd by her the Daughter. "Tis you that fay it, not I ; you do the deeds. And your ungodly deeds find me the words. 2 If An Apology for Smect ymn'uus. 117 If therfore the Rcmonflrant complain of Libels, it is becaufe he feels them to be right aim'd. Fori afkagain, as before in the Animadverfions, how long is it fince he hath difreliih'd Libels ? We never heard the leaft mutter of his voice againft them while they flew abroad with cqntroul or check, defaming the Scots and Puritans. And yet he can remember of none but L\fimachus Ni- canor, and that he mifliked and cenfur'd. No more but of one can the Remon- ftrant remember ? What if I put him in mind of one more ? What if of one more wherof the Remonftrant in many likelihoods may be thought the Au- thor ? Did he never fee a Pamphlet intitled after his own fafhion, A Survey of that fooli/h, /editions, fcandalous, prophane Libel, the Proteftation protefted ? The Child doth not more exprefly refigure the vifageof his Father, than that Boole refembles the ftile of the Remonftrant, in thofe idioms of fpeech, wherin he leems mod to delight : and in the feventeenth Page three lines together taken out of the Remonftrance word for word, not as a Citation, but as an Author borrows from himfelf. Whoever it be, he may as juftiy be fa-id to have libell'd, as he againft whom he writes : there ye fhall find another Man than here is made fhew of, there he bites as fail as this whines. Vinegar in the Ink is there the antidote of Vipers. Laughing in a religious Controverfy is there a thrifty Phyfic to expel his Melancholy. In the mean time the Teftimony of Sir Francis Bacon was not mifalledged, complaining that Libels on the Bifhops part were uttered openly ; and if he hoped the Prelates bad no intelligence with the Libellers, he delivers it but as his favourable opinion. But had he contra- dicted himfelf, how could I affoil him here, more than a little before, where I know not how, by entangling himfelf, he leaves an afperfion upon Job, which "by any elfe I never heard laid to his charge ? For having affirmed that there is no greater confufion than the confounding ofjeftandearneft, prefently he brings the example of Job glancing at conceits of mirth, -when h: fit among the people with the gravity of a Judge upon him. If Jeft and Earned be fuch a confufion, then were the people much wifer than Job, for he fmil'd, and they believed him not. To defend Libels, which is that wherof I am next accus'd, was far from my purpofe. I had not fo little fhare in good name, as to give another that advantage againft. myfelf. The fum of what I faid was, that a more free per- miflion of writing at fome times might be profitable, in fuch a quettion efpeci- ally wherin the Magistrates are not fully refolv'd ; and both fides have equal liberty to write, as now they have. Not as when the Prelates bore iway, in whofe time the Books of fome Men were confuted, when they who fhould have anfwer'd were in clbfe prifon, deny'd theufe of pen or paper. And the divine Right of Epifcopacy was then valiantly afTerted, when he who would have bin refpondent muft have bethought himfelf withal how he could refute the Clink or the Gatehoufe. It now therfore they be purfu'd with bad words, who perfecuted others with bad deeds, it is a way to leflen tumult rather than toen- creafe it ; whenas anger thus freely vented, fpends itfelf ere it break out into action, though Machiavcl, whom he cites, or any Machiavilian Prieft think the contrary. Sect. 3. Now, Readers, I bring ye to his third Section; wherin very cautioufly and no more than needs, left I fhould take him for fome Chaplain at hand, fome Squire of the body to his Prelate, one that ferves not at the Altar only, but at the Court Cup-board, he will beftowonus a pretty model of him- felf; and fobs me out half a dozen ptizical Motto's wherever he had them, hopping fhort in the meafureof Convuliion-fits ; in which labour the a^onv of his Wit having fcap'd narrowly, inftead of well-fiz'd periods, he greets us with a quantity of thumb-ring pofies. He has a fortune therfore good, becaufe he is content vjith it. This is a piece of fapience not worth the brain of a fruit- trencher ■, as if Content were the meafure of what is good or bad in the gift of Fortune. For by this rule a bad Man may have a good fortune, becaufe he- may be oft-times content with it for many reafons which have no affinity with Virtue, as love of eafe, wantoffpirit to ule more, and the like. And ther- fore content, he fays, becaufe it neither goes before, nor comes behind his merit. Be- like then if his fortune fhould go before his merit, he would not be content, but re(ign ? if we believe him, which I do the lefs, becaufe he implies, that if it came behind his merit, he would be content as little. Wheras if a wife Man's 1 1 8 An Apology for Smectymnuus. Man's content fhould depend upon fuch a Therfore, becaufe his fortune came not behind his merit, how many wife Men could have content in this world ? In his next pithy fymbol I dare not board him, for he paries all the feven wife Matters of Greece, attributing to himfelf that which ^n my life Salomon durffc not; to have affeclions fo equally temper'd, that they neither too haftily adhere to the truth before it be fully examined, nor too lazily afterward. Which unlefs he only were exempted out of the corrupt mafs of Adam, born without Sin ori- ginal, and living without a&ual, is impoffible. Had Salomon (for it behoves me to inftance in the wifeft, dealing with fuch a tranfeendent Sage as this) had Salomon affections fo equally temper'd, as not adhering too lazily to the truth,\vha\ God warn'd him of his halting in Idolatry ? do we read that he repented hafti- ly ? did not his affections lead him haftily from an examin'd truth, how much more would they lead him flowly to it ? Yet this Man beyond a Stoic Apathy, fees truth as in a rapture, and cleaves to it ; not as through the dim glafs of his affections, which in this frail manfion of fffh, are ever unequally temper'd, pufhincr forward to error, and keeping back from truth oft-times the belt of Men. But how far this boafter is from knowing himfelf, let his Preface fpeak. Something I thought it was that made him lb quick-fighted to gather fuch ftran^e things out of the Animadverfions, wherof the leaft conception could not be drawn from thence, of Suburb-Jinks, fometimes cut of wit and cloaths, fometimes in new Serge, drinking Sack, and fwearing ; now I know it was this equal temper of his affections that gave him to fee clearer than any fennel-rub'd Serpent. Laftly, he hasrefolv'd that neither perfon nor caufe Jhall improper him. I may miftake his meaning, for the word ye hear is improper. But whether if not a Perfon, yet a good Parfonage or Impropriation bought out for him would not improper him, becaufe there may be a quirk in the word, I leave it for a Canonift to refolve. Sect. 4. And thus ends this Section, or rather diffection of himfelf, fhort ye will fay both in breath and extent, as in our own praifes it ought to be, un- lefs wherin a good name hath bin wrongfully attainted. Right, but if ye look at what he afcribes to himfelf, that temper of his affeclions which cannot any where be but in Paradife, all the judicious Panegyrics in any language ex- tant are not half fo prolix. And that well appears in his next removal. For what with putting his fancy to the tiptoe in this defcription of himfelf, and what with adventuring preiently to ftand upon his own legs without the crutches of his margent, which is the fluce moft commonly that feeds the drowth of his Text, he comes fo lazily on in a Simily, with his arm full of weeds^ and demeans himfelf in the dull exprefhon ib like a dough-kneaded thing, that he has not fpirit enough left him fo far to look to his Syntaxis, as to avoid nonfenfe. Fork muft be underftood there that the Stranger, and not he who brings the bundle, would be deceiv'din cenfuring the field, which this hip- Ihot Grammarian cannot fet into right frame of conftruftion, neither here m the Similitude, nor in the following Reddition therof ; which being to this purpofe, that the faults of the bejl pickt out, and prefented in grofs, feem monflrons, this, faith he, you have done, in pinning on his Jleeve the faults of others ; as if to pick out his own faults, and to pin the faults of others upon him, were to do the fame thing. To anfwer therfore how I have cull'd out the evil actions of the Remonftrantfrom his Vertues, I am acquitted by the dexterity and con- veyance of his nonfenfe, lofing that for which he brought his parable. But what of other Men's faults I have pinn'd upon his fleeve, let him (hew. For whether he were the Man who term'd the Martyrs Foxian Confefibrs, it matters not •, he that lhall ftep up before others to defend a Church-Govern- ment, which wants almoft no circumftance, but only a name to be a plain Popedom, a Government which changes the fatherly and ever-teaching Difci- pline of Chrift into that lordly and uninftructing Jurifdiction which properly makes the Pope Antichrift, makes himfelf an acceffory to all the evil commit- ted by thofe, who are arm'd todomifchief by that undue Government ; which they by their wicked deeds, do with a kind of paflive and unwitting Obedience to God deltroy. But he by plaufible words and traditions againft the Scrip- ture obftinately feeks to maintain. They by their own wickednefs ruining their own unjuft authority, make room for good to fucceed. But he by a fhew I of Jn Apology for Smectymnuus. Ho of good upholding the evil which in them undoes itfelf, hinders the °-ood which they by accident let in. Their manifeft crimes ferve to bring forth an enfuinggood, and haften a remedy againft themfelves ; and his feeminggood tends to reinforce their felf-punifhing crimes and his own* by doing his^beftto delay all redrefs. Shall not all the mifchief which other Men do be laid to his charge, if they do it by that unchurch-like power which he defends ? Chrift faith, he that is not with me, is againft me, and be that gathers not with me fcat- ters. In what degree of enmity to Chrift mail we place that Man then, who fo is with him, as that it makes more againft him, and fo gathers with him that kfcatters more from him ? Shall it avail that Man to Jay he honours the*Mar- tyrs memory, and treads in their fteps ? No ; the Pbarifees confefs*d as much of the holy Prophets. Let him, and fuch as he, when they are in their belt actions, even at their prayers, look to hear that which the Pha-ifees heard from "John the Baptift, when they leaft expected, when they rather look'd for praife from him ; Generation of Vipers, who hath warned ye to flee from the wrath to come? Now that ye have ftarted back from the purity of Scripture, which is the only rule of Reformation, to the old vomit of your traditions ; now that ye have either troubled or leven'd the people of God, and the Doctrine of the Gofpel with fcandalous Ceremonies and Mafs-borrow'd Lituroies, do ye turn the ufe of that truth which ye profefs, to countenance that fallhood which ye gain by? We alfo reverence the Martyrs* butrely only upon the Scriptures. And why we ought not to rely upon the Martyrs, I fhall be content with fuch reafons as my Confuter himfelf affords me •, who is, I muft needs fay for him in that point as officious an Adverfary as I would wifh to any Man. For, firfi faith he, there may be a Martyr in a wrong Caufe, and as couragious in j Offer- ing as the left ; fame tunes in a good Caufe with a forward ambition difplea/in? to Cod. Other whiles they that ftory of 'them out of blind zeal or malice, may write many things of them untruly. If this be fo, as ye hear his own confeflion, with what fafety can the Remonftrant rely upon the Martyrs as Patrons of his Caufe whenas any of thofe who are alledg'd for the approvers of our Liturgy or Pre- laty, might have bin, though not in a wrong Caufe, Martyrs ? yet whether not vainly ambitious of that honour^ or whether not mifreported or mifunder- ftood in thofe their opinions, God only knows. The Teftimony of what we believe in Religion muft be fuch as the Confcience may reft on to be infallible and incorruptible, which is only the Word of God. Sect. 5. His fifth Section finds itfelf aggrieved that the Remonftrant ihould betax'd with the illegal proceeding of the High Commiffion, and Oath ex officio: And firft, whether they were illegal or no, 'tis more than he knows. See this malevo- lent Fox •, that Tyranny which the whole Kingdom cry'd out againft as ftung with Adders and Scorpions, that Tyranny which the Parlament in companion of the Church and Commonwealth hath diffolv'd and fetch'd up by the roots for which it hath receiv'd the public Thanks and Bleffings of thoufands ; this obfcure thorn-eater of Malice and Detraction, as well as of Quodlibets and So- phifms, knows not whether it were illegal or not. Evil, evil, would be your reward, ye Worthies of the Parlament, if this Sophifter and his Accomplices had the cenfuring or the founding forth of your labours. And that the Re- monftrant cannot wafhhis hands of all the cruelties exercis'd by the Prelates is paft doubting. They fcourged the Confeflbrs of the Gofpel, and he held the Scourgers garments. They executed their rage; and he, ifhedid nothino- elfe, defended the Government with the Oath that did it, and the Ceremonies which were the caufe of it: does he think to be counted guiltlefs ? Sect. 6. In the following Section I muft foretel ye, Readers, the doings will be rou^h and dangerous, the baiting of a Satyr. And if the work Teem more trivial or boifterous than for this Difcourfe, let the Remonftrant thank the folly of this Confuter, who could not let a private word pafs, but he muft make all this blaze of it. I had laid, that becaufe the Remonftrant was fo much offended with thofe who were tart againft the Prelates, fure he lov'd toothlefs Satyrs, which I took were as improper as a toothed Sleekftone. This Champion from behind the Arras cries out, that thofe toothlefs Satyrs were of the Remon- ftrant's making j and arms himfelf here tooth and nail, and horn to boot, to fupply i 20 An Apology for Smectymnuus. fupply the want of teeth, or ratherof gums in the Satyrs. And for an on- fet tells me, that the fimily of a Skekftonc/hews I can be as bold with a Prelate as familiar with a Laundrefs. But does it not argue rather the lafcivious prompt- nefs of his own fancy, who from the harmltfs mention of a Sleekftone could neigh out the remembrance of his old converfation among the ViraginianxxoX- lops ? Forme, ifhemoveme, I fhall claim his own Oath, the Oath ex officio a^ainft any Prieft or Prelate in the Kingdom, to have ever as much hated fuch pranks as the beft and chafteft of them all. That exception which I made ao-ainft toothlefs Satyrs, the Confuter hopes I had from the Satyrift, but is far deceiv'd : neither had I ever read the hobbling DiJIch which he means. For this o-ood hap I had from a careful education, to be inur'd and feafon'd betimes with the bcft and eleganteft Authors of the learned Tongues, and therto brought an ear that could meafure a juft cadence, and fcan without articu- lating •, rather nice and humorous in what was tolerable, than patient to read every drawling Verfifier. Whence lighting upon this title of toothlefs Satyrs, I will not conceal ye what I thought, Readers, that fure this mull be fome lucking Satyr, who might have done better to have us'd his coral, and made an end of breeding, ere he took upon him to wield a Satyr's whip. But when I heard him talk of fc ozcering the rufty fwords of elviflo Knights, do not blame me, if I chang'd my thought, and concluded him fome defperate Cutler. Buc why hisfcornfulmufe could never abide with tragic fhoes her ancles for to hide, the pace of the verfetold me that hermaukin knuckles were never fhapen to that royal bufkin. And turning by chance to the fixth Satyr of his fecond Book, I was confirm'd ; where having begun loftily in Heaven's v.niverfal Alphabet, he falls down to that wretched poornefs and frigidity, as to talk of Bridge-ftreet in Heaven, and the OJller of Heaven ; and there wanting other matter to catch him a heat, (for certain he was in the frozen Zone miferably benumb'd) with thoughts lower than any Beadle betakes him to whip the fign-pofts of Cam- bridge Alehoufes, the ordinary fubjec~t of frefhmens tales, and in a ftrain as pitiful. Which for him who would be counted thefirfl Engliih Satyr, to abafe himielfto, who might have learnt better among the Latin and Italian Sa- tyrifts, and in our own tongue from the Vifion and Creed of Tierce Plowman, befides others before him, manifefted a prefumptuous undertaking with weak and unexamin'd moulders. For a Satyr at it was born out of a Tragedy, fo ought to refemble his parentage, to ftrike high, and adventure dangeroufly at the molt eminent vices among the greateft perfons, and not to creep into every blind Taphoufe that fears a Conftable more than a Satyr. But that fuch a Poem mould be toothlefs, I ftill affirm it to be a bull, taking away the ef- fence of that which it calls itfelf. For if it bite neither the perfons nor the vices, how is it a Satyr? and if it bite either, how is it toothlefs ? fo that toothlefs Satyrs are as much as if he had laid toothlefs teeth. What we mould do ther- fore with this learned Comment upon Teeth and Horns, which hath brought this Confutant into his pedantic Kingdom of Cornucopia, to reward him for glofling upon Horns even to the Hebrew root, I know not unlefs we mould commend him to be Lecturer in Eaft-cheap upon St. Lake's day, when they fend their Tribute to that famous Haven by Deptford. But we are not like to'fcape him fo. For now the worm of Criticifm works in him, he will tell us the derivation of German Rutters, of Meat, and of Ink, which doubtlefs, right- ly apply'd with fome gall in it, may prove 'good to heal this tetter of Pedago- guifm that befpreads him, with fuch a Tenafmus of originating, that if he be an Arminian, and deny original Sin* all the Etymologies of his Book fhall wit- nefs that his brain is not meanly tainted with that infe&ion. Sect. y. His feventh Section labours to cavil out the flaws which were found in the Remonftrant's Logic •, who having laid down for a general propofition, that civil Polity is variable and arbitrary, from whence was inferr'd logically upon him that he had concluded the Polity of England to be arbitrary, for general includes particular •, here his Defendant is notafhamed to confefs that the Re- monftrant's propofition was fophiftical by a Fallacy call'd, ad plures interro- gationes : which founds to me fomewhatftrange that a Remonftrantof that pre- tended fincerity fhould bring deceitful and double-dealing Propofitions to the Parlament. The truth is, he had let flip a fhrewd paflage ere he was aware, not jin Apology for Smectym n u u s. not thinking the conclusion would turn upon him with fuel) a terrible edge, and not knowing how to wind out of the briars, he or his fubftitute feems more willing to lay the integrity of his Logic to pawn, and grant a fallacy in his own Major where none is, than to be fore'd to uphold the Inference. For that diftinction of poffible and lawful is ridiculous to be fought for in that propofi- tion ; no Man doubting that it is poffible to change the form of civil Polity ; and that it is held lawful by that Major, the word arbitrary implies. Nor will this help him, to deny that it is arbitrary at anytime, or by any undcrtak rs, (which are two limitations invented by him fince) for when it Hands as he will have it now by his fecond Edition, civil Polity is variable, but not at any time, or by any undertakers, it will refult upon him, belike then at fome time, and by fome undertakers it may. And fo he goes on mincing the matter, till fie meets with fomething in Sir Francis Bacon, then he takes heart again, and holds his Major at large But by and by, as foon as the fhadow of Sir Francis hath left him, he falls off again warping and warping, till he come to contra- dict himfelf in diameter ; and denies flatly that it 'neither variable or arbitrary, being once fettled. Which third fhift is no lefs a piece of laughter : For before the Polity was fettled, how could it be variable, whenas it was no Polity at all, but either an Anarchy or a Tyranny ? That limitation therfore, cf after fettling, is a mere Tautology. So that in fine his former affertion is now recant- ed, and civil Polity is neither variable nor arbitrary . Sect. 8. Whatever elfe may perfuade me that this Confutation was not made with- out foine afliftance or advice of the Remonftrant, yet in this eighth Section that his hand was not greatly intermix'd, I can eafily believe. For it begins with this furmife, that;;o/ having to accufe the Remonjtrant to the King, I do it to the Parlament ; which conceit of the Man cleanly fhoves the King out of the ParJament, and makes two bodies of one. Wheras the Remonftrant in the Epiftle to his hftfhort anfver, gives his fuppofal that they cannot be fever' din the Rights of their feveral Concernments. Mark, Readers, if they cannot be fe- ver'd in what is feveral (which cafts a Bull's eye to go yoke with the toothlefs Satyrs) how fhould they be fever'd in their common concernments, the wel- fare of the Land, by due accufation of fuch as are the common grievances, among which I took the Remonftrant to be one ? And therfore if I accus'd him to the Parlament, it was the fame as to accufe him to the King. Next he cafts it into the difh of I know not whom, that they flatter fome of the Houfe, and libel others whofe Confciences made them vote contrary to fome proceedings. Thofe fome proceedings can be underftood of nothing elfe but the Deputy's ex- ecution. Andean this private Concocter of Male-content, at the very inftant when he pretends to extol the Parlament, afford thus to blur over, rather than to mention that public triumph of their juftice and conftancy fo high, fo glorious, fo reviving to the fainted Commonwealth, with fuch a fufpicious and murmuring exprefllon as to call it fome proceedings ? and yet immediately he falls to glozing, as if he were the only Man that rejoie'd at thefe times. But I fliall difcover to ye, Readers, that this his praifing of them is as full of nonfenfe and fcholaftic foppery, as his meaning he himfelf difcovers to be full of clofe malignity. His firft Encomium is, that the Sun looks not upon a braver, nobler Convocation than is that of King, Peers, and Commons. One thin°- 1 bef of ye Readers, as ye bear any zeal to Learning, to Elegance, and that which is call'd Decorum in the writing of Praife, efpecially on fuch a noble Argu- ment, ye would not be offended, though I rate this cloifter'd Lubber accord- ing to his deferts. Where didft thou learn to be fo aguifh, fo pufillanimous, thou lozel Batchelor of Art, as againft all Cuftom and ufe of Speech to term the high and fovereign Court of Parlament, a Convocation ? Was this the flow; r of all thy Synonyma's and voluminous Papers, whofe beft Folio's are pre ftin'd to no better end than to make winding Sheets in Lent for Pilch • Could'ft thou prefume thus with one word's ipeaking to clap as it were under hatches the King with all his Peers and Gentry into fquare Caps, and Monkifh Floods? how well doft thou now appear to beachip of the old block, that could find Bridge-flreet and Alehoufes in Heaven ? why didft thou not, to be his perfect imitator, liken the King to the Vice-Chancellor, and the Lords to the Doctors 2 Neither is this an indignity only but a reproach, to call that inviolable Refi ■ Vol. I. R dence 122 An Apology for S M ectymnuus. dence of Juftice and Liberty, by fuch an odious name as now a Convocation is become, which would be nothing injured, though it were ftii'd the houle of bondage, wherout fo many cruel talks, fo many unjuft burthens have been liden °upon the bruifed confeiences of fo many Chriftians throughout the land. But which of thofe worthy deeds, wherof we and our pofterity muft confefs this Parlament to have done fo many and fo noble, which of thofe memorable acts comes firft into his praifes ? none of all, not one. What will he then praife them for? not for any thing doing, but for deferring to do, for de- ferring to chaftife his lewd and infolent Compriefts : Net that they have de- ferred all, but that he hopes they will remit what is yet behind. For the reft of his Oratory that follows, fo juft is it in the language of ftall-cpiftle nonfenfe, that if he who made it can underftand it, I deny not but that he may deferve for his pains a caft Doublet. When a Man would look he fliould vent fomething of his own, as ever in a fet fpeech the manner is with him that knows any thing, he, left we mould not take notice enough of his bar- ren ftupidity, declares it by Alphabet, and refers us to odd remnants in his Topics. Nor yet content with the wonted room of his margent, but he muft cut out large flocks and creeks into his text to unlade the foolifh frigate of his unfealbnable Authorities, not therwith to praife the Parlament, but to tell them what he would have them do. What elfe there is, he jumbles together in fuch a loft conftruction, as no Man either letter'd or unletter'd, will be able to piece up. I mail fpare to tranferibe him, but if I do him wrong, let me be fo dealt with. Now although it be a digreffion from the enfuing matter, yet becaufe it fhali not be faid I am apter to blame others than to make trial myfelf, and that 1 may after this harfh difcord touch upon a fmoother ftring a- while to entertain myfelf and him that lift, with fome more pleafing fit, and not the leaft to teftify the gratitude which I owe to thofe public Benefactors of their Coun- try, for the fhare I enjoy in the common peace and good by their inceflant labours ; I fhall be fo troublefome to this Declaimer for once, as to fhew him what he might have better faid in their praife : Wherin I muft mention only fome few things of many, for more than that to a digreffion may not be grant- ed. Although certainly their actions are worthy not thus to be ipoken of by the way, yet if herafter it befall me to attempt fomething more anfwerable to their crreat Merits, I perceive how hopelefs it will be to reach the height of their praifes at the accomplishment of that expectation that waits upon their noble Deeds, the unfinifhing wherof already ksrpafles what others be- fore them have left enacted with their utmoft performance through many ages. And to the end we may be confident that what they do, proceeds neither from uncertain opinion, nor fudden counfels, but from mature wifdom, deli- berate vertue, and dear affection to the public good, I fhall begin at that which made them likelieft in the eyes of good Men to effect thofe things for the recovery of decay'd Religion and the Commonwealth, which they who were beft minded had long wifh'd for, but few, as the times then were despe- rate, had the courage to hope for. Firft, therfore, the moft of them being either of ancient and high Nobility, or at leaft of known and well reputed Anceftry, which is a great advantage towards Vertue one way, but in refpect of wealth, eafe and flattery, which accompanies a nice and tender educa- tion, is as much a hindrance another way ; the good which lay before them they took, in imitating the worthieft of their Progenitors ; and the evil which alTaulted their younger years by the temptation of riches, high birth, and that ufual bringing up, perhaps too favourable and too remiis, through the ftrength of an inbred goodnefs, and with the help of divine Grace, that had mark'd them out for no mean purpofes, they nobly overcame. Yet had they a greater danger to cope with ; for being train'd up in the knowledge of learning, and fent to thofe places which were intended to be the feed-plots of Piety and the Liberal Arts, but were become the nurfcries of Super- ftition and empty Speculation, as they were profperous againlt thofe vices which grow upon youth out of idlenefs and fuperiluity, fo were they liappy in working off the harms of their abufed ftudies and labours, correcting by the clearnefs of their own judgment the errors of their mif-inftruction, and were as David was, wifer than their teachers. And although their lot fell into fuch An Abo!o?y for S M ect y m n uus. fircfh times, an 1 to be bred in fuch places, where if they chane'd to be tan any thing good, or of their own accord had learnt it, they might fee that prefently untaught th m by the cuftoni and ill example of their Elders ; i'o fat in all probability was their youth from being muled by the /ingle power of Example, as their riper years were known to be unmov'd with the baits of preferment, and undaunted for any difcouragement and terror which appear'd often to thofe that Iov'd Religion and their native Liberty : which two thiivs God hath infeparably knit together, and hath difclos'd to us, that they who feek to corrupt our Religion, are the fame that would enthrall our civil Liber ty. Thus in the midft of all difadvantages and difrefpecls (tome alfo at laft not without imprifonment and open difgraces in the caufe of their Country; having given proof of themfeives to be better made and fram'd by nature to the love and practice of Vertue, than others under the holieft precepts and beft examples have been headftrong and" prone to vice ; and having in all the trials of a firm ingrafted honefty not oftner buckled in the conflict than given every oppofirion the foil, this moreover was added by favour from Heaven, as an ornament and happinefsto their Vertue, that itfhould be nei- ther obfeure in the opinion of Men, nor eclipfed for want of matter equal toil- luftrate itfclfj God and Man confenting in joint approbation to chufe them out as worthieft above others to be both the great reformers of the Church, and the restorers of the Commonwealth. Nor did they deceive that expectation which with the eyes and defiresof their Country was fixt upon them ; for no fooner did the force of fo much united Excellence meet in one globe of bright- nefs and efficacy, but encountering the dazled refiftance of Tyranny, they gave not over, though their enemies were ftrong and futtle, till they had laid her grovelingupon the fatal block ; with one ftroke winning again our loft Li- berties and Charters, which our Forefathers after fo many battles could fcarce maintain. And meeting next, as I may fo refemble, with thefecond Life of Tyranny (for (he was grown an ambiguous monfter, and to be flain in two fhapes) guarded with Superftition which hath no fmall power to captivate the minds of Men otherwife moft wife, they neither were taken with her miter'd hypocril'y, nor terrify'd with the pufh of her beftial horns, but breaking them immediately fore'd her to unbend the pontifical brow, and recoil : Which repulfe only given to the Prelates (that we may imagine how happy their removal v/ould be) was the producement of fuch glorious effects and con- fequences in the Church, that if I fhould compare them with thofe exploits of higheft fame in Poems and Panegyrics of old, I am certain it would but di- minifh and impair their worth, who are now my Argument : For thofe ancient Worthies delivered Men from fuch Tyrants as were content to inforce only an outward obedience, letting the Mind be as free as it could ; but thefe have freed us from a doctrine of Tyranny that offered violence and corruption even to the inward perfuafion. They fet at liberty Nations and Cities of Men good and bad mix'd together ; but thefe opening the prifons and dungeons, call'd out of darknefs and bonds the elect Martyrs andWitneffes of theirRe- deemer. They reftor'd the Body to eafe and wealth ; but thefe the opprefs'd Confcience to that freedom which is the chief prerogative of the Gofpel, taking off thofe cruel burthens impos'd not by neceffity, as other Tyrants are wont for the fife-guard of their lives, but laid upon our necks by the ltrange wihulnefsand wantonnefs of a needlefs and jolly perfecutor call'd Indifference. Laftly, fome of thofe ancient Deliverers have had immortal praifes for pre- ferving their Citizens from a famine of corn. But thefe by this only repulfe of an unholy Hierarchy, almoft in a moment replenifh'd with faving knowledge their Country nigh famifh'd for want of that which fhould feed their fouls. All this being done while two Armies in the field flood gazing on, the one in reverence of fuch Noblenefs quietly gave back and diflodg'd ; the other, fpight of the unrulinefs, and doubted fidelity in fome Regiments, was either per- fuaded or compell'd to difb and and retire home. With fuch a Majefty had their Wifdom begirt itfelf, that wheras others had levied war to fubdue a Nation that fought for peace, they fitting here in peace, could fo many miles extend the force of their fingle words as to overawe the diffblute ftoutnefs of an armed Power fecretly ftirr'd up and almoft hir'd againft them. And having by a folemn proteftation vow'd themfeives and the Kingdom anew to God and Vol. I. R 2 his 1 ~J> 1 24. An Apology for Smectym n u u s. hisf-rvice, and by a prudent forefight above what their Fathers thought on, prevented' the diffolution and fruftrating of their defigns by an untimely break- ing up, notwithstanding all the treafonous Plots againft them, all the ru- mours either of Rebellion or Invafion, they have not bin yet brought to change their conftant refolution, ever to think fearlefly of their own fafeties, and hopefully of the Commonwealth •, which hath gain'd them fuch an admira- tion from all good Men, that now they hear it as their ordinary iurname, to be fainted the 'Fathers of their Country, and fit as Gods among daily Petiti- ons and public Thanks flowing in upon them. Which doth fo little yet exalt them in their own thoughts, that with all gentle affability, and courteous ac- ceptance they both receive and return that tribute of thanks which is render'd them ; teftifying their zeal and defire to fpend themfelves as it were piece- meal upon the grievances and wrongs of their diftreffed Nation : infomuch that the meaneft Artizans and Labourers, at other times alfo Women, and often the younger fort of Servants affembling with their complaints, and that fometimes in a lefs humble guife than for Petitioners, have gone with confi- dence, that neither their meannefs would be rejected, nor their fimplicity contemn'd; nor yet their urgency diftafted either by the dignity, wifdom, or moderation of that fupreme Senate ; nor did they depart unfatisfy'd. And indeed, if we confider the general ccncourfe of Suppliants, the free and ready admittance, the willing and fpeedy redrefs in what is poffible, it will not feeni much otherwife, than as if fome divine Comrniffion from Heaven were de- fcended to take into hearing and commiferation the long remedilefs afflicti- ons of this Kingdom •, were it not that none more than themfelves labour to remove and divert fuch thoughts, left Men fhould place too much confi- dence in their Perfons, ftill referring us and cur Prayers to him that can o-rant all, and appointing the monthly return of public rafts and Supplica- tions. Therfore the more they feek to humble themfelves, the more does God by manifeft Signs and Teftimonies, vifibly honour their proceedings ; and fets them as the Mediators of this his Covenant, which he oifers us to re- new. Wicked Men daily confpire their hurt, and it comes to nothing ; Re- bellion rages in our Irijh Province* but with miraculous and loislefs victo- ries of few againft many, is daily difcomfked and broken •, if we neglect: not this early pledge of God's inclining towards us, by the ilacknefs of our need- ful aids. And wheras at other times we count it ample honour when God vouchfafes to make Man the inftrument and fubordinate worker of his gra- cious Will, fuch acceptation have their Prayers found with him, that to them he hath bin pleas'd to make himfelf the Agent, and immediate Performer of their defires ; diffolving their difficulties when they are thought inexplica- ble, cutting out ways for them where no paffage could be feen ; as who is there fo regardlcfs of Divine Providence, that from late occurrences will not confefs? If therfore it be fo high a grace when Men are preferr'd to be but the inferior Officers of good things from God, what is it when God himfelf condefcends, and works with his own hands to fulfil the requefts of Men ? Which I leave with them as the greateft praife that can belong to human Na- ture : Not that we fhould think they are at the end of their glorious Pro- grefs, but that they will go on to follow his Almighty leading, who feems to have thus covenanted with them •, that if the Will and the Endeavour fhal! be theirs, the performance and the perfecting fhall be his. Whence only it is that I have not fear'd, though many wife Men have mifcarried in prailing great defigns before the utmoft event, becaufe I fee who is their affiftant, who is their confederate, who hath engag'd his omnipotent Arm to fupport and crown with fuccefs their Faith, their Fortitude, their juft and magnani- mous Actions, till he hath brought to pafs all that expected good which bis Servants truft is in his thoughts to bring upon this Land in the full and per- fect Reformation of his Church. Thus far I have digrefs'd, Readers, from my former Subject ; but into fuch a Path, as I doubt not ye will agree with me, to be much fairer, and more de- lightful than the road-way I was in. And how to break off fuddenly in- to thofe jarring notes which this Confutcr hath let me, I muit be wary, un- Jefs I can provide againft offending the Ear, as fome Muficians are wont fkil- fully to fall out of one key into another, without breach of Harmony. By good An Apology for Smectymn^uu?. 125 good luck therfore his ninth Section is fpent in mournful Elegy, certain pafiio- nate Soliloquies •, and two whole pages of interrogatories that praife the Remon- drant even to the fonneting of his firefly Cheeks, quick Eyes, round Tongue, agil Hand, and nimble Invention. In his tenth Section he will needs erect Figures, and tell Fortunes; I am no Bifljop, he fays, I was never born to it : Let me tell therfore this Wizard, fmce he calculates fo right, that he may know there be in the World, and I anion"- thofe, who nothing admire his Idol a Bifhopric, and hold that it wants fo much to be a Bleffing, as that I rather deem it the mereft, the failed, the mod unfortunate gift of Fortune. And were the punifhment and mifery of being a Prelate Bifhop, terminated only in the Perfon, and did not extend to the affliction of the whole Diocefe, if I would wifh any thing in the bitternefs of Soul to mine enemy, I would wifh him the biggeft and fatted Bifhopric. But he proceeds •, and the Familiar belike informs him, that a rich Widow or a LeiJure, or both, would content me: wherby I perceive him to be more io-no- rant in his art of divining than any Gipfy. For this I cannot omit without ingratitude to that Providence above, who hath ever bred me up in plenty although my Life hath not bin unexpenfive in Learning, and voyaging about •, fo long as it fhall pleafe him to lend me what he hath hitherto thought o-ood which is enough to ferve- me in all honed and liberal occasions, and Something over befides, I were unthankful to that higheit Bounty, if I mould make my felf fo poor, as tofolicit needily any fuch kind of rich hopes as this Fortune- teller dreams of. And that he may further learn how his Aflrology is wide all the houfes of Heaven in fpel'ling Marriages, I care not if I tell him thus much profedly, thoughit be to the lofing of my rich hopes, as he calls them, that I think with them who both in prudence and elegance of Spirit, would chufe a Virgin of mean fortunes honeftly bred, before the wealthier!: Widow. The Fiend therfore that told our Chaldean the contrary, was a lying Fiend. His next venom he utters againft a Prayer which he found in the Animadverfions, angry it feems to find any prayers but in the Service-book ; he diflikes it, and I therfore like it the better. It was theatrical, he fays ; and yet it confided mod of Scripture language ; it had no Rubric to be lung in an antic Cope upon the Stage of a High Altar. // was big-mouth' d, he lays ; no marvel, if it were fram'd as the Voice of three Kingdoms : neither was it a Prayer {o much as a Hymn in prole, frequent both in the Proph; ts, and in human Au- thors ; therfore the dile was greater than tor an ordinary Prayer. It was an cftonifting Prayer. I thank him for that condition, fo it was intended to af- tound and to adonifh the guilty Prelates •, and this Confuter confclfes tiiat with him it wrought that effect. But in that which follows, he does not play the Soothfayer, but the diabolic flanderer of Prayers. // was made, he lays, not fomuch to pleafe God, or to benefit the Weal public (how dares the Viper judo-e that ?) but to intimate, faith he, your good abilities to her that is your rich hopes, your Maronilla. How hard is it when a Man meets with a Fool to keep his Tongue from folly ? That were miferable indeed to be a Courtier of Maronil- la, and withal of fuch a haplefs invention, as that no way fhould be left me to prefentmy meaning, but to make my felf a canting Probationer of orifons. The Remondrant, when he was as young as I, could Toothlefs Teach each hollow Grove to found his love, Satyrs, Wearying echo with one changelefs word. And fo he well might, and all his Auditory befides with his teach each. Toothlefs TVhether fo me lift my lovely Thoughts tofing, Satyrs, Come dance ye nimble Dryads by my fide, Whiles I report my Fortunes or my Loves. Delicious ! he had that whole Bevie at command whether in Morrice or at May-pole •, whild I by this figure-cader mud be imagin'd in fuch d'idrefs as to die to Maronilla, and yet left fo impoverifh'd of what to fay, as to turn my Liturgy into my Lady's Pfalter. Believe it Graduate, I am not altogether fo rudic, and nothing fo irreligious, but as far didant fro n a Lecturer, as 1 the An Jpokgyfcr 5 u e c t y w n u u s. the mereft Laic, for any confecratiug hand of a Prelate that fhall ever touch me Yet I fhall not decline the more for that, to ipeak my opinion in the Controverfy next mov'd, Whether the People may be allowed for competent Judges of a Minifter'i ability. For how elfe can be fulfill'd that which God hath pro- mis'd, to pour out fuch abundance of knowledge upon all forts of Men in the times 'of the Gofpel ? how mould the People examine the Doctrine which is taught them, as Chrift and his Apoftles continually bid them do ? how fhould they difcern and beware of ' fmall Prophets, and try every Spirit, if they muff, be thought unfit to judge of the Minifter's abilities ? The Apoftles ever labour'd to perfuade the Chriftian flock that they -were call'd in Chrift to all perfeclnefs of fpiritual knowledge, and full affurance of underfl aiding in the myftery of Cod. But the non-refident and plurality-gaping Prelates, the gulphs and whirlpools of Benefices, but the dry pits of all found Doftrine, that they may the better preach what they lift to their fheep, are ftill pofiefling them that they are. fheep indeed, without j.idgment, without underftanding, the very Beafts of Mount Sinai, as this Confuter calls them ; which words of theirs may ferve to condemn them out of their own mouths, and to fhew the grofs contrari- eties that are in their opinions : For while none think the People fo void of knowledge as the Prelates think them, none are fo backward and malignant as they to beftow knowledge upon them ; both by fuppreffing the frequency of Sermons, and the printed explanations of the EngUJh Bible. No marvel if the people turn beafts, when their Teachers themfelves, as Ifaiab calls them, are dumb and greedy dogs, that can never have enough, ignorant, blind, and can- not undetftand ; who while they all look their own way, every one for his gain from his quarter, how many parts of the Land are fed with windy Ceremonies in- ftead of fincere Milk ; and while one Prelate enjoys the nourifhmentand right of twenty Minifters, how many wafte places are left as dark as Galilee of the Gentiles, fitting in the region and fhadow of death, without preaching Minifter, without light. So little care they of Beafts to make them Men, that by their forcerous doctrine of Formalities, they take the way to transform them out of Chriftian Men into Judaizing Beafts. Had they but taught the Land, or fuffered it to be taught, as Chrift would it fhould have bin, in all plenteous difpenfation of the Word, then the poor Mechanic might have fo accuftom'd his ear to good teaching, as to have difcern'd between faithful teachers and falfe. But now with a moft inhuman cruelty they who have put out the peoples eyes, reproach them of their blindnefs •, juft as the Pharifees their true Fathers were wont, who could not indure that the People fhould be thought competent judges of Chrift's doftrine, although ,we know they judg'd far bet- ter than thofe great Rabbies : yet this People, faid they, that knows not the law is eccurft. We need not the authority of Pliny brought to tell us, the People cannot judge of a Minifter: yet that hurts not. For as none can judge of a Painter, or Statuary, but he who is an Artift, that is, either in the Pratlic or Theory, which is often feparated from the Praclic, and judges learnedly with- out it •, fo none can judge of a Chriftian Teacher, but he who hath either the practice, or the knowledge of Chriftian Religion, though not fo artfully di- gefted in him. And who almoft of the meaneft Chriftians hath not heard the Scriptures often read from his Childhood, befides fo many Sermons and Lectures more in number than any Student hath heard in Philoibphy, where- by he may eafily attain to know when he is wifely taught, and when weakly? Wherof three ways I remember are fet down in Scripture : The one is to read often that beft of Books written to this purpofe, that not the wife only, but the fimple and ignorant may learn by them ; the other way to know of a Minifter, is by the life he leads, wherof the meaneft underftanding may be appiL-henfive. The laft way to judge aright in this point, is, when he who judges, lives a Chriftian Life himfelf. Which of thefe three will the Confu- ter affirm to exceed the capacity of a plain Artizan ? And what reafon then is there left wherfore he fhould be deny'd his voice in the election of his Mi- nifter, as not thought a competent difcerner ? It is but arrogance therfore, and the pride of a metaphyseal fume, to think that the mutinous rabble (for fo he calls the Chriftian Congregation) would be fo mijtakenin a Clerk of the Uni- verfity that were to be their Minifter. I doubt me thofe Clerks that think fo, are more mifta ken in themfelves •, and what with truanting and debauchery, what yin Apology for Smectymnuus. t%* what with falfe grounds and the weaknels of natural faculties in many of them (it being a Maxim in fome Men to fend the fimpleft of their Sons thither) perhaps there would be found among them as many unfolid and corrupted judgments both in doctrine and life, as in any other two Corporations of like bignefs. This is undoubted, that if any Carpenter, Smith, or Weaver, were fuch a bungler in his Trade, as the greater number of them are in their Pro- \ flion, he would ftarve for any Cuftorn. And fliould he exercife his Manu- facture as little as they do their Talents, he would forget his Art: and fhould he miftake his Tools as they do theirs, he would marr all the work he took in hand. Hew few among them that know to write, or fpeak in a pure ftile, much lefs to diftinguifh the ideas, and various kinds of ftile •, in Latin bar- barous, and oft not whhoutfokcifms, declaiming in rugged and mifcellaneous gear blown together by the four winds, and in their choice preferring the o- a y ranknefs of Apuleius, Arnobiui, or any modern Fuftianift, before the native Zfatifiifms of Cicero. In the Greek tongue moil: of them unletter'd, or ra^ enter 3 A to any found proficiency in tbofe Attic Mafters of moral JVifdom and Elo- ce. In the Hebrew Text, which is fo neceiTary to be underftood, except it be fome few of them, their lips are utterly uncircumcis'd. No lefs are they out of the way in Phi'ofophy, peftering their heads with the faplefs do- tages of old Paris and Salamanca. And that which is the main point, in their Sermons affecting the Comments and Poftils of Friars and Jefuits, but fcorn- ingand flighting the reformed Writers : Infomuch that the better fort amono- them will confefs it a rare matter to hear a true edifying Sermon in either of their great Churches ; and that fuch as are moil: humm'd and applauded there, would fcarce be fuffered thefecond hearing in a grave Congregation of pious Chriftians. Is there caufe why thefe Men ihould overwean, and be fo queafy of the rude Multitude, left their deep worth fhould be undervalu'd for want of fit Umpires ? No, my matriculated Confutant, there will not want, in any Congregation of this Ifland, that hath not been altogether famifh'd, or wholly perverted with Prelatifh leaven ; there will not want divers plain and folid Men, that have learnt by the experience of a good Confcience, what it is to be well taught, who will foon look through and through both the lofty nakednefs of your latinizing Barbarian, and the finical goofery of your neat Sermon-actor,. And fo I leave you and your fellow Stars, as you term them, cf either Horizon, meaning I fuppofe either Hemifphere, unlefs you will be ri- diculous in your Aflronomy : For the rational Horizon in Heaven is but one, and the fenfible Horizons in Earth are innumerable ; fo that your Allufion was as erroneous as your Stars. But that you did well to prognofticate them all at loweft in the Horizon •, that is, either feeming bigger than they are through the mift and vapour which they rife, or elfe finking, and wafted to the fnuff in their Weftern Socket. S E C T. I I. His eleventh Section intends I know not what, unlefs to clog us with the refidue of his phlegmatic floth, difcuding with a heavy pulfe the expedience effet forms : which no queftion but to fome, and for fome time may be per- mitted, and perhaps there may be ufefully fet forth by the Church a common DireSiory of public Prayer, elpecially in the adminiftration of the Sacraments. But that it fhould therfore be infore'd where both Minifter and People pro- fefs to have no need, but to be fcandaliz'd by it, that, I hope, every fenfible Chriftian will deny : And the reafons of fuch denial the Confuter himfelf, as his bounty ftill is to his Adverfary, will give us out of his affirmation. Firft, faith he, God in his Providence hath chofenfome to teach others, and pray for others, as Minifter s and Paftors. Whence I gather, that however the faculty of o- thersmaybe, yet that they whom God hath kt apart to his Miniftry, are by him endu'd with an ability of Prayer ; becaufe their OfEce is to pray for others, and not to be the lip-working Deacons of other Men's appointed words. Nor is it eafily credible, that he who can preach well, fhould be un- able to pray well ; when as it is indeed the fame ability to fpeak affirmatively, or doctrinally, and only by changing the mood, to fpeak prayingly. In vain therfore do they pretend to want utterance in prayer, who can find utterance to preach. And if prayer be the gift of the fpirit, why do they admit thofe to the Miniftry, who want a main gift of their Function, and prefcribe gifted Men V 1 28 An Apology for S m ecty m n 1 u s. Men ro ufe that which is the remedy of another Man's want •, fetting them their talk to read, whom the Spirit of God Hands ready to affift in his Ordi- nance with the gift of free conceptions ? What if it he granted to the infir- mity of fome Minifters (though fuch feem rather to be half Minifters.) to help themfelves with a let form, fhall it therfore be urg'd upon the plenteous graces of others ? And let it be granted to fome people while they are Babes, in Chriftian Gifts, were it not better to take it away loon after, as we do loitering Books, and interlinear) Tranflations from Children •, to ftir up and exereife°that portion of the Spirit which is in them, and not impofe it upon Congregations who not only deny to need it, but as a thing troublefome and offensive, refute it? Another reafon which he brings for Liturgy, is the pre- ferring of Order, Unity, and Piety ; and the fame (hall be my reafon agamit Li- turgy. For I, Readers, fhall always be of this opinion, that obedience to the Spirit of God, rather than to the fair feeming pretences of Men, is the bell and moil dutiful Order that a Chriftian can obferve. If the Spirit of God ma- nifeft the Gift of Prayer in his Minifter, what more feemly order in the Con- gregation, than to go along with that Man in our devouteft affections ? For hinfto abridge himfelf by reading, and to foreftal himfelf in thofe petitions, which he muft either omit, or vainly repeat, when he comes into the Pulpit under a fhew of order, is the greateft diforder. Nor is Unity lefs broken, efpecially by our Liturgy, though this Author would almoft bring the Com- munion of Saints to a Communion of Liturgical words. For what other re- formed Church holds Communion with us by our Liturgy, and does not ra- ther diflike it ? and among ourfelves, who knows it not to have bin a perpetu- al caufe of difunion ? Laftly, it hinders Piety rather than lets it forward, being more apt to weaken the fpiritual faculties, if the people be not wean'd from it in due time; as the daily pouring in of hot waters quenches the natural heat. For not only the body and the mind, but alfo the improvement of God's Spirit is quickned by ufing. Wheras they who will ever adhere to Liturgy, bring themfelves in the end to fuch a pals by over-much leaning, as to lofe even the legs of their devotion. Thefe inconveniences and dangers follow the com- pelling of fet Forms : but that the toleration of the Englifo Liturgy now in ufe, is more dangerous than the compelling of any other which the reformed Churches ufe, thefe reafons following may evince. To contend that it is fan- taftical, if not fenfelefs in fome places, were a copious Argument, efpecially in the Refponfories. For fuch Alternations as are there us'd, muft be by feveral perfons •, but the Minifter and the People cannot lb fever their interefts, as to fuftain feveral perfons ; he being the only mouth of the whole body which he prefents. And if the People pray, he being filent, or they afk one thing, and he another, it either changes the property, making the Prieft the People, and the People the Prieft by turns, or elle makes two Perfons and two Bodies Reprefentative where there fhould be but one. Which if it be nought elfe, muft needs be a ftrange quaintnefs in ordinary prayer. The like, or woric, may be laid of the Litany, wherin neither Prieft nor People fpeak any entire fenfe of themfelves throughout the whole, I know not what to name it -, only by the timely contribution of their parted ftakes, clofing up as it were the Scbifm of a flie'd Prayer, they pray not in vain, for by this means they keep Life between them in a piece of gaining fenfe, and keep down the (aucinels of a continual rebounding nonfenfe. And hence it is, that as it hath bin far from the imitation of any warranted Prayer, lb we all know it hath bin ob- vious to be the pattern of many a Jig. And he who hath but read in good Books of Devotion and no more, cannot be fo either of ear or judgment un- pradtis'd to diftinguifh what is grave, pathetical, devout, and what not, but will prefently perceive this Liturgy all over in conception lean and dry, of affections empty and unmoving, of paflion, or any height wherto the Soul might foar upon the wings of zeal, deftitute and barren ; belides Errors, Tautologies, Impertinences, as thofe thanks in the Woman's Churching for her delivery from Sun-burning and Moon-blafting, as if the had bin travailing not in her bed, but in the deferts of Arabia. So that while fome Men ceaie not to admire the incomparable frame of our Liturgy, I cannot but admire as faft what they think is become of judgment and tafte in other Men, that they can 3 An Apology for S'm e c t y m n u u s. i 2,9 en hope to be heard without laughter. And if this were all, perhaps it Were a compliable matter. But when we remember this our Liturgy where we found it, whence we had it, and yet where we left it, ftill ferving to all the abominations of the antichriftian Temple, it may be wonder'd how we can demur whether it mould be done away or no, and not rather fear we have highly offended inufing itfo long. It hath indeed been pretended to be more ancient than the Mai's, but fo little provM, that wheras other corrupt*Litur • gies have had withal fuch a feeming Antiquity, as that their publishers have ventur'dto afcribe them with their worft corruptions either to St. Peter St. "James, St. Mark, or at leaft to Chryfojlome or Bqfil, ours hath been never able' to find either Age or Author allowable, on whom to lather thole things ther- in which are leaft orrenfive, except the two Creeds, for Te Deum has a frratch in it of Limbics Patrum: As if Chrift had not opened the Kingdom of 'Heaved before he had overcome the Jharpnefs of Death. So that having received it from the Papal Church as an original Creature, for aught can be ihewn to the con- trary, form'd and fafhion'd by work-mafters ill to be trufted, we may be aiTLir'd that if God loath the belt of an Idolater's prayer, much more the con- ceited fangle of his prayer. This Confuter himfelf confefles that a Commu- nity of the lame i'ct form in prayers, i; that which makes Church and Church truly one ; we then ufing a Liturgy far more like to the Mais-book than to any Proteftant fet Form* by his own words mull have more Communion with the Romif/j Church, than with any of the Reformed. How can we then partake with them the curfe and vengeance of their fuperftition, to whom we come $a near in the fame fet form and drefs of our devotion ? Do we think to lift the matter finer than we are fure God in his jealoufy will, who deteiied both the Gold and the Spoil of idolatrous Cities, and forbid the eating of things olfcr'd to Idols ? Are we ftronger than he, to brook that which his heart cannot brook ? It is not furely becaufe we think that prayers are no where to be had but at Rome ; that were a foul fcorn and indignity call upon all the reformed Churches, and our own : If we imagine that all the godly Miniflers of England are not able to new-mould a better and more pious Liturgy than this which was conceiv'd and infanted by an idolatrous Mother, how bafely were that to efteem of God's Spirit, and all the holy bleffings and privileges of a true Church above a falfe r Heark ye Prelates, is this your glorious Mother of Eng- land, who whenas Chrift hath taught her to pray, thinks it not enough unlefs fhe add therto the teaching of Antichrift ? How can we believe ye would re- fufe to take the ltipend of Rome, when ye fliame not to live upon the alms- balket of her prayers ? Will ye perfwade us that ye can curfe Rome from your heartSj when none but Rome mull teach ye to pray ? Abraham difdain'd to take fo much as a thread or a fhoe-latchet from the King of Sodom, though no foe of his, but a wicked King ; and fhall we receive our prayers at the bounty of our more wicked Enemies, whole gifts are no gifts, but the inftruments of our bane ? Alas, that the Spirit of God ihould blow as an uncertain wind, fhould fo miflake his infpiring, fo mifbeitow his gifts promis'd only to the elect, that the idolatrous fhould find words acceptable to prefent God with,; and abound to their neighbours, while the true profelTors of the Gofpel can find nothing of their own worth the conftituting, wherwith to worlhip God in public. Confider if this be to magnify the Church of England, and not rather to difplay her nakednefs to all the world. Like therfore as the retain- ing of this Romifh Liturgy is a provocation to God, and a difhonour to our Church, fo is it by thofe ceremonies, thofe purifyings and offerings at the Al- tar, a pollution and difturbance to the Gofpel it fell ; and a kind of driving us with the foolilh Galatians to another Gofpel. For that which the Apoltles taught hath freed us in Religion from the Ordinances of Men, and commands that burdens be not laid upon the Redeemed of Chrift ; though the Formalift will fay, what no decency in God's worihip ? Certainly Readers, the worihip of God fingly in it felf, the very act of prayer and thankigivirig, with thofe free and unimpos'd expreffions which from a fincere heart unbidden come into the outward gefture, is the greatelt decency that can be imagin'd. Which to drefs up and garnifh with a devis'd bravery abolifh'd in the Law, and difclaim'd by the Gofpel, adds nothing but a deformed uglinefs ; and hath ever afford- ed a colourable pretence to bring in all thofe traditions and carnalities that are Vot. I. S fo le o An Apology for Smectymnuus. ]"o killing ro the power and virtue of the Gofpel. What was that which made ; i gur'd under the names of Aholah and Aholibah, go a whoring after all" the i ventions", but' that they faw a Religion gorgeoufly attir'd and defirable to the eye? What was all that the falfe Doctors of the primi- tive Church, and ever fince have done, but to make a fairjheiv in the fleflj, as St. Paul's words arc? If we have indeed given a biil of Divorce to Popery and Superftition, why do we not fay as to a divorc'd wife •, Thofe things which are yours take them ail with you, and they fliall fweep after you ? Why were not we thus wife at our parting from Rome? Ah! like a crafty Adulterefs flie forgot not all her fmooth looks and inticing words at her parting •, yet keep thefe letters, thefe tokens, and thefe few ornaments •, I am not all fo greedy of what is inin.:, let them preferve with you the memory, of what I am ? No, but of wii.it I was, once fair and lovely in your eyes. Thus did thofe tender- hearted Reformers dotingly fuffer themfelves to be overcome with Harlots ,uage. And flie like a Witch, but with a contrary policy, did not take fome- thing of theirs, th.u ihe might ftill have power to bewitch them, but tor the fame intent left fomethir.g of her own behind her. And that her whorilh cunning mould prevail to work upon us her deceitful ends, though it be fad to fpeak, yet fuch is our biindneis, that we deferve. For we are deep in dotage. We cry out Sacrilege and Mificvotion againft thofe who in zeal have demolifh'd the dens and cages of her unclean wallow ings. We ftand for a Popifh Litur- gy as for the Ark of our Covenant. And fo little does it appear our Prayers are from the heart, that multitudes of us declare, they know not how to pray but by rote. Yet they can learnedly invent a prayer of their own to the Par- lament, that they may Hill ignorantly read the prayers of other men to God. They object, that if we muft forlake all that is Rome's, we muff, bid adieu to our Creed •, and I had thought our Creed had been of the Apoftles, for fo it bears title. But if it be hers, let her take it. We can want no Creed, fo long as we want not the Scriptures. We magnify thofe who in reforming our Church have inconiiderately and blamefully permitted the old leven to remain and four our whole lump. But they ivere Martyrs ; true, and he that lodes well into the book of God's providence, if he read there that God for this their negligence and halting, brought all that following perfecution upon this Church, and on themfelves, perhaps will be found at the Lift day not to have readamifs. Sect. 12. But now, Readers, we have the Port within fight ; his Lift Section, which is no deep one, remains only to be forded, and then the wifh'd fhore. And here firft it pleafes him much, that he had defcry'd me, as he conceives, to be unread in the Councils. Concerning which matter it will not be unnecefTary tofhapehim this anfwer-, That fome years I had fpent in theftories of thofe Greek and Rowan Exploits, wherin I found many things both nobly done, and worthily fpoken : when coming in the method of time to that age wher- in the Church had obtain'd a Chriftian Emperor, I fo prepar'd my felf, as be- ing now to read examples of wifdom and goodnefs among thole who were foremoft in the Church, not elfewhere to be paralleled : but to the amaze- ment of what I expected, Readers, I found it all quite contrary •, excepting in fome very few, nothing but Ambition, Corruption, Contention, Combuftion : infomuch that I could not but love the Hiftorian Socrates, who in the proem to his fifth Book profeffes, He was fain to intermix affairs of State, for that it would be elfe an extream annoyance to hear in a continued Difcourfe the endlefs brabbles and counterplot tings of the Bifhops. Finding therfore the moft of their actions in fingle to be weak, and yet turbulent ; full of ftrife, and yet flat of fpirit ; and the fum of their beft Councils there collected, to be moft common- ly in queftions either trivial and vain, or elfe offhort and eafy decifion; with- out that great buttle which they made -, I concluded that if their fingle ambi- tion and ignorance was fuch, then certainly united in a Council it would be much more ; and if the compendious recital of what they there did was fo tedious and unprofitable, " then furely to fit out the whole extent of their tat- tle in a dozen volumes, would be a iofs of time irrecoverable. Befides that which I had read of St. Martin, who for his laft fixteen years could never be perfwaded to be at any Council of the Bifhops. And Gregory Nazianzen be- took An Apology for Smect ymnuus. 131 took him to the fame refolution, affirming to Procopius, that of any Council or Meeting of Bifaops he never fata good end ; nor any remedy therby of evil in the Church, but rather an Increafe. For, faith he, their Contentions and defire of Lording 710 Tongue is able to exprefs. I have not therfore, I confefs, read more of the Councils favc here and there •, I fhould be forry to have been fuch a pro- digal of my time: but that which is better, I can afTure this Confuter, I have read into them all. And if I want any thing yet, I mail reply fomething to- ward that which in the defence oi~Mur<ena was anfwer'd by Cicero to Sulpitius the Lawyer. If ye provoke me (for at no hand elfe will I undertake fuch a frivolous labour) I will in three months be an expert Councilifl. For be not deceiv'd, Readers, by men that would overawe your ears with big Names and huge Tomes that contradict and repeal one another, becaufe they can cram a margent with Citations. Do but winnow their chaff from their wheat, ye fhall fee their great heap fhrink and wax thin paft belief. From hence he paffes to enquire wherfore I fhould blame the vices of the Prelates only, fee^ ing the inferior Clergy is known to be as faulty. To which let him hear in brief •, that thofe Priefts whofe vices have been notorious, are all Prelatical, which argues both the impiety of that opinion, and the wicked remiffnefs of that government. We hear not of any which are call'd Nonconformifts, that have been accus'd for fcandalous living •, but are known to be pious, or at leaft fober men. Which is a great good argument that they are in the truth, and Prelates in the error. He would be refolv'd next, What the Corruptions of the Univerjities concern the Prelates ? and to that let him take this, That the Re- monftrant having fpoken as if Learning would decay with the removal of Pre- lates, I fhew'd him that while Books were extant and in print, Learning could not readily be at a worfe pafs in the Univerfities than it was now under their government. Then he feeks to juftify the pernicious Sermons of the Clergy, as if they upheld Sovereignty, whenas all Chriftian Sovereignty is bylaw, and to no other end but to the maintenance of the common good. But their Doc- trine was plainly the diffolution of Law, which only fets up Sovereignty, and the erecting of an arbitrary fway according to private will, to which they would enjoin a flavifh obedience without Law ', which is the known definition of a Tyrant, and a tyranniz'd people. A little beneath he denies that great riches in the Church are the baits of pride and ambition : of which error to undeceive him, I fhall allege a reputed divine Authority, as ancient as Con- ftantine, which his love to Antiquity muft not except againft ; and to add the more weight, he fhall learn it rather in the words of our old Poet Gotaer than in mine, that he may fee it is no new opinion, but a truth deliver'd of old by a voice from Heaven, and ratify'd by long experience. Ctris Confiiinttne fofjt'cO M Fjatfj fatmD* ceiitjjtn Koine anon let fotmo Cido Cfjurcfjcst lDljicl) Ije oto make if or Peter ano fat pmt(0 fake : fiDf iDijom Ije (jaD a ktfion, AnD wife tDcfta poffcfnoit £>f Ho^Ofljip ano of tiJ0?I0S trooti ; "But jjolu fo that f)!0 tofll tuns goon Cctoaro tfje pope ano $10 Jf rancfjife, Fet hatlj it pioueo otfrctttrife Co fee tije toothing of tfje oceo : lor in Crontck tljus 3 reao, anon as fie fjatlj maoe tfje peft. 3 toiice toas Ijeatn oit fjifffj tfje left* ©ftofjtclj all Kome tragaorao, 3fino fiuu, Cljts oap tiemm is fljao an nofu Ctjurcl), oftemporafl Cfcat meoietlj toitfj tfje fpttttual^ Vol. I. S 2 ^tttl 152, An Apology for Smectymnuu s. 3Cno fjoto it (font in tfjat Ucsyrec, fzt map a man tfje foot!) fee <Soo atnenu it Mjan ijc brill, 31 can tljeitto none otfjee sMU- But there were beafts of prey, faith he, before wealth was beftow'd on the Church. What though ? becaufe the Vultures had then but fmall pickings, fhall we therfore go and fling them a full gorge? if they for lucre ufe to creep into the Church undilcernably, the more wifdom will it be fo to pro- vide that no revenue there may exceed the golden mean : For fo, good Pallors will be content, as having need of no more, and knowing withal the pre- cept and example of Chrift and his Apoftles, and alio v/ill be lefs tempted to ambition. The bad will have but fmall mutter wheron to let their mifchicr awork : And the worft and futtl'ft heads will not come at all, when they fhall fee the crop nothing anfwerable to their capacious greedinefs : For fmall temptations allure but dribling offenders ; but a great purchafe will call fuch as both are moll able of themfelves, and will be moll enabled hereby to com- pafs dangerous projects. But faith he, A widow's houfe will tempt as well as a Bijhop's Palace. Acutely fpoken ! Becaufe neither we nor the Prelates can abolifh widows houfes, which are but an occafion taken of evil without the Church, therfore we fhall fet up within the Church a Lottery of fuch prizes as are the direct inviting caufes of avarice and ambition, both unneceffary and harmful to be propos'd, and molt eafy, mod convenient and needful to be remov'd. Tea but they are in a wife Difpenfer's band : Let them be in whole hand they will, they are moft apt to blind, to puff up and pervert the moll feeming good. And how they have been kept from Vultures, whatever the difpenfer's care hath been, we have learn'd by our mileries. But this which comes next in view, I know not what good vein or humour took him when he let drop into his paper : I that was ere while the ignorant, the loyterer, on the hidden by his permiflion am now granted to know fomelhing. And that/^,6 a 'volley of expreffions he hath met withal, as he would never defire to have them better cloth' d. For me, Readers, although I cannot fay that I am utterly un- train'd in thofe rules which beft Rhetoricians have given, or unacquainted with thofe examples which the prime authors of eloquence have written in any learneel tongue •, yet true eloquence I find to be none, but the ferious and hearty love of truth : And that whofe mind foever is fully poflefl with a fer- vent defire to know good things, and with the dearetl charity to infufe the knowledge of them into others, when fuch a man would ipeak, his words (by what I can exprefs) like fo many nimble and airy fervitors trip about him at command, and in well-order'd files, as he would wifh, fall aptly into their own places. But now to the remainder of our difcourfe. Chrift refus'd great riches, and large honours at the Devil's hand. But why, faith he, as they were tender' d by him from whom it was a fin to receive them. Timely remember'd : why is it not therfore as much a fin to receive a Li. turgy of the mafies' giving, were it for nothing elfe but the giver ? But he could make no ufe of fuch a high eftate, quoth the Confuter ; opportunely. For why then fhould the fervant take upon him to ufe thofe things which his mailer had unfitted himfelf to ufe, that he might teach his minilters to fol- low his fteps in the fame miniftry ? But they were offer 'd him to a bad end: So they prove to the Prelates, who after their preferment moft ufually change the teaching labour of the Word, into the unteaching eafe of Lordihip over confeiences and purfes. But he proceeds, Cod entic\l the Ifraelites with the pro- mife of Canaan. Did not the Prelates bring as flavifh minds with them, as the Jews brought out of Egypt ? they had left out that inflance. Befides that it was then the time, whenas the belt of them, as Saint Paul faith, was Jhut up unto the faith under the Law their School-mafter, who was fore'd to intice them as children with childifh enticements. But the Gofpcl is our manhood, and the Miniftry fhould be the manhood of the Gofpel, not to look after, much lefs fo bafely to plead for earthly Rewards. But Cod incited the wifeft man Solomon with thefe means. Ah Confuter of thy ft If, this example hath undone thee » Salomon afk'd an underftanding heart, which the Prelates have little 4 care An Apology for Smectymnuus. 135 care to afk. He ask'd no riches, which is their chief care ; therfore was the prayer of Solomon pleafing to God ; he gave him wifdom at his requeft, and riches without afking, as now he gives the Prelates riches at their feeking, and no wifdom becaufe of their perverfe asking. But he gives not over yet, Mofes had an eye to the Reward. To what Reward, thou man that look'ft with Balaam's eyes ? to what Reward had the faith of Mofes an eye ? He that had forlaken all the greatnefs of Egypt, and ■choiea troubJefome journey in his old age through the Wildernefs, and yet arriv'd not at his journey's end: His faithful eyes were fix'd upon that incorruptible Reward, promis'd to Abraham and his feed in the Meffah ; he fought a heavenly Reward which could make him happy, and never hurt him, and to fuch a Reward every good man may have a re'fpect : But the Prelates are eager of fuch Rewards as cannot make them happy, but can only make them worfe. Jacob, a Prince born, vow'd, that if God would but give him bread to eat, and raiment to put on, then the Lordjhould be his God. But the Prelates of mean birth, and oft-times of loweft, making fhew as if they were call'd to the fpiritual and humble miniftry of the Goipel, yet murmur, and think it a hard fcrvice, unlefs, contrary to the tenour of their ProfeMion, they may eat the bread and wear the honours of Princes : So much more covetous and baie they are than Simon Magus, for he proffer'd a Re- ward to be admitted to that work, which they will not be meanly hir'u to. But faith he, Are not the Clergy members of Chrijl, why fhould not each member thrive alike? Carnal Textman ! As if worldly thriving were one of the pri- vileges we have by being in Chrift, and were not a providence oft-times ex- tended more liberally to the Infidel than the Chriftian. Therfore mult the Minifters of Chrift not be over-rich or great in the World, becaufe their Cal- ling is fpiritual, not fecular •, becaule they have a fpecial Warfare, which is not to be entangled with many impediments ; becaufe their Mafter Chrift gave them this Precept, and fet them this Example, told them this was the myftery of his coming, by mean things and perfons to fubdue mighty ones : and laftly, becaufe a middle eftate is moft proper to the office of teaching, wheras higher dignity teaches far lefs, and blinds the Teacher. Nay, faith the Confuter, fetching his laft endeavour, The Prelates will be very loth to let go their Baronies, and Votes in Parliament, and calls it God's Caufe, with an unluf- ferable impudence. Not that they love the Honours and the Means ; good men and generous, but that they would not have their Country made guilty of fuch afacri- lege and injuftice. A worthy Patriot for his own corrupt ends! That which he imputes a facrilege to his Country, is the only way left them to purge that abominable facrilege out of the Land, which none but the Prelates are guilty of: Who for the difcharge of one fingle duty receive and keep that which might be enough to fatisfy the labours of many painful Minifters better de- ferving than themfelves : Who pofiefs huge Benefices for lazy Performances, great Promotions only for the execution of a cruel difgofpelling Jurifdidlion : Who ingrofs many pluralities under a non-refident and fiubbring difpatch of Souls : Who let hundreds of Parifhes famifh in one Diocefs, while they the Prelates are mute, and yet enjoy that wealth that would furnifh all thofe dark .places with able fupply ; and yet they eat, and yet they live at the rate of Earls, and yet hoard up : They who chafe away all the faithful Shepherds of the flock, and bring in a dearth of fpiritual food, robbing therby the Church of her deareft treafure, and fending herds of fouls itarveling to Hell, while they feaft and riot upon the labours of hireling Curates, confuming and purloining even that which by their foundation is allow'd, and left to the poor, and to reparations of the Church. Thefe are they who have bound the Land with the fin of Sacrilege, from which mortal engagement we fhall never be free, till we have totally remov'd with one labour, as one individual thing, Prelaty and Sacrilege. And herein will the King be a true Defender of the Faith, not by paring or lefiening, but by diftributing in due propor- tion the maintenance of the Church, that all parts of the Land may equally partake the plentiful and diligent preaching of the Faith, the fcandal of Ceremonies thrown out that delude and circumvent the Faith ; and the ufur- pation of Prelates laid level, who are in words the Fathers, but in their deeds the oppugners of the Faith. This is that which will beft confirm him in that glorious title. Thus ye have heard, Readers, how many fhifts and wiles 134 An Apology for Smect ymnuu s. wiles the Prelates have invented to fave their ill-got booty. And if it be true, as in Scripture it is foretold, that pride and covetoufnris are the fure marks of thofe falfe Prophets which are to come, then boldly conclude thefe to be as great feducers as any of the latter times. For between this and the Judgment-day do not look for any arch Deceivers, who in fpite of Refor- mation will ufe more craft, or lefs fhame to defend their love of the world and their ambition than thefe Prelates have done. And if ye think that found- nefs of reafon, or what force of Argument foever will bring them to an in- genuous fdence, ye think that which will never be. But if ye take that courie which Erafmus was wont to fay Luther took againft the Pope and Monks, if ye denounce war againft their Miters and their Bellies, ye fliall foon difcern that Turbant of pride which they wear upon their heads, to be no Helmet of Salvation, but the meer mettle and horn-work of papal JurifdicTrion ; and that they have alfo this gift, like a certain kind of fome that are porTeft, to have their voice in their Bellies, which being well drain'd and taken down, their great Oracle, which is only there, will foon be dumb, and the Divine Right of Epifcopacy forthwith expiring, will put us no more to trouble with tedious antiquities and difputes. F O F EDUCATION. To Majler Samuel Hartlib. Mafter Hartlib, IAtn long fmce perfwaded, that to fay or do aught worth memory and imi- tation, nopurpofe or refpeft mould fooner move us than limply the love of God, and of mankind. Neverthelefs to write now the reforming of Education, though it be one of thegreateft and nobleft defigns that'can be thought on, and for the want wherof this Nation perifhes, I had not yet at this time been induc'd, but by your earnefl entreaties, and ferious conjure- ments v as having my mind for the prefent half diverted in the purfuarice of fome other affertions, the knowledge and the ufe of which cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth, and honeft living with much more peace. Nor mould the laws of any private friend/hip have pre- vail'd with me to divide thus, or tranfpofe my former thoughts, but that Ffec thofe aims, thofe actions which have won you with me the efteem of a perfon fent hither by fome good providence from a far Country to be the occafion and the incitement of great good to this Ifland. And, as I hear, you have obtain'd the fame repute with men of mod approved wifdom, and fome of the higheftau* thority among us •, not to mention the learned correfpondence which you hold in foreign parts, and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have us'd in this matter both here and beyond the Seas ; either by the definite will of God fo ruling, or the peculiar fway of nature, which alio is God's working. Neither' can I think that lb reputed, and fo valu'd as you are, you would to the forfeit of your own difcerning ability, impofe upon me an unfit and over-ponderous argu- ment •, but that the fatisfa&ion which you profefs to have receiv'dfrom thofe incidental Difcourfes which we have wander'd into, hath preft and almoft con- ftrain'd you into aperfwafion, that what you require from me in this point, I neither ought, nor can in confeience defer beyond this time both of fo much need at once, andfo much opportunity to try what God hath determin'd. I will not refill therfore whatever it is, either of divine or human obligement, that you lay upon me ; but will forthwith fet down in writing, asyourequeft me, that voluntary Idea, which hath long in filence prefented it felf to me, of a better Education, in extent and comprehenfion far more large, and yet of time far fhorter, and of attainment far more certain, than hath been yet in practice. Brief I fhall endeavour to be ; for that which I have to fiiy, af- furedly this Nation hath extream need fhould be done fooner than fpoken. To tell you therfore what I have benefited herin among old renowned Au- thors, I fhall fpare -, and to fearch what many modern Janna's and Didattics more than ever I fhall read, have projected, my inclination leads me not. But if you can accept of thefe few Obfervations which have flowr'd off, and are as it were the burnifhing of many frudious and contemplative years alto- gether fpent in the fearch of religious and civil knowledge, and fuch as pleas'd you fo well in the relating, I here give you them to difpofeof. The end then of Learning is to repair the ruins of our firft Parents by regaining to know God aright, and out of that knowledge to love him, to imitate him, to be like him, as we may the neareft by poffeffing our fouls of true vertue, which being united to the heavenly Grace of Faith, makes up the higheff. perfection. But becaufe our underftanding cannot in this body found it felf but on fenfible things, nor arrive fo clearly to the knowledge of God and things invifible, as by orderly conning over the vi- fible and inferior creature, the fame method is neceffarily to be follow'd in all difcreet teaching. And feeing every Nation affords not experience and tradition enough for all kind of Learning, therfore we are chiefly 5 taught *35 j « 5 Cy Education. taught the Languages of tbofe people who have at any time been moft indu- ftrious after wifdom ; fo that Language is but the Inftrument conveying to us things ufeful to be known. And though a Linguill fhould pride himfelf to have ail the Tongues that Babel cleft the world into, yet it he have not ftudied the folid things in them as well as the Words and Lexicons, he were nothirig much to be efteem'd a learned man, as any Yeoman or Tradefman compete i wife in his Mother-Dialect only. Hence appear the many miftakes which have made Learning generally fo unpleafing and fo unfuccefsful ; firft we do amifs to fpend feven or eight years meerly in fcraping together fo much miferable Latin and Greek, as might be learn'd otherwife eafily and delightfully in one year. And that which cafts our proficiency therin fo much behind, is our time loft partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to Schools and Univerfities, partly in a prepofterous exaction, forcing the empty wits of Children to com- pofe Themes, Verfes and Orations, which are the acts of ripeft judgment, and the final work of a head fill'd by long reading and obfervmg, with elegant maxims, and copious" invention. Thefe are not matters to be wrung from poor ftriplings, like blood out of the nofe, or the plucking of untimely fruit: befit the ill habit which they get of wretched barbarizing againft the Latin and G Idiom, with their uhtutorM Anglicifms^ odious to be read, yet not to be avoided without a well-continued and j udicious converfing among pure Authors digefted, which they fcarce tafte •, wheras, if after fome preparatory grounds of fpeech by their certain forms got into memory, they were led to the praxis therof in fome chofen flrort book leffon'd thoroughly tothem, they mightthen forthwith proceed to learn the fubftance of good things, and Arts in due order, which would bring the whole language quickly into their power. This I take to be the moll ratio- nal and molt profitable way of learning Languages, and wherby we may beft hope to give account to God of our youth fpent herin. And for the ufual method of teaching Arts, I deem it to be an old error of Univerficies, not yet well recover'd from the Scholaftic groffnefs of barbarous ages, that inftead of beginning with Arts molt eafy, and thofe be fuch as are moil obvious to ths fenfe, they prefent their young untnatriculated Novices at firft coming with the moft intellective abftractions of Logic and Metaphyfics : fo that they having but newly left thofe Grammatic Flats and Shallows where they {tack unreafbnably to learn a few words with lamentable conltruction, and now on the hidden tranfported under another climate to be tofs'd and turmoil'd with their unballafted wits in fathomlefs and unquiet deeps of Controverfy, do for the moft part grow into hatred and contempt of Learning, mock'd and deluded all this while with ragged Notions and Babblements, while they expected wor- thy and delightful knowledge •, till poverty or youthful years call them impor- tunately their feveral ways, and haften them with the fway of friends either to an ambitious and mercenary, or ignorantly zealous Divinity ; fome allur'd to the trade of Law, grounding their purpofes not on the prudent and heavenly Contemplation of Juftice and Equity which was never taught them, but on the promifingand pleafing thoughts ot litigious terms, fat contentions, and flow- ing fees -, others-betake them to Scate- affairs, with fouls fo unprincipl'd in vir- tue, and true generous breeding, that Flattery and Court-fhifts and tyrannous Aphorifms appear to them the higheft points of wifdom ; inftilling their bar- ren Hearts with a confeientious flavery, if, as I rather think, it be not feign'd. Others laftly of a more delicious and airy fpirit, retire themfelves, knowing no- better, to the enjoyments of cafe and luxury, living out their days in feaft and jollity -, which indeed is the wifeft and the fafeft courfe of all thefe, unlels they were with more integrity undertaken. And thefe are the fruits of mifpend- ing our prime youth at the Schools and Univerfities as we do, either in learn- ing meer words, or fuch things chiefly as were better unlearnt. I (hall detain you no longer in the demonftration of what we fhould not do, butftrait conduct you to a hill-fide, where I will point you out the right path of a virtuous and noble Education •, laborious indeed at the firft afcent, but elfe fo fmooth, fo green, fo full of goodly profpect, and melodious founds on every fide, that the harp of Orpheus was not more charming. I doubt not but ye fhall have more ado to drive our dulleft and lazieft youth, our flocks and flubs, from the iniinite defire of fuch a happy nurture, than we have now to hale and drag our choiceft and hopcfulleft wits to that afinine feaft of fowthiftles and bram- 4 blc. Of Education. 137 brambles which is commonly let before them, as all the food and entertainment of their tendereft and moil: doable age. I call therfore a compleat and generous Education, that which fits a man to perform juftly, ikilfully and magnanimoufly all the offices both private and public of Peace and War. And how all this may be done between twelve, and one and twenty, lefs time than is now be- ftow'd in pure trifling at Grammar and Sophiftry, is to be thus order'd. Firfl to find'out a fpacious houfe and ground about it fit for an /icademy, and big enough to lodge a hundred and fifty perfons, wherof twenty or therabout may be attendants^ all under the government of one, who fliall be thought of de- fert fufficient, and ability either to do all, or wifely to direct and overfee it done. This place fhould be at once both School and Univerfity, not needing a remove to any other houfe of Scholarfhip, except it be fome peculiar CoU lege of Law, or Phyfic, where they mean to be Practitioners ; but as for thofe general ftudies which take up all our time from Lilly to the commencin°-, as they term it, Matter of Art, it fhould be abfolute. After this pattern, as ma- ny Edifices may be converted to this ufe as fliall be needful in every City throughout this Land, which would tend much to the encreafe of Learning and Civility every where. This number, lefs or more thus collected, to the conve- nience of a foot Company, or interchangeably two Troops of Cavalry, fhould divide their day's work into three parts as it lies orderly : Their Studies, their Exercife, and their Diet. For their Studies. Firfl: they fhould begin with the chief and neceflarv rules of fome good Grammar, either that nowus'd, or any better : and while this is do- ing, their Speech is to be fafhion'd to a diftinct and clear pronunciation, as near as may be to the Italian, efpecially in the Vowels. For we Engli/hmen beino- far Northerly, do not open our mouths in the cold air, wide enough to grace a Southern Tongue •, but are obferv'd by all other Nations to fpeak exceeding clofe and inward : lb that to fmatter Latin with an Englifh mouth, is as ill a hearing as law -French. Next, to make them expert in the ufefulleft points of Grammar, and withal to feafon them and win them early to the love of Virtue and true Labour, ere any flattering feducement, or vain principle feize them wandering, fome eafy and delightful Book of Education would be read to them •, wherof the Greeks have ftore, as Cebes, Plutarch, and other Socratic Difcourfcs. But in Latin we have none of claflic authority extant, except the two or three firfl Books of Quintilian, and fome felect pieces elfewhere. But here the main fkill and ground-work will be, to temper them fuch Lectures and Explanations upon every opportunity, as may lead and draw them in willing obedience, enflam'd with the ftudy of Learning, and the admiration of Vir- tue ; ftirr'd up with high hopes of living to be brave Men, and worthy Patriots, dear to God, and famous to all Ages. That they may defpife and fcorn all their childifli and ill-taught qualities, to delight in manly and liberal Exercifes : which he' who hath the Art and proper Eloquence to catch them with, what with mild and effectual perfwafions, and what with the intimation of fome fear, if need be, but chiefly by his own example, might in afhort fpace gain them to an incredible diligence and courage: infilling into their young breafts fuch an ingenious and no- ble ardour, as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchJefs men. At the fame time,fome other hour of the day, might be taught them the rules of Arithmetic, and foon after the Elements of Geometry, even playing, as the old manner was. After evening repaft, till bed-time, their thoughts would be beft taken up in the eafy grounds of Religion, and the ftory of Scripture. The next ftept would be to the Authors of Agriculture, Cato, Varro, and Columella^ for the matter is moft eafy •, and if the language be difficult, fo much the better it is not a difficulty above their years. And here will be an occaflon of inciting and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of their Country, to recover the bad Soil, and to remedy the walle that is made of good ; for this was one ot Hercules's praifes. Ere half thefe Authors be read (which will loon be with plying hard and daily) they cannot chufe but be mafters of any ordinary profe. So that it will be then feafonable for them to learn in any modern Author the ufe ol the Globes, and all the Maps •, firfl. with the old names, and then with the new, or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of natural philofophy. And at the fame time might be entring into the Greek tongue, after the fame manner as was before prefcrib'd in the Latin ; wherby the diffi- culties of Grammar being foon overcome, all the FTiftorical Phyfiology ofJri- Vol. I. T fiotls I 3 Of Education. flotle and fheopbraftus are open before them, and as I may fay, under contribu- tion. The like accefs will be to Vitruvius, to Seneca's natural queftioris, to Mela, Cclfus, Pliny, or Solims. And having thus paft the principles of Arith- metic, Geometry, Ajhonomy, and Geography with a general compact of Phyfics, they may defcend in Mathematics to the inftrumental Science of Trigmmetry, and from thence to Fortification^ Architecture, Enginry, or Navigation. And in natural Philolbphy they may proceed leifurely from the Hiftory of Me- teors, Minerals, Plants and living Creatures as fir as Anatomy. Then alio in couri'e might be read to them out of fome not tedious Writer the Inftitutiori of Phyiic •, that they may know the tempers, the humours, the feafons, and how to manage a Crudity : which he who can wifely and timely do, is not only a great Phyfician to himfelfand to his friends, but alio may at fome time or other, five an Army by this frugal and expenflefs means only •, and not let the heal- thy and flout bodies of young men rot away under him for want of this Difci- pHne; which is a great pity, and no lefs a fhame to the Commander. To fet forward all thefe proceedings in Nature and Mathematics, what hinders but that they may procure, as oft as ihall be needful, the helpful experiences of Hunters, Fowlers, Fifhermen, Shepherds, Gardeners, Apothecaries; and in the other Sciences, Architects, Engineers, Mariners, Anatomiits ; who doubtlefs would be ready, fome for reward, and fome to favour fuch a hope- ful Seminary. And this will give them fuch a real tinelure of natural know- ledge, as they mall never forget, but daily augment with delight. Then alio thofe Poets which are now counted moil hard, will be both iacil and pleaiant, Orpheus, Ilefwd, Theocritus, Aratus, Nicander, Oppian, Dionyfius, and in Latin Lucretius, Manilius, and the rural part of Virgil. By this time, years and good general precepts will have hirnifh'd them more diftinctly with that act of reafon which in Ethics is call'd Proairefis : that they may with fome judgment contemplate upon moral good and evil. Then will be requir'd a fpecial reinforcement of conftant and found endoctri rating to fet them right and firm, inftructing them more amply in the knowledge of Virtue and the hatred of Vice : while their young and pliant affections are led through all the moral works of Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, Plutarch, Laertius, and thofe Locrian remnants ; but flill to be redue'd in their nightward ftudics wher- with they clofe the day's work, under the determinate, fentence of David or Salomon, or the Evangels and Apoftolic Scriptures. Being perfect in the knowledge of perfonal duty, they may then begin the ftudy ot Oeconomics. And either now or before this they may have eafily learn'd at any odd hour the Ita- lian Tongue. And foon after, but with warinefs and good antidote, it would be wholefome enough to let them tafte fome choice Comedies, Greek, Latin, or I- talian : Thofe Tragedies alfo that treat of Houfhold matters, asTrachinis, Al- eeftis, and the like. The next remove muff, be to the ftudy of Politics-* to know the beginning, end, and reafons of Political Societies ; that they may not in a dangerous fit of the Commonwealth be fuch poor, fhaken, uncertain Reeds of fuch a tottering Confcience, as many of our great Counfellors have lately fhewn themfelves, but ftedfafl Pillars of the State. After this they are to dive into the grounds of Law, and legal Juftice ; deliver'd firft and with beft war- rant by Mofes ; and as far as human prudence can be trufted, in thofe extoll'd remains of Grecian Law-givers, I.ycurgus, Solon, Zaleucus, Charondas, and thence to all the Roman Ediils and Tables with their Juftiuian ; and fo down to the&zxwiand common Laws of England, and the Statutes. Sundaysalfo and eve- ry evening may be now underftandingly fpent in the higheft matters of Theology, a nd Church-Hiftory antient and modern : and ere this time the Hebrew Tongue at a fet hour might have been gain'd, that the Scriptures may be now read in their own original •, wherto it would be no impoffibility to add the Chaldee, and thcSvrian Dialect. When all thefe employments are well conquer'd, then will the choice Hiftories, Heroic Poems, and Attic Tragedies of ftatelieft and moil regal Argument, with all the famous Political Orations, offer themfelves •, which if they were not only read, but fome of them got by memory, and folemnly pronoune'd with right accent and grace, as might be taught, would endue them even with the i'pirit and vigour ofDemofthenes or Cicero, Euripides, ox Sophocles. And now laflly will be the time to read with them thofe organic Arts which inable men to difcourfe and write perfpicuoufly, elegantly, and according to the fitted ftile Of Education. 13^ ftlle of lofty, mean, or lowly. Logic therfore, fo much as is ufeful, is to bere- ferr'J to this due place with all her well-coucht Heads and Topics, until it be time to open her contracted palm into a graceful and ornate Rhetoric taught out of the rule of Plato, Ariftotle, Phalereus, Cicero, Hermogenes, Longinus. To which Poetry would be made fubfequent, or indeed rather precedent, as being lefs futtle and fine, but more fimple, fenfuous, and paffionate. I mean not here the profody of a verfe, which they could non but have hit on before among the rudiments of Gramma;- -., but that iublime Art which in Ariftotlc's Poetics, in Horace, and the Italian Commentaries of Caftle- -oetro, Tajfo, Mazzoni, and others, teaches what the Laws are of a true Epic Poem, what of a Dramatic, what of a Lyric, what Decorum is, which is the grand mafter-piece to obferve. This would make them loon perceive what de- ipicable Creatures our common Rimers and Play-writers be, and fhew them what religious, what glorious and magnificent ufe might be made of Poetry both in divine and human things. From hence, and not till now, will be the right iea- fon of forming them to be able Writers and Compofers in every excellent matter, when they fhall be thus fraught with an univerfal infight into things. Or whe- ther they be to fpeak in Parlament or Council, honour and attention would be waiting on their lips. There would then alio appear in Pulpits other vif iges, other geftures, and fluff otherwife wrought than what we now fit under, oftimes to asgreat a trial of our patience as any other that they preach to us. Thefe are the Studies wherin our noble and our gentle Youth ought to bellow their time in a difciplinary way from twelve to one and twenty, unlefs they rely more upon their anceftors dead, than upon themfelves living. In which methodical courle it is fo fuppos'd they muft proceed by the fteddy pace of Learning onward, as at convenient times for memory's fake to retire back into the middle ward, and fometimes into the rear of what they have been taught, until they have con- firm'd and folidly united the whole body of their perfected knowledge, like the laft embattelling of a Roman Legion. Now will be worth the feeing, what Exercifes and Recreations may bell agree, and become thefe Studies. Their Exercife. The courfe of Study hitherto briefly defcrib'd, is what I can guefs by reading liked to thofe antientand famous Schools of Pythagoras, Plato, Ifocrates, Ari- fiotle and fuch others, out of which were bred Inch a number of renowned Phi- lofophers, Orators, Hiflorians, Poets and Princes all over Greece, Italy and AJia, befides the flourifhing Studies of Cyrene and Alexandria. But herein it fhall exceed them, and fupply a defect as great as that which Plato noted in the Commonwealth of Sparta ; wheras that City train'd up their Youth mod for War, and thefe in their Academies and Lyceum, all for the Gown, this inflitution of breeding which I here delineate fhall be equally good both for Peace and War. Therfore about an hour and a half ere they eat at Noon fhould be allow'd them for exercife, and due reft afterwards; but the time for this may beenlarg'd at pleafure, according as their rifing in the morning fhall be early. The Exercife which I commend firft, is the exact ufe of their Weapon, to guard, and to ftrike fafely with edge or point ; this will keep them healthy, nimble, ftrong, and well in breath, is alfo the likelieft means to make them grow large and tall, and to infpire them with a gallant and fear- lefs Courage, which being temper'd with feafonable Lectures and Precepts to them of true Fortitude and Patience, will turn into a native and heroic Valour, and make them hate the cowardife of doing wrong. They muft be alfo prac- tis'd in all the Locks and Gripes of Wreftling, wherin Englifcmen were wont to excel, as need may often be in fight to tug or grapple, and to clofe. And this perhaps will be enough, wherin to prove and heat their fingle ftrength. The interim of unfweating themfelves regularly, and convenient reft before meat, may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and compofing their travail'd fpirits with the folemn and divine harmonies of Mufic heard or learn'd ; either while the fkilful Organift plies his grave and fancied defcant in lofty Fugues, or the whole Symphony with artful and unimaginable touches a- dorn and grace the well-ftudied chords of fome choice Compofer ; fometimes the Lute, or foft Organ flop waiting on elegant Voices either to religious, marti- al or civil Ditties, which, if wife Men and Prophets be not extreamly out, have a great power over Difpofitions and Manners to fmooth and make them Vol. I. T 2 gentle i^o Of Education. o-entk From milk harfhnefs and diftemper'd pafiions. The like alfd would not be unexpedient after Meat to affift and cherifh Nature in her firft concoc- tion, and fend their minds back to ftudy in good tune and fatisfaftion. Where havino- follow'd it clofe under vigilant eyes, til! about two hours before fup- per, they are by a hidden alarm or watch-word to be call'd out to their mili- tary motions, under sky or covert, according to the feafon, as was the Roman wont, firft on foot, then as their age permits, on horfe-back, to all the Art of Cavalry •, that having in fport, but with much exa&nefs and daily mufter, ferv'd out the rudiments of their Soldierfhip in all the fkill of embattelling, marching, encamping, fortifying, befieging, and battering, with all the helps of antient and modern Stratagems, Taffies, and warlike Maxims, they may as it Were out of a long War come forth renowned and perfect Commanders in the fervice of their Country. They would not then, if they were trufted with fair and hopeful Armies, fuffer them for want of juft and wife difcipline to fhed away from about them like fick Feathers, though they be never fo oft fupply'd : they would not fuffer their empty andunrecruitable Colonels of twen- ty men in a Company to quaff out, or convey into fecret hoards, the wages of a delufive lift, and a miferable remnant •, yet in the mean while to be over- mafter'd with a fcore or two of drunkards, the only foldiery left about them, or elfe to comply with all rapines and vio ences. No certainly, if they knew aught of that knowledge that belongs to good men or good Governours, they would not fuffer thefe things. But to return to our own Inftitute, befides thefe conftant exercifes at home, there is another opportunity of gaining ex- perience to be won from pleafure itfelt abroad ; in thole vernal feafons of the year, when the air is calm and pleafant, it were an injury and fullennefs a- gainft nature not to go out and fee her riches, and partake in her rejoicing with Heaven and Earth. I fliould not therfore be a perfwadep to them of flu- dying much then, after two or three years that they have well laid their grounds, but to ride out in 'companies with prudent and ftaid Guides to all the quar- ters of the Land ; learning and obferving all places of flrength, all commo* dities of building and of foil, for Towns and Tillage, Harbours and Ports for Trade. Sometimes taking Sea as far as to our Navy, to learn there alfo what they can in the practical knowledge of Sailing and of Sea-fight. Thefe ways would try all their peculiar gifts of Nature, and if there were any fecret ex- cellence among them would fetch it out, and give it fair opportunities to ad- vance itfelf by, which could not but mightily redound to the good of this Nation, and bring into fafhion again thofe old admir'd Virtues and Excellen- cies with far more advantage now in this purity of Chriftian Knowledge. Nor fhall we then need the Monfieurs of Paris to take our hopeful Youth into their flight and prodigal cuftodies, and fend them over back again transform'd into Mimics, Apes, and Kecfhofe. But if they defire to fee other Countries at three or four and twenty years of age, not to learn Principles, but to enlarge Experience, and make wife obfervation, they will by that time be fuch as fhall deferve the regard and honour of all men where they pafs, and the fo- ciety and friendfhip of thofe in all places who are beft and moft eminent. And perhaps then other Nations will be glad to vifit us for their breeding, or elfe to imitate us in their own Country. Nowlaflly for their Diet, there cannot be much to fay, five only that it would be beft in the fame Houfe •, for much time elfe would be loft abroad, and many ill habits got : and that it fliould be plain, healthful, and moderate, I fuppofeis out of controverfy. Thus, Mr. Hart lib, you have a general view in writing, as your defire was, of that which at feveral times I had difcours'd with you concerning the beft and noblefl way of Education ; not beginning, as fome have done, from the Cradle, which yet might be worth many consi- derations, if brevity had not been my fcope : many other circumftances alfo I could have mention'd, but this to fuch as have the worth in them to make trial, for light and direction may be enough. Only I believe that this is not a Bow for every man to flioot in, that counts himfelf a Teacher ; but will re- quire finews almofl equal to thofe which Homer gave UlyJJes : yet I am withal perfwaded that it may prove much more eafy in the aflay than it now feems at diflance, and much more illuftrious ; howbeit, not more difficult than I imagine, and that imagination prefents me with nothing but very happy, and very poffible according to beft wiflies, if God have fo decreed, and this Age have ipirit and capacity enough to apprehend. ftrco- A S P E E C H for the Liberty of Unlicensed PRINTING, To the PARLAMENTof ENG LAN<D. TxXeuQipov <T ty.iTvo, a ti? 5-jAii ttoXh Xpwfov ti j3xAfJ|(/. £if fxi&ov (pipea, rj^WK. K21 t<xv6 o P£fi?£yv, XocfA-us-jios sV(T, o ^ .S-iAwii, 2ij/a, ti'tk'toiv Erin jVanVspou 7roAa ; Euripid. Hicetid^ "This is true Liberty, when free-born Men, Having to advife the -public, may [peak free, Which he who can, and will, deferves high praife ; Who neither can nor will, may hold his peace ; What can bejujler in a State than this ? Euripid. Hicetid. 141 THEY, who to States and Governours of the Commonwealth direct their Speech, High Court of Parlament, or wanting fuch accefs in a private condition, write that which they forefee may advance the public good ; I fuppofe them as at the beginning of no mean endeavour, not a little alter'd and mov'd inwardly in their minds : Some with doubt of what will be the fuc- cefs, others with fear of what will be the cenfure ; fome with hope, others with confidence of what they have to fpeak. And me perhaps each of thefe difpo- fitions, as the fubject was wheron I enter'd, may have at other times varioufly affected-, and likely might in thefe foremoft expreflions, now alfodifclofe which of them fway'd moft, but that the very attempt of this addrefs thus made, and the thought of whom it had recourfe to, hath got the power within me to a paf- fion, far more welcome than incidental to a Preface. Which though I ftay not to confefs ere any afk, I fhall be blamelefs, if it be no other, than the joy and gratulation which it brings to all who wifh and promote their Country's Liberty; wherof this whole Difcourfe propos'd will be a certain Teftimony, if not a Tro- phy. For this is not the Liberty which we can hope, that no grievance ever mould arife in the Commonwealth, that let no man in this World expect ; but when complaints are freely heard, deeply confider'd, and fpeedily reform'd, then is the utmofl bound of civil Liberty attain'd, that wife men look for. To which if I now manifeft, by the very found of this which I fhall utter, that we are already in good part arriv'd, and yet from fuch a fteep diiadvantage of tyranny and fuperftition grounded into our principles, as was beyond the manhood of a Roman recovery, it will be attributed firft, as is moft due, to theftrong alfiftance of God, our Deliverer; next, to your faithful guidance andundaunted Wildom, Lords and Commons of England. Neither is it in God's efteem, the diminution of his glory, when honourable things are fpoken of good men, and worthy Magiftrates ; which if I now firft fhould begin to do, after fo fair a progrefs of your iaudable deeds, and fuch a long obligement upon the whole Realm to your indefatigable vir- tues, I might be juftly reckon'd among the tardieft, and the unwillingcft of them that praife ye. Neverthelefs there being three principal things, without which all praifing is but courtfhip and flattery, Firft, when that only is prais'd which is fo- lidly worth praife; next, when greateft likelihoods are brought, that fuch things are truly and really in thole perfons, to whom they are afcrib'd; the other, when he who praifes, by fhewing that fuch his aclual perfwafion'isof whom he writes* can demonftrate that he flatters not : the former two of thefe I have heretofore en- deavour'd, refcuing the employment from him who went about to impair your merits, with a trivial and malignant Encomium ; the latter as belonging chiefly to mine own acquittal, that whom I foextoll'd I did not flatter, hath been re- ferv'd opportunely to this occafion. For he who freely magnifies what hath been nobly done, and fears not to declare as freely what might be done better, gives ye 142 A Speech for the Liberty ye the beft covenant of his fidelity •, and that his loyaleft affection and his hops waits on your proceedings. His higheft praifing is not flattery, and his plained: ad- vice is a kind of praifing •, for though I fhould affirm and hold by argument, that it would fare better with Truth, with Learning, and the Commonwealth, if one of your publifh'd Orders which I fhould name, were call'd in, yet at the fame time it could not but much redound to the luftre of your mild and equal Government, whenas private perfons are hereby animated to think ye better pleas'd with public advice, than other Statifts have been delighted heretofore with public flattery. And men will then fee what difference there is between the magnanimity of a triennial Parlament, and that jealous haughtinefs of Prelatesand cabin Counfellorsthatufurp'd of late, whenas they fhall obferve ye in the midft of your Victories andSucceffes more o-ently brooking written exceptions againft a voted Order, than other Courts, which had produc'd nothing worth memory but the weak orientation of wealth, would have endur'd the leait fignify'd diflike at any hidden Proclamation. If f fhould thus far prefume upon the meek demeanour of your civil and gentle great- nefs, Lords and Commons, as what your publifh'd Order hath directly faid, that to tnunfay, I might defend myfelf with eafe, if any fhould accufe me of being new or infolent, did they but know how much better I find ye elleem it to imitate the old and elegant humanity of Greece, than the barbaric pride of a Hunnijh and Norwegian ftatelinefs. And out of thofe ages, to whofe polite wifdom and letters we owe that we are not yet Goths and Jutlanders, I could name him who from his private houfe wrote that difcourfe to the Parlament of Athens, that perftvades them to change the form of Democraty which was then eftablifh'd. Such honour was done in thofe days to men who profeft the ftudy of Wifdom and Eloquence, hot only in their own Country, but in other Lands, that Cities and Signiories heard them gladly, and with great refpect, if they had aught in public to admonifh the State. Thus did Dion Prufsus, a Stranger, and a private Orator, counill the Rho- dians againft a former Edict : and I abound with other like examples, v.hich to let here would be fuperfluous. But if from the induftry of a life wholly dedicated to iludious labours, and thofe natural endowments haply not the worft for two and fifty degrees of northern latitude, fo much muft be derogated, as to count me not equal to any of thofe who had this privilege, I would obtain to be thought not fo inferior, as yourfelves are fuperior to the moft of them who receiv'd their counfel: and how far you excel them, be affur'd, Lords and Commons, there can no greater teftimony appear, than when your prudent fpirit acknowledges and obeys the voice of reafon, fFom what quarter foever it be heard lpeaking ; and renders ye as willing to repeal any Act of your own fetting forth, as any fet forth by your PredecefTors. If ye be thus relolv'd, as it were injury to think ye were not, I know not what fhould withhold me from prefenting ye with a fit inftance wherinto ihew both that love of truth which ye eminently profefs, and that uprightnefs of your judgment which is not wont to be partial to yourfelves •, by judging over again that Order which ye have ordain'd to regulate Printing : Tlmt no Book, Pamphlet, or Paper Jhall be henceforth printed, unlefs the fame be firfi approv' 'd and licens'J by fiich, or at leait one of fuch, as fhall be therto appointed. For that part which preferves juft- ly every man's Copy to himfllf, or provides for the poor, I touch not; only wifh they be not made pretences to abufe and perfecute honeft and painful Men, who offend not in either of thefe particulars. But that other claufeof Licenfing Books, which we thought had died with his brother quadr age/anal and matrimonial when the Prelates expir'd, I fhall now attend with fuch a Homily, as fhall lay before ye, firft the Inventors of it to be thofe whom ye will be loth to own; next, what is to be thought in general of reading, whatever fort the Books be ; and that this Order avails nothing to the fuppreffing of fcandalous, feditious, and libel- lous Books, which were mainly intended to be fuppreft. Laft, that it will be prime- ly to the difcouragement of all Learning, and the (top of Truth, not only by difexer- cifingand bluntingour abilities, in what we. know already, but by hindring and crop- ping the difcovery that might be yet further made, both in religious and civil Wifdom. I deny not, but that it is of greateft concernment in the Church and Common- wealth, to have a vigilant eye how Books demean themfelves as well as Men ; and therafter to confine, imprifon, and do fharpeft juftice on them as malefactors: For Books are not abfolutely dead things, but do contain a potency of life in them fo be as active as that foul was whofe progeny they are •, nay, theydopreferve as in a vial 4 t.ie of Unlicensed Printing. 143 the pu reft efficacy and extraction of that living intellect that bred them. I know they are as lively, and as vigoroufly productive, as thofe fabulous Dragons teeth ; and being fown up and down, may chance to fpring up armed Men. And yet on the other hand, unlefs warinefs be us'd, as good almoft kill a Man as kill a good Book: who kills a Man kills a reafonable Creature, God's Image ; but he who de- ftroys a good Book, kills Reafon itfelf, kills the Image of God, as it were in the eye. Many a Man lives a burden to the Earth ; but a good Book is the precious life-blood of a mafter-fpirit, imbalm'd and treafur'd up on purpoie to a life be- yond life. It is true, no age can reftore a life, wherof perhaps there is no great lofs ; and revolutions of ages do not oft recover the lofs of a rejected Truth, for the want of which whole Nations fire the worfe. We fhould be wary therfore what Perfecution we raife againft the living Labours of public Men, how we fpill that feafon'd life of Man, preferv'd and ftor'd up in Books •, fince we fee a kind of Homicide may be thus committed, fometimes a Martyrdom ; and if it extend to the whole impreffion, a kind of maffacre, wherof the execution ends not in the flaying of an elemental life, but ftrikes at that ethereal and fifth offence, the breath of Reafon itfelf, flays an immortality rather than a life. But left I mould be condemn'd of introducing Licence, while I oppofe Licenfing, I refufe not the pains to be fo much hiftorical, as will ferve to fhew what hath been done by ancient and famous Commonwealths, againft this diforder, till the very time that this project of Licenfing crept out of the Inquifition, was catcht up by our Prelates, and hath caught fome of our Prefbyters. In Athens where Books and Wits were ever bufier than in any other part of Greece, I find but only two forts of Writings which the Magiltrate car'd to take notice of-, thofe either Blafphemousand Atheiftical, or Libellous. Thus the Books of Protagoras were by the Judges of 'Areopagus, commanded to be burnt, and him- felf banifh'd the Territory for a difcourfe, begun with Ids confefling not to know, •whether there were Gods, or whether net. And againft Defaming, it was decreed that none fhould be tradue'd by name, as was the manner of Fetus Comtxdia, wher- by we may guefs how they cenfur'd Libelling: And this courfe was quick e- nough, as Cicero writes, to quell both the defperate Wits of other Atheifts, and the open way of Defaming, as the event fhew'd. Of other Seels and Opinions^ though tending to Voluptuoufnefs, and the denying of divine Providence, they took no heed. Therfore we do not read that either Epicurus, or that Libertine School of Cyrene, or what the Cynic impudence utter'd, was ever queftion'd by the Laws. Neither is it recorded, that the Writings of thofe old Comedians were fuppreft, though the afting of them were forbid ; and that Plato commended the reading of Ariftophanes, the loofeft of them all, to his Royal Scholar Dionyfius, is commonly known, and may be excus'd, if holy Chryfoftom, as is reported, nightly ftudied fo much the fame Author, and had the Art to cleanfe a fcurrilous Vehe- mence, into the ftile ofaroufing Sermon. That other leading Citvof Greece, La- cedamon, confidering that Lycurgus their Law-giver was fo addicted to elegant Learning, as to have been the firft that brought out of Ionia the fcatter'd Works of Homer, and fent the Poet 'Thales from Crete to prepare and mollify the Spartan furlinefs with his fmooth Songs and Odes, the better to plant among them Law and Civility, it is to be wonder'd how mufelefs and unbookifh they were, mind- ing nought but the feats of War. There needed no Licenfing of Books among them, for they diflik'd all but their own Laconic Apothegms, and took a flight oc- cafion to chafe Archilocus out of their City, perhaps for compofing in a higher ftrain than their own foldierly Ballads and Roundels could reach to: Or if it were for his broad Verfes, they were not therin fo cautious, but they were as diffolute in their promifcuous converfing ', whence Euripides affirms in Andromache, that their Women were all unchafte. Thus much may give us light after what fort of Books were prohibited among the Greeks. The Romans alfo for many Ages train'd up only to a military roughnefs, refembling molt the Lacedamonian guile, knew of Learning little but what their twelve Tables, and the Pontific College with their Augurs and Flamins taught them in Religion and Law, fo unacquaint- ed with other Learning, that when Carneades and Critolaus, with the Stoic Dioge~ nes coming Embaffadors to Rome, took therby occafion to give the City a tafte of their Philofophy, they were fufpecled for Seducers by no lefs a man than Cato the Cenfor, who mov'd it in the Senate to difmifs theiri fpeedily, and to banifli all fuch Attic Bablers out of Italy. But Scipio and others of the nobleft Senators with- ftood him and his old Sabin aufterity ; honour'd and admir'dthe Menj and the- Cenfor 4 j 44 A Speech for the Liberty Cenfor himfelfat laft inhis old age fell to the ftudy of that wherof before fie was fo fcrupulous. And yet at the fame time, Navius and Plantus, the firft Latin Come- dians had fill'd the City with all the borrow'd Scenes ot Menander and Philemon. Then beo-an to be conlider'd there alio what was to be done to libellous B )oks and Authors ; for N<evius was quickly caft into Prifon for his unbridled Pen, and re- leas'd by the Tribunes upon his Recantation : We read alio that Libels were burnt, and the makers punifh'd by Augujtus. The like feverity, no doubt, was us\I, if ailght were impioufly written againft their efteem'd Gods. Except in thofe two points, how the World went in Books, the Magiftrate kept no reck'ning. And therfore Lucretius, without impeachment, verMes his Epicurifm to Memr4ius y and had the honour to be let forth the fecond time by Cicero, fo great a Father of the Commonwealth; although himfelf difputes againft that Opinion inhis own Writings. Nor was the Satirical fharpnefs, or naked plainnefs of Lut ilius, or Ca- tullus, or Flaccus, by any Order prohibited. And for matters of State, the ftory of Titus Livius, though it extollM that part which Pompey held, was not therfore fuppreft by Oclavius Co-far, of the other Faction. But that Nafo was by him ba- nifh'd in his Old Age, for the wanton Poems of his Youth, was but a meer covert of State overfome fecretCaufe: and btlides, the Books were neither banifh'd nor call'd in. From hence we ihall meet with little elie but Tyranny in the Roman Empire, that we may not marvel, if not fo often bad, as good Books were li- lenc'd. I ihall therfore deem to have been large enough, in producing what a-« mong the Ancients was punifhable to write, fave only which, all other Argu- ments were free to treat on. By this time the Emperors were become Chriftians, whofe difcipfine in thi point I do not find to have been morefevere than what was formerly in practice. The Books of thofe whom they took to be grand Heretics were examin'd, refuted, and condemn'd in the general Councils; and not til! then were prohibited, or burnt by Authority of the Emperor. As for the Writings of Heathen Authors, unlefsthey were plain invectives againft Chriftianity, as thole of Porphyrins and Proclus, they met with no interdict that can be cited, till about the Year 400, in a Carthaginian Council, wherin Biftiopsthemfelves were forbid to read the Books of Gentiles, but Herefies they might read: while others long before them on the contrary fcrupled more the Books of Heretics, than of Gentiles. And that the pri- mitive Councils and Bifhops were wont only to declare what Books were not commendable, palling no further,but leaving it to each one's confeience to read or to lay by, till after the Year 800, is obferv'd already by Padre Paolo the great unmafker of the Trentine Council. After which time the Popes of Rome engrailing what they pleas'd of political rule into their own hands, extended their dominion over men's eyes, as they had before over their judgments, burning and prohibit- ing to be read what they fancied not ; yet fparing in their cenfures, and the Books not many which they fo dealt with : till Martin the 5th, by his Bull not only pro- hibited, but was the firft that excommunicated the reading of heretical Books ; for about that time Wicklef and HuJJe growing terrible, were they who firft drove the Papal Court to a ftricter policy of prohibiting. Which courfe Leo the 10th, and his SuccefTors follow'd, until the Council of Trent, and the Spanijh Inquifi- tion engendring together, brought forth, or perfected thofe Catalogues, and ex- purging Indexes that rake through the entrails of many an old good Author, with a violation worfe than any could be offer'd to his Tomb. Nor did they ftay in matters Heretical, but any fubject that was not to their palate, they either condemn'd in a Prohibition, or had it ftrait into the new Purgatory of an Index. To fill up the meafure of encroachment, their laft invention was to ordain that no Book, Pamphlet or Paper, fhould be printed (as if St. Peter had bequeath'd them the Keys of the Prefs alfo, as well as of Paradife ) unlefs it were approv'd and licens'd under the Hands of two or three gluttonous Friers. For example : Let the Chancellor Cini be pleas'd to fee if in this prefent Work becontain'd aught that may withftand the Printing ; Vincent Rabbata, Vicar of Florence. I have feen this prefent Work, and find nothing athwart the Catholic Faith and Good Manners : In witnefs wherof I have given, &c. Nicolo Cini, Chancellor of Florence. Attending of Unlicensed Printing. It ,.- Attending th: precedent Relation; it is allow'd that this prefent Work of Da- vanzati may be Printed, Vincent Rabat t a, &c. It may be Printed, July 15. Friar Simon Mompei d* Amelia Chancellor of the holy Office in Florence. Sure they have a conceit, if he of the bottom lefs pit had not long fince broke prifon, that this quadruple Exorcifm would bar him down. I fear their next defign will be to get into their cuftody, the Licenfing of that which they fay *Quoveni« * Claudius intended, but went not through with. Vouchfafe to fee another of their am dara fla " forms the Roman ftamp : tum cre P'- 1 tumquv ven- | j tris in convi- Imprimatur, If it feem good to the Reverenu Mailer of the holy Palace, vio emitten- Belcajlro Vicegerent. di . Sttet «»- »* Imprimatur, c *''"'" Friar Nichclo Rodolphi Mailer of the holy Palace. . Sometimes five Imprimaturs are feen together dialogue-wife in the Piatza of one Title-page, complementing and ducking each to other with their (haven Reveren- ces, whether the Author, who ftands by in perplexity at the foot of his Fpiftle, fhall to the Prefs or to the Spungc. Thefe arc the pretty Refponfones, thefe are the dear Antiphonies thatfo bewitch'd of late our Prelates, and their Chaplains with the goodly Echo they made; and befotted us to the gay imitation of a lordly Imprimatur-, one from Lamhtb-boufe, another from the Weft-end of Paul's ■, fo apilhly Romanizing, that the word of Command (fill was fet down in Latin ■ as if the learned Grammatical Pen that wrote it, would call no Ink without La- tin : or perhaps, as they thought, becaufe no vulgar tongue was worthy to exprefs the pure conceit of an Imprimatur ; but rather, as I hope, for that our Englijh, the language of Men ever famous, and foremoftin the atchievements of Liberty,' will not eafily find fervile Letters enow to fpell fuch a dictatory prefumption Engli/b'd. And thus ye have the Inventors, and the Original of Book-licenfing ript up, and drawn as lineally as any Pedigree. We have it not, that can be heard of, from any ancient State, or Polity, or Church, nor by any Statute left us by our Anceftors elder or later ; nor from the modern Cuftom of any reform'd City or Church abroad •, but from the moft Antichriftian Counfel, and the moft tyran- nous Inquifition that ever inquir'd. Till then Books were ever as freely admitted into the World as any other birth ; the iffue of the Brain was no more ftifled than theiffueof the Womb: No envious Juno fate crofs-legg'd over thenativity of any Man's intellectual offspring •, but if it be prov'd a Monfterj who denies, but that it was juftly burnt, or funk into the Sea. But that a Book in worfe condition than a peccant Soul, fhould be to Hand before a Jury ere it be born to the World and undergo yet in darknefs the judgment ol Radamanth and his Collegues, ere it can pals the Ferry backward into light, was never heard before, till that myfterious Iniquity, provok'd and troubled at the firft entrance of Reformation, fought out new Limbo's and new Hells wherin they might include our Books alio within the number of their damned. And this was the rare morfel fo officioufly fnatch'd up, and fo ill-favour'dly imitated by our inquifiturient Bifhops, and the attendant Minorities their Chaplains. That ye like not now thefe moft certain Authors of this Licenfing Order, and that all finifter intention was far diftant from your thoughts, when ye were importun'd the paffing it, all Men who know the integrity of your actions, and how ye honour Truth, will clear yc readi'.y. But fome will fay, What though the Inventors were bad, the thing for ail that may be good? It may fo ; yet if that thing be no fuch deep invention, but obvi- ous and eafy tor any Man to light on, and yet belt and wifeft Commonwealths through all ages and occafions have forborn toufe it, and falfeft Seducers and Op- preflbrs of Men were the firft who took it up, and to no other purpofe butto ob- ftrucl and hinder the firft approach of Reformation ; I am of thofe who believe, it will be a harder Alchymy than Lullius ever knew, to fublimate any good ufe out of fuch an Invention.' Yet this only is what I requeft to gain from this rea- fon, that it may be held a dangerous and fufpicious fruit, as certainly it tklerves, for the tree that bore it, until I can di fleet one by one the properties it has. But I have firft to finifii, as was propounded, what is to be thought in general of read- ing Books, whatever fort they be, and whether be more the benefit or the harm that thence proceed'; ? Vol. I tJ Not j a 6 A Speech for the Liberty Not to infift upon the examples ofMo/es, Daniel and Paul, who were flcilfui in all the Learning of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, andGreeks, which could nor pro- bably be without reading their Books of all forts, in Paul efpecially, who thought it no defilement to infers into holy Scripture the fentences of three Greek Poets, and one of them a Tragedian ; the Qiieftion was notwithitanding, ibmetimes -con- troverted among the Primitive Doctors, but with great odds on that fide which af- firm'd it both lawful and profitable, as was then evidently perceiv'd, when JmUan the Apoftate, and futtleft enemy to our Faith, made a decree, forbidding Chri- ftians the ftudy of heathen learning: for, faid he, they wound us with our own weapons, and with our own Arts and Sciences they overcome us. And indeed the Chriftians were put fo to their fhifts by this crafty means, and lb much in danger to decline into all ignorance, that the two Apollinarii were fain, as a Man may fay, to coin all the feven liberal Sciences out of the Bible, reducing it into divers forms of Orations, Poems, Dialogues, even to the calculating of a new Chriftian Gram- mar. But, faith the Hiftorian Socrates, the providence of God provided better than the induftry of Apollinarius and his Son, by taking away that illiterate Law with the Life of him who devis'd it. So great an injury they then held it to be deprivM of Hellenic learning; and thought it a perfecution more undermining, andfecret- ly decaying the Church, than the open cruelty of Decius or Dioclefian. And per- haps it was the fame politic drift that the Devil whipt St. Jerome in a lenten dream, for reading Cicero ; or elfe it was a phantafm, bred by the fever which had then feized him. For had an Angel bin his difcipliner, unlefs it were for dwelling too much upon Ciceronianifms, and had chaftiz'd the reading, not the vanity, it had bin plainly partial •, firft to correct, him for grave Cicero, and not for fcurril Plautus, whom he confeffes to have bin reading not long before ; next to correcl him only, and let fo many more ancient Fathers wax old in thofe pleafant and florid fludies without the lain, of fuch a tutoring apparition •, infomuch that Bafil teaches how fome o-ood ufe may be made of Margites a fportful Poem, not now extant, writ by Homer ; and why not then of Morganie an Italian Romance much to the fame purpofe ? But if it be agreed, we fhall be try'd by Vifions, there is a Vifion re- corded by Eufebius, farancienter than this Tale of Jerom, to the Nun Euftocbium 9 and befides, has nothing of a fever in it. Diony/ius Alexandrinus was, about the year 240, a perfon of great name in the Church, for Piety and Learning, who had wont to avail himfelf much againft Heretics, by being converfant in their Books ; until a certain Prefby ter laid it fcrupuloufly to his confeience, how he durft venture himfelf among thofe defiling volumes. The worthy Man, loth to give offence, fell into a new debate with himfelf, what was to be thought ; when Suddenly a Vifion fent from God, it is his own Epiftle thatfo avers it, confirm'd him in thefe words: " Read any Books whatever come to thy hands, for thou art fufficient both to " juds;e aright, and to examine each matter." To this Revelation he affented the fooner, as he confefles, becaufeit was anfwerable to that of the Apoftle to the 3 hejjalonians, Prove all things, hold jeft that which is good. And he might have added another remarkable faying of the fame Author ; To the pure, all things are pure, not only meats and drinks, but all kind of knowledge, whether of good or evil ; the Knowledge cannot defile, nor confequently the Books, if the Will and Confeience be not defil'd. For Books are as Meats and Viands are ; fome of good, fome of evil fubfiance •, and yet God in that unapocryphal Vifion, faid without ex- ception, Rife Peter, kill and eat -, leaving the choice to each Man's difcretion. Whoiefome meats to avitiated ftomach, differ little or nothing fromunwholefome; and beft Books to a naughty mind are not unappliabie to occafions of evil. Bad Meats will fcarce breed good nourifhment in the healthieft concoction •, but herin the difference is of bad Books, that they to a difcreet and judicious Reader ferve in many refpects to difcover, to confute, to forewarn, and to illuftrate. Wherof what better witnefs can ye expect I fhould produce, than one of your own now fitting in Parlament, the chief of learned Men reputed in this Land, Mr. Selden, whofe Volume of natural and national Laws proves, not only by great authorities brought together, but by exquifite reafons and theorems almoft mathematically demonftrative, that all opinions, yea errors, known, read and collated, are of main fervice and afliftance toward the fpeedy attainment of what is trueft. I con- ceive therfore, that when God did enlarge the univerfal diet of man's body, faving ever the rules of temperance, he then alio, as before, left arbitrary thedieting and re- pafting of our minds ; as wherin every mature Man might have to exercife his own leading capacity. How greata vertue isTemperance, how much of moment thro' the whole life of Man ? yet God commits the managing fo great a truft without parti- of Unlicensed Printing. i±j lar Law or Prefcription, wholly to the demeanor of every grown Man. And ther- fore when he himfelf tabled the Jews from Heaven, that Omer which was every Man's daily portion of Manna, is computed to have bin more than rnight have well fuffic'd the heartieft feeder thrice as many meals. For thofe aftions which enter into a Man, rather than ilTue out of him, andtherfore defile not, God ufes not to captivate under a perpetual childhood of prefcription, but trufts him with the gift of Reafon to be his own chu'fer •, there were but little work left for Preachino- if Law and Compulfion fhould grow fo faft upon thofe things which heretofore were govern'd only by exhortation. Salomon informs us, that much reading is a wearinefs to the flefh ; but neither he, nor other infpir'd author tells us that fuch or fuch reading is unlawful : yet certainly had God thought good to limit us here- in, it had bin much more expedient to have told us what was unlawful, than what was wearifome. As for the burning of thofe Epbejian Books by St. Paul's Con- verts, 'tis reply'd, the Books were magic, the Syriac fo renders them. It was a private aft, a voluntary aft, and leaves us to a voluntary imitation : the Men in remorfe burnt thofe Books which were their own ; the Magiftrate by this exam- ple is not appointed : thefeMen praftis'd the Books, another might perhaps have read them in fome fort ufefully. Good and evil we know in the field of this World grow up together almoft infeparably : and the knowledge of good is fo involv'd and interwoven with the knowledge of evil, and in fo many cunnin°- re- femblances hardly to be difcern'd, that thofe confufed feeds which were impos'd on Pfycbezs an inceflant labour to cull out, and fortafunder, were not more in- termix'd. Itwas from outthe rind of one apple tailed, that the knowledge of pood and evil, as two twins cleaving together, leap'd forth into the World. And per- haps this is that doom which Adam fell into of knowing good and evil, that is to fay, of knowing good by evil. As thcrfore the ftate of Man now is; what wifdom can there be to chufe, what continence to forbear without the knowledge of evil ? He that can apprehend and coniider vice with all her baits and feeming pleafures, and yet abftain, and yet diftinguifh, and yet prefer that which is truly better, he is the true way-faring Chriftian. I cannot praiie a fugitive and cloifter'd vertue, unexercis'd and unbreath'd, that never failles out and fees her adverfary, but flinks out of the race, where that immortal Garland is to be run for, not without dull and heat. Alfuredly we bring not innocence into the World, we bring impurity much rather : that which purifies us is trial, and trial is by what is contrary. That vertue therfore which is but a youngling in the contemplation of evil, and knows not the utmoft that vice promifes to her followers, and rejects it, is but a blank vertue, not a pure ; her whitenefs is but an excremental whitenefs : which was the reafon why our fage and ferious Poet Spenfer, whom I dare be known to think a better teacher than Scotus or Aquinas, defcribing true temperance under theperfon of Gition, brings him in with his palmer through the cave 01 Mammon, and the bower of earthly blifs, that he might fee and know, and yet abftain. Since therfore the knowledge andfurvey of Vice is in this World fo neceffiry to the con- ftituting of human Vertue, and the fcanning of error to the confirmation of truth, how can we more fafely, and with lefs danger fcout into the regions of fin and falfity, than by reading all manner of Tractates, and hearing all manner of reafon ? And this is the benefit which may be had of Books promifcuoufly read. But of the harm that may refult hence, three kinds are ufually reckon'd. Firft, is feared the infection that may fpread ; but then all human Learning and Controverfy in religious points, mult remove out of the World, yea, the Bible ufe f •, for that oft- times relates blafphemy not nicely, it defcribes the carnal fenis of wicked Men not unelegantly, it brings in holieft Men paffionately murmuring againft Provi- dence through all the arguments of Epicurus; in other great difputes it anfwers dubioufiy and darkly to thecommon reader: And afk a Talmudifi what ails the modefty of his marginal Kerf, that Mofes and all the Prophets cannot perluadehim to pronounce the textual Cbetiv. For thefecaufes we all know, the Bible itfeii put by the Papift into the firft rank of prohibited Books. The ancienteft Fathers mult be next remov'd, as Clement of Alexandria, and that Eufebiau Book of Evangelic Preparation, tranfmitting our ears through a hoard of htathenilh Obfcenities to receive the Gofpel. Who finds not that Iren^us, hpiphanius, Jerome, and others difcover more herefies than they well confute, and that oft for he- refy which is the truer opinion ? Nor boots it to fay for thefe, and all the heathen Writers of greateft infeftion , if it mult be thought fo, with whom is bound up the life of human learning, that they writ in an un- known tongue, fo long as we are fure thofe languages are known as well to tiie worftofMen, who are both molt able, and molt diligent to infr.il the poifon they Vol. I. U z hick, ja.8 A Speech for the Liberty fuck, firft into the Courts of Princes, acquainting them with the choiceft d and criticifms of fin. As perhaps did that Petronius, whom Nero call'd his Ad.. the M after of his Revels •, and that notorious ribald oi Arezzo, dreaded, and yet dear to the Italian Courtiers. I name not him for pofterity'sfake, whom Henry 8th nam'd in merriment his Vicar of Hell. By which compendious way all the con- tagion that foreign Books can infufe, will find a pafiage to the People far eafi ;r ajul ihorter than an Indian voyage, tho' it could be fail'd either by the North of Ca- taio Eaftward, or of 'Canada Weftward, while our ty*^ licenfing gags the j. iilh Prefs never fo feverely. But on the other fide, thatinfection which is from Bcoks of controverfy in Religion, is more doubtful and dangerous to the learned, than to the ignorant •, and yet thofe Books muft be permitted untouch'd by the Licen- fer. Tt will be hard to inftance where any ignorant Man hath bin ever fedue'd by any Papiftical Book in Englijh, unlefsit were commended and expounded to him by fome of that Clergy : and indeed all fuch tractates, whether falfe or true, are as the Prophecy of Ifaiab was to the Eunuch, not to be underftood without a guide. But of our Priefts and Doctors, how many have bin corrupted by ftudying the com- ments of Jefuits and Sorbonifts, and how faft they could transfufe that corruption into the People, our experience is both late and fad. It is not forgot, fince the a- cute and diftinct Arminius was perverted merely by the perufing of a namelefs difcourfe written at Delft, which at firfthe took in hand to confute. Seeing therfore that thofe Books, and thofe in great abundance which are likelieft to taint both life and doctrine, cannot be fuppreft without the fall of Learning, and of all ability in difputation, and that thefe Books of either fort are moftand fooneft catching to the learned, from whom to the common People whatever is heretical or difib- lute, may quickly be convey'd, and that evil manners are as perfectly learnt with- out Books a thoufand other ways which cannot be ftopt, and evil doctrine noc with Books can propagate, except a teacher guide, which he might alio do without writing, and fo beyond prohibiting ; I am not able to unfold, how this cautelous enterprife of Licenfing can be exempted from the number of vain and impoffible attempts. And he who were pleafantly difpos'd, could not well avoid to liken ic to the exploit of that gallant Man who thought to pound up the crows by fhutting his Park-gate. Befides another inconvenience, if learned Men be the firft receivers out of Books, and difpreaders both of vice and error, how fhall theLicenfers them- felves be confided in, unlefs we can confer upon them, or they afhime to themfclves above all others in the Land, the grace of infallibility, and uncorruptednefs ? And again, if it be true, that a wife Man, like a good refiner, can gather Gold out of the droflieft volume, and that a fool will be a fool with the beft Book, yea, or without Book; there is no reafon that wefhould deprive a wileMan of any advan- tage to his wifdom, while we feek to reftrain from a fool, that which being re- ftrain'd will be no hindrance to his folly. For if there fliould be fo much cxact- nefs always us'd to keep that from him which is unfit for his reading, we fhould in the judgment of Arifiotle not only, but of Solomon, and of cur Saviour, not vouch- fafe him good precepts, and by confequence not willingly admit him to good Books ; as being certain that a wife Man will make better ufe of an idle Pam- phlet, than a Fool will do offacred Scripture. 'Tis next alledg'd, we muft not expofe ourfelves to temptations without neccf- fity, and next to that, not employ our time in vain things. To both thefe objections one anfwer will ferve, out of the grounds already laid, that to all Men fuch Books are not temptations, nor vanities ; but ufeful drugs and materials wherwith to temper and compofe effective and itrong medicines, which Man's life cannot v. - . The reft, as Children and childifhMen, who have not the art to qualify and pre- pare thefe working Minerals, well may be exhorted to forbear, but hir.dcr'd for- cibly they cannot be, by all the licenfing that Sainted Inquintion ccu'd ever yet contrive ; which is what I promis'd to deliver next: That this Order of Licenfing conduces nothing to the end for which it was fram'd ; and hath almoft prevented me by being clear already while thus much hath bin explaining. See the ingenuity of Truth, who when fhe gets a free and willing hand, opens hcrfeif fafter than the pace of method and difcourfe can overtake her. It was the tafk which I began with, to fhew that no Nation, or well-inftituted State, if they vaiu'd Books at ail, did ever ufe this way of licenfing •, and it might be anfwered, that this is a piece of prudence lately difcover'd. To which I return, that as it was a thing flight and ob- vious to think on, fo if it had bin difficult to find out, there wanted not among them long fince, who fuggefted fuch a courfe ; which they not following, leave hs a pattern of their judgment, that it was not the not knowing, but the not approving, which was the caufe of their not ufing it. Plato, a Man of high audio- of Unlicensed Printing. i ^g authority indeed, but leaft of all for his Commonwealth, in the Book of his Laws which no City ever yet receiv'd, fed his fancy with making many Edicts to his airy Burgomafters, which they who otherwife admire him, with had bin rather buried and excus'd inthe genial cups of an Academic night-fitting. By which Laws he feems to tolerate no kind of Learning, but by unalterable Decree, confiftino- moft of practical Traditions, to the attainment wherof a Library of fmaller bulk than his own Dialogues would be abundant. And there alfo enacts, that no Poet fhould fo much as read to any private Man what he had written, until the Judges and Law-keepers had feen it, and allow'd it : But xhitPlato meant this Law pe- culiarly to that Commonwealth which he had imagin'd, and to no other, is evi- dent. Why was he not elfe a Law-giver to himfeif, but a Tranfgreffor, and to be expel'd by his own Magistrates, both for the wanton Epigrams and Dialogues which he made, and his perpetual reading of Sophron, Mimus, and Arifiophanes y Books of groffeft infamy, and alfo for commending the latter of them, though he were the malicious Libeller of his chief friends, to be read by the Tyrant Dio- nyjius, who hadlitttle need of fuch tralh to fpend his time on ? But that he knew this licenfing of Poems had reference and dependance to many other ffb's there let down in his fancied Republic, which in this World cculd have no place : and fo neither he himfeif, nor any Magiftrate or City ever imitated that courfe, which taken apart from thofe other collateral Injunctions, mull needs be vain a fruitlefs. For if they fell upon one kind of ftrictnefs unlefs their care were equal to regulate all other things of like aptnefs to corrupt the mind, that fingle endeavour they knew would be but a fond labour ; to fliut and fortify one Gate againft Cor- ruption, and be necefiitated to leave others round about wide open. If we think to regulate Printing, therby to rectify Manners, we muft regulate all Recreations and Paltimes, all that is delightful to Man. No Mufic muft be heard, no Song be fst or fung, but what is grave and Doric. There muft be licenfing Dancers, that no Gefture, Motion, or Deportment be taught our Youth, but what by their allow- ance fhall be thought honeft ; for fuch Plato was provided of : It will afk more than the work of- twenty Licenfers to examine all the Lutes, the Violins, and the, Ghittars in every houfe ; they muft not be fuffer'd to prattle as they do, but muft be licens'd what they may fay. And who fhall fiience all the Airs and Madrigals that whifper foftnefs in Chambers ? The Windows alfo, and the Balconies muft be thought on •, there are fhrewd Books, with dangerous Frontifpieces, fet to falej who fhall prohibit them, fhall twenty Licenfers ? The Villages r.rfo muft have their vifitors to enquire what Lectures the Bagpipe, and the Rebbec reads, even to the Ballatry and the Gammuth of every municipal Fidler, for thefe are the Coun- tryman's Arcadia's, and his Monte Mayors. Next, what more National Corrup- tion, for which England hears ill abroad, than houfhold gluttony ; who fhall be the rectors of our daily rioting ? and what fhall be dcr.e to inhibit the multitudes that frequent thofe houfes where drunkennefs is fold and harbour'd ? Our garments alfo fhould be referr'd to the licenfing of fome more fober work- matters, to fee them cut into a lefs wanton garb. Who fhall regulate all the mix'dconverfation of our youth, male and female together, as is the fafhion of this Country ? Who fhall ft ill appoint what fhall be difcourfed, what prefum'd, and no further ? Laft- ly, who fhall forbid and feparate all idle refort, all evil company ? Thefe things will be, and muft be •, but how they fhall be leaft hurtful, how leaft enticing, here- in confifts the grave and governing Wifdom of a State. To fequefter out of the World into Atlantic and Eutopian Polities, which never can be drawn into ufe, will not mend our condition •, but to ordain wifely as in this World of evil, in the midft wherof God hath plac'd us unavoidably. Nor is it Plate's licenfing of Books will do this, which neceffarily pulls along with it fo many other kinds of licenfing, as will make us all both ridiculous and weary, and yet fruftrate; but thofe unwritten, or at leaft unconftraining Laws of virtuous education, religic: ivil nurture, which Plato there mentions, as the bonds and ligaments of the Commonwealth, the pillars and the fuftainers of every written Statute ; thefe they be which v, ill bear chief fway in fuch matters as thefe, when all Licenfing will be eafily eluded. Impunity and remiffhefs for certain arethe bane of a Commonwealth; but here the great art lies to difcern in what the Law is to bid reftraint and puniihment, z in what things perfuafion only is to work. If every action which is good or evil in Man at ripe years, were to be under pittance, prescription, and compuifion, what were Vertue but a name, what praife could be then due to well-doing, what gram- mercy to be fober, jult or continent ? Many there be that complain of divine Provi- dence for flittering Adam to tranfgrefs. Foolifh tongues ! when God gave him reafon, he 1 i r o A Speech for the Liberty he crave him freedom tochufe, for reafon is but chufing-, he had bin clfe a mere artificial Adam, fuch an Adam as he is in the motions. We ourfelves efteem not of that obedience, or love, or gift, which is of iorce : God therfore left him free, fet before him a provoking object, ever almoft in his eyes •, herein confifted his merit, herein the right of his reward, the praife of his abftinence. Wherfore did he cre- ate paffions within us, pleafures round about us, but that thefe rightly temper'd are the very ingredients of vertue ? They are not fkilful confiderers of human things who imagine to remove fin by removing the matter of fin ; for, befides that it is a huge heap increafing under the very act of diminifhing, though fome part of it may for a time be withdrawn from fome Perfons, it cannot from all, in fuch a univerfal thing as Books are ; and when this is done, yet the fin remains entire. Though ye take from a covetous Man all his treafure, he has yet one jewel left, ye cannot bereave him of his Covetoufnefs. Banifh all objects of luff, jhut up all youth into the fevereft difcipline that can be exercis'd in any hermitage, ye can- not make them chatte, that came not thither lb : fuch great care and wildom is required to the right managing of this point. Suppofe we could expel fin by this means •, look how much we thus expel of fin, fo much we expel of vertue : for the matter of them both is the fame •, remove that, and ye remove them both alike. This juftifies the high Providence of God, who though he commands us Tempe- rance, Juftice, Continence, yet pours out before us even to a profufenefs all defi- rable things, and gives us minds that can wander beyond all limit andfatiety. Why fnould we then affect a rigor contrary to the manner of God and of Nature, by abridging or fcanting thofe means, which Books, freely permitted, are, both to the trial of Vertue, and the exercife of Truth ? It would be better done to learn that the Law rauft needs be frivolous which goes to reflrain things, uncertainly and yet equally working to good, and to evil. And were I the chufer, a dram of well-doino- ihould beprefer'd before many times as much the forcible hindrance of evil-doing. For God fure efteems the growth and compleating of one verruous Perfon, more than the reftraint often vitious. And albeit, whatever thing we hear or fee, fitting, walking, travelling, or converting, may be fitly call'd our Book, and is of the fame effect that Writings are ; yet grant die thing to be prohibited, were only Books, it appears that this Order hitherto is far infufHcierit to the end which it intends. Do we not fee, not once or oitner, but weekly, that continued Court-libel againlt the Parlament and City, printed, as the wet fheets can witnefs, and difpers'd among us, for all that Licenfing can do ? Yet this is the prime fer- vicea Man would think, wherin this Order fh- uld give proof of itfelf. If it were executed, you'll fay. But certain, if execution be remifs or blind- fold now, and in rhis particular, what will it be hereafter, and in other Books ? If then the Order fhall not be vain and fruftrate, behold a new labour, Lords and Commons, ye mult repeal and profcribe all fcandalous and unlicens'd Books already printed and di- vulg'd •, after ye have drawn them up into a Lift, that all may know which are condemn'd, and which not •, and ordain that no foreign Books bv. delivered out of cuftody, till they have bin read over. This office will require the whole time of not a few Overfeers, and thofe no vulgar Men. There be alio Books which are partly ufeful and excellent, partly culpable and pernicious ; this work will afk as many more Officials, to make expurgations and expunctions, that the Common- wealth of Learning be not damnify'd. In fine, when the multitude of Books en- creafeupon their hands, ye muff, be fain to catalogue all thofe Printers who are found frequently offending, and forbid the Importation of their whole fufpected Typography. In a word, that this your Order may be exact, and not deficient, ye muft reform it perfectly according to the model of Trent and Seyil, which I know ye abhor to do. Yet though ye fhould condefcend to this, which God forbid, the Order itill would be butfruitlefs and defective to that end wherto ye meant it. If to prevent Sects and Schifms, who is fo unread or fo uhcatechiVd in ftory, that hath not heard of many Sects re fufing Books as a hindrance, and preferring their doctrine unmix'd for many Ages, only by unwritten Traditions ? The Chriitian Faith, for that was once a Schifm, is not unknown to have fpread ah over .4Jia y ere any Goipel or Epiftle was feen in writing. If the amendment of manners be aim'd at, look into Italy and Spain, whether thofe places be one fcruple the bet- ter, the honefler, the wifer, the chaffer, fince all the inquifitional rigor that hath bin executed upon Books. Another reafon, wherby to make it plain that this order will mifs the end it feeks, confiderby the quality which ought to be in everyLicenfer. It cannot be deny'd but that he who is made judge to fit upon the birth, or death of Books, whether they may be of Unlicensed Printing. r ^ T be wafted into this world, or not, had need to be a Man above the common mea- fure, both ftudious, learned, and judicious ; there may be elfe no mean miftakes in the cenfure of what is paffable or not ; which is alfo no mean injury. If he be of fuch worth as behoves him, there cannot be a more tedious and unpleafin^ Journey-work, a greater lofs of time leviedupon his head, than to be made the per° petual reader of uichofen Books and Pamphlets, oftimes huge Volumes. There is r.o Book that is acceptable, unlefs at certain feafons ; but to be enjoin'd the read- ing of that at all times, and in a hand fcarce legible, wherof three paces would not down at any time in the faireft Print, is an impofition which I cannot believe how he that values time, and his own ftudies, or is but of a fenfible noflril, ihould be able to endure. In this one thing I crave leave of the prefent Licenfers to be pardon'd for fo thinking : who doubtlefs took this office up, looking on it thro' their obedience to the Parlament, whofe command perhaps made all things fc cm eafy and unlaborious to them ; but that this fhort trial hath wearied them out al- ready, their own expreffions and excufes to them who make lb many journeys to folicit their licence, are teftimony enough. Seeing therfore thofe who now poffeix the employmeut, by all evident figns with themielves well rid of it, and that no Man of worth, none that is not a plain unthrift of his own hours, is ever likely to fucceed them, except he mean to put himfelf to the falary of a Prefs-Correclor, we may eafily forefee what kind of Licenfers we are to expeel hereafter, either ig- norant, imperious, and remifs, or bafely pecuniary. This is what I had to fhew, wherin this order cannot conduce to that end, wherof it bears the intention. I laftly proceed from the no good it can do, to the manifeft hurt it caufes, in be- ing firft the greater! difcouragement and affront that can be offer'd to Learning, and to learned Men. It was the complaint and lamentation of Prelates, upon eve- ry leaf! breath of a motion to remove Pluralities, and diftributc more equally Church- Revenues, that then all Learning would be for ever dalh'd and dilcou- rag'd. But as for that opinion, I never found cauie to think that the tenth part of learning flood or fell with the Clergy : nor could I ever but hold it for a fordid and unworthy fpeech of any Churchman, who had a competency left him. If therfore ye be loth to difhearten utterly and difcontent, not the mercenary crew of falfe pretenders to learning, but the free and ingenious fort of fuch as evidently were born to ftudy and love Learning for itielf, not for lucre, or any other end, but the fervice of God and of Truth, and perhaps that lafting fame and perpetu- ity of praife which God and good Men have confented fhall be the reward of thofe whofe publifh'd Labours advance the good of Mankind-, then know, that fo far to diftruft the judgment and the honefty of one who hath but a common repute in Learning, and never yet offended, as not to count him fit to print his mind with- out a Tutor and Examiner, left he ihould drop a fchifm, or fomething of corrup- tion, is the greater! difpleafure and indignity to a free and knowingSpirit that can be put upon him. What advantage is it to be a Man, over it is to be aBoy atSchool, if we have only efcap'd the Ferular, to come under the Fefcue of an Imprimatur ? If ferious and elaborate Writings, as if they were no more than the theme of a Grammar-lad under his Pedagogue, muft not be utter'd without the curibry eyes of a temporizing and extemporizing Licenfer ? He who is not trufted with his own acfions, his drift not being known to be evil, and ftanding to the hazard of Law and Penalty, has no great argument to think himfelf reputed in the Common- wealth wherin he was born, for other than a fool or a foreigner. When aMan writes to the world, he fummons up all his reafon and deliberation to affift him ; he fearches, meditates, is induftrious, and likely coniults and confers with his judici- ous friends •, after all which done, he takes himfelf to be inform'd in what he writes, as well as any that writ before him-, if in this the mof! confummate acfof his fidelity andripenefs, no years, no induftry, no former proof of his abilities can bring him to that ftate of maturity, as not to be ftill miftruiled and fufpecled, unlefs he carry all his considerate diligence, all his midnight watchings, and ex- pence of Palladian oil, to the hafty view of an unleifur'd Licenfer, perhaps much his younger, perhaps far his inferior in judgment, perhaps one who never knew the labour of Book-writing •, and if he be not repuls'd, or flighted, muft appear in print like a Puny with his Guardian, and his Cenfor's hand on the back ot his title 10 be his bail and lurety, that he is no Idiot, or Seducer ; it cannot be but a difhonour and derogation to the Author, to -the Book, to the privilege and dignity of Learning. And what if the Author fhall be one fo copious of fancy, as to have many things well worth the adding, come into his mind after licenfing, whibthe Book is yet under the Prefs, which notfeldom happens to the Deft and dili^enteft writers ; and that perhaps a dozen times in one Book : The Printer dares not *5 2 A Speech for the Liberty not oo beyond his Hcetre'd copy ; fo often then muft the Author trudge to his leave-giver, that thofe his new infertions may beview'd •, and many a jaunt will be made, ere that Licenfer, for it muft bethe fame Man, can either be found, or found at'leifure •, meanwhile either thePrefs mud ftanu ftill, which is no fmall damage, or the author lofe his accurateft thoughts, and fend the Book forth worfe than'he had made it, which to adiligent writer is thegreatcft melancholy and vex- ation that can befal. And how can a Man teach with Authority, which is the life of teaching ; how can he be a Doclor in his Book as he ought to be, or elfe had better be filent, when'as all he teaches, all he delivers; is but under the tuition, under the correction oi his patriarchal Licenfer, to blot or alter what precifely accords not with liie hide-bound humour which he calls hi* judgment ? When e- very acute Reader upon the firft fight of a pedantic Licence, will be ready with thefe like words to ding the B'jok a coit's diftance from him, I hate a pupil Teacher, 1 endure not an ir.ftruftor that comes to me under the wardihip of an overfeeins lift. I know nothing of the Licenfer, but that I have his own hand here for his 1 arrogance •, who fhall warrant me his judgment ? The State, Sir, re- plies the Stationer; but has a quick return, the State fhall be my Governors, but not my Critics •, they may be miftaken in the choice of a Licenfer, as eafdy as this Licenfer may be miftaken in an author. This is fome common fluff; and he might add from Sir Francis Bacon, that fuch authorized Books are but the language of the times. For though a Licenfer ftiould happen to be judicious more than or- dinary, which will be a great jeopardy of the next fucceffion, yet his very office, and his cominiffion enjoins him to let pals nothing but what is vulgarly receiv'd already. Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceafed author, though never fo famous in his life-time, and even to this day, comes to their hands for licence to be printed, or reprinted, if there be found in his Book, one fentence of a ventrous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, and who knows whether it might not be the dictate of a divine Spirit, yet not Anting with every low de- crepit humour of their own, though it were Knox himfelf, the Reformer of a Kino-dom that fpake it, they will not pardon him their dafli : the fenfe of that great Man fhall to all pofteritybe loft, for the fearfulnefs, or the prefumptuous rafhnefs of a perfunctory Licenfer. And to what an Author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what Bookof greateft confequence to be faithfully publifh'd, I could now inftance, but fhall forbear till a more convenient feafon. Yet if thefe things be not relented ferioufly and timely by them who have the remedy in their power, but that fuch iron-moulds as thefe fhall have authority to gnaw out the choiceif periods of exquifiteft Books, and to commit fuch a treacherous fraud a- "ainft the orphan remainder, of worthieft Men after death, the more forrow will beiori"- to that haplefs race of Men, w hole misfortune it is to have underftanding. Henceforth let no Man care to learn, or care to be more than worldly wife ; for certainly in higher matters to be ignorant and flothlul, to be a common ftedfaft dunce, will be theonly pleafant liie, and only in requeft. And as it is a particular difeftecm of every knowing perfon alive, and mod in- jurious to the written labours and monuments o\ the dead, lo to me it teems anun- dervaluing and vilifying of the whole Nation. I cannot let fo light by all the in- vention, the art, the wit, the grave and folid judgment which is in England, as that it can be comprehended in any twenty capacities how good fosver, much lefs that it fhoukl not pais except their Superintendence be over it, except it be fifted and ftrain'd with their ftrainers, that it ihould be uncurrent without their manual ftamp. Truth and Underftanding are not fuch wares as to be monopoliz'J and traded in by tickets and features, and ftandards. We muft not think to make a ftaple commodity of all the knowledge in the Land, to mark and Iicenfe it like our Broad-cloth, andour Wool-packs. What is it but a fervitude like that im- pos'd by the PhiliJIines, not tobeallow'd the fharpening of our own taxes and coul- ters, but we muft repair from all quarters to twenty licenfing forges ? Had any one written and divulg'd erroneous things and feandalousto honeft life, mifufing and forfeiting the efteem had of his rcalon among Men, if after eonviclion this only cen- fure wereadjudg'd him, lhathe ihould never henceforth write, but what were firft examin'd by an appointed Offker, whole hand ihould be annex r d to pafs his cre- dit for him, that now he might be fafely read, it could not be apprehended lefs than a diigraceful punilhment. Whence to include the whole Nation, and thofe that never yet thus offended, under fuch a diffident and fufpeftful prohibition, may plainly be underilcod wh.ua difparagement it is. Somuch the more whenas Deb- tors and Delinquents may wa'k abroad without a Keeper, but unoffenfive Books muft not ftir forth without a vifible Jay 'or in their title. Nor is it to the com- mon People lefs than a Reproach; tor il we be fo jealous over them, as that we dare 3 not of UnUcensd Printing, 153 &ot truft them with an Englijh pamphlet, what do we but cenfure them for a giddy, vitious, and ungrounded people ; in fuch a fickand weak estate of faith and difcretion, as to be able to take nothing down but through the pipe of a Licenfer ? That this is care or love of them, we cannot pretend, whenas in thofe Popifh places where the Laity are moft hated and defpis'd, the fame ftrictnefs is over them. Wifdom we cannot calJ it, becaufe it flops but one breach of licence, nor that neither : whenas thofe corruptions which it leeks to prevent, break in fafterat other doors which cannot be ihut. And in conclufion it reflects to the difrepute of our Minifters alfo, of whofe labours we fhould hope better, and of the proficiency which their flock reaps by them, than that after all this light of the Gofpel which is, and is to be, and all this continual Preaching, they ihould be ftill frequented with fuch an unprin- cipl'd, unedify'd, and laic rabble, as that the whiff" of every new pamphlet fhculc] dagger them out of their Catechifm, and Chriftian walking. This may have much reafon to difcourage the Minifters, when fuch a low conceit is had of all their exhortations, and the benefiting of their hearers, as that they are not thought fit to be turn'd loofe to three lheets of paper without a Licenfer ; that all the Sermons, all the Lectures preach'd, printed, vented in fuch numbers, and fuch volumes, as have now well-nigh made all other Books unfalable, fnou ! d not be armour enough againft one fingle Enchiridion, without the Caftle St. Angela of an Imprimatur. And left fome ihould pcrfwade ye. Lords and Commons, that thefe arguments of learned men's difcouragement at this your Order, are meer flourilhes, and not real, I could recount what I have feen and heard in other Countries, where this kind of inquifition tyrannizes ; when I have fat among their learned men* for that honour I had, and been counted happy to be born in fuch a place of 'philosophic freedom, as they fuppos'd England was, while themfelves did nothing but be- moan the fervil condition into which Learning amongft them was brought ; that this was it which had dampt the glory of Italian wits; that nothing had been there written now thefe many years but flattery and fuftian. There it was that I found, and vifited the famous Galileo grown old, a prifoner to the Inqui- fition, for thinking in Aftronomy othervvife than the Francilcan and Dominican licenfers thought. And though I knew that England then was groaning loudeft under the Prelaticai yoak, neverthelefs I took it as a pledge of future happinefs, that other Nations were foperfwaded of her liberty. Yet was it beyond my hope, that thofe Worthies Were then breathing in her air, who Ihould be her leaders to fuch a deliverance, as fhall never be forgotten by any revolution of time that this world hath tofinifh. When that wasonce begun, it was as little in my fear, that what words of complaint I heard among learned men of other parts utter'd againft the Inquifition, the fame I fhould hear by as learned men at home*"utter'd in time of Parlament againft an Order of Licenfing; and that fo generally, that when I haddifclos'dmy felf a companion of their difcontent, I might fay, if without en- vy, that he whom an honeft QuceflorJJjip had indear'd to the Sicilians,\v?.s not more t by them importun'd againft Verres, than the favourable opinion which I had a- mong many who honour ye, and are known and refpected by ye, loaded me with entreaties and perfwafions, that I would not defpair to lay together that which juft reafon fhould bring into my mind, toward the removal of an undeferved thraldom upon Learning. That this is not therfore thedifburdening of a parti- cular fancy, but the common grievance of all thofe who had prepared their minds and ftudies above the vulgar pitch to advance truth in others* and from others to entertain it, thus much may fatisfy. And in their name I fhall for neither friend nor foe conceal what the general murmur is; that if it cometoinquifitioning again, and licenfing, and that we are fo timorous of our I elves, and fufpicicus of all men, as to fear each Book,and the fhakingof every leaf,before we know what the contentsare; if fome who but of late were littlebetterthan filenc'dfrom preaching, fhall come now to filence us from reading, except what they pleafe, it cannot be gueft what is intended by fome but a lecond tyranny over Learning : and will foon put it out of controverfy that Bifhops and Prefbyters are the fame to us both name and thing. That thofe evils of Prelaty which before from five or fix and twenty Sees were diftributively charged upon the whole people, will now light wholly uponLearning, is not obfeure to us : whenas now the Paftor of a fmall unlearned Parifh, on thefud- den fhall be exaltedArchbifhop over a large diocefs of Books, and yet not remove, but keep his other Cure too, a myftical Pluralift. He who but of late cry'd down the lole ordination of every novice Batchelor of Art, and deny'd idle jurifdic- tion over the fimpleft Pariihioner, fhall now at home in his private chair aflume Vol.. I. X both *S4 A Speech for the Liberty both thefe over worthieft and excellenteft Books, and ableft Authors that write them. This is not, ye Covenants and Proteftations that we have made •, this is not to put down Prelaty -, this is but to chop an Epifcopacy ; this is but to tranflate the Palace Metropolitan from one kind of dominion into another •, this is but an old canonical flight of commuting our penance. To ftartle thus betimes at a meer unlicens'd Pamphlet, will, after a while, be afraid of every Conven- ticle, and a while after will make a Conventicle of every Chriftian meeting. But I am certain that a State govern'd by the rules of Juftice and Fortitude, or a Church built and founded upon the Rock of Faith and ^ true Knowledge, can- not be fo pufillanimous. While things are yet not conftituted in Religion, that freedom of Writing ihould be reftrain'd by a difcipline imitated from the Pre- lates, and learnt by them from the Inquifition to fhut us up all again into the breaft of a Licenfer, muft needs give caufe of doubt and difcouragement to all learned and religious Men. Who cannot but difcern the finenefs of this politic drift, and who are the contrivers ; that while Biihops were to be baited down, then all Prefles might be open ; it was the people's birth-right and privilege in time of Parlament, it was the breaking forth of light. But now the Bifhops abrogated and voided out of the Church, as if our Reformation fought no more, but to make room for others into their Seats under another name ; the Epifco- pal Arts begin to bud again •, the Cruife of Truth muft run no more Oil ; li- berty of Printing muft be ' enthrall'd again under a Pr'elatical Commiflion of twenty •, the privilege of the People nullify'd •, and which is vrorfe, the free- dom of Learning muft groan again, and to her old fetters: all this the Parla- ment yet fitting. Although their own late Arguments and Defences againft the Prelates might remember them that this obftructing Violence meets for the mole part with an event utterly oppofite to the end which it drives at : inftead of iup- preffing Sects and Schifms, it raifes them and inverts them with a reputation : The paniflAng of Wits enhances their authority, faith the Vifcount St. Albans ; and a forbidden writing is thought to be a certain f park of truth that flies up in the faces of them who feck "to tread it out. This Order therfore may prove a nurfing Mother to Sects, but I fhall eafily fhew how it will be a ftep-dame to Truth: and firft by difinabling us to the maintenance of what is known already. Well knows he who ufes to confider, that our Faith and Knowledge thrive; by Exercife, as well as our Limbs and Complexion. Truth iscompar'din Scrip- ture to a fir earning fountain; if her waters flow not in a perpetual progreffion, they ficken into a muddy pool of Conformity and Tradition. A man may be a Heretic in the Truth ; and if he believe things only becaufe his Paftor fays lb, or the AfTembly fo determines, without knowing other reafon, though his be- lief be true, y§t the very truth he holds, becomes his herefy. There is not any burden that fome Would gladlier poft off to another, than the charge and care of their Religion. There be, who knows not that there be of Proteftants and Profeflbrs who live and die in as errant an implicite Faith, as any Lay-Papiftof Loretto. A wealthy man, addicted to his pleafure and to his profits, finds Reli- gion to be a traffic fo entangled, and of fo many piddling accounts, that of all myfteries he cannot fkill to keep a ftock going upon that trade. What ihould he do ? fain he would have the name to be religious, fain he would bear up with his neighbours in that. What does he therfore, but refolves to give over toil- ing, and to find himfelf out fome Factor, to whofe care and credit he may com- mit the whole managing of his religious affairs ; fome Divine of note and efti- mation that muft be. To him he adheres, refigns the whole Warehoufe of his Religion, with all the Locks and Keys into his cuftody, and indeed makes the very Perfon of that Man his Religion ; efteems his aflbciating with him a fuf- ficient evidence and commendatory of his own Piety. So that a man may fay his Religion is now no more within himfelf, but is become a dividual move- able, and goes and comes near him, according as that good man frequents the houfe. He entertains him, gives him gifts, feafts him, lodges him •, his Reli- gion comes home at night, prays, is liberally fupt, and fumptuoufly laid to deep; rifes, is faluted, and after the malmfey, or fome well-fpic't bruage, and better breakfafted, than he whofe morning appetite would have gladly fed on green figs between Bethany and Jerufnlem ; his Religion walks abroad at eight, and leaves his kind entertainer in the fhop trading all day without his Religion. Another fort there be, who when they hear that all things fhall be order'd, all things regulated and fettled -, nothing written but what paffes through the Cuftom- houfc of certain Publicans that have the tunnaging and poundaging of all free Ipoken Truth, will ftrait give themfelves up into your hands, make 'em and cut 'em out what Religion ye pleafe ; there be delights, there be recreation's and of Unlicensed Printing. ice And jolly paftimesthat will fetch the day about from Sun to Sun, and rock the tedious year as in a delightful dream. What need they torture their heads with that which others have taken fo ftrictly, and fo unalterably into their own pur- veying? Thefe are the fruits which a dull eafe and cefTation of our knowledge will bring forth among the people. How goodly, and how to be wifht were fuch an obedient unanimity as this ? what a fine conformity would it ftarch us all into ? doubtlcfs a ftanch and folid piece of frame-work, as any January could freeze together. Not much better will be the confequence even among the Cleroy themfelves; it is no new thing never heard of before, for a Parochial Minifter, who has his reward, and is at his Herades Pillars in a warm Benefice, to be eafily inclinable if he having nothing elfe that may roufe up his ftudies, to finifhhis circuit in an Engliflo Concordance and a topic Folio, the gatherings and favino-s of a fober Graduateihip, a Harmony and a Catena, treading the conftant round of certain common doctrinal Heads, attended with their Uies, Motives, Marks and Means- c.:t of which, as out of an Alphabet or Sol fa s by forming and transform ino-, joining and dif-joining varioully a little bookcraft, and two hours meditation might furnifh him unlpeakably to the performance of more than a weekly charge of fermoning : not to reckon up the infinite helps of interlinearies, breviaries, fynopfes, and other loitering gear. But as for the multitude of Sermons ready printed and pil'd up* on every text that is not difficult, our London tradino- St. Thomas in his Veftry, and add to boot St. Martin and St. Hugh, have not with- in their hallow'd limits more vendible ware of all forts ready made : fo that pe- nury he never reed fear of Pulpit-provifion, having where fo plenteoufiy to re- frefhhis magazine. But if his rear and flanks be notimpal'd, if his back-door be hot fecur'd by the rigid Licenfer, but that a bold Book may now and then iffiie forth, and give the aflault to fome of his old Collections in their Trenches, it ■Will concern him then to keep waking, to Hand in watch, to fet good guards and fentinels about hisreceiv'd Opinions, to walk the round and counter-round with his fel'ow-infpeftors, fearing left any of his flock be fedue'd, who alfo then would be better inftructed, better exercis'd and difciplin'd. And God fend that the fear of this diligence which rhuft then be ustl, do not make us affect the lazinefs of a licenfing Church. For if we be fure we are in the right, and do not hold the truth guiltily, which becomes not, if we our felves condemn not our own weak and frivolous teach- ing, ftod the people for an untaught and irreligious gadding rout, what can be more fair, than when a man judicious, learned, and of a confeience, for aught we know, as good as theirs that taught us what we know, fhall not privily from houfe to houfe, which is more dangerous, but openly by writing publifh to the World what his Opinion is, what his Reafons, and wherfore that which is now thought cannot be found. Chrift urg'd it as wherewith to jaftify himfelf, that he preacht in public ; yet writing is more public than preaching ; and more eafy to refutation, if need be, there being fo many whofe bufinefs and profeffion fheerly it is to be the champions of Truth •, which if they neglect, what can be imputed but their floth or unability ? Thus much we are hinder'd and dif-inur'd by thiscourfe of licenfing toward the true knowledge of what we feem to know. For how much it hurts and hin- ders the Licenfers themfelves iri the calling of their Miniftry, more than any fecular employment, if they will difcharge that office as they ought, fo that of neceflity they muff, neglect either the one duty or the other ; I infill not, becaufe it is a particular, but leave it to their own confeience, how they will decide it there. There is yet behind of what I purpos'd to lay open, the incredible lofs and detriment that this plot of Licenfing puts us to, more than if fome enemy at Sea fhouldflop up all our Havens, and Ports, and Creeks •, it hinders and retards the Importation of ourricheft Merchandize, Truth: nay, it was firft eftabliiht and put in practice byAntichriftian malice and myftery on fet purpofe toextin- guifh, if it were poflible, the light of Reformation, and to fettle falfhood ; little differing from that policy wherwith the Turk upholds hfs Alcoran, by the prohi- biting of Printing. 'Tis not deny'd, but gladly confeft, we are to fend our Thanks and Vows to Heaven, louder than moll: of Nations, for that great mea- fure of Truth which we enjoy, efpeciallyin thofe main Points between us and the Pope, with his appertinences the Prelates : but he who thinks we are to pitch our Tent here, and have attain'd the u'tmoft profpect of Reformation, that the mortal glafs wherin we contemplate can fhew us, till we come to bea- tific Vilion, that man by this very Opinion declares, that he is yet far fhort of the Truth. I q 6 A Speech for the Liberty Truth indeed came once into the world with her divine Mafter,andwas a perfect fhape moft glorious to look on : but when heafcended, and his Apoftles after him were laid afleep^ then tlrait arofe a wicked race of deceivers, who as that ftory goes of the Egyptian Tyption with his confpirators, how they dealt with the uood Ofiris, took the virgin Truth, hew'd her lovely form into a thoufand pieces, and fcatter'd them to the four winds. From that time ever fince, the fad friends of Truth, fuch as durft appear, imitating the careful fearch that IJis made for the mangled body of O/sris, went up and down gathering up limb by limb ftill as they could find them. We have not yet found them all, Lords and Commons, nor ever fhall do, till her Matter's fecond coming ; he fhall bring together every joint and member,and fhall mould them into an immortal feature of lovelinefsand perfection. Surfer notthefe licenftng prohibitions to ftand at every place of opportunity for- biddinganddifturbing them that continue feeking,that continue todoourobfequies to the torn body of our martyr'd Saint. We boaft our light •, but if we look not wifely on the Sun it felf, it fmites us into darknefs. Who can difcern thofe planets that are oft c ombttjl, and thofe ftarsofbrightefl magnitude that rife and fet with the „ Sui!,until the oppof te motion of their orbsbring them to fucha place in the firma- ment, where they may be ken evening or morning? The light which we have gain'd, was given us, not to ever hearing on, but by it to difcover onward things more remore from our knowledge. It is not the unfrocking of a Prieft, the unmi- tring ofaBifhop, and the removing him from off the Presbyterian ihoulders, that will make us a happy Nation; no, if other things as great in the church, and in the rule of life both '©economical and political be not lookt into and reform'd, we have lookt fo long upon the blaze that Zuinglius and Calvin have beacon'd up to us, that we are ftark blind. There be who perpetually complain of fchifms and feels, and make it fuch a calamity, that any man diflents from their maxims. 'Tis their own pride and ignorance which caufes the difturbing, who neither will hear with meeknefs, nor can convince, yet all mull be fuppreft which is not found in their Syntagma. They are the troublers, they are the dividers of u- nity, who neglect and permit not odiers to unite thofe diffever'd pieces which are yet wanting to the body of Truth. To be ftill fearching what we know not, by what we know, ftill clofing up truth to truth as we find it, (for all her body is homogeneal, and proportional) this is the golden rule in Theology as well as iii Arithmetic, and makes up the beft harmony in a Church •, not the fore'd aod outward union of cold, and neutral, and inwardly divided minds. Lords and Commons of England, confider what Nation it is wherof ye are, and wherof ye are the Govemours: a Nation not (low and dull, but of a quick, ingenious, and piercing fpirit, acute to invent, futtle and finewy to difcourfe, not beneath the reach of any point the higheil that human capacity can foar to. There- fore the fludies of Learning in her deepeft Sciences have been fo ancient, and fo eminent among us, that Writers of good antiquity, and able- judgment, have been perfwaded that even the fchool of Pythagoras, and t\\tPerfian wifdom, took be- ginning from the old philofophy of this Ifland. And that wife and civil Ro- man, 'Julius //griccla, who govern'd once here for C<rfar, preferred the natural Wits of Britain, before the labour'd ftudies of the French. Nor is it for nothing that the grave and frugal Tranfilvanian fends out yearly from as far as the moun- tainous borders of Ruffla, and beyond the Hercynian wildernefs, not their youth, but their ftay'd men, to learn our language, and our Theologic arts. Yet that which is above all this, the favour and the love of Heaven, we have great argu- ment to think in a peculiar manner propitious andpropending towards us. Why elfe was this Nation cho fen before any other, that out of her as outof &'<?» fhould beproclaim'd and founded forth the firft tidings and trumpet of Reformation to all Europe? And had it not been the obftinate perverfenefs of our Prelates againft the divine and admirab'e fpirit of IVicklef, to fuppreis him as a fchifmatic and innovator, perhaps neither the Bohemian Hujfe and Jerom, no nor the name of Luther, or of Calvin, had been ever known .- the glory of a reforming all our neighbours had been compleatly ours. But now, as our obdurate Clergy have with violence demean'd the matter, we are become hitherto the lateft and the backwardeft Scholars, of whom God offer'd to have made us the Teachers. Now once again by all concurrence of figns, and by the general inftir.ct of holy and devout men, as they daily and folemnly exprefs their thoughts, God is decreeing to begin fome new and great period in his Church, even to the reforming of Re- formation it felf-, what does he then but reveal Himfelf to Ids fervants, and as his manner is, firft to his Englijh-men? I lay as his manner is, firft to us, though we mark not the method of his counfels, and are unworthy. Behold now this vaft City; of Unlk ens d Printing. icj City, a City of refuge, the manfion-houfe of liberty, encompaft and furrounded with his protection •, the fliop of War hath not there more anvils and hammers waking, to faihion out the plates and inftruments of armed Juftice in defence of beleaguer'd Truth, than there be pens and heads there, fitting by their ftudious lamps, mufing, fearching, revolving new notions and idea's wherewith to prefenc as with their homage and their fealty the approaching Reformation : others as fail reading, trying all things, afTentingto the force of reafonand convincement. What could a man require more from a Nation fo pliant and fo prone to feek after knowledge? What wants there to fuch a towardly and pregnant foil, but wife and faithful Labourers, to make a knowing People, a Nation of Prophets, of Sao-es and of Worthies? We reckon more than five months yet to harveft ; there need not be five weeks, had we but eyes to lift up, the fields are white already. Where there is much defire to learn, there of neceffity will be much arguing much wri- ting, many opinions •, for opinion in good men is but knowledge in the rriaking. Under thefe fantaftic terrours of feci andfchifm, we wrong the earneft and zea- lous thirft after knowledge and underftanding which God hath ftirr'd up in this City. What fome lament of, we rather fhould rejoice at, fiiould rather praife this pious forwardnefs among men, to reafiume the ill deputed care of their Reli- gion into their own hands again. A little generous prudence, a little forbearance of one another, and fome grain of charity might win all thefe diligencies to join and unite into one general and brotherly fearch after Truth ; could we but foro-o this Prelatical tradition of crouding free Confciences and Chriftian Liberties in- to canons and precepts of men. I doubt not, if fome great and worthy ftran°- e r fhould come among us, wife to difcern the mould and temper of a people, arid how to govern it, obfervingthe high hopes and aims, the diligent alacrity of our extended thoughts and reafonings in the purfuance of truth and freedom, but that he would cry out as Pyrrhus did, admiring the Roman docility and courage ; If fuch were my Epirots, I would not defpair the greateft defign that could be at- tempted to make a Church or Kingdom happy. Yet thefe are the men cry'd out againft for fchifmatics and fectaries, as if, while the Temple of the Lord was building, fome cutting, fome fquaring the Marble, others hewing the Cedars, there fhould be a fort of irrational men who could not confider there muft be many fchifms and many directions made in the quarry and in the timber ere the Houfe of God can be built. And when every ftone is laid artfully together, it cannot be united into a continuity, it can but be contiguous in this world : neither can every piece of the Building be of one form ; nay rather the perfection confifts in this, that out of many moderate varieties and brotherly diffimilitudes that are not vaftly difproportional, arifes the goodly and the graceful fymmetry that commends the whole pile and ftructure. Let us therfore be more confiderate Builders, more wife in fpiritual Architecture, when great Reformation is expect- ed. For now the time feems come, wherin Mofes the great Prophet may fit in Heaven rejoicing to fee that memorable and glorious wilh of his fulfill'd, when not only our feventy Elders, but all the Lord's people are become Prophets. No marvel then though fome men, and fome good men too perhaps, but young in goodnefs, as Jojhua then was, envy them. They fret, and out of their own weak- nefs are in agony, left thefe divifions and fub-divifions will undo us. The adver- fary again applauds, and waits the hour, when they have brancht themfelves out, faith he, fmall enough into parties and partitions, then will be our time. Fool! he fees not the firm root, out of which we all grow, though into branches; nor will beware until he fee our fmall divided maniples cutting throuo-h at eve- ry angle of his ill-united and unwieldy brigade. And that we are to hope better of all thefe fuppofed fects and fchifms,and that we fhallnot need that folicitude, honeft perhaps, though over-timorous, of them that vex in this behalf, but ihall laugh in the end at thofe malicious applauders of our differences, I have thefe reafons to perfwade me. Firft, when a City Ihall be as it were befieg'd and blockt about, her navigable river infefted, inrodes and incurfions round, defiance and battel oft rumour'd to be marching up even to her walls and fuburb trenches, that then the people, or the greater part, more than at other times, wholly taken up with the ftudy of higheft and moft important matters to be reform'd, fhould be difputino-, rea- ibning, reading, inventing, difcourfing, even to a rarity, and admiration, things not before difcourft or written of, argues firft a fingular good will, contentednefs and confidence in your prudent forefight, and fafe government, Lords and Com- mons; and from thence derives it felf to a gallant bravery and well grounded contempt of their enemies, as if there were no fmall number of as great fpirits 1^8 A Speech for the Liberty "among us, as his was, who when Rome was nigh befieg'd by Ha-niba 1 , being !ri the City, bought that piece of ground at no cheap rate, whereon Hanibal him- felf encampt his own regiment. Next, it is a lively and cheerful preiage of our happy fuccefs and victory. For as in a body, when the blood is frefh, the fpirits pure and vigorous, not only to vital, but to rational faculties, and thofe in the acuteft, and the perteft operations of wit and futtlety, it argues in what good plight and conftitution the body is •, fo when the cheerfulnefs of the people i i fd iprightly up, as that it has not only wherewith to guard well its own freedom and fafety, but to fpare, and to beftow upon the folideft and fublimeft points of controverfy, and new invention, it betokens us not degenerated, nor drooping to a fatal decay, but calling off the old and wrinkl'd /kin of corruption to out- live thefe pangs, and wax young again, entring the glorious ways of Truth and profperous Vertue, deftin'd to become great and honourable in thefe latter ages. Methinks I fee in my mind a noble and puiffant Nation roufing her felf like a ftrong man after fleep, and making her invincib'e locks: Methinks I fee her as an Eagle muing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazi'd eyes at the full mid-day beam-, purging and unfcaling her long-abufed fight at the fountain it felf of heavenly radiance; while the whole noife of timorous and flocking birds with thofe alfo that love the twilight, flutter about, amaz'd at what /lie means* and in their envious gabble would prognofticate a year of Setts and Schifms. What /hould ye do then, fhould ye fupprefs all this flowry crop of knowledge and new light fprung up and yet fpringing daily in this City? /hould ye it Oligarchy of twenty ingroflers over it, to bring a /amine upon our minds again* when we /hall know nothing but what ismeafur'd to us by dieir bu/hel? Belie\ e it, Lords and Commons, they who counfel ye toiuch a fupprefling, do as good as bid ye fupprefs your felves •, and I will foon /hew how. If it be defir'd to know the immediate caufe of all this free writing and free /peaking, there cannot be af- fign'd a truer than your own mild, and Zree, and humane government; it is tlie liberty, Lords and Commons, which your own valorous and happy Counfcls have purchas'd us, Liberty which isthe nurfe of all greatWits : this is that which hath rarify'd and enlighten'd our fpirits like the influence of Heaven ; this is that which hath enfranchis'd, enlarg'd and li/ted up our apprehcnfions degrees above themfelves. Ye cannot make us now lefs capable, lefs knowing, lefs eagerly purfuing of the truth, unlefs ye firft make your felves, that made us fo, lefs the lovers, lefs the founders of our true liberty. We can grow ignorant again, bruti/h, formal, and flavi/h, as ye found us ; but you then mult firft become that which ye cannot be, opprefiive, arbitrary, and tyrannous, as they were from whom ye have freed us. That our hearts are now more capacious, our thoughts more erected to the fearch and expectation of greateft and exacieft things, h the i/Tue of your own virtue propagated in us; ye cannot fupprefs that, unlefs ye reinforce an abrogated and mercilefs Law, that Fathers may diipatch at will their own Children. And who /hall then ftick clofeft to ye, and excite others? not he who takes up arms for Cote and Conduct, and his four nobles of Dane- gelt. Although I difpraife not the defence of juft immunities, yet love my peace better, if that were all. Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to confeience, above all liberties. What would be beft advis'd then, if it be found fo hurtful and fo unequal to fupprefs Opinions for the newnefs, or the unfuitablenefs to a cuftomary accep- tance, will not be my talk to fay ; I only /hall repeat what I have learnt from one of your own honourable number, a right noble and pious Lord, who had he not iacrifie'd his life and fortunes to the Church and Commonwealth, we had not now mift and bewail'd a worthy and undoubted Patron of this argument. Ye know him, I am fure; yet I for honour's fake, and may it be eternal to him, /hall name him, the Lord Brock. He writing o/ Epilcopacy, and by the way treating of Sects and Schifms, left ye his Vote, or rather now the laft Words of his dyingCharge,which I know will ever be of dear and honour'd regard with Ye, fo full of Meeknefs and breathing Charity, that next to his laft Teftament, who bequeath'd Love and Peace to his Difciples, I cannot call to mind where I have read or heard words more mild and peaceful. He there exhorts us to hear with patience and humility thofe, however they be mifcall'd, that defire to live purely, in fuch a ufe of God's Ordinances, as the beft guidance of their con- feience gives them, and to tolerate them, though in fome difconformity to our felves. The Book it felf will tell us more at large, being publifht to the World, and dedicated to the Parlament by him who both /or his life and for his death deferves, that what advice he left, be not laid by without perufal, And of Untie en id Printing, xeg And now the time in fpecial is, by privilege to write and fpeak what may help to the further difcuffing of matters in agitation. The Temple of Janus, with his two controverfal faces, might now not unfignificantly be fet open. And though all the winds of doctrine were let loofe to play upon the earth, fo Truth bt\n the field, we do injurioufly by licenfing and prohibiting to mifdoubt her ftrenoth. Let her and Falfhood grapple i whoever knew Truth put to the worfe, in a free and open encounter ? Her confuting is the beft and fureft fuppreflino-. He who hears what praying there is for light and clear knowledge to be fent down a- mong us, would think of other matters to be conftituted beyond the difcipline of Geneva, fram'd and fabrie'd already to our hands. Yet when the new lio-fit which we beg for, fhines in upon us, there be who envy and oppofe, if it conie not firft in at their cafements. What a collufion is this, whenas we are exhort- ed by the wife man toufe diligence, tofeekforwifdom as for hidden treasures ear- ly and late, that another Order fhall enjoin us, to know nothing but by ftatute? When a man hath been labouring the hardeft labour in the deep mines of Know- [ge, hath furnifht out his findings in all their equipage, drawn forth his reafons as it were a battel rang'd, fcatter'd and defeated all objections in his way, calls out his adverfary into the plain, oilers him the advantage of wind and fun, if he; pleafe, only that he may try the matter by dint of argument ; for his opponents then to fculk, to lay ambuihments, to keep a narrow bridge of licenfing where the challenger ihould pais, though it be valour enough in foldierlhip, is but weaknefs and cowardice in the wars of Truth. For who knows, not that Truth is ftror.g, next to the Almighty •, fhe needs no policies, nor ftratagems, nor li- cenfings to make her victorious, thofe are the fhifts and the defences that error ules ag linft her power : give her but room, and do not bind her when me fleeps, for then ilie fpeaks not true, as the old Proteus did, who fpake Oracles only when he was caught and bound, but then rather fhe turns her felf into all fhapes, except her own, and perhaps tunes her voice according to the time,as Micaiab did before Akab, until fhe be adjur'd into her own likenefs. Yet is it not impoffible that fhe may have more fhapes than one ? What elfe is all that rank of things indif- ferent, wherin Truth may be on this fide, or on the other, without bein°- un- like her felf? What but a vain fliadow elfe is the abolition of thofe Ordinances^ that Hand-writing nail'' d to the crofs? what great purchafe is this Chriftian Liber- ty which JWfo often boafts of? His doctrine is, that he who eats or eats not, regards a day or regards it not, may do either to the Lord. How many other things might be tolerated in peace, and left to confeience, had we but charity, and were it not the chief ftrong hold of our hypocrify to be ever jud°-ino- one ano- ? I fear ye? this iron yoke of outward conformity hath left a flavifh print upon our necks ; the ghoft of a linen decency yet haunts us. We ftumble and impatient at the leaft dividing of one vifible Congregation from another though it be not in fundamentals ; and through our forwardnefs to fupprefs, and our backwardnefs to recover any enthral'd piece of truth out of the o-ripe of cuftom, we care not to keep truth feparated from truth, which is the fierceft rent and difanion of all. We do not fee that while We ilill affect by all means a rio-id external formality, we may as foon fall again into agrofs conforming ftupidity, a ftark and dead congealment of wood and hay and fiubble forced and frozen to- gether, which is more to the fudden degenerating of a Church than many fub 'di- chotomies of petty fchifms. Not that I can think well of every light reparation ; or that all in a Church is to be expected gold and filver and precious flones : it is not poffible for man to fever the wheat from the tares, the s;ood fifli from the o- ther fry •, that muff be the Angels miniffry at the end of mortal things. Yet if all cannot be of one mind, as who looks they fhould be ? this doubtlefs is more wholefome, more prudent, and more chriftian, that many be tolerated, rather than all compel'd. I mean not tolerated Popery, and open Superftition, which as it extirpates all Religions and civil Supremacies, fo it felf fhould be extirpate, provided firft that all charitable and companionate means be us'd to win and regain the weak and the mifled : that alfo which is impious or evil abfolutely either againft Faith or Manners, no Law can poffibly permit, that intends not to unlaw it felf : but ihofe neighbouring differences, or rather indifferences, are what I fpeak of, whether in fiome point of doctrine or of difcipline, which though they may be many, yet need not interrupt the unity of Spirit, if we could but find among us the bond of peace. In the mean while, if any one would write, and bring his helpful hand to the flow-moving Reformation which we labour under, if Truth have fpoken to him before others, or but feem'd at leaft to fpeak, who hath fo bejefuited us that we fhould trouble that man with afking licence to do fo worthy a deed ; and not confider this, that if it come to prohibiting, there 13 j6q A Speech for the Liberty isnotpuo-htmorelikely to be prohibited than Truth it felf: whofefirftappearance tooureyes, blear'd and dimm'd with prejudice andcuftom,is moreunfightly and unplaufible than many errors, even as the perfon is of many a great man flight and contemptibletofeeto. And what do they tell us vainly of newopinions, when this very opinion of theirs, that none muft be heard but whom they like, is the word and neweft opinion of all others ; and is the chief caufe why feds and fchifras do lb much abound, and true knowledge is kept at diftance from us •, befides yet a greater danger which is in it ? For when God makes a Kingdom, with firong and healthful Commotions, to a general reforming, 'tis not untrue that many Sectaries and falfe Teachers are then bufieft in ieducing ? But yet more true it is, that God then raifes to his own work men of rare abilities, and more than com- mon induftry, not only to look back and revile what hath been taught hereto- fore, but to gain further and go on, fome new enlighten'd fteps in the difcovery of Truth. For fuch is the order of God's enlightening hisChurch,to difpenfe and deal out by degrees his beam, lb as our earthly eyes may bell fuftainit. Neither is God appointed and confin'd, where and out of what place thefe his Chofen fhall be firft heard to fpeak; for he fees not as man fees, choofes not as man choofes, left we fhould devote ourfelves again to fet places, and affemblies, and outward callings of men; planting our faith one while in the old Convocation-houfe, and another while in the Chapel at Wejlmir.fter; when all the faith and religion that fhall be there canoniz'd, is not fufficient without plain convincement, and the charity of patient inftruetion,to fupple theleaftbruifeof confcience, to edify the meaneft Chriftian, who defires to walk in the Spirit, and not in the letter of hu- man truft, for all the number of voices that can be there made; no, though Harry the 7th himfelf there, with all his liege tombs about him, faould lend them voices fiom the dead, to fwell their number. And it the men be erroneous who appear to be the leading Schifmatics, what withholds us but our floth, our fell-will, and diftruft in the right caufe, that we do not give them gentle meetings and gentle difmiflions, that we debate' not and examine the matter throughly with liberal and frequent audience ; if not for their lakes, yet for our own? feeing no man who hath tailed Learning, but will confefs the many ways of profiting by thofe who, not contented with ftale receipts, are able to manage and fet forth new pofitions to the world. And were they but as the dull and cinders of our feet, fo long as in that notion they may yet ferve to polifh and brighten the armory of Truth, even for that reipect they were not utterly to be call away. But if they be of thofe whom God hath fitted for the fpecial ufe of thefe times with eminent and amplegifts,and thofe perhaps neither among the Priefls,nor among the Pharifees, and we in the hafte of a precipitant zeal fhall make no diftinction, but refolve to flop their mouths, becaufe we fear they come with new and dangerous opinions, as we commonly fore-judge them ere we underftand them ; no lefs than woe to us, while thinking thus to defend the Gofpel, we are found the perfecutors. There have been not a few fince the beginning of this Parlament, both of the Pref- bytery and others, who by their unlicens'd Books to the contempt of an Imprimatur firft broke that triple ice clung about our hearts, and taught the people to fee day : I hope that none of thofe were the perf waders to renewupon us thisbondage which they themfelves have wrought fo much good by contemning. But if neither the check that Mofes gave to young Jojbua, nor the countermand which our Saviour gave to young John, who was fo ready to prohibit thofe whom he thought unli- cens'd, be not enough to admonilh our Elders how unacceptable toGod their telly mood of prohibiting is ; ifneither theirown remembrance what evil hath abounded in the Church by this lett of licenfing,and what good they themfelves have begun by tranfgreffing it, be not enough, but that they will perfwade, and execute the moll Dominican part of the Inquifition overus,and are already with one foot in the ftirrup fo active at lupprefling, it would be no unequal diftribution in the firilplace to fupprefs the fuppreflbrs themfelves-, whom the change of their condition hath puft up, more than their late experience of harder times hath made wife. And as for regulating the Prefs, let no man think to have the honour of advifing ye better than your felves have done in that Order publifh'd next be- for< this, That no Book be printed, unlefs the Printer's and the Author's name, or at leaft tie Printer's be regifler'd. Thofe which otherwife come forth, if they be foind mifchievous and libellous, the fire and the executioner will be the timelieft and the mod effectual remedy that man's prevention can life. For this authentic Spanijh policy of licenfing Books, if I have faid ht, will prove the moft unlicens'd Book it felf within a lhort while; and was the immediate image of a Star-chamber Decree to that purpofe made in of Unlicensed Prinh i6r in thofe very times when that Court did the fed of thofe her pious works, for which fhe is now fallen from the Stars with Lucifer, Wherby ye may guefs what kind of State-prudence, what love of the People, what care of Religion, or Good-manners, there was at the contriving, although with lingular hypo, ri - it pretended to bind Books to their good Behaviour. And how it got the upper hand of your precedent Order fo well conllituted before, if we may believe thofe men whofc profeffion gives them caufe to enquire mofc, it may be doubted there was in it the fraud of fome old Patentees and Monopolizers in the Trade of Book-felling ; who under pretence of the Poor in their Company not to be de- frauded, and the juft retaining of each man his feveral copy, which God fori id mould be gainiaid, brought divers gloiling colours to the Houfe, which were indeed but colours, and ferving to no end except it be to exercife a fuperiority over their neighbours : Men who do not theriore labour in an honeft profeffion, to which Learning is indebted, that they ihould be made other men's valla's. Another end is thought was aim'd at by fome of them in procuring by petition this Order, that having power in their hands, malignant Books might the ea- fier fcape abroad, as the event fhews. But of thele Sopbijins and Elenchs of mer- chandize I fkill not : This I know, that errors in a good Government and in a bad are equally aimoft incident ; for what Magistrate may not be mif-inform'd, and much the fooner, if liberty of Printing be redue'd into the power of a few? But to redrefs willingly and fpeedily what hath been erred, and in highelt Au- thority to efteem a plain Advertifement more than others have done a fump- tuous Bride, is a Virtue (honour'd Lords and Commons) anfwerable to your higheft Actions, and wherof none can participate, but greateft and wifeit men. Vol. I. T PI E l62 THE Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce-, Reftored to the good of both Sexes, from the Bon- dage of Canon Law, and other Miftakes- to the true Meaning of Scripture in the Law and Gofpel compar'd. Wherein alfo are fet down the bad Confequences of abo- lifhing or condemning of Sin, that which the Law of God allows, and Christ abolifh'd not. Now the fccond time Revis'd, and much Augmented, in two Books : To the Parlament of England, with the Aflembly. Matth. 13. 52. Every Scribe inftrutled in the Kingdom of Heaven, is like the Mafter of a Houfe which bringeth out of his Treafury things new and old. Prov. 18.13. He that anfwereth a matter before he heareth it, it is folly and Jhame unto him. «■ .. m i . 1111 ■ — To the Parlament of England, with the AJ[e?nbly, IF it were ferioufly aflk'd, and it would be no untimely Queftion, Renowned Parlament, Select Aflembly, who of all Teachers and Mafters that have ever taught, hath drawn the moft Difciples after him, both in Religion and in Manners? it might be not untruly anfwer'd, Cuftom. Though Virtue be commended for the moft perfwafive in her Theory, and Confcience in the plain de- monftration of the Spirit finds moft evincing-, yet whether it be the fecret of Di- vine Will, or the original Blindnefs we are born in,fo it happens for the moft part, rhatCuftom ft ill isfilentlyreceiv'dforthe beft inftrudtor. Except it be, becaufe the method is fo glib and eafy, in fome manner like to that Vifion of Ezekiel, rowl- ingup her fudden book of implicite Knowledge, for him that will, to take and fwal- low down at pleafure ; which proving but of bad nourifhment in the concoction, as it was heedlefs in the devouring, puffs up unhealthily a certain big face of pre- tended learning,miftaken amongcredulous men for the wholefome habit of found- nefs and good conftitution, but is indeed no other than that fwoln vifige of coun- terfeit knowledge and literature, which not only in private mars ou* Education, but alfo in public is the common Climber into every chair, where either Religion is preach'd, or Law reported, filling each eftate of Life and Profeflion with abjeft and feryile principles, deprefling the high and heaven-born fpirit of man, far beneath the condition wherin either God created him, or Sin hath funk him". "To purfue the Allegory, Cuftom being but a meer face, as Echo is a meer voice, refts not in her unaccompliftiment, until by fecret inclination ihe accorporate her felf with Error, who being a blind and ferpentine body without a head, willingly accepts what he wants, and fupplies what her Incompleatnefs went feeking. Hence it is, that Error fupports Cuftom, Cuftom countenances Error : and thefe two between them would perfecute and chafe away all truth and folid wifdom out of human Life, were it not that God, rather than Man, once in many Ages, calls together the prudent and religious Counfels of men, deputed to reprels the incroachments, and to work off the inveterate blots and obfeuri- ties wrought upon our minds by the fubtle infinuating of Error and Cuftom •, who with the numerous and vulgar train of their Followers, make it their chief defign to envy and cry down the induftry of free reaioning, under the terms of humour and innovation ; as if the Womb of teeming Truth were to be To the Par lament of England. 1 63 be clos'd up, if flic prefume to bring forth aught that forts not with their un- chew'd notions and fuppofitions. Againft which notorious injury, and abufe of man's free foul, to teftify andoppofe the utmoft that iludy and true labour can attain, heretofore the incitement of men reputed grave, hath led me among o- thers ; and now the duty and the right of an inftrucled Chriflian calls me thro' the chance of good or evil report, to be the fole Advocate of a difcountenane'd truth; a high enterprife, Lords and Commons, a high enterprife and a hard, and fuch as every 7th Son of a 7th Son does not venture on. Nor have I amidft the clamour of fo much envy and impertinence, whither to appeal, but to the concourfe offo much Piety andWifdom here aflembled. Bringing in my hands an ancient and mod neceffary, mod charitable, and yet mollin]ur'd Statute of Mo- fes; not repea''d ever by him who only had the Authority, but thrown afide with much inconfi derate Neglect, under the Rubbifh of Canonical Ignorance, as once the whole Law was by fomefuch like conveyance injo/iah's time. And he who fhall endeavour the amendment of any old neglected Grievance in Church or State, or in the daily courfe of Life, if he be gifted with abilities of mind that may raife him to fo high an undertaking, I grant he hath already much wherof not to repent him ; yet let me arreed him, not to be the foreman of any mif- judg'd Opinion, unlefs his Refolutions be firmly feated in a fquare and conftant mind, not confeious to it feJf of any delerved blame, and regardlefs of unground- ed fufpicions. For this let him be fure he fhall be boarded prefently by the ru- der fort, but not by difcreet and well-nurtur'd men, with a thoufand idle De- fcants and Surmifes. "Who when they cannot confute the leaft joint or finew of any pafTage in the Book ; yet God forbid that truth fhould be truth, becaufe they have a boifterous conceit of fome pretences in the Writer. But were they not more bufy and inquifitive than the Apoflle commends, they would hear him at leaft, rejoicing fo the truth be preach' 'd, whether of envy or other pretence what- foever : for Truth is as iinpomble to be foil'd by any outward touch, as the Sun- beam •, though this ill hap wait on her Nativity, that fhe never comes into the World, but like a Baftard, to the ignominy of him that brought her forth ; till Time, the Midwife rather than the Mother of Truth, have waflit and faked the Infant, declar'd her legitimate, and church'd the Father of his young Minerva , from the needlefs caufesof his Purgation. Your felves can beft witnels this, wor- thy Patriots, and better will, no doubt, hereafter : for who among ye of the foremoft that have travail'd in her behalf to the good of Church or State, hath not been often tradue'd to be the Agent of his own by-ends, under pretext of Reformation ? So much the more I ihall not be unjuft to hope, that however Infamy or Envy may work in other men to do her fretful Will againft this Difcourfe, yet that the experience of your own uprightnefs mif-interpreted, will put ye in mind to give it free Audience and generous Conftru&ion. What though the blood of Belial, the draffe of men, to whom no Liberty is pleafing, but un- bridled and vagabond Luft without pale or partition, will laugh broad per- haps, to fee fo great a ftrength of Scripture muftering up in favour, as they fup- pofe, of their Debaucheries ; they will know better when they fhall hence learn, that honeft Liberty is the greateft foe to difhoneft Licence. And what though others, out of a waterifh and queafy Confcience, becaufe ever crazy and never yet found, will rail and fancy to themfelves, that Injury and Licence is the beft of this Book? Did not the Diftemper of their own Stomachs affect them with a dizzy Megrim, they would foon tie up their Tongues, and difcern themfelves, like that Afjyrian Bkfphemer, all this while reproaching not Man, but the Al- mighty, the Holy-One of Ifrael, whom they do not deny to have belawgiv'n his own facred People with this very allowance, which they now call Injury and Li- cence, and dare cry ihame on, and will do yet a while, till they get a little cor- dial Sobriety to fettle their qualming Zeal. But thisQaeftion concerns notusper- haps: indeed man's difpofition, though prone to fearch after vain Curiofities, yet when points of difficulty are to be difcuft, appertaining to the removal of unreafon- able wrong and burden from the perplextlife of our Brother, it is incredible how cold, how dull, and far from all fellow-feeling we are, without the fpur of felf- concernment. Yet if the Wifdom, the Juftice, the Purity of God be to be clear'd from fouleft Imputations, which are not yet avoided-, if Charity be not to be de- graded and trodden down under a civil Ordinance ; if Matrimony be not to be ad- vane'd like that exalted Perdition written of to the Thejfalonians, above all that is called God, or Goodnefs, nay againft them both ; then I dare affirm there will be Vol. I. Y 2 found 164 To the Parlament of England, found in the Contents of this Book, that which may concern us all. You it con- cerns chiefly, Worthies in Parlament, on whom, as on our Deliverers, all our Grievances andCares,by the merit of your eminence and fortitude, are devolved. Meit concerns next, having with much labour and faithful diligencefirftfound out, or at leaft with a fearlefs and communicative candor firft publifh'd to themanifeft o-cod of Chriftendom, that which calling to witnefs every thing mortal and im- mortal, I believe unfeignedly to be true. Let not other men think their Confcience bound to fearch continually after truth, to pray for enlighi'ning from above, topub- lifh what they think they have foobtain'd, and debar me from conceiving my fell" ty'dby the fame duties. Ye have now,doubtlefs,by the favour and appointment of God, ye have now in yourhandsagreat and populous Nation to reform ; from what corruption, whatblindnefs in Religion, ye know well ; in what a degenerate and fallenSpirit from the apprehenfion of nativeLiberty,and true Manlinefs,Iam fure ye find ; with what unbounded licence ruffling to Whoredoms and Adulteries, needs not long enquiry: infomuch that the Fears which men have of too ftricta Difcipline, perhaps exceed the Hopes that can be in others, of ever introducing it with any great fuccefs. What if Ifhould tell ye now of Difpenfations and Indulgen- ces, to give a little the reins, to let them play and nibble with the bait a while; a People as hard of heart as that Egyptian Colony that went to Canaan. This is the common Doctrine that adulterous and injurious Divorces were notconniv'd only, but with eye open allow'd of old for hardnefs of heart. But that Opinion, I truft, by then this following Argument hath been well read, will be left for one of the Myfterics of an indulgent Antichrift, to farm out Inceft by, and thofe his other tributary Pollutions. What middle way can be taken then, may fome interrupt, if we muft neither turn to the right, nor to the left, and that the People hate to be reform'd? Mark then, Judges and Law-givers, and ye whole Office it is to be our Teachers, for I will utter now a Doctrine, if ever any other, though neg- lected or not underftood, yet of great and powerful importance to the governing of Mankind. He who wifely would reftrain the reafonable Soul of Man within due bounds, muft firft himfelfknow perfectly, how far the Territory and Domi- nion extends of juft and honeft Liberty. As little muft he offer to bind that which God hath loofen'd, as to loofen that which he hath bound. The ignorance and miftake of this high point, hath heapt up one huge half of all the mifery that hath been [met Adam. In the Gofpel we fhall read a fupercilious crew of Mailers, whofe Holinefs, or rather whofe evil eye, grieving that God ftiould be fo facil to Man, was to fet ftraiter limits to Obedience than God had let, to enflave the dignity of Man, to put a garifon upon his neck of empty and over-dignify 'd Precepts : And we fhall read our Saviour never more griev'd and troubl'd, than to meet with fuch a peevifh Madnefs among men againft their own freedom. How can we expect him to be Iefs offended with us, when much of the fime folly fhall be found yet remaining where it leaft ought, to the perifhingof thoufands? The greateft bur- den in the world is Superftition, not only of Ceremonies in the Church, but of imaginary and icarecrow Sins at home. What greater weakening, what more fubtle ftratagem againft our Chriftian Warfare, when befides the grofs body of real Tranf- greffions to incounter, we fhall be terrify'd by a vain and fhadowy menacing of faults that are not: When things indifferent fhall be fet to over- front us under the Banners of Sin, what wonder if we be routed, and by this art of our Adverfary, fall into the fubjection of worft and deadlieft Offences ? The Superftition of the Papift is, touch not, tajlenot, when God bids both ; and ours is, part not, fep urate not, when God and Charity both permits and commands. Let all your things be done with charity, faith St. Paul; and his Mailer faith, She is the fulfilling of the Law. Yet now a civil, an indifferent, a fometime diffwaded Law of Marriage, muft be fore'd upon us to fulfil, not only without Charity, but againft her. No place in Heaven or Earth, except Hell, where Charity may not enter : yet Mar- riage, the Ordinance of our Solace and Contentment, the Remedy of our Loneli nefs, will not admit now either of Charity or Mercy, to come in and mediate, or pacify the fiercenefs of this gentle Ordinance, the unremedied Lonelinefs of this Remedy. Advife ye well, fupreme Senate, if Charity be thus excluded and ex- pulft, how ye will defend the untainted Honour of your own Actions and Pro- ceedings. He who marries, intends as little to confpire his own ruin, as he that fwears Allegiance : and as a whole People is in proportion to an ill Government, foisone Man to an ill Marriage. If they, againft any Authority, Covenant, or Statute,may by the fovereign Edict of Charity, lave not only their Lives, but honeft Liberties from unworthy Bondage, as well may he againft any private Covenant, which with the Ajfembly. ! <5 ^ which he never enter'd to his mifchief, redeem himfelf from unfupportable Dif- turbances to honeft Peace, and jutt Contentment: And much the rather, for that to refill the higheft Magiltrate though tyrannizing, God never gave us expreSs al- lowance, only he gave usReafon, Charity, Nature, and good Example to bear us out; but in this Oeconomical misfortune thus to demean ourfelves,befidesthe Warrant of thole four great Directors, which doth as juftly belono- hither, we have an exprefs Law of God, and fuch a Law, as wherof our Saviour with a fo- lemn Threat forbid the abrogating. For no effect of Tyranny can fit more heavy on the Common-wealth, than this houlhold unhappinefs ontheFamily. And fare- wel all hope of true Reformation in the State, while fuch an evil as this liesundif- cern'd or unregarded in the houfe. On the redrefs wherof depends not only the fpi- ritful and orderly lite of our grown men, but the willing and careful education of our Children. Let thistherfore be new examin'd, this tenure and freehold of man- kind, this native and domeftic Charter given us by a greater Lord than that Saxon King the ConfefTor. Let the Statutes of God be turn'ci over, be fcann'd anew, and considered not altogether by the narrow intellectuals of Quotationifts and com- mon Places, but (as was the ancient right of Councils) by men of what liberal pro- feSfion foever, of eminent fpirit and breeding, join'd with a diffufeand various knowledge of divine and human things; able to ballance and define good and evil, right and wrong, throughout every ftate of life; able to fhew us the ways of the Lord Strait and faithful as they are, not full of cranks and contradictions, and pit-falling difpenfes, but with divine infight and benignity meafured out to the proportion of each mind and fpirit, each temper and difpofition created fo different each from other, and yet by the fkill of wife conducting, all to become uniform in virtue. To expedite thefe knots, were worthyalearnedandmemorable Synod ; while our enemies expect to fee the expectation of the Church tir'd out with dependencies and independencies how they will compound, and in what Calends. Doubt not, worthy Senators, to vindicate thefacred Honour and Judg- ment of Mofes your predecefibr, from the fhallow commenting of Scholastics and Canonifts. Doubt not after him to reach out your Steady hands to the mif- inform'd and wearied life of man; to reftorethis his loft heritage, into the houf- hold ftate ; wherwith be fure that peace and love* the beft fubfiStance of a Chri- ftian family, will return home from whence they are now banifht; places of pro- stitution will be lefs haunted, the neighbour's bed lefs attempted, the yoke of pru- dent and manly difcipline will be generally Submitted to; fober and well-order'd livingwillfoon Spring up in the Commonwealth. Yehavean Author great beyond exception, Mofes ; and one yet greater, he who hedg'd in from abolifhing every lmalleft jotandtittleof preciousequity contain'dinthatLaw,withamoreaccurate and lafting Maforeth,than either the Synagogue of Ezra or the GaliLean School at Tiberias hath left us. Whatever el fe ye can enact, will Scarce concern a third part of the Britijh name : but the benefit and good of this your magnanimous example, will eafily fpread far beyond the banks of Tweed and the Normanldes. It would not be the firit, or Second time, Since our ancient Druids^ by whom the Ifland was the Cathedral of philofophy to France, left off their Pagan Rites, that Eng~ land hath had this honour vouchfaft from Heaven, togive out Reformation to the world. Who was it but our Englijh Conjlantine that baptiz'd the Roman Empire? Who but the 'Northumbrian IVillibrode, and Winifride of Devon, with their fol- lowers, were the firft ApoStles of Germany? Who but Alcuin and IVicklef our Countrymen open'd the eyes of Europe, the one in Arts, the other in Religion? Let not England forget her precedence of teaching Nations how to live. Know Worthies, know and exercife the privilege of your honour'd Country. A greater title I here bring ye, than is either in the power or in the policy of Rome to give her Monarchs ; this glorious Act will Stile ye the defenders of Cha- rity. Nor is this yet the higheft inscription that will adorn fo religious and fo holy a defence as this, behold here the pure and Sacred Law of God, and his yet purer and more Sacred Name offering themfelves to you firft, of all Christian Reformers, to be acquitted from the long-fuSfer'd ungodly attribute of patroni- zing Adultery. Defer not to wipe off inftantly thefe imputative blurrs and Stains caft by rude fancies upon the throne and beauty it felf of inviolable Ho- linefs; left Some other people more devout and wife than we bereave us this offer'd immortal glory,our wonted prerogative, of being the firft affertors in eve- ry great vindication. For me, as far as my part leads me, I have already my great- est gain, affurance, and inward Satisfaction to have done in this nothing unwor- thy of an honeft life, and Studies well employ'd. With whac event among the wife 1 66 The Doctrine and wife and right understanding handful of men, I am fecure. But how among the drove of Cuftom and Prejudice this will be relifht by fuch whofe capacity fincc their youth run ahead into the eafy creek of a Syftem or a Medulla, fails there at will under the blown Phyliognomy of their unlabour'd rudiments; for them. what their tafte will be, I have alfo furety fufficient, from the entire league that hath been ever between formal ignorance and grave obftinacy. Yet when I re- member the little that our Saviour could prevail about this doctrine of Charity agair.ft the crabbed Textuiftsof his time, I make no wonder, but reft confident that whofo prefers eifher Matrimony or other Ordinance before the good of man and the pi.. in exigence of Charity, let him profefs Papift or Proteftant or what he will, he is no better than a Pharifee, and understands not the Gofpel : whom as a mifinterpreter of Chrift I openly proteft againft ; and provoke him to the trial of this troth before all the world : and let him bethink him withal how he will foderupthe fhifting flaws of his ungirt permiffions, his venial and unvenial difpenfes, wherewith the Law of God pardoning and unpardoning hath been lhamefully branded for want of heed in gloffing, to have eluded and baffled out all Faith and Chaitity from the Marriage-bed of that holy Seed, with politic and judicial Adulteries. I feek not to feduce the fimple and illiterate-, my errand is to find out the choiceftand the learnedeft, who have this high gift of wifdom toan- lwer folidly, or to be convine'd. I crave it ifom the piety, the learning, and the prudence which is hous'd in this place. It might perhaps more fitly have been written in another tongue: and I had done fo, but that the efteem I have of my Country's judgment, and the love I bear to my native language to ferve it firltwith what I endeavour, made me ipeak it thus, ere I allay the verdict of ourlandifh Readers. And perhaps alfo here 1 might have ended namelefs, but that the ad- drefs of thefe lines chiefly to theParlament of England might have feem'd ingrate- ful not to acknowledge by whole religious Care, unwearied Watchfulnefs, cou- ragious and heroic Reioiutions, I enjoy the peace and ftudious leifure to remain, The Honourer and Attendant of their Noble Worth and Virtues. The Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorcer reftor'd to the good of both Sexes. BOOK I. The Preface. "That Man is the occafion of his own Miferies, in mojl of thofe Evils which he imputes to Goo's infliclmg. The abfuraity of our Canonijis in their Decrees about Divorce. The Chriftian Imperial Laws framed with more Equity. The Opinion of Hugo Grotius and Paulus Fagius : And the Purpofe in general of this Difcourfe. MANY men, whether it be their fate, or fond opinion, eafily perfwade themfelves, if God would but be pleas'd a while to withdraw his juft punilhments from us, and to reltrain what power either the Devil or any earthly enemy hath to work us woe, that then man's Nature would fifid immediate reft and releafement from all Evils. But verily they who think fo, if they be fuch as have a mind large enough to take into their thoughts a general furvey of human things, would foon prove themfelves in that Opinion far deceiv'd. For though it were granted us by divine Indul- gence to be exempt from a'l that can be harmful to us from without, yet the perverfenefs of our Folly is fo bent, that we lhould never lin hammering out of our own hearts, as it were out of a flint, the feeds and fparkles of new Mife- ry to our felves, till all were in a blaze again. And no marvel if out of our own hearts, for they arc evil •, but even out of thofe things which God meant us, ei- ther for a principal Good, or a pure Contentment, we are ltill hatching and con- triving Difcipline of Divorce. 167 triving upon our felves matter of continued forrow and perplexity. What great- er good to man than that revealed Rule, wherby God vouchfafts to fhew us how he would be worlhipt ? And yet that not rightly underftood, became the caufe that once a famous man in Ifrael could not but oblige his Confcience to be the Sacrificer ; or if not, the Jaylor of his innocent and only Daughter : And was the caufe oftimes that Armies of valiant men have given up their Throats to a heathenifli enemy on the Sabbath-day •, fondly thinking their defenfive refif- tanceto be as then a work unlawful. What thing more inftituted to the folace and delight of man than Marriage ? and yet the mifinterpreting of fome Scrip- ture directed mainly againft the abufers of the Law for Divorce given by Mofes y hath chang'dthe blefilng of Matrimony not feldom into a familiar and co-inha- biting mifchief •, at leaft into a drooping and difconfolate houfhold Captivity, without refuge or redemption. So ungovern'd and lb wild a race doth Superfti- tion run us, from one extreme of abufed Liberty into the other of unmerciful Reftraint. For although God in the firft ordaining of Marriage, taught us to what end he did it, in words exprefly implying the apt and chearful Converfation of Man with Woman, to comfort and refrefh him againft the evil of folitary life, not mentioning the purpofe of Generation till afterwards, as being but a fecon- dary end in dignity, tho' not in neceffity, yet now, if any two be but once hand- ed in the Church, and have tafted in any fort the nuptial Bed, let them find them- felves never fo miftaken in their difpofitions through any Error, Concealment, or Mifadventure, that through their different Tempers, Thoughts, andConfti- tutions, they can neither be to one another a remedy againft Lonelinefs, nor live in any Union or Contentment all their days, yet they fhall, fo they be but found fuitably weapon'd to the leaft poffibility of fenfual Enjoyment, be made, fpight of Antipathy , to fadge together, and combine as they may to their unfpeakable wearifomenefs, and defpair of all fociable delight in the Ordinance which God eftablihYd to that very end. What a calamity is this, and as the Wife-man, if he were alive, would figh out in his own Phrafe, what a fore evil is this under the Sun! All which we can refer juftly to no other Author than the Canon Law and her Adherents, not confulting with Charity, the Interpreter and Guide of our Faith, but refting in the meer element of the Text; doubtlefs by the policy of the Devil to make that gracious Ordinance become unfupportable, that what with men not daring to venture upon Wedloc, and what with men wearied out of it, all inordinate Licence might abound. It was for many Ages that Mar- riage lay in difgracc with moft of the ancient Doctors, as a work of the fiefh, almoft a defilement, wholly deny'd to Priefts, and the fecond timedifiwaded to all, as he that reads Tertullian or Jerom may fee at large. Afterwards it was thought fo Sacramental, that no Adultery or Defertion could diflblve it; and this is the fenfe of our Canon Courts in England to this day, but in no other re- formed Church elfe : yet there remains in them alfo a burden on it as heavy as the other two were disgraceful or fuperftitious, and of as much iniquity, croffing a Law not only written by Mofes, but chara&er'd in us by nature, of more anti- quity and deeper ground than Marriage it felf ; which Law is to force nothing againft the faultlefs proprieties of Nature : yet that this may be colourably done, our Saviour's Words touching Divorce, are as it were congeal'd into a ftony rigor, inconfiftent both with his Doctrine and his Office ; and that which hepreach'd only to the Confcience, is by Canonical Tyranny fnatch'd into the compulfive Cenfure of a Judicial Court, where Laws are impos'd even againft the venerable and fecret power of Nature's impreffion, to love, whatever caufe be found to loath. Which is a heinous barbarifm both againft the honour of Marriage, the dignity of Man and his Soul, the goodnefs of Chriftianity, and all the human refpects of civility. Notwithftanding that fome the wifeft and graveft among the Chriftian Emperors, who had about them, to confult with, thofeof the Fathers then living ; who for their Learning and Holinefs of Life, are ftill with us in great renown, have made their ftatutes and edicts concerning this Debate far more eafy and relenting in many neceflary cafes, wherin the Canon is inflexible. And Hugo Grotius, a man of thefe times, one of the bed learned, feems not obfeurely to adhere in his perfwafion to the equity of thole Imperial Decrees, in his notes upon the Evange'.ijh; much allaying the outward roughnefs of the Text, which hath for the moft part bin too immoderately expounded ; and excites the diligence of others to inquire further into this quef- tion, as concerning many points that have not yet been explain'd. W^hich ever likely to remain intricate and hopelefs upon the fuppofitions commonly ftuck to, ' the authority of Paulus Fagius, one fo learned and fo eminent m Engl and once, if it might x63 ST& DoBritie and tnic-^l j le, would ftrr. i- acquaint us with a foiution of fchefe differences, no ian compendious. He in his Comment on the Pen!,. loubted not to maintain that Divorces might be as lawfully permitted by the Magiftrate to Chriftians, as they were to the Jews. But becauie he is but brief, and theft things of great confequence not to be kept obfeure, 1 ihall conceive it nothing above my duty, either lor the difficulty or the cenfure that may pafs theron, to communicate fuch thoughts as I alio have had, and do offer them now in this general labour of Reformation to the candid view both of Church and Magiftrate, efpecialiy becaufe I fee it the hope of good men, that thofe irregular and un- fpiritual Courts have fpun their utmolt date in this Land, and fome better courfe muft now be conftituted. This therfere ihall be the talk and period of this dif- courfe to prove, firft, that other reaions of Divorce, befides Adultery, were by the Law of Mofes, and are yet to be aliow'd by the Chriftian Magiftrate as a oiece of Juftice, and that the words of Chrift are not hereby contraried. Next, that to prohibit abfolutely any Divorce whatfoever, except thole which Mofes exceDted. is a°-ainft the reafon of Law, as in due p'ace I ihall fhew out of Fa- eius with many additions. He therfore who by adventuring, mall be fo happy as with fuceefs to light the way of fuch an expedient Liberty and Truth as this, frail reftorethe much-wrong'd and over-forrow'd ftate of Matrimony, not only to thofe merciful and life-giving remedies of Atefet, but as much as may be, to that ferene and blifsful condition it was in at the beginning, and fhali deferve of all apprehenfive men, (confiderirg the troubles and diltempers which for want of this infight have been fo oft in Kingdoms, in States and Families) ihall deferve to be rcckon'd among the public Benefactors ot civil and human lire, above the Inventors of Wine and Oil •, for this is a far dearer, far nobler, and more definable cherifhing to man's life, unworthily expoied to Sad* nefs and Miftake, which he fliall vindicate. Not that licence, and levity, and unconfented breach of Faith fhould herein be countenane'd, but that fome con- fcionable and tender pity might be had of thofe who have unwarily, in a thing they never praclis'd before, made themfelves the Bondmen of a luckleis and helplefs Matrimony. In which Argument, he whofe courage can ferve him to give the firft onfet, muft look for two feveral oppofitions ; the one from thofe who having fworn themfelves to long Cuitom, and the letter of theText, will not out of the road : the other from thofe whofe grofs and vulgar Apprehenfions con- ceit but low of matrimonial purpofes, and in the work oi Male and Female think they have all. Neverthelefs, it Ihall be here fought by due ways to be made ap- pear, that thofe Words of God in the Inftitution, promifinga meet help againft Lonelineis, and. thofe Words of Chrift, That bis yoke is eaf\\ and bis burden light, were not Spoken in vain ; for if the knot of Marriage may in no cafe be ' diiiblv'd but for Adultery, all the burdens and ftrvices or the Law are not fo intolerable. This only is deiir'd of them who are minded to judge hardly of ttu s maintaining, that they would beftill, and hear all out, nor think it equal to aniwer deliberate reafon with fuciden he it and noife ; remem bring this, that many Truths now of reverend efteem and credit, had their birth and beginning once from fingular and private thoughts, while the moit of men were otherwise poffeft, and had the rate at firft to be generally exploded and txclaim'd on by- many violent oppofers : yet I may err perhaps in foothing my felf, that this prefent truth reviv'd, will deferve on ail hands to be not finifterly receiv'd, in that it undertakes the cure of an inveterate dileafc crept into the beft part of human Society ; and to do this with no (marring corrofive, but with a imooth and pleating leffon, which receiv'd, hath the virtue to foften and difpel rooted and knotty forrows, and without incluntment, it that be fear'd, or fpell us'd, hath regard at once both to ferious pity and upright honefty ; that tends to the re- deeming and reftoring of none but fuch as are the object of compaftion, having in an ill hourhamper'd themfelves, to the utter difpatch of all their moll beloved Comforts and Repofe for this life's term. But if we fliall obftinately diflike this new overture of unexpected Eafe and Recovery, what remains but to deplore the frowanlncfs of our hopelefs condition, which neither can indure the eftate we are in, nor admit of remedy either lharp or fweet. Sharp we our felves diftafte •, and fweet, under whofe hands we are, is fcrup.'d and ilnpected as coo lufcious. In liich a pofture Chrift found the Jesas, who were neither won with the Aufterity of 'John the Bi'ptijl, and thought it too much licence to follow freely the charm- ing pipe of him who founded and proclaimed Liberty and Reliei to all Diftref- ies : yet Truth in fome Age or other will find herwirnels, and fhall be juftify'd at laft by her own children. C H A P. Difcipline ^Divorce* 169 CHAP. I. The Pojit'1071 provd by the Law of Mo fes. 'That Law ex- pounded and ajjerted to a moral and charitable life, firji by Paulus Fagius, ?iext with other Additio?is. TO remove therfore, if it bepoflible', thisgreatandfad Opprefiion which thro s the ftriclnefs of a literal interpreting had invaded and difturb'dthe deareft and moft peaceable eftate of houfhold Society, to the over-burthening, if not the over-whelming of many Chriftians better worth than to be fo defcrted of the Church's confiderate care, this Pofition fhall be laid down, firft proving, then anfwering what may be objected either from Scripture or Light of Reafon. That indifpqfition, unfitnefs i or contrariety of mind, arifing from a caufein nature unchangeable, hindering, and ±ever likely to hinder the main benefits of conjugal So- ciety, which are Solace and Peace, is a greater reafon of Divorce than natural Fri- gidity, efpecially if there be no Children, and that there be mutual confent. This I gather from the Law in Deut. 24. 1. When a man hath taken a wife arried her, and it come to pafs that flje find no favour in his eyes, becaufe he hath found fomc ui. : in her, let him write her a bill of Divorcement, and give it in her band, and fend her cut of his houfe, &c. This Law, if the Words of Chriftinay be admitted into our belief, fhall never while the World (lands, for him be abrogated. Firft therfore I here fet down what learned Fagius hath ob- ierv'don this Law; The Law of God, faidhe, -permitted Divorce for the help of hu- man we 'chiefs. For every one that of neceffiiy feparates, cannot live Jingle. That Chrift denfd Divorce to his own, hinders not ; for what is that to the unregenerate, who hath not attained fitch Perfection ? Let not the remedy be defpis'd which was given to weaknefs. And -when Chrift faith, who marries the Divorc'd commits a- dultery, it is to be underftood if he had any plot in the Divorce. The reft I referve until it be difputed, how the Magiltrate is to do herein. From hence we may may plainly difcern a two-fold Confideration of this Law* firft the End of the Law-giver, and the proper Acl of the Law, to command or to allow fome- thing juft and honeft, or indifferent. Secondly, his fufferance from fome acci- dental refultofevil by this allowance, which the Law cannot remedy. For if this Law have no other End or Acl: but only the allowance of Sin, though never to fo good Intention, that Law is no Law, but Sin muffl'd in the robe of Law, or Law dilguis'd in the loole garment of Sin. Both which are two foul Hypo- thefes, to fave the Phenomenon of our Saviour's anfwer to the Pharifees a- bout this matter. And I truft anon by the help of an infallible guide to perfect fuch Prutenic Tables as fhall mend the Aflronomy of our wide Expofitors. The caufe of Divorce mention'd in the Law, is tranflatedyiwjt' uncleannefs, but in the Hebrew it founds nakednefs of ought, or any real nakednefs : which by all the learned Interpreters is referr'd totheMind as well as theBody. And what greater nakednefs or unfitnefs of mind than that which hinders ever the folace and peace- ful fociety of the married couple •, and what hinders that more than the unfitnefs and defeclivenefs of an uncon jugal Mind ? The caufe therfore of Divorce expreft inthePoiitioncannotbutagreewith that defcrib'd in the belt and equalleft ienfe of R'lcfes's Law. Which being a matter of pure Charity, is plainly moral, and more now in force than ever, therfore furely lawful. For if under the Law fuch was God's gracious Indulgence, as not to fuffer the Ordinance of his good- neis and favour through any error to be fear'd and ftigmatiz'd upon his Servants ro their mifery and thraldom ; much lefs will he fuffer it now under the Cove- nant of Grace, by abrogating his former grant of remedy and relief. But the firit inftitution will be objefted to have ordain'd Marriage unfeparable. To that a little patience until this firft part have amply difcours'd the grave and pious Reafons of this divorcive Law ; and then I doubt not but with one gen- tle ftroaking to wipe away ten thoufand Tears out ofthelifeof Man. Yet thus much I fhall now infifton, that whatever the Inftitution were, it could not be fo enormous, nor fo rebellious againft both Nature and Reafon, as to exalt itfelf above the End and Perfon for whom it was inftituted. Vol. I. Z CHAP. J70 The Do&rwe and C H A P. II. *The firjl Reafon of this Law grounded o?i the prime Re a Jon of Matrimony. That no Covenant whatfoever obliges againft the main End both of it f elf and of the Parties covenant- ing. FOR all Senfe and Equity reclaims that any Law or Covenant, how folemri or ftrait foever, either between God and Man, or Man and Man, though or' God's joining, mould bind againft a prime and principal fcope of its own in- ftitution, and of both or either Party covenanting : neither can it be of force to ingage a blamelefs Creature to his own perpetual Sorrow, miftaken for his expected folace, without fuffering Charity to ftep in and do a confeft good work of parting thofe, whom nothing holds together but this of God's joining, falfiy iuppos'd againft the exprefs end of his own Ordinance. And what this chief end was of creating Women to be join'd with Man, his own ihftitutirig words declare, and are infallible to inform us what is Marriage, and what is no Marriage ; unlefs we can think them fet there to no purpofe : It is riot good, faith he, that man pould be alone, I will make hifri a help-meet for him. From which words fo plain, lefs cannot be concluded, nor is by any learned Interpre- ter, than that in God's intention a meet and happy Conversion is the chit and the nobleft end of Marriage : for we find here no Expfeffon fo necel iril implying carnal Knowledge, as this prevention of Lcnelinefs to the mind fpiritofMan. To this, Fagius, Calvin, Parens, Rlvelus, as willingly an! largely afient as can be wifht. And indeed it is a greater bleffing from God, more worthy fo excellent a Creature as Man is, and a higher end to honour and fmcd'ify the league of Marriage, whenas the folace and fatisfaclion of the Mind is regarded and provided for before the fenfitive pfeafing 6f the Body. And with all generous perfons married thus it isj that where the Mind and FbYlbfl pleafes aptly, there fome unaccomplifhment of the Body's delight may be better born with, than when the Mind hangs off in an unclofing dilproportion, though the Body be as it ought •, lor there all corporal delight will foon become an- favoury and contemptible. And the folitarinefs of Man, which God had name- ly and principally order'd to prevent by Marriage, hath no remedy, but lies un- der a worfe condition than thelonelieft fingle life j for in fingle life the ahf- and remotenefs of a Helper might inure him to expect his own comforts out of himfelf, or to feek with hope: but here the continual fight of his deluded thoughts without cure, muft needs be to him, if efpecially his complexion in- cline him to Melancholy, a daily trouble and pain of lofs, in fome degree like that which Reprobates feel. Left therefore fo noble a creature as Man fhould be fhut up incurably under a worfe evil by an eafy miftake in that Ordinance which God gave him to remedy a lefs evil, reaping to himfelf Sorrow while he went to rid away Solitarinefs, it cannot avoid to be concluded, that if the Woman be naturally fo of difpofition, as will not help to remove, but help to increafc that firme God-forbidden lonelinefs, which will in time draw on with it a general difcomfort and dejection of mind, not befeeming either Chriftian profefiion, or Moral converfition, unprofitable and dangerous to the Common- wealth, when the houfhold eftate, out of which muft flourilh forth the vigoc and fpirit of all public enterprizes, is fo ill contented and procur'd at home, and cannot be fupported : fuch a Marriage can be no Marriage, whereto the mod honeft End is wanting-, and the aggrieved perfon fhall do more manly, to be extraordinary and fingular in claiming the due right whereof he is fraftrated, than to piece up his loft contentment by vifiting the Stews, or ftepping to his neighbour's Bed-, which is the common fhift in this misfortune : or elfe by fuf- fering his ufeful life to wafte away, and be loft under a fecret Affliction of an unconfcionable fize to human ftrength. Againft all which Evils, the Mercy of this Mofaic Law was gracioufiy exhibited. CHAP. Difcipline 0/ Divorce, 171 CHAP. III. The Ignorance and Iniquity of Canon Law> providing for the right of the Body i?i Marriage^ but nothing for the wrongs and grieva?ices of the Mind. An Objeclion, That the Mind fljould be better lookt to before Contracl, anfwered. HOW vain therfore is it, and how prepofterous in the Canon Law, to have made fnch careful provifion againft the impediment of carnal performance, and to have had no care about the unconverfing inability of Mind, fo defective to the pureft and mod facred end of Matrimony ; and that the VefTel of volup- tuous enjoyment muft be made good to him that has taken it upon truft, without any caution •, whenas the Mind, from whence muft flow the acts of Peace and Love, a far more precious mixture than the quinteflence of an excrement, though it be found never fo deficient and unable to perform the bcft duty of Marriage in a chearful and agreeable Converfation, fhall be thought good enough, however flat and melancholious it be, and muft ferve, though to the eternal difturbance and languishing of him that complains? Yet Wifdom and Charity weighing God's own Inftitution, would think that the pining of a fad Spirit wedded to Lonelinefs, mould deferve to be freed, as well as the Impatience of a fenfual De- fire fo providently reliev'd. 'Tis read to us in the Liturgy, that we muft not mar- ry to fatisfy the fiejhly appetite, like brute bea/ls, that have no under]} anding: but the Canon fo runs, as if it dreamt of no other matter than fuch an appetite to be fa- tisfy'd; for if it happen that Nature hath ftopt or extinguifht the veins of Senfua- lity, that Marriage is annull'd. But though all the Faculties of the understand- ing and converging part after trial appear to be fo ill and fo averfely met through Nature's unalterable working, as that neither Peace,nor any fociable Contentment can follow, 'tis as nothing, the Contract fhall ftand as firm as ever, betide what will. What is this but fecretly to inftrtict us, that however many grave Reafons are pretended to the married life, yet that nothing indeed is thought worth re- gard therin, but the prefcrib'd fatisfatftiort of an irrational Heat? Which cannot be but ignominious to the ftate of Marriage, difhonourable to the undervalu'd Soul of Man, and even to Cnriltian Doctrine it felf : While it feems more mov'd at the difappointing of an impetuous Nerve, than at the ingenuous griev- ance of a Mind unreafonably yoakt •, and to place more of Marriage in the Chan- nel of Concupiscence, than in the pure influence of Peace and Love, wherof the Soul's lawful Contentment'is the one only fountain. But fome are ready to object, That the Difpofition ought ferioufiy to be con- sidered before. But let them know again, that for all the warinefscan be us'd, it may yet befa! a difcreet man to be miftaken in his Choice, and we have plenty of Examples. The fobereft and beft-govern'd men are leaft practis'd in thefe Affairs; and who knows not that the bafhful mutenefs of aVirgin may oft-times hide all the unlivelinefs and natural (loth which is really unfit for Converfation; nor is there that freedom of accefs granted or prefum'd, as may fufiice to a per- fect difcerning till too late : and where any Indilpofition is fufpected, what more ufual than the perfwafion of Friends, that Acquaintance as it increafes, will amend ail ? And laitly, it is not ftrange though many who have fpent their Youth chaftely, are in fome things not fo quick-fighted, while they hafte fo ea- gerly to light the nuptial Torch; nor is it therfore that for a modeft Error a man ihould forfeit lb givat a happinels, and no charitable means to releafe him : Since they-who have liv'd moft loofely by reafon of their bold accuftoming, prove molt iuccefsful in their Matches, becauie their wild Affections unfettling at will, have been as fo many Divorces to teach them experience. Whenas the fober Man honouring the appearance of Modefty, and hoping well of every focial virtue under that vail, may eafily chance to meet, if not with a Body impenetrable, yet often with a Mind to all other due Converfation inacceffible, and to all the more eftimable and fuperiour purpofes of Matrimony ufelefs and almoft livelefs : and what a folace, what a fit help fuch a Confort would be through the whole life of a Man, is lefs pain to conjecture than to have experience. Vol. I. Z 2 CHAP. I 7 Z The Doctrine and CHAP. IV. 7?je fecond Reafon of this Law, becaufe without it, Mar- riage as it happens oft is not a remedy of that which it promifes, as any rational creature would expeSl. That Marriage, if we pattern from the beginning, as our Sa- viour bids, was not properly the re??iedy of Lufl, but the fulfilling of conjugal Love a?id Helpfulnefs. AND that we may further fee what a violent cruel thing it is to force the continuing of thofe together, whom God and Nature in the gentlcll end of Marriage never join'd, divers evils and extremities that iollow upon iuch a compulfion, fhall here be let in view. Of evils, the firft and greatelt is, that hereby a moft abfurd and rafh imputation is fixt upon God and his holy Laws, of conniving and difpenling with open and common Adultery among 'his cho- feri people ; a thing which the ranked politician would think it flume and difworfhip that his Laws mould countenance : how arid in what mariner that comes to pals, I fhall referve till thecourfe of method brings on the uniukiing of many Scriptures. Next, the LawandGofpcl are hereby made liable to more. than one contradiction, which I refer alio thither. Lallly, the fupreme dictate of Charity is hereby many ways negledted and violated ; which 1 lhall forth- with addrefs to prove. Firlt, we know St. Paul faith, // is better to marry than to burn. Marriage therlore was given as a remedy ot that trouble ; but what might this burning mean ? Certainly not the meer motion of carnal lull, not the meer goad of a fenfitive defire, God does not principally take care for iuch Cattle* What is it then but that defire which God put into ShUiin in Para- dife before he knew the fin of Incontinence ; that defire which God law it was not good that Man mould be left alone to burn in, the defire and longing to put off an unkindly folitarincfs by uniting another body, but not without a fit foul, to his in the chearful fociety of Wedloc ? Which if it were fo needful be- fore the fall, when Man was much more periecl in himfelf, how much more is it needful now againft all the forrows and cafuaities of this life, to have an in- timate and fpeakinghelp, a ready and reviving afTociate in marriage ? wherof wtio miffes, by chancing on a mute and fpiritlels mate, remains more alone than before, and in a burning Icfs to t* contain'd than rjial which is rleihlyv and more to be confider'd, as being more deeply rooted even in the faultlefs inno- cence of nature. As for that other burning, which is but as it were the* venom of a lufty and over-abounding concoction, Uriel: life and labour, with the abate- ment of a full diet, may keep that low and obedient enough : but this pure and more inbred defire of joining to it felf in conjugal fellov, fhip a fit convcrfmg foul (which defire is properly called love.) is ftrongcr than death, as the fpoufe of Chrift thought ; many waters cannot quench it y neither can the floods drowy it. Tins is that rational burning that Marriage is to remedy, not to be allay'd with failing, nor with any penance to be fubdu'd ; which how can he aflwage who by mi-hap hath met the moft unmeet and unfuitable mind ? Who hath the pow- er to ftruggle with an intelligible flame, not in Paradife to be refilled, become now more ardent by being tail'd of what in reafon it lookt for ; and even then moll unquencht, when the importunity of a provender- burning is well enough as*d •, and yet the foul hath obtained nothing of what it jultly defires. Cer- tainly fuch a one forbidden to divorce, is in effect forbidden to marry, and com- pell'd to greater difficulties than in a fingie life : for if there be not a more hu- mane burning which Marriage mult fatisfy, or elfe may be diffolv'd, than that ot copulation, Marriage cannot be honourable for the meet reducing and termi- nating lull between two : feeing many beatts in voluntary and chofeii couples, live together as unadulteroufly, and are as truly married in that refped. But all ingenuous Men will fee that the dignity and blefling of Marriage is plac'd ra- ther in the mutual enjoyment of that which the wanting foul needfully feeks, man ot that which the plenteous body would joyfully give away. Hence it is (feat Plato in his Feftival difcourfe brings in Socrates ielating what he feign'd to have learnt from the Prophetefs D.otima, how Love was the lbn of Penury, be- got of Plenty in the Garden ofjufiter. Which divinely lorts with that whka i Difciptine of Divorce. 173 in effect Mpfes tells us, that Love was the fon of Lonelinefs, begot in Paradife by that fociabJe and helpful aptitude which God implanted between Man and Woman toward each other. The fame alfo is that burning mentioned by St. Paul, syherof Marriage ought to be the remedy ; die Flefii hath other mutual and eafy curbs which are in the power of any temperate Man. When thcrfore this origi- nal and finlefs Penury or Lonelinefs of the foul cannot lay it felf down by the fide of fuch a meet and acceptable union as God ordain'd in Marriage, at leaft in fome proportion, it cannot conceive and bring forth Low, but remains utterly unmarried under a formal Wedloc, and ftill burns in the proper meaning of St. Paul. Then enters Hate, not that Hate that fins, but that which only is natural difiatisfaction, and the turning afide from a miftaken obje& : if that miilake have done injury, it fails not to difmifs with recompence •, for to retain ftill, and not be able to love, is to heap up more injury. Thence this wife and pious Law of Difmiffion now defended took beginning : He therfore who lacking of his due in the moil native and humane end of Marriage, thinks it better to part than to live ladly and injuriofly to that cheerful Covenant (for not to be belov'd, and yet retain'd, is the greateft injury to a gentle fpirit) he I fay, who therfore feeks to part, is one who highly honours the married life, and would not ftain it: and the realbns which now move him to divorce, are equal to the beft of thofe that could firft warrant him to marry -, for, as was plainly ihewn, both the hate which now diverts him, and the lonelinefs which leads him ftill powerfully to feek a fit help, hath not the leaft grain or a fin in it, if he be worthy to under- ftand himfelf. CHAP. V. The third Reafon of this Law, becaufe without it, he who h&s happen d where he finds nothing but remedilefs Offences and D if contents, is in mote a?id greater Temptations than ever before. THlrdly, Yet it is next to be fear'd, if he muft be ftill bound without rea- fon by a deaf rigor, that when he perceives the juft expectance of his mind defeated, he will begin even againft Law to caft about where he may find his fatisfaction more compleat, unlefs he be a thing heroically virtuous, and that are not the common lump of Men, for whom chiefly the Laws ought to be made •, though not to their fins, yet to their unfinning weaknefies, it being above their ftrength to endure the lonely cftate, which while they fhunn'd, they are fallen into. And yet there follows upon this a worfe temptation •, for if he be fuch as hath fpent his youth unblameably, and laid up his chiefeft earthly comforts in the enjoyments of a contented Marriage, nor did neglect, that furtherance which was to be obtained therein by conftant prayers, when he fhall find himfelf bound faft to an uncomplying difcord of nature, or, as it oft happens, to an Image of Earth and Fleam, with whom he lookt to be the Copartner of a fweet and gladfome fociety, and fees withal that his bondage is now inevitable ; though he be almoft the ftrongeft Chriftian, he will be ready to defpair in virtue, and mutiny againft Divine Providence •, and this doubtlefs is the reafon of thofe lapfes and that melancholly defpair which we fee in many wedded perfons, tho' they underftand it not, or pretend other caufes, becaufe they know no re- medy, and is of extreme danger : therfore when human frailty furcharg'd, is at fuch a lofs, charity ought to venture much, and ufe bold Phyfick, left an over-toft faith indanger to fhipwrack. CHAP. l -j a The Docirine and CHAP. VI. The fourth Reafon of this Law, that God regards Love and Peace in the Family, more than a compuljive performance of Marriage, which is more broke by a grievous Conti- nuance, than by a needjul Divorce. Fourthly, Marriage is a Covenant, the Very being wherof confifts not in a forc'd cohabitation, and counterfeit performance of duties, but in unfeigned love and peace: And of Matrimonial love, no doubt but that was chiefly meant, which by the ancient Sages was thus parabl'd ; That Love, if he be not twin- born, yet hath a brother wondrous like him, call'd Anteros; whom while he feeks all about, his chance is to meet with many falfe and feigning defi res that wander finely up and down in his likenefs: By them in their borrow'd garb, Love though not wholly blind, as Poets wrong him, yet having but one eye, as being born an Archer aiming, and that eye not the quickeft in this dark Region here below, which, is not Love's proper Sphere, partly out of the fimplicity and cre- dulity which is native to him, often deceiv'd, imbraces and conforts him with thefe obvious and l'uborned Striplings, as if they were his Mother's own Sons-, for fo he thinks them, while they fubtilly keep themfelves molt on his blind fide. But after a while, as his manner is, when foaring up into the high Tower of his Apogaum, above the fhadow of the Earth, he darts out the direct rays of his then moft piercing eye-fight upon the impoftures, and trim difguizes that wereus'd with him, and difcerns that this is not his genuine brother, as he ima- gin'd. He has no longer the power to hold feliowfhip with fuch a perlbnated Mate; for ftrait his arrows lofe their golden heads, and fhed their purple feathers, his fil ken Braids untwine, and flip their knots, and that original and fiery virtue o-iven him by Fate all on a fudden goes out, and leaves him undeified and de- fpoil'd of all his force, till finding Anteros at laft, he kindles and repairs the al- moft faded ammunition of his Deity by the reflection of a coequal and bomogeneal fire. Thus mine Author lung it to me-, and by the leave of thofe who would be counted the only grave ones, this is no meer amatorious novel (though to be wife and fkilful in thefe matters, Men heretofore of greateft name in virtue, have* cftccmedit one of the higheftArcs that human Contemplation circling upwards, can make from the globy Sea wheron fhe ftands:) but this is a deep and ferious verity, fhewingus that Love in Marriage cannot live nor fubfifb unlels it be-mu- tual ; and where Love cannot be, there can be left of Wedloc nothing but the empty hulk of anoutfide Matrimony, as undelightful and unpleafing to God, as any other kind of hypocrify. So far is his Command from tying Men to die ob- servance of Duties which there is no help for, but they muft be diffembled. If Sc!omo?i's advice be not over- frolic, Live joyfully, faith he, with the Wife whom ihoulovejl, all thy days, for thai is thy portion. How then, where we find it im- poflible to rejoice or to love, can we obey this Precept ? How miferably do we de- fraud our felves of that comfortable portion which God gives us, by ftriving vain- ly to glue an error together, which God and Nature will not join, adding but more vexation and violence to that blifslul fociety by our importunate fuperftition, that will not hearken to St. Paul, i Cor. 7. whofpeaking of Marriage and Divorce, determines plain enough in general, that God therin hath call'd us to peace, and not to bondage. Yea, God himfelf commands in his Law more than once, and by his Prophet Malady, as Calvin and the beft Tranflations read, that he who bates, let him divorce, that is, he who cannot love. Hence is it that the Rabbins, and Maimonides famous among the reft in a Book of his fet forth by Buxtorfius, tells us, that Divorce -was permitted by Mofes to preftrve peace in Marriage, and quiet in the Family. Surely the^mr had their laving Peace about them as well as we, yet care was taken that this wholefome provilion for houfhold Peace Ihould alfo be allow'd them •, and muft this be deny'd to Chriftians ? O perverfenefs! that the. Lav/ ihould be made more provident of peace-making than the Gofpelt • riiarthe Gofpel ihould be put to beg a moft neceflury heip of Mercy from the 1 „iw, but muft not have it; and that to grind in the Mill of an undelighted and fervile copulation, mull be the only forced work of a Chi iftian Marriage oft-times with fuch a yoke-fellow, from whom both Love and Peace, both Nature and Religion mourns to be feparated. I cannot therfore be fo diffident, as not fe- curely T)ijcipline 0/ Divorce. 17; [y to conclude, that he who can receive nothing of the moil important helps in Marriage, being thereby difinabled to return that duty which is his, with a clear and hearty countenance •, and thus continues to grieve whom he would not, and is no lefs gricv'd, that Man ought even for Love's fake and Peace to move Djvprce upon good and liberal conditions to the divore'd. And it is a lefs breach of Wedlce to part with v. ife and quiet confent betimes, than full to foil and. propria,. t th.it myftery of joy and union with a polluting fadnefs and perpetual dtftemper ; for it is not the outward continuing of Marriage that keeps whole that Co\ en int, but whatfoevcr doesmoft according to Peace and Love, whether in Marriage or in Divorce, he it is that breaks Marriage leaft ; it being fo of- ten written, that hove only is the fulfilling of every Commandment . CHAP. VII. 'The fifth Reafon, that nothing more hinders a?id dijlurhs the whole Lif& of a Chrifiian y than a Matrimony jound to be imcurably unfit, and doth the fame in effeSi that a?i Ido- latrous Match. Fifthly, As thrfe Priefts of old were not to be long in forrow, or if they were, they could not rightly execute their function •, io every true Chriftian in a higher order of Priefthood is aperfon dedicate to joy and peace, offering hirnlelf a lively ficHfice of prail'e and. tpjanklgiving, and there is no Chriftian duty that is not to be feafon'd and fet off with chearifhnefs ; which in a thoufand outward and intermitting croffes may yet be done well, as in this vale of teats: but in fuch a boibm-arflicnon as tins, crulhing the very foundation of his inmoft na- ture, when he mail be fore'd to love againft a poffibility, and to ufe a diffimu- lation againft his foul in the perpetual and ceafelefs duties of a Hufbmd, doubt- I. fs 1 is whole duty of fcrvingGod muft needs be blurr'd and tainted with a fad. . p irednefs and dejection of fpirit, wherein God has no delight. Who fees w 1 tluifore how much more Chriftianity it would be to break by divorce that ivhich is more broken by undue and forcible keeping, rather than to cover the Alter of the Lord with continual tears ,- fo that he regardeth not the offering any more; rather than that the whole Worihip of a Chriftian man's life ihould lan- guifh and fade away beneath the weight of an immeasurable grief and difcourage- ment? And becaufe fome think the Children of a fecond Matrimony fucceeding .1 Divorce, would not be a holy Seed, it hinder'd not the Jews from being fo ; and why fhould we not think them more holy than the off-fpring of a former ill-twifted Wcdlcc, begotten only out of a beftial necefiity, without any true love or contentment, or joy to their Parents ? So that in fome fenfe we may call them, the Children of wrath and anguifh, which will as little conduce to their fanctifying, as if they had been Baftards: for nothing more than difturbance of mil ' ' nds us from approaching to God, fuch a difturbance efpecially, as both aflaults our faith ard truft in God's providence, and ends, if there be not a miracle of virtue on either fide, not only in bitterne'fs and wrath, the Canker of Devotion, but in a defperate and vicious careleffnefs, when he fees hirnlelf without fault of his, tr.iin'J by a deceitful bait into a fnare of mifery, betray'd by an alluring Ordinance, and then made the thrall of heavinefs and difcom- fort by an tfndivorcing Law of God, as he erroneouQy thinks, but of Man's iniquity, as the truth is : for that Gad prefers the free and chearful Worfhip of a Chriftian, before the grievous and exacted obfervance of an unhappy Marriage, feefides that the general maxims of Religion affure us, will be more manifeft by drawing a parallel Argument from the ground of divorcing an Idolatrefs, which v. .•'., left he Ihould alienate his heart from the true worfhip of God: and what ( rence is there whether fhe pervert him to fuperltition by her inticing Sor- er-,', or ilifinable him in the whole iervice of God through the difturbance of her unhelpful and unlit fociety, and lb drive him at laft, through murmuring and defpair, to thoughts of Atheifm ? Neither doth it leffen the caufe of fepa- fatine, in that the one willingly allures him from the Faith, the other perhaps Gfnwillingfy drives him ; for in the account of God it comes all toone, that the .Wife loofes him a fervant ■, and therefore by all the united force of the Deca- l "/.'. fh ought to be difbanded, unlefs we muft iet Marriage above God and Charity, which is the Doftrine of Devils, no lefs than foibidding to marry. " C H A P. / j *g %fte DoElrine and CHAP. VIII. 'That an Idolatrous Heretic ought to be divorcd after a con^ venient fpace give?2 to hope of Co?iverjio?i. That place of i Cor. 7. reflor d from a two-fold erroneous Expoftion ; and that the common Expofi tors flatly contradiSl the Moral Law, AND here by the way, to iiluftrate the whole queftion of Divorce, ere this Treatife end, I fhall not be loth to fpend a few lines in hope to give a full refolve of that which is yet fo much controverted, whether an Idolatrous Here- tic ought be divorc'd. To the refolving wherof we muft firft know, that \\\tfews were commanded to divorce an unbelieving Gentile for tv/o caufes : Firft, be- caufe all other Nations, efpecially the Canaanites, wereto them unclean. Second- ly, to avoid Inducement. That other Nations were to the Jews impure, even to the feparating of Marriage, will appear out of Exod. 34. i§. Deut. 7.3, 6. compar'd with Ezra 9. 2. alfo Chap. 10. 10, n. Nehem. 13. 30. This was the ground of that doubt raised among the Corinthians by fome of die Circumcifion - T "Whether an Unbeliever were not ftill to be counted an unclean thing, fo as. that they ought to divorce from fuch a perfon. This doubt of theirs S. Paid removes by an Evangelical reafon, having refpect tothatVifion oi'S. Peter, wherinthe diftinction of clean and unclean being aboliftit, all living Creatures were fanctified to a pure and Chriftian ufe, and mankind efpecially, now invited by a gene- ral call to the Covenant of Grace. Therfore faith S. Pan!, Tbe unbelieving Wife is fanclified by the Hujhand; that is, made pure and lawful to his ufe, io that he need not put her away for fear left her unbelief fhould defile him; but that if he found her love ftill towards him, he might rather hope to win her. The fecond reafon of that Divorce was to avoid Inducement, as is proved by comparing thofe two places of the Law, to thatjwhich Ezra and Nehemiah did by Divine Warrant in compelling the Jews ro forgo their Wives. And this reafon is moral and perpetual in the rule of Chriftian Faith without evafion ; therfore faith the Apoftle, 2 Cor. 6. Mif-yoke not together with Infidels, which is inter- preted of Marriage in the firft place. And although the former legal pollution be now done off, yet there is a fpiritual contagion in Idolatry as much to be fhun'd ; and though Inducement were not to be fear'd, yet where there is no hope of converting, there always ought to be a certain religious averfation and abhorring, which can no way fort with Marriage : Therfore faith S. Paul, What fcllowfhip hath righteoufncfs with unrighteoufnefs ? what communion hath light with darknefs ? what concord hath Chriji with Belial ? what part hath he that, be- litveth with an Infidel ? And {he next verfe but one he moralizes, and makes us liable to that command oflfaiah ; Whcrforc come out from among them, and be ye feparate, faith the Lord ; touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive ye. And this Command thus gofpelliz'dto us, hath the fame force with that wheron £2- ra grounded the pious neceffity of divorcing. Neither had he other commifiion for what he did, than fuch a general command in Deut. as this, nay not fo di- rect ; lor he is bid there not to marry, but not bid to divorce, and yet we fee with whata Zealand confidencehe was the Author of a general Divorce between the faithful and the unfaithful feed. The Gofpel is more plainly on hisfide, according to three of the Evangelifts, than the words of the Law ; for where the cafe of Divorce is handled with fuch a feverity, as was fitteft toaggravate the fault of un- bounded licence, yet ftill in the fame Chapter, when it comes into queftion af- terwards, whether any civil refpect, or natural relation which isdeareft, may be our plea to divide, or hinder or but delay our duty to Religion, we hear it deter- min'J, that Father, and Mother, and Wife alfo, is not only to be hated, butfor- faken, if we mean to inherit the great Reward there promifed. Nor will it fuf- fice to be put off by faying we muft forlake them only by not confenting or not complying with them, for that were to be done, and roundly too, though being of the fame faith, they fhould butfeek out of a flefhly tendernefsto weaken our Chriftian fortitude with worldly perfwafions, or buttounfettle ourconftancy with timorous and foftning fuggeftions ; as we may read with what a vehemence Jeb t the patienteft of Men, rejected the defperate counfels of his Wife ; and 4. Mcfes > DifcipUne 'o/Divorce* 177 Mofes, the meekeft, being throughly offended with the prophane fpceehes ofZip- pcra, Tent her back to her father. But if they fhall perpetually at our elbow fedu e us from the true Worlhip of God, or defile and daily fcandalize our Conference by their hopelefs continuance in inifbelief, then even in the due progrefs of Reafon, and that ever-equal proportion which Juftice proceeds by, it cannot beimagin'd that this cited place commands lefs than a total and final feparation from fuchan Adherent, at leaft that no force Ihould beufedto keep them together ; while we remember that God commanded Abraham to fend away his irreligious Wife and herSonfor the offences which they gave in. a pious family. And it maybegueftthat David for the like caufe difpos'd of Michal in fuch a fort, as little differ'd from a difmifiion. Therfore againft reiterated fcandals and feducements, which never ceafe, much more can no other remedy or retirement be found but abfolute de- parture. For what kind of matrimony can that remain to be, what one duty be- tween fuch can he perform'd as it fhould be from the heart, when their thoughts and fpirits fly afunder as far as Heaven from Hell, especially if the time that hope mould fend forth her expected bloffoms be paft in vain ? It will eafily be true, that a Father or a Brother may be hated zealouOy, and lov'd civilly or naturally ; for thofe duties may be performed at diltance, and do admit of any long abfence : but how the peace and perpetual cohabitation of Marriage can be kept, how that benevolentand intimate communion of Body can be held with one that muft be hated with a moft operative hatred, muft be forfaken and yet continually dwelt with and accompanied, he who can diftinguilh, hath the gift of an affection very oddly di- vided and contriv'd •, while others both juft and wife, and Solomon among thereft, if they may not hate and forfake as Mofes enjoins, and the Gofpel imports, will find it impoffiblenot to love otherwife than will fort with fhelove of God, whole jea- louly brooks no corrival. And whether is more likely, that Chrift-bidding to for- fakeWifefor Religion, meant it by divorce as Mofes meant it, whole Law groun- ded on moral Reafon, was both his office and his elfence to maintain j or that he ihould bring a new Morality into Religion, not only new, but contrary to an un- changeable Command, and dangeroufly derogating from our love and worlhip of God? As if when Mofes had bid Divorce abfolutely, and Chrift had laid, lute and forfake, and his Apoftle had laid, no communication withChrift and Belial ; yet that Chrift after all this could be underftood to lay, Divorce not, no not for Re- ligion, feduce, or feduce not. What mighty and invifibleRemorais this in Ma- trimony able to demur, and to contemn all the divorcive engines in Heaven or Earth ! Both which may now pafs away, if this be true, for more than many jots or tittles, a whole moral Law is abolifht. But if we dare believe it is not, then in the method of Religion, and to fave the honour and dignity of our Faith, we are to retreat and gather up our felves from the obfervance of an inferior and civil Ordinance, to the ftridl maintaining of a general and religious Command, which is written, Thou J, halt make no Covenant with them, Deut. 7. 2, 3. and that Covenant which cannot be lawfully made, we hatfe directions and examples lawfully todilfolve. Alfo 2 Chron. 19. 2. Shouldeft thou love them that hate the Lord? Nodoubtlefs: for there is a certain fcale of Duties, there is a certain Hierarchy of upper and lower commands, which for want of ftudying in ri^ht order, all the world is in confufion. Upon thefe principles I anfwer, that a right believer ought to divorce an ido- latrous Heretic, unlefs upon better hopes : however, that it is in the Believer's choice to divorce or not. The former part will be manifeft thus; firft, that an apoftate Idolater, whe- ther Hufband or Wifefeducing, was to die by the decree of God, Deut. 13.6,9. that Marriage therfore God himfelf disjoins : for others born Idolaters, the mo- ral reafon of their dangerous keeping, and the incommunicable antagony that is between Chrift and Belial, will be fufficient to enforce the Commandment of thofe two infpir'd Reformers Ezra and Nehemiah, to put an Idolater away as well under the Gofpel. The latter part, thataltho' there benofeducementfear'd,yet if there be nohope given, the Divorce is lawful, will appear by this, that idolatrous Marriage is ftill hateful toGod, therfore ftill itmay be divore'd by the pattern of thatWarrant that Ezra had, and by the fameeverlafting Reafon: Neither can any man give anaccount wherfore, if thofe whom God joins no man can feparate, it Ihould not follow, that whom he joins not, but hates to join, thofe men ought to feparate. But faith the Lawyer,That which ought not to have been done, oncedone, avails. Ianfwer, this is but a Crotchet of the Law, but that brought againft it is plain Scripture. As for Vol. I. A a what 178 ^The T>ocirifie and what Chrift fpake concerning divorce, 'tis confeft by all knowing men, he meant only between them of the famefaith. But what fhallwe lay then to S. Paul, who ieems tobid us notdivorce an Infidel willing to ftay ? We may lately lay thus, that wrong Collections have been hitherto madeout of thofe words by modern Divines. His drift, as was heard before, is plain -, not to command our ftay in marriage with an Infidel, that had been a flat renouncing of the religious and moral law ; butto inform the Corinthians that the Body of an unbeliever was not defiling, if his de- fire to live in Chriftian Wedlcc fhew'd any likelihood that his heart was ope- ning to the faith ; and therfore advifes to forbear departure fo long till nothing have been neglected to fet forward a converfion : this I fay he advifes, "and that with certain cautions not commands, if we can take up fo much credit for him, as to get him believ'd upon his own word : for what is this eife but his counfel in a thing indifferent, to the reft [peak I, not the Lord ? for tho' it be true that the Lord never fpake it, yet from S. Paul's mouth we fhould have took it as a command, had not himfelf forewarn'd us, and difclaim'd, which notwithftanding if we ftiall ftiil avouch to be a command, he palpably de- nying it, this is not to expound S.Paul, but to outface him. Neither doth it fol- low, that the Apoftle may interpofe his judgment in a cafe of Chriftian liberty, without the guilt of adding to God's word. How do we know Marriage or fingleLife to be of choice, but byfuch like words as thefe, lfpeakthisbypei fion, not of commandment ; I have no command of the Lord, yet I give my judgment ? Whyihall not the like words have leave to fignify a freedom in this ourprefenc queftion, though Beza deny ? Neither is the Scripture hereby lefs infpir'd, be- < aufe S. Paul confefles to have written therin what he had not of command ; lor we grant that the Spirit of God led him thus to exprefs himfelf to Chri- ftian prudence, ina matter which Gcd thought beft to leave uncommanded. Be- za therfore mud be warily read, when he taxes S. Auftin of Blcfphemy, for hold- ing that S. Paul fpake here as of a thing indifferent. But if it muft be a com- mand, Ifhall yet the more evince it to be a command that we mould herein be- left free, and that out of the Greek word ufed in the 12. v. which inltructs us plainly, there muft be a joint alfent and good liking on both fides ; he that will not deprave the Text muft thus render ft ; If a brother have an unbelieving JFife, and foe join in confcnt to dwell with him (which cannot utter lei's to us than a mutu- al agreement) let him not put her away for the meer furmize of Judaical un- cleannefs : and the reafon follows, for the body of an Infidel is not polluted, nei- ther to benevolence, nor to procreation. Moreover, this note of mutual compla- cency forbids all offer of feducement, which to a Perfon of zeal cannot be at- tempted without great offence : if therfore feducement be fear'd, this place hin- ders not Divorce. Another caution was put in this fuppofed command, of not bringing the believer huobondage hereby, which doubtlefs might prove extreme if Chriftian liberty and confcience were left to the humor of a Pagan ftayino- at pleafure to play with, and to vex and wound with a thoufand fcandals and bur- dens, above ftrength to bear : If therfore the conceived hope of gaining a foul come to nothing, then Charity commands that the believer be not wearied out with endlefs waiting under many grievances fore tohisfpirit, but that re- fpecl be had rather to the prefent fuffering of a true Chriftian, than the uncertain, winning of an obdur'd Heretic. The council we have from S. Paul to hope, cannot countermand the moral and evangelic charge we have from God to fear feducement, to feparate from the mifbeliever, the unclean, the obdurate. The Apoftle wifueth us to hope, but does not fend us a wool-gathering after vain hope •, he faith, How knowej} thou, O Man, whether thou fbalt fave.thy fVife? that is, till he try all due means, and fet fome reafonable time to himfelf, after which he may give over wafliing an Etbiope, if he will hear the advice of the Gof- ] 1 ! ; Cajl not Pearls before Swine, faith Chriil himfelf. Lit him be to thee as a Hea- then. Shake the dufl off thy feet. If this be not enough, hate and forfake, what re- lation foever. And this alio that follows muft appertain to the Precept, Let eve- ry man wherein he is called, therein abide with God, v. 24. that is, fo walkino- i n hisinferior calling Marriage, as by fome dangerous fubjection to that Ordinance, to hinder and difturb the higher calling oi his Chriftianity. Laft,and never too oft remembrcd, whether this be a Command, oran Advice, wemuft look that itbe fo underftood as not to contradict the leaft point ofmoral Religion that God hath formerly commanded, otherwife what do we but fet themoralLaw and the Gofpel at civil War together ? and who then ftiall be able to fervc thefe two Mafters ? CHAP DifcipHne c/Divorce. 179 CHAP. IX. That Adultery is not the greatefi breach of Matrimony, that there may be other Violations as griat. NOW whether Idolatry or Adultery be the greateft violation of Marriage, if any demand, let him thus confider, that among Chriftian Writers touch- ing Matrimony, there be three chief ends therof agreed on ; godly fociety, next civil, and thirdly, that of the marriage-bed. Of thefe the firft in name to be the highefl and moft excellent, no baptized Man can deny, nor that Idolatry imites directly againft this prime End •, nor that fuch as the violated End is, fuch is the Violation : but he who affirms Adultery to be the highefl breach, affirms the Bed to be the highefl of Marriage, which is in truth a grofs and boorifh Opinion, how common foever •, as far from the countenance of Scripture, as from the light of all clean Philofophy, or civil Nature. And out ofquef- tion the chearful help that may be in marriage toward fanctity of life, is the pureft, and fo the noblefb end of that contract,: but if the particular of each per- fon be confider'd, then of thofe three ends which God appointed, that to him is greateft which is moft neceffary ; and Marriage is then moll broken to him, when he utterly wants the fruition of that which he moft fought therin, whether it were religious, civil, or corporal fociety. Of which wants to do him right by Divorce only for the laft and meaneft, is a perverfe injury, and the pretend- ed reafon of it as frigid as Frigidity itfelf, which the Cede and Canon are only fenfible of. Thus much ofthis controverfy. I now return to the former argument. And having fhewn thatdiiproportion, contrariety or numbnefsof mind may juft- ly be divore'd, by proving already the prohibition therof oppofes the exprefs end of God's inftitution, fuffers not Marriage to fatisfy that intellectual and innocent defire which God himfelf kindled in Man to be the bond ofWedloc, but only to remedy a fublunary and beftial burning, which frugal Diet, without Marriage, would eafdy chaften. Next, that it drives many to tranfgrefs the Conjugal Bed, while the foul wanders after that fatisfaclion which it had hope to find at home, but hath mift ; or elfe it fits repining, even to Atheifm, finding itfelf hardly dealt with, but mifdeeming the caufe to be in God's Law, which is in man's unrighteous ignorance. I have fhewn alfo how it unties the inward knot of Marriage, which is Peace and Love (if that can be unty'd which was ne- ver knit) while it aims to keep faft the outward formality} how it lets perifh the Chriftian Man, to compel impoffibly the married Man, CHAP. X. Ihefxth Reafon ofthis Law ; that to prohibit Divorce fought for natural cajes, is againfl Nature. TH E fixth place declares this prohibition to be as refpecllefs of human Na- ture, as it is of Religion, and therfore is not of God. He teaches, that an unlawful Marriage may be lawfully divore'd ; And that thofe who having throughly difcern'd each other's diipofition, which oft-times cannot be till after Matrimony,- fhall then find a powerful reluctance and recoil of nature on either fide, blafting"all the content of their mutual fociety, that fuch Perfons are not lawfully married, (to ufe the Apoftle's Words) Say I thefe things as a Man, or faith not the Law alfo the fame ? for it is written, Deut. 22. Thoufhalt not [aw thy Vineyard with different feeds, left thou defile both. Tboufoalt not plow with an Ox end an Afs together ; and the like. I follow the pattern of S. Paul's reafoning ; Doth God care for Ajfes and Oxen, how ill they yoke together, or is it not fa id altogether for our fakes ? for our fakes no doubt this is written. Yea the Apoftle himfelf, in the forecited 2 Cor. 6. 14. alludes from that place of Deut. to forbid mifyoking Marriage, as by the Greek word is evident ; though he inftance but Vol. I. ■ A a 2 in jgo The Docirinc and in one Example ofmifmatching with an Infidel, yet next to that, what can be a fouler incongruity, a greater violence to the reverend fecret of Nature, than to force a mixture of Minds diat cannot unite, and to few the forrow of Man's Na- tivity with feed of two incoherent and incombining difpofitions : which act be- ing kindly and voluntary, as it ought, the Apoftle in the Language he wrotfc cafled Eunoia, and the Latins, Benevolence, intimating the original therof to be in the underftanding, and the will ; if not, furely there is nothing which might more properly be called a malevolence rather, and is the mod injurious and un- natural Tribute that can be extorted from a Perfon endu'd with reafo'n, to be made pay out the beft fubftance of his body, and of his foul too, as fome think, when either for juft and powerful caufeshe cannot like, or from unequal cayfes finds not recompence. And that there is a hidden efficacy oflove and hatred inMan as well as in other kinds, not moral, but natural, which though not always in the choice, yet in the fuccefsof Marriage will ever be moft predominant, befides daily experience, the Author of Ecclefiafticus, whofewifdom hath fet him next the Bible, acknowledges, 13. 16. A Man, faith he, will cleave to his like. But what might be the caufe, whether each one's allotted Genius or proper Star, or whether the fupernal influence of Schemes and angular Afpecls, or this elemental C; here below, whether all thefe jointly or fingly meeting friendly, or unfriendly in either party, I dare not, with the men I am like to clalh, appear fo much a Philofopher as to conjecture. The antient Proverb in Homer lefs abftrufe entitles this work of leading each like perfon to his like, peculiarly toGod hirrifelf: which is plain enough alio by his naming of a meet or like help in the firftEfpoufal in- ftituted •, and that every Woman is meet for every Man, none foabfurd as to affirm. Seeing then there is a two-fold Seminary, or Stock in nature, from whence are deriv'd the ifTues oflove and hatred, diftinclly flowing throughthe whole mafsof created things, and that God's doing ever is to bring the due likeneffes and harmo- nies of his works together, except when out of two contraries met to their own deftruction, he moulds a third exiftence •, and that it is error, or fome evil Angel which either blindly or malicioufly hath drawn together, in two perfons ill im- barkt in Wedloc the fleeping difcords and enmities of Nature lull'd on purpofe with fome falfe bait, that they may wake to agony and ftrife, later than pre- vention could have wifht, if from the bent of juft and honeft intentions be- ginning what was begun and fo continuing, all that is equal, all that is fair and poflible hath been try'd, and no accommodation likely to fucceed ; what fol- ly is it ftill to ftand combating and battering againft invincible caufes and ef- fects, with evil upon evil, till either the beft of our days be lingered out, or ended with fome fpeeding forrow. The wife Ecclefiafticus advifes rather, 37.27. My fon prove thy foul in thy life, fee what is evil for it, and give not that unto it. Reafon he had to fay fo ; for if the noifomnefs or disfigurement of body can foon deftroy the fympathy of Mind to Wedloc duties, much more will the annoyance and trouble of mind infufe itfelf into all the faculties and acts of the body, to render them invalid, unkindly, and even unholy againft the funda- mental Law-book of Nature, which Mofes never thwarts, but reverences : ther- fore he commands us to force nothing againft fympathy or natural order, no not upon the moft abject Creatures •, to fhew that fuch an indignity cannot be offered to Man without any impious Crime. And certainly thofe divine meditating words Of finding out a meet and like help to Man, have in them a confideration of more than the indefinite likenels of Womanhood ; nor are they to be made wafte- paper on, for the dulnefs of Canon-Divinity, no, nor thofe other Allegoric Precepts of Beneficence fetcht out of the Clofet of Nature, to teach us goodnefs and compafiion in not compelling together unmatchable Societies ; or if they meet through mifchance, by all confequence to disjoin them, as God and Na- ture fio-nifies, and lectures to us not only by thofe recited Decrees, but even by the firft and laft of all his vifible works ; when by his divorcing Command the W r orld firft rofe out of Chaos, nor can be renewed again out of confufion, but by the feparating of unmeet Contorts. CHAP. Difcipline o/Divorce i£r CHAP. XL The feventh Reafon, Thatfometimes continuance in M'arriagS may be evidently the portnitig or endangering of Life to either party ; both Law and Divinity concluding, that Life is to be preferrd before Marriage, the intended fo- lace of Life. SEventhly, The Canon-Law and Divines content, that if either party be found contriving againft another's life, they may be fever'd by Divorce : for a fin gainftthelife of Marriage, is greater than a fin againft the Bed ; the onedeftroys, the other but defiles. The fame may befaid touching thole perfons who being of a penfive nature and courfe of life, have fum'd up all their folace in that free and lightfome converfation which God and Man intends in Marriage; wherof when they fee themfelves depriv'd by meeting an unsociable confort, they oft- times refent one another's miftake fo deeply, that long it is not ere grief end one of them. "When therfore this danger is forefeen, that theLife is in peril by living together, what matter is it whether helplefs grief or wilful practice be the caufe? This is certain, that the prefervation of life is more worth than the com - pullbry keeping of Marriage •, and it is no lefs than cruelty to force a Man to remain in that ltate at the folace of his life, which he and his friends know will be either the undoing or the difheartning of his life. And what is life withour the vigour and fpiritual exercifeof life? how can it beufeful either to private or public imployment ? Shall it therfore be quite dejected, tho' ne- ver fo valuble, and left to moulder away in heavinefs, for the iuperftitious and impofnble performance of an ill-driven bargain ? Nothing more inviolable than vows made to God ; yet we read in Numbers, that if a "Wife had made fuch a vow, the meer will and authority of her Hufband might break it : how much more then may he break the error of his own bonds with an unfit and miftakeri Wife, to the faving of his welfare, his life, yea his faith and virtue, from the hazard ofover-ftrong temptations ? For if man beLord of the Sabbath, tothecuringof a Fever, can he be lefs than Lord of Marriage in fuch important caufes as thel'e ? CHAP. XII. Ihe eighth Rea/on, It is probable or rather certain, that every one who happens to marry, hath not the calling 5 and therfore upon imfitnefs found and co7tfder V, force ought not to be usd. Eighthly, It is molt fure that fome even of thofe who are not plainly defective in body, yet are deflitute of all other marriageable gifts, and confequently have not the calling to marry, unlefs nothing berequifite therto but a meer in- ftrumental body ; which to affirm, is to that unanimous Covenant a reproach : yet it is as fure that many fuch, not of their own defire, but by the perfwafion of friends, or not knowing themfelves, do often enter into "Wedloc ; where find- ing die difference at length between the duties of a married life, and the gifts of a fingle life, what unfitnefs of mind, what wearifomnefs, what fcruples and doubts to an incredible offence, and difpleafure are like to follow between, may- be foon imagin'd •, whom thus to fhut up, and immure, and fliut up together, the one with a mifchofen Mate* the other in a miftaken Calling, is not a courfe that Chriftianwifdom and tendernefs ought to ufe. As for the cuftom that fome Pa- rents and Guardians have of forcing Marriages, it will be better to fay nothing of fuc h a lavage inhumanity, but only thus, that theLaw which gives not all freedom of Divorce to any creature endued with reafon, fo aiTafiinated, is next in cruelty. CHAP. $ z Ihe DoBrine and CHAP. XIII. The ninth Reafon ; Becaufe Marriage is not a meer carnal Co- ition, but a human Society : where that cannot reafonably be had, there can be no true Matrimony. Marriage corn- par d with all other Covenants a?id Vows warra?itably broken for the good of Man. Marriage the Papifts Sacra- ment) and unft Marriage the Protefla?its Idol. Ninthly, I fuppofe it will be allow'd us that Marriage is a human Society, and that all human fociety mufl proceed from the mind rather than the body, elfeit would be but a kind of animal or beaftifh meeting •, it the mind therfore can- not hare that duecompany by marriage that it may reafonabiy and humanly defire, that Marriage can be no human fociety, but a certain formality ; or gilding overof little better than a brutifh congrefs, and fo in very wifdom and purenefs to be diflblv'd. But Marriage is more than human, the Covenant of God, Prov. 2.17. therforc Man cannot diffolve it. I anfwer, if it be more than human, fo much the more, it argues the chief fociety therof to be in the foul rather than in the body, and the greateft breach therof to be unfitnefsof mind rather than defect of body : for the body can have leaft affinity in a Covenant more than human, fo that the reafon of diffolving holds good the rather. Again, I anlwer, that the Sabbath is a higher Inftitution, a Command of the firft Table, for the breach wherof God hath tar more and oftener teftify'd his anger, than for Divorces, which from Mofes to Malachy he never took difpleafure at, nor then neither if we mark the Text ; and yet as oft as the good of Man is conccern T d, he not only permits, but commands to break the Sabbath. What Covenant more contracted with God, and lefs in man's power, than the Vow which hath once paft his lips ? yet if ic be found rafh, if offenfive, if unfruitful either to God's glory or the good of Man, our Doctrine forces not error and unwillingnefs irkfomly to keep it, but counfels Wifdom and betterThoughts boldly to break it ; therfore to enjoin the indiffoluble keeping of a Marriage found unfit againftthe good of Man both foul and body ,'as hath beenevidene'd, is to make an Idol ot Marriage, to advance itabovetheWorfhipof God and the good of Man, to make it a tranl'cendent Com- mand, above both the fecond and firft Table, which is a moft prodigious DocTxine. Nrxt,whereas they cite out of the Proverbs, that it is the Covenant of God, and. therfore more than human, that Confequence is manifeftly falfe : for fo the Co- venant which Zedckiab made with the Infidel King of Babel, is call'd thtCovenant of Cod, Ezek. 17. 19. which would be ftrange to hear counted more than a human Covenant. So every Covenant between Man and Man, bound by Oath, may be call'd the Covenant of Gcd, becaufe God therin is attefted. So of Marriage he is the author and the witnefs •, yethence will not follow any divine aftriction more than what is fubordinate to the glory of God, and the main good of either party : for as the glory of God and their efteemed fitnefs one for the other, was the motive which led them both at firft to think without other revelation that God had join'd them together ; fo when it fhall be found by their apparent unfitnefs, that their continuing to be Man and Wife is againft the glory of God and their mutual happineis, it may afTure them that God never join'd them, who hath reveal'd his gracious Will not tofct the Ordinance above the Man for whom it wasordain'd; not to canonize Marriage either as a Tyrannefs or a Goddeis ever the enfran- chise life atid foul of Man : For wherin can God delight, wherin be worfhip'd, wherin be glorified by the forcible continuing of an improper and ili-yokin°- couplc ? He that loved nctto fee the difparity of feveral cattle at the Plow, cannot be pleafed withvait unmeetnefs in Marriage. Where can be the peace and love which muft invite God to fuch a houfe ? May it not be fear'd that the not di- vorcing of fuch a helplefs difagreement, will be the divorcing of God finally horn Inch a place ? But it is a trial of our patience, they fay : I grant it ; but whiohoty^'safflictionswtrefenthimwiththatLaw, that hemight not ufe means to remove any of them if he could ? And what if it fubvert our patience and our faith too? Who fhall anfwer for the perifhing of all thole fouls, perifhing by ftubborn expofitions of particular and inferior precepts againft the general and 4 fupreme Difcipline of D i vo rce. 185 fupreme rule of Charity ? They dare not affirm that Marriage is either a Sacra- ment or a Myftery, though all thofe facred things give place to Man ; and yet they inveft it with fuch an awful fanctity, and give fuch adamantine chains to bind with, as if it were to be worfhip'd like fome Indian Deity, when it can con- fer no b'effingupon us, but works more and more to our rnifery. To fuch teach- ers the faying or S. Peter at the Council oVJerufalem will do well to be applied : Why tempt ye God to put a yoke upon the necks of Chriftian men, which neither the Jews, God's antient people, nor ive are able to bear ; and nothing but un- wary expounding hath brought upon us ? CHAP. XIV. Confederations concerning Fami/ifm, Anti?tomia?iifm ; and why it may be though t that fuch Opinions may proceed from the undue, rejlraint of fo?m juft liberty , than which no greater caujc to co?itemn Difcipline. TO thefe Confidcrations this alfo may be added as no improbable con* jecture, feeing that fort of men who follow shiabaptifm^ Familifm, An- tirtomianifm, and other fanatic dreams (if we underftand them not amifs) be fuch moft commonly as are by nature addicted to Religion, of Life alfo not debaucht, and that their Opinions having full fwinge, do end in fatisfaction of the flefh, it may be come withreafon into the thoughts of a wife man, whether all this proceed not partly, if not chiefly, from the reftraint of fome lawful liberty which ought to be given Men, and is deny'd them. As by phyfic we learn in menftruous bodies, where Nature's current hath been ftopt, that thefuffocation and upward forcing of fome lower part, affects the head and inward fenfe with do- tage and idle fancies. And on the other hand, whether the reft of vulgar men not fo religioufly profefling, do not give themfelves much the more to Whoredom and Adulteries, loving the corrupt and venial Difcipline of Clergy-Courts, but hating to hear of perfect Reformation ; whenas they forefee that then Fornica- tion fhall be aufterely cenfur'd, Adultery punifh'd, and Marriage the ap- pointed refuge of nature, tho' it hap to be never fo incongruous and difpleaf- ing, muft yet of force be worn out, when it can be to no other purpofe but of ftrife and hatred, a thing odious to God. This may be worth the ftu- dy of fkilful Men in Theology, and the reaibn of things. And laftly, to exa- mine whether fome undue and ill-grounded ftrictnefs upon the blamelefs Na- ture of Man, be not the caufe in thofe places where already Reformation is, that theDifcipline of the Church, fo often, and fo unavoidably broken, is brought into contempt and derifion. And if it be thus, let thofe who are ftill bent to hold this obftinate Literatity, fo prepare themfelvesjas tofhare in the account for all thefe tranfgreffions, when it fhall be demanded at the laft day, by one who will fcan and fhift things with more than a literal wifdom of equity : for if thefe reafons be duly ponder'd, and that the Gofpel is more jealous of laying on exceftive burdens than ever the Law was, left the foul of a Chriftian, which is ineftimable, fhould be over-tempted and caft away ; confidering alfo that many properties of Nature, which the power of Regeneration itfelf never alters, may caufe diflike of converfing, even between the moft fanctified ; which con- tinually grating in harfh tune together, may breed fome jar and difcord, and that end in rancor and ftrife, a thing fo oppofite both to Marriage and to Chriftiani- ty, it would perhaps be lefs fcahdal to divorce a natural difparity, than to link violently together an unchriftian dilTenfion, committing two infnared Souls in- evitably to kindle one another, not with the fire of love, but with a hatred irre- concilable ; who, were they difiever'd, would be ftraight friends in any other relation. But if an alphabetical fervility muft be ftill urged, it may fo fall out, that the true Church may unwittingly ufe as much cruelty in forbidding to di- vorce, as the Church of Antichrift doth wilfully in forbidding to marry. BOOK j 84 Wbe DoBrine and BOOK II. CHAP. I. %he Ordinance, of Sabbath and Marriage compared. Hyper- bole no tinfrequent figure in the Go/pel. Excefs curd by contrary-excefs. Chrift neither did nor could abrogate the Law of Divorce, but Q7ily reprieve the abufe therof. Hitherto the Pofition undertaken hath been decfar'd,and prov'd by a Law of God, that Law proved to be moral, and unabolifhable, for many reafons equal, honeft, charitable, juft, annext thereto. It follows now, * that thofe places of Scripture which have a leeming to revoke the prudence of Mofcs, or rather that merciful Decree of God, be forthwith explained and re- concile. For what are all thefe reafonings worth, will iorne reply, whenas the words of Chrift are plainly againft all Divorce, except in cafe of Fornication? To whom he whofe mind were to anfwer no more but this, except alfo in cafe of Cha- rity, might fafely appeal to the more plain words of Chrift in defence of lb ex- cepting. 7'houjhaltdono manner of Work, faith the Commandment of the Sab- bath. Yes, faith Chrift, Works of Charity. And fhall we be more fevere in paraphrafing theconfiderate and tender Gofpel, thanhe wasinexpounding the rigid and peremptory Law ? What was ever in all appearance lefs made for Man, and more for God alone, than the Sabbath ? yet when the good of man comes into the Scales, we hear that voice of infinite goodnefs and benign ity, that Sabbath was m, xde for Man, not Man for Sabbath. What thing ever was more made for Man a- lone and lefs for God than Marriage ? And {hall we lead it with a cruel and fenfelefs bondage utterly againft both the good of Man, and the glory of God ? Let whofo will now liften, I want neither Pall nor Mitre, I ftay neither for Ordina- tion nor Induction ; but in the firm faith of a knowing Chriftian, which is the beft and trueft endowment of the Keys, I pronounce, the Man who fhall bind fo cruelly a good and gracious Ordinance of God, hath not in that the lpirit of Chrift. Yet that every text of Scripture feeming oppofke may be attended with a due expofition, this other part eniues, and makes account to find no ilender ar- guments for this affertion, out of thofe very Scriptures, which are commonly urged againft it. Firft therfore let us remember, as a thing not to be deny'd, that all places of Scripture wherin juft reafon of doubt arifes from the latter, are to be expounded by confidering upon what occafion every thing is fet down, and by comparing other Texts. The occafion which indue'd our Saviour to fpeak of Divorce, was either to convince the extravagance of the Pharifees in that point, or to o-ive a fharpand vehement anfwer to a tempting queftion. And in fuch cafes that we are not to repofe all upon the literal terms of Jo many words, many inftances will teach us : Wherin we may plainly difcover how Chrift meant not to be taken word for word, but like a wife phyfician, adminiftring one excefs a- gainft another, to reduce us to a permifs ; where they were too remifs, he Jaw it needful to feem moft fevere : in one place he cenfures an unchafte look to be adultery already committed ; another time he paJTes over actual adultery with lefs reproof than for an unchafte look; not fo heavily condemning fecret weak- nefs, as open malice : So here he may be juftly thought to have given this rigid fentence againft Divorce, not to cut off all remedy from a good man who finds himfelf confuming away in a difconfolate and uninjoin'd Matrimony, but to lay a bridle upon the bold abufes of thofe over-weening Rabbies ; which he could not more effectually do, than by a counterfway of reftraint curbino- their wild exorbitance aJ moft into the other extreme-, as when we bow things the con- trary way, to make them come to their natural ftraitnefs. And that this was the only Intention of Chrift is moft evident, if we attend but to his own words , and protcltation made in the lame Sermon, not many verfes before he treats of Divorcing,th.vthecame not to abrogate from the Law one jot or tittle, and de- nounce againft them that ihall fo teach. But 4 DJfcipUne ^Divorce. i8q But S. Luke the verfe immediately before-going that of Divorce, inferts the fame caveat, as it' the latter could not be underftood without the former ;and asawitnefs to produce againft this our wilful miftake of abrogating^ huh muff, needs confirm us that whatever elfe in the political Law of more ipecial relation to the Jews might ceafe to us ; yet that oi thofe Precepts concerning Divorce, not one of them was repeal'd by the Doctrine of Chrift, unlefs we have vow'd not to believe his own cautious and immediate protellion : for if thefe our Saviour's words inveigh againft all Divorce, and condemn it as Adultery, except it be for Adultery, and be not rather underftood againft the abufe of thole Divorces permitted in the Law, then is that Law of Mofes, Deut. 24. 1. not only repeal'd and whollv annul'd againft the promife of Chrift, and his known profefiion not to meddle, in matters ju- dicial •, but that which is more ftrange, the very fubftance and purpofe of that Law is contradicted and convine'd both of ir.juftice and impurity, as having au- thoriz'd and maintain'd legal Adultery by ftatute. Mofes alio cannot fcape to be guilty of unequal and unwife decrees, pur.ifhing one act of fecret Adultery by death, and permitting a whole Life of open Adultery by Law. And albeit Law- yers write that fome political Edicts, tho' not approv'd, are yet allow'd to the leum of the people, and the neceflity of the times-, thefe excufes have but a weak pulfe: For nrft,we read, not that the fcoundrel People, but thechoiceft, the wifeft, the holieft of that Nation have frequently us'd thefe Laws, or fuch as thefe, in the beft and holieft times. Secondly, be it yielded, that in matters not very bad or impure, a human Lawgivermay flacken fomething of that which is exactly good, to the difpofition of the people and the times : but if the perfect, the pure, the righ- teous Law of God, for fo are all his ftatutes and his judgments, be found to have allow'd fmoothly, without any certain reprehenfion, that which Chrift afterward declares to be Adultery, how can we free this Law from the horrible inditement of being both impure, unjuft, and fallacious ? CHAP. II, How Divorce was pennitted for hardnefs of hearty ca?mot he tender flood by the common Expofltion. That the Law cannot permit^ much lefs enaEi a permijjion of Jin. N Either will it ferve to fay this was permitted for the hardnefs of their hearts, in thatfenfeas it isufually explain'd ; for the Law were then but a corrupt and erroneous School- matter, teaching us to dafh againft a vital Maxim of Reli- gion, by doing foul evil in hope of fome certain good. This only Text is not to be matcht again throughout the whole Scripture, wher- by God in his perfect Law ftiould feem to have granted to the hard hearts of his holy People under his own hand, a civil immunity and free charter to live and die in a long fucceflive Adultery, under a covenant of works, till the Meffiah, and then that indulgent permiffion to be ftrictly deny'd by a covenant of grace ; be- fides the incoherence of fuch a doctrine, cannot, muft not be thus interpreted, to the raifing of a Paradox never known till then, only hanging by the twin'd thread of one doubtful Scripture, againft fo many other rules and leading principles of religion, of juftice, and purity of life. For what could be granted more either to the fear, or to the luft of any Tyrant or Politician, than this authority of Mofes thus expounded •, which opens him a way at will to damm up juftice, and not only to admit of any Romiflj or Auftrian difpenfes, but to enact a ftatute of that which he dares not feem to approve, even to legitimate vice, to make fin it felf, the ever alien and vaflal fin, a free Citizen of the Commonwealth, pretending only thefe, or thefe plaufible reafons ? And well he might, all the while that Mofes fhall be alledged to have done as much without fhewing any reafon at all. Yet this could not enter into the heart of David, Pfal. 94. 20. how any fuch authority as endeavours to fafnonwickednefs by a Law, mould derive itfelf from God. And Ifaiah lays woe upon them that decree unrighteous decrees, chap. 10. 1. Now which • of thefe two is the better Law-giver, and which defer ves molt a woe, he that gives ■out an edict fingly unjuft, or he that confirms to generations a fixt and unmo- lefted impunity of that which is not only held to be unjuft, but alfo unclean, and both in a high degree, not only as they themfelvcs affirm, an injurious expullion Vol. I. B b of x 86 The Doctrine and of one Wife, but alfo an unclean freedom by more than a patent to wed another a- dulteroufly ? How can we therfore with fafety thus dangeroufiy confine the free fimplicityofour Saviour's meaning to that which merely amounts from fo many Letters, whenas it can confift neither with his former and cautionary Words, nor with other more pure and holy Principles, nor finally with the fcope of Charity, commanding by his exprefs commillion in a higher (train. But all rather of neceffi- ty muft be underftoodas only againft the abui'eof that wife and ingenuous liberty which Mofes gave, and to terrify a roving Confcience from finning under that pretext. CHAP. III. That to allow Sin by Law, is againft the nature of Law, the e?id of the Law-giver, and the good of the People. Impof- fible therfore in the Law of God. That it makes God the Author of Sin more than any thing obj tiled by the Jefuits or Arminians againft Predejlination. BUT letusyet further examine upon what Confideration aLaw of Licence could be thus given to a holy People for the hardnefs of Heart. I fuppofe all will anfwer, that for fome good end or other. But here the contrary fhall be proved. Firft, that many ill effects, but no good end of fuch a fufferance can be fhewn ; next, that a thing unlawful can for no good end whatever be either done or allow'd by a pofitive Law. If there were any good end aim'd at, that end was then good ei- ther as to the Law or to the Lawgiver licencing •, or as to the perfon licenc'd. That it could not be the end of the Law, whether Moral or Judicial, to licenfe a Sin, I proveeafily out of Rom. 5. 20. The Law entered, that the offence might abound, that is, that Sin might be made abundantly manifeft to be heinous and diipleafing to God, that fo his offer'd Grace might be the more efteem'd. Now if the Law, inftead of aggravating and terrifying Sin, fhall give out Licence, it foils it felf, and turns recreant from its own end : it foreflalls the pure Grace ol Chrift, which is through Righteoufnefs, with impure indulgences, which are through Sin. And inftead of difcovering Sin, for by the Law is the knowledge therof, faith S. Paul, and that by certain and true light for Men to walk in fafety, it holds out falfe and dazling fires to ftumble Men •, or like thofe miferable flies to run into with delight and be burnt : for how many Souls might eafily think that to be lawful whichthe Law and Magi Urate allow'd them? Again, we read 1 Tim. 1. 5. The end of the Commandment is charity out of a pure heart , and of a good Confcience, and of Faith unfeigned. But never could that be Charity to allow a People what they could not ufe with a pure Heart, but with Confcience and Faith both deceiv'd, or elfe defpis'd. The more particular end of the Judicial Law is fet forth to us clearly Rom. 1 3 . That God hath given to that Law a Sword not in vain, but to be a ter- ror to evil works, a revenge to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. If this terrible Commiffion fhould but forbear to punifh wickednefs, were it other to be account- ed than partial and unjuft ? but if it begin to write indulgence to vulgar unclean- nefs, can it do more to corrupt and fhame the end of its own being ? Laftly, if the Law allow Sin, it enters into a kind of Covenant with Sin ; and if it do, there is not a greater Sinner in the World than the Law itfelf. The Law, to ufe an Allegory fomething different from that in Philo fudaus concer- ning Amalek, though haply more fignificant, the Law is the Ifaelhe, and hath this ablolute charge given it, Deut. 25. To blot out the memory of Sin, the Amalekite, from under heaven, not to forget it. Again, the Law is the Ifraelite, and hath this exprefs repeated command to make no Covenant with Sin, the Carmaanite, but to expel him, left he prove a fnare. And to fay truth, it were too rigid and reafonlefs to proclaim fuch an enmity between Man and Man, were it not the type of a greater enmity between Law and Sin. I fpeak even now, as if Sin were condemn'd in a perpetual villenage never to be free by Law, never to be manumitted : but fure Sin can have no tenure by Law at all, but is rather an eternal Outlaw, and in hoftility with Law paft all atonement : bothdiagonial Con- traries, as much allowing one another, as Day and Night together in one He- mifphere. Or if it bepofiible, that Sin with his darknefe may come to compofition. it lyifcipline of D i vorce. 187 it cannot be without a foul eclipfe and twilight to the Law, whofe brightnefs ought to furpafs the Noon. Thus we fee how this unclean permittance defeats the facred and glorious end both of the Moral and Judicial Law. As little good can the Lawgiver propofe to equity by fuch a lavifh remifThefs as this ; if to remedy hardnefs of heart Parous and other Divines confefs, it more in ereafes by this Liberty, than is leffen'd : and how is it probable that their hearts were more hard in this, that it mould be yielded to, than in any other Crime ? Their hearts were fet upon Ufury, and are to this day, no Nation more ; yet that which was the endamaging only of their Eftates was narrowly forbid ; this which is thought the extreme injury and dilhonour of their Wives and Daughters, with the defilement alio of themfelves, is bounteoufly allow'd. Their hearts were as hard under their belt Kings to offer in high places, tho' to the true God -, yet that but a fmall thing, is ilricily forewarn'd ; this accounted a high offence againft one of the greateft moral Duties, is calmly permitted and eftablifh'd. How can it bee- vaded but that the heavy cenfure of Chrilt fhould tall worle upon this Lawgiver of theirs, than upon all the Scribes and Pharifees ? For they did but omit Judgment and. Mercy to trifle in Mint and Cummin, yet all according Law ; but this their Law-giver, altogether as punctual in fuch niceties, goes marching onto Adulteries, through the violence of Divorce by Law againft Law. If it were fuch a curfed act of Pilate a fubordinate Judge to Cafar, over-fway'd by thole hard hearts with much ado tofuffer one tranfgreffion of Law but once, what is it then with lefs ado to publiih a Law by tranfgrelfion for many Ages ? Did God for this come down and cover the Mount of 'Sinai with his Glory, uttering inThunder thole his facred Ordinances out of the bottomlefs Treafures of his Wifdom and infinite Purenefs, to patch up an ulcerous and rotten Commonwealth with ftrict and ftern Injunctions, to walh the ikin and garments for every unclean touch, and fucheafy permiffion given to pollute the foul with Adulteries by public authority,withoutdifgrace or queftion ? No, it had been better that man had never known Law or Matrimony, than that fuch foul iniquity fhould be faften'd upon the Holy-one oflfrael, the Judge of all the Eardi, and fuch a piece of folly a.s Belzebub would not commit, to divide a- gainft himfelf, and prevent his own ends ; or if he to compafs more mifchief, might yield perhaps to feign fome good deed, yet that God fhould enact a Li- cence of certain evil lor uncertain good againft his own glory and purenefs, is abominable to conceive. And as it is deftructive to the end of Law, and blafphe- rtlous tothe honour of the Law-giver licenfing, fo it is as pernicious to the perfon licenced. If a private friend admonifh not, the Scripture i\\\th, he hates his Brother, and lets him peri/h ; but if he footh him and allow him in his faults, the Proverbs teach us he fpreads a net for his Neighbour's feet, and worketh ruin. If the Magif- trate or Prince forget to adminifter due Juftice, and reftrain not Sin ; Eli him- felf could fay, it made the Lord's People to tranfgrefs. But if he countenance them againft Law by his own example, what havoc it makes both in religion and Vir- tue among the People.; may be gueft by the anger it brought upon Hophni and Phi- neas not to be appeas'd with facrifice nor offering for ever. If the Law be filent to de- clare Sin, the People muft needs generally go aftray,for theApoftle himfelf faith, he had not known lv.fi but by the Law : and furely fuch a Nation feems not to be under the illuminating guidance of God'sLaw, but under the horrible doom rather of fuch as del pile theGofpel ; he that is filthy, let him be filthy fi ill. But where the Law itfelf gives a warrant for Sin, I know not what condition of mifery to imagine miferable enough for fuch a People, unlefs that portion of the wicked, or rather of the dam- ned, on whom God threatens in nPfabn, to rainfnares : but that queftionlefs cannot be by any Law, which the Apoftle faith is a miniflfy ordain' d of God for our good, and not fo many ways and in fohigha degree to our deft ruction, as we have now been graduating. And this is all the good, can come to the Perfon licenced in his hardnefs of heart. I am next to mention that, which becaufe it is a ground in Divinity.; Rom. g.will fave the labour ofdemonftrating, unlefs her given Axioms be more doubted than in other Arts (altho' it be no lefs firm in the precepts of Philofophy) that a thingun- lawful can for no good whatfoever be done, much lefs allow'd by a pofitive Law. And this is the matter why Interpreters upon thatpaflage in Hofeawill notconfentit to be a true ftory, that theProphettooka Harlot to wife, becaufe God being a pure Spirit, could notcommandathingrepugnanttohis own nature, no not for fogoodan endastoexhibitmoretotheliieawholefomeandperhapsacOnvertingparabletomany an Ij'raelite. Yetthat he commanded theallowance of adulterous and injuriousDivorces forhardnefsofheart, a reafonobfeureand inawrongfenfe, they can very favourily per- Vol. I, B b 2 fuade j gg *Ihe Doctrine and i'uade themfclves ; fo tenacious is the leven of -ah old conceit. But they fliift il permitted only. Yet filence in the Law is content, and content is acceflbry ; why then is not the Law being filent, or not active againft a crime, acceflbry to its own conviction, it felt" judging? For tho' we thou Id grant, that it approves nor, yet it wills -, and the Lawyers Maxim is, that the iniU compell'd is yet the will. And tho' Ariftotle in his Ethics call this a mixt Atlion, yet he concludes it to be voluntary and inexcufable, if it be evil. How juftly then might human Law and Philofophy rife up againft the righteoufnefs of Mcfes, if this be true which our vulgar Divinity fathers upon him, yea upon God himfelf, notfilentlyandonly negativelyto permit, but in his Law to divulge a written and general privilege to commit and perfift in unlawful Divorces with a high hand, with fecurity and no ill fame: for this is more than permitting and contriving, this is maintaining : this is warranting, this is pro- tecting yea this is doing evil, and fuch an evil as thatreprobate Law-giverdid, whofe laftino- infamy is ingraven upon him like a lurname, he who made Ijraeltofui. This is the°lo .ve ; l pitch contrary to God that public fraud and injuftice can defcend. If it be affirm'd, that God, as being Lord, may do what he will ; yet we muft know that God hath not two Wills, but one Will, much lefs two contrary. If he oncewi'l'd Adultery fhould be finful, and tobepunifht with Death, all his Omni- potence will not allow him to will the allowance that his holieft People might as it were by his own Anlincmie, or counter-ftatute, liveunreprov'd in che fame fact as he himfelf efteem'd it, according to our common explainers. The bidden ways of his Providence we adore and fearch not, but the Law is his revea-led Will, his compleat, his evident and certain Will ; herein he appears to us as it were in hu- man lhapc, enters into Covenant with us, fwears to keep it, binds himfelf like a juft Law-giver to his own Prefcriptions, gives himfelf to be underftood by Men, judges and is judg'd, meafures and is commenfurate to right reafon ; cannot require lefs of us in one cantle of his Law than in another, his legal Juftice cannot be fo fickle and fo variable, fometimes like a devouring fire, and by and by con- nivent in the Embers, or, if I may fo fay, ofcitant and lupine. The vigor of his Law could no more remit, than the hallowed fire on his Altar could be let go out. The Lamps that burnt before him might need fnuffing,but the Light of his Law never. Of this alio more beneath, in difcuflingaSoludon of Rivetus. The Jefuits, and that Seft among us which is nam'd of Arminms, are wont to charge us of making God the Author of Sin, in two degrees efpecially, not tofpeak of his permiflions : i . Becaufe we hold that he hath decreed iome to Damnation, and confequentlytoSin, fay they; next, becaufe thofe means which are ot iavingknow- ledge to others, he makes to them an occafion of greater Sin. Yet confidering the perfection wherin Man was created, andmighthave ftood, no Decree neceffitating his Free-will, but fubfequent, tho' not in time, yet in order to Caufes, which were in his own po*ver, they might methinks be perfuadedto abfolve both God and us. Whenas the doctrine of Plato and Chryfippus, with their Followers, the Academies and the Stoics, who knew not what a conlummate and moil adorned Pandora was beftow'dupon^/<7»z to be theNurfeand Guide of his arbitrary happinefs andperfeve- rance, I mean his native innocence and perfection, which might have kepthim from being our true Epimetheus ; and though they taught of Virtue and Vice to be both the gift of divine Dejiiny, they could yet give reafonsnot invalid, to juftify the Coun- cils of God and Fate from the infulfity of mortal tongues : That Man's own free-will felf-corrupted, is the adequate and furficient caufe of his Difobedience lefidesFate ; as Homer alio wanted not to exprefs, both in his Iliad and Odyffee. And Manillas the Poet, although in his fourth Book he tells of fome created both to Sin and Pu- ntfhment ; yet without murmuring, and with an induftroius chearfulnefs he acquits the Deity. They were not ignorant in their Heathen Lore, that it is moft God -like to punifti thofe who of his Creatures became his enemies with the greateft punifhment; and they could attain alfo to think that the greateft, when Godhimfelfthrows a man fartheft from him ; which then they held he did, when he blinded, hardned, and ftirr'd up his Offenders, tofinifhand pile up their defperateworkfince they had undertaken it. To banifti for ever into a local Hell, whether in the Air or in the Center, or in that uttermoft and bottomlefs gulph ot Chaos, deeper from holyBlifs than the World's Diameter multiply'd ; they thought not a punifhing fo proper and proportionate for God to inflict, as to punifhSin withSin. Thuswerethe com- mon fort of Gentiles wont to think, without any wry thoughts call upon divne Go- vernance. Andihzrlorc Cicero, notin hlsTufculan or Campanian retirements among the Difciplhie ^/"Divorce. 189 the learned Wits of that Age, but even in the Senate to a mixt Auditory (though he were fparing otherwife to broach his Philofaphy among Stalifts and Lawyers,) yet as to this point both in his Oration againft Pifo, and in that which is about the An- fwers of the Sooth-fayers againft Clodius, he declares it publicly as no paradox to ommon Ears, That Got! cannot punifh Man more, nor make him more miferable, than ftill by making him more iinful. Thus we fee how in this Controverfy the Juitice of God flood upright even among HeathenDifputers. But if any one be truly, and not pretendedly zealous for God's honour, here I call him forth before Men and Angels, to ufe his beft and moft advifed fkill, left God more unavoidably than e- ver yet, and in the guiltieft manner, be made the Author of Sin : if he fhall not only deliver over and incite his enemies by rebuke to Sin as a punifhment, but fhall by patent under his own broad-feal allow his friends whom he would fanctify and lave, whom he would unite to himfelf, and not disjoin, whom he would correct by wholefome chaftening, and not punifh as he doth the damned by lewd fin- ning, if he fhall allow thefe in his Law the perfect rule of his own pureft Will, and our moft edify'd Confcience, the perpetrating of an odious and manifold Sin without the leaftcontefting. 'Tis wonder'd how there can be in God a fecret and reveal'd Will ; and yet what wonder, if there be in Man two anfwerable Caufes. But here there muft be two revealed Wills grappling in a fraternal war with one another without any reafbnable caufe apprehended. This cannot be lefs than to ingraft Sin into the fubftance of the Law, which Law is to provoke Sin by crofting and forbidding, not by complying with it. Nay this is, which I tremble in ut- tering, to incarnate Sin into the unpunifhing and well-pleas'd Will of God. To avoid thefe dreadful confequences that tread upon the heels of thofe allowances to fin, will be a tafk of far more difficulty than to appeafe thofe minds which per- haps out of a vigilant and wary Confcience except againft Predeftination. Thus finally we may conclude, that a Law who'ly giving licence cannot upon any good confideration be given to a holy People, for hardnefs of heart in the vulgar fenfe. CHAP. IV. Tljat if Divorce be no Command-, no more is Marriage. That Divorce could be no Difpetifation if it were Jinful. "The So- lution c'/'Rivetus, That God difpe?ifed byfome unknown way, ought not to fat is fy a Chrijlian Mind. OThers think to evade the matter by not granting any Law of Divorce, but only a Dilpenfation, which is contrary to the words of Chrift, who him- felf calls it a Law, Mark 10. 5. or if we fpeak of a command in the ftrifteft De- finition, then Marriage itfelf is no more a Command than Divorce, but only a free Permiffion to him who cannot contain. But as to difpenfation I affirm, the fame as before of the Law, that it can never be given to the allowance of Sin : God can- not give it neither in refpect of himfelf, nor in refpect of man ; not in refpect of himfelf, being a moft pure EfTence, the juft avenger of Sin ; neither can he make that ceafe to be a Sin, which is in itfelf unjuft and impure, as all Divorces they fay were, which were not for Adultery. Not in refpect of Man, for then it muft be either to his good or to his evil. Not to his good; for how can that be ima- gined any good to a Sinner, whom nothing but rebuke and due correction can fave, to hear the determinate Oracle of Divine Law louder than any reproofdifpenfing and providing for the impunity, and convenience of Sin •, to make that doubtful, or rather lawful, which the end of the Law was to make moft evidently hateful ? Nor to the evil of man can a Difpenfe be given ; for if t be Law were ordain' d un- to life, Rom. 7. 10. how can the fame God publifh Difpenfes againft that Law, which muft needs be unto death? Abfurd and monftrous would that Difpenfe be, if any Judge or Law fhould give it a man to cut his own throat, or to damn himfelf. Difpenfe therfore prefuppofes full Pardon, or elfe it is not a Difpenfe, but a moft baneful and bloody fnare. And why fhould God enter Covenant with a People to be holy, as the Command is holy, and juft, and good, Rom. 7. 12. and yet fuffer an impure and treacherous Difpenfe to miflead and betray them under the vizard of Law to a legitimate Practice of uncleannefs ? God is no Covenant- breaker ; he cannot do this. Rivetus, j go The Do&rinc and Rivetus, a diligent and learned Writer, having well weighed what hath beers written by thofe Founders of Difpenfe, and finding the fmall Agreement among them would fain work himfelfaloof thei'e Rocks and Quick-fands, and thinks it belt to conclnde that God certainly did difpenfe, but by fome way to us unknown, and fo to leave it. But to this I oppofe, that a Chriftian by no means ought relt him- felf in fuch an ignorance •, wherby fo may Abfurdities will ftrait reflect both againft the Purity, Juftice, and wifdom of God, the end alfo both of Law and Gofpel, and the comparifon of them both together. God indeed in fome ways of his Pro- vidence is high and fecret, paft finding out: but in the delivery and execution of his Law, efpecially in die managing of a duty fo daily and fo familiar as this is wherofwe reafon, hath plain enough revealed himfelf, and requires the obfer- vance therof not otherwife, than to the Law of nature and equity imprinted in us feems correfpondent. And he hath taught us to love and to extol his Laws, not only as they are his, but as they are juft and good to every wife and fober un- derftandino-. Therfore Abraham, even to the face of God himfelf, feem'd to doubt of divine Juftice, if it fhould fwerve from the irradiation wherwith it had enlio-htned the mind of man, and bound it felf to obferve its own rule •, Wilt thou deftroy the righteous with the wicked? that be far from thee ;fhall not the Judge of the earth do right ? Therby declaring, that God hath created righteoufnefs in right it felf, againft which he cannot do. So David, Pfalm. 119. The teftimonies wbiek thou haft commanded are righteous and very faithful ; thy word is very pure, therfore thy fervant loveth it. Not only then for the Author's lake, but for its own purity. He is faithful, faith S. Paul, he cannot deny himfelf; that is, cannot deny his own Pro- mifes, cannot but be true to his own Rules. He often pleads with men the upright- nefs of his ways by their own Principles. How mould we imitate him elfe, to be ferfecl as he is perfeel ? If at pleafure he can difpenfe with golden Poetic Ages of fuch pleafing licence, as in the fabled Reign of old Saturn, and this perhaps be- fore the Law might have fome covert, but under fuch an undifpenfing Covenant as Mofes made with them, and not to tell us why and wherfore, indulgence can- not give quiet to the breaft of an intelligent man ? We mult be reiolved how the Law can be pure and perfpicuous, and yet throw a polluted fkirt over thefe Eleii- Jinian Myfteries, that no man can utter what they mean: worfe in this thjn the worft Obfcenities of Heathen Superftition; for their filthinefs was hid, but the rnyftic reafon therof, known to their Sages. But this Jewifh imputed filthinefs was daily and open, but the reafon of it is not known to our Divines. We know of no defign the Gofpel can have to impofe new righteoufnefs upon works, but to remit the old by faith without works, if we mean juftifying works : We know no myftery our Saviour could have to lay new Bonds upon Marriage in the Covenant of Grace which himfelf had loofen'd to the feverity of Law. So that Rivetus mzy pardon us, if we cannot be contented with his non-folution, to remain in fuch a peck of uncertainties and doubts, fo dangerous and ghaftly to the funda- mentals of our faith. CHAP. V. What a Difpenfatio?i is, THerfore to get fome better fatisfaction, we muft proceed to inquire as diligent- ly as we can what a Difpenfation is, which I find to be either properly fo cal- led, or improperly. Improperly fo call'd, is rather a particular and excep- tive Law, abfolving and difobliging from a more general command for fome juft and reafonable caufe. As Numb. 9. they who were unclean, or in a Journey, had leave to keep the Paffover in the fecond Month, but otherv/ife ever in the iirft. As for that in Leviticus of marrying the brother's wife, it was a penal ftatute ra- ther than a difpenfe •, and commands nothing injurious or in it felf unclean, only prefers a fpecial reafon of charity before an inftitutive Decency, and perhaps is meant for life-time only, as is expreft beneath in the prohibition of taking two filters. What other Edict of Mofes, carrying but the femblance of a Law in a- ny other kind, may bear the name of a Difpenfe, I have not readily to inftance. But a Dilpenfation moft properly is fome particular accident rarely happening, and therfore not fpecified in the Law, but left to the decifion of Charity, even under the bondage of Jewifh Rites, much more under the liberty of the Gofpel. Thus 4 Diftipline c/DivorcE. ipi Thus did David enter into the. boufe of God, and did eat the Shewbread, he and his fol- lowers, which was ceremonially unlawful. Of fuch difpenfes as thefe it was that Ver- dune thcFrench Divine lb gravely difputed in theCouncil of Trent againft Friaiv&W- an, who held that the Pope might difpenfe with any thing, ft is a fondperfuafion, faith Ferdune, that difpenfing is a favour ; nay, it is as good dijlributivejuftice as what is moft, and the Priejtjins if he gives it not, for it is nothing elfe but a right interpre- tation of haw. Thus far that I can learn touching this matter wholefom'y decreed. But that God, who is the giver of every good and perfect gift, Jam. i. mould give out a rule and directory to fin by, mould enact a Difpenfation aslong-liv'das a Law, wherby to live in privileg'd Adultery for hardnefs of heart ■, and yet this obdurate dif* eafe cannot be conceivedhow it was the moreamended by thisunclean remedy, is the moft deadly and Scorpion-like gift that the enemy of mankind could have given to any miferable finner,andis rather fuch a Difpenfe as that waswhich theSerpent gave to our firft parents. God gave Quails in his wrath, and Kings in his wrath, yet nei- ther of thefe things evil in themlelves; but that he whofe eyes cannot behold impu- rity, fhould in the book of his holy Covenant, his moft unpaffionate Law, give li- cence and ftatute for uncontrolled Adultery, altho' it go for the receiv'd Opinion, I fhall ever difTuade my foul from fuch a Creed, fuch an indulgence as the Ihop of Antichrift never forg'd a bafer. C H A P. VI. That the Jew had no ifiore right to this fuppofed Difpe?7fe than the Chriftian hath, and rather not Jo much. BUT if we muft needs difpenfe, let us for a while fo far difpenfe with Truth) as to grant that fin may be difpens'd ; yet there will be copious reafon found to prove that the Jew had no more right to fuch a fuppos'd indulgence than the Chrifti- an, whether we look at the clear knowledge wherin he liv'd, or the ftrict perfor- mance of works wherto he was bound. Beftdes Vifions and Prophecies, they had the Law of God, which in the Pfalms and Proverbs is chiefly prais'd for furenefs and certainty, botheafy and perfect to the enlightning of thefimple. How could it be fo obfeure then, or they fo fottifhly blind in this plain, moral, andhoulhold duty ? They had the fame precepts about Marriage ; Chrift added nothing to their clearnefs, for that had argued them imperfect •, he opens not the Law, but re- moves the Pharifaic mills rais'd between the Law and the Peoples Eyes : the on- ly fentence which he adds, What God hath join' d, let no man put afunder, is as ob- feure as any claufe fetch'd out of Gene/is, and hath increafed a yet undecided Ccn- troverfy of clandeftine Marriages. If we examine over all his Sayings, we fhall find him not fo much interpreting the Law with his words, as referring his own words to be interpreted by the Law, and oftener obfeures his mind in fhort, and vehement, and compact fentences, to blind and puzzle them the more who would not underftand the Law. The Jews therfore were as little to be difpens'd with for lack of moral knowledge as we. Next, none I think will deny, but that they we re as much bound to perform theLaw as any Chriftian. That fevere and rigorous knife not fparing the tender forefkin of any male infant, to carve upon his flefh the mark of that ftrict and pure Covenant wherinto he entered, might give us to underftand enough againft the fancy of dif- penfing. S. Paul teftifies, that every circumcis'd Man is a debtor to the whole Law, Gal. 5. or elfe circumcifion is invain,Rom. 2. 25. How vain then, and how prepofte- rous muft it needs be to exact a circumcifion of the flefh from an infant unto an outward fign of purity,and to difpenfe an uncircumcifion in the Soul of a grown man to an inward and real impurity ? How vain again was that Law to impofe tedious expiations for every flight fin oi ignorance and error, and toprivilege without penance or difturbance an odious crime whetherof ignorance or obftinacy ? How unjuft alio inflicting death and extirpation for the markofcircumftantialpurenefsomitted, and proclaiming all honeft and liberal indemnity to the act of afubftantial impurenefs committed, making void the Covenant that was made againft it ? Thus if we con- fider the tenor of the Law, to be circumcis'd and to perform all , not pardoning fo much as the fcapes of error and ignorance, and compare this with the condition of the Gof- pel, ! q 2 The Docirine and pel, Believe and be baptized, I fuppofe it cannot be long ere we grant that the Jew was bound as ftrictly to the performance of every duty, as was poffible, and ther- fore could not be difpens'd with more than the Chriftian, perhaps not fo much. CHAR VII. That the Go/pel is apter to difpenfe than the Law. Paraeus anfweredy IF then the Law will afford no reafon why the Jew mould be more gently dealt with than the Chriftian, then furely the Gofpelcan afford as little why the Chri- llian mould be lefs gently dealt with than the Jew. The Gofpel indeed exhorts to hio-heft perfection, bur bears with weakeft infirmity more than the Law. Hence thofe indulgences, All cannot receive this faying, Every man hath his proper gift, with exprels charges not to lay on yokes which our fathers could not bear. The nature of man {till is as weak, and yet as hard •, and that weaknefs and hardnefs as unfit and as unteachable to be harfhly ufed as ever. Ay but, faith Parous, there is a greater portion of fpirit poured upon the Gofpel, which requires from us per- fecter obedience. I anfwer, this does not prove that the Law therfore might give allowance to fin more than the Gofpel •, and if it were no fin, we know it the work of the Spirit to mortify our corrupt defires and evil concupifcence ; but not to root up our natural affections and difaffections, moving to and fro even in wi- feft Men upon jult and neceffary reafons, which were the true ground of that Mo- faic Difpenfe, and is the utmoft extent of our pleading. What is more or lefs perfect we difpute not, but what is fin or no fin. And in that I (till affirm the Law required as perfect obedience as the Gofpel ; befides, that the prime end of the Gofpel is not fo much to exact our obedience, as to reveal Grace, and the fatif- faction of our difobedience. What is now exacted from us, it is the accufing Law that does it, even yet under the Gofpel -, but cannot be more extreme to us now than to the Jews of old -, for the Law ever was of Works, and the Gofpel ever was of Grace. Either then the Law by harmlefs and needful Difpenfes,which the Gofpel is now made to deny, muff have anticipated and exceeded the Grace or the Gofpel, or elfe mutt be found to have given politic and fuperficial Graces without real pardon, faying in general, Do this and live, and yet deceiving and damning under-hand with unfound and hollow permiffions,which is utterly abhorring from theendofall Law, as hath been fhewed. But it thofe indulgences were fife and finlefs, out of tendernefs and compaffion, as indeed they were, and yet fhall be abrogated by the Gofpel, then the Law, whofe end is by rigor to magnify Grace, fhall itlelf give Grace, and pluck a fair plume from the Gofpel, inftead of haftening us thither, allu- ring us from it. And wheras the tenor of the Lav/ was a fervant to amplify and illuilratethemildnefs of Grace ;now theunmildnefs of EvangelicGrace fhall turn fer- vant, to declare the Grace and Mildnefs of the rigorous Law. The Law washarfh to extol the Grace of the Gofpel,and now the Gofpel by anew affected ftrictnefs of her own fhall extenuate the Grace which herielf offers. For by exacting a duty which the Law difpens'd, if we perform it, then is Grace diminifh'd, by how much performance advances, unlets the Apoflle argue wrong : itwe perform knot, and perifh for not performing, then are the conditions of Grace harder than thofe of Rigor. If through Faith and Repentance we perifh not, yet Grace ftill re- mains the lefs, by requiring that which Rigor did not require, or at leaft notfo ftrictly. Thus much therfore to Parous, that if the Gofpel require perfecter O- bedience than the Law as a Duty, it exalts the Law, and debates itfelf, which is difhonourable to the work of our redemption. Seeing therfore that all the caufes of any allowance that the Jews might have, remain as well to the Chriftians ; this is a certain rule, that fo long as the caufes remain, the allowance ought. And ha- ving thus at length inquired the truth concerning Law and Difpenie, their ends, their ufes, their limits, and in what manner both Jew and Chriftian ftand liable to the one or capable of the other, we may lately conclude, that to affirm the giv- ing of any Law or lawlike Difpenfe to fin for hardnefs of heart, is a doctrine of that extravagance from the fage principles of Piety, that whofo confiders throughly, cannot but admire how this hath been digefted all this while. CHAP. Difciplitie ^Divorce. ip 5 CHAP. VIII. 7$£ truefenfe how Mofes fuffered Divorce for hardnefs cf Heart. WHAT may we do then to falvethis Teeming inconfiftence ? I muft not ciif- femble that I am confident it can be done no other way than this : Mofes, Deut. i\. i. eflabliih'd a grave and prudent Law, full of moral equity, full of due confideration towards Nature, that cannot be refifted, a Law confenting with the Laws of wil'eft Men and civileft Nations; that when a man hath married a Wife, if it come to pafs that he cannot love her by reafon of fome difpleafmg na- tural quality or unfitnefs in her, let him write her a Bill of Divorce. The intent of which Law undoubtedly was this, that if any good and peaceable Man mould dilcover fome helplefs disagreement or diflike either of mind or body, wherby he could not chearfully perform the duty of a Hufband without the perpetual dif- fembling of offence and difturbance to his fpirit ; rather than to live uncomforta- bly and unhappily both to himlelf and to his Wife, rather than to continue un- dertaking a duty which he could not poflibly dilcharge, he might difmifs her whom he could not tolerably and lb not confeionably retain. And this Law the Spirit of God by the Mouth of Solomon, Prov. 30. 21, 23. teltifies to be a good and a necefTary Law, by granting it that a haled Woman (for lb the Hebrew word hgnifies, rather than odious, though it come all to one) that a hated Woman, when/he is married, is a thing that the earth cannot bear. What follows then but that the charitable Law muft remedy what Nature cannot undergo ? Now that many licentious and hard-hearted Men took hold of this Law to cloke their bad purpofes, is nothing ftrange to believe. Andthefe were they, not lor whom Mo- fes made the Law, God forbid, but whofe hardnefs of heart taking ill advantage by this Law, he held it better to fuffer as by accident, where it could not be de- tected, rather than good Men mould lofe their juft and lawful privilege of remedy : Chrift therfore having to anfwer thefe tempting Pharifees, according ashiscuftom was, not meaning to inform their proud ignorance what Mofes did in the true intent of the Law,which they had ill cited, fupprefling the true caufe for which Mofes gave it, and extending it to every flight matter, tells them their own, what Mofes was fore'd to fufFer by their abuleof his Law. Which is yet more plain if we mark that our Saviour in Mat. 5. cites not the Law of Mofes, but the pharifaical tradi- tion falfly grounded upon that Law. And in thole other places, chap. 19. and Mark 10. the Pharifees cite the Law, but conceal the wile and human reafon there expreft •, which our Saviour corrects not in them, whofe pride deferv'd not his inftruction, only returns them what is proper to them; Mofes for the hardnefs of your heart fuffered you, that is fuch as you, to -put away your wives ; and to you be wrote this precept for that caufe, which {to you) mull be read with an imprefflon, and underftoodlimitedly of fuch as cover'd ill purpofes under that Law : for it was leafonable that they fhould hear their own unbounded licence rebuk'd, but not feafonable for them to hear a good Man's requifite liberty explain'd. But us he hath taught better, if we have ears to hear. He himfelf acknowledg'd it to be a Law, Mark 10. and being a Law ofGod, it muft have an undoubted end of charity, which may be us'dzvith a pure Heart, a good Confcience, and Faith unfeigned, as was heard : it cannot allow lin, but is purpofely to refill fin, as by the fame chapter to Timothy appears. There we learn alfo, that the Law is good, if a man v.fe it lawfully. Oat of doubt then there muft be a certain good in this Law, which Mofes willingly allow'd, and there might be an unlawful ufe made therof by hy- pocrites ; and that was it which was unwillingly fuffer'd, forefeeingit in general, but not able to difcern it in particulars. Chrift therfore mentions not here what Mofes and the Law intended, for good Men might know that by many other rules : and the fcornful Pharifees were not fit to be told, until they could imploy that knowledge they had lefs abufively. Only he acquaints them with what Mofes by them was put to fuffer. Vol. I. C c CHAP. IQ& The Doctrine and CHAP. IX. The words of the Inftitution how to be under flood ; and of our Saviour s Anfwer to his Difciples. AN D to entertain a little their overweening arrogance as beft'befitted, and to amaze them yet further, becaufe they thought it no hard matter to fulfil the Law, he draws them up to that unfeparable inftitution which God ordain'd in the beginning before the fall, when Man and Woman were both perfect, and could have no caufe to feparate : juft as in the fame Chapter he ftands not to contend with the arrogant young Man, who boafted his obfervance of the whole Law, whether he had indeed kept it or not, but fkrews him up higher to a talk of that perfection, which no man is bound to imitate. And in like manner that pattern of the firft in- ftitution he fet before the opinionative Pharifees,to dazle them, and not to bind us. For this is a folid rule, that every command given with reafon, binds our obedience no otherwife than that reafon holds. Of this fort was that command in Eden ; Ther- forejhalla Man cleave to hisWife, and they Jhall be oneflefi ; which we fee is no ab- folute command, but with an inference, Therfore : the reafon then muft be firft confider'd, that our obedience be not mifobedience. The firft is, for it is not fingle, becaufe the Wife is to the Hufband fefj ofhisfleflo, as in the verfe going before. But this reafon cannot be fufficient of itlelf : for why then fhould he for his Wife leave his Father and Mother, with whom he is far more flefh offlefto, and bone of bone, as being made of their fubftance ? And befides, it can be but a lorry, and igno- ble fociety of life, whofe infeparable injunction depends meerly upon flefii and bones. Therfore we muft look higher, fince Chrift himfelf recals us to the begin- ning, and we fhall find that the primitive reafon of never divorcing, was that facred and not vain promife of God to remedy man's Lonelinefs by making him a meet help for him, tho' not now in perfection, as at firft ; yet ftill in proportion as things now are. And this is repeated verfe 20. when all other creatures were fit- ly affociated and brought to Adam, as if the divine power had been in fome care and deep'thought, becaufe there was not yet found an help-meet for Man. Andean we fo flightly deprefs the all- wife purpofeof a deliberating God, as if his confultation had produced no other good forMan but to Join him with an accidental companion of propagation, which his fudden word had already made for every beaft ? nay a far lefs good to Man it will be found, if fhe muft at all adventures be faftned upon him individually. And therfore even plain fenfe and equity, and, which is above them both, the all-interpreting voice of Charity herfelf cries loud that this pri- mitive reafon,'' this confulted promife of God to make a meet help, is the only caufe that gives authority to this command of not divorcing, to be a command. And it might be further added, that if the true definition of a Wife were alk'd in good earneft,this claufe of being a meet help would fhew itfelf foneceilary, and fo eifen- tial in that demonftrative argument, that it might be logically concluded : therfore fhe who naturally and perpetually is no meet help, can be no Wife ; which clearly takes away the difficulty of difmiffing of fuch a one. If this be not thought enough, I anfwer yet further, that Marriage, unlefs it mean a fit and tolerable Marriage, is not infeparable neither by nature nor inftitution. Not by nature, for then thofe Mofaic Divorces had been againft nature, if feparable and infeparable be contraries, as who doubts they be ? and what is againft nature is againft Law, if foundeft Philofophy abufe us not : by this reckoning Afo/« fhould be moftfl»/»^z/V, that is moft illegal, not to fay moft unnatural. Nor is it infeparable by the firft in- ftitution : for then no fecond inftitution of the fame Law for fo many caules could diffolve it ; it being moft unworthy a human, (as Plato's judgment is in the fourth book of his Laws) much more a divine Lawgiver to write two feveral Decrees upon the fame thing. But what could Plato have deemed if one of thefe were good, and the other evil to be done ? Laftly, fuppofe it be infeparable by inftitution, yet in competition with higher things, as Religion and Charity in maineft matters, and when the chief end is fruftrate for which it was ordained, as hath been fhewn, if ftill it muft remain infeparable, it holds a ftrange and lawlels propriety from all other works of God under Heaven. From thefe anany confiderations, we may fafely gather, thatfo much of the firft inftitution as our Saviour mentions, for he mentions not all, was but to quell and put to nonplus . the Difeipline ^Divorce. 19- th? tempting Pharifees, and to lay open their ignorance andlhallowunderftanding of the Scriptures. For, faith he, Have ye not read that he which made them at the beginning, made them male and female, and laid, for this caufe fiall a man cleave to his wife ? which thefe blind ufurpers of Mofes' Chair could not gainfay : as if this fingle refpect of male and female were fufficientagainft a thoufand inconveniences and mifchiefs, to clog a rational creature to his endlels forrow unrelinquifhably, under the guileful fuperfcription of his intended folace and comfort. What if they had thus anfwer'd ? Mafter, if thou mean to makeWedloc as infeparable as from the beginning, let it be made a fit fociety, as God meant it, which we mail foon underftand it ought to be, if thou recite the whole reafon of the Law. Doubt - lefs our Saviour had applauded their juft anfwer. For then they had expoundedhis command of Paradile, even as Mofes himfelf expounds it by his Laws of Divorce, that is, with due and wife regard to the Premifes and Reafons of the firft com- mand ; according to which, without unclean and temporizing Permiffions, he in- ftructs us in this imperfect ftate what we may lawfully do about Divorce. But if it be thought that the Difciples, offended at the rigor of Chrift's anfwer, could yet obtain no mitigation of the former fentence pronoune'd to the Pharifees, it may be fully anfwer'd, that ourSaviour continues the fame reply tohis Difciples, as men leavened with the fame cuftomary licence which the Pharifees maintain'd, and difph-afedat the removing of a traditional abufe, wherto they had fo long not unwillingly been ufed : it was no time then to contend with their flow and preju- dicial belief, in a thing wherein an ordinary meafure of light in Scripture, with jbme attention, might afterwards inform them well enough. And yet ere Chrift had finifhed this argument, they might have pick'd out of his own concluding words an anfwer more to their minds, and in effect the fame with that which hath been all this while intreating audience : All men, faith he, cannot receive this fay- ing, fave they to whom it is given ; he that is able to receive it, let him receive it. What faying is thiswhichis left toa man's choice to receive, or not receive? What but the married life ? Was our Saviour fo mild and fo favourable to the weaknefs of a fingle Man, and is he turn'd on the fudden fo rigorous and inexorable, to the diftrefles and extremities of an ill-wedded Man ? Did he fo gracioufly give leave to change the better fingle life for the worfe married life ? Did he open fo to us this hazardous and accidental door of marriage, to fhut upon us like the gate of death, without retracting or returning, without permitting to change the worft, mod infupportable, moll unchriftian mifchance of Marriage for all the mifchiefs and forrows that can enfue, being an Ordinance which was efpecially given as a Cordial and exhilarating Cup of folace, the better to bear our other croflfes and af- flictions ? Queftionlefs this was a hard-heartednefs of divorcing, worfe than that in the Jews, which they fay extorted the allowance from Mofes, and is utterly dif- fonant from all the Doctrine of our Saviour. After thefe conflderations therfore, to take a Law out or Paradile given in time of original perfection, and to take it barely without thofe juft and equal inferences and reafons which mainly eftablifli it, nor fo much as admitting thofe needful and fafe allowances wherewith Mofes himfelf interprets it to the fallen condition of Man, argues nothing in us but rafh- nefsand contempt ofthofe means that God leftusin his pure and chafte Law, with- out which it will not be poflible for us to perform the ftrict impofition of this command: or if we ftrive beyond our ftrength, we fhall ftrive to obey it otherwife than God commands it. And lamented Experience daily teaches the bitter and vain fruits of this our prefumption, forcing Men in a thing wherin we are not able to judge either of their ftrength or of their fufferance. Whom neither one vice nor other by natural addiction, but only Marriage ruins, which doubtlefs is not the fault of that Ordinance, for God gave it asablefling, nor always of man's mifchufing, it being an error above wifdom to prevent, as examples ofwifeft Men fo miftaken manifeft: It is the fault therfore of a perverfe Opinion that will have it continued in defpite of Nature and Reafon, when indeed it was never truly join'd. All thofe Expofitors upon the firft of Matthew confefs the Law of Mofes to be the Law of theLord, wherin no addition or diminution hath place; yet coming to the point of Divorce, as if they fear'd not to becall'd leaft in the Kingdom of Heaven, any flight evafion will content them, to reconcile thofe con- tradictions which they make between Chrift and Mofes ^ between Chrift and Chrift. Vol. I. Cc 2 CHAP, o6 The DoElrine and CHAP. X. The vain Shift ofthofe who make the Law of Divorce to be only the Premifes of a fucceeding Law. SOME will have it no Law, but the granted Premifes of another Law following, contrary to the words of Chrift, Mark 10. 5. and all other Tranflations of gra- veft Authority, who render it in form of a Law, agreeable to Mai. 1. 16. as it is moft anciently and modernly expounded. Beftdes, the Bill of Divorce, and the particular occafion therin mentioned, declares it to be orderly and legal. And what avails this to make the matter more righteous, if fuch an adulterous condi- tion fhall be mention'd to build a Law upon without either punifhment or fo much as forbidding ? They pretend it is implicitly reprov'd in thele words, Deut. 24. 4. after Jhe is defiled; but who fees not that this defilement is not only in refpedt of returning to her former Hufband after an intermixt Marriage ? elfe why was not the defiling condition firfl forbidden, which would have faved the labour of this After- Law ? Nor is itfeemly or pioufly attributed to thejuftice of God and his known hatred of Sin, that fuch a heinous fault as this through all the Law Ihould be only whip'd with an implicit and oblique touch, (which yet is falfly fuppos'd) and diat his peculiar People mould be let wallow in adulterous Marri- ages almoft two thouland years, for want of a direct Law to prohibit them : 'tis rather to be confidently afium'd that this was granted to apparent neceffities, as being of unqueftionable right and reafon in the Law of nature, in that it ftill pafies without inhibition, even when the greateft caufe is given to us to expect it ihould be dire&ly forbidden. CHAP. XI. "The other Shift of faying Divorce was permitted by Law, but not approvd. More of the Inflitution. BUT it was not approv'd. So much the worfe that it was allow'd; as if Sin had overmafter'd the Word of God, to conform her fteddy and ftrait rule to Sin's crookednefs, which is impoffible. Befides, what needed a pofitive grant cf that which was not approv'd ? It reftrain'd no liberty to him that could but ufe a little fraud, it had been better filenced unlefs it were approved in fome cafe or other. But ftill it was not approv'd. Miferable Excufers ! He who doth evil that good may come therby, approves not what he doth ; and yet the grand Rule forbids him, and counts his damnation juft if he do it. The Sorcerefs Medea did not approve her own evil doings, yet look'd not to be excufed for that : and it is the conftant Opinion of Plato in Protagoras, and other of his Dialogues agreeing with that Proverbial Sentence among zheGreeks, thatiVo man is kicked willingly. Which alfo the Peripatetics do rather diftinguifh than deny. What great thank then if any man, reputed wife and conftant, will neither do, nor permit others under his charge to do that which he approves not, efpecially in matter of Sin ? But for a Judge, but for a Magiftrate, the Shepherd of his People, to furrenderup his appro- bation againft Law and his own Judgment, to the obftinacy of his herd, what more Un- judge-like, more Un-magiftrate-like, and in War more Un-commander- like ? Twice in a fhort time it was the undoing of the Roman State, firft when Pcm- pey, next when Marcus Brutus, had not magnanimity enough but to make fo poor a refignation of what they approv'd, to what the boifterous Tribunes and Soldiers bawl'd for. Twice it was the favingof two the greateft Commonwealths in the World, of Athens by Themijiocles at the Sea fight of Salamis ; of Rome by Fabius Maximus in the Punic War, for that thefe two matchlefs Generals had the fortitude at home againft the rafhnefs and the clamours of their own Captains and Confederates, to withftand the doing or permitting of what they could not approve in their duty of their great command. Thus far of civil Prudence. But when we fpeak of Sin, let us look again upon the old reverend Eli ; who in his heavy Punifhment found no difference between the doing and permitting of what he did not approve. ifcipline p/Divorce. 197 approve. If hardnefs of heart in the people may be an excufe, why then is Pi- late branded through all memory? He approv'd not what he did, he openly pro- tected, he wafh'd his hands, and labour'd not a little ere he would yield to the hard hearts of a whole People, both Princes and Plebeans, importuning and ru- multing even to the fear of a revolt. Yet is there any will undertake his caufe ? If therfore Pilate for fuffering but one act of cruelty againft Law, though with much unwillingnefs teftify'd, at the violent demand ofa whole Nation, fhall (land fo black upon record to all posterity •, alas for Mofes ! what fhall we fay for him, while we are taught to believe he fuffer'd not one act only both of cruelty andun- cleannefs in one Divorce, but made it a plain and lafting Law againft Law, wher- by tenthoufand acts accounted both cruel and unclean, might be daily committed, and this without the leaftfuit or petition of the People that we can read of. And can we conceive without vile thoughts, that the Majefty and Holinefs of God could endure fo many Ages to gratify a ftubborn people in the practice ofa foul polluting Sin ? and could he expect they fhould abftain, he not fignifying his mind in a plain command, at iuch time efpecially when be was framing their Laws and them to all poffible perfection ? But they were to look back to the firft infti- tution ■, nay rather why was not that individual inftitution brought out of Para- dife, as was that of the Sabbath, and repeated in the body of the Law, that men might have underftood it to be a command ? for that any fentence that bears the refemblance ofa precept, fet there fo out of place in another World, at fuch a di fiance from the whole Law, and not once mentioned there, fliou Id be an obli- ging command to us, is very difputable, and perhaps it might be deny'd to be a command without further diipute : however, it commands not abfolutely, as hath been clear'd, but only with reference to that precedent promife of God, which is the very ground of his inftitution ; if that appear not in fome tolerable fort, how can we affirm fuch a matrimony to be the fame which God inftituted ? In fuch an accident it will beft behoove our fobernefs to follow rather what moral Sinai prefcribes equal to our ftrength, than fondly to think within our ftrength of ail that loft Paradile relates. chap. xn. The third Shift of them who ejleem it a meer "Judicial Law* Provd again to be a Law of moral Equity. ANother while it fhall fuffice them, that it was not a moral but a judicial Law, and fo was abrogated : nay rather abrogated becaufe judicial; which Law the Miniftry of Chrift came not to deal with. And who put it in Man's power to exempt, where Chrift fpeaks in general of not abrogating the leaf: jot or tittle, and in fpecial not that of Divorce, becaufe it follows among thofe Laws which he promis'd exprefly not to abrogate, but to vindicate from abufive Tra- ditions ? which is moft evidently to be feen in the i6tb of Luke, where this cauti- on of not abrogating is inferted immediately, and not otherwife than purpofely, when no other pointof the Law istouch'd but that of Divorce. And if we mark the 31/? verfe of Mat. 5. he there cites not the Law of Mofes, but the licentious Glofs which tradue'd the Law ; that therfore which he cited, that he abrogated, and not only abrogated, but difallow'd and flatly condemned, which could not be the Law of Mofes, for that had been foully to the rebuke of his great Servant. To abro- gate a Law made with God's allowance, had been to tell us only that fuch a Law was now to ceafe : but to refute it with an ignominious note of civilizing Adultery, cafts the reproof which was meant only to the Pharilees, even upon him who made the Law. But yet if that be judicial which belongs to a Civil Court, this Law is lefs judicial than nine of the ten Commandments : for Antiquaries af- firm, that Divorces proceeded among the Jews without knowledge of the Magif- trate, only with Hands and Seals under the teftimony of fome Rabbi's to be then prefent. Perkins, in a Treatife ofConfcience, grants, that what in the judicial Law is of common equity, binds alio the Christian : and how to judge of this, pre- fcribes two ways •, If wife Nations have enacted the fame Decree : Or if it main- t the good of Family, Church, or Commonwealth. This therfore is a pure moral economical Law, too haftily imputed of tolerating Sin ; being rather fo clear 1 9 8 The DoElrine and clear in nature and reafon, that it was left to a man's own arblcrernerit ro be deter- mined between God and his own confeience •, not only among the Jews, but in e- very wile Nation ; the reftraint wherof, who is not too thick-fighted, may fee how hurtful and diftractive it is to the Houfe, the Church, and Commonwealth. And that power which Chrift never took from the Mafter of a Family, but recti- fied only to a right and wary ufe at home-, that power the undifcerning Canonift hath improperly ufurpt in his Court-leet, and befcribbled with athoufmd trifling, impertinencies, which yet have fill'd the life of man with llrious trouble and cala- mity. Yet grant it were of old a judicial Law, it need not be the lefs moral for that, being converfant as it is about Virtue or Vice. And our Saviour difputes not here the Judicature, for that was not his Office, but the morality of Divorce, whether it be Adultery or no ; if therfore he touch the Law of Mofes at all, he touches the moral part therof, which is abfurd to imagine, that the Covenant of Grace mould reform the exact and perfect Law of Works, eternal and immutable ; or if he touch not the Law at all, then is not the Allowance therof difallow'd to us. CHAP. XIII. The ridiculous Opinion that Divorce was permitted from the Cufiom ill iEgypt. ThatMoksgave not this Law unwilling- ly. Perkins confejfes this Law was not abrogated. O Thers are fo ridiculous as toalledge that this Licence of divorcing was given them becaufe they were foaccuftom'd in Mgyp. As if an ill Cuftom were to be kept to all pofterity, for the Difpenfation is both univerfal and of time unli- mited, and fo indeed no Difpenfation at all : for the over-dated Difpenfation of a thing unlawful, ferves for nothing but to increafe hardnefs of heart, and makes men but wax more incorrigible, which were a great reproach to be laid of any Law or Allowance that God fhould give us. In thefe Opinions it would be more Reli- gion to advife well, left we make our felves jufter than God, by cenfuring rafhly that for Sin which his unfpotted Law without rebuke allows, and his People with- out being confeious of difpleafing him have ufed, and if we can think fo of Mo- fes, as that the Jewifo obftinacy could compel him to write fuch impure permiffi- 6ns againft the Word of God and his own Judgment, doubtlefs it was his part to have protefted publicly what ftraits he was driven to, and to have declar'd his Confeience, when he gave any Law againft his mind : for the Law is the Touch- ftone of Sin and of Confeience, and muft not be intermix'd with corrupt Indul- gences ; for then it lofes the greateft praife it has of being certain, and infallible, not leading into error as all thejeivs were led by this Connivance of Mofes, if it were a Connivance. But ftill they fly back to the primitive Inftitution, and would have us re-enter Paradife againft the Sword that guards it. Whom I again thus re- ply to, that the place in Genejis contains the defcription of a fit and perfect Mar- riage, with an interdict of ever divorcing fuch a Union ; but where nature is dif- cover'd to have never joined indeed, but vehemently feeks to part, it cannot be there conceived that God forbids it, nay, he commands it both in the Law and in the Prophet Malachy, which is to be our rule. And Perkins upon this Chapter of Matthew deals plainly, that our Saviour here confutes not Mofes' Law, but the falfe Gloffes that deprav'd the Law ; which being true, Perkins muft needs grant, that fomething then is kit to that Law which Chrift found no fault with ; and what can that be but the confcionable ufe of fuch liberty, as the plain words im- port? So that by his own Inference, Chrift did not abfolutely intend to rertrain all Divorces to the only caufe of Adultery. This therfore is the true febpe of our Saviour's will, that he who looks upon the Law concerning Divorce, mould alfo look back upon the Inftitution, that he may endeavour what is perfected: and he that looks upon the Inftitution mall notrefufeas finful and unlawful thofe allow- ances which God affords him in his following Law, left he make himfelf purer than his Maker, and prefuming above ftrength, flip into temptations irrecover- ably. For this is wonderful, that in all thofe Decrees concerning Marriage, God fhould never once mention the prime Inftitution to diifuade them from divor- cing, and that he fhould forbid fmaller Sins as oppofite to the hardnefs of their hearts, and let this adulterous mattef of Div&rce pais ever unreproved. This c Dtfcipline ^Divorce. 199 This is alio to be marvelled, that feeing (Thrift didn.ot condemn whatever it w« s that Mcfcs fuffered, and thatthernpon the Chriftian Magiftrate permits Ufury an ' opcnStews, and here with us Adultery to be Co flightly punifhed, which waspu- nilhed by death to thefe hard-hearted Jews, why we fhould drain thus at the matter of Divorce, v, hich may ftand fomuch with Charity to permit, and make no fcru] i to allow Ufury efteem'd tobefomuchagainft Charity. Bur this it is to embroil our felves againft the righteous and all-wile Judgments and Statutes of God ; which are not variable and contrarious, as we would make them, one while per- mitting, and another while forbidding, but are moft conftantand mod harmoni- ous each to other. For how can the uncorrupt and majeftic Law of God, bear- ing in her hand the wages of life and death, harbour fuch a repugnance within her felf, as to require an unexempted and impartial Obedience to all her Decrees, either from us or from our Mediator, and yet debafe her felf to foulter fomanyAges with circumcis'd Adulteries by unclean and Qubbering Permiflions ? C H A P. XIV. 'That BczaV Opinion of regulating Sin by Apofiolic Last caniiot be found. YET Beza's Opinion is, that a politic Law, (but what politic Law, I know not, unlefsone of Machiavelh) may regulate Sin •, may bear indeed, I grant, with imperfection for a time, as thofe Canons of the Apoftles did in Ceremonial thing*! but as for Sin, the effence of it cannot confift with rule J and if the Law fail to regulate Sin, and not to take it utterly away, it necefiarily confirms and eftablifhes Sin. To make a regularity of Sin by Law, either 'the Law muft ftreigh- ten Sin into no Sin, or Sin muft; crook the Law into no Law. The Judicial Law can ferve to no other end than to be the Protector and Champion of Religion and honeft Civility, as is fet down plainly Rom. 13 and is but the arm of Moral Law, which can no more be feparate from Juftice, than Juftice from Virtue. Their of- fice alio, in a different manner, fleers the fame courfej the one teaches what is good by precept, the other unteaches what is bad by punifhment. But if we give way to public Difpenfuions of lewd Uncleannefs, the firft good confe- rence of fuch a relax will be the justifying ofPapalStews, join'dwith a toleration of epidemic Whoredom. Juftice muft revolt from the end of her Authority, and become the Patron of that wherof Ihe was created the Punifher. The exam- ple of Ufury, which is commonly alledged, makes againft the Allegation which it brings, as I touched before. Befides that Ufury, fo much as is permitted by the Magiftrate, and demanded by common equity, is neither againft the word of God, nor the rule of Charity, as hath been often difcufs'd by men of eminent Lear- ning and Judgment. There muft be therfore fome other example found out to fhew us wherein civil Policy may with warrant from God fettle Wickednefs by Law, and make that lawful which is lawlefs. Although I doubt not but upon deeper consideration, that which is true in Phytic will be found as true in Policy, that as of bad Pulfes thofe that beat moft in order, are much worfe than thofe that keep the moft inordinate circuit ; fo of popular Vices thofe that may be committed le- gally, will be more pernicious than thofe that are left to their own courfe at peril, not under a ftinted privilege to fin orderly and regularly, which is an im- plicite contradiction, but under due and fearlefs execution of punifhment. The political Law, fince it cannot regulate Vice, is to reftrain it by ufing all means to root it out. But if it fuffer the weed to grow up to any pleafurable or contented height upon what pretext foever, it faftensthe root, it prunes and dreffes Vice, as if it were a good Plant. Let no man doubt therfore to affirm, that it is notfo hurtful ordifhonourable to a Commonwealth, nor fomuch to the hardening of hearts, when thofe worfe faults pretended to be feared are committed, by whofo dares under ftrict and executed Penalty, as when thofe lefs faults tolerated for fear of greater harden their faces, not their hearts only, under the protection of public Authority. For what lefs indignity were this, than as if Juftice herfelf, the Queen of Virtues (de- fending from her fcepter'd Royalty) inftead of conquering fhould compound and treat with Sin, her eternal Adverfary and Rebel, upon ignoble terms ? or as if the Judicial 4 200 The Dotlrine and Judicial Law were like that untrufty Steward in the Gofpel, and in/lead of calling in the debts of his moral Mailer, mould give out iubtile and fly Acquittances tt ■y to keep himfelf from begging ? Or let us perfon him likefome wretched Itinerary Judo-e, who to gratify his Delinquets before him, would let them balely break his head, left they fhould pull him from the Bench, and throw him over the Bar. Un- lelswe had rather think both Moral and Judicial, full of malice and deadly pur- pofe, confpir'd to let the Debtor Ifraelite, the Seed of Abraham, run on upon a bankrout i'core, flatter'd with infufficient ,_and enfnaring Difcharges, that lo he might be haled to a more cruel forfeit for all the indulgent arrears which thole Ju- dicial Acquitments had engaged him in. No no, this cannot be, that the Law, whofe integrity and faithfulnefs is next to God, mould be either the fhamelefs bro- ker of our impunities, or the intended inftrument of our deftruction. The me- thod of holy correction, fuch as became the Commonwealth of Ifrael, is not to bribe fin with fin, to capitulate and hire out one crime with another ; but with more noble and graceful feverity than Popilius the Roman Legate ufed with Anti- cchus, to limit and level out the direct way from vice to virtue, with ftraightcft and exacteft lines on either fide, not winding or indenting fo much as to the right hand of fair pretences. Violence indeed and Infurrection may force the Law to f uffer what it cannot mend •, but to write a Decree in allowance of fin, as foon can the hand of Juftice rot off. Let this be ever concluded as a truth that will outlive the faith of thofe that feek to bear it down. CHAP. XV. That Divorce was not given for Wives o?ily> as Beza and Pa- rous write. More of the biflitution. LAftly, If Divorce were granted, as Beza and others fay, not for men, but to releafe afflicted Wives-, certainly it is not only a Difpenfarion, but a moft merciful Law ; and why it fhould not yet be in force, being wholly as needful, I know not what can be in caufe but fenfelefs cruelty. But yet to fay, Divorce was granted for relief of Wives rather than of Hufbands, is but weakly conjectu- red, and is manifeftly the extreme fhiit of a huddled expofition. Whenas it could not be found how hardnefs of heart fhould be leflen'd by liberty of Di- vorce, a fancy was devis'd to hide the flaw, by commenting that Divorce was permitted only for the help of Wives. Palpably uxorious ! who can be igno- rant that Woman was created for Man, and not Man for Woman, and that a Huf- band may be injur'd as infufferably in Marriage as a Wife ? What an injury is it .ifterWedloc not to be beloved ? what to be flighted ? what to be contended with in point of houfe-rule who fhall be the head ; not for any parity of wifdom, for that were fomething reafonable, but out of a female pride ? Ifuffer not, faith S. Paul, the Woman to ufurp authority over the Man. If the Apoftle could not fuffer it, in- to what mould is he mortified that can ? Solomon faith, That a bad Wife is to her Ihfband as rottennefs to his bones, a continual dropping. Better dwell in the corner of a houfe-top, or in the wildernefs, than with fuch an one. Whofo hidetb her, hi- deth the wind, and one of the four mifebiefs which the earth cannot bear. If the Spi- rit of God wrote fuch Aggravations as thefe, and (as may be gueft by thefe fimili- tudes) counfels the Man rather to divorce than to live with fuch acollegue ; and yet on the other fide expreffes nothing of the Wife's fuffering with a bad Huf- band : Is it not moft likely that God in his Law had more pity towards Man thus wedlock'd, than towards the Woman that was created for another ? The fame Spirit relates to us the courie which the Medes and Perjians took by occafion of Vafhti, whofe meer denial to come at her Hufband's fending, loft her die being Queen any longer, and kt up a wholefome Law, that every man fhould bear rule in his own houfe. And the Divine Relater lhews us not the leaft fign of difliking what was done •, how fhould he, if Mofes long before was nothing lefs mindful of the honour and pre-eminence due to Man ? So that to fay Divorce was grant- ed for Woman rather than Man, was but fondly invented. Efteeming therfore to have afferted thus an injur'd Law of Mofes, from the unwarranted and guilty name of a Difpenfation, to be again a moft equal and requifite Law, we have the Word of Chrift himfelf, that he came not to alter the leaft tittle of it ; and figni- fies DifcipHne ^Divorce. 2,0 i fi es no fmall difpleafure againft him that fhall teach to dofo. On which relying, I mail not much waver to affirm, that thofe words which are made to intimate as if they forbad all Divorce, but for Adultery, (tho'M^have conftituted otherwife) thofe words taken circumfcriptly, without regard to any precedent Law ofMofes t or atteftation of Chrift himfelf, or without care to preferve thofe his fundamen- tal and fuperiour Laws of Nature and Charity, to which all other Ordinances give up their Seals, are as much againft plain Equity and the Mercy of Religion, as thofe words of "Take, eat, this is my Body, elementally underftood, are againft Nature and Senfe. And furely the reftoring of this degraded Law hath well recompenc'd the dili- .gence was us'd by enlightning us further to find out wherfore Chrift took off the Pharifees from alledging the Law, and referr'd them to the firft inftitution ; not ' condemning, altering, orabolifhingthis preceptofDivorce,which isplainly moral, for that were againft his Truth, his Promife, and his prophetic Office ; but know- ing how fallacioufly they had cited and conceal'd the particular and natural reafon of the Law that they might juftify any froward reafon of their own, he lets go that Sophiftry unconvine'd, lor that had been to teach them elfe, which his purpofe was not. And fince they had taken a liberty which the Law gave not, he amufes and repels their tempting pride with a perfection ofParadife, which the Law re- quired not •, not therby to oblige our performance to that wherto the Law never enjoin'd the fallen eftate of Man : for if the firft inftitution muft makeWedloc, whatever happen, infeparable to us, itmuft make it alfoas perfect as meetly helpful, and as comfortable as God promis'd it fhould be, at lead in fome degree ; otherwife it is not equal or proportionable to the ftrength of Man, that he fhould be redu- ced into fuch indiifoluble bonds to his aflured mifery, if all the other conditions of that covenant be manifeftly alter'd. CHAP. XVI. How to he imder flood that they muflbeoneflefh\ and how that thofe whom God hath join V, Man JJjou 'Id 'not J under, NEXT he faith, they muft he one flejh ; which, when all conjecturing is done, will be found to import no more but to make legitimate and good the carnal a£t, which elfe might feem to have fomething of pollution in it ; and infers thus much over, that the fit union of their Souls be fuch as may even incorporate them to love and amity: but that can never be where no correfpondence is of the mind*, nay inftead of being one flefh, they will be rather two carcafes chain'd unnaturally together ■, or, as it may happen, a living foul bound to a dead corpfe, a punifhment too like that inflicTtecl by the Tyrant Mezentius, fo little worthy to be received as that remedy of lonelinefs which God meant us. Since we know it is not the join- ing of another body will remove lonelinefs, but the uniting of another compliab'e mind •, and that it is no bleffing but a torment, nay a bafe and brutiffi condition to be one flefti, unlefs where nature can in fome meafure fix a unity of difpofition. The meaning therfore of thefe words, For this caufe Jhall a Man leave his Father and his Mother, andftoall cleave to his Wife, was firft to fhew us the dear affection which naturally grows in every not unnatural Marriage, even to the leaving of Parents, or other familiarity whatfoever. Next, it juftifies a man in fo doing, that nothing is done undutifully to Father or Mother. But he that fhould be here flernly commanded to cleave to his error, a difpofition which to his he finds will never cement, a quotidian of forrow and difcontent in his houfe •, let us be excufed to paufe a little, and bethink us every way round ere we lay fuch a fiat Solecifm upon the gracious, and certainly not inexorable, not rufhlefs and flinty Ordi- nance of Marriage. For if the meaning ofthefe words muft be thus block'd up with- in their own letters from all equity and fair deduction, theywill fervethen well in- deed theirturn, who affirm Divorce to have been granted only forWives ; whenaswe fee no word of this Text binds Women, but Men only, what it binds. No marvel then if Salcmith (Sifter to Herod) lent a Writ of Eafe to Coftobarus her Hufband, which (as Jofepbus there attefts) was lawful only to Men. No marvel tho' Placid/a, the Sifter of Honorius, threatned the like to Earl Conftantius for a trivial caufe, as Photius relates from Olympiodorus. No marvel any thing, if Letters muft be turn'd into Paliiadoes, to ftakeout allrequifitefenfe fromentering totheirdueenlargement. Vol. I. Dd Laftly, 202 The Doctrine and Laftly, Chrift himfelf tells who fhould not beputafunder, namely, thofe whom God hath join'd. A plain folution of this great controveriy, if men would but ufe their eyes; for when is it that God may be faidtojoin ? when the parties and their friends confent ? No furely, for that may concur to lewdelt ends. Or is it when Church-Rites are finifh'd? Neither •, for the efficacy of thofe depends upon the prefuppofed fitnefs of either party. Perhaps after carnal knowledge : Leaft of all ; for that may join perfons whom neither Law nor Nature dares join. 'Tis left, that only then when the minds are fitly difpofed and enabled to maintain achear- ful converfation, to the folace and love of each other, according as God intended and promifed in the very firft foundation of Matrimony, Iztill make him a help-meet for him ; for furely what God intended and promifed, that only can be thought to be his joining, and not the contrary. So likewife the Apoftle witnrfieth, i Cor. y. 15. that in Marriage God hath called us to peace. And doubtlefs in what refpect he hath called us to marriage, in that alfo he hath join'd us. The reft, whom either difproportion or deadnefs of fpirit, or fomething diftafteful and averfe in the immutable bent of Nature renders conjugal, Error may have join'd, but God never join'd againfl the meaning of his own Ordinance. And if he join'd them not, then is there no power above their own confent to hinder them from unjoin- ing, when they cannot reap the fobereft ends of being together in any tolerable fort. Neither can it be faid properly that fuch twain were ever divore'd, but only parted from each other, as two perfons unconjunctive are unmarriable together. But if, whom God hath made a fit help, frowardnefs or private injuries hath made unfit, that being the fecretof Marriage, God can better judge than Man, neither is Man indeed fit or able to decide this matter : however it be, undoubt- edly a peaceful Divorce is a lefs evil, and lefs in fcandal than hateful, hard-heart- ed, and deftruftive continuance of Marriage in the judgment of Mofes and of Chrifl, that juftifies him in chufing the lefs evil ; which if it were an honeft- and civil prudence in the Law, what is there in the Gofpel forbidding fuch a kind of legal wifdom, though we mould admit the common Expofitors ? CHAP. XVJI The Sentence of Chrift concerning Divorce how to be expounded. What Grotius hath obfervd. Other Additions. HAving thus unfolded thofe ambiguous Reafons, wherwith Chrifl: (as his wont was) gave to the Pharifees that came to found him fuchananfwer astheyde- i'erved, it will not be uneafy to explain the Sentence itfelf that now follows-, Who- foever jhall put away his Wife, except it be for fornication, and fhall merry ano- ther, committeth adultery. Firft therfore I will fct down what is obferv'd by Gro- tius upon this point, a Man of general learning. Next, I produce what mine own thoughts gave me before I had feen his Annotations. Origen, faith he, notes that Chrifl; nam'd Adultery rather as one example of other like cafes, than as one only exception ; and that is frequent not only in human but in divine Laws, to cx- prefs one kind of fact, wherby other caufes of like nature may have the like pie.', as Exod. 2-1. 18, 19, 20, 26. Dent. 19. 5. And from the Maxims of Civil Law he fhews, that even in fharpeft penal Laws the fame reafon hath the lame right ; and in gentler Laws, that from like caufes to like the Law interprets rightly. But it may be objected, faith he, that nothing deftroysthe end of Wedlocfo much as Adultery. To which he anfwers, that Marriage was not ordain'd only for co- pulation, but for mutual help and comfort of life : and if we mark diligently the nature of our Saviour's commands, we ihall find that both their beginning and their end confifts in charity ; whofe will is that we fhould fo be good to others, as that we be not cruel to ourfelves : aad hence it appears why Mark and Luke, and S. Paul to the Corinthians, mentioning this precept of Chrift, add no exception, becaufe exceptions that arife from natural equity are included filently under general terms : it would be confidered therfore whether the fame equity may not have place in other cafes lefs frequent. Thus far he. From hence is what I add: Firft, that this faying of Chrift, as it is ufually expounded, can be no Law at all, that a Man far no caufe fhould feparatc but for Adultery, except it be a fispei- Difcip line ^Divorce. 20^ fupernatural Law, not binding us as we now are; had it been the Law of nature, either the- Jews, or Tome other wife and civil nation would have prefs'd it : or let it be fo, yet that Law, Dent. 24. 1. wherby a Man hath leave to part, whenas for juft and natural caufe difcover'd he cannot love, is a Law ancienter and deeper engraven in blame'efs nature than the other : therfore the infpired Lawgiver Mofes took care that this ihould be fpecify'd and allow'd ; the other he let vanifh in filence, nor once repeated in the Volume of his Law, even as the reafon of it variiih'd with Pa- radife. Secondly, this can be no new command, for the Gofpel enjoins no new morality, fave only the infinite enlargement of Charity, which in this refpect is cal- led the Nav Commandment by S. John, as being the accomplishment of every con: mand. Thirdly, it ismo command of perfection further than it partakes of Charity, which is the bond of perfection. Thole commands therfore which compel us to felf-cruelty above our Strength, fo hardly will help forward to perfection, that they hinder and fet backward in all the common rudiments of Christianity, as was prov'd. It being thus clear that the words of Christ can be no kind of command as they are vulgarly taken, we Shall now fee in what fenfe they mav be a command, and that an excellent one, the fame with that 'of Mofes, and no other. Mofes had granted, that only for a natural annoyance, defect, ordiflike, whether in body cr mind, (Sorfo the Helrela word plainly notes) which a man could not force hffhfelf to live with, he might give a bill of Divorce,' thcrby forbidding any btrler caufe wherin amendment or reconciliation might have place. This Law the Pharifees depraving, extended to any flight contentious caufe whatsoever. Chrift ther- fore Seeing where they halted, urges the negative part of the Law, which is necel- farily understood (for the determinate permifTion of Mofes binds them from further licence) and checking their mperdilious drift, declares that no accidental, tempo- rary, or reconcilable offence (except fornication) can jultify a Divorce. He touches not here thoSe natural and perpetual hindrances of fociety, whether in body or mind, which are not to be re'mov'd ; for fuch, as they are apteft tocaule an unchangeable offence, fo are they not capable of reconcilement, becaufenot of amendment : they do not break indeed, but they annihilate thebands of Marriage more than Adultery. For that fault committed argues not always a hatred either natural or incidental a- gainit whom it is committed-, neither does it infer adifability of all future helpfulnels, or loyalty, or loving agreement, being once palt and paraon'dj where it can be par- don'd : but that which naturally diftaites, ^wlfinds no favour in the eyes of Matri- mony, can never be conceal'd,- never appeased, never intermitted, but proves a per- petual nullity of love and contentment, a Solitude and dead vacation of all accep- table converllng. Mofes therfore permitsDivorce, but in cafes only that have no hands to join, and more need Separating than Adultery. ChrUt forbids it, but in mat- ters only that may accord, and thofe lefs than Fornication. . Thus is Mofes Lav/ here plainly confirm'd, and thofe caufes which he permitted not a jot gainfaid. And that this is the true meaning of this place I. prove by no lefs an Author tha/a S. P/?«7hrmfelf, 1 Cor. 7. 10, 11. "upon which Text Interpreters agree, that the" Apbftle only repeatsthepreceptof Chrift: where whilehefpeaks ofthe Wife's reconcilement to kcr Hujland, he puts it out of corftroverfy, that our Saviour meant chiefly matter:-; of Strife and reconcilement ; of which fort he would not that any. difference ihould be the occafion of Divorce, except Fornication. And that we may learn better how to value a grave and prudent Law of Mofes, and how Uriadviledly we fmattcr with our lips, when we talk of Christ's abolishing any Judicial Law of Ids great Father, except in fome circumstances which are Judaical rather than Judicial, and need no abolishing, but ceafe ofthcmlelves ; I Say again, that this recited Law of Mofes contains a caufe of Divorce greater beyond compare' than that for Adultery : anel whofb cannotfo conceive it, errs andwrongs exceedingly a Law of deep wiidoih for want of well fathoming. For let him mark,' no man urges thejuit divorcing of Adultery as it is a fin, but as it is an injury to Marriage; and tho' it be but once- committed, and that without malice, whether through importunity or opportuni- ty, theGofpeldoes not therfore difluadc him whowould therfore divorce ; but that natural hatred, whenever it arifes, is a greater evil in Marriage than the. accident of Adu'tery, a greater defrauding, a greater, injuftice, and yet not bhimeable, lie who underltands not after all this reprefenting, I doubt his Will like a hard Spleen draws latter than his Understanding canfanguify. Nor" did that man ever know or feel what it is to love truly, nor ever yet comprehended in his thqughts what the trde intent of Marriage is. And this alfo will be Somewhat above his reach, but yet no lefs a truth for lack of his perspective, that as no man apprehends . what vice is fo well as he who is truly virtuous, no man knows Hell like him Vol. I. D d 2 who £04 The DoBrine and who converfes mod in Heaven •, fo there is none that can eftimate the evil and the affliction of a natural hatred in Matrimony, unlefs he have a Soul gentle enough and ipacious enough to contemplate what is true love. And the reafonwhy men fo difefteem this wife- judging Law of God, and count hate or the not finding of 'favour ', as it is there term'd, a humorous, a difhoneft, and flight caufe of Divorce, isbecaufe themfelves apprehend fo little of what true con- cord means: for if they did, they would be jufter in their balancing between na- tural hatred and cafual adultery; this being but a tranfient injury, and foon amen- ded, I mean as to the party againll whom the trefpafs is : but the other being an unfpeakable and unremitting lorrow and offence, wherof no amends can be made, no cure, no ceafing but by Divorce, which like a divine touch in one moment heals all, and (like theWord of God) in one inftant hufhes outrageous tempefts in- to a fudden ftillnefs and peaceful calm. Yet all this fo great a good of God's own enlarging to us, is by the hard reins of them that fit us, wholly diverted and im- bezell'd from us. Malignersof mankind ! But who hath taught you to mangle thus, and make more games in the miferies of a blamelefs creature, with the leaden daggers of your literal Decrees, to whole eafe you cannot add the tithe of one fmall atom, but by letting alone your unhelpful Surgery. As for fuch as think wand- ring concupifcence to be here newly and more precifely forbidden than it was be- fore, if the Apoftle can convince them, we know that we are to know luft by the Law, and not by any new difcovery of the Gofpel. The Law of Mofes knew what it permitted, and the Gofpel knew what it forbid; he that under a peevifh conceit of debarring concupifcence, fhall go about to make a Novice of Mofes, (not to fay a worfe thing, for reverence fake) and fuch a one of Godhimlelf as is a horror to think, to bind our Saviour in the default of a downright promife- breaking, and to bind the difunions of complaining nature, in chains together, and curb them with a Canon Bit, 'tis he that commits all the whoredom and adultery which him- felf adjudges, befides the former guilt fo manifold that lies upon him. And if none of thefe confiderations, with all their weight and gravity, can avail to the difpoflefllnghimofhispreciousLiteralifm, letfomeone orother entreat himbutto read on in the fame ityh of Matth. till he come to that place that fays, Some make themfelves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's fake. And if then he pleafe to make ufe of Origen's Knife, he may do well to be his own Carver. CHAP. XVIII. Whether the Words of our Saviour be rightly expounded only of aBual Fornication to be the caufe of Divorce. The Opi- nion 0/* Grotius, with other Reafons. BU T becaufe we know that Chrift never gave a Judicial Law, and that the word Fornication is varioufly fignificant in Scripture, it will be much right tlone to our Saviour's words, to confider diligently whether it be meant here that nothing but actual fornication prov'd by witnefs can warrant a Divorce, for fo our Canon Law judges. Neverthelefs, as I find that Grotius on this place hath obferv'd the Chriftian Emperors, Theodqfius the fecond and Juftinian, Men of high Wifdom and reputed Piety, decreed it to be a divorcive Fornication, if the Wife attempted either againft the knowledge, or obftinately againft the will of her Hufband, fuch things as gave open fufpicion of adulterizing, as the wilful haunting of Feafts, and Invitations with men not of her near Kindred, the lying forth of her Houfe, without probable caufe, the frequenting of Theatres againft her Hufband's mind, her endeavour to prevent or deftroy Conception. Hence that ofjerom, where Fornication is fufpetled, the Wife may lawfully be divorced: not that every motion of a jealous mind fhould be regarded, but that it mould not be exacted to prove all things by the vifibility of Law witneffing, or elfe to hood- wink the Mind : for the Law is not able to judge of thefe things but by the rule of Equity, and by permitting a wife man to walk the middle way of prudent circumfpedtion, neither wretchedly jealous, nor ftupidly and tamely patient. To this purpofe hath Grotius in his Notes. He fhews alfo that Fornication is taken in Scripture for fuch a continual headftrong Behaviour, as tends to plain con- tempt of the Hufband, and proves it out of Judges 19. 2. where the Lm'/^sWife is Difcipline ^Divorce. 205 is faid to have plaid the whore againft him ; which Jofephus and the Septuagint* with the Chaldean, interpret only of Stubbornnefs and Rebellion againft her Huf- band: and to this I add, that Kimchi, and the two other Rabbies who glofs theText, are in the fame Opinion. Ben Gerfom reafons, thac had it beenWhoredom, a Jew and a Levite would have difdain'd to fetch her again. And this I fliall contri- bute, that had it been Whoredom, fhe would havechofen any other place to run to than to her Father's houfe, it being fo infamous for an Hebrew Woman to play the Harlot, and fo opprobrious to the Parents. Fornication then in this place of the Judges is underftood for ftubborn Difobedience againft the Hufband, and not for Adultery. A Sin of that hidden activity, as to be already committed when no more is done, but only look'd unchaftly : which yet I fhould be loth to judge worthy a Divorce, though in our Saviour's Language it be called Adultery. Ne- ver thelefs when palpable and frequent figns are given, the Law of God, Num. 5. fo far gave way to the Jealoufyofa Man, as that the Woman, fet before the Sanc- tuary with her head uncover'd, was adjur'd by thePrieft to fwear whether lhe were falle or no, and conftrain'd to drink that bitter water with an undoubted curfe of rottennefs and tympany to follow, unlefs fhe were innocent. And the jealous man had not been guiltlefs before God, as feems by the laft Verfe, if having fuch a fufpicion in his head, he fhould neglect his trial ; which if to this day it be not to be us'd, or be thought as uncertain of effect as our antiquated Law of Ordalium, yet all equity will judge that many adulterous demeanours, which are of lewd fuf- picion and example, may be held fufHcient to incur a Divorce, though the Aft it felf hath not been prov'd. And feeing the Generofny of our Nation is fo, as to account no reproach more abominable than to be nick-nam'd the Hufband of an Adulterefs, that our Law fhould not be as ample as the Law of God, to vindi- cate a Man from that ignoble fufferance, is our barbarous unfkilfulnefs, not con- fidering that the Law fhould be exafperated according to our eftimation of the injury. And if it muft befuffer'd till the aft be vifibly prov'd, Solomon himfelf, whofe judgment will be granted to furpafs the acutenefs of any Canonift, confeffes, Prov. 30. 19, 20. that for the aft of Adultery it is as difficult to be found as the track of an eagle in the air, or the way of a flnp in the fea ; fo that a Man maybe put to unmanly indignities ere it be found out. This therfore may be enough to inform us, that divorcive Adultery is not limited by our Saviour to the utmoft aft, and that to be attefted always by eye-witnefs, but may be extended alfo to di- vers obvious aftions, which either plainly lead to Adultery, or give fuch preemp- tion wherby fenfible men may fulpeft the deed to be already done. And this the rather may be thought, in that our Saviour chofe to ufe the word Fornication , which word is found to fignify other matrimonial Tranfgreffions of main breach to that Covenant befides aftual Adultery. For that Sin needed not the riddance of Divorce, but of Death by the Law, which was active even till then by the ex- ample of the Woman taken in Adultery ; or if the Law had been dormant, our Saviour was more likely to have told them of their negleft, than to have let a capital crime fdently fcape into a Divorce ; or if itbe faid, his bufinefs was not to tell them what was criminal in the civil Courts, but what wasfintul at the Bar of Con- fcience, how dare they then, having no other ground than thefe our Saviour's words, draw that into the trial of Law, which both by Mofes and our Saviour was left to the jurifdiftion of Confluence ? But we take from our Saviour, fiy they, only that it was Adultery, and our Law of itfelf applies the Punifhment. But by their leave that fo argue, the great Lawgiver of all the World, who knew belt what was Adultery, both to the Jew and to the Gentile, appointed no fuch applying, and never likes when mortal men will be vainly prefuming to outftrip his Juilice. CHAP 20 6 The Doctrine and CHAP. XIX. Chrift" s manner of teaching. S. Paul adds to this matter of Divorce without command, to Jhew the matter to be of e- quity, not of rigour. I'hat the Bondage of a Chrift i an may be as much, a?id his Peace as little, in fame other Marriages befdes Idolatrous. If thofe argume?tts therfore be good i7t that one cafe, why not in thofe other f Therfore the Apoftle him- Jelf adds h to?s toivtois. THUS at length we fee both by this and other places, that there is fcarce any one faying in the Gofpel but mult be read with limitations and dif- tinctions to ■ be rightly u'ndcrftood ; for Chrift gives no full Comments or conti- nued Dilcouries, but (as Demetrius the. Rhetorician phrafes it) ipeaksoftin Mo- nofyllables, like a Mailer fcattering the heavenly grain of his Doctrine like Pearls here and there, which requires a fkilful and laborious Gatherer, whomuft compare the words he finds with other precepts, with the end of every Ordinance, and with the general Analogy of Evangelic Doctrine : otherwife many particular Sayings would be but itrange repugnant Riddles, and the Church would offend in granting Divorce for Frigidity, which is not here excepted with Adultery, but by them ad- ded. And this was it undoubtedly, which gave reafon to S. Paul ot his own Au- thority, as he profetTes, and without command from the Lord, to enlarge the fejining construction of thofe places in the Gofpel, by adding a cafe wherin a perfon defeated, which is fomething lefs than divore'd, may lawfully marry again. And having declar'd his Opinion in one cafe, he leaves a further liberty for Cliri- ftian prudence to determine in cafes of like importance, words fo plain as not to be Jhifted off, that a brother or ajtftet is not under bondage in fueh cafes ; adding alfo, that God hath called us to peace in Marriage. Now it it be plain that a Chriltian may be brought into unworthy bondage, and his religious peace rot only interrupted now and then, but perpetually and finally hindred inWedloc, by mif-yoking with a diverfity of Nature as well as of Re- ligion, the rcafonsofS. Paid cannot be made fpecial to thatonecafe of Infidelity, but are ol equal moment to a Divorce, wherever Chriltian Liberty and Peace are without fault equally obstructed : That the Ordinance which God gave to our comfort may not be pinned upon us to our undefcrved thraldom, to be coop'd up as it were in mockery of Wedloc, to a perpetual betroth'd Lonelinefs and Dif- content, if nothing worfe enfue. There being nought die of Marriage left be- tv. c-en fuch, but a'difplcaiing and fore'd remedy againft the (ting of a brute defire : which rlefhly accuftoming without the Soul's union and commixture of intellectual delight, as it is rather a foiling than a fulfilling of Marriage-Rites, fo it is enough to abafe the mettle of a generous fpirit, and links him to a low and vulgar pitch ol endeavour in all his actions, or (which is worfe) leaves him in a defpairing plight of abject and hardned thoughts : which condition rather than a good man fhould fall into, a man ulllul in the fervice of God and Mankind, Chrift himfelf hath taught us todifpenfe with the molt facred Ordinance of his Worfhip, even lor a bodily healing to dilpenfc with that holy and fpeculative Relt of Sabbath, much more then with the erroneous obfervance of an ill-knotted Marriage, for the fuitaining of an overcharged faith ami perfeverance. C II A P, DifcipUne ^/Divorce. 207 CHAP. XX. The meaning ofS. Paul, that Charity believeth all things. What is to be J aid to the Licence which is vainly fear d will grow here- by. IVhat tothofe who never have do?ie prefer ibing patience in this cafe. 'The Papijl mofl fever e againfl Divorce, yet moft eafy to all Lice?tce. Of all the miferies in Marriage God is to be cleared, and the faults to be laid on Mans unjufl Laws. AND tho' had caufes would take licence by this pretext, if that cannot be remedied, upon their Confciencebe it whofhall lb do. This was that hard - ne'fs of heart, and abufe of a good Law, which Mofes was content to fuffer, rather than good men fhould not have it at all to ufe needfully. And he who to run af- ter one loft fheep left ninety nine of his own flock at random in the wildernefs, would little perplex his thoughts for the obduring of nine hundred and ninety fuch. as will daily take worfe liberties, whether they have permilfion or not. To con- clude, as without charity God hath given no commandment to men, fo without it neither ran men rightly believe any commandment given. For every aft of true Faith, as well that wherby we believe the Law, as that wherby we endeavour the Law, is wrought in us by Charity, according to that in the Divine Hymn of S. Paul, 1 Cor. 13. Charity believeth all things ; not as if fhe were fo credulous, which is the Expofition hithertocurrent, for thatwerea trivial Praife, but to teach us that Charity is the high Govemefs of our Belief, and that we cannot fafely af- fent to any precept written in the Bible, but as Charity commends it to us. Which agrees with that of the fame Apoftle to the Eph. 4. 14, 15. where he tells us, that the way to get a fure undoubted knowledge of things, is to hold that for Truth which accords moft with Charity. Whofe unerring guidance and conduct having follow'd as a Load-ftar, with all diligence and fidelity, in this queftion, I truft (through the help of that illuminating Spirit which hath favour'd me) to have done no every day's work, in afferting after many Ages the words of Chrift, with other Scriptures of great concernment, from burdenfome and remorfelefs obfeurity, tangled with manifold repugnancies, to their native luftre and confent between each other ; hereby alfo diffolving tedious and Gordian difficulties, which have hitherto molefted the Church of God, and arc nowdecided not with the Sword of Alexander, butwiththc immaculate hands of Charity, to the unfpeakable good of Chriftendom. And let the extreme Literaliftfitdown now, and revolve whether this in all neceifity be not the due refill t of our Saviour's words, or if he perfiftto beotherwife opinion 'd, let him well advife, left thinking to gripe fall the Gofpel, he be found inftead with the Canon Law in his lift : whofe boifterous Edicts tyrannizing the bleffed Or- dinance of Marriage into the quality of a moft unnatural and unchriftianly yoke, have given the flefh this advantage to hate it, and turn afide, oftimes unwilling- ly, to all diflbluteuncleannefs, even till punifhment itfelf is weary of and overcome by the incredible frequency of trading Luft and uncontroll'd Adulteries. Yet Men whofe Creed is Cuftom, I doubt will be ftill endeavouring to hide the floth ot their own timorous Capacities with this pretext, that for all this 'tis better to en- dure with patience and filer.ee this Affliction which God hath fent. And I agree 'tis true, if this be exhorted and not enjoin'd •, but withal it will be wilely done to be as fure as may be, that what man's iniquity hath laid on be not imputed to God's fending, left under the colour of an affected patience we detain our felves at the gu'ph's mouth of many hideous Temptations, not to be withftood without proper gifts, which (as Perkins well notes) God gives not ordinarily, no not to moft ear- neft Prayers. Therfore we pray, Lead us not into Temptation ; a vain Prayer, it ha- ving led our felves thither, we love to ftray in that perilous condition. God fends remedies as well as evils,under which he who lies and groans, that may lawfully ac- quit himfelf, is acceflbry to his own ruin •, nor will it excufe him tho' he fuffer thro' a fluggifh fearfulnefs to fearch throughly what is lawful, for fear of difqui- etingthe fecure falfity of an old Opinion. "Who doubts not but that it maybe pioufly iaid, to him who would clifmifs his frigidity, Bear your trial, take it as if God would have you live this life of continence? if he exhort this, I hear him as an Angel .08 The Doctrine and Angel, tho' he fpake without warrant •, but if he would compel me, I know him for Satan. I'o him who divorces an Adutterels, Piety might fay, Pardon her ; you may mew much mercy, you may win a Soul : yet the Law both ot God and Man leaves it freely to him ; for God loves not to plow upon the hearts ot our endeavours with over-hard and fad talks. God delights not to make a drudge of Virtue,whofe Actions muft be all elective and unconftrained. Forc'd Virtue is as a bolt over- mot, it goes neither forward nor backward, and does no good as it ftands. Seeing therfore that neither Scripture nor Reafon hath laid this unjufh aufterity upon Di- vorce, we may refolve that nothing elfe hath wrought it but that letter-bound Ser- vility of the Canon Doctors, fuppofing Marriage to be a Sacrament, and out of the art they have to lay unneceflary burdens upon all Men, to make a fair fhew in the flefhly oblervance of Matrimony, though Peace and Love with all other conju- gal refpects fire never fo ill. And indeed the Papifts, who were the ftricteft fbr- bidders of Divorce, are the eafieft Libertines to admit of grofTer uncleannefs •, as if they hadadefignby making Wedloc a fupportlefs yoke, to violate it moft,under colour of prelerving it moft inviolable ; and withal delighting (as their myftery is) to make men theday-labourersof their own afflictions, asif there were fuch afcarcity of miferies from abroad, thatwe mould be made to melt our choiceft homeBlefTings, and coin them into CrofTes, for want wherby to hold commerce with patience. If any therfore whofhall hap to read this Difcourfe, hath been through mifadven- ture ill engaged in this contracted evil here complain'd of, and finds the fits and workings of a high impatience frequently upon him, of all thole wild words which men in mifery think to eafe themfelves by uttering, let him not open his lips a- gainft the Providence of Heaven, or tax the ways of God and his divine Truth v for they are equal, eafy, and not burdenfome •, nor do they ever crofs the juftand reafonable defires of men, nor involve this our portion of mortal life into a ne- ceflity of fadnefs and malecontent, by Laws commanding over the unreducible Antipathies of Nature, fooner or later found, but allow us to remedy and ihake off thole evils into which human error hath led us through the midft of our belt intentions, and to fupport our incident extremities by that authentic precept of Sovereign Charity, whofe grand Commifiion is to do and to difpofe over all the Ordinances of God to Man, that love and truth may advance each other to ever- lafting. While we, literally fuperftitious through cuftomary faintnefs of heat, not venturing to pierce with our free thoughts into the full latitude of Nature and Religion, abandon ourfelves to ferve under the tyranny of ufurp'd Opinions, fuf- fering thofe Ordinances which were allotted to our folaceand reviving, to trample over us, and hale us into a multitude offorrows, which God never meant us. And where he fets us in a fair allowance of way, with honeft liberty and prudence to our guard, we never leave fubtilizing and cafuiftingtill we have ftraitned and pared that liberal path into aRazor'sedge to walk on, between a precipice of unneceflary mifchief on either fide •, and ftarting at every falfe Alarm, we do not know which way to fet a foot forward with manly Confidence and Chriftian Refolution, thro' the confufed ringing in our ears of panic fcruples and amazements. CHAP. XXI. TIjat the Matter of Divorce is not to be try d by Law y but by Confcie7Ke i as many other Sins are. The Magiflrate can only fee that the condition of Divorce bejufl and equal. The Opinion of Fagius, and the Reafons of this Affertion. ANother act of Papal Encroachment it was, to pluck the power and arbitrement of Divorce from the Mafter of the Family, intowhofe handsGod and the Law otall Nations had putit,andChriftfoleftit,preachingonlytotheConfcience,andnot authorizing a Judicial Court to tofs about and divulge the uncaccountable and fecret reafon of difaffection between ManandWife, asathing moft improperly anfwerable toany fuch kind of trial. But thePopes of Rome, perceiving the great Revenue and high Authority itwouldgive themeven over Princes, to havethe judgingand deci- ding of fuchamain confequence inth« life of man as was Divorce, wrought lb upon the Difcipline of Divorce. 209 the Supcrftition of thofe Ages, as to diveft them of that right which God from the beginning had entrufted to the Hufband: by which means they fubjecled that an- cient and naturally domeftic Prerogative to an external and unbefitting Judica- ture. For although differences in Divorce about Dowries, Jointures, and the like, befides the punifhing of Adultery, ought not to pafs without referring, if need be, to the Magistrate ; yet that the abfolute and final hindring of Divorce cannot be- long to any civil or earthly power, againft the will and confent of both parties, or of the Hufband alone, fome reafons will be here urg'd as fhall not need to de- cline the touch. Butfirft I fhall recite what hath been already yielded by others in favour of this Opinion. Grotitts and many more agree, thatnotwithttandino- what Chrift fpake therin to the Confcience, the Magiftrate is not therby cnjoin'd atight againft the prefervation of civil peace, of equity, and of convenience. Among tlide Fagias is moft remarkable, and gives the fame liberty of pronouncino- Divorce to the Cbriftian Magiftrate as the Mofaic had. For whatever (faith he) Cbrijl fpake to the regenerate, the Judge bath to deal with the vulgar: if therfore any through bard- nefs of heart will not be a tolerable Wife to her Hufband, it will be lawful as well now as of old to pafs the bill of Divorce, not by private, lui by public authority. Nor doth Man feparate them then, but God by his Law of Divorce given by Moles. What car. hinder the Magiftrate from fo doing, to whofe government all outward things are; ' to feparate and remove from perpetual vexation, and no fmall danger, thojc bodies whofe minds are already feparate ; it being his office to procure peaceable an j. convenient living in the Commonwealth; and being as certain alfo, that they fo wcejfarily feparated cannot all receive a Jingle life? And this I obferve, that our Divines do generally condemn reparation of bed and board, without the liberty of fecond choice: if that therfore in fome cafes be moft purely necefTary, as who fo blockifh to deny, then is this alfo as needful. Thus far by others is already well ftept, to inform us that Divorce is not a matter of Law, but of Charity: if there remain a furlong yet to end the queftion, thefe following reafons may ferve to gain it with any apprehenfion not too unlearned or too wayward. Firft becaufe oft-times the caufes of feeking Divorce refide fo deeply in the radical and inno- cent affedtions of Nature, as is not within the diocefe of Law to tamper with. O- thef relations may aptly enough be held together by a civil and virtuous love: but the duties of Man and Wife arc fuch as are chiefly converfant in that love, which is moft ancient and meerly natural, whofe two prime ftatutes are to join itfelf to that which is good, and acceptable, and friendly •, and to turn afide and de- part from what is difagreeable, difpleafing, and unlike : of the two this lat- ter is the ftrongeft, and moft equal to be regarded ; for although a Man may often be unjuft in feeking that which he loves, yet he can never beunjuftor blameable in retiring from his endlefs trouble and diftaftc, whenas his tarrying can redound to no true content on either fide. Hate is of all things the mightielt divider, nay is divifion it felf. To couple hatred therfore, though wedloc try a'l her golden links, and borrow to her aid all the iron manacles and fetters of Law, it does but feek to twill a rope of land, which was a tafk they fay that pos'd the Devil : and that fluggifh fiend in hell, Ocnns, whom the Poems tell of, brought his idle cordage to as good effect, which never ferv'd to bind with, but to feed the Afs that ftood at his elbow. And that the reftriclive Law againft Divorce attains as little to bind any thing truly in a disjointed Marriage, or to keep it bound, but ferves only to feci the ignorance and definitive impertinence of a doltilh Ca- non, were no abfurd allufion. To hinder therfore thofe deep and ferious regreiTes of Nature in a reafonable foal, parting from that miftaken help which he juftly feeks in aperfon created for him, recollecting himfelf from an unmeet help which was never meant, and to detain him by compulfion in fuch an unpredeftin'd mi- fery as this, is in diameter againft both Nature and Inftitution: but to interpofe a Jurildiclive Power over the inward and irremediable difpofition of Man, to command love and fympathy, to forbid difiike againft theguiltlefsinftinct of Na- ture,, is not within the Province of any Law to reach, and were indeed an uncom- modious rudenefs, not a juft power: for that Law may bandy with Nature, and traverfeher fage motions, was an error in Collides the Rhetorician, whomSo- t rates from high principles confutes in Plato's Gorgias. II therfore Divorce may be fo natural, and that Law and Nature are not to go contrary; then to forbid Di- vorce compulfively, is not only againft Nature, but againft Law. Next, it muft be remembred that all Law is for fome good that may be frequent- ly attained without the admixture of a worie inconvenience; and therfore many grofs faults, as ingratitude and the like, which are too far within the foul to be Voi. I. cur'd ^o The DoSirine and cur'd by conftraint of Law, are left only to be wrought on by confcience and perfuafion. Which made Arijlotle, in the iothof his Ethics to Nicomachus, aim at a kind of divifion of Law into private or perfwafive, and public or compulfive. Hence it is that the Law forbidding Divorce, never attains to any good end of fuch Prohibition, but rather multiplies evil. For if Nature's refiftlefs Tway in love or hate be once compell'd, it grows carelefs of it felf, vicious, ufelefs to friends, unferviceable and fpiritlefs to the Commonwealth. Which Mofes right- ly forefaw, and all wife Lawgivers that ever knew Man, what kind of creature he was. The Par lament alfo and Clergy of England were not ignorant of this* when they confented that Harry the 8th might put away his Queen Anne of Cleve, whom he could not like after he had been wedded half a year-, unlefs it were that,, contrary to the Proverb, they made a neceffity of that which might have been a virtue in them to do : for even the freedom and eminence of Man's creation gives, him to be a Law in this matter to himfelf, being the head of the other fex which was made for him •, whom therfore though he ought not to injure, yet neither mould he be forc'd to retain in focicty to his own overthrow, nor to hear any Judge therin above himfelf. It being alfo an unfeemly affront to the fequeftred and veiled modefty of that Sex, to have her unpleafingnefs and other concealments bandied up and down, and aggravated in open Court by thofe hir'd matters of Tongue-fence. Such uncomely exigencies it befel no lefs a Majefty than Henry the VIII. to be redue'd to, who finding juft reafon in his confcience to forgo his brother's Wife, after many indignities of being deluded, and made a boy of by thofe his two Cardinal Judges, was conftrain'd at laft, for want of other proof, that fhe had been carnally known by Prince Arthur, even to uncover the nakednefs of that virtuous Lady, and to recite openly the obfeene evidence of his Brother's Chamberlain. Yet it pleas'd God to make him fee all the Tyranny of Rome, by difcovering this which they cxercis'd over Divorce, and to make him the begin- ner of a Reformation to this whole Kingdom, by firft afTerting into hisfamiliqry Power the Right of juft Divorce. 'Tis true,, an Adulterefs cannot be fhamed e- nough by any public proceeding-, but that Woman whole honour is not appeach'd, is lefsinjur'd by a filent difmiffion, being otherwife not illiberally dealt with, than- to endure a clamouring debate of utter lefs things, in a bufinefs of that civil fe- crecy and difficult difcerning, as not to be over-much queftion'd by neareft Friends. Which drew that anfwer from the greateft and worthier! Roman of his time, Paulus Emilius, being demanded why he would put away his Wife for no vifible reafon? This Shoe (faid he, and held it out on his foot) is a neat Jhoe, a nezvjhoe, and yet none of you know where it wrings me : much lefs by the unfami iar cognizance of a fee'd Gamefter can fuch a private difference be examin'd, neither ought it. Again, if Law aim at the firm eftablifhment and prefervation of matrimonial faith, we know that cannot thrive under violent means, but is the more violated. It is not when two unfortunately met are by the Canon forc'd to draw in that yoke an unmerciful day's work of forrow till death unharnels 'em, that then the Law keeps Marriage moft unviolated and unbroken -, but when the Law takes order that Marriage be accountant and refponfible to perform that fociety, whether it be religious, civil, or corporal, which may be confeionably requir'd and claim'd therin, or elfe to be diflblv'd if it cannot be undergone. This is to make Mar- riage moft indiflbluble, by making it a juft and equal dealer, a performer of thole due helps which inftituted the Covenant, being otherwife a moft unjuft con- tract, and no more to be maintain'd under tuition of Law than the vileft fraud, or cheat, or theft that maybe committed. But becaufe this is fuch a fecret kind of fraud or theft, as cannot be difcern'd by Law, but only by the Plaintiff" him- felf; therfore to divorce was never counted a political or civil offence neither to few nor Gentile, nor by any judicial intendment of Chrift, further than could be difcern'd to tranfgrefs the allowance of Mofes, which was of neceffity fo large, that it doth all one as if it lent back the matter undeterminable at Law, and intracta- ble by rough dealing, to have inftrudtions and admonitions beftow'd about it by them whole ipiritual office is to adjure and to denounce, and fo left to the Con- fcience. The Law can only appoint the juft and equal conditions of Divorce, and is to look how it is an injury to thedivore'd, which in truth it can be none, as a meer reparation; for if fhe confent, wherin has the Law to right her? or confent not, then is it either juft, and fo deferved ; or if unjuft, fuch in all likelihood was the Divorcer: and to part from an unjuft Man is a luppinefs, and no injury to be lamented. But fuppole it be an injury, the Law is not able to amend it, unlefs flic think it other than a miferable redrefs to return back from whence fhe was expell'd. D if upline of Divorce. expell'd, or but intreated to be gone, or elfc to live apart ftill married without Mar- riage*, a married Widow. Laft, if it be to chaften the Divorcer, what Law punifh- es a deed which is not moral but natural, a deed which cannot certainly be found to bean injury? or howcanitbe punifli'dbyprohibitingtheDivorce,but thatthe In- nocent mufl: equally partake both in the (name and in the fmart ? So that which way foever we look, the Law can to no rational purpofe forbid Divorce, it can only take care that the conditions of Divorce be not injurious. Thus then we fee the trial of Law how impertinent it is to this quell ion of Divorce, how helplefs next, and then how hurtful. CHAP. XXII. The lafl Reafon why Divorce is ?iot to be reftramed by Law, it being again/} the Law of Nature a?id of Nations. The .Jarger proof whereof referred to Mr. Selden'j- Book De Jure Naturali & Gentium. An Objection of Parous an- fwered. How it ought to be ordered by the Church. That this will not breed any warfe inconvenience, nor fo bad as is now fuffered. THerfore the lafl: Reafon why it fhould notbc,isthe example we have,not on- ly from the noblefl and wifeft: Commonwealths, guided by the cleared light of human knowledge, but alfo from the divine Ted imonies of God himfelf, law- giving in perfon to a fanctiricd people. That all this is true, whofodefires to know at large with'leafr. pains,and expects not here over-long rehearfals of that which is by others already fo judicioufly gather'd,let him haft-en to be acquainted with that nobleVolume written by our he.\medSelden,Of the Law of Nature and. of Nations, a Work more ufeful and more worthy to be perus'd by whofoever ftudies to be a great Man in wifdom, equity, and juftice, than all thofe Decretals and fumlefs Sums, which the Pontifical Clerks have doted on, ever fince that unfortunate Mo- ther famoufly finn'd thrice, and died impenitent of her bringing into the World thofe two mifbegotten Infants, and for ever Infants, Lombard and Gratian, him the Compiler of Canon iniquity, t'other the Tubalcain of Scholaftic Sophiftry, whofe overfpreading Barbarifm hath not only infus'd their own baftardy upon the fruitfulleft part of human Learning, not only diflipated and dejected the clear light of Nature in us, and of Nations, but hath tainted alfo the fountains of Di- vine Doctrine, and render'd the pure and folid Law of God unbeneficial to us by their calumnious Dunceries. Yet this Law which their unfkilfulnefs hath made liable to all ignominy, the purity and wifdom of this Law fhall be the buckler of our difpute. Liberty of Divorce we claim not, we think not but from this Law •, the dignity, the fiuth, the authority therof is now g.own among Chriftiaris. O aftonifhment ! a labour of no mean difficulty and envy to defend. That it mould not be counteda faltring difpenfe, a flattering permiflion of fin, the bill of Adultery, a fnare, is the expence of all thisApolbgy. And all that we folicitis, that it may be fuffered to ftand in the place where God fet it, amidfl the Firma- ment of his holy Laws, to fhine, as it was wont, upon the weakriefTes and errors of Men, perifhing elfe in thefincerity of their honeit purpofes : for certain there is no memory of Whoredoms and Adulteries left amo ow, when this war- ranted freedom of God's own giving is made dangerous and difcai a fcrole of licence. It muff, be your fufltages and votes, Englifbmen, that this exploded Decree of God and Mofes may fcape and come off fair, without the cenfure of a fhameful abrogating : which, if yonder Sun ride fure, and means no: to break word with us to-morrow, was never yet abrogated by our Saviour. Give fentei if you pleafe, that the frivolous Canon may reverie the infallible judgment ol Mofes and his great Director. Or if it be the reformed Writers whofe Doctrine perl wades this rather, their Reafons I dare affirm are al! filenc'd, unlefs it be oniy this. Parkas on the Corinthians would prove that hardni fs of heart in Divorce is no more now to be permitted, but to be amere'd w ith Tine and Irn- prifonment. I am not willing to difcover the forgettings of Reverend Men, \ here I mull : What article or claufe of the whole new Coven ;nt can Parous bi ii to exafperate the Judicial Law, upon any infirmity unci l l G fpel? (I fay Vol. I. E e 2 infirm; 211 21 T'he Doctrine and infirmity, For if it were the high hand of fin, the Law as little would have en- dur'd it as the Goipel) it would not ftretchto the dividing of an Inheritance-, ic refus'd to condemn Adultery, not that thefe things fhould not be done at Lav/, but to fhew that the Goipel hath not the leaft influence upon Judicial Courts, much lefs to make them fharper and more heavy, leaft of all to arraign before a tempo- ral Judge that which the Law without Summons acquitted. But (faith he) the Law was the time of youth, under violent affections ; the Gofpel in us is mature! ao-e, and ought to fubdue affections. 'True, and fo ought the Law too, if they be found inordinate, and not meerly natural and blamelefs. Next I difringuifn, that the time of the Law is compar'd to Youth and Pupillage in refpecf. ol the Cere- monial part, which led the Jiws as children through corporal and gariih rudi- ments, until the fulnefs of time fhould reveal to them the higher leffons of Faith and Redemption. This is not meant of the moral part, thef in it foberly concern'd them not to be Babies, but to be Men in good earneft : the fad and awful Ma- jelly of that Law was not to be jelled with : to bring a bearded Nonage with laf- civious Difpenfations before thatThrone,had been a lewd affront,as it is now a grofs miftake. But what Difcipline is this, Paraus, to nouriih violent affeftions in Youth, by cockering and wanton Indigencies, and to chaftife them in mature age with a boyifh rod of correction ? How much more coherent is it to Scripture, that the Law as a ftrict Schoolmafter fhould have punifiVd every trefpafs with- out indulgence fo baneful to Youth, and that the Gofpel fhould now correct that by admonition and reproof only, in free and mature Age, which was puniuVd with ftripes in the childhood and bondage of the Law? What therfore it allow'd then fo fairly, much lefs is to be whipp'd now,eipecially inPenalCourts : and if ic ought now to trouble the Confcience, why did that angry accufer and condemnor Law' reprieve it? So then, neither from Mofes nor from Chriff hath the Magiftrate any authority to proceed againft it. But what, fhall then the difpofal of that po turn again to the Mafter of a Family ? Wherfore not, fince God there put it, and theprelumptuous Canon thence bereft it? This only muft be provided, that the ancient manner be obferv'd in the prefence of the Minifter and other | Elders, who after they fhall have admonifh'd and prefs'd upon him the words of our Saviour, and he fhall have protefted in the Faith of the eternal Goipel, and hope he has of happy Refurreclion, that otherwife than thus he cannot do, and thinks himfelf and this his cafe notcontain'd in that Prohibition of Divorce which Chrift pronoune'd, the matter not being of malice, but of nature, and fo not ca- pable of reconciling; to cenftrain him further were to unchriften him, to unman him, to throw the Mountain of Sinai upon him, with the weight of the whole Law to boot, fiat againft the liberty and elTence of the Gofpel, and yet nothing available either to the fanctity of Marriage, the good of Hufband, Wife, or Children, nothing profitable either to Church or Commonwealth, but hurtful and pernicious in all thefe refpects. But this will bring in confufion : yet thefe cautious miftrufters might confider, that what they thus object lights not u this Book, but upon that which I engage againft them, the Book of God and Mofes, with all the wifdom and providence which had fcrecaft the word of con- fufion that could fucceed, and yet thought fit of fuch a permilTion. But let them be of good cheer, it wroughtfo little diforder among the Jews, that from Mofes till after the Captivity, not one of the Prophets thought it worth the rebuking ; for that of Malachy well lcok'd into will appear to be not againft divorcing, but rather againft keeping ftrange Concubines, to the vexationof the ir Hebreio*Wvrt%. If therfore we Chriftians may be thought as good and tractable as the Jezvs were, and certainly the Prohibiters of Divorce prefume us to be better, then lefs con- ion is to be fear'd for this among us than was among them. Ifwe be worle, or but as bad, which lamentable examples confirm we are, then have we more, or at leaft as much, need of this permitted Law, as they to whom God therfore gave it (as they fay) under a harfher Covenant. Let not therfore the frailty of man go on thus inventing needlefs troubles to it fell", to groan under the falfe imagi- i ion of a ftrictnefs never impos'd from above; enjoining that for duty which is an impoffible and vain fupererogating. Be not righteous overmuch, is the coun- fel ol I (ies-, why fhouldft thou deftroy thy felf? Let us not be thus over-cu- rious to drain at atoms, and yet to flop every vent and cranny of permiffive li- berty, left Nature wanting thofe needful pores and breathing-places which God hath not debarred our weal , either fuddenly break out into fome wide rup- ture of open Vice and frantic Herefy, or ( Ife inwardly fefter with repining and blafphemous thoughts, under an unreafonable and fruitless rigor ol unwarranted j .A".'. Difcipline 0/ Divorce. 21 Law. Againft which evils nothing can more befeem the Religion of the Church, or the Wifdom of the State, than to confider timely and provide. And in fo do- ing let them not doubt but they fhall vindicate the mifreputed Honour of God and his great Lawgiver, by fuffering him to give his own Laws according to the condition of man's nature beft known to him, without the unfufFerable imputation of difpenfing legally with many ages of ratified Adultery. They ihall recover the mifattended words of Chrift to the fincerity of their true fen-fe from manifold Contradictions, and fhall open them with the key of Charity. Many helplefs Chriftians they Hull raife from the depth of fadnefs and diftrefs, utterly unfitted as they are toferve God or Man : many they fhall reclaim from obfeure and gid- dy Sefts, many regain from difTolute and brutifh Licence, many from defperate hardnefs, if ever that were juftly pleaded. They fhall fet free many Daughters of IJrael, not wanting much of her fad plight whom Satan had bound eighteen years. Man they fhall reftofe to his juft Dignity and Prerogative in Nature, preferring the Soul's free peace before the promifcuous draining of a carnal rage. Marriage from a perillous hazard and fnare, they fhall reduce to be a more certain haven and retirement of happy Society •, when they fhall judge according to God and Mofes, and how not then according to Chrift? when th'ry fhall judge it mora wif- dom and goodnefs to break that Covenant feemingly, and keep it really, than by compulfion of Law to keep it feemingly, and by compulfion ofblamelefs Nature to break it really, at lead if it were ever truly join*d. The vigor of Difcipline they may then turn with better fuccefs upon the proftitute loofenefs of the times, when men finding in themfelves the infirmities of former Ages, fhalinot be con- flrain'd above the gift of God in them, to unprofitable and impofiible Obfervan- ces, never required from the civileft, the wifeft, theholieft Nations, whofe other Excellencies in moral virtue they never yet could equal. Laft of all, to thofe whofe mind is ft ill to maintain textual reftriftions, wherof the bare found cannot confift fometimes with Humanity, much lefs with Charity, I would ever anfwer by putting them in remembrance of a Command above all Commands, which they feem to have forgot, and who fpake it •, in companion wherof, this which they fy cxa't is but a petty andfubordinate Precept. Let the;:;, go therfore with whom I am loth to couple them, yet they will needs run into the fame blindnefs with the Pharifees; let ihem go therfore and confider well what this leffon means, I will have mercy and not facrifice ; for on that faying all the Lr 'rophets depends, much more the Golpel, whofe end and excellence is mercy and peace. Or if they cannot learn that, how will they hear this ? which yet I fhall not doubt to leave with them as a Conclusion, That God the Son hath put all other things under his own feet, but his Commandments he hath left all under the feet of Charity, J CctracijorDon: EXPOSITIONS UPON The four chief Places in Scripture which treat of Marriage, or Nullities in Marriage. tGen.1. 27, 28. compar'd and explain'd by Gen. ii. 18, 22, 24. JDeut.XXIV. 1, 2. 1 Matth. V. 3 1, 32. with Matth. xix. from ver. 3, to 1 1. li Cor. VII. from ver. 10, to 16. Wherein the Do&rine and Difcipline of Divorce, as was lately pub- lifli'd, is confirm'd by Explanation of Scripture, by Tcftimony of an- cient Fathers, of civil Laws in the Primitive Church, offamoufeft re- formed Divines ; and laftly, by an intended Act of the Parlament and Church of England in the laft year of Edward the Sixth. Twi/ J'aJ JoXBUTWV tlSivai TJ 7T0IXiA(!V, KoejWwv v<>tM<r$i\; h 7toAjj, Au7rjof (puvn. Euripid. Medea. To the Parlament. THAT which I knew to be the part of a good Magiftrate, aiming at true liberty through the right information of religious and civil life, and that which I faw, and was partaker of, your Vows and iblemn Covenants, Parlamentiof England, your actions alio manifeflly tending to exalt the Truth, and to deprefs the tyranny of Error, and ill Cuftom, with more conftancy and prowefs than ever yet any, iince that Parlament which put the firft Scepter of this Kingdom into his hand whom God and extraordinary Virtue made their Monarch, were the caufes that mov'd me, one elfe not placing much in the eminence of a Dedication, to prefent your high notice with a Diicourle, confeious to it felf of nothing more than of diligence, and firm affection to the public good. And that ye took itfoas wife and impartial men, obtaining lb great power and dignity, are wont to accept, in matters both doubtful and important, what they think offer'd them well meant, and from a rational ability, I had no than to perfwade me. And on that perfwafion am returned, as to a famous and free port, my felf alfo bound by more than a maritime Law, to expofe as freely what fraughtage I conceive to bring of no trifles. For although it be gene- rally known, how and by whom ye have been inftigated to a hard cenfureof that former book entitl'd, The Doffrine and Difcipline of Divorce, an opinion held by fome of the beft among reformed Writers without fcandal or confute merit, tho* now thought new and dangerous by fome of our fevere Guo/Ucs, whofe little reai I ing, and lei's meditating holds ever with hardeft obftinacy that which it took up with eafieft credulity •, I do not find yet that aught, for the furious incitement! which have been us'd, hath iffu'd by your appointment, that might give die Icaft Expoftiom on four places of Script ure^ Sec. 215 leaft interruption or difrepute either to the Author, or to the Book. Which he who will be better advis'd than to call your neglect, or connivance at a thing ima- gined fo perilous, can attribute it to nothing more juftly, than to the deep and quiet dream of your direct and calm deliberations, that gave not way either to the fervent rafhnefs, or the immaterial gravity of thole who ceas'd not to exalperate without caufe. For which uprightnels and incorrupt refufal of what ye were in- cens'd to, Lords and Commons, (though it were done to juftice, not to me, and was a peculiar demonftration how far your ways are different from the rafh vul- gar) befides thole allegiances of Oath and Duty, which are my public debt to your public Labours, I have yet a ftore of gratitude laid up, which cannot be exhauft- ed ; and fuch thanks perhaps they may live to be, as fhall more than whifper to the next ages. Yet that the Author may be known to ground himfelf upon his own innocence, and the merit or his caufe, not upon the favour of a diverfion, or a de- lay to any juft cenfure, but wiihes rather he might feethofe his defrayers at any fair meeting, as learned debatements are privileg'd with a due freedom under e- qual Moderators, I mall here briefly fingle one or them (becaufe he hath oblig'd me to it) who I perfwade me having fcarce read the book, nor knowing him who writ it, or at leaft feigning the latter, hath not forborn to fcandalize him, uncon- ferr'd with, unadmoniih'd, undealt with by any paftorly or brotherly convince - ment, in the molt open and invective manner, and at the moft bitter opportuni- ty that drift or let defign could have invented. And this; whenas the Canon Law, though commonly moft favouring the boldnefs of their Priefts, punilhes the naming or traducing or any perfon in the Pulpit, was by him made no fcruple. If I fhall therfore take licence by the right of nature, and that liberty wherin I was born, to defend my felf publicly againft a printed Calumny, and do willingly ap- peal to thofe Judges to whom I am accus'd, it can be no immoderate, or unal- lowable courfc of feeking fo juft and needful reparations; Which I had done long iince, had not thefe employments, which are now vifible, deferr'd me. It was preach'd before ye, Lords and Commons, in Augufl laft upon a fpecial day of Humiliation, that there was a wicked Book abroad, and ye were taxt of fin that it was yet uncetifur'd, the Book deferring to be burnt], and Impudence alio wascharg'd upon the Author, whodurftytY his name to it, and dedicate it to your felves. Firft, Lords and Commons, I pray to that God, before whom ye then were proftrate, fo to forgive ye thofe omiffions and trefpalTes, which ye defire moft fhould find forgivenefs, as I fhall foon fliew to the world how eafily ye abfolve your felves of that which this man calls your Sin, and is indeed your Wifdom, and your Noblenefs, wherof to this day ye have done well not to repent. He terms it a wicked Book, and why but for a/lo.wing other Caufes of Divorce, than Chrift and his Apoftles mention? and with the fame cenfure condemns of wickednefs not only Martin Bucer, that elect Inftrument of Reformation, highly honour'd and had in reverence by Edward the fixth, and his whole Parlament, whom alfo I had pub- lifhed in Engliflj by a good providence, about a week before this calumnious di- greffion was preach'd ; fo that if he knew notBucer then, as he ought to have known, he might at leaft have known him fome months after, ere. the Sermon came in print, wherin notwithstanding he perfifts in his former fentence, and condemns a- gain of wickednefs, either ignorantly or wilfully, not dnly .Martin Bucer, and all thechoiceft and holieft of our Reformers, but the whole Parlament and Church of England in thofe beft and pureft times of Edward the fixth. All which I fhall prove with good evidence, at the end of thofe Explanations. And then let it be judged and ferioufly confider'd with what hope the affairs of our Religion are committed to one among others, who hath now only left him which of the twain he will choofe, whether this fhall be his palpable ignorance, or the fame wicked- nefs of his own Book, which he fo lavifhly imputes to the writings of other men : and whether this of his, that thus peremptorily defames and attaints of wickednefs unlpotted Churches, unblemiih'd Parlamcnts, and the moft eminent Reftorers of Chriftian Doctrine, deferve not to be burnt firft: And if his heat hadburft out only ao-ainft theOpinion,his wonted paffion had no doubt been filently borne with wont- ed patience. But fince, againft the charity of- that folemn place and meeting, it ferv'd him further to inveigh opprobrioufly againft the perfon, branding him with no lefs than impudence, only for letting his name to what he had written; I muft be excus'd not to be fo wanting to the defence of an honeft Name, or to the reputation of thole good Men who afford me their fociety, but to be fenfible of fuch a foul endeavour'd diigrace: not knowing aught either in mine own deferts, or the Laws of this Land, why I fhould be fubjeft, in fuch a notorious and ille- gal manner, to the intemperances of this man's preaching choler. And indeed to 2i 6 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture y to be fo prompt and ready in the midft of his humblenefs, to tofs reproaches of this bulk and iize, argues as if they were the weapons of his exercife, I am fure not of his Miniftry, or of that day's work. Certainly to fubfcribe my name at what I was to own, was what the State had order'd and requires. And he who bits not to be malicious, would call it ingenuity, clear confcience, willingnefs to avouch what might be queftion'd, or to be better inftru&ed. And if God were fo difpleas'd with thole, Ifa. 58. who ok the folemn fall were wont to finite with the fijt of wickednefs, it could be no lignof his own humiliation accepted, which difpos'd him to fmite fo keenly with a reviling tongue. But if only to have writ my name muft be counted impudence, how doth this but juftify another, who might affirm with as good warrant, that the late Difcourfe of Scripture and Reafon, which is certain to be chiefly his own draught, was publifh'd without a name, out of bafe fear, and the fly avoidance of what might follow to his detriment, if the par- ty at Court mould hap to reach him? And I, to have fet my name, where he accufes me to have let it, am fo far from recanting, that I offer my hand alfn if need be, to make good the fame opinion which I there maintain, by inevitable confequences drawn parallel from his own principal arguments in that of Scrip- ture and Reafon: which I fhall pardon him, if he can deny, without making his own composition to pieces. The impudence therforc, fince he weigh'd lb little what a grofs revile that was to give his equal, I fend him back again for a phy- .laclery to ftitch upon his arrogance, that cenfures not only before conviction fo bitterly without fo much as one reafon given, but cenfures the Congregation of his Governors to their faces, for not being fo hafty as himfelf to cenfure. And wheras my other crime is, that I addrefs'dthe Dedication of what I had ftudied, to the Parlament, how could I better declare the loyalty which I owe to that fupreme and majeftic Tribunal, and the opinion which I have of the high- entrutted judgment, and perfonal worth affembled in that place? With the fame affections therfore, and the fame addicted fidelity, Parlament of England, I here a^ain have brought to your perufal on the fame argument thefe following Expo- fitions of Scripture. The former Book, as pleas'd fome to think, who were thought judicious, had of reafon in it to a fufficiency •, what they requir'd, was that the Scriptures there alledg'd might be difcufs'd more fully. To their defires, thus much further hath been labour'd in the Scriptures. Another fort alfo who wanted more authorities, and citations, have not been here unthought of. If all this at- tain not to fatisfy them, as I am confident that none of thofe our great controver- fies at this day hath had a more demonftrative explaining, I mull confefs to ad- mire what it is; for doubtlefs it is not reafon now-a-days that fatisfies, or fuborns the common credence of men, to yield fo eafily, and grow fo vehement in mat- ters much more difputable, and far lefs conducing to the daily good and peace of life. Some whole necefiary fhifts have long enur'd them to cloak the defects of their unftudied years, and hatred now to learn, under the appearance of a grave folidity, which eftimation they have gain'd among weak perceivers, find the eafe of flighting what they cannot refute, and are determin'd, as I hear, to hold it not worth the anfwering. In which number I muft be fore'd to reckon that Doc- tor, who in a late equivocating Treatife plaufibly fet afloat againft the Dippers, diving the while himfelf with a more deep prelatical malignance againft the pre- fent State and Church-government, mentions with ignominy the Tratlate of D.vcrce ; yet anfwers nothing, but inftead therof (for which I do not commend his marmalling) lets Mofes alio among the crew of his Analeptics, as one who to a holy Nation, the Commonwealth of Ifrael, gave Laws breaking the bonds of Marriage to inordinate luft. Thefe are no mean furges of blafphemy, not only dipping Mofes the divine Lawgiver, but dafhing with a high hand againft the juftice and purity of God himfelf ; as thefe enfuing Scriptures plainly and freely handled fhall verify to the launcing of that eld apojlemated error. Him therfore I leave now to his repentance. Others, which is their courtefy, confefs that wit and parts may do much to make that feern true which is not (as was objected to Socrates by them who could not refift his efficacy, that he ever made the worft caufe feem the better) and thus thinking themfelves difcharg'd of the difficulty, love not to wade further into the fear of aconvincement. Thefe will be their excufes to decline the full examining of this ferious point. So much the more I prefs it and repeat it, Lords and Com- mons, that ye beware while time is, ere this grand fecret, and only art of igno- rance affecting tyranny, grow powerful, and rule among us. For if found argu- ment and reafon fhall be thus put off, either by an undervaluing filence, or the maftcrly which treat of Nullities /^Marriage. mafterly ccnfure of a railing word or two in the Pulpit, or by rejecting the Force of truth, as the meer cunning of Eloquence and Sophiftry, what can be'the end of this, but that all good learning and knowledge will fuddenly decay ? Ignorance, and illiterate preemption, which is yet but our difeafe, will turn at length into our very conftitution, and prove the hefiic evil of this age : worfe to be fear'd, if it get once to reign over us, than any fifth Monarchy. If this ihall be the courfe, that what was wont to be a chief commendation, and the ground of other men's confidence in an Author, his diligence, his learning, his elocution whether by- right, or by ill meaning granted him, ihall be turn'd now to a difadvantafe and fuipicion againft him, that what he writes, though unconfuted, muft thertore be miftrufted, therfore not receiv'd for the induftry, the exadtnefs, the labour in it, confefs'd to be more than ordinary; as ifwifdom had now forfaken the thirfty and laborious inquirer to dwell againft her nature with the arrogant and lhallow babler, to what purpofe all thofe pains and that continual fearching requir'd of us by Solomon to the attainment of underftanding; why are men bred up with fuch care and expence to a life of perpetual ftudies, why do your felves withfuch endeavour leek to wipe off the imputation of intending to difcourage the progrefs and advance of learning ? He therfore whole heart can bear him to the high pitch of your noble enterprizes, may eafily allure himfelf that the prudence and far- judging circumfptctnefs of lb grave a Magiftracy fitting in Parlament, who have before them the prepar'd and purpos'd Ad of their mod religious predecefibrs to imitate in this queftion, cannot reject the clearnefs of thefe reafons, and thefe al- legations both here and formerly ofter'd them ; nor can over-look the neceffity of ordaining more wholefomly and more humanly in the cafualties of Divorce, than our Laws have yet eftablifh'd : if the moft urgent and exceffive grievances happening in domeftic life, be worth the laying to heart, which, unlefs Charity be far from us, cannot be neglected. And that thefe things both in the right con- ititution, and in the right reformation of a Commonwealth call for fpeedieft re- drefs, and ought to be the firft confider'd, enough was urg'd in what was prefae'd to that monument of Bucer which I brought to your remembrance, and the other time before. Henceforth, except new caufe be given, I Ihall fay lefs and leis. For if the Law make not timely provifion, let the Law, as reafon is, bear the cenfure of thofe confequences, which her own default now more evi- dently produces. And if men want manlinefs to expoftulate the right of their due ranfom, and to fecond their own occafions, they may fit hereafter and bemoan themfelves to have neglected through faintnefs the only remedy of their fufferings, which a feafonable and well-grounded fpeaking might have purchas'd them. And perhaps in time to come, others will know how to efteem what is not eve- ry day put into their hands, when they have mark'd events, and better weigh'd how hurtful and unwife it is, to hide a fecret and pernicious rupture under the ill counfel of a balhful filence. But who would diftruft aught, or not be ample in his hopes of your wife and Chriftian determinations ? who have the prudence to con- fider, and fhould have the goodnefs like Gods, as ye are call'd, to find out readily, and by juft Law to adminifter thofe redrefTes which have of old, not without God ordaining, been granted to the adverfities of mankind, ere they who needed, were put to afk. Certainly, if any other have enlarg'd his thoughts to expect: from this Government fo juftly undertaken, and by frequent affiftances from Heaven fo apparently upheld, glorious changes and renovations both in Church and State, he among the foremoft might be nam'd, who prays that the fate of England may tarry for no other Deliverers. l 7 Vol. i. £f Cttracljor&on^ 2l8 Cttracfwwm: Expofitions upon the four chief Places in Scripture which treat of Marriage, or Nullities in Marriage. Gen. I. 27. So God created Man in his own image, in the image of God created he him ; male and female created he them. 28. And God bleffed them, and God faid unto them, Be fruitful, &c. Gen. II. 18. And the Lord God f aid, It is not good that Man Jhould be alone, I will make him a help-meet for him. 23. And Adam faid, This is now bone of my bones, and fiefi of my fiefh ; Jhe Jhall be called Woman, becaufe fie was taken out of Man. 24. Therfore Jhall a Man leave his Father and his Mother, and Jhall cleave unto his Wife, and they fh all be one flejfj. Gen. I. 27. SO God created Man in his own image.'] To be inform 'd aright in the whole Hiftory of Marriage, that we may know for certain, not by a forc'd yoke, but by an impartial definition, what Marriage is, and what is not Mar- riage; it will undoubtedly be fafeft, faireft, and mod with our obedience, to en- quire, as our Saviour's direction is, how it was in the beginning. And that we be- oin lb high as Man created after God's own Image, there want not earneft caufes. For nothing now-a-days is more degenerately forgotten, than the true dignity of Man, almoft in every refpeclj but efpecially in this prime inftitution of Matri- mony, wherin his native pre-eminence ought moft to mine. Although if we con- fider thatjuft and natural privileges men neither can rightly feek, nor dare fully claim, unlefs they be ally'd to inward goodnefs, and ftedfaft knowledge, and that the want of this quells them to a fervilefenfe of their own confcious unwor- thinefs, it may fave the wondring why in this age many are fo oppofite both to human and to Chriftian liberty, either while they underfland not, or envy others that do •, contenting, or rather priding themfelves in a fpecious humility and ftriflnefs bred out of low ignorance, that never yet conceiv'd the freedom of the Gofpel ; and is therfore by the Apoftle to the Colcffians rank'd with no better company, than Will-worihip and the meer {hew of wifdom. And how injurious furin they are, if not to themfelves, yet to their neighbours, and not to them only, but to the all-wife and bounteous Grace offer'd us in our redemption, will orderly appear. In the Image of God created he him.'] It is enough determin'd, that this Image of God wherin Man was created, is meant Wifdom, Purity, Juftice, and Rule over all creatures. All which being loft in Adam, was recover'd with gain by the merits of Chrift. For albeit our firft parent had Lordihip over Sea, and Land, and Air, yet there was a Law without him, as a guard let over him. " Rut Chrift having cancell'd the hand-writing of Ordinances which was againft us, Coloff.z.ij^. and interpreted the fulfilling of all through charity, hath in that refpect fct us over Law, in the free cuftody of his love, and left us victorious under the guidance of his living Spirit, not under the dead letter ; to follow that which moft edifies, moft aids and furthers a religious life, makes us'holicft and likeft to his immortal Image, not that v/hich makes us moft conformable and captive to civil and fubordinate precepts ; wherof the ftrifteft obfervance may oft-times prove the dellruction not only of many innocent perlbns and families, but of whole Nations. Although indeed no Ordinance hu- man or from heaven can bind againft the good of Man; fo that to keep them 4 ftrictly which treat of Nullities /# Marriage. 219 ftrictiy againft that end, is all one with to break them. Men of moft renowned virtue have fometimes by tranfgreffing, moft truly kept the Law ; and wifeft Magiftrates have permitted anddifpenfed it-, while they lookt not peevifhly at the letter, but with a greater fpiritat the good of mankind, if always not written in the characters of Law, yet engraven in the heart of Man by a divine impreffion. This Heathens could fee, as the well-read in ftory can recount of Solon and Epa- mincv.das, whom Cicero in his firft Book of Invention nobly defends. All law, faith he, zve ought to refer to the common good, and interpret by that, not by the Jcrowl of letters. No man obferves Law for Law's fake, but for the good of them for whom it was made. The reft might ferve well to lecture thefe times, deluded through belly -doctrines into a devout flavery. The Scripture alfo affords us Da- vid in the fhew-bread, Hezekiah in the paffover, found and fife tranfgreffors of the literal command, which alfo difpens'd not feldom with it felf ; and taught us on what juft occafions to do fo : until our Saviour, for whom that great and God-like work was referv'd, redeem'd us to a ftate above prefcriptions, by dif- folving the whole Law into Charity. And have we not the foul to underftand this, and muft we againft this glory of God's tranfeendent Love towards us beftill the fervan:s of a literal indightment ? Created he him.] It might be doubted why he faith, In the Image of God cre- ated he him, not them, as well finale and female them ; efpecially fince that Image might bs common to them both, but male and female could not, however thzjews fable, and pleafe themfclves with the accidental concurrence of Plato's wit, as if Man at firft had been created Hermaphrodite : but then it muft have been male and female created he him. So had the Image of God been equally common to them both, it had no doubt been faid, In the Image of God created he them. But St. Paul ends the controverfy, by explaining that the Woman is not prima- rily and immediately the Image of God, but in reference to the Man. The head of the Woman, faith he, I Cor. 1 1 . is the Man : he the image and glory of God, Jhe the glory of the Man; he not for her, but fhe for him. Therfore his precept is, Wives be fubjeel to your Husbands as is fit in the Lord, ColofT. 3. 18. In everything, Eph. 5. 24. Neverthelefs man is not to hold her as a fervant, but receives her into a part of that empire which God proclaims him to, though not equally, yet largely, as his own image and glory : for it is no fmall glory to him, that a crea- ture folike him, fhould be made fubjeel to him. Not but that particular excep- tions may have place, if fhe exceed her Hufband in prudence and dexterity, and he contentedly yield ; for then a fuperiour and more natural Law comes in, that the wifer fhould govern the lefswife, whether male or female. But that which far more eafily and obediently follows from this verfe, is that, feeing Woman was purpofe'y made for Man, and he her head, it cannot ftand before the breath of this divine utterance, that Man the portraiture of God, joining to himfelf for his intended good and folace an inferiour fex, fhould fo become her thrall, whofe wil- fulnefs or inability to be a wife fruftrates the occafional end of her creation, but that he may acquit himfelf to freedom by his natural birth-right, and that inde- lible character of priority which God crown'd him with. If it be urg'd that fin hath loft him this, the anfwer is not far to feek, that from her the fin firft proceed- ed, which keeps her juftlyin the fame proportion ftill beneath. She is not to gain by being firft in the tranfgreffion, that Man fhould further lofe to her, becaufe already he hath loft by her means. Oft it happens that in this matter he is with- out fault; fo that his punifhment herein is caufelefs: and God hath the praife in our fpeeches of him, to fort his punifhment in the fame kind with the offence. Suppofe he err'd •> it is not the intent of God or Man, to hunt an error fo to the death with a revenge beyond all meafure and proportion. But if we argue thus, this affliction is befaln him for his fin, therfore he muft bear it, without feeking the only remedy ; firft it will be fa lie that all affliction comes for fin, as in the cafe of Job, and of the Man born blind, Job. 9. 3. was evident: next by thatreafon, all miferies coming for fin, we muft let them all lie upon us like the vermin of an In- dian Catharift, which his fond Religion forbids him to moleft. Were it a parti- cular punifhment inflicted through the anger of God upon a perfon, or upon a land, no Law hinders us in that regard, no Law but bids us remove it if we can*. much more if it be a dangerous temptation withal; much more yet, if it be cer- tainly a temptation, and not certainly a punifhment, though a pain. As for what they fay we muft bear with patience; to bear with patience, and to leek effectual remedies, implies no contradiction. It may no lefs be for our difobedience, our unfaithfulnefs, and other fins againft God, that wives become adulterous to the bed ; and queftionlefs we ought to take the affliction as patiently as Chriftian Vol. I, F f 2 pru- 220 Expositions on the four chief places in Scripture y prudence would wifli; yet hereby is not loft the right of divorcing for adultery. No you fay, becaufe our Saviour excepted that only. But why, if he were fo bent to punifh our fins, and try our patience in binding on us a difaftrous Marriage, why did he except Adultery ? Certainly to have been bound from Divorce in that cafe alfo had been as plentiful a punilhment to our Sins, and not too little work for the patienteft. Nay, perhaps they will fay it was too great a fufferance, and with as flight a reafon, for no wife man but would fooner pardon the act of Adultery once and again committed byaperfon worth pity and forgivenefs, than to lead a wearifome life of unloving and unquiet converfation with one who neither affects nor is affected, much lefs with one who exercifesall bitternefs, and would commit Adultery too, but for envy left the perfecuted condition fhould therby c;et the benefit of his freedom. 'Tis plain therfore, that God enjoins not this iup- poled ftrictnefs of not divorcing either to punifh us, or to try our patience. Moreover, if Man be the image of God, which confifts in holincfs, and Woman ought in the fame refpectto be the image and companion of Man,, in fuch wife to be lov'das the Church is belov'dof Chrift -, and it, as God is the head of Chrift, and Chrift the head of Man, fo Man is the head of Woman ; I cannot fee by this golden dependance of headfhip and fubjection, but that Piety and Religion is the main tie of Chriltian Matrimony: fo as if there be found between the pair a no- torious difparity cither of wickednefs or herefy, the Hufband by all manner of right is difingag'd from a creature, not made and inflicted on him to the vexation of his righteouinefs •, the Wife alfo, as her fubjection is terminated in the Lord, being her felf the redeemed of Chrift, is not ftill bound to be the vaffal of him, who is the bond-flave of Satan: fhe being now neither the image nor the glory of fuch a perfon, nor made for him, nor left in bondage to him ; but hath recourfe to the wing of Charity, and protection of the Church, unlefs there be a hope oa either fide •, yet fuch a hope muft be meant, as may be a rational hope, and not an endlefs fervitude. Of which hereafter. But ufually it is objected, that if it be thus,, then there can be no true Marriage between mi /believers and irreligious perfons. I might anfwer, let them fee to that who are fuch ; the Church hath no commifiion to judge thole without, i Cor. 5. But this they will fay perhaps, is but penurioufly to refolve a doubt. I anfwer therfore,that where they are both irreligious,the Marriage may be yet true enough to them in a civil relation. For there are left fome remains of God's image in man, as he is merely man ; which reafon God gives againft the fhcdding of man's blood, Gen. 9. as being made in God's image, without expreffion whether he were a good man or a bad, to exempt the flayer from punilhment. So that in thofe Marriages where the parties are alike void of Religion, the Wife owes a civil homage and fubjection, the Hufband owes a civil loyalty. But where the yoke is mif-yoke'd, heretic with faithful, godly with ungodly, to the grievance and manifeft endangering of a brother or fifter, reafons of a higher ftrain than ma- trimonial bearfway; unlefs the Gofpel inftead of freeing us, debafe it felf to make us bondmen, and fuffer evil tocontroul good. Male and female created be them.'] This contains another end of matching Man and Woman, being the right and lawfulnefs of the Marriage-bed -, though much inferior to the former end of her being his image and help in religious fociety. And who of weakeft inlight may not fee that this creating of them Male and Fe- male, cannot in any order of Reafon, or Chriftianity, be of fuch moment againft the better and higher purpofes of their creation, as to enthral Hufband or Wife to duties or to fufferings, unworthy and unbefeeming the image of God in them? Now whenas not only men, but good men, do ftand upon their right, their efti- rnation, their dignity, in all other actions and deportments, with warrant enough and good Confcience, as having the image of God in them, it will not be diffi- cult to determine what is unworthy and unfeemly for a man to do or fuffer in Wedloc-, and the like proportionally may be found for woman, if we love not to ftand dilputing below the principles of humanity. He that laid, Male and fe- male created he them, immediately before that laid alfo in the fame verfe, In the image of God created he him, and redoubled it, that our thoughts might not be fo lull or dregs as to urge this poor cOnfideration of male and female, without re- membring the noblenefs of that former Repetition ■, left when God fends a wife eye to examine our trivial gloffes, they be found extremely to creep upon xlrc ground : efpecially fince they confefs that what here concerns Marriage is but a brief touch, only preparative to the Inftitution which follows more exprefiy in the next Chapter; and that Chrift fo took it, as deliring to be hriefeft with them who came to tempt him, account fhall be given in due place. Ver. 2S. which treat of Nullities in M a r r i a g e . 221 Ver. 28. An! God blefj'ed them, and God /aid unto them, Be fruitful and mul- tiply^ and rcplenifh the earth, &c. This declares another end of Matrimony, the propagation of Mankind; and is again repeated to Noah and his fons. Many things might be noted on this place not ordinary, nor unworth the noting; but I undertook not a general Comment. Hence therfore we fee the defire of children is honeft and pious ; if we be not lefs zealous in ourChriftianity, than Plato was in his heathen ifm ; who in the fixth of his Laws, counts off-fpring therfore defirable, that we may leave in our (lead fons of our fons, continual fervants of God: a religious and prudent defire, if peo- ple knew as well what were requir'd to breeding as to begetting ; which defire perhaps was a caufe why the Jews hardly could endure a barren wedloc : and Philo in his book of fpecial Laws, efteems him only worth pardon that fends not barrennefs away. Carvilius, the firft recorded in Rome to have fouo-ht Divorce, had it granted him for the barrennefs of his Wife, upon his oath that he married to the end he might have Children ; as Dionyjius and Gellius are authors. But to dif- mifs a wife only for barrennefs, is hard: and yet in fome the defire of children is fo great, and fo jult, yea fometime fo neceffary, that to condemn fuch a one to a childiefs age, the fault apparently not being in him, might feem perhaps more itrift thin needed. Sometimes inheritances, crowns, and dignities are fo interefted and annext in their common peace and good to fuch or fuch lineal defcent, that it may prove of great moment both in the affairs of Men and of Religion, to confider throughly what might be done herein, notwithstanding the waywardnefs of our School Doctors. Gen. II. 18. And the Lord f aid, It is not good that man fhould be alone; I will make him a help- meet for him. Ver. 23. And Adamfaid, &c. Ver. 24. Therfore f jail a man leave, &c. THis 2^ Chapter is granted to be a Commentary on the if, andthefe verfes granted to be an expofition of that former verfe, Male and female created be them : and yet when this male and female is by the explicite words of God him- felf here declar'd to be not meant other than a fit help, and meet fociety, fome who would ingrofs to themfelves the whole trade of interpreting, will not fuffer the clear text of God to do the office of explaining it felf. And the Lord God faid, It is not good.] A man would think that the confideration of who (pake, fhould raife up the intention of our minds to enquire better,and o- bey the purpofe of fo great a Speaker: for as we order the bufinefs of Marriage, that which heherefpeaksis all made vain; and in the decifion of matrimony, or not matrimony, nothing at all regarded. Our prefumption hath utterly chang'd the ftate and condition of this ordinance: God ordain'd it in love and helpfulnelstobe indiffoluble, and we in outward aft and formality to be a fore'd bondage ; fo that being fubjeft to a thoufand errors in the beft men, if it prove a bleifing to any, it is of meer accident, as man's Law hath handled it, and not of inftitution. 7/ is not good for man to be alone.'] Hitherto all things that have been nam'd, were appro v'd of God to be very good: lonelinefs is the firft thing which God's eye nam'd not good : whether it be a thing, or the want of fomething, I labour not ; let it be their tendance, who have the art to be induftrioufly idle. And here alone is meant alone without woman; otherwife Adam had the company of God himfelf, and Angels to converfe with ; all creatures to delight him ferioufly, or to make him fport. God could have created him out of the fame mould a thoufand friends and brother Adams to have been his conforts; yet for all this till Eve was given him, God reckon'd him to be alone. 7/ is not good.] God here prefents himfelf like to a man deliberating ; both to (hew us that the matter is of high confequence, and that he intended to found it according to natural reafon, not impulfive command ; but that the duty fhould arii'e from the reafon of it, not the reafon be fwallow'd up in a reafonlefs duty. Not good, was as much to Adam before his fall, as not pleafing, not expedient ; but fince the coming of Sin into the world, to him who hath not receiv'd the continence, it is not only not expedient to be alone, but plainly finful. And therfore he who wilfully abftains from Mar- riage, not being fupernaturally gifted, and he who by making the yoke of Marriage unjuft and intolerable, caufes men to abhor it, are both in a diabolical fin, 222 Expoftions on the four chief places of Scripture, fm, equal to that of Antichrift who forbids to marry. For what difference at ali whether he abftain men from marrying, or reftrain them from Marriage hapning totally difcommodious, diftafteful, diihoneft and pernicious to him without the appearance of his fault ? For God does not here precifely fay, I make a female to this male, as he did before ; but expounding himfelf here onpurpofe, he faith, becaufe it is not good for man to be alone, I make him therfore a meet help. God fupplies the privation of not good, with the perfect, gift of a real and pofi- tive crood; it is man's perverfe cooking who hath turn'd this bounty of God into a Scorpion, either by weak and fhallow conftructions, or by proud arrogance and cruelty to them who neither in their purpofes nor in their actions have offended againft the due honour of Wedloc. Now wheras the Apoftle's fpeaking in the Spirit, i Cor. 7. pronounces quite contrary to this word of God, It is good for a man not to touch a woman, and God cannot contradict himfelf; it inftructs us that his commands and words, efpecial- ly fuch as bear the manifeft title of fome good to man, are not to be fo ftrictly wrung, as to command without regard to the molt natural and miferable ne- ceffities of mankind. Therfore the Apoftle adds a limitation in the 26verfe of that chapter for the prefent necefiity it is good ; which he gives us doubtlefs as a pattern how to reconcile other places by the general rule of Charity. For man to be alone.'] Some would have the lenfe hereof to beinrefpect of pro- creation only : and Auflin contefts that manly friendftiip in all other regards had been a more becoming folace for Adam, than to fpend fomany fecret years in an empty world with one woman. But our Writers defervedly reject this crabbed opinion •, and defend that there is a peculiar comfort in the married ftate befide the genial bed, which no other fociety affords. No mortal nature can endure either in the actions of Religion, orftudy ofWifdom, without fometime flackening the. cords of intenfe thought and labour : which left we mould think faulty, God him- felf conceals us not his own recreations before the World was built-, I was, faith the eternal Wifdom, daily his delight, playing always before him. And to him in- deed Wifdom is as a high tower of pleafure, but to us a fteep hill, and we toiling ever about the bottom : he executes with eafe the exploits of his Omnipotence, as eafy as with us it is to will : but no worthy enterprife can be done by us with- out continual plodding and wearifomenefs to our faint and fenfitive abilities. We cannot therfore always be contemplative, or pragmatical abroad, but have need of fome delightful intermiffions, wherin the enlarg'd foul may leave off a while her fevere fchooling ; and like a glad youth in wandring vacancy, may keep her holidays to joy and harmlefs paftime : which as fhe cannot well do without com- pany, fo in no company lb well as where the different fex in mod refembling unlikenefs, and moft unlike refemblance, cannot but pleafe beft, and be pleas'd in the aptitude of that variety. Wherof left we fhould be too timorous, in the awe that our flat Sages would form us and drefs us, wifeft Solomon among his graveft Proverbs countenances a kind of raviihment and erring fondnefs in the entertainment of wedded leifures •, and in the Song of Songs, which is generally fceliev'd, even in the jollieft expreffions,to figure the Spoufals of the Church with Chrift, fings of a thoufand raptures between thofe two lovely ones far on the hi- ther fide of carnal enjoyment. By thefe inftances, and more which might be brought, we may imagine how indulgently God provided againft man's Loneli- nefs ; that he approv'd it not, as by himfelf declar'd not good; that he approv'd the remedy therof, as of his own ordaining, confequently good: and as he or- dain'd it, fo doubtlefs proportionably to our fallen eftate he gives it; elfe were his ordinance at leaft in vain, and we for all his gifts ftill empty handed. Nay, fuch an unbounteous giver we fhould make him, as in the Fables Jupiter was to Ixion, giving him a cloud inftead of Juno, giving him a monftrous iffue by her, the breed of Centaurs, a neglected and unlov'd race, the fruits of a delu- five Marriage ; and laftly, giving him her with a damnation to that wheel in Hell, from a life thrown into the midft of temptations and diforders. But God is no deceitful giver, to beftow that on us for a remedy of Lonelinefs, which if it bring not a fociable mind as well as a conjunctive body, leaves us no lefs alone than before ; and if it bring a mind perpetually averfe and dif- agreeable, betrays us to a worfe condition than the moft deferted Lonelinefs. God cannot in the juftice of his own promife and inftitution fo unexpectedly mock us, by forcing that upon us as the remedy of Solitude, which wraps us in a mifery worfe than any Wildernefs, as the Spirit of God himfelf judges, Prov. 19. efpecially knowing that the beft and wifeft men amidft the fincqre and moft cordial defigns of their heart, do daily err in choofing. We which treat of Nullities /#MarriAge. 223 We may conclude therfore, feeing orthodoxal Expofitors confefs to our hands, that by Lonelinefs is not only meant the want of Copulation, and that Man is not lefs alone by turning in a body to him, unlefs there be within it a mind an- fwerable, that it is a work more worthy the care and confultation of God to pro- vide for the worthieft part of man which is his Mind, and not unnaturally to fet it beneath the formalities and refpecls ot the body, to make it a fervant of its own vafTal ; I fay, we may conclude that fuch a Marriage, wherin the mind is fo dif- grac'd and vilify'd below the body's intereft, and can have no juft or tolerable contentment, is not of God's inftitution, and therfore no Marriage. Nay,in con- cluding this, I fay we conclude no more than what the common Expofitors them- felves give us, both in that which I have recited, and much more hereafter. But the truth is, they give us, in fuch a manner, as they who leave their own mature pofitions like the eggs of an Oftrich in the dud ; I do but lay them in the fun; their own pregnancies hatch the truth ; and I am taxt of novelties and ftrange producemcnts, while they, like that inconfiderate bird, know not that thefe are their own natural breed. I will make him a help-meet for him. .] Here the heavenly Infiitutor, as if he la- bour'd not to be miftaken by the fupercilious hypocrify of thole that love to miller their brethren, and to make us lure that he gave us not now a fervile yoke, but an amiable knot, contents not himfelfto fay, I will make him a wife-, but re- folving to give us firft the meaning before the name of a wife, faith graciouily, I will make him a help-meet for him. And here again, as before, I do not require more full and lair deductions than the whole conlent of our Divines ulually raife from this text, that in Matrimony there mult be firfta mutual help to Piety, next to civil fellowfhip of Love and Amity, then to Generation, lb to houlhold Affairs, laftly the remedy of Incontinence. And commonly they reckon them in fuch or- der, as leaves generation and incontinence to be laftconfidered. This I amaze me at, that though all the fuperior and nobler ends both of Marriage and of the mar- ried perfons be abfolutely fruftrate, the matrimony ftirs nor, lofes no hold, re- mains as rooted as the center: but if the body bring but in a complaint of frigi- dity, by that cold application only, this adamantine Alp of Wedloc has leave to difiblve; which elfe all the machinations of religious or civil Reafon at the fuitof a diffrefied mind, either for divine worfhip or human converfation violated, cannot un fatten. What courts of concupifcence are thefe, wherin flettily appetite is heard before right reafon, lull before love or devotion ? They may be pious Chriftians together, they may be loving and friendly, they may be helpful to each other in the family,but they cannot couple, thatlhall divorce them, tho' ei- ther party would not. They can neither ferve God together, nor one be at peace with the other, nor be good in the Family one to other, but live as they were dead, or live as they were deadly enemies in a cage together; 'tis all one, they can couple, they Ihall not divorce till death, no though this fentence be their death. What is this, befides tyranny, but to turn nature upfide down, to make both re- ligion, and the mind of man wait upon the flavilh errands of the body, and not the body to follow either the fanctity, or the fovereignty of the mind, unfpeak- ably wrong'd, and with all equity complaining? What is this but to abufe the f icred and myllerious bed of Marriage to be the compulfive ftye of an ingrateful and malignant lull, ftirr'd up only from a carnal acrimony, without either love or peace, or regard to any other thing holy or human. This I admire how pofli- bly it lhould inhabit thus long in the fenfe of lb many difputing 'Theologians, un- lefs it be the loweft lees of a canonical infection liver-grown to their fides ; which perhaps will never uncling, without the ttrong abfterlive of fome heroic Magi- ftrate, whofeMind, equal to his high Office, dares lead him both to know and do without their frivolous cafe-putting. For certain he mall have God and this Inftitution plainly on his fide. And if.it be true both in Divinity and Law, that conlent alone, though copulation never follow, makes a Marriage, how can they difiblve it for the want of that which made it not, and not difiblve it for that not continuing which made it, and lhould prcferve it in love and reafon, and diffe- rence it from a brute conjugality ? Meet for him.'] The original here is more exprefiive than other languages word for word can render it ; but all agree effectual conformity of difpofition and affection to be hereby fignify'd ; which God as it were, not fatisfy'd with the naming of a help, goes on defcribing another felf, a fecond felf, a very felf it felf Yet now there is nothing in the life of man, through our mifconftruetion, made more uncertain, more hazardous and full of chance than this divine blcfiing with fuch favourable fignificance here conferr'd upon us ; which if we do but err in our choice, the moll unblameable error that c«m 2,24 Expofitions on the four chief places in Scripture -, can be, err but one minute, one moment after thofe mighty Syllables pronoune'd, which take upon them to join Heaven and Hell together unpardonably till Death pardon: this divine Bleffing that look'd but now with fuch a humane fmileupon us, and fpoke fuch gentle reafon, ftrait vanifhes like a fair Sky, and brings on fuch a fcene of Cloud andTempeft,as turns all to fhipwrack without haven or more, but to a ranfomlefs Captivity. And then they tell us it is our fin : but let them be told again, that fin through the mercy of God hath not made fuch wafte upon us, as to make utterly void to our ufe any temporal benefit, much leis any fo much avail- ing to a peaceful and fanctify'd life, meerly for a mod incident error which no wearinefs can certainly fhun. And wherfore ferves our happy redemption, and the liberty we have in Chrift, but to deliver us from calamitous yokes, not to be liv'd under without the endangerment of our fouls, and to reftore us in fome com- petent meafure to a right in every good thing both of this life, and the orher ? Thus we fee how treatably and diftinctly God hath here taught us what the prime ends of Marriage are, mutual folace and help. That we are now, upon the moft irreprehenfible miftake in chufing, defeated and defrauded of all this original be- nignity, was begun firft through the fnare of Antichriftian Canons long iince ob- truded upon the Church of Rome, and not yet fcoured off by Reformation, out of a lingring vain-glory that abides among us to make fair mews in formal Ordi- nances, and to enjoin Continence and bearing of Crofles in fuch a garb as no Scripture binds us, under the thickeft Arrows of temptation, where we need not fland. Now we fhall fee with what acknowledgment and afTent Adam receiv'd this new aflbciate which God brought him. Ver. 23. And Adam /aid, This is now bone of my bones, andfiejh of ray fiefo ; Jhe Jhall be called Woman, becaufejhe was taken out of Man. That there was a nearer Alliance between Adam and Eve, than could be ever after between Man and Wife, is vifible to any. For no other Woman was ever moulded out of her Hufband's Rib, but of meer Strangers for the moft part they come to have that confanguinity which they have by Wedloc. And it we look nearly upon the matter, though Marriage be moft agreeable to holinefs, to puri- ty and juftice, yet is it not a natural, but a civil and ordain'd relation. For if it were in nature, no law or crime could difannul it, to make a Wife, or Hufband, otherwife than ftill a Wife or Hufband, but only Death-, as nothing but that can make a Father no Father, or a Son no Son. But Divorce for Adultery or Defer- tion, as all our Churches agree but England, not only feparates, but nullifies, and extin°~uifhes the relation it felf of Matrimony, fo that they are no more Man and Wife-, otherwife the innocent party could not marry elfewhere, without the guilt of Adultery. Next, were it merely natural,why was it here ordain'd more than the reft of moral Law to Man in his original rectitude, in whole breaft all that was natural or moral was engraven without external Confti tut ions and Edicts ? A- dam therfore in thefe words does noteftablifh an indiflbluble bond of Marriage in the carnal ligamentsof flefh and bones; for if he did, it would belong only to him- felf in the literal fenfe, every one of us being nearer in flefh of flefh, and bone of bones to our Parents than to a Wife ; they therfore were not to be left for her in that refpect. But Adam, who had the wifdom given him to know all creatures, and to name them according to their properties, no doubt but had the gift to difcern perfectly that which concern'dhim much more-, and to apprehend at firft fight the true fitnefs of that Confort which God provided him. And therfore fpake in reference to thofe words which God pronoune'd before; as if he had faid, This is fhe by whole meet help and fociety I fhall no more be alone ; this is ftie who was made my image, even as I the Image of God ; not fo much in body, as in unity of mind and heart. And he might as eafily know what were the words of God, as he knew fo readily what had been done with his Rib, while he flept fo foundly. He mi<mt well know, if God took a Rib out of his infide, to form of it a double good to him, he would far fooner disjoin it from his outfide, to prevent a treble mifchief to him; and far fooner cut it quiteofffrom all relation for his undoubted eafe,than nail it into his body again, to flick for ever there a thorn in his heart. Whenas Nature teaches usto divide any limb from thebodytothefavingof its fellows,though it be the maiming and deformity of the whole ; how much more is it her doctrine to fever by incifion, not a true limb fo much, though that be lawful, but an adhe- rent, a fore, the gangrene of a limb, to the recovery of a whole Man ? But if in thefe words we fhall make Adam to erect a new eftablifhment of Marriage in the meer 4 flefh, bid treat of Nullities /^Marriage. 2 25 ti God fo lately had inftituted, and founded in the fweet and mild fa* and folace, and mutual fitnefs ; what do we but life the mouth of parent, the firft time it opens, to an arrogant oppofition and correct- \ wifer Ordinance ? Theft words therfore cannot import any thing new , but either that which belongs to Adam only, or to us in reference to the in'tituting words of God, which made a meet help againft lonejinefs. A (V,n fpake like Adam the words of flefh and bones, the lhell and rind of Marri- rnofty; but God fpake like God, of love and folace and meet help, the foul both of Adam's words and of Matrimony. V. 24. Therfore fhall a man leave his father and his mother ', and fiatt cleave unto his wife ; and they fhall be one fleflo. Thisverfe, as our common herd expounds it, is the great knot-tier, which hath undone by tying, and by tangling, millions of guiltlefs confeiences : this is thatgrifly Porter, who having drawn men and wiftft men by futtle allurement within the train of an unhappy matrimony, claps the dungeon-gate upon them, as irrecoverable as the grave. But if we view him well, and hear him with not too hafly and prejudi- cant ears, we fhall find no fuch terror in him. For firft, it is not here faid abfoluiely without all reafon he fhall cleave to his wite, be it to his weal or to his deftruction as it happens, but he fhall do this upon the premifes and confiderations of that meet help and fociety before mention'd. Therfore he fhall cleave to his wife, no otherwife a wife than a fit help. He is not bid to leave the dear cohabitation of his father, mother, brothers and filters, to link himfelf infeparably with the mere carcafs of a Marriage, perhaps an enemy. This joining particle Therfore is in all equity, nay in all necefTity of conftruftion to comprehend firft and molt principally what God fpake concerning the inward elTence of Marriage in his inftitution, that we may learn how far to attend what Adam fpake of the outward materials therof in his approbation. For if we fhall bind theft words of Adam only to a corporal meaning, and that the force of this injunction upon all us his fons to live individually with a- ny woman which hath befaln us in the moft miftaken wedloc, fhall confift not in thoft moral and relative caufes oi' Eve's creation, but in the meer anatomy of a rib, and that Adam's infight concerning wedloc reach'd no further, we fhall make him as very an idiot as the Socinians make him ; which would not be reverently done of us. Let us be content to allow our great fore-father fo much wifdom, as to take the in- ftituting words of God along with him into this fentence, which if they be well minded, will afTure us that flefh and ribs are but of a weak and dead efficacy to keep Marriage united where there is no other fitnefs. The rib of Marriage, to all fince Adam, is a relation much rather than a bone •, the nerves and finews therof are love and meet help, they knit not every couple that marries, and where they knit they feldom break-, but where they break, which for the moft part is where they never truly join'd, to fuch at the fame inftant both flefh and rib ceafe to be in common : fo that here they argue nothing to the continuance of a falfe or violated Marriage, but muft be led back again to receive their meaning from thoft infti- tutive words of God which give them all the life and vigour they have. Therfore fhall a man leave his father, &c.~\ What to a man's thinking more plain by this appointment, that the fatherly power fhould give place to conjugal prero- gative ? Yet it is generally held by reformed writers againft the Papift, that though in perfons at difcretion the Marriage in it felf be never fo fit, though it be fully accomplifht with benediction, board and bed, yet the father not confenting, his main Will without difpute fhall diffolve all. And this they affirm only from col- lective reafon, not any direct law ■, for that in Exod. 22. 17. which is moft parti- cular, fpeaks that a father may refuft to marry his daughter to one who hath de- flour'd her, not that he may take her away from one who hath foberly married her. Yet becauft the general honour due to parents is great, they hold he may, and perhaps hold not amifs. Bat again, when the queftion is of liarlh and rugged pa- rents, who defer to beftow their children feafonably, they agree jointly that the Church or Magiftrate may beftow them, though without the Father's confent : and tor this they have no exprefs authority in Scripture. So that they may fee by their own handling of this very place, that it is not the ftubborn letter muft govern us, but the divine and foftning breath of charity which turns and winds the dictate of every pofirive command, and fhapes it to the good of mankind. Shall the out- ward acccflbry of a Father's will wanting, rend the iitteft and moft affectionate Marriage in twain, after all nuptial confummations j and fhall not the want of Vol. I. G g love z6 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture y love and the privation of all civil and religious concord, which is the inward ef- fence of Wedloc, do as much to part thofe who were never truly wedded ? Shall a Father have this power to vindicate his own wilful honour and authority to the utter breach of a molt dearly-united Marriage, and fhall not a man in his own power have the permiflion to free his Soul, his Life, and all his comfort of life from the difafter of a no-marriage? Shall fatherhood, which is but man, for his own pleafuFe dilTolve matrimony •, and fhall not matrimony, which rs God's Or- dinance, for its own honour and better confervntion, diiTolve it felf, when it is wrong, and not fitted to any of the chief ends which it owes us ? And they Jhall be onefleflj.] Thefe words alfo infer that there ought to be an individualty in Marriage •, but without all queilion prefuppofe the joining caufes. Not a rule yet that we have met with, fo univerfal in this whole inftitution, but hath admitted limitations and conditions according to human neceffity. The very foundation of Matrimony, though God laid it deliberately, that it is net good for man to be alone, holds not always, if the Apoftle canfecureus. Soon after we are bid leave Father and Mother, and cleave to a Wife, but muft underftand the Fa- ther's confent withal, elfe not. Cleave to a Wife, but let her be a wife, let her be a meet help, a folace, not a nothing, not an adverfary, not a defertrice ; can any law or command be fo unreafonable as to make men cleave to calamity, to ruin, to perdition ? In like manner here, They fhall be one flefu ; but let the caufes hold, and be made really good, which only have the poffibility to make them one flefh. We know that flefh can neither join, nor keep together two bodies of it felf; what is ii: then muft make them one flefh, but likenefs, but fitnefs of mind and difpofition, which may breed the Spirit of concord, and union between them ? If that be not in the nature of either, and that there has bin a retnedilefs miftake, as vain we go about to compel them into one flefh, as if we undertook to weave a garment of dry land. It were more eafy to compel the vegetable and nutritive power of nature to alTimilations and mixtures which are not alterable each by other ; or force the con- coftive ftomach to turn that into flefh which is fo totally unlike that fubftance, as not to be wrought on. For as the unity of mind is nearer and greater than the u- nion of bodies, fodoubtlefs is the diffimilitude greater and more dividual, as that which makes between bodies all difference and diftinftion. Efpecially whenas befides the Angular and fubftantial differences of every Soul, there is an intimate quality of good or evil, through the whole Progeny of Adam, which like a radical heat, or mortal chillnefs, joins them, or disjoins them irrefiftibly. In whom ther- fore either the will, or the faculty is found to have never join'd, or now not to con- tinue fo, 'tis not to fay, they fhall be one flefh, for they cannot be one flefh. God commands not impoffibilities ; and all the Ecclefiaftical glue, that Liturgy or Lay- men can compound, is not able to foder up two fuch incongruous Natures into the one flefh of a true befeeming Marriage. Why did Mofes then fet down their uniting into one flefh ? And I again ask, why the Gofpel fo oft repeats the eating of our Sa- viour's flefh, the drinking of his blood ? That ice are one body ivith him, the members of his body, fleflj of 'his flefh, and bone of his bone, Ephef. 5. Yet left we fhould be Capemaitans, as we are told there, that the flefh profiteth nothing •, fo we are told here, if we be not as deaf as Adders, that this union of the flefh proceeds from the union of a fie help and folace. We know that there was never a more fpiritual myfte- ry than this Gofpel taught us under the terms of body and flefh ; yet nothing lefs in- tended than that we fhould flick there. What a ftupidnefs then is it, that in Mar- riage, which is the neareft refemblance of our union with Chrift, we fhould dejeft our felves to fuch a fluggifh and underfoot Philofophy, as to efteem the validity of Marriage meerly by the flefh, though never fo broken and disjointed from love and peace, which only can give a human qualification to that aft of the flefh, and dif- tinguifh it from beftial. The Text therfore ufes this phrxife, that they fhall be one fleflj, tojuftify and make legitimate the rites of Marriage-bed •, which was not un- needful, if for all this warrant they were fufpefted of pollution by fome fefts of Philofophy, and Religions of old, and latelier among the Papifts, and other He- retics elder than they. Some think there is a high myftery in thofe words, from that which Paul faith of them, Ephef. 5. This is agreat 'myftery, but Ifpeak ofChrift and the Church : and thence they would conclude Marriage to be infeparable. For me I difpute not now whether Matrimony be a myftery or no -, if it be ofChrift and his Church, certainly it is not meant of every ungodly and mifwedded Marriage, but then only myfterious, when it is a holy, happy, and peaceful match. But when a Saint is join'd with a Reprobate, or both alike wicked with wicked, fool with fool, 4 a which treat of Nullities /# Marriage. 227 a he-drunkard with a fhe -, when the bed hath bin nothing elfe for twenty years or more, but an old haunt of luft and malice mixt together, no love, no goodnefs, no loyalty, but counterplotting* and fecret wifhing one another's diffolution \ this is to me the greatefl myftery in the world, if fuch a Marriage as this can be the myftery of aught, unlefs it be the myftery of iniquity : According to that which Parous cites out of Chryfoflom, that a bad Wife is a help for the Devil, and the like may be faid of a bad Hufband. Since therfore none but a fit and pious Ma- trimony can fignify the union of Chrift and his Church, there cannot hence bea- ny hindrance of divorce to that Wedloc wherin there can be no good myftery. Rather it might to a Chriftian Confcience be matter of finding it felf fo much lefs latisfy'd than before, in the continuance of an unhappy yoke, wherin there can be no reprefentation either of Chrift, or of his Church. Thus having enquir'd the Inftitution how it was in the beginning, both from the 1 Chap, of Gen. where it was only mention'd in part, and from the fecond, where it was plainly and evidently inftituted ; and having attended each claufe and word ne- ceffary with a diligence not droufy, we fhall now fix with fome advantage, and by a ihort view backward gather up the ground we have gone, and i'um up the ftrength we have, into one argumentative Head, with that organic force that Logic proffers us. All Arts acknowledge that then only we know certainly, when we can define ; for Definition is that which refines the pure effence of things from the circumftance. If therfore we can attain in this our Controverfy to define exactly what Marriage is, we fhall foon learn when there is a nullity therof, and when a divorce. The part therfore of this Chapter which hath bin here treated, doth orderly and readily relblve it felf into a definition of Marriage, and a con feftary from thence. To the definition thefe words chiefly contribute -, It is not good, &c. I will make, &c. Where the confeftary begins this connexion, Therfore informs us, Therfore fhall a Man, &c. Definition is decreed by Logicians to confift only of caufesconftituting the effence of a thing. What is not therfore among the caufes conftituting Marriage, muft not flay in the definition. Thofe caufes are concluded to be Matter, and, as the Artift calls it, Form. But inafmuch as die fame thing may be a caufe more ways than one, and that in relations and inftitutions which have no corporal fubfiftence, but only a refpeftive being, the Form by which the thing is what it is, is oft fo flender and undiftinguifhable, that it would foon confute, were it not fuftain'd by the effi- cient and final caufes, which concur to make up the form invalid otherwife of it felf, it will be needful to take in all the four Caufes into the definition. Firft ther- fore the material caufe of Matrimony is Man and Woman •, the Author and Effici- ent, God and their confent ; the internal Form and Soul of this relation, is con- jugal love arifing from a mutual fitnefs to the final caufes of Wedloc, help and fo- ciety in religious, civil and domeftic converfation, which includes as an inferior end the fulfilling of natural defire, and fpecifical increafe ; thefe are the final caufes both moving the efficient, and perfecting the form. And although copulation be confider'd among the ends of Marriage, yet the aft therof in a right efteem can no longer be matrimonial, than it is an effect of conjugal love. When love finds it felf utterly unmatcht, and juftly vanifhes, nay rather cannot but vanifh, the flefhly aft indeed may continue, but not holy, not pure, not befeeming the facred bond of Marriage •, being at beft but an animal excretion, but more truly worfe and more ignoble than that mute kindlinefs among the herds and flocks : in that pro- ceeding as it ought from intellective principles, it participates of nothing rationa but that which the field and the fold equals. For in human actions the foul is the agent, the body in a manner paffive. If then the body do out of fenfitive force, what the foul complies not with, how can Man, and not rather fomething beneath Man, be thought the doer ? But to proceed in the purfuit of an accurate definition, it will avail us fomething, and whet our thoughts, to examine what fabric hereof others have already rear'd. Parous on Gen. defines Marriage to be an indiffoluble conjunction of one Man and one Woman to an individual and intimate converfation, and mutual benevolence, &c. Wherin is to be markt his placing of intimate converfation before bodily benevo- lence •, for bodily is meant, though indeed benevolence rather founds will than body. Why then fhall divorce be granted for want of bodily performance, and not for want of fitnefs tointimate converfation, whenascorporalbenevolencecannotin any human fafhion be without this? Thus his definition places the ends of Marriage in one order, and efteems them in another. HisTautology a.\fo of indiffoluble and individual is not to be imitated ; efpecially fince neither indiffoluble nor individual hath aught to do Vol. I. Ge 2 in » > 2 8 Expoftions on the four chief pkces in Scripture ', in the exact definiton, being but a confectary flowing from thence, as appears by plain Scripture, "Therfore fh all a Man leave, &c. For Marriage is pot true Marriage by being individual, but therfore individual, if it be true Marriage. No argument but caufes enter the definition ; a Confectary is but the effect of thofe caufes. Be- fides, that Marriage is indiflbluble, is not Catholicly true •, we know it diflbluble for Adultery, and forDefertion by the verdict of all Reformed Churches. Dr. Ames defines it an individual conjuntlion of one man and one woman, to communion of body and mutual fociety of life : But this perverts the Order of God, who in the inftitution places meet help and fociety of life before communion of body. And vulgar efti- mation undervalues beyond companion all fociety of life and communion of mind beneath the communion of body •, granting no divorce, but to the want, or mifcom- municating of that. Hemingius, an approved Author, Melani-ktdtfS Scholar, and who, next to Bucer and Erafmus, writes of Divorce mod like a Divine, thus com prifes, Marriage is a conjunction of one man and one woman lawfully confenting, into oneflefh, for mutual help's fake, ordain'dofGod. And in his explanation ilands punc- tually upon the conditions of confent, that it be not in any main matter deluded, as being the life of Wedloc, and no true Marriage without a true confent. Into one fleflj he expounds into one mind, as well as one body, and makes it the formal caufe : Herein only miffing, while he puts the effect into his definition inftead of the caufe which the Text affords him. For one fiejh is not the formal effence of Wedloc, but one end, or one effect of« meet help : The end oft-times being the ef- fect and fruit of the form, as Logic teaches : Elfe many aged and holy Matrimo- nies, and more eminently that of Jojeph and Mary, would be no true Marriage. And that maxim generally receiv'd, would be falfe, that confent alone, tho' copulation never follow, makes the Marriage. Therfore to confent lawfully into one flefh, is not the formal caufe of Matrimony, but only one of the effects. The Civil Lawyers, and firft Juftinian or Tribonian defines Matrimony a conjuntlion of man and woman containing individual accuftom of life. Wherin firft, individual is not fo bad as indif- foluble put in by others : And altho' much cavil might be made in the diftinguifh- ing between indivifible and individual, yet the one taken for poffible, the other for actual, neither the one nor the other can belong to the efience of Marriage ; efpe- cially when a Civilian defines, by which Law Marriage is actually divore'd for ma- .ny caufes, and with good leave, by mutual confent. Therfore where conjuntlion is faid, they who comment thelnftitutes, agree that conjunction of mind is by the Law . meant, not neceflarily conjunction of body. That Law then had good reafon at- tending to its own definition, that divorce mould be granted for the breaking of . that conjunction which it holds neceflary, fooner than for the want of that con- junction which it holds not neceflary. And wheras Tuningus a famous Lawyer excufes individual as the purpofe of Marriage, not always the fuccefs, it fuffices not. Purpofe is not able to conftitute the efience of a thing. Nature her felf, the univer- fal Mother, intends nothing but her own perfection and prefervation •, yet is not the more indiflbluble for that. The Pandeils out ofModeftinus, tho' not define, yet well defcribe Marriage, the conjuntlion of male and female, the fociety of all life, the communion of divine and human right : which Bucer ulfo imitates on the fifth to the Ephefums. But it feems rather to comprehend the feveral ends of Marriage than to contain the more conftituting caufe that makes it what it is. That I therfore among others (for who fings not Hylas) may give as well as take matter to be judg'd on, it will be look'd I ihould produce another definition than thefe which have not flood the trial. Thus then I iuppofe that Marriage by the natural and plain order of God's inftitution in the Text may be more demonftra- . tively and eflentially defin'd. Marriage is a divine inflitution, joining man and wo- man in a love fitly difpos\l to the helps and comforts ofdomejiic life. A divine inftitution. This contains the prime efficient caufe of Marriage : as for confent of Parents and Guardians, if feems rather a concurrence than a caufe •, for as many that marry are in their own power as not ; and where they are not their own, yet are they not fubjefted beyond reafon. Now tho' efficient caufes are not requilite in a de- finition, yet divine inftitution hath fuch influence upon the Form, and is lb acon- . ferving caufe of it, that without it the Form is not fufficient tp diftinguiih matri- mony irom other conjunctions of male and female, which are not to be counted Marriage. Joining man and woman in a love, &c. This brings in the parties con- fent •, until which be, the Marriage hath no true being. When I fay conjent, I mean not error, for error is not properly confent: And why fhould not confent be here underftood with equity and good to either part, as in all other friendly Co. which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 229 Covenants, and not be ftrain'd and cruelly urg'd to the mifchief and dcftruftion ot both ? Neither do 1 mean that lingular act of eonient which made the contract, for that may remain, and yet the Marriage not true nor lawful ; and that may ceafe, and yet the Marriage both true and lawful, to their fin that break it. So that either as no efficient at all, or but a tranfitory, it comes not into the defini- tion. That eonient I mean which is a love fitly difpos'd to mutual help and com- fort of life: this is that happy Form of Marriage naturally arifingfrom the very heart of divine inftitution in the Text, in all the former definitions either obfeure- !y, and under miftaken terms expreft, or not at all. This gives Marriage all her due, all her benefits, all her being, all her diftinft and proper being. This makes a Marriage not a bondage, a bleffing not a curfe, a gift of God not a fnare. Unlcfs there be a love, and that love born of fitnefs, how can it laft ? unlefs it kill, how can the bed and fweeteft purpofes of Marriage be attain'd, and they not attain'd, which are the chief ends, and with a lawful love conftitute the formal caufe it felf of Marriage ? How can the efience therof fubfift ? How can it be in- ' what it goes for? Conclude therfore by all the power of Reafon, that where this efience of Marriage is not, there can be no true Marriage ; and the Parties, either one of them or both, are free, and without fault, rather by a Nullity than by a Divorce, may betake them to a fecond choice, if their preJ'ent condition be not tolerable to them. If any fhall ask, why domejiic in the definition ? I anfwer, .that becaufe both in the Scriptures, and in the graved: Poets andPhilofophers, I find the properties and excellencies of a wife fet out only from domeftic vertuesi if they extend further, it diffufes them into the notion of fome more common du- ty than matrimonial. Thus far of the definition ; the ConfeiJary which flows from thence, and altoge- ther depends theron, is manifeftly brought in by this connexive particle Therfore ; and branches it felf into a double confequence ; Firft individual Society, therfore fhall a man leave father and mother : Secondly, conjugal benevolence, and they fhall be onefleflj. Which, as was fhewn, is not without caufe here mention'd, to prevent and to abolifh the fufpeft of pollution in that natural and undefiled aft. Thefe confequences therfore cannot either in Religion, Law, or Reafon be bound, and polled upon Mankind to his forrow and mifery, but receive what force they have from the meetnefs of help and folace, which is the formal caufe and end of that de- finition that fuftains them. And altho' it be not for theMajefty of Scripture to humble her felf in artificial Theorems, and Definitions, and Corollaries, like a pro- fefior in the Schools, but looks to be analysed, and interpreted by the logical in- duftry of her Difciples and Followers, and to be redue'd by them as oft as need is, into thofe Sciential rules, which are the implements of inftruftion ; yetMofes, as if forefeeing the mifcrable work that man's ignorance and pufillanimiry would make in this matrimonious bufinefs, and endeavouring his utmoft to prevent it, conde- fcends in this place to fuch a methodical and fchool-like way of defining, and confequencing, as in no place of the whole Law more. Thus we have feen, and if we be not contentious, may know what was Marriage in the beginning, to which in the Gofpel we are referr'd •, and what from hence to judge of Nullity, or Divorce. Here I efteem the work done •, in this field the con- rroverfy decided •, but becaufe other places of Scripture feem to look averfiy. upon this our decifion, altho' indeed they keep all harmony with it, and becaufe it is a better work to reconcile the feeming diverfities of Scripture, than the real dif- fenfions of neareft friends, I fhall allay in three following Difcourfes to perform that Offic e. Deut. XXIV. i, 2. 1 . TFhen a man hath taken a Wife, and married her, and it come topafs that foe find no favour in his eyes, becaufe he hath found fome uncle annefs in her, then let him write her a bill of divorcement, and give it in her hand, and fend her out of his houfe, , 2 . And ivhenjhe is departed out of his houfe, fije may go and be another {nan's wife. THAT which is the only difcommodity of fpeaking in a clear matter, the abun- dance of argument that prefTes to be utter'd, and the fufpenfe of judgment what to choofe, and how in the multitude of reafon to be not tedious, is the greateft dif- ficulty which I expeft here to meet with. Yet much hath bin faid formerly con- cerning this Law in the Doclrine of Divorce. Wherof I fhall repeat no more than what is necefiary. Two things are here doubted : Firft, and that but of late, whe- ther this be a Law or no ; next, what this reafon of umleannefs might mean, for which 230 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture , which the Law is granted. That it is a plain Law no man ever queftion'd, till Patabliis within thefe hundred years profefs'd Hebrew at Paris, a man of no Reli- gion, as SfZtf decyphers him. Yet fome there be who follow him, not only againft the current of all Antiquity both Jewifh and Chriftian, but the evidence of Scrip- ture alfo, Malach. 2. 16. Let him who hatcih pit away ', faith the Lord God of Jfrael. Altho' this place alfo hath bin tamper'd with, as if it were to be thus render'd, The Lord God faith, that he haleth pitting away. But this new interpretation refts only in the Authority of Junius; for neither Calvin, nor Vatablus himfelf, nor any other known Divine fo interpreted before. And they of beft note who have trani- lated the Scripture fince, and Diodati for one, follow not his reading. And per- haps they might reject it, if for nothing elfe, for thefe two Reafons: Firft, it intro- duces in a new manner the perfon of God fpeaking lefs Majeftic than he is ever wont: When God fpeaks by his Prophet, he ever fpeaks in the firft perfon, ther- by fignifying his Majefty and Omniprefence. He would have faid, I hate putting • away, faith the Lord ; and not fent word by Malachi in a fudden fal'n ftile, The Lord Gcd faith that he hateth flitting away : that were a phrafe to fhrink the glori- ous Omniprefence of God fpeaking, into a kind of circumfcriptive abfence. And were as if a Herald in the Achievement of a King, fhould commit the indecorum to fct his helmet fideways and clofe, not full-fac'd and open in the pofture of direction and command. We cannot think therfore that this laft Prophet would thus in a new fafhion abfent the perfon of God from his own words, as if he came not along with them . For it would alfo be wide from the proper fcope of his place : he that reads attentively will foon perceive, that God blames not here the Jews for putting away their wives, but for keeping ftrange Concubines, to the profaning of Judo's holinefs, and the vexation of their Hebrew wives, v. 1 1, and 14. Judah hath mar- ried the daughter of a ftrange God: And exhorts them rather to put their wives away whom they hate, as the Law permitted, than to keep them under fuch affronts. And it is receiv'd that this Prophet liv'd in thole times of Ezra and Nehemiah (nay by fome is thought to be Ezra himfelf) when the People were forc'd by thefe two Worthies to put their ftrange wives away. So that what the ftory of thofe times, and the plain context of the 1 1 verfe, from whence this rebuke begins, can give us to conjecture of the obfcure and curt Ebraifms that follow, this Prophet does not forbid putting away, but forbids keeping, and commands putting away ac- cording to God's Law, which is the plaineft Interpreter both of what God will, and what he can beft fuffer. Thus' much evinces that God there commanded Di- vorce by Malachi, and this confirms that he commands it alfo here by Mofes. I may the lefs doubt to mention by the way an Author, tho' counted Apocryphal, yet of no fmall account for Piety and Wifdom, the Author of Ecckfiafticus. Which Book, begun by theGrand-fatherofthat 7</w whoiscall'dtheSon ot'Sirach, might have bin written in part, not much after the time when Malachi liv'd ; if we com- pute by the Reign of Ptolematts Euergetes. It profefies to explain the Law and the Prophets ; and yet exhorts us to Divorce for incurable caufes, and to cut off from the fiefh thofe whom it there defcribes, Ecclefiaftic. 25. 26. Which doubtlefs that wife and ancient Writer would never have advis'd, had either Malachi fo lately for- bidden it, or the Law by a full precept not left it lawful. But I urge not this for want of better proof ; our Saviour himfelf allows Divorce to be a command, Mark 10. 3, 5. Neither do they weaken this afTertion, who fay it was only a fufferance, as mall be prov'd at large in that place of Mark. Butfuppofe it were not a written Law, they never can deny it was a cuftom, and fo effect nothing. For the fame reafons that induce them why it fhould not be a Law, will ftraiten them as hard why it fhould be allow'd a cuftom. All cuftom is either evil or not evil ; if it be evil, this is the very end of Lawgiving, toabolifhevilcuftomsby wholefom Laws; unlefs we imagine M<?/?.j weaker than every negligent and ftartling Politician. If it be, as they make this of Divorce to be, a cuftom againft nature, againft juftice, a- gainft charity, how, upon this moft impure cuftom tolerated, could theGod of pure- nefs ereft a nice and precife Law, that the Wife married after Divorce could not re- turn to her former Husband, as being defiled ? What was all this following nice- nefs worth, built upon the lewd foundation of a wicked thing allow'd ? In few words then, this cuftom of Divorce either was allowable or not allowable ; if not allowable, how could it be allow'd ? if it were allowable, all who underftand Law will confent, that a tolerated cuftom hath the force of a Law, and is indeed no other but an unwritten Law, as Juftinian calls it, and is as prevalent as any written ftatute. So that their fhift of turning this Law into a cuftom wheels about, and 4 g ive » ivhkh treat of Nullities in Marriage. 231 gives the onfet upon their own flanks ; not difproving, but concluding it to be the more firm Law, becaufe it was without controverfy a gran ted cuftom ; as clear in the reafon of common life, a i ven rules wheron Euclides builds his propofitions. Thus being every way a Law of God, who can without hlafphemy doubt it to be a juft and pure Law ? Mofes continually difavows the giving them any ftatute, or judgment, but what he learnt of God ; of whom alfo in his Song lie faith, Deut. 3 2 . He is the rock, his work is perfect, all his ways are judgment, a God of truth andwith- out iniquity, juft and right is he. And David teftifies, the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. Not partly right and partly wrong, much lefs wrong altogether, as Divines of now-a-days dare cenfure them. Mofes again, of that peo- ple to whom he gave this Law, faith, Deut. 14. Ye are the children of the Lord your God, the Lord hath chofen thee to be a peculiar people to himfelf above all the nations up- on the earth, that thou fhculdeft keep all his Commandments, and be high in praife, in , and in honour, holy to the Lord, Chap. 26. And in the fourth, Beheld Ih:;ve taught you jl at ute s and judgments, even as the Lord my God c led me, keep ther- fore and do them. For this is your wifdom and your underf ':■: the fight of Nations that pall hear all thefe Statutes, and fay, ft • is a wife and under- ft anding people. For what Nation is there fo great, who hath God fo nigh to them ? and t Nation that hath St a. i Judgments fo righteous as all t). > Ifet before you this day ? Thus whether we look at the purity and juftjee of God himfelf, the jealoufy of his honour among other Nations, the holinefs and moral perfection which he intended by his Law to teach this people, we cannot poffibly think how he could indure to let them flugand grow inveterately wicked, under bafe allowances, and whole adulterous lives by difpenfition. They might not eat, they might not touch an unclean thing ; to v. hat hypocrify then were they train'd up, if by prefcrip- tion of the fame Law, they might be unjuft, they might be adulterous for term of life ? forbid to foil their garments with a coy imaginary pollution, but not forbid, but countenanced and animated by Law to foil their Souls with deeped defilements. What more unlike to GoJ, what more like that God fliould hate, than that hisLaw mould be fo curious to wafn vcflels, and veftures, and fo carelefs to leave unwafh'd, unregarded, lo foul a fcab of Egypt in their Souls ? what would we more ? the Statutes of the Lord arc all pure and juft : and if all, then this of Divorce. Becaufe he hath found fame uncleannefs in her.'] That we may not efteem this Law to be a mecr authorizing of licence, as the Pharilees took it, Mofes adds the rea- fon, for fome uncleannefs found. Some hertofore have bin fo ignorant, as to have thought, that this uncleannefs means Adultery. But Erafmus, who for having writ an excellent Treadle of Divorce, was wrote againft by fome burly ftandard Divine perhaps of Cullen, or of Lovain, who calls himfelf Fhimoftomus, fhews learnedly out of the Fathers, with other Teftimonies and Reafons, that uncleannefs is not here fo underftood ; defends his former work, though new to that age, and per- haps counted licentious, and fears not to ingage all his fame on the Argument. Afterward, when Expofitors began to underftand the Hebrew Text, which they had not done of many ages before, they tranflated word for word not uncleannefs, ' hut the nakednefs of any thing -, and confidering that nakednefs is ufually referr'd in Scripture to the mind as well as to the body, they conftantly expound it any de- fect, annoyance, or ill quality in nature, which to be join'd with, makes life tedi- ous, and fuch company worfe than folitude. So that here will be no caufe to vary from the general confent of expofition, which gives us freely that God permitted divorce, for whatever was unalterably diftaftful, whether in body or mind. But h tliis admonifhment, that if the Roman Law, efpecially in contracts and dow- , le ft many things to equity with thefe cautions, ex fide bond, quod teqiiius melius erit, ul . ,os bene agitur, we will not grudge to think that God intended not licence here to every humour, but to fuch remedilefs grievances as might move a good and honeft and faithful man then to divorce, when it can no more be peace or comfort to either of them continuing thus join'd. And although it could not be avoided, but that Men of hard hearts would abufe this liberty, yetdoubtlefs in was intended, as all other 'privileges in Law are, to good men principally, to bad only by accident. So that the Sin was not in the permifTion, nor limply in the action of Divorce (for then the permitting alfo had bin fin) but only in the abufe. But that this' Law fhould, as it were, be wrung from God and Mofes, only to ferve the hardheartednefs, and the luft of injurious men, how remote it is from all fenfe, and law, andhonelty, and therfore furely from the meaning of Chrift, fhall abundantly be manifeft in due order. Now 7*7 Expcftions on the four chief places in Scripture ', Now although Mofes needed not to add other reafon of this Law than that one there expreft, yet to thefe ages wherin Canons, and Scotifms, and Lombard Laws, havedull'dj and aJmoft obliterated the lively Sculpture of ancient reafon, and hu- manity, it will berequifit to heap reafon upon reafon, and all little enough to vin- dicate the whitenefs and the innocence of this divine Law, from the calumny it finds at this day, of being a door to licence andconfufion. Whenas indeed there is not a judicial point in all Mofes, confuting of more true equity, high wifdom, and god- like pity than this Law ; not derogating, but preferring the honour and peace of Marriage, and exactly agreeing with the {cnl'e and mind of that institution in Genefis. For firft, if Marriage be but an ordain'd relation, as it feems not more, it can- not take place above the prime dictates of nature ; and if it be of natural right, yet it muft yield to that which is more natural, and before it by elderfhip and prece- dence in nature. Now it is not natural that Hugh marries Beatrice, or Thomas Re- becca, being only a civil contract, and full of many chances •, but that thefe men feek them meet helps, that only is natural, and that they efpoufe them fuch, that only is Marriage. But if they find them neither fit helps nor tolerable fociety, what thing more natural, more original anci firft in nature than to depart from that which is irkfom, grievous, actively hateful, and injurious even to hoftility, efpecially in a conjugal refpect, wherin antipathies are invincible, and where the fore'd abiding of the one can be no true good, no real comfort to the other ? For if he find no contentment from the other, how can he return it from himfelf ? or no acceptance, how can he mutually accept ? What more equal, more pious than to untie a civil knot for a natural enmity held by violence from parting, to dif- foivc an accidental conjunction of this or that Man and Woman, for the mo ft na- tural and moft necefTary disagreement of meet from unmeet, guilty from guiltlefs, contrary from contrary ? It being certain that the myftical and bleiTed unity pf Marriage can be no way more unhallow'd and profan'd, than by the forcible li- nking of fuch difunions andfeparations. Which if we fee oftimes they cannot join or piece up to a common friendfhip, or to a willing converfation in the fame houfe, how fhould they poffibly agree to the moft familiar and united amity of ^\ edloc ? Abraham and Lot, though dear friends and brethren in a ftrange Country, chofe rather to part afunder, than to infect their friendfhip with the ftrife of their lervants : Paul and Barnabas, join'd together by the Holy Ghoft to a fpiritual work, thought it better to feparate when once they grew at variance. If thefe great Saints, join'd by Nature, Friendfliip, Religion, high Providence, and Revelation, could not fo govern a cafual difference, a fudden paffion, but muft in wifdom divide from the outward duties of a Friendfhip, or a Colleguefhip in the fame family, or in the fame journey, left it fhould grow to a worfe divifion ; can any thing be more abfurd and barbarous, than that they whom only Error, Cafualty, Art, or Plot, hath join- ed, fhould be compell'd, not againft a fudden paffion, but againft the permanent and radical difcords of Nature, to the moft intimate and incorporating duties of Love and Imbracement, therin only rational and human, as they are free and voluntary ; being eife an abject and fervile yoke, fcarce not brutifh? And that there is in man fuch a peculiar lway of liking or difiiking in the affairs of Matrimony, is evidently feen before Marriage among thofe who can be friendly, can refpect each other, yet to marry each other would not for any perlwafion. If then this unfitnefs and difpari- ty be not till afterMarriagedifcover'd, through manyGaufes, and Colours, and Con- ce alments, that may overfhadow ; undoubtedly it will produce the lame effects, and perhaps with more vehemence, that fuch a miftaken pair would give the world to be unmarried again. And their condition Solomon to the plain juftification of Divorce exprefies, Prov.^o. 21,23. where he tells us of his own accord, that a hated, or a hateful Woman, whenjhe is married, is a thing for which the earth is difquieted, and cannot bear it : thus giving divine teftimony to this divine Law, which bids us nothing more than is the firft and moft innocent lefibn of Nature, to turn away peaceably from what afflicts, and hazards our deftruction ; efpeci- ally when our flaying can do no good, and is expos'd to all evil. Secondly, It is unjuft that any Ordinance, ordain'd to the good and comfort of Man, where that end is miffing, without his fiiult, fhould be fore'd upon him to an unfufferable mil'ery and difcomfort, if not commonly ruin. All Ordinances are eftablifht in their end ; the end of Law is the vertue, is the rightebufnefs of Law: and therfore him we count an ill Expounder who urges Law againft the intention therof. The general end of every Ordinance, of every fevereft, every divined, even of Sabbath, is the good of Man ; yea his temporal good not excluded. But Marriage is which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 233 is one of the benigneft ordinances of God toman, wherof both thegeneral and parti- cular end is the peace and contentment of man's mind, as the inltitution declares. Contentment of body they grant, which if it be defrauded, the plea of frigidity (hall divorce : But here lies the fathomlefs abfurdity, that granting this for bodily defect, they will not grant it for any defect of the mind, any violation of religious or civil fociety. Whenas, if the argument of Chrift be firm againft the ruler of the Syna- gogue, Luke 13. Thou hypocrite, doth not each of you on the Sabbath-day loofen his Ox or his Afs from the flail, and lead him to watering, and JJiould not I unbind a daughter of Abraham from this bond of Satan? It (lands as good here ; ye have regard in Mar- riage to the grievance of body, fhould you not regard more the grievances of the mind, feeing the Soul as much excels the body, as the outward man excels the Afs, and more? for that animal isyetalivingcreature, perfect in itfelf; butthe body with- out the Soul is a meer fenfelefs trunk. No ordinance therfore given particularly to the good both fpiritual and temporal of man, can be urged upon him to his mif- chief : and if they yield this to the unworthierpart, the body, whereabout are they in their principles, that they yield it notto the more worthy, the mind ofa good man? Thirdly, As no Ordinance, fo no Covenant, no not between God and Man, much Jefs between Man and Man, being, as all are, intended to the good of both Parties, can hold to the deluding or making miferable of them both. For Equity is un- derftood in every Covenant, even between enemies, tho' the terms be not expreft. If Equity therfore made it, Extremity may diffolveit. But Marriage, they ufe to fay, is the Covenant of God. Undoubted : and fo is any Covenant frequently cal- led in Scripture, wherin God is call'd to witnefs : The Covenant of Friendfhip between David and Jonathan, is call'd the Covenant of the Lord, i Sam. 20. The Covenant of.Zedekia'h with the King of Babel, a Covenant to be doubted whether lawful or no, yet in refpeft of God invok'd therto is call'd the Oath, and the Co- venant of God, Ezek. 17. Marriage alfo is call'd the Covenant of God, Prov. 2. 17. Why, but as before, becaufeGod is the witnefs therof, Mai. 2. 14. So that this de- nomination adds nothing to the Covenant of Marriage, above any other civil and fo- lemn contract : nor is it more indiflbluble for this reafon than any other againft the end of its own Ordination ; nor is any Vow or Oath to God exacted with fuch a rigour, where fuperftition reigns not. For look how much divine the Covenant is, fo much the more equal, fo much the more to be expected that every Article ther- of fhould be fairly made good •, no falfe dealing, or unperforming fhould be thruft upon men without redrefs, if the covenant be fo divine. But Faith, they fay, muft be kept in Covenant, tho' to our damage. I anfwer, that only holds true, where the other fide performs ; which failing, he is no longer bound. Again, this is true, when the keeping of Faith can be of any ufe or benefit to the other. But in Mar- riage, a league of Love and Willingnefs, if Faith be not willingly kept, it fcarce is worth thekeeping; norcan beanydelight toa generous mind, with whom it is forci- bly kept: and thequeftion ft ill fuppofes the one brought to an impoffibility of keep- ing it as he ought, by the other's default; and to keep it formally, not only with a thoufand fhifts and diffimulations, but with open anguifh, perpetual fadneis and difturbance, no willingnefs, no cheerfulnefs, no contentment, cannot be any good to a mind not bafely poor and fhal low, with whom the contract of Love is fo kept. A Covenant therfore brought to that pafs, is on the unfaulty fide without injury difiblv'd. Fourthly, The Law is not to neglect men under greateft fufferances, but to fee Covenants of greateft moment faithfulleft perform'd. And what injury comparable to that fuflain'd in a fruftrate and falfe-dealing Marriage, to lofe, for another's fault againft him, the befl portion of his temporal comforts, and of his fpiritual too, as it may fall out ? It was the Law, that for man's good and quiet,reduc'd things to pro- priety, which were at firft in common •, how much more Law -like were it to affift Nature in difappropriating that evil which by continuing proper becomes deilruc- tive ? But he might have bewar'd. So he might in any other Covenant, wherin the Law does not conitrain Error to fo dear a forfeit. And yet in thefe matters wherin the wifeftare apt to err, all the warinefs that can be, ofttimes nothing avails. But the Lawcan compel the offending party to be more duteous. Yes, if all thefe kind of offences were fit in public to be complain'd on, or being compell'd were any fa- tisfaction to a mate not fottifh, or malicious. And thefe injuries work fo vehement- ly, that if the Law remedy them not, byfeparatingthe caufe when no way elle will pacify, the perfonnotreliev'd betakeshimeitherto fuchdiforderly courfcs,or toiuch a dull dejection as renders him either infamous, or ulclefs to the fervice of God and Vol.' I. Hh his 234 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture , his Country. Which the Law ought to prevent as a thing pernicious to the Com- monwealth •, and what better prevention than this which Mofes us'd ? Fifthly, The Law is to tender the liberty and the human dignity of them that live under the Law, whether it be the man's right above the woman, or the woman's juft appeal againft wrong and fervitude. But the duties of Marriage contain in them a duty of Benevolence, which to do by compulfion againft the Soul, where there can be neither peace, nor joy, nor love, butancnthralmenttoor.e who either cannot, or will not be mutual in the godlieft and the civileft ends of that fociety, is the igno- bleft, and the loweft flavery that a human fhapecan be put to. This Law therfore iuftly and pioufly provides againft fuch an unmanly tafk of bondage as this. Tlie Civil Law, tho' it favoured the letting free of a (lave, yet if he pro v'd ungrateful ro his Patron, redue'd him to a fervile condition. If that Law did well to reduce from liberty to bondage for an ingratitude not the greateft, much more became it the Law of God to enact thereftorement of a free-born man from an unpurposed, and unworthy bondage, to a rightful liberty, for the moft unnatural fraud and ingratitude that can be committed againft him. And ifthat Civilian Emperor in his title of Do- nationSy permit the giver to recall his gift from him who proves unthankful towards him ; yea, tho' he had fubferib'd and fign'd in the deed of his gift, not to recall it, though for this very caufe of ingratitude ; with much more equity doth Mofes per- mit here the giver to recall no petty gift, but the gift of himfeli from one who moft injurioufly and deceitfully ufes him againft the main ends and conditions of his gi - ving himfelf, expreft in God's inftitution. Sixthly, Altho' there be nothing in the plain words of this Law, that feems to regard the afflictions of a Wife, howgreat foever; yet Expofitors determine, and doubtlefs determine rightly, that God was not uncompaflionate of them alfointhe framing of this Law. For fhould the refcript o£ Antoninus in the Civil Law give releafe to fervants flying for refuge to the Emperor's ftatue, by giving leave to change their cruel Matters ; and fhould God, who in his Law alfo is good to injur'd fervants, by granting them their freedom in divers cafes, not conlider the wrongs and miferies of a wife, which is no fervant ? Tho' herin the counter- fenfe of our Divines, to me, I mull confefs feems admirable •, who teach that God gave this as a merciful Law, not for Man whom he here names, and to whom by name he gives this power; but for the Wife, whom he names not, and to whom by name he gives no power at all. For certainly if Man be liable to injuries in Marriage, as well as Woman, and Man be the worthier Perfon, it were a prepoflerous Law to refpe£t only the lefs worthy, her whom God made for Marriage, and not him at all for whom Marriage was made. Seventhly, The LawofMarriagegivesplacetothepowerofparents: forwehold, that confent of Parents not had, may break the Wedloc, tho'elfe aocompliftit. It gives place to mafterly Power, for the Maftcr might take away from an Hebrew fervant the wife which he gave him, Exod. 2 1 . If it be anfwer'd, that the Marriage of Servants is no Matrimony : 'tis reply'd, That this in the ancient Roman Law is true, not in the Mofaic. If it be added, fhewas a Stranger, not an Hebrew, ther- fore eafily divore'd •, it will be anfwer'd, That Strangers not being Canaaniies, and they alfo being Converts, might be lawfully married, as Rahab was. And her converfion is herefuppos'd ; for an Hebrew matter could not lawfully give an Hea- then wife to an Hebrew fervant. However, the divorcing of an Ifraelitijh woman was as eafy by the Law, as the divorcing of a Stranger, and almoft in the fame words permitted, Deut. 24. and Deut. 21. Laftly, it gives place to the rightof War, for a captive Woman lawfully marry 'd, and afterwards not belov'd, might bedif- mifs'd, only without ranfom, Deut. 21. If Marriage be diflblv'd by fo many exte- rior powers, not fuperior, as we think, why may not the power of Marriage it felf, for its own peace and honour, diflblve it felf, where the perfons wedded be freeperfons ? Why maynot agreaterand more natural power complaining diflblve Marriage? For the ends why Matrimony was ordain'd, are certainly and by all Logic above all the Ordinance it felf; why may not that diflblve Marriage, with- out which that inftitution hath no force at all ? For the prime ends of Marriage, are the whole ftrength and validity therof, without which Matrimony is like on Idol, nothing in the world. But thofe former allowances were all for hardnefsof heart. Be that granted, until we come where to underiiand it better: if the Law fuffer thus far the obftinacy of a bad man, is it not more righteous here, to do wil- lingly what is but equal, to remove in feafon the extremities of a good man ? Eighthly, which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 235 ithly, If a man had deflowr'daVirgin, or brought an ill name on his Wife that fhc came not a Virgin to him, he was amere'd in certain (hekels ofSilver, and bound never to divorce her all his days, Dent. 22. which (hews that the Law gai 1 no li- berty to divorce, where the injury was palpable-, and that the abfolute forbidding todivorce, was in part the punifhment of a deflowerer, and a defamer. Yet not lb butthatth qu ftionlefs might depart when fhepleafed. Otherwifethiscourfe had ■ hi righted her, as delivered her up to more fpight and cruel ufage. This Law the rfore doth jullly diftinguifh the privilege of an lionclt and blamelefs man in the matter of divorce from the punifhment ofa notorious offender. Ninthly, Suppofe itiliould be imputed to a manthathe wastooralhin hischoice, and why he took not better he< d, let him now fmart, and bear his folly as he may •, altho'theLawofGod, that terrible Law, do not thus upbraid the infirmities and un- willing miftakes of man in his integrity: But fuppofe thefe and the like proud ag- gravations of fome Hern hypocrite, more mercilefs in his mercies, than any literal Law in the vigour of feverity, mull be patiently heard; yet all Law, and God's Law especially grants cvery-where to error eafy remitments, even where theut- nioft penalty exacted were no undoing. With great reafon therfore and mercy doth it here not torment an error, if it be lb, with the indurance ofa whole life Jolt to all houfhold comfort and fociety, a punifhment of too vaft and huge dimenfi- on for an error, and the more unreafonable for that the like objection majf be op- pos'd againft the plea of divorcing for Adultery •, he might have lookt better be- fore toher breeding under religious parents: why did he not more diligently in- quire into her manners, into what company , fhc kept? every glance of her eye, e- very ftcp of her gait would have prophefy'd adultery, if the quick fcent of thefe dilcerner.s had been took along; .they had the divination to have foretold you all this, as they have now the divinity to punifh an error inhumanly. As good reafon to be content, and fore'dtobe content with your Adulterefs, if thefe objeclers might be the judges of human frailty. But God, more mild and good to man, than man to his brother, in all this liberty given to divorcement, mentions not a word of our pad errors and miftakes, if any were, which thefe men objecting from their own inventions, profecute with all violence and iniquity. For if theonebc to look fo narrowly what he takes, at the peril of ever keeping, why fhould not the other be made as wary what is promis'd, by the peril of lofing ? for without thofe pro- mifes the treaty of Marriage had not proceeded. Why fhould his own error bind him, rather than the other's fraud acquit him ? Let the buyer beware, faith the old Law-beaten termer. Belike then there is no more honefty, nor ingenuity in the bargain of a Wedloc, than in the buying ofa Colt : We muft it feems drive it on as craftily with thofe whole affinity we leek, as if they were a pack of fale-men and complotters. But the deceiver deceives himfelf in the unprofperous Marri- age, and therin is fufficiently punifht. I anfwer, that the moft of thofe who de- ceive, are fuch as either underftand not, or value not the true purpofes of Marri- age ; they have the prey they feck, not the punifhment: yet lay it prove to them fome crofs, it is not equal that error and fraud fhould be linkt in the fame degree of forfeiture, but rather that error mould be acquitted, and fraud bereav'd Iiis morfel, if the miftake were not on both fides ; for then on both fides the acquit- ment will be reafonable, if the bondage be intolerable ; which this 1 .aw gracioufly determines, not unmindful of the wife, as was granted willingly to the common Lx- pofitors, tho' beyond the letter of this Law, yet not beyond the fpirit of charity. Tenthly, Marriage is a folemn thing, fome fay a holy, the refemblance of Chrift and his Church ? and fo indeed it is where the perfons are truly religi- ous ; and we know all iacred things not perform'd fincerely as they ought, are no way acceptable to God in their outward formality. And that wherin it differs from perfonal duties, if they be not truly done, the fault is in our felves ; but Marriage to be a true and pious Marriage is not in the fingle power of any per- fon ; the effence wherof, as of all other Covenants, is in relation to another, the making and maintaining caufes therof are all mutual, and muft be a commu- nion of fpiritual and temporal comforts. If then either of them cannot, or ob- ftinately will not be anfwerable in thefe duties, fo as that the other can have no peaceful living, or endure the want of what he jullly feeks, and fees no hope, then ftrait from that dwelling love, which is the foul of Wedloc, takes his flight, leaving only fome cold performances of civil and common refpefts ; but the true bond of Marriage, if there were ever any there, is already built like a rot- ten thread. Then follows dillimulation, lufpicion, falfe colours, falfe pretences, Vol. I. II h 2 and 2. 3 6 Expofnions on the four chief places in Scripture ; and worfe than thefe, difturbance, annoyance, vexation, forrow, temptation even in the faultlefs perfon, weary of himfelf, and of all actions public or domcftic; then comes diforder, neglect, hatred, and perpetual ftrife, all thefe the enemies of Holinefs and Chriftianity, and every one perfifted in, a remedilefs violation of Matrimony. Therfore God who hates all feigning and formality, where there mould be all faith and fincerenefs, and abhors the inevitable difcord, where there fhould be °reater concord, when thro' another's default, faith and concord cannot be, counts it neither juft to punifh the innocent with the Tranfgreffor, nor holy, nor honourable for the fanctity of Marriage, that mould be the union of peace and love to be made the commitment, and clofe fight of enmity and hate. And therfore doth in this Law, what belt agrees with his goodnefs, loofning a facred thing to peace and charity, rather than binding it to hatred and contention ; loof- ning^only the outward and formal tie of that which is already inwardly and really broken, or elfe was really never join'd. Eleventhly, One of the chief matrimonial ends isfaid to feek a holy feed ; but where an unfit Marriage adminifters continual caufe of hatred and diftemper, there, as was heard before, cannot choofe but much unholinefs abide. Nothing more un- hallows a man, moreunprepares him to the fervice of God in any duty, thanahabk of wrath and perturbation, arifing from the importunity of troublous caufes never abfent/ And where the houfhold ftands in this plight, what love can there be to the unfortunate iffue, what care of their breeding, which is of main conducement to their being holy ? God therfore knowing how happy it would be for children to be born in fiich a family, gives this Law either as a prevention, that being an unhappy pair, they fhould not add to be unhappy parents, or elfe as a remedy that if there be children, while they are feweft, they may follow either parent, as fhall be agreed, or judg'd, from the houfe of hatred and difcord to place of more holy and peaceable education. Twelfthly, All Law is available to fome good end, but the final prohibition of Divorce avails to no good end, caufing only the endlefs aggravation of evil, and therfore this permiffion of divorce was given to the Jews by the wifdom and fatherly providence of God ; who knew that Law cannot command love,wirh- out which Matrimony hath no true being, no good, no folace, nothing of God's inftituting, nothing but fo fordid and folow, as to be difdain'd of any generous per- fon. Law cannot inable natural inability either of body, or mind, which gives the grievance •, it cannot make equal thofe inequalities, it cannot make fit thofe unfit- nefi.es •, and where there is malice more than defect of nature, it cannot hinder ten thoufand injuries, and bitter actions of defpight, too futtle and too unapparentfor Law to deal with. And while it feeks to remedy more outward wrongs, it ex- pofes the injur'd perfon to other more inward and more cutting. All thefe evils unavoidably will redound upon the children, if any be, and upon thewhole family. It degenerates and diforders the beft fpirits, leaves them to unfettled imaginations, and degraded hopes, carelefs of themfelves, their houfholds and their friends, un- active to all public fervice, dead to the Commonwealth ; wherirf they are by one mifhap, and no willing trefpafs of theirs, outlaw'd from all the benefits and com- forts of married life and pofterity. It confers as little to the honour and inviola- ble keeping of Matrimony, but fooner ftirs up temptations and occafions to fecret adulteries and unchafte roving. But it maintains public honefty. Public folly ra- ther ; who fhall judge of public honefty ?The Law of God and of ancienteft Chri- ftians, and all Civil Nations, or the illegitimate Law of Monks and Canonifts, the moft malevolent, moft unexperienc'd, molt incompetent Judges of Matrimony ? Thefe reafons, and many more that might be alleg'd, afford us plainly to perceive, both what good caufe this Law had to do for good men in mifchances, and what necefilty it had to fuffer accidentally the hard-heartednefs of bad men, which could not certainly difcover, or difcovering, could not fubdue, no nor endeavour to re- ftrain without multiplying forrow to them, for whom all was indeavour'd. The guiltlefs therfore were not depriv'd their needful redreifes, and the hard hearts of others unchaftifable in thofe judicial Courts, were fo remitted there, as bound over to the higher Sefiion of Conicience. Notwithstanding all this, there is a loud exception againftthis Law of God, nor can the holy Author five his Law from this exception, that it opens adoor to all li- cence and confufion. But this is the rudeft, I was almoft faying the moft graceJefs objection, and with the leaft reverence to God and Mofes, that could be devis'd: This. is to cite God before man's Tribunal, to arrogate a wifdom and holinefs above him. Did tohich treat of Nullities in M a r r i a g e\ 23 Did nut God then forefee what event of licence or confufion could follow? Did not he know how to ponder thefe abufes with more prevailing refpects, in the moft e- ven baliar.ee of his juftice and purenefs, till thefe correctors came up to fhew him better? The Law is, if it ftir up fih any way, to ftir it up by forbidding, as one contrary excites another, Rom. 7. but if it once come to provoke fin, by granting li- cence to fin, according to Laws that have no other hontft end, but only to permit the fulfilling of obftinate luft, how is God not made the contradicler of himfelf? No man denies that bed things may be abus'd: but it is a Rule refulting from ma- ny pregnant experiences, that what doth moft harm in the abufing, us'd rightly doth moft good. And i'uch a good to take away from honeft men, for beino- abus'd by fuch as abufeall things, is the greateft abufe of all. That the whole Law is no further ufeful, than as a man ufes it lawfully, S. Paul teaches 1 Tim. 1. And that Chriftian liberty may be us'd for an occafion to the flefh, the fame Apoftlecon- letfes, Gal. 5. yet thinks not of removing it for that, but bids us rather Jland faft in tbe liberty wherwith Chrift hath freed us, end not be held again in the yoke cf bondage. The v.'ry permiffion which Chrift gave to Divorce for Adultery, may be foul- ly abus'd, by any whofe hardnefs of heart can either feign Adultery, or dares com- mit, that he may divorce. And for this caufethe Pope, and hitherto the Church of England, forbidall divorce from the bond of Marriage, tho' for opened Adultery. If then it be righteous to hinder for the fear of abufe, that which God's Law, not- withftanding that caution, hath warranted to be done, doth not our righteoufnefs come fhort of Antichrift ? or do we not rather herein conform our felves to his un- righteoufhefs in this undue and unwife fear ? For God regards more to relieve by this Law the juft complaints of good men, than to curb the licence of wicked men, to thecrufhing withal, and the overwhelming of his afflicted fervants. He loves more that his Law fhould look with pity upon the difficulties of his own, than with ri- gor upon the boundlefs riots of them who ferve another Mafter, and hinder'd here by theftrictnefs, will break another way to worfe enormities. If this Law therfore have many good reafons for which God gave it, and no intention of giving fcope to lewdnefs, but as abufe by accident comes in with every good Law, and every good thing, it cannot be wifdom in us, while we can content us with God's wifdom, nor can be purity, if his purity will fuffice us, to except againft this Law, as if it fo- fter'd licence. But if they affirm this Law had no other end, but to permit obdu- rat luft, becaufe it would be obdurat, making the Law of God intentionally to proclaim and enact Sin lawful, as if the will of God were become finful, or Sin ftronger than his direct and law-giving will, the men would be admonifiVd to look well to it, that while they are fo eager to fhut the door againft licence, they do open a worfe door to blafphemy. And yet they fhall be here further fhewn their iniquity ; what more foul common fin among us than drunkennefs ? And who can be ignorant, that if the importation of Wine, and the ufe of all ftrong drink,were forbid, it would both clean rid the poffibility of committing that odious vice, and men might afterwards live happily and healthfully without the ufe of thofe intoxicating liquors. Yet who is there the fevereftof them all, that ever pro- pounded to Iofehis Sack, his Ale, toward the certain abolifhing of fogreat a Sin ? Who is there of them, the holieft, that lefs loves his rich canary at meals, tho' it be fetcht from places that hazard the Religion of them who fetch it, and tho' it make his Neighbour drunk out of the fame Tun ? While they forbid not therfore the ufe of that liquid Merchandize, which forbidden would utterly remove a moft loathfome fin, and not impair either the health or the refrefhment of mankind, fupply'd many other ways ; why do they forbid a Law of God, the forbidding wherof brings into exceffive bondage oftimes the beft of men, and betters not the worfe ? He to remove a national vice, will not pardon his cups, nor think it con- cerns him to forbear the quaffing of that outlandifh Grape, in his unnecefiary ful- nefs, tho' other men abufe itneverfo much; nor is he fo abftemious as to intercede with the Magiftrate that all matter of drunkennefs be banifh'd the Commonwealth ; and yet for the fear of a lefs inconvenience unpardonably requires of his brethren, in their extreme neceffity, to debar themfelves the ufe of God's permiffive Law, tho' it might be their faving, and no man's indangering the more. Thus this per- emptory ftrictnefs we may difcern of what fort it is, how unequal and how un juft. But it will breed confufion. What confufion it would breed, God himfelf took the care to prevent in the fourth verfe of this Chapter, that the divore'd being married to another, might not return to her former hufband. And Juftinian'% Law coun- fels 7 ^8 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture, fels the fame in his Title of Nuptials. And what confufion elfe can there be in repa- ration, to feparate upon extreme urgency, the religious from the irreligious, the fit from the unfit, the willing from the wilful, theabus'd from the abufer ? Such a feparation is quite contrary to confufion. But to bind and mix together holy with atheift, heavenly with hellifh, fitnefs with unfitnefs, light with darknefs, antipathy with antipathy, the injur'd with the injurer, and force them into the moft inward hearnefs of a deterred union, this doubtlefs is the moft horrid, the moft un- natural mixture, the greateft confufion that can be confus'd. Thus by this plain and Chriftian 'Talmud, vindicating the Law of God from ir- reverent and unwary expofitions, I truft, where it fhall meet with intelligible per- ufers, fome flay at leaft of men's thoughts will beobtain'd, to confider thefe ma- ny prudent and righteous ends of this divorcing permiflion : That it may have, for the o-reat Author's fake, hereafter fome competent allowance to be counted a little purer than the prerogative of a legal and public ribaldry, granted to that holy feed. So that from hence, we mail hope to find the way ftill more open to the reconciling of thofe places which treat this matter in the Gofpel. And thi- ther now without interruption the courfe of method brings us. Ma t t h. V. 31, 32. 31.// hath been f aid, whofoever (hall pit away his Wife, let him give her a writing of Divorcement. 32. But I fay unto you, that whofoever fball pit away his Wife, Sec. Matth. XIX. 3, 4, Sec. 3. Ana* the Pharifees alfo came unto him, tempting him, See. IT hath heenfaid.] What hitherto hath been fpoke upon the Law of God touch- ing Matrimony or Divorce, he who will deny to have been agru'd according to reafon and all equity of Scripture, I cannot edify how, or by what rule of proportion that man's virtue calculates, what his elements are, nor what his analytics. Confidently to thofe who have read good books, and to thofe whofe reafon is not an illiterate book to themfelves, I appeal, whether they would not confefs all this to be the commentary of truth and juftice, were it not for thefe re- cited words of our Saviour. And if they take not back that which they thus grant, nothing fooner might perfuadethem that Chrift here teaches no new precept, and nothing fooner might direct them to find his meaning, than to compare andmea- fure it by the rules of nature and eternal righteoufnefs, which no written Law ex- tinguifhes, and the Gofpel leaft of all. For what can be more oppofite and difpa- raging to the covenant of love, of freedom, and of our manhood in grace, than to be made the yoking pedagogue of new feverities, the fcribe of fyllables and rigid letters, not only grievous to the belt of men, but different and ftrange from the light of reafon in them, fave only as they are fain to ftretch and diftort their ap- prehenfions, for fear ofdifpleafing the verbal ftraitnefs of a text, which our own fervile fear gives us not the leifure to underftand aright? If the Law ofChrift fhallbe written in our hearts, as was promis'd to the Gofpel, Jer. 3 1 . how can this in the vulgar and fuperficial fenfe be a Law of Chrift, fo far from being written in our hearts, that it injures and difallows not only the free dictates of Nature and moral Law, but of Charity alfo andReligion in our heart? OurSaviour's doctrine is,tha£the end, and the fulfilling of every command is charity; no faith without it, no truth without it, no worfhip, no works pleafing to God but as they partake of charity. He himfelf lets us an example, breaking the folemneft and ftricteft ordinance of religious reft, and juftify'd the breaking, not to cure a dying man, but fuch whofe cure might without danger have been deicrr'd. And wherfore needs muft the fick man's bed be carried homeonthatday by his appointment? And why were theDifciples, who which treat of Nullities in Marriage. 239 who cou'd not forbear on that day to pluck, the corn, fo induftrioufly defended, but to (hew us thatif he preferr'd the flighteft occafions ol Man's good before the obfer- ving of higheft and fevereft ordinances, he gave us much more eafy leave to break the intolerable yoke of a never vvell-join'dWedloc for the removing of our heavieft afflictions? Therfore it is that the molt evangelic precepts are given us in proverbial forms, to drive us from the letter, tho' we love ever to be flicking there. For no other caufe did Chrift allure us that whatfoever things we bind, or flacken on earth, are fo in heaven, but to fignily that the chriftian arbitrement of charity is fupreme decider of all controverfy, and fupreme refolverof all Scripture ; not as the Pope determines for his own tyranny, but as the Church ought to determine for its own true liberty. Hence Eufebius, not far from the beginning of his Hiftory, compares the ftate of Chrift ians to that of AW^and the Patriarchs before the Law. And this indeed was the reafon why Apoflolic tradition in the ancient Church was coun- ted nigh equal to the written word, tho' it earned them at length awry, for wart of confidering that tradition was not left to be impos'd as Law, but to be a pattern of that Chriftian prudence, and liberty which holy men by right aflum'd of old •, which truth was lb evident, that it found entrance even into the Council of Trent, when the point of Tradition came to be difcuft. And Marmara, a learned Car- melite, for approaching too near the true caufe that gave efteem to Tradition, that is to fay, the difference between the Old and NewTeftament, the one punctually pre- ferring written Law, the other guiding by the inwardSpirit, was reprehended by Cardinal Pw/asone that had fpoken more worthy aGerman Colloquy, than a General Council. I omit many inftances, many proofs and arguments of this kind, which alone would compile a juft volume, and mail content me here to have fliewn brief- ly that the great and almoft only commandment of the Gofpel, is to command nothing againft the good of man, and much more no civil command againft his civil good. If we underftand not this, we are but crackt cimbals, we do but tinkle, we know nothing, we do nothing, all the fweat of our toilfomeft obedience will but mock us. And what we fufter fuperftitioudy, returns us no thanks. Thus med'eining our eyes, we need not doubt to fee more into the meaning of thefe our Saviour's words, than many who have gone before us. It hath been J aid, whofoever fh 'all put away bis wife .] Our Saviour was by the Doctors of his time fufpedted of intending to diflolve the Law. In this Chapter he wipes off" this afperfion upon hisAccufers, andfhews, how they were the Law- breakers. In every Commonwealth, when it decays, Corruption makes two main fleps ; firft,whenmenceafetodo accordingto the inward anduncompell'd actions of Virtue, caring only to live by the outward conftraintof Law, and turn the fimpli- city of real good into the craft of feemingfo by Law. To this hypocritical honefty was Rome declin'd in that Age wherin Horace liv'd, and difcover'd it to Quintius. Whcm do we count a good man, whom but he Who keeps the laws andftatutes of the Senate ? Who judges in great fuits and controverfies, Whofe witnefs and opinion wins the caufe ? But his own houfe, and the whole neighbourhood Sees his foul infide through his wbitedjkin. The next declining is, when Law becomes now too ftrait for the fecular Manners, and thole too loofe for the cincture of Law. This brings in falfe and crooked interpretations to eke out Law, and invents the futtle encroachment of obfeure Traditions hard to be difprov'd. To both thefe defcents thePharifees themfelves were fallen. Our Saviour therfore fliews them both where they broke the Law, in not marking thedivine Intent therof, but only the Letter ; and where they depraved the Letter alio with fophiftical Expofitions. This Law of Divorce they had deprav'd both ways : firft, by teaching that to give a Bill of Divorce was all the duty which that Lav/ requir'd, whatever the caufe were •, next by running to Divorce for any trivial, accidental caufe •, whenas the Law evidently flays in the grave caufes of natural and immutable diflike. It hath been faid, faith he. Chrift doth not put any contempt ordifefteem upon the Law of Mo- fes, by citing it fo briefly; for in the fame manner God himfelf cites a Law of greateft caution, Jcr. 3. They fay if a man put away his Wife,foall he return to her again ? &c. Nor doth he more abolifh it than the Law offwearing, cited next with the fame brevity, and more appearance of contradicting : for Divorce hath an ex- ception left it ; but we are charg'd there, as abfolutely as words can charge us,not to 240 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture , to/wear at all : yet who denies the lawfulnefs of an Oath, tho' here it be in no cafe permitted ? And what fhall become of" his folemn Protcftation not to abolifh one Law, or one tittle of any Law, efpecially of thofe which he mentions in this Chapter? And that he meant more particularly the not abolifliingofMy^v Divorce, is beyond all cavil manifeft in Luke 16. 17, iS. where this Claufe againft abroga- ting is inferted immediately before thefentence againft Divorce, as if it were call'd thither on purpofe to defend the equity of this particular Law againft the forefeen raftmefs of common Textuaries, who abolifh Laws, as the Rabble demolifh I- mages, in the zeal of their hammers oft violating the Sepulchers of good men; like Pentheus in the Tragedies, they fee that for Thebes which is not, and take that for Superftition, as thefe men in the heat of their annulling perceive not how they abolifh Right, and'Equal, and Juftice, under the appearance of judicial. And yet are confefling all the while, that thefe layings of Chrift ftand not in contradic- tion to the Law of Mofes, but to the falfe Doctrine of the Pharifees rais'd from thence ; that the Law of God is perfect, not liable to additions or diminutions : and Pare- ns accufes the Jefuit Maldonatus of greateft falfity for limiting the perfection of thatLawonlytotherudenefs of the Jews. He adds, That the Law promifethlife to the performers therof, therfore needs not perfecler precepts than fuch as bring to life ; that if the corrections of Chrift ftand oppojite, not to the corrupt ious of the Pharifees, but to the Law it felf of God, the herefy of Manes would follow, one God of the Old Tcfta- nient, and another of the New. That Chrift faith not here, Except your righteoufnefs. exceed the righteotinfefs of Mofes Law, but of the Scribes and Pharifees. That all this may be true: whether is common fenfe flown afquint, if we can maintain that Chrift forbid the Mofaic Divorce, utterly, and yetabolifh'd not the Law that permits it ? For if the Confcience only were checkt, and the Law not repeal'd, what means the Fanatic boldnefs of this Age, that dares tutor Chrift to be more ftrict than he thought fit ? Ye fhall have the evafion, it was a judicial Law. What could infan- cy and (lumber have invented more childifh ? Judicial or not judicial, itwasoneof thofe Laws exprefly which he forewarn'd us with protcftation, that his mind was, not to abrogate : and if we mark the fteerage of his words, what courfe they hold, we may perceive that what he protefted not to diflblve (that he might faithfully and notdeceitfully remove a fufpicion from himfelf) was principally concerning the judicial Law ;for of that fort are all thefe here which he vindicates, except the laft. Of the Ceremonial Law he told them true, that nothing of it fhould pais until all were fulfil I'd. Of the Moral Law he knew the Pharifees did not fufpect he meant to nullify that : for fo doing would foon have undone his authority, and advanced theirs. Of the judicial Law therfore chiefly this Apology was meant: For how is that fulfill'd longer than the common equity therof remains in force ? And how is this our Saviour's defence of himfelf not made fallacious, if the Pharifees chief fear be left he fhould abolifh the judicial Law, and he to fatisfy them, protefts his good intention to the Moral Law ? It is the general grant of Divines that what in the Ju- dicial Law is not meer]y judicial, but reaches to human equity in common, was never in the thought of being abrogated. If our Saviour took away aught of the Law, it was the burthenfome of it, not the eafe of burden ; it was the bondage, not the liberty of any divine Law, that he remov'd : this he often profeft to be the end of his coming. But what if the Law of Divorce be a Moral Law, as moft certainly it is fundamentally, and hath been fo prov'd in the reafons therof? For tho' the giving of a Bill may be judicial, yet the act of Divorce is altogether con- verfant in good and evil, and fo abfolutely moral. So far as it isgood, it never can be abolifht, being moral; and fo far as it is fimply evil, it never could be judicial, as hath been fhewn at large in theDoclrine of Divorce, and will be reaffum'd anon. Whence one of thefe two neceflities follow, that either it was never eftablifht, or never abolifht. Thus much may be enough to have faid on this place. The following Verfe will be better unfolded in the 19th Chapter, where it meets us again, after a large debatement on the Queftion between our Saviour and his Adverfanes. Mat. XIX. 3, 4, &c. V. 3. And the Pharifees came unto him, tempting him, and faying unto him. CJ-'Empting him.] The mannerof thefe men coming to our Saviour, not to learn, but to tempt him, may give us to expect that their Anfwer will be fuch as is rittcft for them ; not ib much a teaching, as an intangling. No man, though never fo willing or fo well enabled to inftruct, but if he difcern his willingnefs and candor made $ which treat of Nullities /# Marriage. ±±i made ufe of to intrap him, will fuddenly draw inhimfelf, and laying afide the facil vein of perfpicuity, will know his time to utter Clouds and Riddles ; if he be not lefs wife than that noted Fifh, whenas he mould be not unwifer than the Serpe OurSaviouratnotime expreft any great defire, to teach the obftinate anduntea'chable Pharifees ; but when they came to tempt him, then leaft of all. As now about the liberty of Divorce, fo another time about the punifhment of Adultery, they came to found him •, and what fatisfaclion got they from his anfwer, either to themfelves or to us, that might direct a Law under the Gofpel new from that of Mofes, unlefs we draw his abfolution of Adultery into an Edkt? So about the Tribute,who is there can pick out a full Solution, what and when we muft give to C<?far, by the anfwer which he gave the Pharifees ? If we muft give to Cefar, that which is CW_/rzr's,andall be Ca- far\ which hath his Image, we muft either new ftamp our Coin, or we may go new ftamp our foreheads with the fuperfcription of Slaves inftead of Freemen. Befides, it is a general Precept not only of Chrift, but of all other Sages, not to hftrucl: the unworthy and the conceited, who love Tradition more than Truth, but to perplex and ftumble them purpofely with contrived obfeurities. No wonder then if they who would determine of divorce by this place, have ever found it difficult, and nn- fatisfying through all the Ages of the Church, as Attjlin himfelf and other greatWri- ters confefs. Laftly, it is manifeft to be the principal fcope of our Saviour, both here, and in the $tb of Matthew, to convince the Pharifees of what they beino- evil did licentioufly, not to explain what others being good and blamelefs men mi°-ht be permitted to do in cafe of extremity. Neither was it reafonable to talk of honeftand confeientious liberty among them, whohadabufed legal and civil liber- ty to uncivil licence. We do not fay to a Servant what we fay to a Son ; nor was it expedient to preach Freedom to thofe who had tranfgreffed in Wantonnefs. "When we rebuke a Prodigal, we admonifli him of Thrift, not of Magnificence, or Bounty. And to fchool a proud man we labour to make him humble, not magna- nimous. So Chrift to retort thefe arrogant Inquifitors their own, took the courfe to lay their Haughtinefs under a feverity which they deferv'd ; not to acquaint them, or to make them Judges either of the juft man's Right and Privilege, or of the afflicted man's Neceffity. And if we may have leave to conjecture, there is a likelihood ofFer'd us by Tertullian in his \th againft Marcion, wherby it may feem very probable that the Pharifees had a private drift of Malice againft our Sa- viour's life in propofing this Queftion ; and our Saviour had a peculiar aim in the rigor of his anfwer, both to let them know the freedom of his fpirit, and the fharp- nefs of his difcerning. This I muft now fhew, faith 'Tertullian, whence our Lord de- duced thisfentence, and which way he direcled it, wherby it will mere fully appear that he intendednot to diffolve Mofes. And thereupon tells us, that the vehemence of this our Saviour's fpeech was chiefly darted againft Herod and Herodias. The Sto- ry is out ofjofephus ; Herod had been a long time married to the Daughter of Are- tas King of Petra, till happening on his journey towards Rome to be entertain'd at his brother Philip's, houfe, he caft his eye unlawfully and ungueftlike upon Herodi- as there, the wife of Philip, but Daughter to Ariftobulus their common Brother, and durft make words of marrying her his Neice from his Brother's bed. She afiented, upon agreement he fhould expel his former Wife. All was accompli fh'd, and by the Baptifl- rebuk'd with the lofs of his head. Though doubtlefs that ftay'd not the various difcourfes of men upon the fact, which while the Herodian flatterers, and not a few perhaps among the Pharifees, endeavour'd to defend by wrefting the Law, it might be a means to bring the Queftion of Divorce into a hot agitation among the People, how far Mofes gave allowance. The Pharifees therfore knowing our Sa- viour to be a friend of John the Baptifl, and no doubt but having heard much of his Sermon in the mount, wherin he fpake rigidly againft the licence of Divorce, they put him this Queftion, both in hope to find him a Contradicler of Mofes, and a Condemner of Herod; fo to infnare him within compafs of the fame accufation which had ended his friend ; and our Saviour fo orders his Anfwer, as that they might perceive Herod and his Adulterefs, only not nam'd : fo lively kconcern'd them both what he fpake. No wonder then if the fentence of our Saviour found- ed ftricter than his cuilom was ; which his confeious attempters doubtlefs appre- hended fooner than his other Auditors. Thus much we gain from hence to inform us, that what Chrift intends to fpeak here of Divorce, will be rather the forbidding of what we may not do herein pallionately and abufively, as Herod and Herodias' did, than the difcufling of what herein we may do reafonably and neceflarily. Vol. I. Ii 2,42 Expofitions on the four chief places in Scripture , Is it lawful for a man to put away his Wife ?] It might be rendered more exactly from the Greek, to loofen or to fet free ; which tho' it feem to have a milder figni- fication than the two Hebrew words commonly us'd for divorce, yet interpreters have noted, thattheGn?e£alfo is read in the Septuagint, for an ad which is not without conftraint. As when AchifJj drove from his prefence David, counterfeiting madneis. Pfal. 34. the Greek word is the fame with this here, to put away. And Era/mis quotes Hilary rendering it by an expreflion not fo foft. Whence may be doubted, whether the Pharifees did not ftate this queftion in the ftrict right of the man, not tarryino- for the wife's confent. And if our Saviour anfwer directy according to what was afkt in the term of putting away, it will be queftionable, whedier the rigor of his fentence did not forbid only fuch putting away as is without mutual confent, in a violent and harih manner, or without any reafon but will, as the Tetrarch did. Which might be the caufe that thofe chriftian Emperors fear'd not in their conftitutions to diffolve Marriage by mutual confent ; in that our Sa- viour feems here, as the cafe is moft likely, not to condemn all divorce, but all in- jury and violence in divorce. But no injury can be done to them, who feek it, as the Ethics of Arifiotle fufficiently prove. True it is, that an unjuft thing may be done to one tho' willing, and fo may juftly be forbidden : But divorce being in itfelf no unjuft or evil thing, but only as it is join'd with injury, or luft ; injury it cannot be at law, if confent be, and Arifiotle err not. And luft it may as fre- quently not be, while charity hath the judging of fo many private grievances in a misfortun'd'Wedloc, which may pardonably feek a redemption. But whether it be or not, the Law cannot difcern, or examine luft, fo long as it walks from one lawful term to another, from Divorce to Marriage, both in themfelves indifferent. For if the Law cannot take hold topunifh many actions apparently covetous, am- bitious, ingrateful, proud, how can it forbid and punifti that for luft, which is but only furmis'd fo, and can no more be certainly prov'd in the divorcing now, than before in themarrying? Whence if Divorce beno unjuft thing, but through luft, a caufe not difcernable by Law, as Law is wont to difcern in other cafes, and can be no injury, where confent is; there can be nothing in the equity of Law, why Divorce by confent may not be lawful: leaving fecrecies to confeience, the thing •which our Saviour here aims to rectify, not to revoke the ftatutes of Mofes. In the mean while the word to put away, being in the Greek to loofen or diffolve, utterly takes away that vain papiftical diftinction of divorce from bed, and divorce from bond, evincing plainly, that Chrift and the Pharifees mean here that divorce which finally diffolves the bond, and frees both parties to a fecond Marriage. For every caufe.'] This the Pharifees held, that for every caufe they might divorce, For every accidental caufe, and quarrel of difference that might happen. So both Jcfcphus and Philo, men who liv'd in the fame age, explain •, and the Syriac tranfla- tor, whofe antiquity is thought parallel to the Evangelifis themfelves, reads it con- formably upon any occajion or pretence. Divines alio generally agree that thus the Pharifees meant. Cameron a late Writer, much applauded commenting this place not undiligently, affirms that the Greek prepofition xa7« tranflated unufually (for) hath a force in it implying the fuddennefs ofthofe Pharifaic divorces; and that their que- fton was to this effect, whether for any caufe whatever it chanced to be, firaight as it rofe, the divorce might be lawful. This he freely gives, whatever mov'd him, and I as freely take, nor can deny his obfervation to be acute andlearn'd. If therfore we infift upon the word of putting away, that it imports a conftraint without confent, as might be infifted, and may enjoy what Cameron beftows on us, that for every caufe is to be underftood, according as any caufe may happen, with a relation to the fpeedi- nefs of thofe divorces, and that Herodian act efpecially, as is already brought us, the fentence of our Saviour will appear nothing fo ftrict a prohibition as hath been long conceiv'd, forbidding only to divorce for caiual and temporary caufes, that may be foon ended, or ibon remedied ; and likewife forbidding to divorce rafhly, and on the hidden heat, except it be for adultery. If thefe qualifications may be admitted, as partly we offer them, partly are offered them by fome of their own opinion, and that where nothing is repugnant, why they mould not be admitted, nothing can wreft them from us, the fevere fentence of our Saviour will ftraight un- bend the feeming frown into that gentlenefs and compaffion which was fo abundant in all his actions, his office and his do&rine, from all which otherwife it ftands off at no mean diftance. Ver. which treat of Nullities /^Marriage. 243 Ver. 4. And he anfivered and [aid unto them, have ye not read that he which mads them at the beginnining, made them Male and Female ? Ver. 5. And /aid, for this caufe Jhall a man leave Father and Mother, and Jhall cleave to his Wife, and they twain Jhall be one flcflo. Ver. 6. Wherefore they are no more twain, but one fieflo : What therfore God hath joined together, let no man put afunder. 4, and 5. Made them male and female; And faid, for this caufe, &c] We fee it here undeniably, that the Law which our Saviour cites to prove that divorce was for- bidden, is not an abfolute and tyrannical command without reafon, as now-a-days we make it little better, but is grounded upon fome rational caufe not difficult to be apprehended, being in a matter which equally concerns the meaneft and the plaineft fort of perfons in a houfhold life. Our next way then will be to enquire if there be not more reafons than one ; and if there be, whether this be the belt and chiefcfh That we fhall find by turning to the firft inftitution, to which Chrift refers our own reading: He himfelf having to deal with treacherous affailants, ufeth brevity, and lighting on the firft place in Gene/is that mentions any thing tending to Marriage in the firft chapter, joins it immediately to the 24th verfe of the 2d chapter, omit- ting all the prime words between, which create the inftitution, and contain the no- bleft and pureft ends of Matrimony ; without which attain'd, that conjunction hath nothing in it above what is common to us with beafts. So likewife beneath in this very chapter, to the young man who came not tempting him, but to learn of him, afking him which commandments he fhould keep ; he neither repeats the firft Ta- ble, nor all the fecond, nor that in order which he repeats. If here then being tempted, he defire to be the fhorter, and the darker in his Conference, and omit to cite that from the fecond of Gene/is, which all Divines confefs is a Commentary to what he cites out of die firft, the making them Male and Female: what are we to do, but to fearchthe inftitution ourfelves ? And we fhall find there his own authority, gi- ving other manner of reafons whyfuch firm union is to be in Matrimony ; without which reafons, their being male and female can be no caufe of joining them unfepa- rably : for if it be, then no Adultery can fever. Therfore the prohibition of Di- vorce depends not upon this reafon here expreft to the Pharifees, but upon the plainer and more eminent caufes omitted here, and referr'd to the inftitution ; which caufes not being found in a particular and cafual Matrimony, this fenfitive and materious caufe alone can no more hinder a divorce againft thofe higher and more human reafons urging it, than it can alone without them to warrant a copula- tion, but leaves arbitrary to thofe who in their chance of Marriage find not why Divorce is forbid them, but why it is permitted them ; and find both here and in Genejis, that the forbidding is not abfolute, but according to the reafons there taught us, not here. And that our Saviour taught them no better, but ufes the moft vulgar, moftanimal and corporal argument to convince them, is firft to fhew us, that as thro' their licentious Divorces they made no more of Marriage than, as if to marry were no more than to be male and female, fo he goes no higher in his confutation, deeming them unworthy to betalk'd with in a higher ftrain, but to be ty'd in Mar- riage by the meer material caufe therof, fince theirown licence teftify'd that nothing matrimonial was in their thought, but to be male and female. Next, it might be done todifcover the brute ignorance of thefe carnal doctors, who taking on them to dif- pute of Marriage and Divorce, were put to filence with fuch a flender oppofition as this, and outed from their hold with fcarce one quarter of an argument. That we may believe this, his entertainment of the young man foon after may periuade us. Whom, tho' he came to preach eternal life by faithonly, he difmilfes with a falvation taught him by his works only. On which place Paraus notes, That this man was to be convinced by afalfe perfuafion ; and that Chrift is wont otherwife to anfwer hypocrites, 0- therwife thofe that arc docible. Much rather then may we think that in handling thefe tempters he forgot not fo to frame his prudent ambiguities and concealments, as was to the troubling of thofe peremptory difputants moft wholefome. When therfore we would know what right there may be, in ill accidents, to divorce, we muft repair thither where God profeftes to teach his Servants by the prime inftitution, and not where we fee him intending to dazle Sophifters : we muft not read, he made them Male and Female, and not underft.ind he made them more intendedly a meet help to remove the evil of being alone. We muft take both thefe together, and then we may inter compleatly, as from the whole caufe, why a man fhall cleave to his wife, and Vol. I. Ii 2 they 44 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture y they twain fhall be one flefh : but if the full and chief caufe why we may not di- vorce be wanting here, this place may fkirmifh with the Rabbies while it will, but to the true Chriftian it prohibits nothing beyond the full reafon of its own prohi- biting, which is heft known by the inftitution. Ver. 6. Wherfore they art no msre twain, but one fief j.] This is true in the general right of Marriage, but not in the chance-medley of every particular match. For if they who were once undoubtedly one flefh, yet become twain by adultery, then fure they who were never one flefh rightly, never helps meet for each other according to the plain prefcript of God, may with lefs ado than a volume be concluded ftill twain. And fo long as we account a Magiftrate no Magiitrate, if there be but a flaw in his election, why fhould we not much rather count a Matrimony no Matri- mony, if it cannot be in any reafonable manner according to the words of God's in- ftitution ? What tberfore God hath joined, let no man -put a/under.] But here the Chriftian prudence lies to confider what God hath join'd ; fhall we fay that God hath join'd error, fraud, unfknefs, wrath, contention, perpetual lonelinefs, perpetual diicord j whatever luft, or wine, or witchery, threat, or inticement, avarice, or ambition hath joined together, faithful with unfaithful, Chriftian with Antichriftian, hate ■with hate, or hate with love, fhall we fay this is God's joining? Let not man put a/under. ] That is to fay, what God hath join'd ; for if it be, as how oft we fee it may be, not of God's joining, and his Law tells us he joins not unmatchable things, but hates to join them, as an abominable confufion, then the divine law of Mofes puts them afunder, his own divine will in the inftitution puts them afunder, as oft as therealbnsbe not extant, for which only God ordain'd their joining. Man only puts afunder when his inordinate defires, his paiTion, his vio- lence, his injury makes the breach : not when the utter want of that which lawfully was the end of his joining, when wrongs and extremities and unfupportable grie- vances compel him to disjoin : when fuch as Herod and the Pharifees divorce beiide law, or againft law, then only man feparates, and to fuch only this prohibition be- longs. In a word, if it be unlawful for man to put afunder that which God hath join'd, let man take heed it be not deteftable to join that by compulfion which God hath put afunder. Ver. 7. They fay unto hint, Why did Mofes then command to give a writing of di- vorcement, and to put her away ? Ver. 8. He faith unto them, Mofes becaufe of the hardnefs of your hearts fuffer'd you to put away your wives ; but from the beginning it was notfo. Mofes becaufe of the hardnefs of your hearts fuffe^d you.'] Hence the Divinity now current argues that this judicial Mofes is abolifh'd. But fuppofe it were fo, tho* it hath been prov'dotherwife, the firmnefs of fuch right to divorce as here pleads is fetch'd from theprime inftitution, does not ftand or fall with the judicial Jew, but is as moral as what is moraleft. Yet as I have fhewn pofuively that this law cannot be abrogated, both by the words of our Saviour pronouncing the contrary, and by that unabolifhable equity which itconveystous; folfhall now bring to view thofe appear- ances of ftrength which are levied from this text to maintain the moft grofs and maffy paradox that ever did violence to reafon and religion, bred only under the fhadow of thefe words, to all other Piety orPhilolbphyftrangeand infolent, that Godbyaft of law drew out a line of Adultery almoft two thouland years long : altho' to detect the prodigy of this furmife, the former book fet forth on this argument hath already been copious. I fhall not repeat much, tho' I might borrow of mine own ; but fhall endeavour to add fomethingeitheryet untouch'd, or not largely enough explain'd. Firft,it fhall be manifeit thatthe common expofition cannotpofTiblyconlift with chri- ftian doctrine: next, a truer meaning of thisour Saviour's reply fhall be left in the room. The receiv'd expofition is, that God, tho' not approving, did enacta law to per- mit adultery by divorcement Amply unlawful. And this conceit they feed with fond fuppofals that have not the leaft footing in Scripture: As that the Jews learnt this cuftom of divorce in Egypt, and therfore God would not unteach it them till Chrift came, but let itftick as a notorious botch of deformity inthemidft of his moft per fed: and fevere law. And yet he faith, Levit. the 1 8th, After the doings of Egypt ye pall not do. Another while they invent a flander (as what thing more bold than teaching Ignorance when he fhifts to hidehis nakednels ?) diat the Jews were naturally to their wives which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 245 wives the cruellefl men in the world ; would poifon, brain, and do I know not what if they might not divorce. Certain, if it were a fault heavily pusiifh'd, to bring an evil report upon the land which God gave, what is it to raife aground'efs calumny againft the people which God made choice of ? But that this bold interpretament, how commonly foever fided with, cannot ftand a minute with any competent reve- rence to God or his Law, or his People, nor with any other maxim of religion, or good manners, might be prov'd thro' all the heads and theTopics of argumentation ; but I mail willingly be as concife aspoffible. Firftthe Law, not only the moral, but the judicial, given by Mofes, is juft and pure •, for fuch is God who gave it. Hearken O Ifrael, faith Mofes, Deut. 4. unto the llatutes and the judgments which I teach you, to do them, that ye may live, &c. Te floall not add unto the word which I command you, neither Jhall ye diminijh aught from it, that ye may keep the command- ments of theLordyour Godwhicb I command you. And onward in the chapter, Behold, I have taught you flatutes and judgments, even as the Lord my God commanded me. Keep therfore and do them, for this is your wifdom and your underfianding. For what nation hath God fo nigh unto them, and what nation hath flatutes and judgments fo righ- teous as all this law which Ifet before ye this day ? Is it imaginable there ihould be among thefe a law which God allow'd not, a law giving permiffions laxative to un- marry a wife and marry a lull, alaw tofuffera kind of tribunal adultery ? Many o- ther Scriptures might be brought to afTert the purity of this judicial Law, and ma- ny I have alledg'd before ; this law therfore is pure and juft. But if it permit, if it teach, if it defend that which is both unjuftand impure,as by the common doctrine it doth, what think we ? The three general doctrines of Juftinian's'Ls.w, are To live in honejiy, To hurt no man, To give every one his due. Shall thcRoman Civil law obferve thefethreethings,asthe only end of law, andfhallaftatutebe foundin the civil lawof God, enacted amply andtotallyagainftallthefethreepreceptsof nature and morality ? Secondly,ThegiftsofGodareall perfect, and certainly the Law is of all his other gifts one of the perfecteft. But if it give that outwardly which it takes away really, and give that feemingly, which, if a man take it, wraps him into fin and damns him •, what gift of an enemy can be more dangerous and deftroying than this ? Thirdly, Mofes every- where commends his Laws, prefers them before all of other Nations, and warrants them to be the way of Life and Safety to all that walk therin, Levit. 18. But if they contain Statutes which God approves not, and train men un- weeting to commit injuftice and adultery under the ftielter of Law ; if thofe things be fin, and death fin's wages, what is this Law but the fnare of death ? Fourthly, The Statutes and Judgments of the Lord, which, without exception, are often told us to be fuch, as doingwe may live by them, are doubtlefs to becount- ed the ruleof knowledge and of confcience. Fori hadnot known /«//, faith the Apo- ftle, but by the law. But if the Law come down from the ftate of her incorruptible Majefty to grant luft his boon, palpably it darkens and confounds both knowledge and confcience ; it goes againft the common office of all goodnefs and iriendlinefs, which is at leaft to counfel and admonifh -, it fubverts the rules of all fober educa- tion, and is itfelf a moft negligent and debauching Tutor. Fifthly, If the Law permits a thing unlawful, it permits that which elfe-where it hath forbid ; fo that hereby it contradicts it fell, and tranlgreffes it felf. But if the Law become a tranfgrefibr, itftands guilty to itfelf, and how then fhall it five ano- ther ? It makes a confederacy with fin, how then can it juftly condemn a finner ? And thus reducing itfelf to the ftate of neither fiving nor condemning, it will not fail to expire folemnly ridiculous. Sixthly, The Prophets in Scripture declare feverely againft the decreeing of that which is unjuft, Pfal. 94. 20. Ij'aiah the 10th. But it was done, they fay, for hard- nefs of heart : To which objection the Apoftle's rule, not to do evil that good may cvmetherby, gives an invincible repulfe ; and here efpecially, where it cannot be fhewn how any good came by doing this evil, how rather more evil did not hereon abound; for the giving way to hardnefs of heart hardens the more, and adds more to the number. God to an evil and adulterous generation would notgraut afign ; much lefs would he for their hardnefs of heart pollute his Law with adulterous permiffion. Yea, but to permit evil, isnotto do evil. Yes, it is in a moft eminent manner to do evil : where elfe are all our grave and faithful fayings, that he whole office is to forbidand forbids not, bids, exhorts, encourages? Why hath God denounced his anger againft Parents, Mafters, Friends, Magiftrates neglectful of forbidding what they ought, if Law, the common Father, Mafter, Friend, andperpetual Magiftrate (hall not only 246 Kxpofitions on the four chief places in Scripture, only not forbid, but enact, exhibit, and uphold with countenance and protection, a deed every way difhoneft, whatever the pretence be. If it were of thofe inward vices, which the Law cannot by outward constraint remedy, but leaves to conicience and perfuafion, it had been guiltlefs in being filent : but to write a Decree of thar which can be no way lawful, and might with eafe be hinder'd, makes Law by the doom of Law it felf acceffory in the higheft degree. Seventhly, It makes God the direct Author of Sin : For altho' he be not made the Author of what he filentlypermits in his Providence, yet in his Law, the image of hisWill, when in plain expreffion he conftitutes and ordains a fact utterly unlaw- ful ; what wants he to authorize it, and what wants that to be the author ? Eighthly, To efhblifh by Law a thing wholly unlawful and difhoneft, is an af- firmation was never heard of before in any Law, Reafon, Philofophy, or Religion, till it was rais'dby inconfiderate Gloffifts from the miftake of this Text. And tho* the Civilians have been contented to chew this opinion, after the Canon had fub- du'd them, yet they never could bring example or authority either from divine Writ, or human Learning, or human Practice in any Nation, or well-form'd Re- public, but only from the cuftomary abufe of this text. Ufually they allege the Epiftle of Cicero to Atticus ; wherin Cato is blam'd for giving fentence to the fcum of Romulus, as if he were in Plato's Commonwealth. Cato would have call'd fome great one into judgment for Bribery ; Cicero, as the time flood, advis'd againft it. Cato, not to endamage the public Treafury, would not grant to the Roman Knights, that the Afian Taxes might be farm'd them at a lefs rate. Cicero wifh'd it grant- ed. Nothing in all this will be like the eftablifhing of a Law to fin : Here are no Laws made, here only the execution of Law is crav'd might be fufpended: be- tween which and our queftion is a broad difference. And what if human Law- givers have confeft they could not frame their Laws to that Perfection which they defir'd ? We hear of no fuch confeffion from Mofes concerning the LawsofGod,but rather all praife and high teftimony ofperfection given them. And altho' man's raturecannotbearexactefl Laws,yetftill within the confinesof good it may and muff, folongas lefs good is far enough from altogether evil. As for what they inftanceof Ufury, let them firft prove Ufury to be wholly unlawful, as the Law allows it •, which, learned Men as numerous on the other fide will deny them. Or if it be altogether unlawful, why is it tolerated more than Divorce ? He who faid, Divorce not, faid alfo, Lend, hoping for nothing again, Luk. 6. 35. But then they put in, that Trade could not ftand, andfo to i erve the commodity of infatiable trading, Ufury fhall be permitted ; but Divorce, the only means oftimes to right the innocent and out- ragioufly wrong'd, fhall be utterly forbid. This is egregious doctrine, and for which one day Charity will much thank them. Beza not finding how to falve this perplexity, and Cameron fince him, would fecure us ; although the latter con- fefTes, that to permit a wicked thing by law, is a wickednefs which God abhors ; yet to limit Jin, and prefcribe it a certain meafure, is good. Firft, this evafion will not help here ; for this Law bounded no man -, he might put away whatever found not fa- vour in his eyes. And how could it forbid to divorce, whom it could not forbid to diflike, or command to love ? If[thefe be the limits of Lawto reftrain fin, who fo lameafinner but may hop over them more eafily than over thofe Romulean cir- cumfcriptions, not as Remus did with hard fuccefs, but with all indemnity ? Such a limiting as this were not worth the mifchief that accompanies it. This Law ther- fore not bounding the fuppofed fin, by permitting enlarges it, gives it enfran- chiiement. And never greater confufion, than when Law and Sin move their Land- marks, mix theirTerritories, and correipond, have intercourfe and traffic together. When Law contracts a kindred and hofpitality with Tranfgreffion, becomes the Godfather of Sin, and names it lawful ; when fin revels, and goffips within the Arfenal of Law, plays and dandles the Artillery of Juftice that fhould be bent againft her, this is a fair limitation indeed. Befides, it is an abfurdity to fay that Law cart meafure fin, or moderate fin ; fin is not in a predicament, to be meafur'd and mo- diiy'd, but is always an excefs. Theleaft fin that is, exceeds the meafure of the larg- er!: Law that can be good; and is as boundlefs as that vacuity beyond the world. If once it fquare to the meafure of Law, it ceafes to be an excefs, and confequently ceafes to be a fin •, or elfe Law conforming itfelf to the obliquity of fin, betrays itfelf to be not ftreight, but crooked, and fo immediately no Law. And the improper conceit of moderating fin by Law, will appear, if we can imagine any Law-giver fo fenflefs as to decree that fo far a man may fteal, and thus far be drunk, that mode- rately he may couzen,and moderately commit adultery. To the fame extent it would be which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 247 be as pithily abfurd to pubifh that a man may moderately divorce, if to do that be intirely naught. But to end this moot, the Law of Mofesh manifeft to fix no limit rherin at all, or fuch at leait as impeaches the fraudulent abufer no more than if it were not fet ; only requires the difmiffive writing without othercaution, leaves that to the inner man, and the bar of Confcience. But it ftopt other fins. This is as vain as the reft, and dangerouQy uncertain : the contrary to be fear'd rather, that one fin admitted courteoully by Law, open'd the gate to another. However, evil mult not be done for good. And it were a fall to be lamented, and indignity un- fpeakablc, if Law fhould become tributary to fin her flave, and forc'd to yield up intohis hands her awful Minifter,Punifliment,fhould buy out her peace with fin for fin, paying as it were her fo many Philiftian forefkins to the proud demand of Tranf- grcffion. But fuppofe it any way poffible to limit Sin, to put a girdle about that Chaos, fuppofe it alio good ; yet if to permit fin by Law be an abomination in the eyes of God, as Cameron acknowledges, the evil of permitting will eat out the good of limiting. For though fin be not limited, there can but evil come out of evil ; but if it be permitted and decreed lawfully by divine Law, of force then fin muft proceed from the infinite Good, which is a dreadful thought. But if the feftraining of fin by this permiffion being good, as this author teftifies, be more good than the permiffion of more fin by the reftraint of Divorce, and that God weighing both thefe like two ingots, in the perfect fcales of his Juitice and Pro- vidence, found them fo, and others coming without authority from God, fhall change this counterpoife, and judge it better to let fin multiply by fetting a judicial re- ftraint upon divorce, which Chrift never fet •, then to limit fin by this permiffion, as God himlelf thought beft to permit it, it will behove them to confult betimes whether thefe their ballances be not falfe and abominable ; and this their limiting thatwhichGodloofen'd, and their loofening thefins that he limited, which they con- fefs was good to do : and were it poffible to do by Law, doubtlefs it would bemoft morally good ; and they fo believing, as we hear they do, and yet abolilhinga Law fo good and moral, the limiter of fin, what are they elfe but contrary to them- felves ? For they can never bring us to that time wherin it will not be good to li- mit fin, and they can never limit it better than fo as God prefcribed in his Law. Othersconceiveitamoredefencible retirement to fiy this permiffion to divorce fin- fully for hardnefs of heart was a difpenfation. But furely they either know not or at- tend not to what a difpenfation means. A difpenfation is for no long time, is parti- cular to fome perlbns, rather than general to whole people •, always hath Charity the end, is granted to neceffities and infirmities, not to obftinate luft. This permiffion is another creature, hath all thofe evils and abfurdities following the name of a difpen* iation, as when it was nam'd a Law ; and is the very antarclic -pole againft Charity, nothing more adverfe, enfnaringand ruining thofe that truft in it, or ufe it ; fo leud and criminous as never durft enter into the head of any Politician, Jew, or Profelyte t till they became the apt Scholars of this Canoniftic Expofition. Aught in it, that can allude in the leaft manner to Charity, or Goodnefs, belongs with more full right to the Chriftian under Grace and Liberty, than to the Jew under Law and Bondage. To Jewijh ignorance it could not be difpenfed, without a horrid imputation laid upon the Law, to difpenfe foully, inftead of teaching fairly; like that difpenfation that firft polluted Chriftendom with Idolatry, permitting to laymen Images inftead of Books and Preaching. Sloth or malice in the Law would they have this call'd ? But what ignorance can be pretended of the Jews, who had all the fame Precepts about Marriage, that we now ? for Chrift refers all to the inftitution. It was as reafonable for them to know then as for us now, and concern'd them alike : for wherin hath the Gofpel alter'd the nature of Matrimony ? All thefe confiderations, or many of them, have been further amplify 'd in the Doclrine of Divorce. And what Rivclus and Parous have obje&ed, or given over as paft cure, hath been there dif- cufs'd. Wherby it may be plain enough to men of eyes, that the vulgar ex- pofition of a permittance by Law to an entire fin, whatever the colour may be, is an opinion both ungodly, impolitic, unvirtuous,andvoidofallhonefty and civil fenfe. It appertains therfore to every zealous Chriftian both for the honour of God's Law, and the vindication of our Saviour's Words, that fuch an irreligious deprave- ment no longer* may be footh'd and flatter'd through cuftom, but with all diligence and fpeed folidly refuted, and in the room a better explanation given j which is now our next endeavour, Mofes 4 248 Expeditions on the four chief places in Scripture , Mofes fuffered you to put away, &c] Not commanded you, fays the common ob- ferver, and therfore car'd not how foon it were abolifh'd, beingbut fuffer'd 5 herein declaring his annotation to be flight, and nothing law-prudent. For in this place commanded and fuffer'd are interchangeably us'd in the fame fenfe both by our Savi- our and the Pharifees. Our Saviour, who here faith* Mcfes fuffer'd you, in the 10th of Mark faith, Mofes wrote you this Command. And the Pharifees who here fay, Mofes commanded, and would mainly have it a command, in that place of Mark fay Mofes fuffer'd, which had made againft them in their own mouths, if the word otfuffering had weaken'd the command. So that fuffer'd and commanded is here taken for the fame thing on both fides of the controverfy : as Cameron alfo and o- thers on this place acknowledge. And Lawyers know that all the precepts of Law are divided into obligatory and permiflive, containing either what we mud do, or what we may do ; and of this latter fort are as many precepts as of the former, and all as lawful. Tutelage, an ordainment than which nothing more ju ft, being for the defence of Orphans, the Infiitutes ofjuftinian fay is ghen and permitted by the Ci- vil Law : and to Parents it is permitted to ckoofe and appoint by will the Guardians of their Children. What more equal, and yet the Civil Law calls this permiffion\ So likewife to manumife, to adopt, to make a Will, and to be made an Heir, is calkd permiffwn by Law. Marriage itfelf, and this which is already granted, to divorce for Adultery, obliges no man, is but a permiflion by Law, is but fuffer'd. By this we may [fee how weakly it hath been thought that all Divorce is utterly unlawful, becaufe the Law is faid to fuffer it : whenas to fuffer is but the legal phrafe denoting what by Law a Man may door not do. Becaufe of the hardnefs of your hearts.] Hence they argue that therfore he allow'd it not; and therfore it mull: be abolifht. But the contrary to this will fooner follow, that becaufe he fuffer'd it for a caufe, therfore in relation to that caufe he allow'd it. Next, if he in his wifdom, and in the midft of his feverity allow'd it for hardnefs of heart, it can be nothing better than arrogance and prefumption to takeftrictercourfes againft hardnefs of heart, than God ever fetan example; and that under the Gofpel, which warrants them to no judicial act of compulfion in this matter, much lefs to be more fevereagainft hardnefs of extremity, than God thought good to be againft hard- nefs of heart. He fuffer'd it, rather than worle inconveniences ; thefe men wifer, as they make themfelves, will fuffer the worft and heinoufeft inconveniences to follow, ratherthan they will fufferwhatGodfuffer'd. Altho' they can know when they pleafe, that Chrift fpake only to the Confcience, did not judge on the civil bench, but al- ways difavow'd it. What can be more contrary to the ways of God than thefe their doings? If they be fuch enemies to hardnefs of heart, altho' this groundlefs rigor proclaims it to be in themfelves, they may yet learn, or confider that hardnefs of heart hath a twofold acceptation in the Gofpel. One, when it is in a good man taken for infirmity, and imperfection, which was in all the Apoftles, whofe weaknefs only, not utter want of belief, is call'd hardnefs of heart, Mark 1 6. Partly for this hardnefs of heart, the imperfection and decay of man from original righteoufnefs, it was that God fuffer'd not Divorce only, but all that which by Civilians is term'd the fecondary haw of Nature and of Nations. He fuffer'd his own People to wafte and fpoil and flay by War, to lead captives, to be fome mafters, fome fervants, fome to be Princes, others to be Subjects; he fuffered propriety to divideallthingsby feveral poffefiion, trade and commerce, not without ufury; in his commonwealth fome to be undefervedly rich, others to be undefervedly poor. All which till hardnefs of heart came in, wasmoft unjuft; whenas prime Nature made us all equal, made us equal coheirs by common right and dominion over all creatures. In the fame manner, and for the fame caufe he fuffer'd Divorce as well as Marriage, our imperfect and de- generate condition of neceffity requiring this Law amongthe reft, as a remedy againft intolerable wrong and fervitude above the patience of man to bear. Nor was it given only becaufe our infirmity, or if it muft be fo call'd, hardnefs of heart could not en- dure all things ; but becaufe the hardnefs of another's heart might not inflict all things upon an innocent perfon, whom far other ends brought into a league of love, and not of bondage and indignity. If therfore we abolifli Divorce asonly fuffer'd for hardnefs of heart, we may as well abolifh the whole Law of Nations, as only fuffer'd for the fame caufe, it being fhewn us by S. Paul, 1 Cor. 6. that the very feeking of a man's right by Law, and at the hands of a worldly Magiftrate, is not without the hardnefs of our hearts. For why do ye not rather take wrong, faith he, why fuffer ye not rather yourfehes to be defrauded? If nothing now muft be fuffer'd for hardnefs of heart, I fay die very profecution of our rightby way of civil Juftice can no morebe fuffer'd among 4 Chri- which treat of Nullities in Ma rriage. 249 Chriftians, for the hardnefs of heart wherwith moft men purfue it. And that would next remove all our judicial Laws, and this reftraint of Divorce alfo in the number ; which would more than half end the controverfy. But if it be plain that the whole juridical Law and Civil Power is only fuffer'd under the Gofpel, for the hardnefs of our hearts, then wherfore ihould not that which Mofes fuffer'd, be fuffer'd ftill by the fame reafon? In aiecond fignification hardnefs of heart is takenfor a ftubborn refolution to do evil. And that God ever makes any Lawpurpofely to fuch, I deny; for he vouch- fafes not to enter Covenant with them, but as they fortune to be mixt with good men, and pafs undifcover'd; much lefs that he mould decree an unlawful thin" only to ferve their licentioufheis. But that God fuffers this reprobate hardnefs of heart I affirm, not only in this law of Divorce, but throughout all his belt and pureft Commandments. He commands all to worfhip in finglenefs of heart accord- ing to all his Ordinances ; and yet fuffers the wicked man to perform all the rites of Religion hypocritally,and in the hardnefs of his heart. He gives us general fta- tutes and privileges in all civil matters, juft and good of themfelves, yet fuffers un- worthieft men to ufe them, and by them toprofecute their own right, or any co- lour of right, tho' for the moft part malicioufly, covetoufly, rigoroufly, revenge- fully. He allow'd by law the difcreet Father andHufband to forbid, if he thought tit, the religious vows of his wife or daughter, Numb. 30. and in the fame law fuf- fer'd the hard-heartednefs of impious and covetous lathers or hufbands abufing this law to forbid their wives or daughters in their offerings and devotions of greateft zeal. If then God fuffer hardnefs of heart equally in the belt Laws, as in this of Divorce, there can be no reafon that for this caufe this Law fhould be abolilh'd. But other Laws, they object, may be well us'd, this never. How often fhall I anfwer both from the inftitution of Marriage, and from other general rules in Scripture, that this Law of Divorce hath many wife and charitable ends befides the being fuf- fer'd for hardnefs of heart; which is indeedno end, but an accident hapning through the whole Law; which gives to good men right, and to bad men, whoabufe right under falfe pretences, gives only fufferance. Now although Chrilt exprefs no other reafons here, but only what was fuffer'd, it nothing follows that this Law had no 0- ther reafon to be permitted but for hardnefs of heart. The Scripture feldom or never in one place fetsdown all the reafons of what it grants or commands, efpecially when it talks to enemies and tempters. St. Paul permitting Marriage, 1 Cor. 7. feems to permit even that alfo for hardnefs of heart only, left we fhould run into fornication ; yet no intelligent man thence concludes Marriage allow'd in the Gofpel only to a- void an evil, becaufe no other end is there expreft. Thus Mofes of neceflity fuffer'd many to put away their wives for hardnefs of heart; butenacted theLaw of Divorce doubtlefs for other good caufes, not for this only fufferance. He permitted not Di- vorce by law as an evil, for that was impoffible to divine Law, but permitted by accident the evil of them whodivorc'd againft the Law's intention undifcoverably. This alfo may be thought not improbable, that Chrilt, ltirr'd up in his fpirit againft thefe tempting Pharifees, anfwer'd them in a certain form of indignation ufual a- mong good authors ; wherby the queftion, or the truth is not directly anfwer'd, but fomething which is fitter for them, who afk, to hear. So in the Ecclefiaftical ftories, one demanding how God imploy'd himfelf before the world was made? had anfwer, that he was making hell for curious queftioners. Another (and Liba- nius the Sophift,a.s I remember) afking in derifion fome Chriftian, What theCar- pentcr,meaning our Saviour, was doing, now that "Julian lb prevail'd? had ic re- turn'd him, that the Carpenter was making a coffin for the Apoflate. So Chrilt being demanded malicioufly why Mofes made the Law of Divorce, anfwers them in a vehement fcbeme, not telling them the caufe why he made it, but what was fit- teft to be told them, that/cr the hardnefs of their ^r/j he fuffer'd them toabufe it. And albeit Mark fay not he fuffer'd you, but to you be wrote this precept; Mark may be warrantably expounded by Matthew the larger. And whether he fuffer'd, or gave precept, being all one as was heard, it changes not the trope of indigna- tion, fitteft account for fuch afkers. Next, for the hardnefs oiyour hearts, to you he wrote this precept, infers not therfore for this caufe only he wrote it, as was pa- ralleled by other Scriptures. Laltly, It may be worth the obferving, that Chrilt fpeaking to the Pharifees, does not fay in general that for hardnefs of heart he gave this precept, but you he fuffer'd, and to you he gave this precept for your hard- nefs of heart. It cannot be eafily thought that Chrilt here included all the chil- dren of Ifrael under the perfon of thefe tempting Pharifees, but that he conceals ; wherfore he gave the better fort of them this Law, and expreffls by faying em- Vol. I. K k phatically 250 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture, piratically To you how he gave it to the worfer, fuch as the Pharifees bed reprefent- ed, that is to fay, for the hardnefs of your hearts: as indeed to wicked men and hardned hearts he gives the whole Law and the Gofpel alfo, to harden them the" more. Thus many ways it may orthodoxally be underdood how God or Mofes fuffer'dfuch as the demanders were, to divorce for hardnefs of heart. Wherasthe vulvar Expofitor, befet with contradictions and abfurdities round, and refolving at any peril to make an expofition of it, as there is nothing more violent and boifterous than a reverend ignorance in fear to be convicted, rufhes brutely and impetuoufly againft all the principles both of Nature, Piety, and moral Good- nefs-, and in the fury of his literal expounding overturns them all. But from the beginning it was not fo.] Not how from the beginning ? Do they fup- pofe that men might not divorce at all, notnecefiarily, not deliberately, except for Adultery, but that fome law, like canon law, prefently attachtthem both before and after the flood, till drifter Mofes came, and with law brought licence into the world? that were a fancy indeed to fmile at. Undoubtedly as to point of judicial Lav/, Divorce was more permiffive from the beginning before Mofes than under Mofes. But from the beginning, that is to fay, by the inftitution in Paradife, it was not intended that Matrimony fhould diflblve for every trivial caufe, as you Pha- rifees accuftom. But that it was not thus fufFer'd from the beginning ever fince the race of men corrupted, and Laws were made, he who will affirm, mull have found out other antiquities than are yet known. Befides, we muft confider now, what can be fo as from the beginning, not only what fhould be fo. In the beginning, had men continu'd perfect, it had been jud that all things fhould have remain'd, as they began to Adam and Eve. But after that the Sons of Men grew violent and injurious, it alter'd the lore of juftice, and put the government of things into a new frame. While man and woman were both perfect each to other, there need- ed no Divorce j but when they both degenerated to imperfection, and oft-times grew to be an intolerable evil each to other, then Law more judly did permit the alienating of that evil which miftake made proper, than it did the appropriating of that good which Nature at firfb made common. For if the abfence of outward good be not fo bad as the prefence of a clofe evil, and that propriety, whether by covenant or pofTefTion, be but the attainment of fome outward good, it is more natural and righteous that the Law fhould fever us from an intimate evil, than appropriate any outward good to us from the Community of nature. The Gofpefr indeed tending ever to that which is perfected, aim'd at the reftorement of all things as they were in the beginning, and therfore all things were in common to thofe primitive Chriftians in the Acts, which Ananias and Sapphira dearly felt. That cuftom alfo continu'd more or lefs till the time of Juft in Martyr, as may be read in his fecond Apology, which might be writ after that act of communion perhaps fome forty years above a hundred. But who will be the man that fhall in- troduce this kind of Commonwealth, as Chriftianity now goes ? If then Marriage mult be as in the beginning, the perfons that marry mult be fuch as then were; the inftitution muft make good, in fome tolerable fort, what itpromifes to either party. If not, it is but madnefs to drag this one Ordinance back to the begin- ning, and draw down all other to the prefent neceffity and condition, far from the beginning, even to the tolerating ol extortions and oppreflions. Chrift only- told us that from the beginning it was not fo •, that is to fay, not fo as the Pha- rifees manur'd the bufinefs •, did not command us that it fhould be forcibly fo a- gain in all points, as at the beginning ; or foat lead in our intentions and defires, but fo in execution, as rcafon and prefent nature can bear. Although we are not to leek, that the inftitution it fell from the firft beginning was never but condi- tional, as all Covenants are : becaufe thus and thus, therfore fo and fo; if not thus, then not fo. Then moreover was perfected to fulfil each Law in it felf; now is perfected in this edate of things, to afk of charity how much law may be ful- fill'd: elfe the fulfilling oft-times is the greated breaking. If any therfore demand, which is now mod perfection, to eafe an extremity by Divorce, or to enrage and feder it by the grievous obferyance of a miferable Wedloc, I am not deditute to fay which is mod perfection, (although fome who believe they think favourably of Divorce, edeem it only venial to infirmity.) Him I hold more in the way to perfec- tion who forgoes an unfit,ungodly,and difcordant Wedloc, tolive according to peace and love, and God's inditution in a fitter choice, than he who debars himfelf the happy experience of all godly, which is peaceful converfation in his family, to. live a contentious, and unchridian life not to be avoided, in temptations not to he liv'd in, only for the. falfe keeping of a mod unreal nullity, a Marriage that hath no affinity which i } eat of Nullities in M a r r i a g e . 251 affinity with God's intention, a daring phantafm, a meer toy of terror awing weak fenfes, to the lamentable fuperftition of ruining themfelves ; the remedy wherof God in his Law vouchfafes us. Which not to dare ufe,he warranting, is not our per- fection, is our infirmity, our little faith, our timorous and low conceit of Charity : and in them who force us, it is their mafking pride and vanity, to feem holier and more circumfpect than God. So far is it that we need impute to him infirmi- ty, who thus divorces : fince the rule of perfection is not fo much that which was done in the beginning, as that which now is neareft to the rule of charity. This is the greateit, the perfefteft, the higheft commandment. Ver. 9. And I fay unto you, Whofo fhall put away his wife, except it be for Forni- cation, and Jhall marry another, committeth adultery ; and whofo marrieth her which is put away, doth commit adultery. And I fay unto you.'] That this reitridive denouncement of Chrift contradicts and refutes that permiflive precept of Mofes, common Expofitors themfelves dis- claim: and that it does not traverfe from the Clofet of Confcience to the Courts of Civil or Canon Law, with any Chriftian rightly commenc'd, requires not long evincing. If Chrift then did not here check permiflive Mofes, nor did reduce Matrimony to the beginning more than all other things, as the reafon of man's condition could bear, we would know preciiely what it was which he did, and what the end was of his declaring thus aufterely againft Divorce. For this is a con- feft Oracle in Law, that he who looks not at the intention of a Precept, the more fuperftitious he is of the letter, the more he mifinterprets. Was it to fhame Mo- fes? that had been monftrous : or all thole pureft Ages of Ifrael, to whom the Per- miffion was granted ? that were as incredible. Or was it that he who came to abrogate the burden of Law, not the equity, fhould put this yoke upon a blame- lefs perfon, to league himfelf in chains with a begirting mifchief, not to feparate till death? He who taught us that no man puts a piece of new cloth upon an old garment, nor new wine into old bottles, that he mould few this patch of ftriclnefs upon the old apparel of our frailty, to make a rent more incurable, whenas in all other amendments his dodtrine ftill charges, that regard be had to the garment, and to the vefiel, what it can endure; this were an irregular and fingle piece of rigour, not only founding diiproportion to the whole Gofpel, but outstretching the moft rigorous nerves of Law and Rigour it felf. No other end therfore can be left imaginable of this excefiive reftraint, but to bridle thofe erroneous and li- centious poftillers the Pharifees ; not by telling them what may be done in neceffi- ty, but what cenfure they deferve who divorce abufively, which their Tetrarch had done. And as the offence was in one extreme, fo the rebuke, to bring more effi- cacioufly to a rectitude and mediocrity, ftands not in the t middle way of duty, but in the other extreme. Which art of powerful reclaiming, wifeft men have alio taught in their ethical Precepts and Gnomologies, refembling it, as when we bend a crooked wand the contrary way; not that it fhould Hand fo bent, but that the overbending might reduce it to a ftraitnefs by its own reluftance. And as the Phyfician cures him who hath taken down poilon, not by the middling temper of nourifhment, but by the other extreme of Antidote, fo Chrift adminifters here a lharp and corrofive fentence againft a foul and putrid licence; not to eat into the flefh, but into the fore. And knowing that our Divines through all their Com- ments make no fcruple, where they pleafe, to foften the high and vehement fpeeches of our Saviour, which they call Hyperboles; why in this one Text fhould they be fuch crabbed Maforites of the letter, as not to mollify a tranfcendance of literal rigidity, which they confefs to find often elfewhere in his manner of delive- ry, but muft make their expofition here fuch an obdurate Cyclops, to have but one eye for this Text, and that only open to cruelty and enthralment, fuch as no di- vine or human Law before ever heard of? No, let the foppifh Canonilt, with his fardel of matrimonial cafes, go and be vendible where men be fo unhappy as to cheapen him : the words of Chrift Jhall be aiTerted from fuch elemental No- taries, and refolv'd by the now-only lawgiving mouth of charity; which may be done undoubtedly by underftanding them as follows. Whofoever fliall put away his wife .] That is to fay, fhall fo put away as the Propounders of this queftion, the Pharifees, were wont to do, and covert- ly defended Herod for fo doing ; whom to rebuke, our Saviour here mainly intends, and not to determine all the cafes of Divorce, as appears by St. Paul. Whofoever fhall put away, either violently without mutual confent for urgent reafons, or conipiringly by plot of luft, or cunning malice, fhall put away for any fudden mood, or contingency of difagreement, which is Vol. I. K k 2 not 25 2 Expofitions on the four chief places in Scripture, not daily practice, but may blow foon over, and be reconcil'd, except it be F >r nication- whofcever fhall put away raflily,as his choler prompts him, without due time of deliberating, and think his Confcience difcharg'd only by the bill of Di- vorce given, and the outward Law fatisfy'd ; whofoever, laftly, ih'al] put away his Wife, that is a Wife indeed, and not in name only, fuch a one who both can and is willing to be a meet help toward the chief ends of Marriage both civil and fanc'tifv'd, except Fornication be the caufe, that Man, or that Pair, commit Adul- tery. Not he who puts away by mutual confent, with all the confiderations and refpects of humanity and gentlenefs, without malicious or luftful drilt. Not he who after fober and cool experience, and long debate within himfelf, puts away,, whom though he cannot love or fuffer as a Wife, with that fincere affection that Marriage requires, yet loves at leaft with that civility and goodnefs,as not to keep her under a neglected and unwelcome refidence, where nothing can be hearty, and not being, it muft needs be both un joyous, and injurious to any perceiving perfon fo detain'd, and more injurious than to be freely, and upon good terms difmift. Nor doth he put away adulteroufly who complains of caufes rooted in immutable nature, utter unfitnefs, utter difconformity, not conciliable, becaule not to be amended without a miracle. Nor he who puts away an unquenchable vexation from his bofom, and flies an evil, than which a greater cannot befall hu- man fociety. Nor he who puts away with the full fuffrage and applauie of his con- fcience, not relying on the written bill of Law, but claiming by faith andfulneis of perfwafion the rights and promifes of God's inftitution, of which he finds him- felf in a miftaken wedloc defrauded. Doubtlefs this man hath bail enough to be no Adulterer, giving Divorce for thefe caufes. His Wife.] This word is not to be idle here, a meer word without a fenfe, much lefs a fallacious v/ord fignifying contrary to what it pretends; but faithfully figni- fies a Wife, that is, a comfortable help and fociety, as God inftituted ; does not fignify deceitfully under this name, an intolerable adverlary, not a helplefs, un- affectionate and fullen mafs, whofe very company reprefents the vifible and ex- acted figure of lonelinefs it felf. Such an affociate he who puts away, divorces not a wife, but disjoins a nullity which God never join'd, if fhe be neither wil- ling, nor to her proper and requifite duties fufficient, as the words of God infti- tuteher. And this alfo is Bucer's explication of this place. Except it he for fornication, or faving for the caufe of fornication, as Matt. 5.] This declares what kind of caufes our Saviour meant-, fornication being no natural and perpetual caufe, but only accidental and temporary ; therfore fhews that head of caufes from whence it is excepted, to be meant of the lame fort. For exceptions are not logically dedue'd from a divers kind, as to fay whofo puts away for any natural caufe except Fornication, the exception would want fait. And it they un- derftand it, whofo for any caufe whatever, they call themfelves ; granting Di- vorce for frigidity a natural caufe of their own allowing, though not here expreft, and for defertion without infidelity, whenas he who marries, as they allow him for defertion, deferts as well as is deferted, and finally puts away for another caufe befides Adultery. It will with all due reai'on therfore be thus better under- ftood, whofo puts away for any accidental and temporary caufes, except one of them, which is fornication. Thus this exception finds out the caufes from whence it is excepted, to be of the fame kind, that is cafual, not continual. Saving for the caufe of fornication.} The New Tefbament, though it be faid ori- ginally writ in Greek, yet hath nothing near fo many Atticifms as Hebraifms, and Syriacifms, which was the Majefty of God, not fitting the tongue of Scripture to a Gentilifh Idiom, but in a princely manner offering to them as to Gentiles and Foreigners grace and mercy, though not in foreign words, yet in a foreign Mile that might induce them to the fountains; and though their calling were high and happy, yet ftill to acknowledge God's ancient people their betters, and that lan- guage the Metropolitan language. He therfore who thinks to Scholiaze upon the Gofpel, though Creek, according to his Greek Analogies, and hath not been Audi- tor to the Oriental dialects, fhall want in the heat of his Analyfis no accommoda- tion to Humble. In this place, as the 5th of Matth. reads it, Saving for the caufe of fornication, the Greek, fuch as it is, founds it, except for the tiord," report , jpcech, or proportion of fornication. In which regard, with other inducements, many an- cient and learned Writers have underflood this exception, as comprehending any fault equivalent and proportional to fornication. But truth is, the Evangelift here Hebraizes, taking word or fpeech for caufe or matter in the common Eaftern phrafe, meaning perhaps no more than if he had laid for fornication, as in this 19//J chap- ter. And yet the word is found in the §t& of Exodus alio fignifying Proportion; where which treat of Nullities in M a r r i a g e . 2 r where the Israelites are commanded to do their tafks, the matter of each day in his day. A talk we know is a proportion of work not doing the fame thing ablblute- ly every day, but fo much. "Wherby it may be doubtful yet, whether here be not excepted not only fornication it felf,but other caufesequipollent,and proportional to fornication. Which very word alio to understand rightly, we muttof neceffity have recourse again to the Hebrew. For in the Greek and Latin fenfe by fornica- tion is meant the common prostitution of body for file. So that they who are fo evaft for the letter, fhall be dealt with by the Lexicon, and the Etymohgicon too if they pleafe, and mult be bound to forbid Divorce for adultery alfo, until it come to open whoredom and trade, like that for which Claudius divorc'd MeJJalina. Since therfore they take not here the word fornication in the common Significance, for an open exercife in the (tews, but grant Divorce for one fingle aft of privateft iiltery, notwithstanding that the word ("peaks a public and notorious frequency of fact, not without price; we may reafon with as good leave, and as little (train- ing to the tsxt, that our Saviour on fet purpofe chole this word Fornication, im- properly apply'd to the lapfe of Adultery, that we might not think our felves bound from ail Divorce, except when that fault hath been aftually committed. For the language of Scripture Signifies by fornication (and others befides St. Auftin fo expounded it) not only the trefpafs of Body, nor perhaps that between mar- ried perfons, unlefs in a degree or quality as fharnelefs as the Bordello; but fignifies alfo any notable difobedience, or intractable carriage of the Wife to the Hufband, as Judg. 19. 2. wherof at large in the Dotlrine of Divorce, 1. 2. c. 18. Secondly, fignifies the apparent alienation of mind not to Idolatry, (which mayfeemto an- fwer the aft of Adultery) but far on this fide, to any point of will-worihip, though to the true God; fometimes it notes the love of earthly things, or worldly plea- sures, though in a right Believer, fometimes the leait fufpicion of unwitting Ido- latry. As-Numb. 15. 39. wilful difobedience to any the leaft of God's Command- ment is call'd fornication, Pfal. 73. 26, 27. A diftrutt only in God, and with- drawing from that nearnefs of zeal and confidence which ought to be, is call'd for- nication. We may be fure it could not import thus muchlefs than Idolatry in the- borrow'd metaphor between God and Man, uniefs it fignify'd as much lefs than Adultery in the ordinary acceptation between Man and Wife. Add alfo, that there was no need our Saviour fhould grant divorce for Adultery , it being death by Law, and Law then in force. Which was the caufe why Jofepb fought to put away his betrothed Wife privately, left he fhould make her an example of capital punifh- ment, as learnedeft Expounders affirm, Herod being a great zealot of the Mofaic Law, and the Pharifees great mafters of the Text, as the woman taken in Adultery ■doubtlefs had caufe to fear. Or if they can prove it was neglected, which they cannot do, why did our Saviour fhape his Anfwer to the corruption of that a°e, and not rather tell them of their negleft? If they fay he came not to meddle with their Judicatures, much lefs then was it in his thought to make them new ones, or that Divorce fhould be judicially reftrain'd in a ftrifter manner by thefe his words, more than Adultery judicially acquitted by thofe his words to the Adul- trefs. His fentence doth no more by Law forbid Divorce here, than by Law it doth abfolve Adultery there. To them therfore who have drawn this yoke up- on Chriftians from his words thus wrefted, nothing remains but die guilt of a prefumption and perverfenefs, which will be hard for them to anfwer. Thus much that the word Fornication is to be understood as the Language of Chrift un- derstands it, for a conftant alienation and difaffeftion of mind, or for the con- tinual practice of difobedience and croffhefs from the duties of love and peace; that is in fum, when to be a tolerable Wife is either naturally not in their power, or obftinately not in their will: and this Opinion alfo is St. Auftin's, left it Should hap to be fufpefted of novelty. Yet grant the thing here meant were only Adul- tery, the reafon of things will afford more to our afiertion, than did the reafon of words. For why is Divorce unlawful but only for Adultery? becaufe, fay diey, that crime only breaks the Matrimony. But this, I reply, the Institution it Self gainfays: for that which is moil contrary to the words and meaning of the Insti- tution, that molt breaks the Matrimony; but a perpetual unmeetnefs and unwil- lingnefs to all the duties of Help, of Love, and Tranquillity, is moft contrary to the words and meaning of the Institution; that therfore much more breaks Ma- trimony than the aft of Adultery, though repeated. For this, as it is not felt, nor troubles him who perceives it not, So being perceiv'd, may be Soon repented, foon amended, foon, if it can be pardon'd, may be redeem'd with the more ardent love and duty in her who hath the pardon. But this natural unmeetnefs both can- not be unknown long, and ever after cannot be amended, if itbenatural, and will not,. ^^ 254 Ex portions on the four chief places in Scripture y not, if it be far gone obftinate. So that wanting aught in the inftant to be as great a breach as adultery, it gains it in the perpetuity to be greater. Next, Adultery does not exclude her other fitnefs, her other pkafingnefs ; fhe may be otherwife both lovino- and prevalent, as many Adultereffes be; but in this general unfitnefs or alienatkon fhe can be nothing to him that can pleate. In Adultery nothing is given from the Hufband, which he mififes, or enjoys the lefs, as it maybe futtly given : but this unfitnefs defrauds him of the whole contentment which is fought in Wedloc. And what benefit to him, though nothing be given by the ftealth of Adultery to another, if that which there is to give, whether it be folace, or focie- ty, be not fuch as may juftly content him ? and fo not only deprives him of what it fhould give him, but gives him forrow and affliction, which it did not owe him. B, fides, is Adultery the greateft breach of Matrimony in refpeft of the offence to God or of the injury to Man ? If in the former, then other fins may offend God more, and fooner caufe him to difunite his fervant from being oneflefh with fuch an offender. If in refpeft of the latter, other injuries are demonftrated therin more heavy to man's nature than the iterated act of Adultery. God therfore, in his wifdom, would not fo difpofe his remedies, as to provide them for the lefs inju- ries, and not allow them for the greater. Thus is won both from the word For- nication, and the reaibn of Adultery, that the exception of Divorce is not limited to that aft, but enlarg'd to the caufes above fpecify'd. Aifdwhofo marrieth her which is put away, doth commit adultery^ By this Claufe alone, if by nothing elfe, we may afTure us, that Chrift intended not to deliver here the whole doftrine of Divorce, but only to condemn abufes. Otherwife to marry after Defertion, which the Apoftle, and the reformed Churches at this day permit, is here forbid, as Adultery. Be fhe never fo wrongfully deferted, or put away, as the Law then fuffer'd, if thus forfaken and expulft, fhe accept the refuge and proteftion of any honcfter man who wouldlove her better, and give herfelf in Marriage to him, by what the letter guides us, it fhall be prefent Adultery to them both. This is either harfh and cruel, or all the Churches teaching as they do the contrary, are loofe and remifs; befides that the Apoftle himfelf Hands deeply fin'd in a contradiction againft our Saviour. What fhall we make of this? what rather the common interpreter can make of it, for they be his own markets, let him now try ; let him try which way he can wind in his Vertumnian diftinftions and evafions, if his canonical Gabardine of text and letter do not now fit too clofe about him, and pinch his aftivity; which if I err not, hath here hamper'd it felf in a fpring fit for thofe who put their confidence in Alphabets. Spanheim a writer of Evangelic Doubts, comes now and confeffes that our Saviour's words are to be li- mited beyond lhe limitation there expreji, and excepted beyond their own exception, as not i peaking of what happen'd rarely, but what moft commonly. Is it fo rare, Spanheim, to be deferted ? or was it then fo rare to put away injurioufly, that a per- fon fo hatefully expell'd, fhould to the heaping of more injuiy be turn'd like an infectious thing out of all Marriage-fruition upon pain of Adultery, as not consi- derable to the brevity of this half fentence? Of what then fpeaks our Saviour? of that collufion, faith he,which was then moft frequent among the Jews of changing wives and husbands, through inconftancy and unchajh defires . Colluders your felves, as violent to this Law of God by your unmerciful binding, as the Pharifees by their unbounded loofening ! Have thoufands of Chriftian fouls perilh'd as to this life, and God knows what hath betided their Confciences, for want of this healing ex- planation ; and is it now at laft obfcurely drawn forth, only to cure a fcratch, and leave the main wound fpouting? Whofoever putteth away his wife, except for fornication, committeth adultery. That lhall be fpoke of all ages, and all men, though never fo juftly otherwife mov'd to Divorce : In the very next breath, And • whofo marrieth her which is put away, committeth adultery : the men are new and miraculous, they tell you now you are to limit it to that age, when it was in fafoicn to chop matrimonies; and mujl be meant of him who puts away with his wife's confent through the lightnefs andleudnefs of them both. By what rule of Logic, or indeed of Reaibn, is our commiflion to underftand the Antecedent one way and the Confe- quent another? for in that habitude this whole verfe may be confidered: or at leaft to take the parts of a copulate axiom, both abfolutely affirmative, and to lay, the firft is abfolutely true, the other not, but muft be limited to a certain time and cuftom •, which is no lefs than to fay they are both falfe? For in this compound axiom t be the parts never fo many, if one of them do but falter, and be not equally abfo- lute and general, the reft are all falfe. If therfore that he who marries her which is put away commits adultery, be not generally true, neither is it generally true that be commits adultery who puts away for other caufe (ban fornication. And if the marrying her which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 255 her which is put away, muft be understood limited, which they cannot but yield it mull, with the fame limitation muft beundcrftood the putting away. Thus doth the common expofition confound it felf, and juftify this which is here brought; that our Saviour as well in the firft part of this fentence as in the fecond, prohi- bited only luch Divorces as the Jews then made through malice or through plotted licence, not thofe which are for neceffary and juft caufes ; where charity and wif- dom disjoins, that which not God, but Error and Difafter join'd. And there is yet to this our expofition, a ftronger fiding friend, than any can be an adverlary, unlefs St. Paul be doubted, who repeating a command concern- ing Divorce, i Cor. y. which is- agreed by Writers to be the fame with this of our Saviour,and appointing that the wife remain unmarried, or be reconciled to ber huf- band, leaves it infallible that our Saviour fpake chiefly againft putting away for cafual and choleric difagreements, or any other caufe which may widi human pa- tience and wifdom be reconcil'd; not hereby meaning to hale and dalfi together the irreconcileable averfations of nature, nor to tie up a faultlefs perfon like a Parricide, as it were into one fack with an enemy, to be his cauflefs tormenterand executioner the length of a long life. Laftly, let this fentence of Chriit be under- stood how it will, yet that it was never intended for a judicial Law, to be en- fore'd by the Magistrate, befides that the office of our Saviour had no fuch pur- pofe in the Gofpel, this latter part of the fentence mayafTure us, And whofo mar- rieth ber who is put away, commits adultery. Shall the exception for Adultery be- long tothisclaufe or not? If not, it would be ftrange, that he who marries a Wo- man really divore'd for Adultery, as Chrift permitted, fhould become an Adul- terer by marrying one who is now no other man's Wife,himfelf being alfo free, who might by this means reclaim her from common Whoredom. And if the excep- tion muft belong hither, then it follows that he who marries an Adultrefs divore'd commits noAdultery ; which would foon difcover to us what an abfurd andfenflefs piece of injuftice this would be to make a civil Statute of in penal Courts : wher- by the Adultrefs put away may marry another fafely, and without a crime to him that marries her; but the innocent and wrongfully divore'd fhall not marry again without the guilt of Adultery both to her felf and to her fecond hufband. This faying of Chrift therfore cannot be made a temporal Law, were it but for this reafon. Nor is it eafy to fay what coherence there is at all in it from the letter,to any perfect fenfe not obnoxious to fome abfurdity, and feemsmuch lefs agreeable to whatever elfe of the Gofpel is left us written ; doubtlcfs by our Saviour fpoken in that fiercenefs and abftrufe intricacy, firft to amule his tempters, and admoniih in general the abufers of that Mofaic Law; next, to let Herod know a fecond knower of his unlawful act, though the Baptift were beheaded ; laft, that his Difciples and all good men might learn to expound him in this place, as in all o- ther his precepts, not by the written letter, but by that unerring paraphrafe of Chriftian Love and Charity, which is the fum of all commands, and the perfection. Vef. 10. His Difciples fay unto him, If the cafe of the man be fa with his Wife, it is not good to marry. This verfe I add, to leave no objection behind unanfwer'd: for fome may think, if this our Saviour's fentence be fo fair, as not commanding aught that patience or nature cannot brook, why then did the difciples murmur and fay, it is not good to marry? I anfwer, that the Difciples had been longer bred up under the Phari- fasan Doctrine, than under that of Chrift, and fo no marvel though they yet re- tain'd the infection of loving old licentious cuftoms ; no marvel though they thought it hard they might not for any offence that throughly anger'd them, divorce a Wife, as well as put away a Servant, fince it was but giving her a Bill, as they were taught. Secondly, it was no unwonted thing with them not to underftand our Saviour in matters far eafier. So that be it granted their conceit of this text was the lame which is now commonly conceiv'd, according to the ufual rate of their capacity then, it will not hurt a better interpretation. But why did not Chrift, feeing their error, inform them ? for good caufe ; it was his profeft method not to teach them all things at all times, but each thing in due place and feafon. Chrift faid, Luke 22. that he who had no Jword fhould fell his garment and buy one : the Difciples took it in amanifeft wrong fenfe, yet our Saviour did not there inform them better. He told them /'/ was eafier for a Camel to go through a needle's eye, than a rich man in at heaven-gate. They were amaz'd exceedingly : he ex- plain'd himfelf to mean of thofe who truft in riches, Mark 10. They were ama- zed 2 r 6 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture ', ^ed than out of meafure, for fo Mark relates it; as if his explaining had increased Their amazement in fuch a plain cafe, and which concern'd io nearly their calling to be inform'd in. Good reafon therfore, if Chrift at that time did not Hand am- plifying, to the thick prejudice and tradition wherin they were, this queftion of more difficulty, and lefs concernment to any perhaps of them in particular. Yet did he not omit to low within them the feeds of a fufficient determining,againft the time that his promis'd Spirit mould bring all things to their memory. He had declar'd in their hearing not long before, how diftant he was from aboiifhing the Law it felf of Divorce-, he had referr'd them to the inftitution; and after all this, gives them a fet anfwer, from which they might collect what was clear enough, that all men cannot receive all fayings, ver. 1 1 . If fuch regard be had to each man's receiving of Marriage or fingle life, what can arife that the fame chriftian re- oard fhould not be had in molt neceffary Divorce? All which inftructed both Them and us, that it befeem'd his Difciples to learn the deciding of this queftion, which hath nothing new in it, firft by the inftitution, then by the general grounds of Religion, not by a particular laying here or there, temper'd and levelled only to an incident occafion, the riddance of a tempting alTault. For what can this be but weak and fliallow apprehenlion, to forfake the ftandard principles of inftitu- tion, faith, and charity ; then to be blank and various at every occurrence inScrip- ture, and in a cold Spafm of fcruple, to rear peculiar doctrines upon the place, that fhall bid the gray authority of moft unchangeable and fovereign Rules to ftand by and be contradi&ed? Thus to this Evangelic precept of famous difficulty, which for thefe many ages weakly underftood, and violently put in practice, hath made a ihambles rather than an ordinance of Matrimony, I am firm a truer expofuion cannot be o-iven. If this or that argument here us'd, pleafe not every one, there is no fcarcity of arguments, any half of them will fuffice. Or fhould they all fail, as Truth it felf can fail as foon, I fhould content me with the inftitution alone to wage this contro- verfy, and not diftruft to evince. If any need it not, the happier ; yet Chriftians ought to ftudy earneftly what may be another's need. But if, as mortal mifchances are, fome hap to need it, let them be fure they abufe not, and give God his thanks, who hath reviv'd this remedy, not too late for them, and fcower'd off an invete- rate mifexpofition from the Gofpel : a work not to perifh by the vain breath or doom of this age. Our next induftry lhall be, under the fame guidance, to try with what fidelity that remaining paffage in the Epijlles touching this matter, hath been commented. i Cor. VII. io, &c. io. And unto the married I command, &c. 1 1 . And let not the hujband put away his wife. THIS intimates but what our Saviour taught before, that Divorce is not rafh- ly to be made, but reconcilement to be periwaded and endeavour'd, as oft as the caufe can have to do with reconcilement, and is net under the dominion of blamelefs nature •, which may have reafon to depart, though feldomeft and laft from charitable love, yet fometimes from friendly, and familiar, and fomething oftner from conjugal love, which requires not only moral, but natural caufes to the making and maintaining; and may be warrantably excus'd to retire from the deception of what it jurtly feeks, and the ill requitals which unjuftjy it finds. For Nature hath her Zodiac alfo, keeps her great annual circuit over human things, as truly as the Sun and Planets in the firmament; hath her anomalies, hath her obliquities in afcenfions and declinations, accefles and recefTes, as blamelefly as they in Heaven. And fitting in her planetary Orb with two reins in each hand, one ftrait, the other loofe, tempers the courfe of minds as well as bodies to feveral conjunctions and oppofitions, friendly or unfriendly afpects, confenting ofteft with reafon, but never contrary. This in the effect no man of meaneft reach but daily fees; and though to every one it appear not in the caufe, yet to a clear ca- pacity, well nurtur'd with good reading and obfervation, it cannot but be plain andvifible. Other expofition therfore then hath been given to former places that give light to thefe two fummary verfes, will not be needful: fave only that thefe precepts are meant to thole married who differ not in Religion. But to the reft fpeak I, not the Lord; if any brother hath a wife that believetb not, andftie be pleafed to dwell with him, let him not put her away. Now follows what is to be done, if the perfons wedded beof adifferentfaith. The common belief is, that a Chriftian is here commanded not to divorce, if the Infidel pleafe which treat of Nullities /^Marriage. 257 pleafe to (lay, though it be but to vex, or to deride, or to feduce the Chriftian. This Doctrine will be theeafy work of a refutation. The other opinion is, that a Chriftian is here conditionally permitted to hold Wedloc with a mifbeliever on- ly, upon hopes limited by Chriftian prudence, which without much difficulty fhall be defended. That this here fpoken by Paul, not by the Lord, cannot be a Com- mand, thefereafons avouch. Firft, the Law of Mofcs, Exod. 34.16. Deut. 7. 3, 6. interpreted by Ezra and Nebemiah, two infallible authors, commands to di- vorce an Infidel not for the fear only of a ceremonious defilement, but of an irre- ligious feducement, fear'd both in refpect of the Believer himfelf, and of his Chil- dren in danger to be perverted by the mifbelieving parent, Nehem. 13. 24, 26. And Peter Martyr thought this a convincing reaibn. If therfore the legal pollu- tion vanifhing, have abrogated the ceremony of this Law, fo that a Chriftian may be permitted to retain an Infidel without uncleannefs, yet the moral reaibn of di- vorcing ftands to eternity, which neither Apoftle nor Angel from heaven can countermand. All that they reply to this, is their human warrant, that God will preferve us in our obedience to this command againft the danger of feducement. And fo undoudtedly he will, if we underftand his commands aright ; if we turn not this evangelic permiflion into a legal, and yet illegal command; if we turn not hope into bondage, the charitable and free hope of gaining another, into the fore'd and fervile temptation of lofing our felves: but more of this beneath. Thus thele words of Paul by common doctrine made a command, are made a contra- diction to the moral Law. Secondly, Not the Law only, but the Gofpel from the Law, and from it felf, requires even in the fame chapter, where Divorce between them of one Religion is fo narrowly forbid, rather than our Chriftian love fhould come into danger of backfiiding, to forfake all relations how near foever, and the Wife exprefly, with pro.mife of a high reward, Mat. 19. And he who hates not Father or Mo- ther, Wife or Children, hindering his Chriftian courfe, much more if they defpife or afiault it, cannot be a Difciple, Luke 14. How can the Apoftle then command us to love and continue in that matrimony, which our Saviour bids us hate, and forfake ? They can as foon teach our faculty of refpiration to contract and to di- late it felf at once, to breathe and to fetch breath in the fame inftant,as teach our minds how to do fuch contrary acts as thefe towards the fame object, and as they mud be done in the fame moment. For either the hatred of her Religion, and her hatred to our Religion will work powerfully againft the love of her fociety, or the love of that will by degrees flatter out all our zealous hatred and forfaking, and foon enfnare us to unchriftianly compliances. Thirdly, In Marriage there ought not only to be a civil love, but fuch a love as Chrift loves his Church ; but where the Religion is contrary without hope of conversion, there can be no love, no faith, no peaceful fociety, (they of the other opinion confefs it) nay there ought not to be, further than in expectation of gain- ing a foul ; when that ceafes, we know God hath put an enmity between the feed of the Woman, and the feed of the Serpent. Neither fhould -we love them that hate the Lord, as the Prophet told Jehofaphat, 2 Chron. 19. And this Apoftle himfelf in another place warns us that we be not unequally yoke'd with Infidels, 2 Cor. 6. for that there can be no fellowlhip, no communion, no concord between fuch. Outward commerce and civil intercourfe cannot perhaps be avoided ; but true friendftiip and familiarity there can be none. How vainly therfore, not to fay how impioufly would the moft inward and dear alliance of Marriage or con- tinuance in Marriage be commanded, where true friendftiip is confeft impofiible? For fay they, we are forbid here to marry with an Infidel, not bid to divorce. But to rob the words thus of their full fenfe, will not be allow'd them : it is not faid, enter not into yoke, but be not unequally yoke'd; which plainly forbids the thing in prefent act, as well as in purpofe : and his manifeft conclufion is, not only that we JJjould not touch, but that having touch'd, wejhould come out from a- mong them, and be feparate ; with the promife of a bleffing therupon, that God will receive us, will be our father, and we hisfons and daughters, ver. 17, 18. Why we fhould ftay with an Infidel after the expence of all our hopes, can be but for a ci- vil relation •, but why we fhould depart from a feducer, fetting afide the mifcon- ftruction ofthis place, is Irom a religious neceffity of departing. The worle caufe therfore of ftaying (if it be any caufe at all, for civil Government forces it not) muft not overtop the religious caufe of feparating, executed with fuch an urgent zeal, and fuch a proftrate humiliation by Ezra and Nebemiah. What GuJ hates to join, certainly he cannot love fhould continue join'd : it being all one in matter of ill confequence, to marry, or to continue married with an Infidel, lave Vol. I. LI only 2C 8 Expofitions on the four chief places in Scripture , only fo long as we wait willingly, and with a fate hope. St. Paul therfore citing here a command of the Lord Almighty, for fo he terms it, that we ihou]d foparate, cannot have bound us with that which he calls his own, whether command or coun- fel, that we fhould not feparate. Which is the fourth Reafon, for he himfelf takes care left we fhould miftake him, {But to the reft /peak I, not the Lord.] If the Lord fpake not, then Man fpake it, and Man hath no Lordfhip to command the confcience: yet modern In- terpreters will have it a command, maugre St. Paul himfelf, they will make him him a Prophet like Caiaphas, to (peak the word of the Lord, not thinking, nay denying to think ; though he difavow to have receiv'd it from the Lord, his word fhall not be taken ; though an Apoftle, he fhall be borne down in his own Epiftle, by a race of Expofitors who prefume to know from whom he fpake, better than he himfelf. Paul depofes that the Lord fpeaks not this •, they, that the Lord fpeaks it: Can this be lefs than to brave him with a full-fac'd contradic- tion? Certainly to fuch a violence as this, for I cannot call it an expounding, what a man fhould anfwer I know not, unlefs that if it be their pleafure next to put a gag into the Apoftle's mouth, they are already furnifh'd with a commodious au- dacity toward the attempt. Bcza would feem to ihun the contradi&ory, by telling us that the Lord fpake it not in perfon, as he did the former precept. But how many other Doclxines doth St. Paul deliver, which the Lord fpake not in per- fon, and yet never ufes this preamble but in things indifferent? So long as we receive him for a meffenger of God, for him to ftand forting Sentences what the Lord fpake in perfon, and what he, not the Lord in perfon, would be but a chili tri- fling, and his Readers might catch an Ague the while. But if we fhall f upply the Grammatical Ellipjis regularly, and as we muft in the fame ten/e, all will be then clear, for we cannot fupply it thus, to the reft I fpeak ; the Lord fpake not, but I fpeak, the Lord fpeaks not. If then the Lord neither fpake in perlbn, nor fpeaks it now, the Apoftle teftifying both, it follows duly, that this can be no command. Forfooth the fear is, left this not being a command, would prove an evangelic counfel, and fo make way for fupererogations. As if the Apoftle could not fpeak his mind in things indifferent, as he doth in four or five feveral places of this chapter with the like preface of not commanding, but diat the doubted inconve- nience of fupererogating muft needs rufh in. And how adds it to the Word of the Lord, (for this alio they objeci:) whenas the Apoftle by his chriftian pru- dence guides us in the liberty which God hath left us to, without command? Could not the Spirit of God indraft us by him what was free, as well as what was not ? But what need I more, when Cameron an ingenuous writer, and in high ef- teem, fol idly confutes thefurmife of a command here, and among other words haththefe ; That when Paul /peaks as an Apoftle, he u/es this form, The Lord faith, not I, ver. 10. but as a private man he/aith, I fpeak, not the Lord. And thus al- io all the prime fathers, Auftin, Jerom, and the reft underftood this place. Fifthly, The very ftating of the Queftion declares this to be no Command; If any Brother hath an unbelieving Wife, and foe be plea/ed to dwell with him, let him not put her away. For the Greek word <rwu£<»u7 does not imply only her being pleas'd to ftay, but his being pleas'd to let her ftay ; it muft be a confent of them both. Korean the force of this word be render'd lefs, without either much neg- ligence or iniquity of him that otherwife tranflates it. And thus the Greek Church alio and their Synods underftood it, who beft knew what their own language meant, as appears by Matthaus Monacbus, an Author fet forth by Leunclavius, and of antiquity perhaps not inferior to Bal/amon, who writes upon the Canons of the Apoftles : this Author in his chap. That Marriage is not to be made with Heretics, thus recites the fecond Canon of the 6th Synod: As to the Corinthians, Paul determines ; 1/ the believing Wife chu/e to live with the unbelieving Husband, or the believing Husband with the unbelieving Wife. Mark, faith he, how the Apo- ftle here conde/cends, i/ the Believer plea/e to dwell with the Unbeliever ; fo that if he plea/e not, out o/ doubt the Marriage is dijfolv'd. And I am per/waded it was fo in the beginning, and thus preach'd. And therupon gives an example of one, who though not deferted, yet by the Decree of Theodotus the Patriarch divore'd an un- believing Wife. What therfore depends in the plain ftateof this queftion on the confent and well liking of them both, muft not be a command. Lay next the latter end of the nth verfe to the 12th (for wherfore elfe is Logic taught us) in a di/creet axiom, as it can be no other by the phrafe ; The Lord Jaith, Let not the Husband put away his Wife : but I /ay, Let him not put away a misbelieving Wife, I his founds as if by the judgment of Paul, a man might put away any Wife but the mifbelieving ; or elfe the parts are not di/creet, or dijjentany, for both conclude not which treat of Nullities /'# Marriage. 2 c q putting away, and confequently in fuch a form the propofition is ridiculous. Of necefiity therfore the former part of this fentence mult be conceiv'd, as underftood, and filently granted, that although the Lord command to divorce an infidel, yet I, not the Lord command you? No, but give my judgment, that for fome evan- gelic reafons a Chriilian may be permitted not to divorce her. Thus while we re- duce the brevity of St. Paul to a plainer fenfe, by the needful fupply of that which was granted between him and the Corinthians, the very logic of his fpeech ex- tracts him conferring that the Lord's command lay in a leaning contrariety to this his counfel : and that he meant not to thruft out a command of the Lord by a new one of his own, as one nail drives another, but to releafe us from the rigour of it, by the right of the Gofpel, fo far forth as a charitable caufe leads us on in the hope of winning another foul without the peril of lofing our own. For this is the glory of the Gofpel, to teach us that the end of the commandment is charity, i Tim. 1. not the drudging out a poor and worthlefs duty fore'd from us by the tax and tale of fo many letters. This doftrine therfore can be no command, but it muil contra- dict the moral Law, the Gofpel, and the Apoftle himiclf, both elfewhere and here alfo even in the aft of fpeaking. If then it be no command, it mult remain to be a permiffion, and that not ab- folute, for fo it would be (till contrary to the law, but with fuch a caution as breaks not the Law, but as the manner of the Gofpel is, fulfils it through Charity, The Law had two reafons, the one was ceremonial, the pollution that all Gentiles were to the Jews; this the vifion of Peter had abolifh'd, Acts 10. and cleans'd all creatures to the ui'e of a Chriftian. The Corinthians underftood not this, but fear'd left dwelling in matrimony with an unbeliever, they were defil'd. The Apoftle difcufies that fcruple with an Evangelic reafon, fhewing them that although God heretofore under the Law, not intending the converfion of the Gentiles, except fome fpecial ones, held them as polluted things to the Jew, yet now purpofino- to call them in, he hath purify'd them from that legal uncleannefs wherin they flood, to ufe and to be us'd in a pure manner. For faith he, The unbelieving husband isfantliffd by the wife, and the unbelieving wife isfancliffd by the husband, elfe were your children unclean ; but now they are holy. That is, they are fanftify'd to you, from that legal impurity which you fo fear; and are brought into a near capacity to be holy, if they believe, and to have free accefs to holy things. In the mean time, as being God's creatures, a Chriftian hath power to ufe them according to their proper ufe ; in as much as now, all things to the pure are become pure. In this legal refpeft therfore ye need not doubt to con- tinue in Marriage with an unbeliever. Thus others alfo expound this place, and Cameron efpecially. This reafon warrants us only what we may do without fear of pollution, does not bind us that we mult. But the other reafon of the Law to divorce an infidel was moral, the avoiding of enticement from the true Faith. This cannot fhrink ; but remains in as full force as ever, to fave the aftual Chriftian from the fnare of a mifbeliever. Yet if a Chriftian full of grace and fpiritual gifts, finding the mifbeliever not frowardly aftefted, fears not a feducing, but hopes rather a gaining, who fees not this moral Reafon is not violated by not divorcing, which the Law commanded to do, but better fulfill'd by the excellence of the Gofpel working through Charity ? For neither the faithful is fedue'd, and the un- faithful is either fav'd, or with all difcharge of love, and evangelic duty fought to be fav'd. But contrary- wife if the infirm Chriftian fhall be commanded here a- gainft his mind, againft his hope, and againft his ftrength, to dwell with all the fcandals, the houlhold perfections, or alluring temptations of an Infidel, how is not the Gofpel by this made harfher than the Law, and more yoking ? Therfore the Apoftle ere he delivers this other reafon why we need not in all hafte put a- way an Infidel, his mind mifgiving him, left he fhould feem to be the impofer of a new command, ftays not for method, but with an abrupt fpeed inlerts the de- claration of their liberty in this matter. But if the unbelieving depart, let him depart ■, a brother or a Jifier is not under bondage in fuch cafes : but God hath called us to peace. But if the unbelieving depart.] This cannot be reftrain'd to local departure only ; for who knows not that an offenfive fociety is worfe than a forfaking. If his purpofe of cohabitation be to endanger the life, or the conicience, Bezahim- felf is half perfuaded, that this may purchafe to the faithful perfon the fame freedom that a defertion may ; and fo Gerard and others whom he cites. If therfore he depart in afreftion ; if he depart from giving hope of his conver- fion; ifhedifturb, or feoff at Religion, feduce, or tempt; if he rage, doubt- lefs not the weak only, but the ftrong may leave him ; if not for fear, yet Vol. I. L 1 2 for 260 Expofitions on the four chief places in Scripture, for the dignity's fake of Religion, which cannot be liable to all bafe affronts, meerly for the worfhipping of a civil Marriage. I take therfore departing to be- as laro-e as the negative of being well pleas'd : that is, if he be not pleas'd for the pre'fent to live lovingly, quietly, inoffenfively, fo as may give good hope; which appears well by that which follows. A brother cr a fifter is not under bondage in fitch cafes.'] If St. Paul provide fe- rioudy againft the bondage of a Chriftian, it is not the only bondage to live unmar- ried for a deferring Infidel, but to endure his prefence intolerably, to bear Indig- nities ao-ainft his Religion in words or deeds, to be wearied with inducements, to have idolatries and fuperftitions ever before his eyes, to be tormented with im- pure and prophane converfation ; this muft needs be bondage to a Chriftian : is this left all unprovided for, without remedy, or freedom granted ? Undoubtedly no ; for the Apoftle leaves it further to be confider'd with prudence, what bon- dage a brother or fifter is not under, not only in this cafe, but as he fpeaks him- fe!f plurally, in fetch cafes. But God hath called us to peace. ,] To peace, not to bondage, not to brabbles and contentions with him who is not pleas'd to live peaceably, as Marriage and Chri- ftianity require. And where ftrifearifes from a caafe hopelefs to be allay'd, what better way to peace than by feparating that which is ill join'd ? It is not Divorce that firft breaks the peace of a family, as fome fondly comment on this place, but it is peace already broken, which, when other cures fail, can only be rcftor'd to the faultlefs perlbn by a neceffary Divorce. And St. Paul here warrants us to feek peace, rather than to remain in bondage. If God hath call'd us to peace, why Ihould we not follow him? why Ihould we miferably flay in perpetual difcord under a fervitude not requir'd? For what knoweft thou, Wife, whether thou fhalt fave thy Husband, &c] St. Paul having thus clear'd himfelf, not to go about the mining of our Chriftian, liberty, not to cafe afnare upon us, which to do he fo much hated, returns now to the fecond reafon of that Law, to put away an Infidel for fear of inducement, which he does not here contradict with a Command riow to venture that ; but if neither the infirmity of the Chriftian, nor the ftrength of the Unbeliever be fear'd, but hopes appearing that he may be won, he judges it no breaking of that Law, though the Believer be permitted to forbear Divorce, and can abide, without the peril of feducement, to offer the charity of a falvation toWife or Hufband, which is the fulfilling, not the tranfgrefling of that Law, and well worth the underta- king with much hazard and patience. For what knoweft thou whether thou fhalt i\\v& thy Wife, that is, till all means convenient and pofiible with difcretion and probability, as human things are, have been us'd. For Chrift himfelf fends not bur hope on pilgrimage to the World's end-, but fets it bounds, beyond which we need not wait on a Brother, much lefs on an Infidel. If after fuch a time we may count a profeffing Chriftian no better than a Heathen, after lefs time perhaps we may ceafe to hope of a Heathen, that he will turn Chriftian. Otherwise, to bind us harder than the Law, and tell us we are not under Bondage, is meer mockery. If till the unbeliever pleafe to part, we may not ftir from the houfe of our bon- dage, then certain this our liberty is not grounded in the purchafe of Chrift, but in the pleafure of a Mifcreant. What knows the loyal Hufband, whether he may not fave the Adultrefs ? he is not therfore bound to receive her. What knows the Wife, butfhemay reclaim her Hufband who hath deferted her? Yet the reform- ed Churches do not enjoin her to wait longer than after the contempt of an Ec- clefiaftical Summons. Beza himfelf here befriends us with a remarkable Speech, What could be firmly conflituted in human matters, if under pretence of expecling grace from above, it fjould be never lawful for us to feek our right ? And yet in other cafes not lefs reaibnable to obtain a molt j uft and needful remedy by Divorce, he turns the innocent party to a talk of prayers beyond the multitude of Beads and Rofaries, to beg the gift of Chaftity in recompence of an injurious Marriage. But the Apoftle is evident enough, we are not under bondage, trufting that he writes to thole who are not ignorant what Bondage is, to let fupercilious determiners cheat them of their freedom. God hath call'd us to peace, and fo doubtlefs hath left in our hands how to obtain it feafonably j if it be not our own choice to fit ever like novices wretchedly fervile. Thus much the Apoftle in this queftion between Chriftian and Pagan, tons now of little ufc ; yet fuppofing it written for our inftruftion, as it may be rightly ap- ply'd, J doubt not but that the difference between a true believer and a heretic, or any one truly religious either deferted or feeking Divorce from any one grofly erroneous or prophane, may be referr'd hither. For St. Ptfw/leaves us here the fo- 4 lution which treat of Nullities //^Marriage. %6i lution not of this cafe only, which little concerns us, but of fuch like cafes, which may occur to us. For where the realons directly fquare, who can forbid why the verdict lhould not bethe fame ? But this the common Writersallow us not. And yet from this Text, which in plain words gives liberty to none, unlefs deferted by an Infidel, they collect the fame freedom, though the defertion be not for Religion, which, as I conceive, they need not do; but may, without draining, reduce it to the caufe of Fornication. For firft, they confers that defertion is feldom without a juft fufpicion of Adultery : next, it is a breach of Marriage in the fame kind, and in ibme fort worfe : for Adultery, though it give to another, yet it bereaves not all; but the deferter wholly denies a!l right, and makes one flefh twain, which is counted the abfoluteft breach of Matrimony, and caufes the other, as much as in him lies, to commit fin, by being lb left. Neverthelefs, thofe reafons which they bring of eftablifhing by this place the like liberty from any delertion, are fair and folid : and if the thing be lawful, and can be prov'd lb, more ways than one, fo much the fafer. Their arguments I fhall here recite, and that they may not come idle, fhall ufe them to make good the like freedom to Divorce for other caufes; and that we are no more under Bondage to any heinous default againft the main ends of Matrimony, than to a Delertion : Firit they ailedge that to i Tim. 5. b\ If any provide not for thofe of his own houfe, be hath deny'd the faith, and is worfe than an Infidel. But a deferter, fiy they, can have no care of them -who are moft his own ; therfore ihe deferted party is not lefs to be righted againfl fuch a one, than againji an Infidel. With the fime .evidence I argue, that Man or Wife who hates in Wedloc, is perpetually unfociab'.e, unpeaceful, or unduteous, either not being able, or not willing to perform what the main ends ot Marriage demand in help and folace, cannot be laid to care for whofhould be deareft in the houfe; therfore is woffe than an Infidel in both regards, either in undertaking a duty which he cannot perform, to the undeferved and unfpeakable injury of the other party fo defrauded and betray'd, or not performing what he hath undertaken, whenas he may or might have, to the perjury ofhimfelf, more irreligious than heathenifm. The blamelefs perfon therfore hath as good a plea to fue out his delivery from this bondage, as from the defertion of an Infidel. Since moft Writers cannot but grant that delertion is not only a local abfence, but an intolerable fociety; or if they grant it not, the reafons of St. Paul grant it, with as much leave as they grant to enlarge a particular freedom from paganifm, into a general freedom from any de- fertion. Secondly, they reafon from the likenefs of either t~a.8:,thefame lofs redounds to the deferted by a Chrifiian, as by an Infidel, the fame peril of temptation. And I in like manner affirm, that if honelt and free perfons may be allow'd to know what i > moft to their own lofs, the fame lofs and difcontent, but worfe difquiet,with con- tinual mifery and temptation, refides in the company, or better call'd the perfe- cuiion of an unfit, or an unpeaceable Confort, than by his defertion. For then the deferted may enjoy himfelf at leaft. And he who deferts is more favourable to the party whom his prefence afflicts, than that importunate thing which is and will be ever converfant before the eyes, a loyal and individual vexation. As for thofe who ftill rudely urge it no lofs to Marriage, no Defertion, fo long as the Fleih is prefent, and offers a Benevolence that hates, or is juft y hated ; I am not of that vulgar ami low perfuafion, to think fuch fore'd embracements as thele worth the honour, or the humanity of Marriage, but far beneath the foul of a rational and free-born Man. Thirdly, they fay, It is not the Infidelity of the deferter, but , lion of the Infidel, from which the Apojlle gives this freedom ; and I join, that the Apoftle could as little require our fubjection to an unfit and injurious Bondage prefent, as to an Infidel abfent. To free us from that which is an evil by being diftant, and not from that which is an inmate, and in the bofom evil, argues an improvident and carelefs Deliverer. And thus all occalions, which way foever they turn, are notunofficious to adminifter fomething which may conduce to ex- plain, or to defend the alfertion of this book touching Divorce. I complain of nothing, but that it is indeed too copious to be the matter of a ditpute, or a de- fence, rather to be yielded, as in the bell Ages, a thing of common Reafon, not of Controverfy. What have I left to lay ? I fear to be more elaborate in fuch a per- fpicuity as this ; left I fhould feem not to teach, but to upbraid the dulnefs of an Age ; not to commune with reafon in men, but to deplore the lofs of reafon from among men : this only, and not the want of more to fay, is the limit of my difcourfe. Who among the Fathers have interpreted the words of Chrift concerning Divorce, as is here interpreted; and what the Civil La-j* of Chrifiian Emperors in the primitive Church determin'd. Although 2.62 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture, Although teftimony be in Logic an argument rightly call'd inartificial, and doth not folidly fetch the truth by multiplicity of Authors, nor argue a thing falfe bv the few that hold fo ; yet feeing molt men from their youth fo accuftom, as not to fcan reafon, nor clearly to apprehend it, but to truft tor that the names and numbers of fuch, as have got, and many times undefervedly, the reputation among them to know much •» and becaufe there is a vulgar alio of teachers, who are us blindly by whom they fancy led, as they lead the people, it will not be amifs for them who had rather lift thcmfelves under this weaker fort, and follow authori- ties, to take notice that this opinion which I bring, hath been favour'd, and by fome of thofe affirm'd, who in their time were able to carry what they taught, had they urg'd it, through all Chriftendom; or to have left it fuch a credit with all <*ood men, as they who could not boldly ufe the opinion, would have fear'd to ceniure it. But fince by his appointment on whom the times and feafons wait, every point of doctrine is not fatal to be throughly fifted out in every age, it wi 1 be enough for me to find, that the thoughts of wifeft heads heretofore, and hearts no lefs reverene'd for devotion have tended this way, and contributed their lot in fome o-ood meafure towards this which hath been here attained. Others of them, and modern efpecially, have been as full in the aflertion, though not fo full in the reafon •, fo that either in this regard, or in the former, I fhall be manifeft in a middle fortune to meet the praife or difpraife of being fomething firft. But I defer not what I undertook to fhew, that in the Church both primitive and reformed, the words of Chrift have been underftood to grant Divorce for o- thcr caufes than Adultery, and that the word fornication in Marriage hath a larger fenfe than that commonly fuppos'd. Juftin Martyr in his firft Apology, written within 50 years after St. John died, relates a ftory which Eufebius mnienbts, that a certain Matron of Rome, tiie Wife of a vicious Hufband, her felf alio formerly vicious, but converted to the Faith, and perfuading the fame to her Hufband, at lead the amendment of his wicked life upon his not yie'diig to her daily entreaties and perfuafions in this behalf, pro'cur'd by Law to be divore'd from him. This was neither for Adultery, nor Defertion, but as the relation fays, efteeming it an ungodly thing to be the confort of bed with him, who againfi the Law cf 'Nature and of Right fought out voluptuous ways. Suppofe he endeavour'd fome unnatural abufe, as the Greek admit; that meaning it cannot yet be call'd Adultery ; ittherfore could be thought worthy of Divorce no otherwife than as equivalent, or worfe; and other vices will ap- pear in other refpedts as much divorcive. Next, 'tis faid her friends advis'd her to itay a while; and what reafon gave they? not becaufe they held unlawful what/he purpos'd, but becaufe they thought Die might longer yet hope his repentance. She obey'd, till the man going to Alexandria, and from thence reported to grow ftill more impenitent, not for any Adultery or Defertion, wherof neither can be gather'd, but faith the Martyr, and fpeaks it like one approving, left fhe fhould be far taker of his unrighteous and ungodly deeds, remaining in IVedloc, the communion of bed and board with fuch a perfon,jhe left him by a lawful Divorce. Tins cannot but give us the judgment of the Church in thofe pure and next to Apoftolic times. For how elfe could the Woman have been permitted, or here not reprehended? and if a Wife might then do this without reproof, a Hufband certainly might no lefs, if not more. Tertullian in the fame Age, writing his 4th Book againft Marcion, witneffes that Chrift by his anfwer to the Pharifees, protecled the cenfitution of Moles as his own, and diretledthe inftitution of the Creator, for I alter not his Carthaginian phrafe-, he excus'd rather than deftrofd the conftitution o/Mofes ; I fay, he forbid conditional- ly, if any one therfore put away, that he may marry another: fo that if he prohibited conditionally, then not wholly ; and what he forbad not wholly, he permitted ether- wife, where the caufe ceafes for which he prohibited : that is, when a man makes it not the caufe of his putting away, meerly that he may marry again. Chrift teaches not contrary to Mofes, the juftice of Divorce hath Chrift the after ter: he would not have Marriage feparate, nor kept .with ignominy, permitting then a Divorce ■, and gueffes that this vehemence of our Saviour's fentence was chiefly bent againft He- rod, as was cited before. Which leaves it evident how "Tertullian interpreted this prohibition of our Saviour: for wheras the Text is, I'/hofoever putteth away, and marrieth another; wherfore fhould Tertullian explain it, Whofoever putteth away that he may marry another, but to fignify his opinion, that our Saviour did not forbid Divorce from an unworthy Yoke, but forbid the Malice or the Luft of a needlefs Change, and chiefly thofe plotted Divorces than in ufe? 4 Origer. which treat of Nullities //^Marriage. 26" Origcn in the next century teftifies to have known certain who had the govern.- ipent of Churches in his time, who permitted fome to marry, while yet their for- mer hufbands liv'd, and excufes the deed, as done not without caufe, though without Scripture, which confirms that caufe not to be Adultery ; for how then was it a- gainft Scripture that they married again? And a little beneath, for I cite his yth homily on Matthew, faith he, To endure faults worfe than adultery and fornication, fcems a thing unreasonable; and difputes therfore that Chrift did not fpeak by way of precept, but as it were expounding. By which, and the like fpeeches, Origen de- clares his mind, far from thinking that our Saviour confin'd all the caufes of Di- vorce to actual adultery. Laclantius of the age that fucceeded, fpeaking of this matter in the 6tb of his Infiitutions, hath thefe words : But left any think he may circumfcribe divine precepts let this be added, that all mi/interpreting, and occafion of fraud or death may be re* mov'd, he commits adultery who marries the divore'd wife ; and, befides the crime of adultery, divorces a wife that he may marry another . To divorce and marry another and to divorce that he may marry another, are two different things ; and imply that Laclantius thought not this place the forbidding of all neceffary Divorce, but fuch only as proceeded from the wanton defire of a future choice, not from the burden of a prefent affliction. About this time the Council of Eli 'bcr is in Spain decreed the humand excommu- nicate, if he kept his wife being an adultrefs; but if he left her, be might after ten years be receiv'd into communion, if he retain' d her any while in his houfe after the a- ditltery known. The Council of Neoc<cfarea in the year 314, decreed, That if the wife of any Laic were convicted of adultery, that man could not be admit- ted into the Miniilry : if after ordination it were committed, he was to divorce her; if not, he could not hold his Miniftry. The Council of Nantes condemned in feven years penance the hufband that would reconcile with an adultrefs. Bur how proves this that other caufes may divorce? It proves thus: There can be but two caufes why thefe Councils enjoin'd fo ftrictly the divorcing of an adultreK either as an offender againft God, or againit the hufband; in the latter refpect they could not impofe on him to divorce ; for every man is the mafter of his own forgivenefs; who fhall hinder him to pardon the injuries done againft himfelf? It follows therfore, that the divorce of an adultrefs was commanded by thefe three Councils, as it was a fin againft God; and by all confequence they could not but believe that other fins as heinous might with equal juftice be the ground of a di- vorce. Bafil in his 73d Rule, as Chamier numbers it, thus determines; That divorce ought not to be, unlels for adultery, or the hindrance to a godly life. What doth this but proclaim aloud more caufes of divorce than adultery, if by other fins befides this, in wife or hufband, the godlinefs of the better perfon may be cer- tainly hinder'd and endanger'd? Epiphanius no lefs ancient, writing againft Heretics, and therfore fliould him- felf be orthodoxal above others, acquaints us in his fecond book, Tom. 1. not that his private perfuafion was, but that the whole Church inhistime generally thought other caufes of divorce lawful befides adultery, as comprehended under that name: If, faith he, a divorce happen for any caufe, either fornication, or adultery, or any heinous fault, tlje word of God blames not either the man or wife marrying again, nor cuts them off from the congregation, or from life, but bears with the infirmity ; not thai he may keep both wives, but that leaving the former he may be lawfully joined to the latter : the holy Word, and the holy Church of God commifcrates this man, efpe- cially if be be otherwife of good converfation, and live according to God's Law. This place is clearer than expolition, and needs no comment. Ambrofe on the 16th of Luke, teaches that all wedloc is not God's joining : and to the ia.th of Prov. That a wife is prepar'd of the Lord, as the old L0.U11 tram lates it, he anfwers, that the Septuagint renders it, a wife is fitted by the Lord, and temper' d to a kind of harmony ; and where that harmony is, there God joins ; where it is not, there diffenfion reigns, which is not from God, for God is Love. This he brings to prove the marrying of Chriftian with Gentile to be no mar- riage, and confequcntly divore'd without fin: but he who fees not this Argu- ment how plainly it ferves to divorce any untunable, or unatonable matrimo- ny, fees little. On the \ft to the Cor. 7. he grants a woman may leave her hufband not for only Fornication, but for Apojtacy, and inverting nature, though not marry again ; but the man may : here are caufes of divorce ailien'd o- ther than adultery. And going on, he affirms, that the caufe of God i .; eat- er than the caufe of matrimony ; that the reverence of wedloc is not due to him who 264 Expoftions on the four chief places in Scripture *, who hates the author therof; that no matrimony is firm without devotion to God; that difioncur done to God acquits the other being defer ted from the bond of matrimo- 77v, that the faith of marriage is not to be kept with fitch . If thefe contorted fen- tences be aught worth, it is not the dcfertion that breaks what is broken, but the impiety ; and who then may not for that caufe better divorce, than tarry to be deferted? or thefe grave fayings of St. Ambrofe are but knacks. Jerom on the 19th of Matthew explains, that for the caufe of fornication, or the fufpicion therof , a man may freely divorce. What can breed that fufpicion, but fundry faults leading that way? by Jerom's confent therfore Divorce is free not only for actual adultery, but for any caufe that may incline a wife man to the juft fufpicion therof. Auftin alio muft be remember'd among thofe who hold that this inftance of fornication gives equal inference toother faults equally hateful, for which to di- vorce: and therfore in his Books to Poilentius he difputes that Infidelity, as being a greater fin than Adultery ', ought fo much the rather caufe a divorce. And on the Sermon in the Mount, under the name of fornication will have idolatry, or any harmful fuperftition contain'd, which are not thought to difturb Matrimony fo di- rectly as fome other obftinacies and difaffections, more againft the daily duties of that covenant, and in the Eaflern tongues not unfrequently call'd fornication, as hath been fhewn. Hence is underftood, faith he, that not only for bodily fornication, but for that which draws the mind from Goa's law, and foully corrupts it , a man may without fault put away his wife, and a wife her husband, becaufe the Lord ex- cepts the caufe of fornication, which fornication we are conftrairfd to interpret in a general fenfe. And in the firft book of his Retraclations, chap. 16. he retracts not this his opinion, but commends it to ferious confideration •, and explains that he counted not there all fin to be fornication, but the more deteftable fort of fins. The caufe of Fornication therfore is not in this difcourfe newly interpreted ta fignify other faults infringing the duties of Wedloc, befides Adultery. Laftly, the Council of Agatha in the year 506, Can. 25. decreed, that if Lay- men who divorc'd without fome great fault, or giving no probable caufe, therfore di- vorc'd, that they might marry fome unlawful perfon, or fome other man' 's, if before the provincial Bifhops were made acquainted, or judgment pafi, they prefam'd this, Ex- communication was the penalty. Whence it follows, that if the caufe of Divorce were fome great offence, or that they gave probable caufes for what they did, and did not therfore divorce that they might prefume with fome unlawful perfon, or what was another man's, the cenfure of Church in thofe days did not touch them. Thus having alledg'd enough to fhew, after what manner the primitive Church for above 500 years underftood our Saviour's words touching Divorce, I fhall now, with a labour lefs difperft, and fooner difpatch'd, bring under view what the ci- vil Law of thofe times conftituted about this matter: I fay the civil Law, which is the honour of every true Civilian to ftand for, rather than to count that for Law, which the Pontificial Canon had enthrall'd them to, and inftead of inter- preting a generous and elegant Law, made them the drudges of a blockifh Rubric. Theodofius and Valentinian, pious Emperors both, ordain'd that as by confent lawful Marriages were made,fo by confent, but not without the bill of Divorce, they might be diffoltfd ; and to diffolve was the 'more difficult, only in favour of the chil- dren. We fee the Wifdom and Piety of that age, one of the pureft and learn- edeft fince Chrift, conceiv'd no hindrance in the words of our Saviour, but that a Divorce mutually confented, might be fufter'dby the Law, efpecially if there were no children, or if there were, careful provifion was made. And further faith that Law (fuppofing there wanted the confent of either,) We defign the caufes of Divorce by this moft wholefome Law ; for as we forbid the diffolving of Marriage without juft caufe, fo we defire that a husband or a wife diflreft by fome adverfe neceffity, fhould be freed, though by an unhappy, yet a necejfary relief. What dram of Wifdom or Religion (for Charity is trueft Religion) could there be in that knowing age, which is not virtually fum'd up in this moil: juft Law? As for thofe other Chriftian Emperors, from Conftantine the firft of them, finding the Roman Law in this point fo anfwerable to the Mofaic, it might be the likelieft caufe why they alter'd nothing to reftraint ; but if aught, rather to liberty, for the help and confideration of the weaker fex, according as the Gofpel feems to make the wife more equal to her hufband in thefe conjugal refpefts than the law of Mofes doth. Therfore if a man were abfent from his wife four years, and in thatfpace not beard of, though %one to war in the fervice of the which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 26 J the Empire, fhe might divorce, and marry another by the edict of Conftantine to Dalmatius, Co. I. 5. tit. ij. And this was an age of the Church, both ancient and cry'd up ftill for the moft flourifhing in knowledge and pious government fince the Apoftles. But to return to this Law ofTbeodo/tus, with this obftrrvation by the way, that ftill as the Church corrupted, as the Clergy grew more ignorant, and yet more ufurpingon the Magistrate, who alio now declin'd, fo ftill Divorce °tcw more reftrain'd ; though certainly if better times permitted the thing that work times reftrain'd, it would not weakly argue that tliepcrmiffion was better, and the reftraint worfe. This law therfore oCTbeodofus, wiferin this than the moft of his fucceffors, though not wifer than God and Mofes, reduc'd the caufes of Divorce to a certain number, which by the judicial law of God, and all recorded humani- ty, were left before to the breaft of each hufband, provided that the difmifs was not without reafonable conditions to the Wile. But this was a reftraint not yet come to extremes. For befides Adultery, and that not only actual, but fufpected by many figns there fet down, any fault equally punifhable with Adultery, or e- qually infamous, might be thecaufe of a Divorce. Which informs us how the feft of thofe ages underftood that place in the Gofpel, wherby, not the pilferino- of a Benevolence was confider'd as the main and only breach of wedloc, as is now thought, but the breach of love and peace, a more holy union than that of the flefh ; and the dignity of an honeft perfon was regarded, not to be held in bon- dage with one whofe ignominy was infectious. To this purpofe was conftituted Cod. 1. 5. tit. 17. and Authent. coliat. 4. tit. 1. Novell. 22. where Juftinian added three caufes more. In the 117 Novell, moft of the fame caufes are allow'd, but the liberty of divorcing by confent is repeal'd : but by whom ? by Jujlinian, not a wifer, not a more religious Emperor than either of the former, but noted by ju- dicious writers for his fickle head in making and unmaking Laws ; and how Pro- copius, a good Hiftorian, and a Counfellor of State then living, decyphers him in his other actions, I willingly omit. Nor was the Church then in better cafe, but had the corruption of a hundred declining years fwept on it, when the ftatute of Confent was call'd in ; which, as I faid, gives us every way more reafon to fufpect this reftraint, more than that liberty : which therfore in the reign of Juftin, the fucceeding Emperor, was recall'd, Novell. 140, and eftablifh'd with a preface more wife and chriftianly than for thofe times, declaring the neceffity to reftore that Theodojian Law, if no other means of reconcilement could be found. And by whom this Law was abrogated, or how long after, I do not find; but that thofe other caufes remain'd in force as long as the Greek Empire fubfifted, and were aflented to by that Church, is to be read inthe Canons and Edicts compar'd by Pbotins the Patriarch, with the avertiments of Balfamon and Mattbaus Mona- chus theron. But long before thofe Days, Leo, the Son of Bafilius Macedo, reigning about the year 886, and for his excellent wifdom furnam'd the Pbilofopher, conftituted, that in cafe of 'madnefs, the Hv.Jbo.nd might divorce after three years, the Wife after five. Conftitut. Leon, m, 112. This declares how he expounded our Saviour, and de- rived his reafons from the Inftitution, which in his Preface with great eloquence are letdown-, wherofa pafTageor two may give fome proof, though better not di- vided from the reft. There is not, faith he, a thing more neceffary to preferve Man- kind, than the help given him from his own rib ; both God and Nature fo teaching us : which being fo, it was requijite that the providence of Law, or if any other care be to the good of Man, JJjouid teach and ordain thofe things which are to the help and comfort cf married perfons, and confirm the end of Marriage purpofed in the beginning, not thofe things which ajjiicl and bring perpetual mifery to them. Then anfwers the Objection, that they are 'one flefh •, If Matrimony had held fo as Gcd ordain 'd if, he were wicked that would dijfolve it. But if we refpeel this in Matrimony, that it be con trail- ed to the good of loth, how Jh all he, who for fome great evil feared, perfuades not to marry though contracted, nor perfuade to unmarry, if after Marriage a calamity be- fall ? Should we bid beware left any foil into an evil, and leave him helplefs who by hu- man error is fallen therin ? This were as if wejhould ufe remedies to prevent a difeafe, but let thefick die without remedy. The reft will be worth reading in the Author. And thus we have the judgment firft of primitive fathers;next of the imperial Law notdifallow'dby theuniverfal Church in ages ofherbeft authority •, and laftly, of the whole Greek Church and civil State, incorporating their Canons and Edicts together, that Divorce was lawful for other caufes equivalent to Adultery, contain'd under the word Fornication. So that theexpofition of our Saviour's Sentence herealledg'd Vol. I. M m hath 266 Expofitions on the four ctief places in Scripture, hath all thefe ancient and great afferters, is therfore neither new nor licentious, as fome' would perfuade the Commonalty ; although it be nearer truth that nothing is more new than thofe teachers themfelves, and nothing more licentious than ibme known to be, whole hypocrify yet ihames not to take offence at this Doc- trine for Licence ; whenas indeed they fear it would remove Licence, and leave them but few Companions. Ihat the Pope's Canon Laiv encroaching upon civil Magiftracy, abolijlfd all Divorce even for Adultery. What the reformed Divines have recover 'd ; and that the fa- mov.fejl of them have taught according to the affertion of this Book. But in thefe IFeJlern parts of the Empire, it will appear almoft unqueftionable that the cited Law of Theodofius and Valentinian ftood in force until the blindeft and corrupteft times of Popedom difplac'd it. For, that the Volumes oijujlini- an never came into Italy, or beyond Illyricum, is the Opinion of good Antiqua- ries. And that only Manufcript therof found in Apulia, by Lothanus the Saxon, and given to the States of'Pifa, for their aid at Sea againft the Normals of Sicily, was receiv'd as a rarity not to be match'd. And altho' the Goths, and after them the Lombards and Franks, who over-run the moft of Europe, except this Ifland, (unlefs we make our Saxons and Normans a limb of them) brought in their own cuftoms, yet that they followed the Roman Laws in their Contracts and Marria- ges, Agathias the Hiftorian is alledg'd. And other teftimonies relate that Alari- cus and Theodoric their Kings, writ their Statutes out of this Theodofian Code, which hath the recited Law oi Divorce. Nevertheleis, while the Monarchs of Chriften- dom were yet barbarous, and but half-chriftian, the Popes took this advantageof their weak Superftition, to raife a corpulent Law out of the Canons and Decretals of audacious Priefts •, and prefum'd alio to let this in the front ; That the Conftitu- tions of Princes are not above the Conftitutions of Clergy, but beneath them. Ufing this very inf.ance of Divorce as the firft prop of their tyranny •, by a falfe confequence drawn from a pafiage of Ambrofe upon Luke, where he faith, tho' Man's laiv grant it, yet God's laiv prohibits it : whence Gregory the Pope, writing to Theoclijla, infers that Ecclefiaftical Courts cannot be dilfolv'd by the Magiftrate. A fair conclufion from a double error. Firft, inlaying that the Divine Law prohibited Divorce, for what will he make of Mofes ? Next, iuppofingthat itdid, how will it ft How, that whatever Chrift forbids in his Evangelic Precepts, fhould be hal'd in o a judicial ccn- itraint againft the pattern of a Divine Law ? Certainly the Goipel came not to enadt fuch compullions. In the mean while we may note here, that the rellraint of Divorce was one of the firft fair feeming pleas which the Pope had, to ftep into fecular Authority, and with his Ar.tichriilian rigour to abolilb the permiffive Law of Chriftian Princes conforming to a facred Lawgiver. Which if we conlider, this papal and unjuft reftridtion of Divorce need not be lb dear tous, fince the plaufible rdlraining of that was in a manner the firft loofening of Antichrift, and as it were, the fubftance of his eldeft horn. Nor do we lefs remarkably owe the firft means of his fall here in England, to the contemning of that reftraint by Henry theSth, whofe Divorce he oppofed. Yet was not that rigour executed anciently in fpiritu- al Courts, until Alexander the third, who trod upon the neck of Frederic Barbaroffa the Emperor, and fummon'd our Henry II. into Mmrmajiay, about the death of Bec- ket. He it was, that the worthy Author may be known, who firft actually repeal- ed the imperial Law of Divorce, and decreed this tyrannous Decree, that Matri- mony for no caufe fhould be difTolv'd, tho' for many caufes it might feparate -, as may be fecn Derre t. Gregor.l. 4.///. 19. and in other placesof the canonical Tomes. The main good of which invention, wherin it confifts, who can tell ? but that it hath one virtue incomparable, to fill all Chriftendom with Whoredoms and Adul- teries, beyond the art of Balaams, or of Devils. Yet neither can thefe, though fo perverfe, but acknowledge that the words of Chrift, under the name of Fornica- tion, allow putting away for other caufes than Adultery, both from Bed and Board, but not from the Bond ; their only reafon is, becaqfe Marriage they be- lieve to be a Sacrament. But our Divines, who would feem long fince to have renoune'd that reafon, have fo forgot themfdves, as yet to hold the abfurdity, which but for that reafon, unlefs there be ibme myftcry of Satan in it, perhaps the rapift would not hold. 'Tis true, we grant Divorce for actual and prov'd Adultery, and not for lefs than many tedious and unrepairable Years of Defertion, wherin a Man fhall lofe all his hope of pofterity, which great and holy Men have bewail'd, ere he can be righted •, and then perhaps on the confines of his old age, when all is not worth the while. But grant this were feafonably done ; what are thefe two cafes to many other, which afflicl the ftate of 1 Marriage which treat of Nullities ///Marriage. 267 Marriage as bad, and yet find no redrefs ? What hath the foul of Man defer v'd if it be in the way ofSalvation, that it fhould be mortgaged thus, and may not re- deem itfelf according to confeience, out of the hands of fuch ignorant and flothful teachers as thefe, who are neither able nor mindful to give due tendance to that precious cure which they rafhly undertake ; nor have in them the noble goodnefs to confider thefe diltrefies and accidents of Man's life, but are bent rather to fill their mouths with Tithe and Oblation ? Yet if they can learn to follow, as well as they can feck to be follow'd, I fhall direct them to a fair number of renowned Men, worthy to be their leaders, who will commend to them a doctrine in this point wifer than their own •, and if they be not impatient, it will be the fame doc- trine which this Treatife hath defended. IVicklef, that Englijbman honour'd of God to be the firfl Preacher of a General Reformation to all Europe, was not in this thing better taught of God than to teach among his chiefeft recoveries of Truth, that Divorce is lawful to the Chri- stian for many other caufes equal to Adultery. This Book indeed, through the po- verty of our Libraries, I am fore'd to cite from Arnifaus of "Halberfi 'ad on the Rite tf Marriage, who cites it from Corafms of Toloufe, c. 4. Cent.Sil. and he from Wicklef, I. 4. Dial. c. 2 1 . So much the forrier, for that I never look'd into an Au- thor cited by his Adverfary upon this occafion, but found him more conducible to the queftion than his quotation render'd him. Next, Luther, how great a fervant of God, in his book of conjugal Life quoted by Gerard out of the Dutch, allows Divorce for the obflinate denial of conjugal duty -, and that a Alan may fend away a proud Vafthi, and marry an EJlher in her JieaJ. It feems, if this example fhall not be impertinent, that Luther meant not only the refufal of benevolence, but a ftubborn denial of any main conjugal duty; or if he did not, it will be evine'd from what he allows. For out of queftion, with Men that are not barbarous, love and peace, and fitnefs, will be yielded as efien- tial to marriage, as corporal benevolence. Though I give my Body to be burnt, faith St. Paul, and have not charity, it profits me nothing. So though the body proftitute itfelf to whom the mind affords no other love or peace, but conftant rnalice and vexation, can this bodily benevolence deferve to be call'd a Marriage between Chriftians and rational Creatures ? Melantlon, the third greatluminary ofReformation, in his book cbhcifiRngMar- ria K e -> grants Divorce forcruel Ufage, and danger of life, urging the authority of that Theodrfian Law, which he efteems written with the grave deliberation of god- ly Men ; and that they who rejeel this law, and think it difagrceing from the Gofpel y undcrftand net the difference of Law and Gofpel ; that the Magiftrate ought not only to defend life, but to fuccour the weak confeience; left broke with grief and indignation, it rclinquijlj Prayer, and turn to fome unlawful thing. What if this heavy plight of delpair arife from other dilcontents in Wedloc, which may go to the foul of a good Man more than the danger of his Life, or cruel ufing ? which a Man cannot be liable to, fuppofe it be ingrateful ufage, fuppofe it be perpetual fpio-ht, and difobedience, fuppofe a hatred ; fhall not the Magiftrate free him from this difquiet which interrupts his prayers, and difturbs the courfe of his fervice to God and his Country all as much, and brings him fuch a mifery, as that he more defires to leave his life, than fears to lofe it ? Shall not this equally concern the office of civil protection, and much more the charity of a true Church to remedy ? Erafmus, who for Learning was the wonder of his Age, both in his Notes on Matthew, and on the firft to the Corinthians, in a large and eloquent Difcourfe and in his anfwer to Phimoftomus, a Papift, maintains (and no Proteftant then liv- ing contradicted him) that the words of Chrift comprehend many other caufes of Divorce under the name of Fornication. Bucer, (whom our famous Dr. Rainolds was wont to prefer before Calvin) in his Comment on Matthew, and in his fecond book of the Kingdom of Chrift, treats of Divorce at large, to the fame effect as is written in the Doclrine and Difciplint of Di- vorce lately publifh'd, and the Translation is exant : whom, left I fhould be thought to have wrefted to mine own purpofe, take fomething more out of his 49th Chap- ter, which I then for brevity omitted. // will be the duty of pious Princes, and all who govern Church or Commonwealth, if any, whether Hujland or Wife, Jhall affirm tbHr want of fuch who either will, or can tolerably perform the neceffary duties of mar- ried life, to grant that they may feck them fuch, and marry them ; if they make it appear that fuch they have not. This Book he wrote here in England, where he liv'd the greatcft admir'd Man ; and this he dedicated to Edxvard the fixth. Vol. I. Mm 2 Fagim y war in 268 Expofitions on the four chief places in Script u re , Fagius, r.ink'd among the famous Divines of Germany, whom Frederic, at that time the Palatine, fent ior to be the Reformer of his Dominion, and whom after- rds England fought to, and obtain'd of him to come and teach her, differs .not this opinion from Buccr, as his Notes on the Chaldee Paraphraft well teftify. The whole Church of Strafburgh in her moft flourifhingtime, when Zcllius, Me- dio Capito, and other great Divines taught there, and thole two renowned Magis- trates Farrerus and Sturmius govern'd that Commonwealth and Academy to the admiration of all Germany, hath thus in the 21ft Article : IFe teach, that if accord- ing to the ivord of God, yea, or againft it, Divorces happen, to do according to God's word, Deut. xxiv. 1. Mat. xix. 1 Cor. vii. and the obfervation of the primitive Church, and the Chriftian conftitution of pious Cefars. Peter Martyr kerns in word our eafy adverfary, but is in deed for us : toward which, though it be fomethingwhen he faith of this opinion, that it is not wicked-, av.d can hardly be refuted, this which follows is much more-, / /peak not here, faith he, of natural Impediments, which may fo happen, that the Matrimony can 719 longer hold: but adding, that he often wonder' d, how the ancient and moft Chri-^ ftian Emperors eftablijh d thofe Laws of Divorce, and neither Ambrofe, who hadfuch influence upon the Laws of Theodofius, nor any of thofe holy Fathers found fault, nor any of the Churches, why the Magiftrates of this day Jhould be fo loth to eonfti- tute the fame. Perhaps they fear an inundation of Divorces, which is not likely ■$ whenas we read not either among the Hebrews, Greeks, or Romans, that they were much frequent where they were moft permitted. If they judge Chriftian Men, worfe than Jews or Pagans, they both injure that name, and by this reafon will be conftrain'd to grant Divorces the rather ; becaufe it was permitted as a remedy 'of evil, for who would remove the medicine, while the difeafe is yet fo rife ? This beino- read both in his common places, and on the firft to the Corinthians, with what we fhall relate more of him yet ere the end, fets him abfolutely on this fide. Not to infift that in both thefe, and other places of his commentaries, he grants Di- vorce not only forDefertion, but for the Inducement and fcandalous demeanor of a heretical Confort. MufculitSj a Divine of no obfeure fame, diftinguifhes between the religious and the civil determination of Divorce ; and leaving the civil wholly to the Lawyers, pronounces a confcionable Divorce for impotence not only natural, but acciden- tal, if it be durable. His equity, it feems, can enlarge the words of Chrift, to one Caufe more than Adultery ; why may not the reafon of another Man as wife, en- large them to another Caufe ? Gualter of Zuric, a well-known judicious Commentator, in his Homilies on Matthew, allows Divorce for Lepr'ofy, or any other caufe which renders unfit for wedloc, and calls this rather a Nullity of Marriage than a Divorce. And who, that is not himfelf a mere body, can reftrain all the unfitnefs of Marriage, only to a corporeal defect ? Hemingius, an Author highly efteem'd, and his works printed at Gnieva, writing of Divorce, confeffes that learned Men vary in this Qttejlicn, fome granting three Caufes therof, fome five, others many more ; he himfelf gives us fix, Adultery, Defer- tion, Inability, Error, Evil-ufage, and Impiety, ufing argument that Chrift under one fpecial contains the whole kind, and under the name and example of Fornication, he includes other caufes equipollent. This difcourfe he wrote at the requeft of ma- ny who had the judging of thefe caufes in Denmark, and Norway, who by all likelihood follow'd his advice. Hunnius, a Doctor of Wittenberg, well known both in Divinity and other Arts, on the 19th of Matth. affirms, That the exception of Fornication exprefs'd by our Saviour, excludes not other caufes equalling Adultery, or dcftruclive to the fubftantials of Matrimony ; but was opposed to the cuftom of the Jews, who made Divorce for every light caufe. Felix Bidenbachius, an eminent Divine in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, affirms, That the obftinate refufal of conjugal due, is a lawful caufe of Divorce-, and gives an inftance, that the Conjiftory of that State fo judg'd. Gerard cites Harbardus, an Author not unknown, and Am ij'aus cites Wigandus, both yielding Divorce in cafe of cruel ufage ; and another Author, who teitifies j^ have feen, in a Dukedom of Germany, Marriages disjoined for fome implacable enmities arifing. Beza, one of the ftrictcft againfl Divorce, denies it not for danger of life from a Heretic, or importunate felicitation to do aught againft Religion : and counts it all which treat of Nullities ^Marriage. z6g all one whether the Heretic defer t, or would flay upon intolerable conditions. But this decifion well examin'd, will be found of no iblidity. For Beza would be afk'd why, iT God lb llrictly exact our flay in any kind of Wedlock, we had not better ftay and hazard a murdering for Religion at the hand of a Wife or Huf- band, as he and others enjoin us to ftay and venture it for all other caufts bur that ? and why a Man's Life is not as well and warrantably fav'd by divorcing from an orthodox Murderer, as a heretical? Again, if defertion be confefs'd by him to confift not only in the forfaking, but in the unfufferable conditions of Hav- ing, a Man may as well deduce the lawfulnefs of divorcing from any intolerable conditions ("if his grant be good, that we may divorce thereupon from a Heretic) as he can deduce it lawful to divorce from any deferter, by finding it lawful to divorce from a deferting Infidel. For this is plain, if St. Paul's, permiffion to di- vorce an Infidel deferter, infer it lawful lor any malicious defertion, then doth Be- za's definition of a deferter, transfer itfelf with like facility from the caufe of Re- ligion, to the caufe of Malice, and proves it as good to divorce from him who in- tolerably ftays, as from him who purpofely departs ; and leaves it as lawful to de- part from him who urgently requires a wicked thing, though profefling the fame Religion, as from him who urges a heathenifh or fuperftitious compliance in a dif- ferent faith. For if there be fuch neceffity of our abiding, we ought rather to a- bidethe utmoft for Religion, than for any other caufe •, feeing both the caufe of our ftay is pretended our Religion to Marriage, and the caufe of our fufferingis fuppofed our conftant Marriage to Religion. Beza therfore, by his own definition of a deferter, juftifies a divorce from any wicked or intolerable conditions rather in the fame Religion than in a different. Aretius, a fimous Divine of Bern, approves many caufes of divorce in his Pro- blems, and adds, that the laws and conftftories of Switzerland approve them alfo. As firft, Adultery, and that not atlual only, but intentional; allcdgmgA'fatthew 5. Whofoever looketh to lufi, hath committed Adultery already in his heart. Wherby, faith he, our Saviour fhews that the breach of Matrimony may be not only by outward ail, but by the heart and defire ; when that hath once poffefs'd, it renders the converfatiott intolerable, and commonly the fail follows. Other caufes to the number of nine or ten, confenting in moft with the imperial Laws, may be read in the Author him- felf, who avers them to be grave and weighty. All thefe are Men of name in Di- vinity ; and to thefe, if need were, might be added more. Nor have the Civili- ans bin all fo blinded by the Canon, as not to avouch the juftice of thofe old per- miffions touching Divorce. . Alciatnf Millan, a Man of extraordinary Wifdom and Learning, in the fixth Book of his Parerga, defends thofe imperial Laws, not repugnant to theCofpel, as the Church then interpreted. For, faith he, the ancients underftood him feparate by A'ldH, -whom paffions and corrupt affeclions divore'd, not if the provincial Bifoops firft heard the matter, and judged, as the Council of Agatha declares : and on iome part of the Code he names Ifnlorus Hifpalenjis, the firft computer of Canons, to be in the fame mind. And in the former place gives his opinion that Divorce might be more lawfully permitted than Ufury. Corafius, recorded by Hclvicus among the famous Lawyers, hath bin already cited of the fame judgment. Wefcmbechius, a much-nam'd Civilian, in his Comment on this Law defends it, and affirms, That our Saviour excluded not other faults equal to Adultery ; and that the word Fornication fignifics larger among the Hebrews than with us, comprehending every fault which alienates from him to whom obedience is due, and that the primitive Church interpreted fo. Grotius, yet living, and of prime note among learned Men, retires plainly from the Canon to the ancient Civility, yea, to the Mofaic Law, as being moftjujt and undeceivable. On the 5th of Matth. he faith, That Chrift made no civil Laws, but taught us how to ufe Law : That the Law fent not a hufband to the Judge about this matter of Divorce, but left him to his own confeience ; that Chrift therfore can- not be thought to fend him ; that Adultery may be judged by a vehement fufpicion ; that the exception of Adultery fe ems an example of other like offences; proves it from the manner of fpeech, the maxims of Law, the reafon of Charity, and common Equity. Thefe Authorities, without long fearch, I had to produce, all exellent Men, feme of them fuch as many ages had brought forth none greater : almoft the meaneft of them might deferve to obtain credit in a Angularity ; what might nflt 270 Expeditions on four chief places in Scripture, Sic. not then all of them joined in an opinion fo confonant to reafon? For although fome fpeak of this caufe, others of that, why Divorce may be, yet all agreeing in the ne- ceflary enlargement of that textual ftraknefs, leave the matter to equity, not to lite- ral bondage; and fo the Opinion doles. Nor could I have wanted more refti mo- nies had the caufe needed a more folicitous enquiry. But herein the fatisfaction of others hath bin ftudied, not the gaining of more alTurance to mine own perfualibn : although authorities contributing reafon withal, be a good confirmation and a we! come- But God, I folemnly atteft him, with-held trom my knowledge the con - fentincr judgment of thefe Men fo late, until they could not be my instructors, but only my unexpected witnefies to partial Men, that in this work I had not given the worft experiment of an induftry join'd with integrity, and the free utterance, tho' of an unpopular truth. Which yet to the people of England may, if God fo pleafe, prove a memorable informing ; certainly a benefit which was intended them long fince by Men of higheft repute for Wifdom and Piety, Bucer and Erafrmts. Only this one authority more, whether in place or out oi place, I am not to omit; which if anv can think a final] one, I muft be patient, it is no i mailer than the v\ hole af- fembled Authority of England both Church and State ■, and in thofe times which are on record for the pureft and fincereft that ever fhone yet on the reformation of this Kland, the time of Edward the 6th. That worthy Prince having utterly abo- lifh'd the Canon Law out of his Dominions, as his Father did before him, appoint- ed by full vote of Parlament, a Committee of two and thirty chofen Men, Di- vines and Lawyers, of whom Cranmer the Archbifhop, Peter Martyr, and Wal- ter Haddon (not without the affiitance of Sir John Cheeke the King's Tutor, a Man at that time counted the learnedeft of Englijhmen, and for Piety not inferior) were the chief, to frame a-newfome Ecclefiaftical Laws that might be inftead of what was abrogated. The work with great diligence was finifh'd, and with as great ap- probation of that reforming age was receiv'd, and had bin doubtlefs, as the learn- ed Preface therof teftifies, eftablifh'd by aft of Parlament, had not the good King's death fofoon enfuing, arrefted the further growth of Religion alio, from that- fea- fon to this. Thofe Laws, thus founded on the memorable Wifdom and Piety of that religious Parlament and Synod, allow Divorce and fecond Marriage not only for Adultery or Defer lion, but for any capital enmity or plot laid againft the other's life y and like-wife for evil and fierce ufage : nay the 12th Chapter of that title by plain confequence declares, thatleffer contentions, if they be -perpetual, may obtain Divorce : which is all one really with the pofition by me held in the former Treatife publish- ed on this argument, herinonly differing, that there the caufe of perpetual flrife was put for example in the unchangeable difcord of fome natures •, but in thefe Laws intended us by the beft of our anceftors, the effect of continual flrife is deter- mined no unjuft plea of Divorce, whether the caufe be natural or wilful. Wherby the warinefs and deliberation from which that difcourfe proceeded, will appear, and thatGod hath aided us to make no bad conclufion of this point ; feeingthe O- pinion which of late hath undergone ill cenfures among the vulgar, hath now prov'd to have done no violence to Scripture, unlefs all thefe famous Audiors alledg- ed have done the like ; nor hath affirmed aught more than what indeed the moll nominated Fathers of the Church, both ancient and modern, are unexpectedly af- firming, the Laws of God's peculiar People, and of primitive Chriftendom found to have practis'd, reformed Churches and States to have imitated, and efpecially the moft pious Church-times of this Kingdom to have fram'd and publifh'd, and but for fad hindrances in the fudden change of Religion, had enacted by the Par- lament. Henceforth let them who condemn, the afTertion of this book for new and licentious, be forry ; left, while they think to be of the graver fort, and take on them to be teachers, they expofe themfelves rather to be pledg'd up and down by Men who intimately know them, to the difcovery and contempt of their igno- rance and prefumption. THE 2jr THE JUDGMENT O F Martin Bucer CONCERNING DIVORCE: WRITTEN To Edward the Sixth, in his Second Book of the Kingdom of Christ. 5 And now Englifh'd. Wherein a late Book, reftoring the Doclrine and Difcipline of Divorce, is here confirm'd and juftify'd by the Authority of Martin Bucer. To the Parlament of England. John III. 10. Art thou a Teacher of Ifrael, and knowefl not ihefe Things ? ~— • i __ ■ Publifh'd by Authority. Teftirnonies of the high Approbation which Learn- ed Men have given o/Martin Bucer. Simon Grineus, 1533. AMong all the Germans, I give the Palm to Bucer for Excellence in the Scriptures. Melanchton in human Learning is wondrous fluent; but greater knowledge in the Scripture, I attribute K.o Ra- cer-, and fpeak it unfeignedly. yoJm Calvin 1539. _ Martin Bucer, a moft faithful Doctor of the Church of Chrift, be- fides his rare Learning, and copious knowledge of many things, be- iides his clearnefs of Wit, much Reading, and other . many and vari- ous Vertues, wheria he is almoft by none now living excell'd, hath few %1 % The Judgment of Martin Bucer, few Equals and excels moft ; hath this praiie peculiar to himfelf, that none in this Age hath ufed exacler diligence in the Expoimon of Scrip- ture. , ,. , , ; And a little beneath. Bucer is more large than to be read by over-bufied Men, and too high to be ealily underftood by unattentive Men, and of a low ca- pacity. Sir John Cheek, Tutor to K. Edward VI. 155!. We have loft our Mafter, than whom the World fcarce held a greater, whether weconfider his knowledge of true Religion, or his integrity and innocence of Life, or his mediant ftudy of holy things, or his matchlels labour of promoting Piety, or his authority and amplitude of teaching, or whatever elfe was praiie- worthy and glorious in him. Script. Anglican. pag. 864. John Sturmius of Strasburgh. No man can be ignorant what a great and conftant opinion and elii-* mation of Bluer there is in Italy, France and England. Whence the fay- in* of Quint Hi an hath oft come to my mind, that he hath well profited in Eloquence whom Cicero pleafes. The lame fay I of Bucer, that he hath made no fmall progrefs in Divinity, whom Bucer pleafes ; for in his Volumes, which he wrote very many, there is the plain impreflion to be difcerned of many great Virtues, of Diligence, of Charity, of Truth, of Acutenefs of judgment, of Learning. Wherin he hath a certain proper kind of writing, wherby he doth not only teach the Reader, but affects him with the fweetnefs of his Sentences, and with the manner of his ar- guing, which is fo teaching, and fo logical, that it may be perceiv'd how learnedly he feparates probable Reafons from necellary, how forcibly he confirms what he has to prove, how futt'ly he refutes, not with iharpnefs, but with truth. Theodore Beza, on the Portraiture of M. Bucer. This is that countenance of Bucer, the mirror of mildnefstemper'd with Gravity ; to whom the City of Strajburgh owes the Reformation of her Church. Whole lingular Learning, and eminent Zeal,join'd with excel- lent Wifdom, both his learned Books, and public Dilputations in the gene- ral Diets of the Empire, Ihall witnefs to all ages. Him the German Per- fection drove into England ; where honourably entertain'd by Edward the 6th, he was for two years chief ProfelTor of Divinity in Cambridge, with greateft frequency and applaufe of all learned and pious Men until his death, 1551- Beza Jcones. Mr. Fox's Book of Martyrs, Vol. 3. p. 763. Bucer, what by writing, but chiefly by reading and preaching open- ly, wherin being painful in the Word of God, he never fpar'd him- lelf, nor regarded his Health, brought all Men into fuch an admira- tion of him, that neither his Friends could furhciently praife him, nor his Enemies in any point find fault with his lingular Life, and lincere Doctrine. A molt certain token wherof may be his fump- tuous burial at Cambridge, folemnized with fo great an aliillance of all concerning Divorce. 273 all the Univcrfity, that it was not poflible to devifc more to the fetting out and amplifying of the fame. Dr. Pern, the Popifo Vice-Chancellor o/T'ambridge, bit Adverfary. Cardinal Pool, about the fourth year of Queen Mary, intending to re- duce the Univerfity of Cambridge to Popery again, thought no way fo ef- fectual, as tocaufe the Bones of Martin Buccr and Paulus Fagius, which had been four years in the Grave, to be taken up and burnt openly with their Books, as knowing that thofe two worthy Men had bin of greateft moment to the Reformation of that place from Popery, and had left fuch powerful Seeds of their Doctrine behind them, as would never die, unlefs the Men themfelves were digg'd up, and openly con- demn'd for Heretics by the Univerfity itfelf. This was put in execution, and Doctor Pern, Vice-Chancellor, appointed to preach againft Bucer: Who, among other things, laid to his charge the Opinions which he held of the Marriage of Priefts, of Divorcement, and of Ufury. But im- mediately after his Sermon, or fomewhat before, as the Book of Martyrs for a truth relates, Vol. ^.p. 770. the faid Doctor Pern fmiting himfelf on the Breaft, and in manner weeping, wifh'd with all his heart, that God would grant his Soul might then prefently depart, and remain with Bucer's ; for he knew his Life was fuch, that if any Man's Soul were wor- thy of Heaven, he thought Sneer's in fpecial to be moft worthy. Hi/lor. deCombuJl. Buceii & Fagii. Acworth the Univerjity-Orator. Soon after that Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, this condemnation of Bucer and Fagi us by the Cardinal and his Doctors, was folemnly re- pealed by the Univerfity ; and the Memory of thole two famous Men ce- lebrated in an Oration by Acworth the Univeriity-Orator, which is yet ex- tant in the Book of Martyrs, Vol. 3.^. 773. and in Latin, Script a Anglic. Nicholas Carre, a learned Man; Walter II addon, Mafterof the Requefts to Queen Elizabeth ; Matthew Parker, afterwards Primate of England, with other eminent Men, in their funeral Orations and Sermons, exprefs a- bundantly how great a Man Martin Bucer was ; what an incredible lofs England fuftained in his death ; and that with him died the hope of a per- fect Reformation for that Age. Ibid. Jacobus Verheiden 0/" Grave, in his Elogies of famous Divines. Though the Name of Martin Bucer be famous, yet thou Martin Bu- cer, for Piety, Learning, Labour, Care, Vigilance, and Writing, art not to be held inferior to Luther. Bucer was a fingular inftrument of God, fo was Luther. By the death of this moft learned and moft faithful Man, the Church of Chrift fuftained a heavy lofs, as Calvin witneffeth ; and they who are ftudiousof Calvin, are not ignorant how much he afcribes to Bucer ; for thus he writes in a Letter to Viretus : What a manifold lofsbefel the Church of God in the Death of Bucer, as oft as I call to mind, I feel my heart almoft rent afunder. Vo l. I, N n Peter 2J4 ^e J u dg ment °f Martin Bucer, Peter Martyr EpiH. to Conradus Hubertus. He is dead who hath overcome in many Battles of the Lord. God lent us for a time this our Father, and our Teacher, never enough prais'd. Death hath divided me from a moft unanimous Friend, one truly accord- in" to mine own heart. My Mind is over-prefs'd with Grief, infomuch that I have not power to write more. I bid thee in Chrift firewel, and wifhthou may ft be able to bear the lofs of Bucer> better than I can bear it. Ttftimsnies given by Learned Me?i to Paulus Fagius, who held the fame Opinioti with Martin Bucer, concerning Divorce. Btz* Lone:. paulus Fagius, born in the Palatinate, became moft fkilful in the He- brew Tongue. Being called to the Miniftry at I/ha r he publifh'd many an- cient and profitable Hebrew Books, being aided in the expences by a Se- nator of that City, as Origen fometime was by a certain rich Man call'd Ambrofius. At length invited to Strajburgh, he there famoufly difchar- eed the Office of aTeacher ; until the lame Persecution drove him. and£«- cer into England, where he was preferr'd to a Profeffor's place in Cam- bridge, and foon after died. Melchior Adcvnus writes his Life among the famous German Divines. Sleidan and Thuanus mention him with honour in their Hiftory : And Verhciden in his Elogies. To the Parlament. m m < a H E Book which, among other great and high points of Reformation, contains as a principal part therof, this Treatife here prefented, Su- preme Court of Parlament, was by the famous Author Mcrtin Buccr, fl dedicated to Edward the fixth : whofe incomparable Youth doubtiefs Sad brought forth to the Church of England, fuch a glorious Manhood, had his Life reach'd it, as would have left in the affairs of Religion, nothing without an excellent pattern for us now to follow. But fince the fecret purpoie of divine Appointment hath referved no lefs perhaps than the juft half of fuch a facred Work to be accomplihVd in this Age, ; and principally, as wc truft, by yourfuc- cefsful Wifdom and Authority, religious Lords and Commons, what wonder if I feek no other, to whofe exatfteft judgment and review I may commend thefe Jaft and worthieft Labours of this renow ned Teacher ? whom living, all the pious Nobility of thofe reforming Times, yourtrueft and beft-imitated Anceftors, reve- rene'd and admir'd. Nor was he wanting to a recompence as great as was himfelf \ when both at many times before, and efpecially among his laft Sighs and Prayers, teftifying his dear and fatherly affeclion to the Church and Realm of England, he fincerely wifh'd in the hearing of many devout Men, That what he had in this Nicol de obit .his I 'aft Book written to King Edward concerning Difcipline, might have place in this Edceri. Kingdom. His hope was then, that no calamity, no confufion, or deformity would happen to the Commonwealth ; but otherwife he feared, left in the midft of all this ardency to know Cod, yet by the neglecl of Difcipline, our good Endeavours would not fucceed. Thefe remarkable words of fo godly and fo eminent a Man at his death, as they are related by a fufEcient and well-known witnefs, who heard them, and infertcd by 'Thuanus into his grave and ferious Hiftory ; fo ought they to be chiefly confidercd by that Nation for whofe fake they were uttered, and more efpecially by that general Council which reprefents the Body of thaE Nation. If therfore the Book, or this part therof, for neceflary caufes, be now reviv'd and recommended to the ufc of this undifciplin'd Age ; it I hence concerning Divorce. 275 hence appears, that thefe Reafons have not err'd in the choice ofa fit Patronage for a dilcourie of i'uch importance. But why the whole Tractate is not here brought entire, but this matter of Divorcement felected in particular, to prevent the full fpeed of fome mif-interpreter, I haften todifclofe. Firft, it will befoon manifeft to them who know what wife Men fhould know, that the conltitution and refor- mation ofa Commonwealth, if Ezra and Nebcmiab did not mif-reform, is, like a building, to begin orderly from the foundation therof, which is Marriage and the Family, to fet right firft whatever is amifs therin. How can there elih grow up a race of warrantable Men, while the houfe and home that breeds them, is troubled and difquieted under a bondage not of God's conftraining with a nature- lefs conftraint (if his moll: righteous judgments may be ourrulcj but laid upon us imperioufly in the worft and weaken: Ages of Knowledge, by a canonical tyranny of ftupid and malicious Monks : who having rafhly vow'd themfelves to a fingle Life, which they could not undergo, invented new Fetters to throw on Matrimo- ny, that the World therby waxing more diflblute, they alfo in a general loofenefs might fin with more favour. Next, there being yet among many, fuch a ftran^e iniquity and perverfenefs againft all necelTary Divorce, while they will needs ex- pound the Words of our Saviour, not duly by comparing other places, as they mull do in the refolving ofa hundred other Scriptures, but by perfilling chiefly in the abrupt and papiftical way ofa literal apprehenfion againft the divz&i Analo- gy of Senfe, Reafon, Law, and Gofpel ; it therfore may well feem more than time to apply the found and holy Perfuafions of this Apoftolic Man, to that part in us, which is not yet fully difpoiTeft of an error as abfurd, as moft that we de- plore in our blindeft Adverfaries ; and to let his Authority and unanfwerable Rea- fons be vulgarly known, that either his Name, or the force of his Doctrine may work a wholefome effect. Lalliy, I find it clear to be the Author's intention, that this point of Divorcement mould be held and receiv'd as a molt neceffary and prime part of difcipline in every Chriftian Government. And therfore having re- due'd his model of Reformation to fourteen heads, he beftowsalmoft as much time about this one point ofDivorce, as about all the reft ; which alfo was the judg- ment of his Heirs and learned Friends in Germany, heft, acquainted with hismean- ing -, who firft publifhing this his Book by Oporinusat Bafil, (a City for Learning and Conftancy in the true Faith, honourable among the firft) added a fpecialnote in the title, that there the Reader fiould find the Dotlrine of Divorce handled Jo folid- ly, and fo fully, as fcarce the like in a Writer of that Age : and with this particular commendation they doubted not to dedicate the Book, as a moft profitable and exquifite Difcourfe, to Chriftian the 3d, a worthy and pious King of Denmark, as the Author himfelf had done before to our Edward the fixth. Yet did not Bucer in that Volume only declare what his conftant opinion was herin, but alfo in his Com- ment upon Matthew, written at Strajburgh divers years before, he treats diftinctly and copioufly the fame Argument in three feveral places ; touches it alfo upon the 7th to the Romans, and promifes the fame Solution more largely upon the ift to the Corinthians, omitting no occafionto weed out thislaft and deepeft mifchief of the Canon-Law,fown into the opinions of modern Men, againft the Laws and Prac- tice both of God's chofen People, and the beft primitive Times. Wherin his faithfulnefs and powerful evidence prevail'd lo far with all the Church of Straf- burgh, that they publiih'd this doctrine ofDivorce, as an Article of their Confef- fion, after they had taught fo eight and twenty years, through all thofe times, when that City flourifh'd, and excell'd moft, both in Religion, Learning, and Govern- ment, under thofe firft reftorers of the Gofpel there, Zelius, Hedio, Capito, Fagius, and thofe who incomparably then govem'd the Commonwealth, Farrerus and Suirmius. If therfore God in the former Age found out a Servant, and by whom he had converted and reformed many a City, by him thought good to reftore the moft needful Doctrine of Divorce from rigorous and harmful miftakes onthe right hand, it can be no ftrange thing, if in this age he ftir up by whatfoever means whom it pleafes him, to take in hand and maintain the fame affertion. Certainly if it be in man's difcerning to fever Providence from Chance, I could alledge many inllan- ces, wherin there would appear caufe toefteem of me no other than a paffive in- ftrument under fome power and counfel higher and better than can be human, working to a general good in the whole courfe of this matter. For that I owe no light, or leading receiv'd from any Man in the difcovery of this Truth, what time I firft undertook it in the Dotlrine and Difcipline of Divorce, and had on- ly the infallible grounds of Scripture to be my guide; he who tries the in- moft heart, and faw with what fevere induftry and examination of myfelf, I fet down every period, will be my witnefs. When I had almoft finifh'd the firft Edi- Voi.. I. Nn 2 tion, 2-7 6 The yudgment of Martin Bucer, tion, I chanc'd to read in the Notes of Hugo Grotius upon the 5th of Matth. whom I ftraitunderftood inclining to reaibnable terms in this Controverfy : andfomething he whifper'd rather than difputed about the Law of Charity, and the true end of Wedloc. Gladtherfore of fuchan able affiftant, however at muchdiftance, I refol- ved at length to put off into this wild and calumnious World. For God, itfeems, intended to prove me, whether I durft alone take up a rightful Caufe againft a World of difefteem, and found I durft. My Name I did not publilh, as not wil- ling it fhould fway the Reader either for me or againft me. But when I was told, that the ftile, which what it ails to be lb foon diltinguifhable, I cannot tell, was known by moft Men, and that fome of the Clergy began to inveigh and exclaim on what I was credibly inform'd they had not read •, I took it then for my proper feafon, both to fliew them a Name that could eafily contemn fuch an indifcreet kind of Cenfure, and to reinforce the qucftion with a more accurate diligence : that if any of them would be lb good as to leave railing, and to let us hear lb much of his Learning and Chriftian Wifdom, as will be ftriclly demanded of him in his anfwering to this Problem, care was had he fhould not fpendhis Prepara- tions againft a namelefs Pamphlet. By this time I had learnt that Paalus Fagius., one of the chief Divines in Germany, lent for by Frederic the Palatine, to reiorm his Dominion, and after that invited hither in King Edward's days, to be a Pro- feffor of Divinity in Cambridge, was of the fame Opinion touching Divorce, which thefe Men folavifhly tradue'd in me. What I found, I inferted where fitteft place was, thinking fure they would refpedl fo grave an Author, at leaft to the moderating of their odious Inferences. And having now perfected a fecond E- dition, I referr'd the judging thcrof to your high and impartial Sentence, ho- nour'd Lords and Commons. For I was confident, if any thing generous, anything noble, and above the Multitude, were left yet in the Spirit of England; it could be no where fooner found, and no where fooner underftood, than in that Houfeof Juftice and true Liberty where ye fit in Council. Ncr doth the Event hitherto, for fome reafons which I fhall not here deliver, fail me of what I conceiv'd k> highly. Neverthelefs, being far otherwife dealt with by fome, of whofe Profef- fion and fuppofed Knowledge I had better hope, and efteem'd the devifer of a new and pernicious Paradox, I felt no difference within me from that peace and firm- nefs of Mind, which is of' neareft kin to Patience and Contentment : both for that I knew I had divulg'd a truth link'd infeparably with the moft fundamental rules of Chriftianity, to ftand or fall together, and was not un-inform'd that divers learned and judicious Men teftify'd their daily Approbation of the Book. Yet at length it hath pleafed God, who had already given me fatisfaclion in myfelf, to afford me now a means wherby I may be fully juftify'd alio in the eyes of Men. When the Book had bin now the fecond time let forth well-nigh three Months, as I beft remember, I then firft came to hear that Martin Bucer had written much con- cerning Divorce : whom earneftly turning ever, I foon perceiv'd, but not with- out amazement, in the fame Opinion, confirm'dwith the fame Reafons which in that publifh'd Book, without the help or imitation of any precedent Writer, I had labour'dout, and laid together. Not but that there is fome difference in the hand- ling, in the order, and the number of Arguments, but ftill agreeing in the fame Conclufion. SoasI may juftly gratulate mineown mind with due acknowledgment of affiftance from above, which led me, not as a learner, but as a collateral Teacher, to a fympathy of judgment with no lefsa Man than Martin Bucer. And he, if our things here below arrive him where he is, does not repent him to fee that point of Knowledge which he firft, and with an uncheck'd freedom preach'd to thole more knowing times of England, now found fo neceffary, though what he admonilh'd Were loft out of our memory •, yet that God doth now again create the fame doc- trine in another unwrittenTable, and raifes it up immediately out of his pure Oracle to the convincement of a perverfe Age, eager in the reformation of Names and Ceremonies, but in Realities as traditional and as ignorant as their Forefathers. I would afk now the foremoft of my profound Accufers, Whether they dare af- firm that to be licentious, new, and dangerous, which Martin Bucer fo often, and fo urgently avouch'd to be moft lawful, moft neceffary, and moft Chri- ftian, without the leaft blemifh to his good Name, among all the worthy Men of that Age, and fir.ee, who teftify fo highly of him? If they dare, they muft then fet up an Arrogance of their own againft all thofe Churches and Saints who honoured him without this exception : If they dare not, how can they now make that licentious Doctrine in another, which was never blam'd or confuted in Bucer, or in Fagius ? The truth is, there will be due to them for this their unadvifedrafhnefs, the beft Donative that can be given them, I mean around Reproof; concerning Divorce. 277 Reproof, not that where they thought to be moft magisterial, they have difplay'd their own want, both of reading, and of judgment. Firft, to be lo unacquainted in the Writings of Bluer, which are fo obvious and ib ufeful in their own faculty - y next, to be fo caught in a prejudicating weaknefs, as to condemn that for lewd, which (whether they knew or not) thefe elect Servants of Chrift commended for lawful ; and for new, that which was taught by thefe almoft the firft and greateft Authors of Reformation, who were never tax'd for fo teaching ; and dedicated without fcruple to a royal Pair of the firft reforming Kings in Chriftendom, and confeft in the public Confeffion of a moft Orlhodoxal Church and State in Germany. This isalfo another fault which I mult tell them •, that they have ftood now al- moft this whole year clamouring afar off, while the Book hath bin twice printed, twice bought up, and never once vouchfafed a friendly Conference with the Au- thor, who would be glad and thankful to be fhewn an Error, either by private dif- pute, or public Anfwer, and could retracl, as well as wife Men before him ; might alio be worth the gaining, as one who heretofore hath done good fervice to the Church by their own confeffion. Or if he be obftinate, their Confutation would have render'd him without excufe, and reclaim'd others of no mean parts, who incline to his Opinion. But now their work is more than doubl'd ; and how they will hold up their heads againft the fudden afpect of thefe two great and re - verend Saints whom they havedefam'd, how they will make good the cenfuring of that, for a novelty of licence, which Bucer conftantly taught to be a pure and holy Law of Chrift's Kingdom, let them advife. For againft thefe my Adverfa- ries, who before the examining of a propounded truth in a fit time of Reforma- tion, have had the confcience to oppofe naught elfe but their blind reproaches and furrnifes, that a fingle innocence might not be opprefs'd and overborn by a crew of mouths, for the reftoring of a Law and Doctrine falfly and unlearnedly repu- ted new and fcandalous, God, that I may ever magnify and record this his Go^d- nefs, hath unexpectedly rais'd up as it were from the dead, more than one famous Light of the firft Reformation to bear witnefs with me, and to do me honour in that very thing, wherin thefe Men thought to have blotted me : And hath given them the proof of a capacity which they defpis'd, running equal, and authentic withfome of their. chiefeft Mafters unthought of, and in a point of fageft mo- ment. However, if we know at all when to afcribe the Occurrences of this Life to the work of a fpecial Providence, as nothing is moreufual in the talk of good Men, what can be more like to a fpecial Providence of God, than in the firft Re- formation of England, that this queftion of Divorce, as a main thing to be re- ftor'd to juft freedom, was written, and ferioufly commended to Ed-ward the fixth, by a Man call 'd from another Country to be the inftruclor of our Nation ; and now inthisprefent renewing ofthe Church and Commonweakh, which we pray may be more lafting, that the fame Queftion fhould be again treated and prefented 10 this Parlament, by one enabled to ufe the fame reafons without the leaft fight or knowledge of what was done before. It were no trefpafs, Lords and Commons, though fomething of lefs note were attributed to the ordering of a heavenly Pow- er ; this queftion therfore offuch prime concernment-both to Chriftian and Civil Welfire, in fuch an extraordinary manner^ not recover'd, but plainly twice born to thefe latter Ages, as from a divine hand I tender to your Acceptance, and moft confiderate Thoughts. Think not that God rais'd up in vain a Man of greateft Authority in the Church, to tell a trivial and licentious Tale in the ears of that good Prince, and to bequeath it as his laft Will and Teftament, nay rather as the Teftament and Royal Law of Chrift to this Nation ; or that it fhould of itfelf af- ter fo many years, as it were in a new Field where it was never fown, grow up a- gain as a vicious plant in the mind of another, who had fpoke honefteft things to the Nation ; though he knew not that what his Youth then reafoned without a pattern, had bin heard already, and well allow'd from the Gravity and Worth of Martin Bucer : till meeting with the envy of Men ignorant in their own under- taken Calling, God directed him to the forgotten Writings of this faithful Evan. gelift, to be hisdefence and warrant againft the grofs impuration oi broaching Li- cence. Ye are now in the glorious way to high Virtue, and niatch'efs Deeds, trufted with a moft ineftimable Trult, the afierting of our juft Liberties. Ye have a Nation that experts now, and from mighty fufferings afpire's to be the example of all Chriftendom to a perfected reforming. Dare to be as great, as ample, and as eminent in the fair progrefs of your noble defigns, as the full and goodly ftature of Truth and Excellence itfelf ; as unlimited by petty Prece- dents and Copies, as your unquefiionable Calling from Keaven gives ye power to be. What are all our public Immunities and Privileges worth ? and how ihall it be judg'd that we fight for them with Minds worthy to enjoy them, if •t 78 The Judgment cf Martin Bucer, if we fufrer otirfelvesin the mean while notto underftand the moil imporunt free- dom that God and Nature hath given us in the family •, which no wife Nation- ever wanted, till the Popery and Superftition of lbme former Ages attempted to- remove and alter divine and moll: prudent Laws for human and moft imprudent Canons : wherby good men in the beft portion of their lives, and in that Ordi- nance of God, which entitles them from the beginning to moft juft and requilke contentments, arecompell'd to civil Indignities, which by theLaw of Mojes bad Men were not compelled to ? Be not bound about, and ftraiten'd in die lpacious Wifdomofyour free Spirits, by thefcanty and unadequate andinconfiftentPrin-- ciples of fuch as condemn others for adhering to Traditions, and are themfelves the proftrate Worfhippersof Cuftom -, and of fuch a tradition as they can deduce from no antiquity, but from the rudeft, and thickeft Barbarifm of Antichriftian times. But why do I anticipate the more acceptable, and prevailing voice of learned Bucer himfelf, the Paftor of Nations ? And O that 1 could itt him liv- ing before ye in that Doctoral Chair, where once the learnedeft of E ng land, thought it no difparagement to fit at his feet! He would be fuch a Pilot, and fuch a Fa- ther to ye, as ye would foon find the difference of his hand and ikill upon the helm of Reformation. Nor do I forget that faithful Alfociate of his Labours, Paulus Fagius ; for thefe their great Names and Merits, how precious foever, God hath now join'd with me neceffarily, in the good or evil report of this doctrine which I leave with.you. It was written to a religious King of this Land ; written earneft- ly, as a mam matter wherin this Kingdom needed a reform, if it purpos'd to be the Kingdom of Chrift : Written by him, who if any, fince the Days of Lu- ther, merits to be counted the Apoftle of our Church : whofe unwearied pains and watching for our fakes, as they fpent him quickly here among us, fo did they, du- ring the fhortnefs of his Life, incredi-bly promote the Gofpel throughout this Realm. The Authority, the Learning, theGodlinefs of this Man confuktd with, is able to out-ballance all that the ■Kghtncis of a vulgar oppofition can bring to> counterpoife. I leave him alfo as my compleat Surety and Teftimonia!, if Truth be not the beft witnefs to itfelf, that what I formerly preiented . to your reading on this Subject, was good, and juft, and honeft, not licentious. Not that I have now more confidence by the addition of thefe great Authors to my party -, for what I wrote was not my Opinion, but my Knowledge ; even then when I could trace nofootftep in the way I went: nor that I think to win upon your apprehen- iions with Numbers and with Names, rather than with Reafons ; yet certainly the worft of my detractors will not except againftfo good a bail of my integrity and judgment, as now appears for me. They muft elfe put in the Fame of Bucer and otFapius, as my Accomplices and Confederates, into the fame Indictment j they muftdi°- up the good Name of thefe prime Worthies [if their Names could be ever buried) they muft dig them up and brand them as the Papifts did their Bodies ; and thofe their pure unblamable Spirits, which live not only in Hea- ven but in their Writings, they muft attaint with new Attaintures, which no Pro- teftant ever before afpers'd them with. Or if perhaps we may obtain to get our Appeachment new drawn, a Writ of Error, not of Libertifm, that thofe two principal Leaders of Reformation may not now come to befued in a Bill of Li- cence, to the fcandal of our Church •, the brief refult will be, that for the Error,, if their own Works be not thought fufficient to defend them, there lives yet, who will be ready, in a fair and chriftianly difcuffive way, to debate and lift this mat- ter to the utmoft ounce of Learning and Religion, in him that mail lay it as an Error, either upon Martin Bucer, or any other ot his Opinion. If this be not e- nouo-hto qualify my Traducers, and that they think it more for the Wifdom of their Virulence, not to recant the Injuries they have befpoke me, I mail not for much more difturbance than they can bring me, intermit the profecution of thofe Thoughts which may render me beft ferviceable, either to this Age, or if it fo happen, toPofterity •, following the fair path which your illuftrious Exploits, ho- nour'd Lords and Commons, againftthe breaft of Tyranny haveopen'd ; and de- pending fo on your happy fucceffes in the hopes that I have conceiv'd either of myfelf, or of the Nation, as muft needs conclude me, who moft affectionately wifhesand awaits the profperous iffue of your noble and valorous Counfels. THE 279. THE JUDGMENT of MARTIN BUCER, TOUCHING DIVORCE. Taken out of the Second Book entitled, Of the Ki7igdom of Chrift ; written by M a r t i n Bucer to Edward the Sixth, King of Engla?td. ■ CHAP. XV The yth Law of the fanSlifing and ordering of Marriage. BEfides thefe things, Chrift our King, and his Churches require from T^ 1 tne or * your Sacred Majefty, that you would take upon you the juft care of denn ?° f . Marriages. For it Is unspeakable how many good Confciences are here- j^"^^!^ by entangled, afflicted, and in danger, becaufe there are no juft Laws, Civil Power, nofpeedy way conftituted according to God's Word, touching this holy Society and Fountain of Mankind. For feeing Matrimony is a civil thing, Men, that they may rightly contract, inviolably keep, and not without extreme neceffity dilTolve Marriage, are not only to be taught by the Doctrine and Difcipline of the Church, but alio are to be acquitted, aided, andcompell'd by Laws and Judicature of the Commonwealth. Which thing pious Emperors acknowledging, and therin fram- ing themfelves to the Law of Nations, gave Laws both of contracting and pre- serving, and alfo where an unhappy need requir'd, of divorcing Marriages. As may be feenin the Code of Jnflinian, the 5th Book, from the beginning through twenty-four titles. And in the Authentic of Juflinian the 22d, and fome others. But the Antichrifts of Rome, to get the Imperial Power into their own hands, The Popes firft by fraudulent perfuafion, afterwards by force drew to themfelves the whole have invaded authority of determining and judging as well in matrimonial caufes, as in moft o- by trau [J and ther matters. Therfore it hath bin long believ'd, that the care and government derin^of *" therof doth not belong to the Civil Magiftrate. Yet where the Gofpel of .Chrift Marriage, is receiv'd, the Laws of Antichrift fhould be rejected. If therfore Kino-s and Go- vernors take not this care, by the power of Law and Juftice to provide that Mar- riages be pioufly contracted, religioufly kept, and lawfully diffolv'd, if need re- quire, who fees not what confufion and trouble is brought upon this holy Society ; and what a rack is prepar'd, even for many of the belt Confciences, while they have no certain Laws to follow, no Juftice to implore, if any intolerable thino- happen. And how much it concerns the honour and fafety of the Commonwealth, that Marriages, according to theWill of Chrift, be made, maintained, and not with- out juft caufe diiTolv'd, who underftands not ? For unlefs that firft and holieft Society of Man and Woman be purely conftituted, that houfhold Difcipline may beupheidby them according to God's Law, how can we expect a race of good Men ? Let your Majefty therfore know that this is your duty, and in the firft place, to reafiurne toyourfelf the juft ordering of Matrimony, and by firm Laws to eftablifh and defend the Religion of this firft and divine Society among Men, as all wife Law-givers of old, and Chriftian Emperors have carefully done. The two next Chapters, becaufe they chiefly treat about the Degrees of Confanguinity and Affinity, I omit ; only fating down a pajfage or two concerning the Judicial Laws of Mofes, how fit they be for Chriftian s to imitate rather than any other. CHAP. 3,80 The Judgment of Martin Buce*, CHAP. XVlI. toward the end. IConfefs that we being free in Chrift, are not bound to the Civil Laws ofMc- fes in every circumftance •, yet feeing no Laws can be more honeft, juft, and wholefome, than thofe which God himfelf gave, who is eternalWifdom and Good- nefs I fee not why Chriftians, in things which no lefs appertain to them, ought not to follow the Laws of God, rather than of any Men. We are not to uie Cir - cumcifion, Sacrifice, and thofe bodily Warnings prefcrib'd to the jews; yet by thefe things we may rightly learn, with what purity and devotion both Baptifm and the Lord's Supper mould be adminifter'd and receiv'd. How much more is it our duty to obierve diligently what the Lord hath commanded, and taught by the Examples of his People concerning Marriage, wherof we have the ufe no left than they ? • And becaufe this fame worthy Author hath mother pajfage to this purpofe, in his Comment upon Matthew, Chap. 5.19. I here 'infer -tit from p. 46. Since we have need of Civil Laws, and the power of punifhing, it will be wifeft not to contemn thofe given by Mofes ; but ferioufly rather to confider what the, meaning of God was in them, what he chiefly requir'd, and how much it might be to the °-ood of every Nation, if they would borrow thence their manner of go- verning the Commonwealth •, yet freely all things and with the Spirit of Chrift. For what Solon, or Plato, or Ariflotle, what Lawyers or Ceefirs could make bet- ter Laws' than God ? And it is no light argument, that many Magiftrates at this day, do not enough acknowledge the Kingdom of Chrift, though they would feem moft Chriftian, in that they govern their States by Laws fo diverfe from thofe of Mofes. The iSth Chapter I only mention as determining a thing not hers in quejfion, that Marriage without confent of Parents ought not to be held good ; yet with this qualify tat ion fit to be known. That if Parents admit not the honeft defires of their Children, but fhall perfift to abufe the power they have over them ; they are to be mollify'd by Admoni- tions, Entreaties, and Perfuafions, firfl of their Friends and Kindred, next of the Church- Elders. Whom if ftill the hard Parents refufe to hear, then ought the Ma<dftrate to interpofe his Power : left any by the evil mind of their Parents be detain'd from Marriage longer than is meet, or forc'd to an unworthy match : in which cafe the Roman Laws alfo provided. C. de nupt. I. 11, 13, 26. CHAP. XIX. ' Whether it may be permitted to revoke the Promife of Marriage. HERE arifeth another Queftion concerning Contracts, when they ought to be unchangeable ? for religious Emperors decreed that the Contract was not indiflbluble, until the Spoufe were brought home, and the Solemnities per- form'd. They thought it a thing unworthy of divine and human Equity, and the due confideration of Man's infirmity in deliberating and determining, when fpace is o-iven torenounce other Contracts of much lefs moment, which are not yet con- firm'd before the Magiftrate, to deny that to the moft weighty Contract of Mar- riage, which requires the greateft care and confultatkm. Yet left fuch a Cove- nant fhould be broken for no juft caufe, and to the injury of that perfon to whom Marriage was promifed, they decreed a Fine, that he who deny'd Marriage to whom he had promis'd, and for fome caufe not approv'd by the Judges, fhould pay the double of that pledge which v/as given at making fure, or as much as the Judo-e fhould pronounce might fatisfy the damage, or the hindrance of either party. It bein^ moft certain, that oft-times after contract, juft and honeft caufes of departing from promife, come to be known and found out, it cannot be other than the duty of pious Princes to give Men the fame liberty of unpromifing in thefe cafes, as pious Emperors granted : efpecially where there is only a promife, and not carnal knowledge. And as there is no true Marriage between them, who agree not in true confent of Mind ; fo it will be the part of godly Magiftrates to procure that no Matrimony be among their Subjects, but what is knit with loveand confent. And tho' your Majelty be not bound to the Imperial Laws, yet it is the .duty of a .Chriftian King to embrace and follow whatever he knows to be anywhere piouflyandjuftly conftituted,andto be honeft, juft, and well-pleafing tohisPeople, But concerning Divorce. 281 But why in God's Law and the Examples of his Saints, nothing herof is read ; no marvel, feeing his ancient People had power, yea a precept, that whofo could not bend his mind to the true love of hisWife, fhould give her a Bill of Divorce, and fend her from him, though after carnal knowledge and long dwelling together. This is enough to authorize a godly Prince in that indulgence which he gives to the changing of a Contract •, both becaufe it is certainly the invention of Anti- chrift, that the promife of Marriage deprafenti, as they call it, fhould be indiflblu- ble, and becaufe it mould be a Prince's care that Matrimony be fo join'd, as God ordain'd ; which is, that everyone fhould love his Wife with fuch a love as Adam txprefs'd to Eve : So as we may hope that they who marry may become oneflefh, and one alio in the Lord. CHAP. XX. Concerns only the Celebration of Marriage, CHAP. XXI. "The Means of preferring Marriage holy and pure. NO W fince there ought not to be lefs care that Marriage be religioufly kepf, than that it be piouflyand deliberately contracted, it will be meet that to every Church be ordained certain grave and godly Men, who may have this care upon them, to obferve whether the Hufband bear himfelf wifely toward the Wife, loving, and inciting her to all Piety, and the other duties of' this life ; and whe- ther the Wife be fubjecl: to her Hufband, and ftudy to be truly a meet help to him, as firft to all Godlinefs, fo to every other ufe of life. Andifthey fhall find each to other failing of their duty, or the one long abfent from the other without juft and urgent caufe, or giving fufpicion of irreligious and impure life, or of living in ma- niteft Wickednefs, let it be admonifh'd them in time. And if their Authority be contemn'd, let the names of fuch contemners be brought to the Magiftrate, who may ufe punifhment to compel fuch Violators of Marriage to their duty, that they may abftain from all probable fufpicion of tranfgreffing-, and if they admit of fuf- pedted company, the Magiftrate is to forbid them ; whom they not therin obey- ing, are to be punifh'd as Adulterers, according to the Law of Juftinian, Authenl. 117. For if holy Wedloc, the fountain and feminary of good Subjects, be not vi- gilantly preferved from all blots and difturbances, what can be hop'd, as I faid be- fore, of the fpringing up of good Men, and a right Reformation of the Common- wealth ? We know it is not enough for Chriftians to abftain from foul deeds, but from the appearance and fufpicion therof. CHAP. XXII. Of lawful Divorce, what the ancient Churches have thought. NOW we fhall fpeak about thatdiflblving of Matrimony which may beap- prov'd in the fight of God, if any grievous neceffity require. In which thing the Roman Antichrifts have knit many a pernicious entanglement to diftrefled Con- fciences : for that they might here alfo exalt themfelves above God, as if they would be wifer and chafter than God himfelf, is, for no caufe, honeft or neceffary, will they permit a final Divorce-, in the mean while,Whoredoms and Adulteries, and worfe things than thefe, noronly tolerating in themfelves and others, but che- rifiiing and throwing Men headlong into thefe evils. For although they alio disjoin married perfons from Board and Bed, that is, from all conjugal Society and Com- munion, and this not only for Adultery, but for ill Ufage, and matrimonial Duties deny'd ; yet they forbid thofe thus parted, to join in Wedloc with others, but, as I faid before, anydifhoneft afibciating they permit. And they pronounce the Bond of Marriage to remain between thofe whom they have thus feparated. As if the Bond of Marriage, God fo teaching and pronouncing, were not fuch a league as binds the married couple to all fociety of life, and communion in divine and hu- man things ; and {o aftociated keeps them. Something indeed out of the later Fathers they may pretend for this their Tyranny, efpecially out of Aujlin and fome others, who were much taken with a prepoiterous ad- miration of fingle life ; yet though thefe Fathers, from the wards of Vol. I. O o Chrift $ i The Judgment of Martin Bucer, Chrift not rightly underftood, taught that it was unlawful to marry again, while die former Wife liv'd, whatever caufe there had bin either of Defertion or Di- vorce- yet if we mark the cuftom of the Church, and the common judgment whii both in this time and afterward prevail'd, we fhall perceive that neither thefe Fa thers did ever caft out of the Church any one for marrying after a Divorce, ap- prov'd by the Imperial Laws. _ Nor only the firft Chnftian Emperors, but the latter alio, even to jHftmian, ind after him, did grant for certain caufes approv'd by judges, to make a true Divorce-, which made and confirm'd by Law, it might be lawful to marry again : which if it could not have bin done without difpleafing Chrift and his Church, furely it would not have bin granted by Chriftian Emperors, nor had the Fathers then wink'd at thofe doings in the Emperors. Hence ye may feeftiat JeromaKo, though zealous offingle life more than enough, and fuch a condemner of fecond Marriage, though after the death of either party, yet fore'd by plain equity, de- fended Fabiola; a noble Matron of Rome, who having refus'd her Hufband for iuft Caufes, was married to another. For that the fending of a Divorce to her Hufband w'as not blame-worthy, he affirms, becaufe the Man was heinoufly virions:, and that if an adulterous Wife may be difcarded, an adulterous Hufband is not to be kept. But thatfhe married again, while yet her Hufband was alive •, he de- fends in that the Apoftle hath laid, It is better to marry than to burn ; and that youno- Widows fhould marry, for fuch was Fabiola, and could not remain in Wi- dow-hood, -jj-j/i But fome one will object that Jerome there adds, Neither did pe know the vigour oftheGofpcl, wherin all caufe of marrying is debarred from Women, while their tiuf- bands live ; and again* while Jhe avoided many wounds of Satan, fhe receiv'd one ere foe was aware. But let the equal Reader mind alio what went before; Becaufe, faith he, foon after the beginning, there is a rock and form of flanderers oppofed a- gainft her, I will not praife her converted, unlefs Ifirftabfolve her guilty. For why does he call them flanderers who accus'd Fabiola of marrying again, if he did not iud^e itamatter of Chriftian Equity and Charity, to pafs by and pardon that fad, though in his own opinion he held it a fault ? And what can this mean ? I will not praife her, unlefs I firft abfolve her. For how could he abfolve her, but by proving that Fabiola, neither in rejecting her vitious Hufband, nor in marrying another, had committed fuch a fin", as could be juftly condemned ? Nay, he proves both by- evident reafon, and clear teftimonies of Scripture, that fhe avoided Sin. This alfo is hence underftood, that Jerome by the vigour of the Gofpel, meant that height and perfection of our Saviour's precept, which might be remitted to thole that burn -, for he adds, But if foe be accufed in that Jhe remained not unmarried, Ifoall confefs the fault, Jo I may relate the neceffity. If then he acknowledg'd a ne- oeffity, as he did, becaufe fhe was young, and could not live in Widowhood, cer- tainly he could not impute her fecond Marriage to her much blame : but when he excufes her out of the Word of God, does he not openly declare his thoughts, that the fecond Marriage of 'Fabiola was permitted her by the Holy Ghoft himfelf,for the neceffity which he fuffer'd, and to fhun the danger of Fornication, though fhe went fomtwhat afide from the vigourof the Gofpel ? But if any urge that Fabiola did public penance for her fecond Marriage, which was not impofed but for great faults •, 'tis anfwer'd, fhe was not enjoin'd to this penance, but did it of her own accord, and not till after her fecond Hufband*s death. As in the time of Cyprian, we read that many were wont to do voluntary penance for fmall faults, which were not liable to excommunication. CHAP. XXIII. That Marriage was granted by the ancient Fathers, even after the Vow of Jingle Life. I omit his Teftimonies out of Cyprian, Gelafius, Epiphanius, contented only to re- late what he thence collet! s to the prefent purpefe. SOmewill fayperhaps, Wherforeall this concerning Marriage after vow offingle • life, whenas the queftion was of Marriage after Divorce? For this reafon, that they whom it fo much moves, becaufe fome of the Fathers thought Marriage after any kind of Divorce, to be condemned of our Saviour, may fee that this conclufion follows not. The Father* thought all Marriage after Divorce to be forbidden of our Saviour. concerning Divorce. 283 Saviour, therfore they thought. fuch Marriage was not to be tolerated in a Chri- ftian. For the fame Fathers judg'd it forbidden to marry after vow; yet fuch Mar riages they neither diffolved nor excommunicated : For thefe words of our Sa- viour, and of the Holy Ghofl, flood in their way •, All cannot receive this faying, but they to whom it is given. Every one hath his proper gift from God, one after this manner, another after that. It is better to marry than to bum. I will that younger Widows marry; and the like. So there are many Canons and Laws extant, wherby Priefts, if they married, were remov'd from their office, yet is it not read that their Marriage was diffolv'd, as the Papifts now-a-days do, or that they were excommunicated, nay exprefly they mightcommunicate as Laymen. If the confederation of human infirmity, and thole teftimonies of divine Scripture which grant Marriage to every one that wants it, perfuaded thole Fathers to bear themfelves fo humanely toward them who had married with breach of vow to God, as they believed, and with Divorce of that Marriage wherin they were in a manner join'd to God •, who doubts but that the fame Fathers held the like humanity was to be afforded to thofe who after Divorce and Faith broken with Men, as they thought, entered into a fecond Marriage ? For among fuch are alfo found no lels weak, and no lefs burning. CHAP. XXIV. Who of the ancient Fathers have gra?ited Marriage after Divorce. TH I S is clear both by what hath bin faid, and by that which Origen relates of "certain Bifhops in his time, Homil. 7. in Matth. I know fame, faith he, which are over Churches, who without Scripture have permitted the Wife to marry while her former Hujband liv'd. And did this againft Scripture, which faith, The Wife is bound to her Hujband fo long as he lives ; and fhefi ball be call'd an Adultrefs, if, her Hujband living, jhe take another Man ; yet did they not permit this without caufe, perhaps for the infirmity of fuch as had not continence, they permitted evil to a- void worfe. Ye fee Origen and the Doctors of his Age, not without all caufe, per- mitted Women after Divorce to marry, though their former Hufbands were living; yet writes that they permitted againft Scripture. But what caufe could they have to do fo, unlefs they thought our Saviour in his precepts of Divorce had fo forbid- den, as willing to remit fuch perfection to his weaker ones, call into danger of worfe faults ? The fame thought Leo, Bifhop of Rome, Ep. 85. to the African Bifhops of Mau- ritania defarienfis, wherin complaining of a certain Prieft, who divorcing his Wife, or being divore'd by her, as other copies have it, had married another, nei- ther diffolves the Matrimony, nor excommunicates him, only unpriefts him. The Fathers therfore, as we fee, did not fimply and wholly condemn Marriage after Divorce. But as for me, this remitting of our Saviour's precepts, which thefe Ancients allow to the infirm in marrying after Vow and Divorce, I can in no ways admit j for whatfoever plainly conlents not with the Commandment, cannot, I am certain, be permitted, or fuffered in any Chriftian : for heaven and earth fhall pafs away, but not a tittle from the Commands of God among them who expect: life eternal. Let us therfore confider, and weigfrthe words of our Lord concerning Marriage and Divorce, which he pronounced both by himfelf, and by his Apoftle, and let us compare them with other Oracles of God ; for whatfoever is contrary to thefe, I fhall not perfuade the leaft tolerating therof. But if it can be taught to agree with the Word of God, yea to be commanded that moft Men may have permif- fion given them to divorce and marry again, I muft prefer the Authority of God's Word before the Opinion of Fathers and Doctors, as they themfelves teach. Vol. I. O o 2 CHAP. 2 g a The Judgment 0^ Martin Bucer, B T CHAP. XXV. The words of our Lord, and of the Holy Ghojl, by the Apoftle Paul concerning Divorce^ are explained. >U T the words of our Lord, and of the Holy Ghoft, out of which Auftin and I fome others of the Fathers think it concluded that our Saviour forbids Mar- riage after any Divorce, are thefe •, Mai. v. 31, 32. It hath bin /aid, &c. And Mat. xix. 7. They fay unto him, why did Mofcs then command? &c. And Mark x.and Luke xvi. Rom.vn. 1,2,3. 1 Cor. vii, 10, 11. Hence therfore they con- clude that all Marriage after Divorce is call'd Adultery ; which to commit, be- ino- no ways to be tolerated in any Chriftian, they think it follows that fecond Mar- riage is in no cafe to be permitted either to the Divorce, or to the Divorced. The 1. ax- But that it may be more fully and plainly perceiv'd what force is in this kind of iom that reafoning, it will be the beftcourfe to lay down certain grounds wherof no Chri- Chriil could ^ m ^ doubt the truth. Firft, itisa Wickedhefi tofufptct that our Saviour brand- Sf AMtery," ed that; for Adultery, which himfelf, in his own Law which he came to fulfil, and that which' not todifiblve, did not only permit, but alfo command; for by him the only he once com- Mediator, was the whole Law of God given. But that by this Law of God, Mar- riage was permitted after any Divorce, is certain by Dent. xxiv. 1. CHAP. XXVI. That God in his Law did not only grant, but alfo command Divorce to cer- tain Men. vEut. xxiv. 1. When a Man hath taken a Wife, &c. But in Mai. ii. 15, 16. is J read the Lord's command to put her away whom a Man hates, in thefe words: Take heed to your Spirit, and let none deal in jurioufly againjl the wife of his youth. If he hate, let him put away, faith the Lord God pf Ifrael. And he jhall hide thy violence with his garment, that marries herdivorc'd by thee, faith the Lord ofhofts ; but take heed to your Spirit,- and do no injury. By thefe Teftimonies of the divine Law, we fee that the Lord did not only permit, but alfo exprefly and ear- neftly commanded his people, by : whom he would that all holinefs and faith of Marriage -covenant fhould be obferved, that he who could not induce his mind to love his Wife with a true conjugal love, might difmifs her that fhe might marry to another. manded. D CHAP. XXVII. That what the Lord permitted and commanded to his antient people concern- ing Divorce belongs al/o to CLrifians. NO W what the Lord permitted to his firft-born people, that certainly lie could not forbid to his own among the Gentiles, whom he made coheirs, and into one body with his people ; nor could he ever permit, much lefs command auo-ht that was not good for them, at leaft fo us'd as he commanded. For being God, he is not chang'd as Man. Which thing who ferioufly coniiders, how can he imagine that God would make that wicked to them that believe, and ferve him under Grace, which hegranted and commanded to them that ferv'd him under the Law? Whenasthe fame caufes require the fame permiffion. And who that knows but human matters, and loves the truth, will deny that many Marriages hang as ill together now, as ever they di.l among the jejtps ? So that fuch Marriages are liker to Torments than true Marriages. As therfore the Lord doth always fuc- cour and help the oppreffed, fo he wou'd ever have it provided for injur'd Huf- bandsand Wives, that underpretence of the marriage-bond, they be not fold to perpetual vexations, inftead of the loving and comfortable marriage-duties. And laftly, as God doth always detelt hypocrify and fraud, fo neither doth he* approve that among his people", that fhould be counted Marriage, wherin none of thole duties remain, wherby the league of wedloc is chief- ly preferved. What inconfiderate negleclthen of God's Law is this, that I may not call concerning Divorce. 28 - call it worfe, to hold that Chrift our Lord would not grant the fame remedies both of Divorce and fecond Marriage to the weak, or to. the evil, if they will .needs have it fo, but efpecially to the innocent and wro'ngM; whenas the fame urgent caufes remain as before, when the difcipline of the Church and Magiltratc hath try'd what may be try'd? CHAP. XXVIII. That our Lord Chrij} intended not to make new Laics oj Marriage and Divorce, or of any civil matters. IT is agreed by all who determine of the Kingdom and Offices of Chrift by the Axiom i holy Scriptures, as all godly Men ought to do, that our Saviour upon Earth took not on him either to give new Laws in civil affairs, or to changethe old. But it is certain that Matrimony and Divorce are civil things. Which the Chriftian Emperors knowing, gave conjugal Laws, andreferv'd the adminiftrationofthem to their own Courts ; which no true ancient Bifhop ever condemn'd. Our Saviour came to preach Repentance and Remiffion : feeing therfore thofe who put away their "Wives without any juft caufe, were not touch'd with confei- ence of the fin, through mifunderrtanding of the Law, he recall'd them to a right interpretation, and taught that the Woman in the beginning was fo join'd to the Man, that there fhould be a perpetual union both in body and fpirit : where this is not, the Matrimony is already broke, before there be yet any divorce made, or fecond Marriage. CHAP. XXIX. That it is wickedtoftrainthe words of Chrift beyond their purpofe. This is his third Axiom, wherof there needs no explication here. CHAP. XXX. That all places of Scripture about the fame thing are to be joined and Axiom 4. compared, to avoid Contradictions. This he demonftrates at large out offundry places in the Go/pel, and principally by that precept againft /wearing, which compared with many places of the Law and Pro- phets, is aflat contradiction of them all, if we follow fuperftitioufly the letter. The* U ' V ' ' having repeated briefly his four Axioms, he thus proceeds, Thefe things thus pre-admonifh'd, let us enquire whatthe undoubted meanino- j s of our Saviour's words, and enquire according to the rule which is obferv'd by^ll learned and good men in their expofitions •, that praying firft to God, who is the only opener of our hearts, we may firft with fear and reverence confider well the words of our Saviour touching this queftion. Next, that we may compare them with all other places of Scripture treating of this matter, to fee how they conf«nt with our Saviour's words, and thofe of his Apoftle. CHAP. XXXI. This Chapter difputes againft Auftin and the Papifls, who deny fecond Marriage even to them who divorce in cafe of Adultery ; which becaufe it is not controverted a- mong true Prot eft ants, but that the innocent perfon is eafily allowed to marry, I fpare the tranflating. CHAP 286 ^the Judgment of Martin Bucer, CHAP. XXXII. "That a manifejl Adultrefs ought to be divorc'd, and cannot lawfully be re- tained in Marriage by any true Chriftian. This though he prove fufficiently, yet I let pafs, becaufe this quefiion was not han- dled in the Doclrine and Difcipline of Divorce ; fv which book I bring fo much of this Treatifs as runs parallel. CHAP. XXXIII. That Adultery is to bepunijlfd by Death. This Chapter alfo I omit for the reafonlafi alledg'd, CHAP. XXXIV. That it is lawful for a Wife to leave an Adulterer \ and to marry another Husband. This is generally granted, and therfore excufesme the writing out. CHAP. XXXV. Places in the Writings of the Apojlle Paul, touching Divorce explained. LET us confider theanfwerof the Lord given by theApoftle feverally. Con- cerning the firft, which is Rom vii. i. Know ye not \ brethren for I fpeak to them that know the law, Sec. Ver. 2. The woman is bound by the law to berHufband fo long as he liveth. Here it is certain that the Holy Ghoft had no purpofe to de- termine aught of Marriage, or Divorce, but only to bring an example from the common and ordinary law of Wedloc, to fhew that as no covenant holds either party being dead, fo now that we are not bound to the law, but to Chrift our Lord, feeing that through him we are dead to fin, and to the law; and fo join- ed to Chrift that we may bring forth fruit in him from a willing godlinefs, and not by the compulfion of law, wherby our fins are more excited, and become more violent. "What therfore the holy Spirit here fpeaks of Matrimony, cannot be ex- tended beyond the general rule. Befides it is manifeft, that the Apoftle did alledge the law of Wedloc, as it was deliver'd to the Jews ; for, faith he, I fpeak to them that know the law. They knew no law of God but that of Mofes, which plainly grants divorce for fe- veral reafons. It cannot therfore be faid that the Apoftle cited this general exam- ple out of the law, to abolifh the feveral exceptions of that lav/, which God him- felf granted by giving authority to divorce. Next, when the Apoftle brings an example out of God's law concerning Man and Wife* it muft be necefiary that we underftand fuch for Man and Wife, as are fo indeed according to the fame law of God ; that is, who are fo difpofed as that they are both willing and able to perform the necefiary duties of marriag e ; not thofe who under a falfe title of marriage, keep themfelves mutually bound to injuries and difgraces •, for fuch twain are nothing lefs than lawful Man and Wife. The like anfwer is to be given toall the other places both of the Gofpel and the Apoftle, that whatever exception may be prov'd out of God's law, be not exclu- ded from thofe places. For the Spirit of God doth not condemn things formerly granted and allowed, where there is like caufe and reafon. Hence Ambrofe, upon that place, i Cor. vii. 15. A brother or ajifter is not under bondage in fuch cafes , thus expounds •, The reverence of marriage is not due to him who abhors the author of Marriage ; nor is that Marriage ratify 1 d which is without devotion to God : he fins not therfore who is put away for God's caufe, though he join bimfelf to ano- ther. For the difionour of the Creator diffolves the right of Matrimony to him who is deferted, that he be not accus'd, though marrying to another. The faith of wedloc is not to be kept with him who departs, that he might not hear the God of Chrift ians to be the author of wedloc. For if Ezra caufed the mif- believing Wives end llujbands to be divorced, that God might br appeaf- ed, and not offended, though they took others of their own faith, bow much more concerning Divorce. 2 8 ? morejhall it be free, if the mi/believer depart, to marry one of our own Religion, for this is not to be counted Matrimony, which is agairfl the law of God. Two things are here to be obferved toward the following Difcourfe, which truth itfelf, and the force of God's word hath drawn from this holy Man. For thole words are very large, Matrimony is not ratify'd, without devotion to God. And the difhonour of the Creator diffolves the right of Matrimony, For devotion is far off, and difhonour is done to God by all who perfift in any wickednefs and heinous crime. CHAP. XXXVI. That although it feem in the Gofpcl, as if our Saviour granted Divorce only for Adultery, yet in very deed he granted it for other caufes al/o. NO W is to be dealt with this queftion, Whether it be lawful to divorce and marry again for other caufes befides Adultery, fince our Saviour exorefs'd that only ? To this queftion, if we retain our principles already laid, and rouft ac- knowledge it to be a curled blafphemy, if we fay that the words of God do con- tradict one another, of neceflity we muft confefs that our Lord did grant Divorce and Marriage after that, for other caufes befides Adultery, notwitManding what he laid in Matthew. For firft, they who consider but only that place, i Cor. vii. which treats of believers and mifbelievers match'd together, mult of force confefs, That our Lord granted juft Divorce, and fecond Marriage in the caufe of Defer- tion, which is other than the caufe of Fornicadon. And if there be one other caufe found lawful, then is it moft true, that Divorce was granted not only for For* nication. Next, it cannot be doubted, as I fhew'd before, by them to whom it is giveii to know God and his Judgments out of his own word, but that, what means of peace and fafety God ever granted and ordain'd to his elected people, the fame he gran::, andordains to Men of all ages who have equally need of the fame rem -dies. And who, that is but a knowing Man, dares fay there be not Hufbands and Wives now to be foundinfuchahardnefs of heart, that they will not perform either con- jugal affection, or any requifite duty therof, though it be moft deferv'd at their hands ? Neither can any one defer to confefs, but that God whofe property it is to jud<*e the caufe of them that fuffer injury, hath provided for innocent and honeft perfons wedded, how they might free themfelves by lawful means of Divorce, from the bondage and iniquity of thofe whoarefalfly term'd their Hufbands or their Wives. This is clear out of Dcut. xxiv. i. Malach. ii. Matth. xix. i Cor. vii. and out of thofe principles which the Scripture every where teaches, That God changes not hismind, diffents not from himfelf, is no accepter of perfons •, but allows the fame remedies to all Men opprefs'd with the fame neceffities an,d infirmities ; yea, requires that we fhould ufe them. This he will eafily perceive, who confiders theft- things in the Spirit of the Lord. Laftly, it is moft certain, that the Lord hath commanded us to obey the civil Laws everyone of his own Commonwealth, if they be not againft the Laws ol God. CHAP. XXXVII. For what caufes Divorce is permitted by the civil Law ex 1. Confenfu Codic. de Repudiis. IT is alfo manifeft that the Law of Theodo/ins and Valentiman, which begins Con- fenfu, &c. touching Divorce, and many other Decrees of pious Emperors agree- ing herewith, are not contrary to the word of God •, and therfore may be recalled into ufe by any Chriftian Prince or Commonwealth-, nay, ought to be with due refpecthad to every nation. For whatfoever is equal and juft, that in everything is to be fought andufed by Chriftians. Hence it is plain that Divorce is granted by divine approbation, both to Hufbands and to Wives, if either party can con- vict the other of thefe following offences before the Maaiftrate. If the Hufbandcan provetheWifetobe an Adultrefs,aWitch, a Murdrefs, to have bought orfold to fiavery anyone free-born, to have violated Sepulchres, committed Sacrilege, favour'tl thieves and robbers,defirous of feaftingwithftrangers, the hufband not knowing, or not willing, if fhe lodge forth without a juftand probable caufe, or fre- 3 2 gS The Judgment of Martin Bucer, frequent theatres and fights, he forbidding; if fhe be privy with thofe that plot a- eainft the State, or if fhe deal falfly, or offer blows. And it the wife can prove her Hufband guilty of any thofe forenamed crimes, and frequent the company of lewd women in her fight ; or if he beat her, fhe had the like liberty to quit her- felf 3 with this difference, that the Man after Divorce might forthwith marry a- crain'- the Woman not till a year after, left fhe might chance to have conceiv'd. CHAP. XXXVIII. ' An Expo ft ion of thofe places wberin God declares the nature of holy Wcdhc. NO W to the end it may feem that this agrees with the divine law, the firft in- ftitution of Marriage is to be confidered, and thofe texts in which God ef- ilifh'd the joining of male and female, and defcrib'd the duties of them both. "When God had determined to make Woman, and give her as a Wife to Man, he fpake thus, Gen. ii. 18. It is not good for Man to be alone, I will make him a help-meet for him. And Adam faid, but in the fpirit of God, v.2g, 24. This is neta bone of my bone, andflejh ofmyflejh; Therfore fljall a Man leave his Father and Mo- ther, and fljall cleave to his Wife, and they fljall be onefiejh. To this firft inftitution did Chrift recall his own ; when anfwering the Pkarijees, he condemn'd the licence of unlawful Divorce. He taught therfore by his example, that we, according to this firft inftitution, and what God hath fpokentherof, ought to determine what kind of Covenant Marriage is, how to be kept, and how far •, and laftly, for what caufes to bediflblv'd. To which Decrees of God thefe alio are to be join'd, which the Holy Ghoft hath taught by his Apoftle, that neither the Hufband nor the Wife hath power of their own body, but mutually each of cither's. Tb&ttbe Hufband Jhall love the Wife as his own body, yea as Chrift loves his Church \ and that the Wife ought to be fubjetl to her Hufband, as the Church is to Chrift. By thefe things the nature of holy Wedloc is certainly known ; wherof if only one be wanting in both or either party, and that either by obftinate malevolence, or too deep inbred weaknefs of mind, or laftly, through incurable impotence of Bo- dy, it cannot then be faid that the covenant of Matrimony holds good between fuch ; if we mean that covenant which God inftituted and call'd Marriage, and that wherof only it muft be underftood that our Saviour faid, Thofe whom God hath join'd, let no Manfeparate. And hence is concluded, that Matrimony requires continual cohabitation and livino- together, unlefs the calling of God be othcrwife evident •, which union if the parties themfelves disjoin either by mutual confent, or one againft the other's will depart, the Marriage is then broken. W T herin the Papifts, as in other things, oppofe themfelves againft God •, while they feparate for many caufes from bed and board, and yet will have the bond of Matrimony remain, as if this covenant could be other than the conjunction and communion not only of bed and board, but of all other loving and helpful duties. This we may fee in thefe words ; I will make him a help-meet for him ; bone of his bone, and fieftj of hi s ficjh : for this caufe Jhall he leave Father and Mother, and cleave to his Wife, and they twain fljall be onefiejh. By which words who difecrns not, that God requires of them both fo to live toge- ther, and to be united not only in body but in mind alfo, with fuch an affection as none may be dearer and more ardent among all the relations of Mankind, nor of more efficacy to the mutual offices of love and loyalty. They muft communicate and confent in all things both divine and human, which have any moment to well and happy living. The Wife muft honour and obey her Hufband, as the Church honours and obeys Chrift her head. The Hufband muft love and cherifh his Wife, as Chrift his Church. Thus they muft be to each other, if they will be true Man and Wife in the fight of God, whom certainly the Churches ought to follow in their judgment. Now the proper and ultimate end of Marriage is not copulation, or children, for then there was not true Matrimony between Jofepb and Mary the Mother of Chrift, nor between many holy p'erfonsmore -, but the full and proper and main end of Marriage, is the communicating of all duties, both divine and hu- man, each to other with utmoft benevolence and affection. I CHAP. concerning Divorce, 2S9 CHAP. XXXIX. ' The Prefer ties 'of a True and Chrijlian Marriage more dijlinEtly repeated. BY which definition we may know that God efteems and reckons upon thefe four neceffary properties to be in every true Marriage, i. That they fhould live together, unlefs the calling 6f God require otherwife for a time. 2. That they fhould loveone anotherto the height of dearnefs, and that in the Lord, and in the communion of true Religion. 3. That the Hufband bear himfelf as the head and preferver of his Wife, inflrucling her to all godlinefs and integrity of Life-, that the Wife alio be to her Hufband a help, according to her place, efpecially fur- thering him in the true worfhip of God, and next in all the occafions of civil life. And 4. That they defraud not each other of conjugal benevolence, as the Apoflle commands, 1 Cor. vii. Hence it follows, according to the fentence of God, which all Chriftians ought to be rul'd by, that between thofe who either through obftinacy, or helplefs inability, cannot or will not perform thefe repeated duties, between thofe there can be no true Matrimony, nor ought they to be counted Man and Wile. CHAP. XL. Whether thofe Crimes recited Chap, xxxvu.out of the Civil Law, diffohe Matrimony in God's account. NO W if a Hufband or Wife be found guilty of any of thofe crimes, which by the Law confenfu are made caufes of Divorce, 'tis manifefl thatfuch a Man cannot be the head and preferver of his Wife, nor fuch a Woman be a meet help to her Hufband, as the divine Law in true Wedloc requires ; for thefe faults are punifh'd either by death, or deportation, or extreme infamy, which are directly oppofitc to the covenant of Marriage. If they deferve death, as Adulterv and the like, doubtlefs God would not that any fhould live in Wedloc with them whom he would not have to live at all. Or if it be not death, but the incurring of noto- rious infamy, certain it is neither juft, nor expedient, nor meet that an honefl Man fhould be coupled with an infamous Woman, nor an honefl Matron with an infamous Man. The wife Roman Princes had fo great regard to the equal honour of either wedded perfon, that they counted thofe Marriages of no force which were made between the one of good repute, and the other of evil note. How much more will all honefl regard of Chriflian expedience and comelinefs befeem and concern thofe who are kt free and dignified in Chrifl, than it could the Roman Se- nate, or their Sons, for whom that Law was provided ? And this all godly Men will foon apprehend, that he who ought to be the head and preferver not only of his Wife, but alfo of his Children and Family, as Chriil is of his Church, had need be one of honefl name : folikewife the Wife, which is to be the meet help of an honefl and good Man, the Mother of an honefl Offspring and Family. The Glory of the Man, even as the Man is the G'cry of Chrifl, fhould not be tainted with ignominy ; as neither of them can avoid to be, having bin juflly appeach'd of thofe forenamed crimes ; and therfore cannot be worthy to hold their place in a Chriflian Family : yea, they themf-lves turn out themlclves and dilTolve that holy covenant. Andthey who are true Brethren and Sillers in the Lord, are no more in bondage to fuch violaters of Marriage. Tint here the patrons of wickednefs and diffolvers of Chriflian difcipline will ob- ject, that it is the part of Man and Wife tobear one another's crofs, whether in calamity or infamy, that they might gain each other, if not to a good name, yet to repentance and amendment. But they who thus object, fee k the impunity of wickednefs, and the favour of wicked Men, not the duties of true charity ; which prefers public honefly before private interefl, and had rather the remedies of wholefome punifhment appointed by God fhould be in ufe, than that by remifT- nefs, the licence of evil doing fhould encreafe. For if they who, by committing fuch offences, have made void the holy knot of Marriage, be capable of repentance, they will be fooner mov'd when due punifhment is executed on them, than when it is remitted. We mull ever beware, left in contriving what will be befl for the foul's health of Delinquents, we make ourfelves wiier and difcreeter than God. He that religioufiy Vol I. Pp weighs Z go T/je Jtidgihtnt of Martin Bpcer, weighs his Oracles concerning Marriage, cannot doubt that they who have con; mitced the forefaid tranfgreffions; have loft the right pf Matrimony, and are un- worthy to hold their dignity in an honeft and chriftian Family. But if any Huiband or Wife fee filth figrisof repentance in their tranfgreflbr, as that they doubt not to regain them by continuing with them, and partaking of their miferics and attaintures, they may be left to their own hopes, and their own mind, laving ever the right of Church and Commonwealth, that it receive no fcandal by the neglect of due fevericy, and their Children no harm by this invita- tion 10 licence, and want of good education. From ail thefii considerations, if they be thought on, as in rhe prefence of God, and out of his word, any one may perceive, who defires to determine of thefe thinc-s by the Scripture, that thofe caufes of lawful Divorce, which the moil reli- gious Emptors Tbeodcjias and Valent'mian fet forth in the forecited place, are ac- cording to the law of God, and the prime ir.ftitution of Marriage; and were ftill more and mere Jlraitetfd, as the Church and State of the Empire Jtill more and more corrupted and degenerated. Therfore pious Princes and Commonwealths both may and ought eftablifli them again, if they have a mindtoreftore the honour, fanctity, andreli.ion ofholywedloc to their people, and difentangle many consciences from a miferab'.e and perilous condition, to a chafte and honeit life. To thofe recited caufes wherforea "Wife might fend a Divorce to her Hufband, Juftinian added four more, Conjlit. ny. And four more, for which a Man might put away his Wife. Three other caufes were added in the Code de repudiis, 1. Jubemus. All which caufes are fo clearly contrary to the firft intent of Marriage, that they plainly diffolvc it. I fet them not down, king eafy to be found in the body of the civil Law. It was permitted alfo by Chriftian Emperors, that they who would divorce bv mutual confent, might without Impediment. Or if there were any difficulty at all in it, the law exprejfes thereof on., that it was only in favour of the children ; fothat if there were none, the law of thofe godly Emperors made no other difficulty of a Di- vorce by confent. Or if any were minded without confent of the other to divorce, and without thofe caufes which have bin nam'd, the Chriftian emperors laid no other punifhment upon them, than that the Huiband wrongfully divorcing his Wife, fhould give back her dowry, and the ufe of that which was called Donatio propter nuptias ; or if there were no dowry nor no donation, that he fhould then give her the fourth part of his goods. The like penalty was inflicted on the Wife departing without juft caufe. But that they who were once married, fhould be compell'd to remain fo ever againft their wills, was not exacted. Wherin thofe pious Princes follow'd the Law of God in Deut.xxW. i. and his exprefs charge by the Prophet Malachi to difmifs from him the Wife whom he hates. For God never meant in Marriage to give to Man a perpetual torment inftead of a meet-help. Neither can God approve that to the violation of this holy league (which is viola- ted as foon.as true affection ceafesand is loft) fhould be added murder, which is already committed by either of them whorefolvedly hates the other, as I fhew'd out of i John xv. Whofo hateth his Brother is a Murderer. CHAP. XLI. Whether the Htijband orlVife deferted, may ?narry to another. TH E Wife's defertion of her Huiband, the Chriftian Emperors plainly decreed to be a juft caufe of Divorce, whenas they granted him the right therof, if (he had but lain out one Night againft his will without probable caufe. But of the Man deferting his Wife they did not fo determine : Yet if we look into the word of God, we fliall find, that he who though but for a year without juft caufe for- fakes his Wife, andneither provides for her maintenance, r.or fignifies his purpofe of returning, and good-will towards her, whenas he may, hath forfeited his right in her fo forfaken. For the Spirit of God fpeaks plainly, that both Man and Wife havefuch power over one another's perfon, as that they cannot deprive each other of living together, but by confent, and tor a time. Hither may be added,thatthe holy Spirit grants defertion to be a caufe of Divorce, in thofe Anf. vers given to the Corinthians concerning a Brotheror Sifter deferted by a mifbeliever. If he depart, let him depart, a Brother or a Sifter is not under Bondage in fucb concerning Divorce. 291 fitch cafes. In which words, who fees not that the Holy Ghoft openly pronoun- ced, that the party without caufe defertcd, is not bound for another's wilful defer- tion ? But foine will fay, that this is fpoken of a mi/believer departing. But I befeech ye, doth not he reject the faith of Chrift in his deeds, who rafhly breaks the holy Covenant of Wedloc inftituted by God ? And befides this, the holy Spirit does not make the mifbelieving or him who departs, but the departing of him who mif- believes, to be the juft caufe of freedom to the Brother or Sifter. Since therfore it will be agreed among Chriftians, that they who depart from "Wedloc without juft caufe, do not only deny the faith of Matrimony, but of Chrift alfo, whatever they profefs with their Mouths-, it is but reafon to conclude, that the party deferted is not bound in cafe of cauflefs defertion, but that he may lawfully feek another confort, if it be needful to him, toward a pure and blamelefs con- version. CHAP. XLII. 'That Impotence of Body, Leprojy, Madnefs, Sec. are juft caufes of Divorce. G F this, becaufe itwas not difputedin the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce him that would know further, I commend to the Latin original. CHAP. XLIII. That to grant Divorce for all the caufes which have bin hitherto brought dij agrees not from the words of Chrift, naming only the cauje of Adultery. NO W we muft fee how thefe things can ftand with the words of our Saviour, who feems directly to forbid all Divorce except it be for Adultery. To the underftanding wherof, we muft ever remember this : That in the words of our Sa- viour there can be no contrariety : That his words and anfwers are not to be ftretch'd beyond the queftion propos'd : That our Saviour did not there purpofe to treat of all the caufes for which it might be lawful to divorce and marry a<*ain ; for then that in, the Corinthians of marrying again without guilt of Adultery could not be added. That it is not good for that Man to be alone, who hath not the fpecial gift from above. That it is good for every fuch one to be married, that he may ihun Fornication. With regard to thefe principles, let us fee what our Lord anfwer'd to the tempt- ing Pharifees about Divorce, and fecond Marriage, and how far his anfwerdoth, extend. Firft, no Man who is not very contentious, will deny that the Pharifees afk'd our Lord whether it were lawful to put away fuch a Wife, as was truly, and ac- cording to God's law, to be counted a Wife ; that is, fuch a one as would dwell with her Hufband,and both would and could perform thenecelTary duties of Wed- loc tolerably. But me who will not dwell with her Hufband, is not put away by him, but goes of herfelf : and flie who denies to be a meet-help, or to be fo hath made herfelf unfit by open Mifdemeanors, or through incurable Impotencies can- not be able, is not by the Law of God to be efteemed a Wife ; as hath bin fhewn both from the firft inftitution, and other places of Scripture. Neither certainly would the Pharifees propound a queftion concerning fuch an unconjugal Wife ; for their depravation of the Law had brought them to that pajs, as to think a Man had right to pit away his Wife for any caufe, though never fo flight. Since therfore it is manifeft that Chrift anfwer'd the Pharifees concerning a fit and meet Wife ac- cording to the Law of God, whom he forbid to divorce for any caufe but Forni- cation ; who fees not that it is a Wickednefs fo to wreft and extend that Anfwer of his, as if it forbade to divorce her who hath already forfaken, or hath loft the place and dignity of a Wife, by deferved infamy, or hath undertaken to be that which jhe hath not natural ability to be ? Th'is truth is fo powerful, that it hath mov'd the Papifts to grant their kind of Divorce forother caufes befides Adultery, as for ill ufage, and the not perform- ing of conjugal duty ; and to feparate from bed and board for thefe caufes, which is as much Divorce, as they grant for Adultery. , But forne perhaps will object, that though it be yielded that our Lord oranted Di- vorce not only for Adultery, yet it is not certain that he permitted Marriage after Vol. I. Pp 2 Divorce, 2p2 "The Judgment of Martin Buctr, Divorce, unlcfs for that only caufe. I anfwer, firft, that the Sentence of Divorce. ' and fecond Marriage, is one and the fame. So that when the right of Divorce is evine'd to belong not only to the caufe of Fornication, the power of fecond Marri-* a°-e is alfo prov'd to be not limited to that caufe only ; and that moft evidently, •whenas the Holy Ghoft, i Cor. vii. lb frees the deferted party from Bondage, as that he may not only fend a juft Divorce in cafe of Defertion, but may feek an- other Marriage. Laftly, Seeing God will not that any mould live in danger of Fornication and utter ruin for the default of another, and hath commanded the Hufband to fend away with a Bill of Divorce her whom he could not love ; it is impoflible that the charo-e of Adultery mould belong to him who for lawful caufes divorces and mar- ries or to her who marries after (he hath bin unjuftly rejected, or to him who re- ceives her without all fraud to the former wedioc. For this were a horrid blafphe- my againft God, fo to interpret his words, as to make him difTent from himlelf; for who fees not a fiat contradiction in this, to enthral bkmekfs Men and Women to miferies and injuries, under a falfe and foothing title of Marriage, and yet to declare by his Apoftle, that a Brother or Sifter is not under bondage in fuch cafes ? No lefs do thefe two things conflict with themfelves, to enforce the innocent and faultlefs to endure the pain and mifery of another's perverfenefs, or elfe to live in unavoidable temptation •, and to affirm elfewhere that he lays on no Man the bur- den of another Man's fin, nor doth conftrain any Man to the endangering of his Soul. CHAP. XLIV. I7jat to thofe alfo who arejuftly divore'd, fecond Marriage ought to be per- mitted. \H I S although it be well prov'd, yet becaufe it concerns only the Offender, I leave him to fearch out his own Charter himlelf in the Author. CHAP. XLV. That fomeperfons are fo ordain d to Marriage, as that they cannot obtain the gift of Continence, no not by earneji Prayer; and that therin every one is to be left to his cwn 'Judgment and Confcience, and not to have a burden laid upon him by any other. CHAP. XLVI. I7je Words of the Apoftle concerning the praife of : Jingle Life unfolded. IHESE two Chapters not fo immediately debating the right of Divorce, I chofe rather not to infert. CHAP. XLVII. The Ccnclufion of this Treatife. H E S E things, moft renowned King, I have brought together, both to ex- plain for what caufes the unhappy, but fometimes moft neceflary help of Divorce ought to be granted, according to God's Word, by Princes and Rulers : as alfo to explain how the words of Chrift do confent with fuch a grant. I have bin large indeed both in handling thofe Oracles of God, and in lay- ing down thofe certain principles, which he who will know what the mind of God is in this matter, mult ever think on and remember. But if we confider what mift and obfeurity hath bin pour'd out by Antichrift upon this queftion, and how deep this pernicious contempt of Wedioc, and admiration of fingle life, even in thofe who are not call'd therto, hath funk into many Men's perfuafions, I fear left all that hath bin laid, be hardly enough to perfuade fuch that they would ceafe at length to make themfelves wifer and holier than God himfelf, T comer mug Divorce. 203 •himfelf, in being fo fc-vere to grant lawful Marriage, and fo eafy to connive ac all, not only whoredoms,* but deflowcrings and adulteries : Whenas amorro- the peopleofGod, no whoredom was to be tolerated. Our Lord Jefus Chrift, who came to deftroy the works of Satan, fend down his Spirit upon all Clinicians, and principally upon Chriftian Governors both in Church and Commonwealth (for of the clear judgment of your royal Majefty I nothing doubt, revolving the Scripture fo often as ye do) that they may acknow- ledge how much they provoke the anger of God againft us, whenas all kind of unchaftity is tolerated, fornications and adulteries wink'd at : But holy and honour- able Wedloc is oft with-held by the mere perfuafion of Antichrift, from fuch as without this remedy, cannot preferve themfelves from damnation ! For none who hath but a fpark of honefty will deny that Princes and States ought to ufe dili- gence toward the maintaining of pure and honeft life among all Men, without which all Juftice, all fear ot God, and true Religion decays. And who knows not that chaftity and purenefs of life can never be reftor'd, or continued in the Commonwealth, unlefs it be firft eftablifh'd in private houfes, from whence the whole breed of Men is to come forth ? To effect this, no wife Man can doubt that it is neceffary for Princes and Magiftrates firft with feverity to punifh Whoredom and Adultery ; next to fee that Marriages be lawfully con- tracted, and in the Lord ;then that they be faithfully kept ; and laftly, when that unhappinefs urges, that they be lawfully diffolv'd, and other Marriage granted, according as the law of God, and of Nature, and Conftitutions of pious Princes have decreed •, as I have lliewn both by evident authorities of Scripture, together with the writings of the ancient Fathers, and other teftimonies. Only the Lord grant that we may learn to prefer his ever juft and faving Word, before the Com- ments of Antichrift, too deeply rooted in many, and the falfe and blafphemous Expofuion of our Saviour's words. Amen. A Postscript. THUS far Martin Bucer : Whom, where I might without injury to either part of the caufe, I deny not to have epitomized ; in the reft obferving a well-warranted rule, not to give an Inventory of fo many words, but to wei«-h their force. I could have added that eloquent and right Chriftian difcourfe, writ- ten by Erafmus on' this Argument, not difagreeing in effect from Bucer. But this I hope, will be enough to excufe me with the mere EngUjhman, to be no forger of new and loofe opinions. Others may read him in his own phrafe on the firft to the Corinthians, and eafe me who never could delight in long citations, much lefs in whole traductions ; whether it be natural difpofition or education in me, or that my Mother bore me a fpeaker of what God made mine own, and not a tranflator. There be others a'.fo whom I could reckon up, of no mean account in the Church (and Peter Martyr among the firft) who are more than half our own in this Con- rroverfy. But this is a providence not to be flighted, that as Bucer wrote this trac- tate of Divorce in England and for England, fo Erafmus profeffes he begun here among us the fame fubject, efpecially out of companion, for the need he law this Nation had of iome charitable redrefs herein ; and ferioufly exhorts others to ufe their belt induftry in the clearing of this point, wherin cuftom hath a greater fway than verity. That therfore which came into the mind of thefe two admired Arran- gers to do for England, and in a touch of higheft prudence which they took to be not yet rccover'd from monaftic fuperftition, if I a native am found to have done for mine own Country, altogether fuitably and conformly to their fo large and clear understanding, yet without the leaft help of theirs, I fuppofe that hence- forward among confcionable and judicious perfons, it will no more be thought to my difcredit, or at all to this Nation's difhonour. And if thefe their Books, the one mail be printed often with beft allowance in mod religious Cuies, the other with exprefs authority of Leo the tenth, a Pope, fhall for the propagating of truth, bepublifh'd and republifh'd, though againft the re ceiv'd opinion of that Church, and mine containing but the fame thing, fhall in a time of reformation, a time of free fpeaking, free writing, not find a per- miffion to the Prefs ; I refer me to wifeft Men, whether truth be fufter'd to be truth, or liberty to be liberty now among us, and be not again in danger of new fetters t 294 Sfik Judgment of Martin Bucer, &c. fetters and captivity after all our hopes and labours loft : and whether Learning \y? not (which our enemies too prophetically fear'd) in the way to be trodden down ao-ainby ignorance. Wherof while time is, out of the faith owing to God and my Country, I bid this Kingdom beware ; and doubt not but God who hath dig- nify'd this Parliament already to fo many glorious degrees, will alio give them (which is a Angular blefling) to inform themfelves rightly in the midft of an un- principled age •, and to prevent this working myftery of ignorance and ecclefi- aftical thraldom, which under new fhapes and difguifes begins a-frefh to grow upon us. €oU= -95 A Reply to a Namelefs Answer againft the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce. Wherin the trivial Author of that Anfwer is discovered, the Licenfer conferr'd with, and the Opinion which they tra- duce, defended. P R O V. xxvi. t, Anfwer a Fool according to his Folly, left he be wife in his own Conceit. AFTER many Rumours of Confutations and Convictions, forth-coming againft the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce, and now and then a by-blow from the Pulpit, feather'd with a cenfure ftrict indeed, but how true, more beholden to the Authority of that devout place which it borrow 'd to be uttered in, than to any found reafon which it could oracle j while I ftill hoped as for a bleffingto fome piece of diligence, or learned difcretion come from them, it was my hap at length, lighting on a certain parcel of Que- ries, that feekand find not, to find not feeking, at the tail of Anabaptiftical, An- tinomian, Heretical, Atheifiical Epithets, a jolly Slander, called Divorce at plea- furc. I ftood a- while and wonder'd, what we might do to a Man's heart, or what Anatomy ufe, to find in it fincerity ; for all our wonted Marks every day fail us, and where we thought it was, we fee it is not, for alter and change refidence it cannot fure. And yet I fee no good of Body or of Mind fecure to a Man for all his paft labours, without perpetual watchfulnefs and perfeverance. Whenas one above others, who hath fuffer'd much and long in the defence of Truth, fhall af- ter all this, give her caufe to leave him fo deltitute and fo vacant of her defence, as to yield his Mouth to be the common road of Truth and Falfhood, and fuch Falfhood as is joined with a rafh and heedlefs Calumny of his Neighbour. For what Book hath he ever met with, as his complaint is, Printed in the City, main- taining either in the title, or in the whole purfuance, Divorce at pkafure ? 'Tis true, that to divorce upon extreme necefiity, when through the perverfenefs, or the apparent unfitnefs of either, the continuance can be to both no good at all, but an intolerable injury and temptation to the wrong'd and the defrauded, to divorce then there is a Book that writes it lawful. And that this Law is a pure and whole- fome national Law, not to be with-held from good Men, becaufe others likely enough may abufe it to their pleafure, cannot be charged upon that Book, but muft be entred a bold and impious Accufation againft God himfelf ; who did not for this abufe with-hold it from his own people. It will be juft therfore, and beft for the reputation of him who in his Subitanes hath thus cenfured, to recall his Sentence. And i I out of the abundance of his Volumes, and the readinefs of his Quill, and the vaftnefs of his other Employments, efpecially in the great Audit for Accounts, he can fpare us aught to the better underftanding of this point, he (hall be thank'd in public ; and what hath offended in the Book, fhall willingly Cubmit to his correction. Provided he be fure not to come with thofe old and ftale Suppofitio'ns, unlefs he can take away clearly what that Difcourfe hath urged a- gainft them, by one Who will expect other Arguments to be perfuaded the good health of a found Anfwer, than the Gout and Dropfy of a big Margent, litterM and overlaid with crude and huddled Quotations. But as I ftill was waiting, when thefe light-armed Refuters would have done pelting at their three Lines ut- tered with a f.ige delivery of no Reafon, but an impotent and worfe than Bonner- Iike Cenfure, to burn that which provokes them to a fairdifpute; at length a Book was brought to my hands, entitled, An Anfwer to theDottrine cvd Difcipline of 'Divorce ; Gladly 20 5 A Re p l y to an Anfucer again fl the Gladly I received it, and very attentively compofed myfeff to read ; hoping that now fome good Man had vouchfafed the pains to inftruct me better, than I could yet learn our. of all the Volumes which for this purpofe I had vifited. Only rhis I marvell'd, and other Men have fince, whenas I, in a fubjedt fo new to this Age, jfnd fo hazardous to pleafe, concealed not my Name, why this Author, defend- ing that part which is fo creeded by the People, would conceal his. But ere I could enter three leaves into the Pamphlet, (for I defer the pleafant rutlenefs, which by the licenfer's leave I met with afterwards) my fatisfaclion came in abundantly, that it could be nothing why he durft not name himfelf, but the guilt of his own wrctchednefs. For firft, not to fpeakof his abrupt; and bald beginning, his very firft Page notorioufly bewrays him an illiterate and arrogant prefu-mer in that which heunderftandsnot, bearing us in hand as if he knew both Greek and He- brew, and is not able to fpell it •, which had he been, it had been either written as. it ought, or l'cor'd upon the Printer. If it be excufed as the careleflhefs of his de- putyfbe it known, the learned Author himfelf is inventoried, and fumm'd up to the utmoft value of his Livery-Cloak. Whoever he be, though this to fome may feem a flight Conteft, I mail yet continue to think that Man full of other fecret injuftice, and deceitful pride, who {hall offer in public to afiume the fkilf, though* it be but of a Tongue which he hath not, and would catch his Readers to believe of his ability, that which is not in him. The Licenfer indeed,, as his Authority now ftands, may licenfe much •, but if thefe Greek Orthographies- wene of his Li- cenftng, the Boys, at School might reckon with him at his Grammar. Nor did f find this his want of the pretended Languages alone, but accompanied with fuch a low and home-ipun Expreflion of his Mother- Englifi all along, without joint orframe, as made me ere I knew further of him, often Hop and conclude, that this Author could for certain be no other than fome Mechanic. Nor was the ft He flat andrude, and the matter grave and folid, for then there had bin pardon ;. but fb iliallow and founwary was that alibi as gave fufEciently the character of a grofs and fluggifh, yet a contentious' and over-weaning pretender. For firft, it behoving him to {hew, as he promifes, what Divorce is, and what the true Doctrine and Difcipline therof, and this being to. do by fuch principles and proofs as are receiv'd on both fides, he performs neither of thefe; but {hews it firft from the Judaical practice, which he • himfeif difallows, and next from the practice of Canon Law, which the Book he would confute utterly rejects* and all Laws depending theron •, Which this puny CJerk calls the Laws of England, and yet pronounceth them by an Ecclefiaftical" Judge : as if that were to.be accounted the Law of England, which dependeth on she Popery of England ; or if it were, this Parlament he might know hath now danhn'd that Judicature. So that whether his meaning, were to inform his own Party, or to confute his Adverfary, inftead of mewing us the true Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce, he {hews us nothing but his own contemptible Ignorance. For what is the Mofaic Law to his Opinion? And what is the Canon, utterly now antiquated, either to that, or to mine I Yefee already what a faithful Definer we have of him. From fuch a wind Egg of definition as. this, they who expect any of his other Arguments to be well hatch'd, let them enjoy the virtue of their worthy Champion. But one thing more Iobferv'd, a Angular note of his ftupidity, and that his trade is not to meddle with Books, much lefs with Confutations; whenas the Doctrine of Divorce had now a whole Year bin publifh'd the fecond time, with many Arguments added,, and the former ones bettered and confirmed, this idle Pamphlet comes reeling forth againft the firft Edition only, as may appear toany by the Pages quoted ; which put me in mind of what by chance I had notice of to this purpofe the laft Summer, as nothing fo ferious but happens oft-times to be attended with a ridiculous accident : It was then told me that the Doctrine of Di- vorce was anfwered, and the Anfwer half printed againft the firft Edition, not by one, but by a pack of Heads ; of whom the chief, by circumftance, was intimated to me, andfince ratified to be no other, if any can hold laughter, and I am fure none will guefs him lower than an actual Serving-man. This Creature, for the ftory mull on, (and what though he be the loweft perfon of an Inter- lude, he may deferve a canvafling) tranfplanted himfelf, and to the improve- ment of his Wages, and your better notice of his Capacity, turned Soli- citor. And having converfed much with a {tripling Divine or two of thefe ncwly-fledg'd Probationers, that ufually come lcouting from the Univerfity, and lie here no lame Legers to pop into the Retbejda of fome Knight's Chapiainfhip, where they bring Grace to his good Cheer, but no Peace or Benediction elfe to his Houfe ; thefe made the Cham-party, he contributed the Law, and both joined in, the Divinity. V/hichmade me intend, following the advice alfo of friends, to lay afide the Do&rine and Difcipline o/Divorce. 29 7 the thought of mifpending a Reply to the Buz of fucha Drone's neft. But finding that it lay, whatever was the matter, half a year after unfinifhed in the Prefs, and hearing for certain that a Divine of note, out of his good-will to the Opinion, had taken it into his Revife, and fomethinghad putout, fomething put in, and ftruck it here and there with a clove of his own Calligraghy to keep it from tainting : And farther, when I faw the Stuff, though very coarfe and threadbare, garnifli'd and trimly faced with the commendations of a Licenfer, I refolv'd, fo foon as leifure granted me the recreation, thatmy Man of Law fhould not altogether lofe his So- liciting. Although I impute a fhare of the making to him whofe Name I find in the Approbation, who may take, as his Mind ferves him, this Reply. In the mean while it fhall be feen, I refufe no Occafion, and avoid no Adversary, either to maintain what I have begun, or to give it up for better reafon. To begin then with the Licenfer and his Cenfure. For a Licenfer is not content- ed now to give his fingle Imprimatur, but brings his Chair into the Title-leaf ; there fits and judges up, or judges down what Book he pleafes : If this be fuffered, what worthlefs Author, or what cunning Printer will not be ambitious of fucJi a ftaletoput off the heavieft geer •, which may in time bring in round Fees to the Licenfer, and wretched misleading to the People ? But to the matter : he approves the publifhing of this Book, to preferve the ftrength and honour of Marriage a- gainft thole fad breaches and dangerous abufes of it. Belike then the wrongful fufFering of all thofc fad breaches and abufes in Marriage to a remedilefs thral- dom, is the ftrength and honour of Marriage -, a boifterous and beftial Strength, a difhonourable Honour, an infatuated Doctrine, worfe than the Salvo jure of tyrannizing, which we all fight againft. Next he faith, that common Difcontents make thefe Breaches in unftaid Minds, and Men given to change. His words may be apprehended, as if they difallowed only to divorce for common Difcontents, in unftaid Minds, having no caufe, but a defire of change, and then we agree. But if he take all Difcontents on this fide Adultery, to be common, that is to fay, not difficult to endure, and to aftecT: only unftaid Minds, it might adminifter juft caufe to think him the unfitteft Man that could be, to offer at a * Comment upon, Job -, as feeming by this to have no more true fenfe of a good Man in his afflicti- r ' ar ^ ' ons, than thofe Edomiti/h friends had, of whom Job complains, and againft whom God teftifies his anger. Shall a Man of your own Coat, who hath efpoufed his Flock, and reprefents Chrift more, in being the true Hufband of his Congrega- tion, than an ordinary Man doth in being the Hufband of his Wife, and yet this reprefentment is thought a chief caufe why Marriage muft be infeparable ; fhall this fpiritual Man ordinarily for the increafeof his maintenance, or any flight caufe, forfake that wedded Cure of Souls, that fhould bedeareft to him, and marry ano- ther and another? And fhall not a Perfon wrongfully afflicled, and perfecuted even to extremity, forfake an unfit, injurious, and peftilent Mate, tied only by a civil andflefhly Covenant? If you be a Man fo much hating Change, hate that other Change ; if yourfelf be not guilty, counfel your Brethren to hate it ; and leave to be the fupercilious Judge of other Men's Miferies and Changes, that your own be not judged. The reafonsof your licenfed Pamphlet, you fay, are good ; they muft be better than your own then, I fhall wonder elfe how fuch a trivial fellow was accepted and commended, to be the confuter of fo dangerous an Opi- nion as ye give out mine. Now therfore to your Attorney, fince no worthier an Adverfary makes his Ap- pearance, nor this neither hisAppearance, but lurking under the fafety of his name- lefs obfcurity ; fuch as ye turn him forth at the Poftern, I muft accept him, and in a better temper than Jjax, do mean to fcourge this Ram for yt, till I meet with his Ulyjfes. He begins with Law, and we have it of him as good, cheap as any Huckfter at Law, newly fetup, can poffibly afford, and as impertinent; but for that he hath receiv'd his hanfel. He prefumes alio to cite the Civil Law, which I perceive, by his citing, never came within his Dormitory ; yet what he cites, makes but againft himfeif. His fecond thing therfore, is to refute the adverfe Pofuion, and very methodi- cally, three Pages before he lets it down ; and fets his own in the place, That dif- agreement of Mind or Difpofition, though fhewing itfelf in much fharpnefs, is not by the Law of God or Man a juft caufe of Divorce. To this Pofition Ianfwer ; That it lays no battery againft mine, no nor fomuchaj faces it, but tacks about long ere it come near, like a harmlefs and refpectful Con- futement. For I confefs that difagreement of Mind or Difpofition, though in much Vol. I. Q_ °i fliarpnejs, 20 8 A R e p l Y to an Anfaer again ft the fharpnefs, is not always a juft caufe of Divorce ; for much may be endured. But what if the fharpnefs be much more than his much ? To that point it is our mif- hap we have not here his grave decifion. He that will contradict the Pofition which I alledg'd, muft hold that no difagreement of Mind or Diipofition can di- vorce, though ftiewn in moft fharpnefs •, otherwife he leaves a place for Equity to appoint limits, and fo his following Arguments will either not prove his own Pofition, or not difprove mine. His firft Argument, all but what hobbles to no purpofe, is this ; Where the Scripture commands a thing to be done, it appoints when, how, and for what, as in the cafe of Death, or Excommunication. But the Scripture direfts not what mea- fure of difagreement or contrariety may divorce ; Therfore the Scripture allows not any Divorce for difagreement. • Anfw. Firft, I deny your Major ; the Scripture appoints many things, and yet leaves the circumftance to Man's difcretion, particularly in your own Examples; Excommunication is not taught when, and for what to be, but left to the Church. How could the Licenfer let pafs this childifh ignorance, and call it good ? Next, in matters of Death, the LaWs of England, wherof you have intruded to bean opiniaftrous Sub-advocate, and are bound to defend them, conceive it not enjoin- ed in Scripture, when or for what caufe they fhall put to death, as in Adultery, Theft, and the like. Your Minor alio is falfe, for the Scripture plainly fets down for what meafure of difagreement a Man may divorce, Deut. xxiv. i. Learn better what that phrafe means, if foe find no favour in bis eyes. Your fecond Argument, without more tedious fumbling, is briefly thus : If Diverfity in Religion, which breeds a greater diflike than any natural difagree- ment, may not caufe a Divorce, then may not the lefler difagreement : But diver- fity of Religion may not ; Ergo. Anfw. Firft, I deny in the Major, that diverfity of Religion breeds a greater diflike to Marriage-duties, than natural Difagreement. For between Ifraelite, or Chriftian and Infidel, more often hath been feen too much love : but between them who perpetually clafh in natural Contrarieties, it is repugnant that there fliould be ever any married Love or Concord. Next, I deny your Minor, that it is com- manded not to divorce in diverfity of Religion, if the Infidel will flay : for that place in St. Paul commands nothing, as that Book at large affirmed, though you over-fkipt it. Secondly, If it do command, it is but with condition that the Infidel be content, and well-pleafed to ftay, which cuts off the fuppofal of any great hatred or dif- qtiiet between them, feeing the Infidel had liberty to depart atpleafure ; and fo this companion avails nothing. Your third Argument is from Deut. xxii. If a Man hate his Wife, and raife an ill report, that he found her no Virgin ; if this were falfe, he might not put her away, though hated never fo much. Anfvoer. This was a malicious hatred, bent againft her Life, or to fend her out of doors without her Portion. Such a hater lofes by due punifhment that privilege, Deut. xxiv. i. to divorce for a natural Diflike •, which though it could not love conjugally, yetfent away civiliy, and with juft conditions. But doubtlefs the Wife in that former cafe had liberty to depart from her falfe Accufer, left his hatred fliould prove mortal; elfe that Law peculiarly made to right the Woman, had turned to her greateft mifchief. Your fourth Argument •, One Chriftian ought to bear the infirmities of another, but chiefly ofhis Wife. Ankver. I grant infirmities, but not outrages, nor perpetual defraudments of trueft conjugal fociety, not injuries and vexations as importunate as fire. Yet to endure very much, might do well an Exhortation, but not a compulfive Law. For the Spirit of God himfelf, by Solomon, declares that fuch a Confort the Earth cannot bear, and better dwell in a corner of the Houfe-top, or in the Wil- dernefs. Burthens may be borne, but ftill with confideration to the ftrength of an honeft Man complaining. Charity indeed bids us forgive our Enemies, yet doth not force us to continue friendfhip and familiarity with thofe friends who have been falfe or unworthy towards us ; but is contented in our peace with them, at a fair diftance. Charity commands not the Hufband to re- ceive again into his Bofom the adulterous Wife, but thinks it enough, if he dif- mifs her with a beneficent and peaceful Difmiffion. No more doth Charity com- mand ; nor can her Rule compel, to retain in neareft Union of Wcdlcc, one whofe other grofTeft faults, or difabilities to perform what was covenanted, are the juft cau- fes Docfrine and DifcipBnc o/Divorce. 200 fesof as much grievance anddiffenfion in a Family, as the private Acl: of Adulte- ry. Let not therfore, under the name of fulfilling Charity, fuch an unmerciful and more than legal Yoke, be padlock'd upon the Neck of any Chriftian. Your fifth Argument : If the Hufband ought to love his Wife, as Chrift his Church, then ought fhe not to be put away for contrariety of Mind. Anfwer. This Similitude turns againft him: For if the Hufband muft be as Chrift to the Wife, then mult the Wife be as the Church to her Hufband. If there be a perpetual contrariety of Mind in the Churchtoward Chrift, Chrift him- felf threatens to divorce fuch a Spoufe, and hath often done it. If they uro-e this was no true Church, I urge again that was no true Wife. His fixth Argument is from Matth. v. 32. which he expounds after the old fafhion, and never takes notice of what I brought againft that Expedition ; let him therfore feek his Anfwer there. Yet can he not leave this Argument, but he muft needs fir ft fhew us a curvet of his madnefs, holding out an Objection, and Tun- ing himfeif upon the point. For, faith he, if Chrift except no Caufe but Adultery, then all other Caufes, as Frigidity, inceftuous Marriage, &c. are no Caufes of Divorce •, and anfwers, That the Speech of Chrift holds univerfally, as he intend- ed it ; namely, to condemn fuch Divorce as was groundlefly praftifed amono the Jezvs, for every caufe which they thought fufficient, not checking the Law of Confanguinities or Affinities, or forbidding other Caufe which makes Marriage void, ipfofafio. Anfta. Look to it now, you be not found taking Fees on both fides •, for if you once bring Limitations to the univerfal Words of Chrift, another will do as much with as good Authority ; and affirm, that neither did he check the Law, Deut. xxiv. 1. nor forbid the Caufes that make Marriage void actually ; which if any thing in the World doth, Unfitnefs doth, and Contrariety of Mind ; yea, more than Adultery, for that makes not the Marriage void, not much more un- fit, but for the time, if the offended Party forgive. But Unfitnefs and Contrari- ety fruftrat.es and nullifies for ever, unlefs it be a rare chance, all the good and peace of wedded Converfation -, and leaves nothing between them enjoyable, but a prone and favage Necefiity, not worth the name of Marriage, unaccompanied with Love. Thus much his own Objection hath done againft himfeif. Argument 7th. He infifts, that Man and W 7 ife are one flefh, therfore muft not feparate. But muft be fent to look again upon the * 35th Page of that Book, * p where he might read an Anfwer, which he ftirs not. Yet can he not abftain, buthe Edition' muft do us another pleafure ere he goes ; although I call the Common Pleas to witnefs, I have not hired his Tongue, whatever Men may think by his arguing. For befides Adultery, he excepts other Caufes which diflblve the Union of being; one flefh, either directly, or by confequence. If only Adultery be excepted by our Saviour, and he voluntarily can add other Exceptions that diflblve that Union both directly and by confequence, thefe Words of Chrift, the main Obftacle of Divorce, are open to us by his own Invitation, to include whatever Caufes diffolve that Union of Flefh, either directly or by confequence. Which, till he name o- ther Caufes more likely, I affirm to be done fooneft by Unfitnefs and Contrariety of Mind •, for that induces Hatred, which is the greateft Diflblver both of fpiri- tual and corporal Union, turning the Mind, and confequently the Body, to other Objedts. Thus our doughty Adverfary, either directly or by confequence, yields us the queftion with his own Mouth ; and the next thing he does, recants it aouin. His 8th Argument fhivers in the uttering, and he confefieth to be not over-con- fident of it; but of the reft it may be fworn he is. St. Paul, iCor. vii. faith, that the married have trouble in theflejh ; therfore we muft bear it, though never ib into- lerable. • I anfwer, If this be a true confequence, why are not all Troubles to be born alike ? Why are we fuffered to divorce Adulteries, Defertions, or Frigidities ? Who knows not that Trouble and Affliction is the Decree of God upon every ftate of Life ? Follows it therfore, that though they grow exceflive and infuppor- table, we muft not avoid them ? If we may in all other Conditions, and not in Marriage, the doom of our fuffering ties us not by the Trouble, but by the Bond of Marriage ; and that muft be proved infeparable from other Reafons, not from this place. And his own Confeflion declares the weaknefs of this Argument, yet his ungovern'd Arrogance could not be difluaded from venting it. Vol. I. O^q 2 His a J oo A R E p L Y ta an A n s w e r againft the His 9th Argument is, that a Hufband muft love his Wife as himfelf ; therfore he may not divorce for any Difagreement, no more than he may feparate Ids Soul from his Body. I anfwer : If he love his Wife as himfelf, he muft love her fo far as he may pre- fervehim to her in a cheerful and comfortable manner, and not fo as to ruin him- felf by Angui 111 and Sorrow, without any benefit to her. Next, if the Hufband muft love his Wife as himfelf, fhe muft be underftood a Wife in fome reafonable meafure, willing and fufficient to perform the chief Duties of her Covenant, elfe by the hold of this Argument, it would be his great Sin to divorce either for Adu - tery or Defertion. The reft of this will run circuit with the Union of one Flefh, which was anfwered before. And that to divorce a Relative and Metaphorical Union of two Bodies into one Flefh, can't be liken'd in all things to the dividing of that natural Union of Soul and Body into one Perfon, is apparent of itfeJ'f. His Lift Argument he fetches from the inconvenience that would follow upon this freedom of Divorce, to the corrupting of Men's minds, and the overturnino- of all human Society. But for me, let God and Mofes anfwer this Blafphemer, who dares bring in fuch a foul Indictment againft the Divine Law. Why did God permit this to his peo- pe the Jews, but that the Right and Good which came directly therby, was more in his eltcem, than the Wrong and Evil which came by accident ? And lor thofe weak Suppofes of Infants that would be left in their Mothers Belly (which muft needs be good News for Chamber-maids to hear a Serving-man grown io provi- dent for great Bellies) and Portions and Jointures likely to incur imbezlement hereby, the ancient Civil Law inftrueds us plentifully how to award, which our profound Oppofite knew not, for it was not in his Tenures. His Arguments are fpun ; now follows the Chaplain with his Antiquities, wi- fer if he had refrained, tor his very touching aught that is learned, foils it, and lays him ftill more and more open, a confpicuous Gull. There being both Fa- thers and Councils more ancient, wherwith to have ferved hispurpofe better than with what he cites, how may we do to know the fubtle drift that moved him to begin firft with the twelfth' Council of Toledo ? I would not undervalue the depth of his Notion ; but perhaps he had heard that the Men of Toledo had ftore of good Blade Mettle, and were excellent at Cutling: Who can tell but it might be the reach of his policy, that thefe able Men of Decifion would do beft to have the prime ftroke among his Teftimonies in deciding this caufe ? But all this craft a- vails him not •, for feeing they allow no cauie of Divorce but Fornication, what do thefe keen Doctors here, but cut him over the Sinews with their Toledo's, for holding in the precedent Page other Caufes of Divorce befides, both directly and by confequence ? As evil doth that Saxon Council, next quoted, beftead him. For if it allow Divorce precifely for no caufe but Fornication, it thwarts his own Ex- pofition : and if it underftand Fornication largely, it fides with whom he would confute. However, the Authority of that Synod can be but final], beino- under Theodorus, the Canterbury Bifhop, a Grecian Monk of Tarfus> revolted from his own Church to the Pope. What have we next ? The Civil Law fluffed in between two Councils, as if the Code had been fome Synod ; forthathe underftood him- felf in this Quotation, is incredible; where the Law, Cod. I. 3. tit. 38. leg. 11. fpeaks not of Divorce, but againft the dividing of Pofleffions to divers Heirs wherby the married Servants of a great Family were divided, perhaps into dif- tant Countries and Colonies ; Father from Son, Wife from Hufband, fore againft their will. Somewhat lower he confefieth, that the Civil Law allows many Rea- fons of Divorce, but the Canon Law decrees otherwife ; a fair credit to his caufe * And I amaze me, though the fancy of this Doubt be as obtufe and fad as anv Mallet, how the Licenier could deep out all this, and fuft'er him to uphold his O- piiuon by Canons and Gregorial Decretals ; a Law which not only his Adverfary, but the whole Reformation of this Church and State hath branded and rejected. As ignorantly, and too ignorantly to deceive any Reader but an unlearned, he talks of Juftin Martyr's Apology, not telling us which of the twain •, for that pafia»- e in the beginning of his firft, which I have cited elfcwhere, plainly makes a°-ainft him : So cloth Tertullian, cited next, and next Erafarus, the one againft Marcion the other in his Annotations on Matthew, and to the Corinthians. And thus ye have the Lift of his choice Antiquities, as pleafantly chofen as ye would wifh from a Man of his handy Vocation, puffed up with no luck at all, above the flint of his capacity. Now Doctrine and Difcipline o/Divorce. 301 Now he comes to the Pcfition, whichl fee down whole ; and like an able Text- man, fiirs it into four, that he may the better come at it with his Barber-Surgery, and his Sleeves turned up. Wherin firft, he denies that any Difpofition, Unfit- nefs, or Contrariety of Mind, is unchangeable in Nature, but that by the help of Diet and Phyfic, it may be altered. I mean not to difpute Philofophy with this Pork, who never read any. But I appeal to all Experience, though there be many drugs to purge thefe redundant Humours and Circulations, that commonly impair Health, and are not natural whether any Man ran with the fafety of his life bring a healthy Conftitution into Phyfic with this defign, to alter his natural temperament and difpofition of Mind. How much more vain and ridiculous would it be, by altering and rooting up the Grounds of Nature, which is inoft likely to produce Death or Madnefs, to hope the reducing of a Mind to this or that fitnefs, or two difagreeing Minds to a mu- tual Sympathy ? Nuppofe tin y might, and that with great danger of their Lives and right Senfes, alter one temperature, how can they know that the fucceedino- Difpofition will not be as far from Fitnefs and Agreement ? They would perhaps change Melancholy into Sanguine ; but what if Phlegm and Choler in as great a meafurecome inftead, the Unfitnefs will be ftill as difficult and troublefome ? But lallly, whether thefe things be changeable or not, Experience teaches us, and our Pofuion fuppofes that they feldom do change in any time commenfurable to the Neceffities of Man, or convenient to the Ends of Marriage ; and if the fault be in the one, fhall the other live all his days in Bondage and Mifery for another's perverfenefs, or immedicable difaffecdion ? To my friends, of which may feweft be fo unhappy, I have a Remedy, as they know, more wife and manly to pre- fer i be : but for his Friends and Followers (of which many may deferve juftly to feel themfelves the unhappinefs which they confider not in others) I fend them by his advice to fit upon the Stool and (train, till their crofs Difpofitions and Contra- rieties of Mind fhall change to a better correfpondence, and to a quicker apprehen- fion of common fenfe, and their own good. Hisfecond Reafon is as heedlefs •, becaufe that Grace may change the Difpofi- tion, therfore no Indifpofitionmay caufe Divorce. Jnfw. Firft, it will not be deniable that many perfons, gracious both, may yet happen to be very unfitly married to the great difturbance of either. Secondly, What if one have Grace, theother not, and will not alter, as the Scriptures teftify there be of thofe, in whom we may expect a change, when the Black-a-moor chan- ges his colour, or the Leopard his Spots, Jer. xiii. 23. Shall the gracious therfore dwell in torment all his life for the ungracious ? We fee that holieft Precepts, than which there can no better Phyfic be adminiftred to the mind of Man, and fet on with powerful preaching, cannot work this cure, no not in the Family, not in the Wile of him that preaches day and night to her. What an unreafonable thino- it is, that Men, and Clergymen efpecially, fhould exact flich wondrous changes in another Man's Houfe, and are ieen to work fo little in their own ? To the fecond Point of the Pofition, That this Unfitnefs hinders the main Ends and Benefits of Marriage ; he anfwers, if I mean the Unfitnefs of Choler, or fullen Difpofition, that/0// words, according to Solomon, pacify wrath. Bat I reply, That the faying of Solomon is a Proverb, frequently true, not uni- verially, as both the Event fhevvs, and many other Sentences written by the fame Author, particularly of an evil Woman, Prov. xxi. 9, 19. and in other Chapters, that (he is better fhunn'd than dwelt with, and a Defert is preferr'd before her So- ciety. What need the Spirit of God put this choice into our heads, if foft words could always take effect with her ? How frivolous is not only this Difputer, but he that taught him thus, and let him come abroad ? To his fecond Anfwer I return this, That although there be not eafily found fuch an Antipathy, as to hate one another like a Toad or Poifon -, yet that there is oft fuch a diflike in both, or either, to conjugal Love, as hinders all the comfort of Matrimony, fcarceanycan be fo fimp'eas not to apprehend. And what can be that favour, found or not found, in the eyes of the Hufband, but a natural Likino- orDifiiking •, wherof the Law of God, Deut. xxiv. bears witnefs, as of an ordinary Accident, and determines wifely and divinely therafter. And this dilfatisfaclion happening to be in the one, not without the unfpeakable difcorrifort of the other, mult he be left like a thing confecrated to Calamity and Defpair, without re- demption? Againft 302 A R e P L y to an A n s w e r agahijl the A°-ainft the third Branch of the Pofition, he denies that Solace and Peace, which is contrary to Difcord and Variance, is the main end of Marriage. What then ? He will have it the Solace of Male and Female. Came this Doctrine out of fome School or fome Sty ? Who but one forfaken of all Senfe and civil Nature, and chiefly of Chriftianity, will deny that Peace, contrary to Difcord, is the Calling and the General End of every Chriftian, and of all his Actions, and more especial- ly of Marriage, which is the deareft. League of Love, and the deareft Refem- blance of that" Love which in Chrift is deareft to his Church ? How then can Peace and Comfort, as it is contrary to Difcord, which God hates to dwell with, not be the main end of Marriage ? Difcord then we ought to fly, and to purfue Peace, far above the obfervance of a civil Covenant already broken, and the breaking daily iterated on the other fide. And what better Tefiimony than the words of the Inftitution itfelf, to prove that a converting Solace and peaceful Society, is the prime end of Marriage, without which noother Help or Office can be mutual, be- feemina the Dignity ofreafonable Creatures, that fuch as they fhould be coupled in the Rites of Nature by the mere compulfion of Luft, without Love or Peace, worfe than wild Beafts ? Nor was it half fo wifely fpoken as fome deem, though Auftin ipake it, that if God had intended other than Copulation in Marriage, he would for Adam have created a Friend, rather than a Wife, to converfe with, and our own Writers blame him for this opinion': for which and the like paffages, con- cerning Marriage, he might be juftly taxed of Rufticity in thefe affairs. For this cannot but be with t afe conceived, that there is one fociety of grave Friendffiip, and another amiable and attractive Society of conjugal Love, befides the deed of Procreation, which of itfelf foon cloys, and is defpifed, unlefs it be cherifh'd and re- incited with a pleafing Converiation. Which if ignoble and fwainifh Minds cannot apprehend, fhall fuch merit therfore to be the Cenfurers of more generous and vertuous Spirits ? Againft the laft Point of the Pofition, to prove that Contrariety of Mind is not a greater caufe of Divorce than corporal Frigidity, he enters into fuch a tedious and drawling tale of Burning, and Burning, and Luft and Burning, that the dull Argument itfelf burns too for want of ftirring -, and yet all this Burning is not able to expel the Frigidity of his Brain. So long therfore as that Caufe in the Pofition fhall be proved a fufficient caufe of Divorce, rather than fpend words with this fieamy Clod of an Antagonift, morethan of neceffity and a little merriment, I will not now contend whether it be a greater Caufe than Frigidity or no. His next attempt is upon the Arguments which I brought to prove the Pofition. And for the firft, not finding it of that ftrufture as to be fcaled with his fhort Lad- der he retreats with a Bravado, that it deferves no Anfwer. And I as much won- der what the whole Book deferved, to be thus troubled and folicited by fuch a paltry Solicitor. I would he had not calt the gracious Eye of his Duncery upon the fmall Deferts of a Pamphlet, whofe every Line meddled with, uncafes him to Scorn and Laughter. That which he takes for the fecond Argument, if he look better, is no Argu- ment, but an Induction to thofe that follow. Then he ftumblesthat I fhould fay, the o-entleft ends of Marriage, confeffing that he underftands it not. And I believe him heartily : For how fhould he, a Serving-man both by Nature and by Function, an Idiot by breeding, and a Solicitor by Prefumption, ever come to know or feel within himfelf what the meaning is of gentle? He blames it for a neat Phrafe, for nothing angers him more than his own proper Contrary. Yet altogether withour Art lure he is not •, for who could havedevifed to give us more briefly a better defcriptionof his own Servility ? But what will become now of the Bufinefs I know not •, for the Man is fudden- ly taken with a Lunacy of Law, and fpeaks Revelations out of the Attorney's A - cademy only from a lying Spirit : For he fays, that where a thing is void ip/o fac- to, there needs no legal Proceeding to make it void ; which is falfe, for Marriage is void by Adultery or Frigidity, yet not made void without legal Proceeding. Then afks my Opinion of John-a-Noaks and Jobn-a Stiles : And I anfwer him, that I, for my part, think John Dory was a better Man than both of them ; for certainly they were the greateft Wranglers that ever lived, and have fill'd all our Law-books with the obtunding Story of their Suits and Trials. After this he tells a miraculous piece of Antiquity, how two Romans, Titus andSemproitius, made Feoffments, at Rome fure, and levied Forces by the Common Law. But now his fit of Law paft,yet hardly come to himfelf, he maintains,thatifMar- riage be void, as being neitherof God nor Nature, there needs no legal proceedingto part Doctrine and Difcipline (/Divorce. 305 part it, and I tell him that offends not me ; Then, quoth he, this is nothino- to your Book, being the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce. But that I deny htm • for all Difcipline is not Legal, that is to fay, Juridical* but fome is Perfonal, fome CEconomicaJ, and fome Ecclefiaftical. Laftly, If I prove that contrary Difpofitions are joined neither of God nor Na- ture, and fo the Marriage void, he will give me the controverfy. I have proved it in that Book to any wife Man, and without more ado the Inftitution proves it Where I anfwer an objection ufually made, that the Difpofuion ou»ht to be known before Marriage, and mew how difficult it is to chufe a fit Confort and how eafy to miftake •, the Servitor would know what I mean by Converfation de- claring his Capacity nothing refined fince his Law-puddering, but ftill the fame it was in the Pantry, and at the Dreffer. Shall I argue of Converfiuion with this Hoyden, to go and praftife at his opportunities in the Larder ? To Men of Qua- lity I have faid enough; and Experience confirms by daily Example that wifeftj fobereft, jufteft Men are fometimes miferably miftaken in their choice. Whom to leave thus without remedy, toft and tempeftcd in amoft unquiet Sea of Afflic- tions and Temptations, I fay is moft unchriftianly. But he goes on to untrufs my Arguments, imagining them his Matter's Points. Only in the paffage following, I cannot but admire the ripenefs, and the pre°-- nance of his native treachery, endeavouring to be more a Fox than his wit will fuf- fer him. Wheras I briefly mentioned certain Heads of difcourfe, whichlreferr'd to a place more proper according to my Method, to be treated there at full with all their Reafons about them, this Brain-worm againft all the Laws of difpute, will needs deal with them here. And as a Country Hind, fometimes ambitious to fhewhis bet- ters that he is not fo Ample as you take him, and that he knows his advantages will teach us a new trick to confute by. And would you think to what a pride he fwells in the Contemplation of his rare ftratagem, offering to carp at the Lan- guage of a Book, which yet he confelfes to be generally commended ; while him- felf will be acknowledged by all thatread him, the bafeft andthehunoreft indio-h- ter, that could take the boldnefs to look abroad. Obferve now the Arrogance of a Groom, how it will mount. I had written that common Adultery is a thino- which the rankeft politician would think it fhame and difworfhip, that his Law fliould countenance. Firft, it offends him, that rankeft fhould fignify au^ht but his own fmcll ; who that knows EngliJJj would not underftand me, when I fay a rank Serving-man, a rank Pettifogger, to mean a mere Serving-man, a mere and arrant Pettifogger, who lately was fo hardy, as to lay afide his Buckram-wal- let, and make himfelf a Fool in Print, with confuting Books which are above him ? Next, the word Politician is not ufed to his Maw, and therupon he plays the moft notorious Hobby-borfe* jefting and frifking in the Luxury of his Non- fenfe with fuch poor fetches to cog a laughter from us, that no antic Hob-nail at a Morris, but is more handfomely facetious. Concerning that place Dent. xxiv. i . which he faith to be the main Pillar of my Opinion, though I rely more on the Inftitution than on that : Thefe two Pillars I do indeed confefs are to me as thofe two in the Porch of the Temple, Jachin and Boaz, which names import Eftablifliment and Strength ; nor do I fear who can fhake them. The Expofition of Dent, which I brought, is the received Expofi- tion, both ancient and modern, by all Learned Men, unlefs it be a Monkifh Pa- pift here and there : and the Glofs which he and his obfeure Affiftant would per- fuade us to, is merely new and abfurd, prefuming out ofhis utter ignorance in the Hebrew, to interpret thefe words of the Text; firft, in a miftaken fenfe of unciean- nefs, againft all approved Writers. Secondly, in a limited fenfe, whenas the Ori- ginal fpeaks without limitation, fome uncleannefs or any : and it had been a wife Law indeed to mean itfelr particular, and not to exprefs the cafe which this a- cute Rabbi hath all this while been hooking for ; wherby they who are moft par- tial to him may guefs that fomething is in this Doctrine which I alledge, that for- ces the Adversary to fuch a new and ftrained Expofuion : Wherin he does nothino- for above four Pages, but founder himfelf to and fro in his own Objections ; one while denying that Divorce was permitted, another while affirming that it was per- mitted for the Wife's fiike, and after all, diftrufts himfelf. And for his fureft re- tirement, betakes him to thofe old Suppofitions, that Chrift abolifh'd the Mofaic Law of Divorce ; that the Jews had not fufficient knowledge in this point, thro' the darknefs of the Difpentation of heavenly things ; that under the plenteous Grace oftheGofpel, we are tied by cruelleftcompulfion to live in Marriage till death, with the wickedeft, thewcrft,the moft perfecting Mate. Thefe ignorant and dotin'->- furmifes * OA ^ Re P L Y /0 ## Anfwer again fl the furmifes he might have read confuted at large, even in the firft Edition, but found it fafer to pafs that part over in filence. So that they who fee not the fottifhnels of this his new and tedious Expofition, are worthy to love it dearly. His Explanation done, he charges me with a wicked Glofs, and almoft Blaf- phemy, for faying that Chrift in teaching, meant not always to be taken word for word; but like a wife Phyfician, adminiftring one Excef againft another, to reduce us to a perfect mean. Certainly to teach us, were no difhoneft Method: Chrift' hi fnfelf hath often ufed Hyperboles in his teaching ; and graved: Authors, both Ariftotle in the fecond of his Ethics to Nichomachus, and Seneca in his feventh de Beneficiis, advife us toftretch out the Line of Precept oft-times beyond mea- fure, that while we tend further, the mean might be the eafier attained. And who- ever comments that 5th of Matthew, when he comes to the turning of Cheek after Cheek to blows, and the parting both with Cloak and Coat, if any pleafe to be the rifler, will be forced to recommend himfelf to the fame Expofition, though this chattering Law- monger be bold to call it wicked. Now note another precious piece of him -, Chrift, faith he, doth not fay that an unchajle Look is Adultery, but the Lufting after her ; as if the looking unchaftely could be without lulling. This gear is licenfed for good reafon, Imprimatur. Next he would prove that the Speech of Chrift is not uttered in excefs againft the Pharifees, firft, becaufe he fpeaks it to his Difciples, Matth. 5. which is falfe, for he fpake it to the Multitude, as by the firft Verfe is evident, among which in all likelihood were many Pharifees, but out of doubt, all of them Pharifean Difci- ples, and bred up in their Doctrine ; from which extremes of Error and Falfity, Chrift throughout his whole Sermon labours to reclaim the People. Secondly, faitJi he, becaufe Chrift forbids not only putting away, but marrying her who is put a- way. Acutely, as if the Pharifees might not have offended as much in marrying the Divorc'd, as in divorcing the Married. The Precept may bind all, rightly underftood •, and yet the vehement manner of giving it, may be occafioned only by the Pharifees.. Finally, he winds up his Text with much doubt and trepidation ; for it may be his Trenchers were not fcrap'd, and that which never yet afforded Corn of Savour to his Noddle, the Salt-feller was not rubb'd : and therfore in this hafte eafily granting, that his Anfwers fall foul upon each other, and praying, you would not think he writes as a Prophet, but as a Man, he runs to the Black Jack, fills his Flaggon, fpreads the Table, andferves up Dinner. After waiting and voiding, he thinks to void my fecond Argument, and the contradictions that will follow both in the Law and Gofpel, if the Mofaic Law were abrogated by our Saviour, and a compulfive Prohibition fix'd inftead : and fino-s his old Song, that the Gofpel counts unlawful that which the Law allow M, inftancing in Circumcifion, Sacrifices, Warnings. But what are thefe ceremonial thing? to the changing of amoral point in houfliold Duty, equally belonging to Jew and Gentile ? Divorce was then right, now wrong ; then permitted in the rigorous time of Law, now forbidden by Law, even to the moll extremely af- flicted, in the favourable time of Grace and Freedom. But this is not for an un- buttoned fellow to difcufs in the Garret at his Treffle, and dimenfion of Candle by the Snuff; which brought forth his fcullionly Paraphrafe on St. Paul, whom he brings in, riifcourfing fuch idle ftuff to the Maids and Widows, as his own fervile Inurbanity forbears not to put into the Apoftle's mouth, of the Soul's converfing : and this he prefumestodo, being a Bayard, who never had the foul to know what converfing means, but as his Provender, and the familiarity of the Kitchen fchooled his conceptions. He pafies to the third Argument, like a Boar in a Vineyard, doing naught elfe; butftill as he goes champingand chewing over, what I could mean by this Chi- maeraof a fit converfing Soul, Notions and Words never madelforthofe chops ; but like a generousWine, only by over-working the fettled Mud of his fancy, to make him drunk, and difgorge his vilenefs the more openly. All perfons of gentle Breeding (I lay gentle, though this Bairow grunt at the word) I know will appre- hend, and be fatisfied in what I fpake, how unpleafing and difcontenting the So- ciety of Body muft needs be between thofe whole Minds cannot be fociable. But what fhould a Man lay more to a Snout in this pickle ? What Language can be low and degenerate enough ? The fourth Argument which I had, was, That Marriage beinga Covenant, the ve- ry being wherof conlifts in the performance of unfeigned Love and Peace; if that werenot tolerably perforrrTd,the Covenantbecame broke and revocable. Whichhow can any, inwhofe mind the principles of right Reafon and Juftice are not cancell'd, deny.' Doffirine and Difcipline of Divorce. 305 deny ? For how can a thing fubfift, when the true Effence therof is diffolved ? Yet this he denies, and yet in fuch a manner as alters my afTertion ; for he puts in, though the main end be not attained in full meafure : but my Pofition is, if it be not tolerably attained, as throughout the whole Difcourfe is apparent. Now for his Reafons ; Neman found not that Peace and Solace which is the main end of Communion with God, fhouldhe therfore break off that Communion ? I anfwer, That if Hem an found it not, the fault was certainly his own : but in Marriage it happens far otherwife : fometimes the , fault is plainly not his who feeks Divorce : fometimes it cannot be difcern'd whofe fault it is ; and therfore cannot in Reafon or Equity be the matter of an abfolute Prohibition. His other inftance declares, what a right handy- crafts Man he is of petty Cafes, and how unfit to be aught elfe at higheft, but a Hackney of the Law. I change Houfes with a Man ; it is fuppofed I do it for my own ends ; I attain them not in this Houfe ; I fhall not therfore go from my Bargain. How without fear mi°-ht the young Charinus in Andria now cry out, What likenefs can be here to a Marri- age ? In this Bargain was no Capitulation, but the yielding of Poffeffion to one another, wherin each of them had his feveral end apart ? In Marriage there is a folemn Vow of Love and Fidelity each to other : this Bargain is fully accomplifh'd in the change ; in Marriage the Covenant ftill is in performing. If one of them perform nothing tolerably, butinftead of Love, abound in Difaffeclion, Difobe- dience, Fraud, and Hatred ; what thing in the nature of a Covenant fhall bind the other to fuch a perdurable mifchief ? Keep to your Problems often groats, thefe matters are not for Pragmatics, and Folk- mooters to babble in. • Concerning the place of Paul, that God hath called us to peace, i Cor. vii. and therfore certainly, it any where in this World, we have a right to claim it rea- fonably in Marriage -, it is plain enough in the fenfe which I gave, and confeft by Parous, and other Orthodox Divines, to be a good fenfe, and this Anfwerer doth not weaken it. The other place, that he who hateth, may put away, which, if I fhew him, he promifes to yield the whole Controverfy, is, befides Deut. xxiv. i. Deut. xxi. 14. and before this, Exod.xxi. 8. Of Malachi I have fpoken more in another place •, and fay again, that the beft Interpreters, all the Ancient, and moft of the Modern tranflate it, as I cite it, and very few otherwife, wherof per- haps Junius is the chief. Another thing troubles him, that Marriage is called the Myftery of Joy. Let it ftill trouble him ; for what hath he to do either with joy or with myftery? He thinks it frantic Divinity to fay, it is not the outward continuance of Marriage that keeps the Covenant of Marriage whole ; but whofoever doth moft according to peace and love, whether in Marriage or Divorce, he breaks Marriage leaft. If 1 fhall fpell it to him, he breaks Marriage leaft, is to fay, he difhonours not Mar- riage -, for leaft is taken in the Bible, and other good Authors, for, not at all. And a particular Marriage a Man may break, if for a lawful Caufe, and yet not break, that is, not violate, or difhonour the Ordinance of Marriage. Hence thefe two Queftions that follow, are left ridiculous •, and the Maids at Aldgate, whom he flouts, are likely to have more Wit than the Serving-man at Addle-gate. Wheras he taxes me of adding to the Scripture, in that I faid Love only is the fulfilling of every Commandment, I cited no particular Scripture, but fpake a ge- neral fenfe, which might be collected from many places. For feeing Love in- cludes Faith, what is there that can fulfil every Commandment but only Love ? And I meant, as any intelligent Reader might apprehend, every pofitive and ci- vil Commandment, wherof Chrift hath taught us that Man is the Lord. It is not the formal Duty of Worfhip, or the fitting ftill, that keeps the holy Reft of Sab- bath •, but whofoever doth moft according to Charity, whether he works or works not, he breaks the holy Reft of Sabbath leaft. So Marriage being a Civil Ordi- nance, made for Man, not Man for it •, he who doth that which moft accords with Charity, firft to himfelf, next to whom he next owes it, whether in Marriage or Divorce, he breaks the Ordinance of Marriage leaft. And what in religious Pru- dence can 'be Charity to himfelf, and what to his Wife, either in continuing, or in diffolving the Marriage-knot, hath bin already oft enough difcourfed. So that what St. Paul faith of Circumcifion, the fame I flick not to fay of a Civil Ordi- nance, made to thegcod and comfort of Man, not to his ruin ; Marriage is no- thing, and Divorce is nothing, but Faith which worketh by Love. And this I truft none can miftake. Vol. I. R r Againfl 304 A Reply to an Anjvoer again ft the Againft the fifth Argument, That a Chriftian in a higher Order of Priefthood than°hat Levitica), is a Perfon dedicate to Joy and Peace ; and therfore needs not in fubjedtion to a Civil Ordinance, made to no other end but for his good, (when without his fault he finds it impoffible to be decently or tolerably obferved; to plunge himfelf into immeafurable Diftra&ions and Temptations, above his ftrength ; againft this he proves nothing, but gads into filly conjectures of what Abufes would follow, and with as good reafon might declaim againft the beft things that are. Againft the fixth Argument, That to force the Continuance of Marriage be- tween Minds found utterly unfit and difproportional, is againft Nature, and feems forbid under that allegorical Precept of Mofes, not to low a Field with divers- Seeds, left both be defiled; not to plough with an Ox and an Afs together, which I deduced by the pattern of St. Paul's reafon ing what was meant by not muzling the Ox 5 he rambles over a long Narration, to tell us that by the Oxen are meant the Preachers : which is not doubted. Then he demands, if this my realbnino- be like St. Paul's: And I anfwer him, Yes. He replies, that fure St. Paul wo° Id be afham'd to reafon thus. And I tell him, No. He grants that place which I alledg^d, 2 Cor. 6. of unequal yoking, may allude to that of Mojes, but fays, I cannot prove it makes to my purpofe, and mews not firft how he can dif- prove it. Weigh Gentlemen, and confider, whether my Affirmations, back'd with Reafon, may hold balance againft the bare Denials of this ponderous Con- futer, elected by his ghoftly Patrons to be my Copes-mate. Proceeding on tofpeak of myfterious things in Nature, I had occafion to fit the Language therafter, matters not ; for the reading of this odious Fool, who thus everwhen he meets with aught above the cogitation of his Breeding, leaves the noifomeftench of his rude Slot behind him, maligning that anything fhould be fpoke or underftood above his own genuine bafenefs ; and gives fentence that his confuting hath bin employed about a frothy, immeritous, and undeferving Dif- courfe. Who could have believed fo much Infolence durft vent itfelf from out the Hide of a Varlet, as thus to cenfure that which Men of mature judgment have ap- plauded to be writ with good Reafon ? But this contents him not, he falls now to rave in his barbarous abufivenefs; and why? A reafon befitting fuch an Artificer, becaufe he faith the Book is contrary to all human Learning ; whenas the World knows, that all, both human and divine Learning, till the Canon-Law, allow'd Divorce by confent, and for many Caufes without confent. Next, he dooms it as contrary to Truth ; whenas it hath been difputable among learned Men, ever fmce it was prohibited : and is by Peter Martyr thought an Opinion not impious, but hard to be refuted •, and by Erafmus deem'd a Doctrine fo charitable and pious, as, if it cannot be ufed, were to be wifhed it could •, but is by Martin Bucer, a Man of deareft and moft religious Memory in the Church, taught and maintained to be either moft lawfully ufed, or moft lawfully permitted. And for this, for I affirm no more than Bucer, what cenfure do you think, Readers, he hath condemned the Book to ? To a death no lefs impious than to be burnt by the Hangman. Mr. Li- cenfer for I deal not now with this Caitiff, never worth my Earneft, and now not fcafonable for my Jeft, you are reputed a Man difcreet enough, religious e- nough, honeft enough, that is, to an ordinary competence in all thefe. But now your turn is, to hear what your own hand hath earned ye ; that when you fuffered this namelefs Hangman to caft into public fuch a defpiteful Contumely upon a Name and Perfon deferving of the Church and State equally to yourfelf, and one who hath done more to the prefent advancement of your own Tribe, than you or many of them have done for themfelves ; you forgot to be either honeft, reli- oious or difcreet. Whatever the State might do concerning it, fuppofed a matter to expect Evil from, I fhould not doubt to meet among them with wife, and ho- nourable, and knowing Men. But as to this brute Libel, fomuch the more impu- dent and. lawlefs for the abufed Authority which it bears 3 I fay again, that I a- bominate the Cenfure of Rafcals and their Licenfers. With difficulty I return to what remains of this ignoble Talk, for the difdain I have to change a period more with the filth and venom of this Gourmand, fwell'd into a Confater ; yet, for the fatisfaction of others, I endure all this. Againft the fcyentfi Argument, That if the Canon Law and Divines allow Divo°ce for Confpirncy of Death, they may as well allow it to avoid the lam e confequencc from the likelihood of natural Caufes. Firft, Docfrinc and JDifcipline of Divorc e . 307 Firft, he denies that the Canon fo decrees. lanfwer, Th.it it decrees for danger of Life, as much as for Adultery, Decr'et Gregor. 1. 4. tit. 10. and in other places : And the beft Civilians who cite the Ca • non-law, fo collect, as Scbneidewin in Inftitut. tit, 10. p. 4. de Divort. And in- deed, who would have denied it, but one of a reprobate Ignorance in all he meddles with ? Secondly, he faith, the cafe alters-, for there the Offender, who feeks the Life, doth implicitly at lead act a Divorce. And I atifwer, that here Nature, though no Offender, doth the fame. But if an Offender by acting a Divorce, fhall releafe the offended, this rs an ample grant againft himfelf. He faith, Nature teaches to lave life from one who feeks it . And I fay, (he teaches no lefs to lave it from any other Caufe that endangers it. He faith, that here they are both Actors. Admit they were, it would not be un- charitable to part them ; yet fometimes they are not both Actors, but the one of them mod lamentcdly paffive. So he concludes, we muff not take advantage of our own Faults and Corruptions to releafe us from our Duties. But fhall we take no advantage to lave ourfelves from the faults of another, who hath annuli'd his right to our Duty ? No, faith he, let them die of theSullens, and try who will pity them. Barbarian, thejhame of all honefi Attorneys, why do they not hoife him over the Bar, and blanket him ? Againft the eighth Argument, That they who are deftitute of all marriageable Gifts, except a Body not plainly unfit, have not the calling to marry, and conie- quently marrjed and fo found, may be divore'd : This, he faith, is nothing to the purpofe, and not fit tobeanfwer'd. Heave it therfore to the judgment of his Mafters. Againft the ninth Argument, That Marriage isahuman Society, and fochiefly feated in Agreement and Unity of Mind: If therfore the Mind cannot have that due Society by Marriage, that it may reafonably and humanly defire, it can be no human Society, and fo not without reafon divorcible : here he falfifies, and turns what the Pofition required of a reafonable Agreement in the main matters of So- ciety into an Agreement in all things, which makes the Opinion not mine, and fo he leaves it. At laft, and in good hour, we are come to his farewel, which is to be a concluding tafte of his Jabberment in Law, the flafhieft and the fuftieft that ever corrupted in fuch an unfwill'd Hoglhead. Againft my tenth Argument, as he calls it, but as I intended it, my other Po- fition, That Divorce is not a thing determinable by a compuliive Law, for that all Law is for fome good that may be frequently attained without the admixture of a worle inconvenience : But the Law forbidding Divorce, never attains to any good end of fuch Prohibition, but rather multiplies evil ; therfore the Prohibi- tion of Divorce is no good Law. Now for his Attorney's prize : but firft, like a right cunning and fturdy Logician, he denies my Argument, not mattering whether in the major ox minor ; and faith, there are many Laws made for Good, and yet that Good is not attained, through the defaults of the Party, but a greater inconvenience follows. But I reply, That this Anfwer builds upon a fliallow foundation, and moft un- fitly luppoles every onein default, who feeks Divorce from the mod injurious Wedloc. The default therfore will be found in the Law itfelf •, which is neither able to punilh the Offender, but the Innocent muft withal fiiffer ; nor can right the Innocent in what is chiefly fought, the obtainment of Love or Quietnels. His Inftancesoutof the Common Law, arc all fo quite befide the matter which he would prove, as may be a Warning to all Clients how they venture their bufinefs with fuch a cock brain'd Solicitor. For being to fhew fome Law of England, at- taining to no good end, and yet through nb detank of the party, who is therby debarr'dall remedy, he fhews us only how fome do lofe the benefit of good Laws through their own default. His lirft example faith, it is a juft Law that every one ihall peaceably enjoy his Eftate in Lands or otherwife. Docs this Law attain to no good end? The Bar will blufh at this moft incogitant Woodcock. But fee if a draft of Littleton will recover him to his Senfes. IfthisMan having Fee limple in his Lands, yet will take a Leafe of his own Lands from another, this fhall be an Eftoppleto him in an Affize from the recovering of his own Land. Mark now and regifter him ! How many are there of ten thoufand who have fuch a Fcc-fimple in their Sconce, as to take a Leafe oi their own Lands fromanother? So that this inconvenience lights upon fcarceone in an Age, arid by hisown default; and the Law of enjoying each Man his own, is good to all others. But on the con- trary, this Prohibition of Divorce is good tonone, and brings inconvenience toNum- Bers, whoiie under intolerable Grievances vvi irown default, through the Vol. I. R r 2 wicked- J 08 ^4 Reply to art An fixer ^ &c. wickednefs or folly of another •, and all this iniquity the Law remedies not, but in. a manner maintains. His other Cafes are directly to the fame purpofe, and might have been fpared, but that he is aTradefman of the Law, and tnuft be borne with at his firft fetting up, to lay forth his beft Ware, which is only Gibberifh. I have now done that, which for many Caufes I might have thought, could not likely have been my fortune, to be put to this under-work of fcouring and unrub- bifhin? the low and fordid Ignorance of fuch a prefumptuons Lozel. Yet Hercules had the labour once impofed upon him to carry Dung out of the Augean Stable. At any hand I would be rid of him : for I had rather, fince the life of Man is liken'd to a Scene, that all my Entrances and Exits might mix with fuch Perfons only, whofe Worth erects them and their Actions to a grave and tragic Deportment, and not to have to do with Clowns and Vices. But if a Man cannot peaceably walk into the World, but mult be infefted; fometimes at his face with Dorrs and Horfe- rlies, fometimes beneath with bawling Whippets and Shin-barkers, and thefe to be fet on by Plot and Confultation with a Junto of Clergymen and Lianfers, com- mended alfo and rejoiced in by thofe whole partiality cannot yet forgo oldpapif- tical Principles •, have I not caufe to be in fuch a manner defenfive, as may pro- cure me freedom to pafs more unmolefted hereafter by thofe Incumbrances, not fo much regarded for themfelves, as for thofe who incite them ? And what defence can properly be ufed in fuch a defpicable Encounter as this, but either the Slap or the Spurn ? If they can afford me none but a ridiculous Advcrfary, the blame be- longs not to me, though the whole difpute be ftrew'd and fcattered with Ridicu- lous ? And if he have fuch an ambition to know no better who are his Mates, but among thefe needy thoughts, which, though his two Faculties of Serving-man and Solicitor mould compound into one Mongrel, would be but thin and meagre, if in this penury of Soul he can be poffible to have the luftinefs to think of Fame, let him but fend me how he calls himfelf, and I may chance not fail to indorfe him on the backfide of Pofterity, not a golden, but a brazen Afs. Since my fate extorts, from me a Talent of Sport, which I had thought to hide in a Napkin, he fhall be my Batrachomuomachia, my Bavius, my Calandrino, the common Adagy of igno- rance and over-weening : Nay, perhaps, as the provocation may be, I may be driven to curl up this gliding Profe into a rough Sotadic, that fhall rhyme him into fuch a condition, as inftead of judging good Books to be burnt by the Executioner, he fhall be readier to be his own Hangman. Thus much to this Nufance. But as for the Subject itfelf which I have writ and now defend, according as the oppofition bears •, if any Man equal to the matter, fhall think it appertains him to take in hand this Controverfy, either excepting againfl aught written, orperfua- ded he can fhew better how this Queftion, of fuch moment to be throughly known, may receive a true determination, not leaning on the old and rotten Suggeftions whereon it yet leans ; if his Intents be fincere to the public, and fhall carry him on without bitternefs to the opinion, or to the perfon diffenting, lethim not, I en- treat him,guefs by the handling, which meritorioufly hath been beftowed on this object of contempt and laughter, that I account it any difpleafure done me to be contradicted in Print : But as it leads to the attainment of any thing more true, fhall efteem it a benefit •, and fhall know how to return his Civility and fair Ar- gument in fuch a fort, as he fhall confefs that to do fo is my Choice, and to have done thus was my Chance. THE THE TENURE OF J ° 9 Kings and Magiftrates : PROVING That it is Lawful, and hath been held fo through all Ages, for any, who have the Power, to call to account a T yr ant, or wicked King, and after due Conviction, to depofe, and put him to Death ; if the ordinary Magis- trate have negledted, or deny'd to doit. And that they, who of late fo much blame Depofing, are the Men that did it themfelves. i IF Men within themfelves would be govern'dby reafon, and not generally give up i their underftanding to a double tyranny, of cuftom from without, and blind affections within, they would difcern better what it is to favour and uphold the Tyrant of a Nation. But being Slaves within doors, no wonder that they ftrive fo much to have the public State conformably govern'd to the inward vitious rule, by which they govern themfelves. For indeed none can love freedom heartily, but good Men : the reft lovenot freedom, but licence ; which never hath more fcope, or more indulgence than under Tyrants. Hence is it that Tyrants are not oft offended, nor ftand much in doubt of bad Men, as beino- all naturally fervile ; but in whom virtue and true worth moft is eminent, them they fear in earneft, as by right their Matters, againft them lies all their hatred and fuf- picion. Confequently neither do bad Men hate Tyrants, but have been always readied, with the falfify'd names ofLoyalty and Obedience, tocolour over their bale compliances. And although fometimes for fhame, and when it comes to their own grievances, of Purfe efpecially, they would feem good Patriots, and fide with the better caafe, yet when others for the deliverance of their Country, endued with for- titude and heroic virtue, to fear nothing but the curfe written againft thofe that do the work of the Lord negligently, would go on to remove, not only the calamities Jer. 4 S. t. and thraldoms of a People, but the roots and caufes whence they fpring ; ftrait thefe Men, and fure helpers at need, as if they hated only the miferies, but not the mifchiefs, after they have juggljd and palter'd with the World, bandied and born arms againft their King, diverted him, difanointed him, naycurfed him all over in their Pulpits, and their Pamphlets, to the ingaging of fincere and real Men, beyond what is pofTible or honeft to retreat from, not only turn Revolters from thofe Principles, which only could at firft move them, but lay the (lain of difloyalty, and worfe, on thofe proceedings, which are the neceffary confequences of their own former actions ; nor diflik'd by themfelves, were they manag'd to the entire ad- vantages of their own Faction •, not confidering the while that he toward whom they boafted their new fidelity, counted them acceffory, and by thofeStatutes and Laws which they fo impotently brandifh againft others, would have doomed them to a Traytor's death for what they have done already. 'Tis true, that moft Men arc- apt enough to civil Wars and Commotions as a novelty, and for a flafh, hot and active •, but thro' floth or inconftancy, and weaknefs of Spirit, either fainting ere their own pretences, though never fojuft, be half attained, or thro' an inbred falfe- hood and wickednefs, betray oftimes to destruction with themfelves, Men of no- bleft temper joined with them for caufes which they in their raih undertakings, were not capable of. It God and a good Can fe give them Victory, the profe- cution v/herof for the moft part, inevitably draws after it the alteration of Laws, 3 « i o ?&<? ^tenure 0/ K i N cs, Laws, change oT Government, downfall of Princes with their Families ; then comes the talk to thofe Worthies which are the Soul of that Enterprize, to be fwett and laboiir'd out aniidll the throng and noifes ot vulgar and irrational Men. Some contefting for Privileges, Cuftoms, Forms, and that old entangle- ment of Iniquity, their gibberifh Laws, though the badge of their ancient fla- very. Others who have 'been fierceft againft their Prince, tinder the notion of a Tyrant, and no mean Incendiaries of the War againft him, when God out of his providence and high diipofal hath delivered him into the hand of their Brethren, on a hidden and in a new garb of Allegiance, which their doings have long fince cancel I'd ; they plead for him, pity him, extol him, proteft a- erainft thole that talk of bringing him to the trial of Juftice, which is the Sword of God, fuperior to all mortal things, in whole hand foever by appa- rent fi^-ns his teftificd will is to put it. But certainly, it we confider who and what they are, on a hidden grown fo pitiful, we may conclude their pity- can be no true and Chriftian commiferation, but either levity and ftiallownefs of mind, or elfe a catnal admiring of that worldly pomp and greatnefs, from whence they fee him fallen •, or rather laftly, a diflembled and {editions pity, feign'd of induftry to beget new commotions. As for Mercy, if it be to a Tyrant, under which name they themfelves have cited him fo oft in the hearing of God,' of Angels, and the holy Church affembled, and there charged him with the fpilling of m&re innocent blood by far, than eve/ Nero did, un- doubtedly the Mercy which they pretend, is the Mercy oi~ wicked Men, and their mercies, we read, are cruelties ; hazarding the welfare of a whole Na- Vovxlllo ' r ion, to have laved one whom fo oft they have term'd Jgag, and vilifying the blood of many Jonathans that have fav'd Ifrael ; infilling with much nice- nefs on the unneceffarieft claufe of their Covenant, wherein the fear of change, and the abfurd contradiction of a flattering hoftility had hampered them, but not fcrupling to give away for compliments, to an implacable revenge, the heads of many thoufand Chriftians more. Another fort there is, who coming in the courfe of thefe affairs, to have their fhare in great actions above the form of Law or Cuftom, at lead to give their voice and approbation, begin to fwerve and almoft Ihiver at the majefty and grandeur of fome noble deed, as if they were newly entered into a great fin ; difputing precedents, forms, and circumftances, when the Commonwealth ni^h perifhes for want of deeds in fubftance, done with juft and faithful expedi. tion. To thefe I wifh better inftruftion, and vertue equal to their calling ; the former of which, that is to fay Inftruftion, I lhall endeavour, as my duty is, to bellow on them •, and exhort them not to ftartle from the juft and pious refo- lution of adhering with all their affiftanc.e to the prelent Parliament and Army, in the glorious way wherin Juftice and Viclory hath let them ; the only war- rants through all ages, next under immediate Revelation, to exercife fupreme power •, in thole proceedings which hitherto appear equal to what hath beerv done in any Age or Nation heretofore, jullly or magnanimoufly. Nor let them bedifcourag'd or deterr'd by any newApoftate Scare-crows, who under fhow of living Counfel, fend out their barking Monitories and Memento's, empty of aught elfe but the fpleen of a fruftrated Faction. For how can that pretended Counfel, be either found or faithful, when they that give if, fee not for mad- nefs and vexation of their ends loll, that thofe Statutes and Scriptures which both falfly and fcandaloufly they wreft againft their Friends and Aflbciates, would by fentence of the common adverfary, fall firft and heavicft upon their own heads ? Neither let mild and tender dilpofuions be foolifhly foften'd from their duty and perfeverance with the unmafculine Rhetoric of any puling Prieft or Chaplain, fentas a friendly Letter of Advice, for iafhion-fake in pri- vate, and forthwith publifn'd by the Sender him felt, that we may know how much of Friend there was in it, to call an odious envy upon them to whom it was pretended to be fent in charity. Nor let any Man be deluded by either the ignorance, or the notorious hypocrify and felf-repugnance of our dancing Divines, v. ho have the conference and the boldnefs, to come with Scripture in their Mouths, .glofled and fitted for their turns with a double contradictory ieni'e, transforming the (acred verity of God, to an Idol with two faces, look- ingat oiuc two feveral ways, and with the lame quotations to charge others, which in the fame cafe thi y made ferve to juftify themfelves. For while the hope ^Magistrates. ^xj to be made Gallic and Provincial Lords led them on, while Pluralities greas'd them thick and deep, to the fhame and fcandal of Religion, more than all the Seels and Herefies they exclaim againft; then to fight againft the King's per- fon, and no lefs a party of his Lords and Commons, or to put force upon both the Houfes was good, was lawful was no refilling of Superior Powers; they only were powers not to be refilled, who countenane'd the good and punifiVd the evil. But now that their cenforious domineering is not fuffer'd to be uni- verfal, truth and confeience to be freed, Tithes and Pluralities to be no more though competent allowance provided, and the warm experience of large gifts, and they fo good at taking them ; yet now to exclude and feize on im- peached Members, to bring Delinquents without exemption to a fair Tribunal by the common national Law againft Murder, is now to be no lefs than Corab Dathan, and Abiram. He who but ere-while in the Pulpits was a curfed Tyrant, an enemy to God and Saints, laden with all the innocent blood fpilt in three Kingdoms, and fo to be fought againft; is now, though nothing pe- nitent or alter'd from his firft principles, a lawful Magiftrate, a Sovereign Lord, the Lord's Anointed, not to be touch'd, though by themfelves imprifon'd. As if this only were obedience, to preferve the mere ufelefs bulk of his perfon, and that only in prifon, not in the field, and to difobey his commands, deny him his dignity and office, every where to refill his power, butwhere they think it only Surviving in their own faction. But who in particular is a Tyrant, cannot be determined in a general difcourfe, otherwife than by fuppofition ; his particular charge, and the fufficient proof of it muft determine that: which I leave to Magiftrates, at leafttothe upright* er fort of them, and of the people, though in number lefs by many, in whom Faction leaft hath prevail'd above the Law of nature and right reafon, to judge as they find caufe. But this I dare own as part of my faith, that if fuch a one there be, by whofe Commiffion, whole MalTacres have bin committed on his faithful Subjects, his Provinces offered to pawn or alienation, as the hire of thofe whom he had folicited to come in and deftroy whole Cities and Countries ; be he King or Tyrant, or Emperor, the Sword of Juftice is above him ; in whofe hand foever is found fufficient power to avenge the effufion, and fo great a deluge of innocent blood. For if all human power to execute, not accidentally but intendedly, the wrath of God upon evil-doers without exception, be of God ; then that power, whether ordinary, or if that fail, extraordinary, fo executing that intent of God, is lawful, and not to be refilled. But to unfold more at large this whole Queftion, though with all expedient brevity, I fhall here fet down, from firft beginning, the Original of Kings ; how and wherfore exalted to that dignity above their Brethren ; and from thence fhall prove, that turning to tyranny they may be as lawfully depofed and punifh'd, as they were at firft elected: This I fhall doby authorities and reafons, not learnt in corners among Schifms and Herefies, as our doubling Divines are ready to calumniate, but fetch'd out of the midft of choiceft and moft authentic' learning, and no prohibited Au- thors; nor many Heathen, but Mofaical, Chriftian, Orthodoxal, and which muft needs be more convincing to our Adverfaries, Prefbyterial. No Man who knows aught, can be fo ftupid to deny that all Men naturally were born free, being the image and refemblance of God himfelf, and were by privilege above all the creatures, born to command and not to obey : and thai they liv'd fo, till from the root of Adam's tranfgrefCon, falling among them- felves to do wrong and violence, and forefeeing that fuch courfes muft needs tend to the deftructionof them all, they agreed by common league to bind each other from mutual injury, and jointly to defend themfelves againft any that gave dilturbance or opposition to fuch agreement. Hence came Cities, Towns, and Commonwealths. And becaufe no faith in all was found fufficiently bind- ing, they law it needful to ordain fome Authority, that might reftrain by force and punifhment what was violated againft peace and common right : This authority and power of felf-defence and preservation being originally and natu- rally in every one of them, and unitedly in them all, for eafe, for order ; and left each Mm fhould be his own partial judge, they communicated and de- rived either to one, whom for the eminence of his wifdom and integrity, they chofe above the reft, or to more than one whom they thought of equal defer- ring : The firft was called a King ; the other Magiftrates. Not to be their Lords 3 • and q 1 1 The Tenure <?/Kings, and Matters (though afterward thofe names in fome places were given volunta* rily to fuch as had bin authors of ineftimable good to the people) but to be their Deputies and Commiflioners, to execute, by virtue of their intrufted pow- er thatjuftice which elfe every Man by the bond of Nature and_ of Covenant muft have executed for himfelf, and for one another. And to him that fhall confider well why among free perfons, one Man by civil right fhould bear au- thority and jurifdidlion over another, no other end or reafon can be imaginable. Thefe for a while govern'd well, and with much equity decided all things at their own arbitrement : till the temptation of fuch a power left abfolutein their hands, perverted them at length to injuftice and partiality. Then did they who now by trial had found the danger and inconveniences of committing ar- bitrary power to any, invent Laws either fram'd or contented to by all; that fhould confine and limit the authority of whom they chofe to govern them: that fo Man of whofe failing they had proof, might no more rule over them, but Law and Reafon abftracted as much as might be from perfonal errors and frail- ties. "When this would not ferve, but that the Law was either not executed, or mifapply'd, they were conftrained from that time, the only remedy left them, to put Conditions and take Oaths from all Kings and Magiftrates at their firft i'nftallment to do impartial juftice by Law : who upon thofe terms and no other, receiv'd Allegiance from the people, that is to fay, Bond or Covenant to obey them in execution of thofe Laws which they the people had themfelves made or affentedto. And this oft-times with exprefs warning, that if the King or Magiftrate prov'd unfaithful to his truft, the people would be difengag'd. They added alio Counfellors and Parlaments, not to be only at his beck, but with him or without him, at fet times, or at all times, when any danger threaten'd, to have care of the public Safety. Therfore faith Claudius Sef ell, a French Statefman, The Parlament was fet as a bridle to the King ; which I inftance rather, becaufe that Monarchy is granted by all to be a far more abfolute than ours. That this and the reft of what hath hitherto been fpoken is molt true, might be copioufly made appear throughout all Stories Heathen and Chriftian ; even of thofe Nations where Kings and Emperors have fought means to abo- lifh all ancient memory of the people's right by their encroachments and ufurpa- tions. But I fpare long infertions, appealing to the German, French, Italian* Arragonian, Englijh, and not leaft the Scottijh Hiftories: not forgetting this only by the way, that William the Norman, though a Conqueror, and not un- fworn at his Coronation, was compell'd a fecond time to take Oath at St. Al- bans, ere the people would be brought to yield obedience. It being thus manifeft that the power' of Kings and Magiftrates is nothing elfe, but what is only derivative, transferr'd and committed to them in truft from the People to the common good of them all, in whom the power yet re- mains fundamentally, and cannot be taken from them, without a violation of their natural Birthright ; and feeing that from hence Arijlotle, and the beft of Political Writers have defin'd a King, him who governs to the good and profit of his People, and not for his own ends ; it follows from necefiary caufes, that the Titles of Sovereign Lord, Natural Lord, and the like, are either arro- gancies, or flatteries, not admitted by Emperors and Kings of beft note, and diflik'd by the Church both of Jews, Ifai. xxvi. J3. and ancient Chriftians, as appears by Tertullian and others. Although generally the People of Afia, and with them the Jews alfo,efpecially fince the time they chofe a King, againft the advice and counfel of God, are noted by wife Authors much inclinable to Slavery. Secondly, that to fay, as is ufual, the King hath as good right to his Crown and Dignity, as any Man to his Inheritance, is to make the SubjecT: no better than the King's Slave, his Chattel, or his Poflefiion that may be bought and fold : And doubtlefs, if hereditary Title were fufficiently inquir'd, the beft foundation of it would be found but either in courtefy or convenience. But fuppofe it to be of right hereditary, what can be more ju ft and legal, if a Sub- jecT: for certain crimes be to forfeit by Law from himfelf and Pofterity, all his Inheritance to the King, than that a King for crimes proportional, fhould forfeit all his Title and Inheritance to the People? Unlefs the People muft be thought created all for him, he not for them, and they all in one body inferior to him Angle i which were a kind of treafon againft the dignity of Mankind to affirm. Thirdly, and Magistrates. Thirdly, it follows, that to fay Kings are accountable to none but God, h the overturning of all Law and Government. For if they may refufe to give ac- count, then all Covenants made with them at Coronation, all Oaths arc in vain, and meer mockeries j all Laws which they fwear to keep, made to no purpoie : for if the King fear not God, as how many of them do not ? we hold then our lives and eftates by the tenure of his meer grace and mercy, as from a God, rota mortal Magiftrate; a Pofition that none but Court- parafites or Men bc- ibtted would maintain. And no Chriftian Prince, not drunk with hio-h Mind, and prouder than thofe Pagan Cafars that deify'd themlelves, would arrogate founrcafonably above human condition, or derogate fo bafcly from a whole Nation of men his brethren, as if for him only fubfifting, and to ferve his glory, valuing them in companion of his own brute will and pleafure no more than lo many beafts, or vermin under his feet, not to be reaibn'd with, but to be in- jur'dj among whom there might be found fo many thoufand men for wifdom, virtue, noblenefs of mind, and all other refpects but the fortune of his dig- nity, far above him. Yet fome would perfwade us that this abfurd opinion was King David's, becaufe in the 51 Pfalm he cries out to God, Againft thee only have I finn'd; as if David had imagin'd that to murder Uriah and adulterate his Wife had been no fin againft his Neighbour, whenas that law of Mofes was to the King exprefly, Dent. 1 7. not to think fo highly of himfelf above his Brethren. David therfore by thofe words could mean no other, than either that the depth of his guiltinefs was known to God only, or to fo few as had not the will or power to queftion him, or that the Sin againft God was greater beyond com- pare than againft Uriah. Whatever his meaning were, any wife man will fee that the pathetical words of a Pfalm can be no certain decifion to a point that hath abundantly more certain ruicstogo by. How much more rationally fpake the Heathen King Demophoon in a Tragedy of Euripides t\\a.n thefe interpreters would put upon King David ? I rule not my People by Tyranny, as if they were Barbarians, but am my felf liable, if I do unjujlly, to fuffer juftly . Not unlike was the fpeech of Trajan the worthy Emperor, to one whom he made General of his Praetorian Forces: Take this drawn fword, faith he, to ufe for me, if I reign well ; if not, to ufe againft me. Thus Dion relates. And not Trajan on- ly, but Thecdofius the younger, a Chriftian Emperor,and one of the beft,caufed it to be enacted as a rule undeniable and fit to be acknowledg'd by all Kings and Emperors, that a Prince is bound to the Laws •, that on the authority of Law the authority of a Prince depends, and to theLaws oughttofubmit. Which Edict of his remains yet unrepeal'd in the Code of Juftinian, I. i.tit. 24. as a facred conftitution to all the fucceeding Emperors. How then can any King in Europe maintain and write himfelf accountable to none but God, when Em- perors in their own imperial Statutes have written and decreed themfelves ac- countable to Law ? And indeed where fuch account is not fear'd, he that bids a man reign over him above Law, may bid as well a favage beaft. It follows laftly, that fince the King or Magiftrate holds his authority of the people, both originally and naturally for their good in the firft place, and not his own, then may the people as oft as they fhall judge it for the beft, either chufe him or reject him, retain him or depoie him though no Tyrant, meerly by the liberty and right of free-born men to be govcrn'd as feems to them beft. This, though it cannot but ftand with plain reafon, fhall be made good alfo by Scripture, Deut.iy. 14. When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and Jhall fay I will fet a King over me, like as all the Nations about me. Thefe words confirm us that the right of chufing, yea of changing their own Government, is by the grant of God himfelf in the people. And therfore when they defir'd a King, though then under another Form of Government, and though their changing dilpleafed him, yet he that was himfelf their King, and rejected by them, would not be a hindrance to what they intended, further than by perlwafion, but that they might do therein as they faw good, 1 Sam. 8. only he referv'd to himfelf the nomination of who fliould reign over them. Neither did that exempt the King as if he were to God only accountable, though by his efpecial command anointed. Therfore David firft made a Covenant with the Elders of Ifrael, and fo was by them anointed King, 1 Chron. 1 1. And ~Jeboiada the Prieft making Jehoajl) King, made a Covenant between him and the people, 2 Kings 11. 17. Therfore when Roboam at his coming to the Vol. I. S ( Crown, 314 ''fe Tenure o/Kings, Crown, rejected thofe conditions which the lfraelites brought him, hear what they anfwer him, What portion have we in David, or inheritance in the Son of Jefe ? See to thine own Hoafe David. And for the like conditions not perform'd, all Ifrael before that time depofed Samuel; not for his own default, but for the mifgovernment of his Sons. But fome will fay to both thefe examples, it was evilly done. I anfwer, that not the latter, becaufe it was exprefly allow'd them in the Law to fet up a King if they pleas'd •, and God himfelf join'd with them in the work ; though in fome fort it was at that time difpleafing to him, in refpecl: of old Samuel who had govern'd them uprightly. As Livy praifes the Romans who took occafton from Tarquinius a wicked Prince to gain their liberty, which to have extorted, faith he, from Numa or any of the good Kings before, had not been feafonable. Nor was it in the former example done unlawfully ; for when Roboam had prepared a huge Army to reduce the Ifraelites, he was forbidden by the Prophet, 1 Kings 12. 24. Thus faith the Lord, yejhall not go up, nor fight againfi your brethren, for this thing is from me. He calls them their Brethren, not Rebels, and forbids to be proceeded againft them, owning the thing himfelf, not by fingle providence, but by approbation,and that not only of the adl,asin the former example, bur of the fit feafon alfo •, he had not otherwife forbid to moleft them. And thofe grave and wife Counfellors whom Rehoboam firft advis'd with, fpake no fuch thing, as our old grey-headed Flatterers now are wont, ftand upon your birth- right, fcorn to capitulate, you hold of God, and not of them -, for they knew no fuch matter, unlefs conditionally, but gave him politic Counfel, as in a civil tranfaclion. Therfore Kingdom and Magiftracy, whether fupreme or fub- ordinate, is called a human Ordinance, 1 Pet. 2. 13, &c. which we are there taught is the will of God we Ihould fubmit to, fo far as for the puniftiment of evil doers, and the encouragement of them that do well. Submit, faith he, as free men. And there is no power but of God, faith Raul, Rom. 13. as much as to fay, God put it into man's heart to find out that way at firft for common peace and prefervation, approving the exercife therof j elfe it contradicts Peter, who calls the fame authority an Ordinance of man. It muft be alfo underftood of lawful and juft power, elfe we read of great power in the Affairs and King- doms of the World permitted to the Devil: for faith he to Chrift, Luke 4. 6. all this power will I give thee and the glory of them, for it is delivered to me, and to whomfoever I will, I give it: neither did he lye, or Chrift gainfay what he af- firm'd ; for in the thirteenth of the Revelation we read how the Dragon gave to the Beaft his power, his feat, and great authority : which Bsaft fo authoriz'd moft expound to be the tyrannical Powers and Kingdoms of the Earth. Therfore Saint Paul in the forecited Chapter tells us, that fuch Magiftrates he means, as are not a terror to the good but to the evil, fuch as bear not the fword in vain, but to punifh offenders, and to encourage the good. If fuch only be mention'd here as powers to be obey'd, and our fubmiffion to them only re- quir'd, then doubtlefs thofe powers that do the contrary, are no powers or- dain'd of God ; and by confequence no obligation laid upon us to obey or not to refift them. And it may be well obferved that both thefe Apoftles, when- ever they give this Precept, exprefs it in terms not concrete, but abflraS, as Logicians are wont to fpeak ; that is, they mention the ordinance, the power, the authority, before the perfons that execute it; and what that power is, left we Ihould be deceived, they defcribe exactly. So that if the power be not fuch, or the perfon execute not fuch power,neither the one nor the other is of God, but of the Devil, and by confequence to be refilled. From this expofitiou Chryfqftom alfo on the fame place diffents not ; explaining that thefe words were not written in behalf of a Tyrant. And this is verify'd by David, himfelf a King, andlikelieft to be Author of the Pfalm 94. 20. which faith, Shall the throne of iniquity have fellow/hip with thee f And it were worth the know- ing, fince Kings, and that by Scripture, boaft the juitnefs of their Title, by holding it immediately of God, yet cannot fhow the time when God e- ver fet on the Throne them or their forefathers, but only when the peo- ple chofe them •, why by the fame reafon, fince God afcribes as oft to him- felf the calling down of Princes from the Throne, it Ihould not be thought as lawful, and as much from God when none are feen to do it but the peo- ple, and that for juft caufes. For if it needs muft be a fin in them to depofe, it may as likely be a fin to have elected. And contrary, if the people's act in election and Magistrates. 315 election h pleaded by a King, as the aft of God, and the moft juft title toen- thro \t him, why may not the people's aft of rejection be as well pleaded by the people as the act of God, and the mod juft reafon to depofe him ? So that we fee the title and juft right of reigning or depofing in reference to God, is found in Scripture to be all one •, vifible only in the people, and depending meerly upon juftice and demerit. Thus far hath been confidered chiefly the power of Kings and Magiftrates; how it was,andis originally the people's,and by them conferr'd in miff, only to be employ'd to the common peace and bene- fit •, with liberty therfbre and right remaining in them to reaflume it to them- ielves, if by Kings or Magiftrates it be abus'd ; or to difpofe of it by any al- teration, as they fhall judge moft conducing to the public good. We may from hence with more eafe, and force of argument determine what a Tyrant is, and what the people may do againft him. A Tyrant whether by wrong or by right coming to the Crown, is he who regarding neither Law nor the common Good, reigns only for himfelf and his Faftion: Thus St.PaJil among others defines him. And btcaufe his power is great, his will bouudlefs and exorbitant, the fulfilling wherof is for the moftpart accompanied with m- numerab e wrongs and oppreffions of the people, Murders, Maflacres, Rapes, Adulteries, Defolation, and Subverfioii of Cities and whole Provinces; look how great a good and happinefs a juft King is, fo great a mifchief is a Ty- rant ; as he the public Father of his Country, fo this the common Enemy. A- gainft whom what the people lawfully may do, as againft a common peft, and deftroyer of mankind, I fuppofe no man of clear judgment need go further to be guided than by the very principles of nature in him. But becaufe is is the vulgar folly of men to defect their own reafon, and ftiutting their eyes to think they fee beft with other mens, I fhall fhew by liich examples as ought to have moft weight with us, what hath been done in this cafe heretofore. The Greeks and Romans, as their prime Authors witnefs, held it not only law- ful, but a glorious and heroic Deed, rewarded publicly with Statues and Gar- lands, to kill an infamous Tyrant at any time without trial ; and but reafon,, that he who trod down all Law, ftiould not be vouchfaf'd the benefit of Law. Infomuch that Seneca the Tragedian brings in Hercules the grand fuppreffbr of Tyrants thus fpeaking; Viilima handulla amplior Pot eft, magifque epima maclari Jovi £huim Rex iniquus- -Thcre can be Jlain No facrifice to God more acceptable Than an unjujl and wicked King —— But of thefe I name no more, left it be objefted they were Heathen ; and come to produce another fort of men that had the knowledge of true Religion. Among the Jews this cuftom of Tyrant-killing was not unufuaJ. Firft Ehud, a man whom God had rais'd to deliver Ifrael from Eglon King of Moab, who had conquer'd and rul'd over them eighteen Years, being fent to him as an Ambafiador with a prefent, flew him in his own Houfe. But he was a fo- reign Prince, an Enemy, and Ehud befides had fpecial warrant from God. To the firft I anfwer, it imports not whether foreign or native : For no Prince fo native but profefles to hold by Law -, which when he himfelf overturns, breaking all the Covenants and Oaths that gave him title to his dignity, and were the bond and alliance between him and his people, what differs he from an outlandifh King or from an Enemy? For look how much right the King of Spain hath to govern us at all, fo much right hath the King of England to go- vern us tyrannically. If he, though not bound to us by any league, coming from Spain in perfon to fubdue us, or to deftroy us, might lawfully by the peo- ple of England either be flain in Fight, or put to death in Captivity, what hath a native King to plead, bound by fo many Covenants, Benefits and Honours to the welfare of his people? why he through the contempt of all Laws and Parla- nunts, the only tie of our obedience to him, for his own will's fake,and a boaft- ed Prerogative unaccountable, after ieven Years warring and deftroying of his beft Subjefts, overcome 3 and yielded prifoner, fliould think to fcape unque- Vol. I. Sf 2 ftionable, 3 i 6 The Tenure of K i n g s * ftionable, as a thing divine, in refpect' of whom fo many thou fa nd Chriftiar.s deftroy'd mould lie unaccounted for, polluting with their flaughterM Cue: all the Land over, and crying for vengeance againft the living that mould have righted them? Who knows not that there is a mutual bond of amity and bro- therhood between man and man over all the World; neither is it the Ehg Sea that can fever us from that duty and relation : a ftreighter bond yet there is between fellow-fubjects, neighbours, and friends. But when any of thefe do one to another fo as hoftility could do no worfe, what doth the Law decree lefs againft them, than open enemies and invaders ? or if the Law be not pre- fent or too weak, what doth it warrant us to lefs than fingle defence or civil War ? and from that time forward the Law of civil defenfive War differs no- thing from the Law of foreign hoftility. Nor is it diftance of place that makes enmity, but enmity that makes diftance. He therfore that keeps peace with me near or remote, of whatfoever Nation, is to me as far as all civil and human Offices an Engl 'ijlrman and a Neighbour: but if an Englijhman forgetting all LawSj human, civil and religious, offend againft life and liberty, to him offend-' ed and to the Law in his behalf, though born in the fame Womb, he is no I ■ ter than a Turk, a Saracen, a Heathen. This is Goipel, and this was ever Law among equals-, how much rather then in force againft any King whatfoever, who in refpect of the people is coniefb'd inferior and not equal: to diftinguifii therfore of a Tyrant by Outlandifh, or Domeftic is a weak evafion. To the fe- cond that he was an Enemy, I anfwer, what Tyrant is not? yztEglon by the Jews had been acknowledg'd as their Sovereign, they had ferv'd him eighteen years, as long almoft as we our William the Conqueror, in all which time he could not be fo unwife a Stateiman but to have taken of them Oaths of F. and Allegiance-, by which they made themfelves his proper iubjects, as tl homage and prefent fent by EhudtzR.\{y&. To the third, that he had ipecial warrant to kill Eglon in that manner, it cannot be granted, becaufe not ex- prefs'd ; it is plain that he wasrais'd by God to be a Deliverer, and went on juft principles, fuch as were then and ever held allowable to deal fo by a Ty- rant that could no otherwife be dealt with. Neither did SamueI,tkoiugh a Pro- phet, with his own hand abftain from Agag; a foreign enemy no doubt -, but mark the reafon, As thy Sword bath made women cbildlefs ; a caufe that by the fentence of Law itfelf nullifies all relations. And as the Law is between Bro- ther and Brother, Father and Son, Mafter and Servant, wherfore net between King or rather Tyrant and People? And wheras Jehu had fpecial command to flay Jehoram a fucceffive and hereditary Tyrant, it feems not the lefs insta- ble for that ; for where a thing grounded fo much on natural reafon hath the addition of a command from God, what does it but eltablifh the lawfulnefs of fuch an act ? Nor is it likely that God, who had fo many ways of puniming the houfe oi Ahab, would have fent a Subject againft his Prince, if the fa£t in it- felf as done to a Tyrant had been or bad example. And if David refusM to lift his hand againft the Lord's Anointed, the matter between them was nor tyranny, but private enmity, and David as a private perfon had been his own revenger, not fo much the people's ; but when any Tyrant at this day can fhew to be the Lord's Anointed, the only mention'd reafon why David withheld his hand, he may then, but not till then, prefume on the fame privilege. We may pais therfore hence to Chriftian Times. And firft our Saviour him- felf, how much he favour'd Tyrants, and how much intended they mould be found or honour'd among Chriftians, declares his mind not obfeurely ; account- ing their abfolute authority no better than Gentilifm, yea though they flourifh'd it over with the fplendid name of Benefactors ; charging thofe that would be his Difciples to ufurp no fuch dominion; but that they who were to be of moft authority among them, fliould efteem themfelves Minifters and Servants to the public. Mai. 20, 25. The Princes of the Gentiles exercife Lordjhip over them ; and Mark 10. 4.2. They that feem tortile, faith he, either flighting or accounting them no lawful rulers; butyejhallnotbefo, but the great eft among you foall be your Ser- vant. And although he himfelf were the meekeft, and came on Earth to be fo, yet to a Tyrant we hear him not vouchfafe an humble word : but Tell that Fux, Luk. 13. And wherfore did his Mother the Virgin Mary give fuch praife to God in her prophetic Song, that he had now by the coming of Chrift, cut down Dynafta's, or proud Monarchs fromthz Throne, if the Church, when God mani- fefts and Magistrates. fefls his power in them to do fo, mould rather choofe all mifery and vaflalao- e to ferve them, and let them ftill fit on their potent feats to be ador'd for doino- mifchief. Surely it is not for nothing that Tyrants by a kind of natural inftincT both hate and fear none more than the true Church and Saints of God, as the moil dangerous enemies and fubverters of Monarchy, though indeed of Tyran 7 ny ; hath not this been the perpetual cry of Courtiers, and Court- Prelates ? wherof no likelier caufe can be alledg'd, but that they well difcern'd the mind and principles of molt devout and zealous men, and indeed the very difcip.'ine of Church, tending to the difiblution of all Tyranny. No marvel then if fince the Faith of Chrift receiv'd, in purer or impurer times, to depofe a Kino- and put him to death for Tyranny hath been accounted fo juft and requifite, that neighbour Kings have both upheld and taken part with Subjects in the action. And Ludovicus Pint, himfelf an Emperor, and Son of Charles the Great, beino- made Judge, Du Haitian is my author, between Milegaft King of the Vulfzes and his Subjects who had depos'd him, gave his verdict for the Subjects, and for him whom they had ohofen in his room. Note here that the right of electing whom .hey pleafe, is by the impartial tcftimony of an Emperor in the people For, laid he, A juft Prince might to be prefer;-' J before an iwjuji, and the End cf Government before the Prerogative . And Conftantinus Leo, another Emperor in theByzahtineL.a.\vs hkh,That the end of a King is for the general good,whieh he not performing^* but the counterfeit of a King. And to prove that fome of our own Mo- narchy have acknowledg'd that their highoffice exempted them not from punifh- ment, they had the Sword of St. Edward borne before them by an Officer who was call'd Earl of the Palace even at the times of their higheil pomp and folern- nity, to mind them, faith Matthew Paris, the belt of our Hiftorians,that if they err'd, the Sword had power to reitrain them. And what reitraint the Sword comes to at length, having both edge and point, if any Sceptic will needs doubt, let him feel. It is alio affirm'd from diligent fearch made in our antientBooks of Law, that the Peers and Barons of England had a legal right to judge the King : which was the caufe mod likely, for it could be no flight caufe, that they were call'd his Peers, or Equals. This however may ftand immovable, fo long as man hath to deal with no better than man •, that if our Law judge all men to the lowefl by their Peers, itihould in all equity afcend alio, and jud°-e the higheil. And fo much I find both in our own and foreign Story, that Dukes, Earls, and MarquefleS were at firil not hereditary, not empty and vain titles, but names of truil and office, and with the office ceafing; as induces me to be of opinion, that every worthy man in Parlament, for the word Baron imports no more, might for the public good be thought a fit Peer and Judge of the King -, without regard had to petty Caveats, and Circumftances, the chief impediment in high affairs, and ever flood upon moil by circumftantial men. Whence doubtlefs our Anceilors, who were not ignorant with what rights either Nature or ancient Conftitution had endow'd them, when Oaths both at Coronation, and renew'd in Parlament would not ferve, thought it no way illegal to depofe and put to death their Tyrannous Kings. Infomuch that the Parlament drew up a charge againfl Richard the Second, and the Commons requeiled to have judgment decreed againil him, that the Realm might not be endanger'd. And Peter Martyr a Divine of foremofl rank, on the third of Judges approves their doings. Sir Thomas Smith alio, a Proteflant and a Statefman, in his Common- wealth of England putting the Queftion, whether it be lawful to rife againft a Tyrant? anfwers, that the vulgar judge of it according to the event, and the learned according to the purpofe of them that do it. But far before thofe days Gildas the moil ancient of all our Hiflorians, fpeaking of thofe times wherin the Roman Empire decaying, quitted and relinquifh'd what right they had by conqueil to this Ifland, and refign'd it all into the people's hands, Eeftifi.es that the people thus re-invefted with their own original right, about the year 446, both elected them Kings, who they thought beft (the firft Chriftian Britifh Kings that ever reign'd here fince the Romans) and by the fame right, when they apprehended caufe, ufually depos'd and put them to death. This is the moil fundamental and ancient tenure that any King of England can produce or pretend to •, in comparifon of which, all other titles and pleas are but of ye- ilerday. If any object that Gildas condemns the Britains for fo doing, the anlwer is as ready ; that he condemns them no more for fo doing, than he did before 317 3 1 8 The Tenure ^/Kings, before for chilling fuch, for faith he, They anointed them Kings, not of God, but fetch as -were more bloody than the reft. Next he condemns them not at all for depoftng or putting them to death, but fordoing it over-haftily, without trial or well examining the caufe, and for electing others worfe in their room. Thus we have here both domeftic and moft ancient Examples that the people of Bri- tain have depos'd and put to death their Kings in thofe primitive Chriftian -times. And to couple reafon with example, if the Church in all Ages, Primi- tive, Romifh, or Proteftant, held it ever no lefs their duty than the power of their Keys, though without exprefs warrant of Scripture, to bring indifferently both King and Peafant under the utmoft rigor of their Canons and Genfures Ecclefiaftical, even to the fmiting him withafinal Excommunion, if he periift impenitent, what hinders but that the temporal Law both may and ought, though without a fpecial Text or Precedent, extend with like indifference the civil Sword, to the cutting off, without exemption, him that capitally offends ? feeing that Juftice and Religion are from the lame God, and works of Juftice oft-times more acceptable. Yet becaufe that fome lately with the Tongues and Arguments of Malignant Backfliders have written that the proceedings now in Parlament againft the King, are without Precedent from any Proteftant State or Kingdom, the Examples which follow mall be all Proteftant, and chiefly Prefbytemn. In the Year 1546, the Duke of Saxony, Lantgrave of Heften, and the whole Proteftant League rais'd open War againft Charles the Fifth their Emperor, fent him a Defiance, renoune'd all Faith and Allegiance toward him, and de- bated long in Council whether they fhould give him fo much as the title of C<cfar. Sleidan. I. 17. Let all men judge what this wanted of depofing or of killing, but the power to do it. In the Year 1559, the Scotch Proteftants claiming promife of their Queen- Regent for Liberty of Confcience, fhe anfwering that promifes were not to be claim'd of Princes beyond what was commodious for them to grant, told her to her face in the Parlament then at Sterling, that if it were fo, they renoune'd ' their obedience ; and foon after betook them to Arms. Buchanan Hift. I. 16. Certainly when Allegiance is renoune'd, that very hour the King or Queen is in effect, depos'd. In the Year 1564, John Knox a moft famous Divine, and the Reformer of Scotland to the Prefbyterian Difcipline,at a general Affembly maintain'd openly in a difpute againft Lethington the Secretary of State, that Subjects might and ought to execute God's Judgments upon their King ; that the Fact of Jehu and others aganft their King,having the ground of God's ordinary Command to put fuch and fuch offenders to death, was not extraordinary, but to be imitated of all that preferr'd the honour of God to the affection of Flefh and wicked Prin- ces; that Kings, if they offend, have no privilege to be exempted from the pu- nifhments of Law more than any other l'ubject : fo that if the King be a Mur- derer, Adulterer, or Idolater, he fhould fuffcrnotas a King, but as an offender; and thisPofition he repeats again and again before them. Anfwerable was the opinion of John Craig another learned Divine, and that Laws made by the tyranny of Princes, or the negligence of People, their Pofterity might abrogate, and reform all things according to the original inftitution of Commonwealths. And Knox being commanded by the Nobility to write to Calvin and other learn- ed men for their judgments in that Queftion, refus'd-, alledging that both him- felf was fully reiblv'd in Confcience, and had heard their Judgments, and had the fame opinion under hand-writing of many the moft godly and moft learned that he knew in Europe ; that if he fhould move the Queftion to them again, what fhould he do but fhew his own forgetfulnefs or inconftancy. All this is far more largely in the Ecclefiaftic Hiftory of Scotland I. 4. with many other paf- fages to this effect all the Book over, fet out with diligence by Scotchmen of bed repute among them at the beginning of thefe Troubles; as if they labour'd to inform us what we were to do, and what they intended upon the like occafion. And to let the world know that the whole Church and Proteftant State of Scotland in thofe pureft times of Reformation were of the fame belief, three years after, they met in the field Mary their lawful and hereditary Queen, took her Prifoner, yielding before Fight, kept her in Prifon, and the fame year depos'd her. Buchan. Hift. I. 18. And four years after that, the Scots in juftification of their depofing Queen Mary, and Magistrates. Mary, fent Embaffadors to Queen Elizabeth, and in a written Declaration al- ledg'd that they had us'd towards her more lenity than fhe deferv'd ; that their Anceftors had heretofore punifh'd their Kings by death or banifhmcnt; that the Scots were a free Nation, made King whom they freely chole, and with tin- fame freedom un-king'd him if they faw caufe, by right of ancient Laws and Ceremonies yet remaining, and old Cuftoms yet among the High-landers in chufmg the head of their Clans, or Families; all which, with many other arguments, bore witnefs that Regal power was nothing el fe but a mutual Cove- nant or Stipulation between King and People. Buch. Rift. I. 20. Thefe were Scotchmen and Prefbyterians : but what meafure then have they lately offered, to think fuch liberty iefs befeeming us than themfelves, prefumino- to put him upon us for a Mailer, whom their Law fcarce allows to be their own equal ? If now then we hear them in another ftrain than heretofore in the pureft times of their Church, we may be confident it is the voice of Faction fpeakino- in them, not of Truth and Reformation. In the Year 15S 1, the States of 'Holland in a general AfTembly at the H'agtit , abjur'd all obedience and fubjeftion to Philip King of Spain 5 and in a Declara- tion juftify their fo doing ; for that by his tyrannous Government, againft Faith fo often given and broken , he had loft his right to all the Belgic Provinces ; that therfore they depos'd him, and declar'd it lawful to chufe another in his ftead. Thuan. I. 74. From that time to this, no State or Kingdom in the World hath equally profpered: But let them remember not to look with an evil and pre- judicial eye upon their neighbours walking by the fame rule. But what need thefe examples to Prefbyterians, I mean to thofe who now of late would feem fo much to abhor depofing, whenas they to all Chriftendom have given the lateft and livelieft example of doing it themfelves. I queftion not the lawfulnefs ofraifing War againft a Tyrant in defence of Religion, or civil Liberty •, for no Proteftant Church from the firfl IValdenfes of Lyons and Langucdoc to this day, but have done it round, and maintained it lawful. But this I doubt not to affirm, that the Prefbyterians, who now fo much condemn depofing, were the men themfelves that depos'd the King, and cannot with all their fhifting and relapfing, wafh off the guiltinefs from their own hands. For they themfelves, by thefe their late doings have made it guiltinefs, and turned their own warrantable actions into Rebellion. There is nothing that fo actually makes a King of England, as rightful Pof- feflion and Supremacy in allCaufes both Civil and Ecclcfiaftical: and nothing that fo actually makes a Subject of England, as thofe two Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy obferved without equivocating, or any mental refervation. Out of doubt then when the King fhall command things already conftituted in Church or State, Obedience is the true efTence of a Subject, either to do, if it be lawful, or if he hold the thing unlawful, tofubmit to that Penalty which the Law impofes, fo long as he intends to remain a Subject. Ther- fore when the people, or any part of them, fhall rife againft the King and his Authority, executing the Law in any thing eftablifh'd, Civil or Eccle- fiaftical, I do not fay it is Rebellion, if the thing commanded though efta- blifh'd be unlawful, and that they fought firft all due means of redrefs (and no man is further bound to Law) but I fay it is an abfolute renouncing both of Supremacy and Allegiance, which in one word is an actual and total depofing of the King, and the fetting up another fupreme Authority over them. And whether the Prefbyterians have not done all this and much more, they will not put me, I fuppofe, to reckon up a feven years ftory frefh in the memory of all men. Have they not utterly broke the Oath of Allegiance, rejecting the King's Command and Authority fent them from any part of the Kingdom whether in things lawful or unlawful ? Have they not abjur'd the Oath of Su- premacy, by fetting up the Parlament without the King, fupreme to all their Obedience •, and though their Vow and Covenant bound them in general to the Parlament, yetfometimes adhering to the leffer part of Lords and Commons that remain'd faithful, as they term it, and even of them, one while to the Com- mons without the Lords, another while to the Lords without the Commons ? Have they not ftill declar'd their meaning, whatever their Oath were, to hold them only for fupreme whom they found at any time moft yielding to what they petition'd? Both thefe Oaths which were the ftreighteft bond of an Englifu Subject in reference to the King, being thus broke and made void; it follows undeniably 19 .320 The Tenure o/Kings, undeniably that the King from that time was by them in fad' abfolutely de- pos'd, and they no longer in reality to be thought his Subjects, notwithfland- ino- their fine Claufe in the Covenant to preferve his Peribn, Crown and Dig- nity, fet there by fome dodging Cafuift with more craft than fincerky, to mi- tigate the matter in czi'e of ill fuccefs, and not taken I fuppofe by any honeft man, but as a Condition fubordinate to every the leaft Particle that might more concern Religion, Liberty, or the public Peace. To prove it yet more plainly that they are the Men who have depos'd the King, I thus argue. We know that King and Subject are Relatives, and Rela- tives have no longer being than in the Relation ; the relation between King and Subject can be no other than Regal Authority and Subjection. Hence I infer part their defending, that if the Subject who is one relative, takes away the Relation, of force he takes away alio the other relative : but the Prelbytenans who were one Relative, that is to fay Subjects, have for this feven years ta- ken away the Relation ; that is to fay the King's Authority, and their Sub- jection to it •, therfore the Prefbyterians for thefe feven years have remov'd and extinguifh'd the other Relative, that is to fay the King ; or to lpeak more in brief, have depos'd him ; not only by depriving him the execution of his Authority, but by conferring it upon others. If then their Oaths of Subjec- tion broken, new Supremacy obey'd, new Oaths and Covenants taken, not- withftanding frivolous evafions, have in plain terms unking'd the King, much more then hath their feven years Wars, not depos'd him only, but outlaw'd him, and defy'd him as an Alien, a Rebel to Law, an Enemy to the State. It muft needs be clear to any man not averfe from Reafon, that Hoftility and Subjection are two direct and pofitive Contraries, and can no more in one Subject ftand together in refpect of the fame King, than one perfon at the fame time can be in two remote places. Againft whom therfore the Subject is in aft of Hoftility,we may be confident that to him he is in no Subjection: and in whom Hoftility takes place of Subjection, for they can by no means confift together, to him the King can be not only no King, but an Enemy. So that from hence we fhall not need difpute whether they have depos'd him, or what they have defaulted towards him as no King, butfhew manifeftly how much they have done toward the killing him. Have they not levied all thefe Wars againft him whether offenfive or defenfive (for defence in War equally offends, and moft prudently before-hand) and given Commiffion to flay where they knew his Perfon could not be exempt from danger? And if chance or flight had not laved him, how often had they kill'd him, directing their Ar- tillery without blame or prohibition to the very place where they faw him ftand ? Have they not converted his Revenue to other ufes, and detain'd from him all means of livelihood, fo that for them long fince he might have perifh'd, or have ftarv'd ? Have they not hunted and purfu'd him round a- bout the Kingdom with fword and fire ? Have they not formerly deny'd to treat with him, and their now recanting Minifters preach'd againlt him, as a Reprobate incurable, an Enemy to God and his Church, mark'd for deftruc- tion, and therfore not to be treated with ? Have they not befieg'd him, and to their power forbid him Water and Fire, fave what they fhot againft him to the hazard of his life ? Yet while they thus afiaulted and endanger'd it with hoftile deeds, they fvvore in words to defend it with his Crown and Dignity ; not in order, as it feems now, to a firm and lading Peace, or to his repentance after all this blood; but fimply, without regard, without remorfe or any com- parable value of all the miferies and calamities fuffered by the poor peop'c, or to fuller hereafter through hisobftinacy or impenitence. No undcrftanding man can be ignorant that Covenants are ever made according to the prefent ftate ofperfons and of things-, and have ever the more general Laws of Nature and of Reafon included in them, though not exprefs'd. If I make a voluntary Covenant as with a man to do him good, and he prove afterward a Monfter to me, I fhould conceive a difobligement. If I covenant, not to hurt an enemy, in favour of him and forbearance, and hope of his amendment, and he, after that,fhall do me tenfold injury and mifchicf to what he had done when I fo co- venanted ,and ftill be plotting what may tend to my deftruction, I queftionnot but that hisaftcr-actionsreleafemejnorknow I Covenant fo facred that with- holds me from demanding Juftice on him. Howbeit, had not their diftruil in a good Caufe, and the fall and loofe of our prevaricating Divines overfway \1, it had been doubtlefs better, not to have inferted in a Covenant unneccflary obli- gations, and Magistrates. %ii gations, and words, not works of a fupererogating Allegiance to their enemy ; no way advantageous to themielves, had the King prevails, as to their coll ma- ny would have felt ; but fall of fnare and diffraction to our Friends, ufefal on- ly, as we now find, to our adverfaries, who under fuch a latitude and fhelter of ambiguous interpretation have ever fince been plotting and contriving new opportunities to trouble all again. How much better had it bin, and more be- coming an undaunted Virtue, to have declared openly and boldly whom and what power the people were to hold Supreme, as on the like occafion Prote- ilants have done before, and many confeientious men now in thefe times have more than once befought the Parlament to do, that they might go on upon a lure foundation, and not with a ridling Covenant in their mouths, feeming to fwear counter, almoft in the fame breath, Allegiance and no Allegiance •, which doubtlefs had drawn off all the minds of fincere men from fiding with them, had they not difcern'd their actions far more depofing him than their words uphold- ing him •, which words made now the fubject of cavillous interpretations, flood ever in the Covenant, by judgment of the more difcerning fort, an evidence or their fear, not of their fidelity. What, fhould I return to fpeak on, of thofe at- tempts for which the King himfelf hath often charg'd the Prcfbyterians of feek- ing his life, whenas in the due eftimation of things they might without a fallacy be laid to have done the deed outright "Who knows not that the King is a name of dignity and office, not of perfon ? Who therfore kills a King, mull kill him while he is a King. Then they certainly who by depofing him have long fince taken from him the life of a King, his office and his dignity, they in the trueft fenfe may be laid to have kill'd the King: not only by their depofing and waging War againft him, which befides the danger to his perfonal life, fet him in the farther! oppofite point from any vital function of a King, but by their holding him in prifon vanquifhed and yielded into their abfolute and dejpotic power, which brought him totheloweil degradementand incapacity of the Regal name. I fay not, by whofe matchlefs valour next under God, leil the ffcory of their ingratitude therupon carry me from the purpofe in hand, which is to con- vince them that they, which I repeat again, were the men who in the trueft fenfe killed the King, not only as is prov'd before, but by deprefiing him their King far below the rank of a Subject to the condition of a Captive, without intention to reflore him, as the Chancellor of Scotland in a fpeech told him plainly at Newcajlle, unlefs he granted fully all their Demands, which they knew he never meant. Nor did they treat, or think of treating with him, till their hatred to the Army that delivered them, not their love or duty to the King, joined thera fecretly with men fentene'd fo oft for Reprobates in their own months, by whofe futtle infpiring they grew mad upon a moll tardy and improper Treaty. Wheras if the whole bent of their actions had not been againft the King himfelf, but againft his evil Council, as they feign'd, and publifh'd, wherfore did they not reflore him all that while to the true life of a King, his Office, Crown and Dignity, when he was in their power, and they themielves his neareflCounfellors ? The truth therfore is, both that they would not, and that indeed they could not without their own certain deftruclion, having reduced him to luch a final pafs, as was the very death and burial of all in him that was regal, and from whence never King oi England yet reviv'd, but by the new re-inforcement of his own party, which was a kind of refurrection to him. Thus having quite ex- tinguifht all that could be in him of a King, and from a total privation clad him over like another fpecifical thing with forms and habitudes dellruclive to the former, they left in his perfon dead as to Law and all the civil right either of King or Subject, the Life only of a Prilbner, a Captive and a Malefactor : Whom the equal and impartial hand of Juftice finding, was no more to fpare than another ordinary man •, not only made obnoxious to the doom of Lav/ by a charge more dian once drawn up againft him, and his own confefiion to the firft Article at Newport, but fummon'dand arraign'd in the fight of God and his people, curft and devoted to perdition worfe than any Abab, or Antiochus, with exhortation to curfe all thofe in the Name of God that made not War againlt him, as bitterly as Meroz was to be curs'd, that went not out againft a Canaani- t'tfl} King, almoft in all the Sermons, Prayers, and Fulminations that have bin utter'd this feven vears by thole cloven Tongues of falfhood and difTenfion, who now, to the ftirring up of new difcord, acquit him •, and againft their own dii- V ci, I. T t cipline. 322 The 'Tenure of K i n g s, cipline, which they boaft to be the Throne and Scepter of Chrift, abfolve him., unconfound him, though unconverted, unrepentant, unfenfible of all their pre- cious Saints and Martyrs whofe blood they have fo oft laid upon his head : and now again with a new fovereign anointment can walh it all off, as if it were as vile, and no more to be reckon'd for than the blood of fo many Dogs in a time of Peftilence : giving the moft opprobrious lye to all the acted zeal that for thefe many years hath fill'd their bellies, and fed them fat upon the fool ifh Peo- ple. Minifters of Sedition, not of the Gofpel, who while they faw it mani- ieftly tend to civil War and Bloodfhed, never ceas'd exafperating the people a- gainft him ; and now that they fee it likely to breed new commotion, ceafe not to incite others againft the people that have fav'd them from him, as if Sedi- tion were their only aim whether againft him or for him. But God, as we have caufe to truft, will put ether thoughts into the people, and turn them from look- ing after thefe firebrand?, of whole iury, and falfe prophecies, we have enough experience ; and from the murmurs of new difcord will incline them to hearken rather with erected minds to the voice of our fupreme Magiftracy, calling us to liberty, and the flourifhing deeds of a reform'd Commonwealth •, with this hope, that as God was heretofore angry with the Jews who rejected him and his form of Government to choofe a King, fo that he will blefs us, and be pro- pitious to us who reject a King to make him only our Leader, and fupreme Go- vernor in the conformity as near as may be of his own ancient Government ; if we have at leaft but lb much worth in us to entertain the fenfe of our future happinefs, and the courage to receive what God vouchfafes us : wherin we have the honour to precede other Nations, who are now labouring to be our follow- ers. For as to this queftion in hand, what the people by their juft right may do in change of Government, or ol Governor, we fee itclear'd Tficiently ; be- fides other ample Authority, even from the mouths of Princes themfelves. And lurely they that fhall boaft, as we do, to be a free Nation, and not have in themfelves the power to remove, or to abolilh any Governor fupreme, or fubor- dinate, with the Government it felf upon urgent caufes, may pleafe their fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom, fit to cozen babies ; but are indeed un- der tyranny and fervitude ; as wanting that power, which is the root and fource of all liberty, to difpofe and (economize in the Land which God hath given them, as Mafters of Family in their own Houfe and free Inheritance. Without which natural and effential power of a free Nation, though bearing high their heads, they can in due efteem be thought no better than flaves and vaffals born, in the tenure and occupation of another inheriting Lord. Whofe, Government, though not illegal, or intolerable, hangs over them as a Lordly fcourge, not as a free Government •, and therfore to be abrogated. How much more juftly then may they fling off Tyranny, or Tyrants ? who being once depos'd can be no more than private men, as fubject to the reach of Juftice and Arraignment as any other TranfgrefTors ? And certainly if men, not to fpeak of Heathen, both wife and religious, have done juftice upon Tyrants what way they could fooneft, how much more mild and humane then is it to give them fur and open tryal ? To teach lawlefs Kings, and all that fo much adore them, that not mor- tal man, or his imperious Will, but Juftice is the only true fovereign and fu- preme Majefty upon Earth. Let men ceafe therfore out of Faction and Hypo- crify to make outcrys and horrid things of things fo juft and honourable. And if the Parlament and Military Council do what they do without precedent, if it ap- pear their duty, it argues the more wifdom, virtue, and magnanimity, that they know themfelves able to be a precedent to others. Who perhaps in future ages, if they prove not too degenerate, will look up with honour and afpire to- ward thefe exemplary and matchlefs deeds of their Anceftors, as to the higheft top of their civil glory and emulation. Which heretofore in the purfuance of fame and foreign dominion, fpent it felf vain-glorioudy abroad ; but henceforth may learn abetter fortitude to dare execute higheft Juftice on them that fhall by force of Arms endeavour the oppreffing and bereaving of Religion and their Liberty at home : that no unbridled Potentate or Tyrant, but to his forrow for the future, may prefume fuch high and irrefponfible licence over mankind, to havoc and turn upfide-down whole Kingdoms of men, as though they were no more in re- fpect of his perverfe Will than a Nation of Pifmires. As for the party call'd Prefbyterian, of whom I believe very many to be good and faithful Chriftians, though and Magistrates. 323 though mifled by fomc of turbulent Spirit, I wiih them carneftly and calmly not to fall off from their firft Principles, nor to affect rigor and fuperiority over men not under them ; not to compel unforcible things in Religion efpecially, which if not voluntary, becomes a fin ; nor to affift the clamor and malicious drifts of men whom they themfelves have judg'd to be the worft of men, the obdurate enemies of God and his Church : nor to dart againft the actions of their brethren, for want of other argument, thofe wrefted Laws and Scriptures thrown by Prelates and Malignants againft their own fides, which though they hurt not ctherwife, yet taken up by them to the condemnation of their own doings give fcandal to all men, and difcover in themfelves either extreme pafiion or apoftacy. L.et them not oppofe their belt friends and aflbciates who mol eft them not at all, infringe not the leaft of their Liberties, linlefs they call it- their Liberty to bind other mens Confidences, but are ftill feeking to live at peace with them and bro- therly accord. Let them beware an old and perfect Enemy, who though he hope by foxing Difcord to make them his Inftruments, yet cannot forbear a minute the open threatning of his deftin'd Revenge upon them when they have ferv'd his purpofes. Let them fear therfore, if they be wife, rather what they have done already, than what remains to do, and be warned in time they put no confi- dence in Princes whom they have provok'd, left they be added to the Examples of thofe that miferably have tafted the event. Stories can inform them how Cbrifticrn the fecond, King of Denmark, not much above a hundred years paft driven out by his Subjects, and receiv'd again upon new Oaths and Conditions, broke through them all to his mod bloody Revenge, flaying his chief Oppofers when he faw his time, both them and their children invited to a feaft for that purpofe. How Maximilian dealt with thofe of Bruges, though by mediation of the German Princes reconciled to them by folemn and public writings drawn and feal'd. How the Maffacre at Paris was the effect of that credulous Peace which the French Proteftants made with Charles the Ninth their King : and that the main vifible caufe which to this day hath faved the 'Netherlands from utter ruin, was their final not believing the perfidious cruelty which as a conftant max- im of State hath bin us'd by the Spanifo Kings on the ir Subjects that have taken arms and after trufted them ; as no latter age but can teftify, heretofore in Belgia it felf, and this very year in Naples. And to conclude with one paft Ex- ception, though far more ancient, David after once he had taken arms, never after that trufted Saul, though with Tears and much relenting he twice promifed not to hurt him. Thefe Inftances, few of many, might admonifh them, both Englijh and Scotch, not to let their own ends, and the driving on of a Faction, be- tray them blindly into the fnare of thofe Enemies whofe .Revenge looks on them as the men who firft begun, fomented, and carry'd on beyond the cure of any found or iafe accommodation, all the evil which hath fince unavoidably befallen them and their King. I have fomething alfo to the Divines, though brief to what were needful ; not to be diftui bers of the civil affairs, being in hands better able and more be- longing to manage them ; but to ftudy harder, and to attend the office of good Paftors, knowing that he whofe Flock is leaft among them, hath a dreadful charge, not perform'd by mounting twice into the chair with a formal Preach- ment huddl'd up at the odd hours of a whole lazy week, but by incelTant pains and watching in feafon and out of feafon, from houfe to houfe, over the Souls of whom they have to feed. Which if they ever well confider'd, how little lei- fure would they find to be the moft pragmatical Sidefmen of every popular Tu- mult and Sedition ? And all this while are to learn what the true end and real on is of the Gofpel which they teach ; and what a world it differs from the cenfo- rious and fupercilious lording over Confcience. It would be good alfo they liv'd fo as might perfuade the people they hated Covetoufnefs, which worfe than Herefy, is Idolatry-, hated Pluralities, and all kind of Simony ; left rambling from Benefice to Benefice, like ravenous Wolves feeking where they may devour the biggeft. Of which if fome, well and warmly feated from the beginning, be not guilty, 'twere good they held not converfation with fuch as are : let them Be forry that being call'd to affemble about reforming the Church, they fell to progging and foliciting the Parlament, though they had renoune'd the name of Priefts, for a new fettling of their Tithes and Oblations ; and double lin'd them- felves with fpiritual places of commodity beyond the polTible difcharge of their Vol. I. T t 2 duty 324 %% e Tenure o/Kings. duty. Let them affemble in Confiftory with their Elders and Deacons, accord- ing to ancient Ecclefiaftical Rule, to the preferving of Church-difcipline, each in his feveral charge, and not a pack of Clergy- men by themfelves to belly-chear in their prefumptuous Sion, or to promote defigns, abufe and gull the fimple Laity, and ftir up Tumult, as the Prelates did, for the maintenance of their pride and avarice. Thefe things if they obferve and wait with patience, no doubt but all things will go well without their importunities or exclamations : and the Print- ed Letters which they fend fubfcrib'd with the oftentation of great Characters and little, moment, would be more confiderable than now they are. But if they be the Minifters of Mammon inftead of Chrift, and fcandalize his Church with the filthy love of Gain, afpiring alfo to fit the clofeft and the heavier! of all Ty- rants, upon the Confcience, and fall notorioufly into the fame Sins, wherof fo lately and fo loud they accus'd the Prelates -, as God rooted out thofe imme- diately before, fo will he root out them their imitators : and to vindicate his own Glory and Religion, will uncover their hypocrify, to the open world •, and vifit upon their own heads that curfe ye Meroz, the very Motto of their Pulpits, wherwith fo frequently, not as Meroz, but more like Atheifts, they have mock'd the vengeance of God, and the zeal of his People. O B S E R- 3^5 OBSERVATIONS O N T H E Articles of Peace BETWEEN JAME S Earl of O r m o n d for King Charles the Firft on the one hand, and the Irijh Rebels and Papifts on the other hand : And on a Letter fent by Ormond to Colonel yO NE S Governor of Dublin. And a Reprefentation of the Scots Presbytery at Belfafi in Ireland. To which the faid Articles, Letter, with Col. Jones's Anfwer to it, and Reprefentation, &c. are prefix'd. A Proclamatio N. ORMONT> y WHEREAS Articles of Peace are made, concluded, accord- ed and agreed upon, by and between Us, J AMES Lord Marquefs of ORMOND, Lord Lieut. General, and General Governor of His Majefty's Kingdom of Ireland, by virtue of the Authority wherwith We are intruded, for, and on the be- half of His Moft Excellent Majefty of the one Part, and the General Afiem- bly of the Roman Catholics of the faid Kingdom, for and on the behalf of His Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of the fame, on the other Part ; a true Copy of which Articles of Peace are hereunto annexed : We the Lord Lieut, do by this Proclamation, in his Majefty's Name publifh the fame, and do in his Ma- jefty's Name ftrictly charge and command all His Majefty's Subjects, and all others inhabiting or refiding within His Majefty's faid Kingdom of Ireland to take notice therof, and to render due Obedience to the fame in all the Parts therof. And as his Majefty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep fenfe of the Miferiesand Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People, and out of Hope conceived by His Majefty, that it may prevent the further Effufion of His Subjects Blood, redeem them out of all the Miferies and Calamities under which they now fuffer, reftore them to all Quietnefs and Happinefs under His Majefty's moft Gracious Government, deliver the Kingdom in ge- neral from thofe Slaughters, Depredations, Rapines and Spoils which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with Comfort to betake themfelves to Trade, Traffic, Commerce, Manufacture and all other things, which 326 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace which uninterrupted, may increafe the Wealth and Strength of the Kingdom, beget in all Hi:, Majefty's Subjects of this Kingdom a perfeft Unity amongft trfeffifeires; after the too long continued Divifion amongft them: So his Maje- fty aiTures himfelfthat all His Sub j efts of this His Kingdom (duly confidering the great and ineftimable Benefits which they may find in this Peace) v/ill with all Duty render due Obedience therunto. And We in his Majefty's Name, do hereby declare, That all Perfons fo rendering due Obedience to the faid Peace, mail be protected, cherifhed, countenanced and fupported by his Majefty, and his Royal Authority, according to the true Intent and Meaning of the faid Ar- ticles of Peace. Given at our c*fll* G O D S A V E THE KING. of Kilkenny, Ja- nuary 17, 164.8. Articles of Peace, made, concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between His Excellency JAMES Lord Marqneis of O R- M O N T), Lord Lieutenant General, and General of His Ma- jefty's Kingdom of Ireland, for, and on the behalf of his Mod Excellent Majefty, by Virtue of the Authority wherewith the faid Lord Lieutenant is intruded, on the one Part : And the General Aflcmbly of Roman Catholics of the faid. Kingdom, for, and on the behalf of His Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of the fame, on the other Part. HIS Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjefis, as therunto bound by Allegiance, Duty and Nature, do moft humbly and freely Acknowledge and Recognize their Sovereign Lord King Charles to be lawful and undoubted King of this Kingdom tf Ireland, and other His Highnefs's Realms and Dominions : And His Majefty's faid Roman Catholic Subjects, apprehending with a deep fenfe the fad Condition wher- unto His Majefty is reduced, as a further Teftimony of their Loyalty, do declare, that they and their Pofterity for ever, to the utmoft of their Power, even to the Ex- pence of their Blood and Fortunes, will maintain and uphold His Majefty, His Heirs and lawful Succejfors, their Rights, Prerogatives, Government and Authority, and therunto freely and heartily will render all due Obedience. Of which Faithful and Loyal Recognition and Declaration fo feafonably made by the faid Roman Catholics, His Majefty is gracioufly pleas' J to accept, and accord- iwly to own them His loyal and dutiful Subjecls : And is further gracioufly pleas' d ta extend unto them the following Graces and Securities. I. T M P R I MIS, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- X. tween the faid Lord Lieutenant, for, and on the behalf of His Moft Ex- cellent Majefty, and the faid General Affemby, for, and on the behalf of the faid Roman Catholic Subjefts •, and His Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That it fhall be enafted by AC T to be paffed in the next Parlament to be held in this Kingdom, that all and every the Profeffors of the Roman Catholic Religion with- in the faid Kingdom, fhall be free and exempt from all Mulcts, Penalties, Re- ftraints and Inhibitions, that are or may be impos'd upon them by any Law, Statute, Ufage or Cuftom whatfoever, for, or concerning, the free Exercife of the Roman Catholic Religion : And that it fhall be likewife Enafted, That the faid Roman Catholics, or any of them, fhall not be queftion'd or molefted in their Perfons, Goods or Eftates, for any Matter or Caufe whatfoever, for, concerning, or by reafon of the free Exercife of their Religion, by Virtue of any Power, Authority, Statute, Law or Ufage whatfoever : And that it fhall be further Enafted, That no Rowan Catholic in this Kingdom fhall be compelled to exercife any Religion, Form of Devotion, or Divine Service, other than fuch as fhall be agreeable to their Confcience •, and that they fhall not be prejudiced or molefted in their Perfons, Goods, or Eftates for not obferving, ufing or hearing the Book of Common-Prayer, or any other Form of Devo- tion between the Earl of Ormond and the Irifti. 327 tion or Divine Service by virtue of any Colour or Statute made in the fecond year of Queen Elizabeth, or by virtue or Colour of any other Law, Declara- tion of Law, Statute, Cuftom, or Ufage whatlbever, made or declared, or to be made or declared : And that it fhall be further enacted, that the Profeftbrs of the Roman Catholic Religion, or any of them, be not bound or obliged to take the Oath commonly call'd, the Oath of Supremacy exprefTed in the Statute of 2 Elizabeth, c. i. or in any other Statute or Statutes: And that the faid Oath ihall not be tendered unto them, and that the Refufal of the faid Oath mall not redound to the Prejudice of them, or any of them, they taking the Oath of Allegiance in h<ec verba> viz. / A. B. do hereby acknowledge, profefs, teftify and declare in my Confcience, before God and the World, that our Sovereign Lord King C H A R L E S is Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm, and of o- ther his Majefty's Dominions and Countries ; and twill bear Faith and true Allegi- ance to His Majefty, and His Heirs and Sitcceffors, and Him and them will defend to the uttermoft of my power againft all Confpiracies and Attempts whatfoever which fhall be : ainft His or their Crown and Dignity; and do my befi endeavour to dif- clofi to His Majefty, His Heirs and SucceJJors, or to the Lord Deputy, or t r Majefty's Chief Governor or Governors for the time beings allTreafon or t - (j Confpiracies which I fhall know or hear to be intended againft His Ma- jefty, or any of them: and I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment, heartily, ■:c . \glyand truly, upon the true Faith of a Chriflian ; fo help me God, &c. Never- thelefs, the laid Lord Lieutenant doth not hereby intend th.it any thing in thefe Conceflions contained fhall extend, or be conftrued to extend to the granting of Churches, Church-Livings, or the Exercife of Jurifdiction, the Authority of the laid Lord Lieutenant not extending fo far ; yet the faid Lord Lieutenant is authoriz'd to give the faid Roman Catholics full AfTurance, as hereby the faid Lord Lieutenant doth give unto the faid Roman Catholics full AfTurance, that they or any of them fhall not be molefted in the PofTefiion which they have at prefent of the Churches or Church-Livings, or of the Exercife of their refpeclive Jurifdiclions, as they now exercife the fame, until fuch time as His Majefty upon a full Confideration of the Defires of the faid Reman Catholics in a free Parliament to beheld in this Kingdom fhall declare His further Pleafure. II. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid Parties, and His Majefty is further graciouily plealed that a free Parlamenc fhall be held in this Kingdom within fix Months after the Date of thefe Arti- cles of PEACE, or as foon after as Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccflo'.ogb Lord Prefidentof Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mufkerry, Francis Lord Ba- ron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knighr, Sir Nicholas Plunkct Knight, Sir Richard Barn-wall Barone:, Jeffery Brown, Don- nogh Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or the major part of them will defire the fune, fo that by poffibility it may be held -, and that in the mean time, and until the Articles of thefe Prefents, agreed to be pafs'd in Parlament, be accordingly pafs'd, the lame fhall be invio- lably obferv'd as to the Matters therin contain'd, as if they were enacted in Parlament : And that in cafe a Parlament be not call'd and held in this King- dom within two years next after the Date of thefe Articles of Peace, then His Majefty's Lord Lieutenant, or odier His Majefty's chief Governor or Go- vernors of this Kingdom for the time being, will at the requeft of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccjlologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don- \h Lord Vi'count Mufkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barnwell Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donncgh Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or the major part of them, call a General Aftembly of the Lords and Commons of this Kingdom, to at- tend upon the faid Lord Lieutenant or other His Majefty's chief Governor or Governors of this Kingdom for the time being, in fuch convenient Place, for the better fettling of the Affairs of the Kingdom. And it is further conclu- ded, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid Parties, that all Matters that by thefe Articles are agreed upon to be paiVd in Parlament, fhall be tranfmitted into ENGLAND, according to the ufual Form, to be pal- lid in the laid Parlament, and that the faid Afts fo agreed upon, and fo to be pafs'd, fhall receive no Disjunction or Alteration here or in England', provided 328 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace provided that nothing fhall be concluded by both or either of the faid Houfes of Parlament, which may bring prejudice to any of His Majefty's Proteftant Party, or their Adherents, or to his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects or their Adherents, other than fuch things as upon this Treaty are concluded to be done, or fuch things as may be proper for the Committee of Privileges ot either or both Houfes to take Cognizance of, as in fuch Cafes heretofore hath been accuftom.'d -, and other than fuch Matters as His Majefty will be gracioufly pleafed to declare His further pleafure in, to be pafs'd in Parlament for the Satisfaction of his Subjects ; and other than fuch things as fhall be propounded to cither or both Houfes by his Majefty's Lord Lieutenant or other chief Gover- nor or Governors of this Kingdom for the time being, during the faid Parla- ment, for the Advancement of his Majefty's Service, and the Peace of the King- dom ; which Claufe is to admit no Conftruction which may trench upon the Ar- ticles of Peace or any of them ; and that both Houfes of Parliament may con- fider what they fhall think convenient touching the Repeal or Sufper.fion of the Statute commonly called, Poynings ACT, entitled, An ACT tliat no Parliament be hoiden in that Land, until the ACTS be certify'd into ENGLAND. III. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Partie?', and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, That all Ads, Ordinances and Orders made by both or either Houfes of Parlament, to the blemifh, difhonour, or prejudice of his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom, or any of them fince the yth of Augttft 1641, fhall be vacated; and that the lame and all Exemplifications and other Acts which continue the me- mory of them be made void by Act to be pafs'd in the next Parlament to be held in this Kingdom •, and that in the mean time the faid Ads or Ordinances, or any of them, fhall be no Prejudice to the faid RomanCatholics, or any of them. IV. Item, It is alfo concluded, and agreed upon, and his Majefty is likewife gracioufly pleafed, That all Indictments, Attainders, Outlawries in this King- dom, and all the Procefles and other Proceedings thereupon, and all Letters Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftoms, Bonds, Recognizances, and all Records, Act or Acts, Office or Offices, Inquifitions, and all other things depending up- on, or taken by reafon of the faid Indictments, Attainders or Outlawries, fince the yth day of Aiiguft, 1641, in prejudice of the faid Catholics, their Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators or Afligns, or any of them, or the Widows of them, or any of them, fhall be vacated and made void in fuch fort as no Memory fhall remain therof, to the blemifh, difhonour or prejudice of the faid Catholics, their Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators or Afligns, or any of them, or the Widows of them, or any of them -, and that to be done when the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojlologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Alhunry, Alexander Mac-Dcnnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jcffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neal, Miles Reilie and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or the major part of them fhall defire the fame, fo that by poflibility it may be done : and in the mean time that no fuch Indictments, Attainders, Outlawries, Procefles, or any other Pro- ceedings thereupon, or any Letters Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftodiums, Bonds, Recognizances, or any Record or Acts, Office or Offices, Inquifitions, or any other thing depending upon, or by reafon of the faid Indictments, At- tainders or Outlawries, fhall in any fort prejudice the laid Roman Catholics, or any of them, but that they and every of them fhall be forthwith, upon Perfection of thefe Articles, reftor'd to their refpective Poffeflions and Llereditaments refpe- ctively ; provided, that no Man fhall be queftion'd by reafon hereof, for Meafne Rates or Waftes, faving wilful Waftes committed after the firft day of May laft paft. V. Item, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, That asfoon as poflible may be, all Impediments which may hinder the laid Roman Catholics to fit or vote in the next intended Parlament, or to choofe, or to be chofen Knights and Burgcfles, to fit or vote there, fhall be removed, and that before the faid Parlament. VI. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is fur- ther gracioufly pleafed, That all Debts fhall remain as they were upon the 23^ of between the Earl of Ormond and the Irifh. 320 of Oclobcr, 1 64 1. Notwithftanding any Difpofition made or to be made, by Virtue or Colour of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or other Forfeiture; and that no Difpofition or Grant made, or to be made of any fuch Debts, by Virtue of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or other Forfeiture, fhall be of force •, and this to be puffed as an Aft in the next Parlament. VII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Maje- fty is gracioufly pleafed,That for the fecuringof the Eftates or reputed Eftates of the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders, or reputed Freeholders, as well of Connaght and County of Clare, or Country of Thomond, as of the Counties of Limerick and Tipperary, the fame to be fecured by Aft of" Parlament, accord- ing to the Intent of the 25th Article of the Graces granted in the fourth year of his Majefty's Reign, the Tenor wherof for fo much as concerneth the fame, doth enfue in thei'e words, viz. We are gracioufly pleafed, that for the Inhabitants of Connaght and Country of Thsmond and County of Clare, that their feveral Eitates fhall be confirmed unto them and their Heirs againft Us, and our Heirs and SuccefTors, by Aft to be pafled in the next Parlament to be holden in Ireland, to the end the fame may never hereafter be brought into any further queftion by Us, or our Heirs and SuccefTors. In which Aft of Parla- ment fo to be pafled, you are to take care that, all Tenures in Capite, and all Rents and Services as are now due, or which ought to be anfwered unto us out of the faid Lands and Premifes, by any Letters Patent pan: therof fince the firft year of King HENRT VIII. or found by any Office taken from the faid firft year of King HENRT VIII. until the 21JI of July 1645, wher- by our late dear Father, or any his Predecefiors aftually received any Profit byWardfhip, Liveries, Primer-feifins, Meafne Rates, Oufterlemains or Fines of Alienations without Licence, be again referved unto Us, our Heirs and SuccefTors, and all the reft of the Premifes to be holden of our Caftle of Athlone by Knights Service, according to our faid late Father's Letters, notwithftand- ing any Tenures in Capite found for Us by Office, fince the lift of July 16 15, and not appearing in any fuch Letters Patent, or Offices ; within which Rule His Majefty is likewife gracioufly pleafed, That the faid Lands in the Counties of Limerick and '■Tipperary be included, but to be held by fuch Rents and Te- nures only, as they were in the fourth year of his Majefty's Reign; provided always, that the faid Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders of the faid Province of Connaght, County of Clare, and Country of Thomond, and Coun- ties of Tipperary and Limerick, fhall have and enjoy the full Benefit of fuch Compofition and Agreement which fhall be made with his moft Excellent Ma- jefty, for the Court of Wards, Tenures, Refpits and Iffues of Homage, any Claufe in this Article to the contrary notwithftanding. And as for the Lands within the Counties of Kilkenny and Wickloe, unto which his Majefty was in- titled by Offices, taken or found in the time of the Earl of Strafford's, Govern- ment in this Kingdom, Flis Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, That the State therof fhall be confidered in the next intended Parlament, where his Majefty will aflfent unto that which fhall be juft and honourable; and that the like Aft of Limitation of his Majefty's Titles, for the Security of the Eftates of his Subjects of this Kingdom bepafTed in the faid Parlament as was enafted in the 21/ year of his late Majefty King JAMES his Reign in ENGLAND. Vlil. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that all Incapacities impofed upon the Natives of this Kingdom or any of them, as Natives, by any Aft of Parla- ment, Provifos in Patents or otherwife, be taken away by Aft to be pafTed in. the faid Parlament -, and that they may be enabled to ereft one or more Inns of Court in or near the City of Dublin or elfewhere, as fhall be thought fit by his Majefty's Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being ; and in cafe the faid Inns of Court fhall be erefted before the firft day of the next Parlament, then the fame fhall be in fuch Places as his Majefty's Lord Lieutenants or other Chief Governour or Gover- nours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Con- tent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojlologh Lord Prefident of I nnaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnell Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh Qallaghan, Tyr- Vol. I. U u hk o Obfervations on the Articles of Peace lab Neile Miles Rei-y, G err aid Fenncll Efquires, or any feven or more of them fhall think fit -, and that fuch Students, Native's of this Kingdom, as ftiail be therin, may take and receive the ufual Degrees accuftom'd in any Inns of Court, they taking the eniuing Oath; viz. I A. B. do hereby acknow- ledge, profefs, teftify and declare in my Confcience before God and the World, that our Sovereign Lord King Charles is Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm, and of ether his Majefifs Dominions and Countries ; and I will bear Faith and true Alle- giance to his Mo.je ■ v, and his Heirs and Succeffors, and him and them will defend to the utmofi of my Power againll all Conspiracies and Attempts whatfoever, which Jhall be made o.gainft his or their Crown and Dignity ; and do my beft endeavour to difclofe and make known to his Maje/ty, his Heirs and Succeffors, or to the Lord Deputy, or other his Majefifs Chief Governour or Govemours for the time being, i Treafon or traitorous Conjpiracies which Ifhall know or hear to be intended agairift hisMajefty or any of them. And I do here make this Recognition and Acknowledgement heartily, willingly and truly, upon the true Faith of a. Chrijlian ; fo help me God, &c. And his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that his Majelty's Roman Ca- tholic Subjects may erect and keep free Schools for Education of Youths in this Kingdom, any Law or Statute to the contrary notwithftanding-,_ and that all the matters affented unto in tliis Article be paffed as Acts of Parliament in the faid next Parliament. IX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded, and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, that Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truit in his Majefty's Armies in this Kingdom fhai! be upon Perfection of thefe Articles actually and by particular Inltances conferred upon his Roman Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom; and that upon the diftribution, conferring and difpohng of the Places of Command, Ho- nour, Profit and Truft in his Majefty's Armies in this Kingdom, for the future no Difference fhall be made between the faid Roman Catholics, and other his Majefty's Subjects •, but that fuch Diftribution fhall be made with equal Indiffe- rency according to their refpective Merits and Abilities : and that all his Ma- jefty's Subjects of this Kingdom, as well Roman Catholics as others, may for his Majefty's Service and their own Security, arm themfelves the beft they may, wherin they fhall have all fitting Encouragement. And it is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in the Civil Government in this Kingdom, fhall be upon paffing of the Bills in thefe Articles mentioned in the next Parlament, actually and by par- ticular Inftances conferred upon his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom ; and that in the diftribution, conferring and difpofal of the Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in the Civil Government, for the future no Difference fhall be made between the faid Roman Catholics, and other hisMa- jefty's Subjects, but that fuch Diftribution fhall be made with equal Indifferen- cy, according to their refpective Merits and Abilities ; and that in the Diftri- bution of Minifterial Offices or Places, which now are, or hereafter fhall be void in this Kingdom, equality fhall be us'd to the Roman Catholic Natives of this Kingdom, as to other his Majefty's Subjects ; and that the Command of Forts, Caftles, Garifon-Towns, and other Places of Importance of this King- dom, fhall be conferred upon His Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of this King- dom upon Perfection of thefe Articles actually and by particular Inftances 1 ; and that in the diftribution, conferring and difpefal of the Forts, Caftles, Garifon-Towns, and other Places of Importance in this Kingdom, no diffe- rence fhall be made between his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of this King- dom, and other his Majefty's Subjects, but that fuch diftribution fhall be made with equal Indifferency, according to their refpective Merits and Abilities ; and that until full Settlement in Parlament fifteen thoufand Foot, and two thou- fand and five hundred Horfe of the Roman Catholics of this Kingdom fhall be of the Standing Army of this Kingdom: And that until full Settlement in Par- lament as aforefaid, the faid Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, and the laid Thomas Lord Vile. Billon of Cojlologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifc. Mufherry, Francis Lord Baron ofAthunry, Alexander Mac-Donnell Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Phoiket Kt, Sir Richard Barmvall Bar. Jeffery Brown, Donnogh Cal~ /agban, between the Karl of Ormond and the Irifti. laghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efq; or any feven or more of them, the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojlologh Lord Prefider.t of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry t Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Gallagban,Tyrla& O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, fhall diminifh or add unto the laid Number, as they fhall fee caufe from time to time. X. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the laid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, that his Majelty will accept of the yearly Rent, or annual Sum of twelve thoufand pounds- Sterling, to be applotted with Indifferency and Equality, and confented to be paid to his Majelty, his Heirs and Succefibrs in Parlament, for and in lieu of the Court of Wards in this Kingdom, Tenures in Capite, Common Knights- Service, and all other Tenures within the Cognizance of that Court, and for, and in lieu of all Wardlhips, Primer-feizins, Fines, Oufterlemains, Liveries, Intru- fions, Alienations, Meafne Rates, Releafes and all other Profits, within the Cog- nizance of the laid Courts or incident to the faid Tenures, or any of them, or Fines to accrue to his Majefty by reafon of the faid Tenures or any of them, and for and in lieu of Refpits and Ifiues of Homage and Fines for the fame. And the faid yearly Rent being fo applotted and confented unto in Parlament as aforefaid, then a Bill is to be agreed on in the faid Parlament to be parTed as an Act for the fecuring of the faid yearly Rentj or annual Sum of twelve thoufand Pounds to be applotted as aforefaid, and for the Extinction and taking away of the faid Court, and other Matters aforefaid in this Article contained. And it is further agreed, that reafonable Compofitions fhall be ac- cepted for Wardlhips fallen fince the 23d oiOElober 1641, and already granted; and that no Wardlhips fallen and not granted, or that fhall fell, fhall be paffed until the Succefs of this Article fhall appear ; and if his Majefty be fecured as aforefaid, then all Wardlhips fallen fince the faid 23a of Qclober, are to be in- cluded in the Argument aforefaid, upon Compofition to be made with fuch as have Grants as aforefaid ; which Compofition to be made with the Grantees fince the time aforefaid, is to be left to indifferent Perfons, and the Umpirage to the faid Lord Lieutenant. XI. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon,- by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That no Nobleman or Peer of this Realm, in Parlament, fhall be hereafter capable of more Proxies than two, and that blank Proxies fhall be hereafter totally dif- allowed -, and that if fuch Noblemen or Peers of this Realm, as have no E- ftates in this Kingdom, do not within five years, to begin from the conclufion of thefe Articles, purchafe in this Kingdom as followeth, viz. a Lord Baron 200/. per annum, a Lord Vifcount 400/. per annum, and an Earl 600/. per annum, a Marquefs 800/. per annum, a Duke 1000/. per annum, fhall lofe their Votes in Parlament until fuch time as they fhall afterwards acquire fuch Eftates refpec- tively ; and that none be admitted in the Houfe of Cqmmons, but fuch as fhall be eftated and refident within this Kingdom. XII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majelty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That as for and concerning the Independency of the Parlament of Ireland on the Parla- ment of England, his Majefty will leave both Houfes of Parlament in this Kingdom to make fuch Declaration therin as fhall be agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland. XIII. Item, It is further concluded and agreed upon, by and between the feid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That the Council- Table fhall contain it felf within its proper Bounds, in handling Matters of State and Weight fit for that Place ; amongft which the Patents of Planta- tion, and the Offices wherupon thofe Grants are founded, to be handled, as Mat- ters of State, and to be heard and determined by his Majefty's Lord Lieute- nant, or other Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, and the Council publicly at the Council-Board, and not otherwife ; but Titles between Party and Party grown after thefe Patents granted, are to be left to the or- dinary Courfe of Law, and that the Council-Table do not hereafter intermed- dle with common Bufinefs, that is within the Cognizance of the ordinary Courts, nor with the altering of PoffefTions of Lands, nor make, nor ufe, pri- Vol. I. U u 2 vate 2 <■> t 3 3 ^ Obfervations on the Articles of Peace vate Orders, Hearings or References concerning any fuch matter, nor grant anv Injunction or Order for flay of any Suits in any Civil Caufe: And that Parties griev'd for or by realbn of any Proceedings formerly had there, may com- mence their Suits, and profecute the fame in any of his Majefty's Courts of Juf- tice or Equity for remedy of their pretended Rights, without any Reftraint or Interruption from his Majefty, or othenvife, by the Chief Governour or Go- vernours and Council of this Kingdom : And that the Proceedings in the re- fpeftive Precedency Courts iball be purfuant, and according to his Majefty's printed Book of Inftruftions, and that they fliaU contain themfelves within the Limits prefcribed by that Book, when the Kingdom fhall be reftored to fuch a degree of Quietnefs, as they be not neceffarily enforced to exceed the fame. XIV. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufiy pleas'd, That as for and concerning one Statute made in this Kingdom, in the eleventh year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, intitled, An ACT for ftaying of Wool- Flocks, Tallow and other Neceffaries within this Realm : And another Statute made in the faid Kingdom in the twelfth year of the Reign of the faid Queen, intitled, An ACT And one other Statute made in the faid Kingdom, in the lph year of the Reign of the faid late Queen, intitled, An Exemplanation of the Aft made in a Seffion of this Parlament for the ftaying of Wool-Flocks, Tallow, and other Wares and Commodities mention'd in the faid Aft, and certain Articles added to the fame Aft, all concerning ftaple or native Commodities of this Kingdom, fhall be repealed, if it fhall be fo thought fit in the Parliament (excepting for Wool and Wool-fells) and that fuch indifferent Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dilloyi of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq ; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callagban, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any fe- ven or more of them fhall be authorized by CommilTion under the Great Seal, to moderate and afcertain the Rates of Merchandize to be exported or imported out of, or into this Kingdom, as they mall think fit. XV. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufiy pleas'd, That all and every Perfon and Perfons within this Kingdom, pretending to have furTered by Offices found of feveral Countries, Territories, Lands and Hereditaments in the Province of Uljler, and other Provinces of this Kingdom, in or fince the firft year of King James his Reign s or by Attainders or Forfeitures, or by Pretence and Colour therof, fince the faid firft year of King James, or by other Afts depending on the faid Offices, Attainders and Forfeitures, may petition his Majefty in Par- lament for Relief and Redrefs •, and if after examination it fhall appear to his Majefty, the faid Perfons, or any of them have been injured, then his Majefty will prefcribe a Courfe to repair the Perfon or Perfons lb luffering according to Juftice and Honour. XVI. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufiy pleas'd, That as to the par- ticular Cafes of Maurice Lord Vifcount de Rupe and Fermoy, Arthur Lord Vifc. Iveagh, Sir Edward Fitz-Gerrald of Cloanglijlo Baronet, Charles Mac-Carty Reag y Roger Moore, Anthony Mare, William Fitz-Gerrald, Anthony Linch, John Lacy, Collo Mac-Brien Mac-Mahowne, Daniel Caftigni, Edmond Fitz-Gcrrald of Balli- martir, Lucas Keating, Theobald Roch Fitz-Miles, Thomas Fitz-Gcrrald of the Vally, John Bourke of Loghmajke, Edmond Fitz-Gerrald of Ballimallo, James Fitz- William Gerrald ol : Glinane, and Edward Sutton, they may petition his Majefty in the next Parlament, wherupon his Majefty will take fuch Confideration of them as fhall be juft and fit. XVII. Item, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufiy pleas'd, That the Citizens. Freemen, Burgefles and former Inhabitants of the City of Cork, Towns of Toughall and Downegarven fhall be forthwith, upon Perfection of thefe Articles, reftored to their relpeftive PofTeiTions and Eftates in the faid City and Towns refpeftively, between the Earl of Ormond and the Irifri. refpe&ively, where the fame extends not to the endangering of the faid Ga- rifons in the faid City and Towns. In which cafe fo many of the faid Citi- tizens and Inhabitants, as fhall not be admitted to the prefent Pofleffion of their Houi'cs within the faid City and Towns, (hall be afforded a valuable annual Rent for the fame, until Settlement in Parlament, at which time they fhall be reftor'd to thofe their PoiTeflions. And it is further agreed, and his Majef- ty is gracioufly pleas'd, That the faid Citizens, Freemen, BurgefTes and Inha- bitants of the faid City of Cork, and Towns of Toughall and Doivnegarven, reflectively, fhall be enabled in convenient time before the next Parlament to be held in this Kingdom, tochufeand return BurgefTes into the fame Parla- ment. XVIII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That an ACT of Oblivion be pari in the next Parlament, to extend to all his Maje- fty's Subjects of this Kingdom, and their Adherents, of all Treafons and Of- fences, capital, criminal and perfonal, and other Offences of what nature, kind or quality foever, in fuch manner, as if fuch Treafons or Offences had never been committed, perpetrated or done : That the faid A6t$o extend to the Heirs, Children, Kindred, Executors, Adminiftrators, Wives, Widows, Dowagers, or AfTigns of fuch of the faid Subjects and their Adherents who died on, before, or fince, the 23d of October, 1641. That the faid Aft do relate to the firft day of the next Parlament ; that the faid Act do extend to all Bodies Politic and Corporate, and their refpective Succeffors, and unto all Cities, Bur- roughs, Counties, Baronies, Hundreds, Towns, Villages, Thitlings, and every of them within this Kingdom, for and concerning all and every or the faid Of- fences, or any other Otlcnce or Oirencti in them, or any of them committed or done by his Majefty's laid Subjects, or their Adherents, or any of them, be- fore, in, or fince the 2 3^of 0£: "r, 164.1. Provided this Act fhall not extend to be conftrued to pardon any Offence or Offences, for which any Perfonor Per- fons have been convicted or attainted on Record at any time before the 23^ day of Qffober, in the year of our Lord 1641. That this Ad fhall extend to Pi- racies, and all other Offences committed upon the Sea by his Majefty's faid Subjects, or their Adherents, or any of them ; that in this Act of Oblivion, Words of releafe, acquittal and difcharge be inferted, that no Perfon or Per- fons, Bodies Politic or Corporate, Counties, Cities, Burroughs, Baronies, Hundreds, Towns, Villages, Thitlings, or any of them within this Kingdom, included within the faid Act, be troubled, impeached, fued, inquieted or mo- Jefted, for, or by reafon of any Offence, Matter or Thing whatfoever, com- prifed within the faid Act: And the faid Act fhal! extend to all Rents, Goods and Chattels taken, detained or grown due to the Subjects of the one Party from the other fince the 23 d of Oclober, 1641. to the Date of thefe Articles of Peace; and alfo to all Cuftoms, Rents, Arrears of Rents, to Prizes, Recogni- zances, Bonds, Fines, Forfeitures, Penalties, and to all other Profits, Perqui- fits and Dues which were due, or did, or mould accrue to his Majefty on, before, or fince the 23^ of Oclober, 1641. until the Perfection of thefe Ar- ticles, and likewife to all Meafne Rates, Fines of what nature foever, Recog- nizances, Judgments, Executions therupon, and Penalties whatfoever, and to all other Profits due to his Majefty fince the faid 23^ of October and before, un- til the Perfection of thefe Articles, for, by reafon, or which lay within the Surveyor Recognizance of the Court of Wards ; and alfo to all Refpits, Iffues of Homage and Fines for the fame : Provided this fhall not extend to difcharge or remit any of the King's Debts or Subsidies due before the faid 23J of October, 1641. which were then or before levied, or taken by the Sheriffs, Commif- fioners, Receivers or Collectors, and not then or before accounted for, or fince difpofed to the public Ufe of the faid Roman Catholic Subjects, but that fuch Perfons may be brought to account for the fame after full Settlement in Parlament, and not before, unlefs by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Co/?<?/<Jg£ Lord Prefident of Connaght, Dcn- nogh Lord Vifcount Mufkcrry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac- Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donncgh Callagban, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and (S err aid Fennel! Efquires, or any fevefl or more of them, as the faid Lord Lieu- tenant n f) />> 3^4 Obfervations on the Articles x>f Peace tenant otherwife fhall think fit •, provided, that inch barbarous and inhuman Crimes as fhall be particulariz'd and agreed upon by the laid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vii count Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prelident of Con- tmht*> Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alex- ander Mac- Dowel Ei'q; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Mites Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, as to the Ac- tors and Procurers therof, be left to be tried and adjudged by fuch indifferent Commifiioners as Hull be agreed upon by the laid Lord Lieutenant •, and the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon ol Cofiologh Lord Prefident olGcnnaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac- Donnel Elq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them ; and that the Power of the faid Commifiioners fhall continue only for two years next enfuingthe Date of their Commifiion, which Commifiion is to ifiue within fix Months after the Date of thefe Articles ; provided alfo that the Commifiioners to be agreed on for trial of the faid particular Crimes to be excepted, fhall hear, order and determine all Cafes of Trull, where relief may or ought in equity to be afforded againll all manner of Perfons, according to the Equity and Circumilances of every fuch Cafes -, and his Majeily's Chief Governour or Governours, and other Magi- ftrates for the time being, in all his Majefty's Courts of Jullice, and other his Majefty's Officers of what Condition or Qua ity foever, be bound and re- quir'd to take notice of, and purfue the laid Act of Oblivion without pleading or fuit to be made for the fame ; and that no Clerk or other Officers do make out or write out any manner of Writs, Proceffes, Summons or other Piecepr, for, concerning, or by reafon of any Matter, Caufe or Thing whatfoever re- leafed,- forgiven, difcharged, or to be forgiven by the faid Act, under pain of 20/. Sterling, and that no Sheriff or other Officer, do execute any fuch Writ, Procels, Summons or Precept ; and that no Record, Writing or Memory, do remain of any Offence or Offences, releafed or forgiven, or mentioned to be forgiven by this Act •, and that all other Claufes ufually inferted in Acts of Gene- ral Pardon or Oblivion, enlarging his Majefty's Grace and Mercy, not herein particularized, be inferted and comprized in the faid Act, when the Bill fhall be drawn up with the Exceptions already exprefied, and none other. Provided always, that the faid Act of Oblivion Hull not extend to any Treafon, Felony or other Offence or Offences, which fhall be committed or done from or after the Date of thefe Articles, until the firft Day of the before-mentioned next Parlament, to be held in this Kingdom. Provided alfo, that any Act or Acts which fhall be done by Virtue, Pretence or in Purfuance of thefe Articles of Peace agreed upon, or any Act or Aits which fhall be done by V irrue, Colour or Pretence of the Power or Authority ufed or exercifed by and amongft the Confederate Roman Catholics after the Date of the faid Articles, and before the faid Publi- cation, fhall not be accounted, taken, confirmed, or to be, Treafon, Felony, or other Offence to be excepted out of the faid Act of Oblivion ; provided likewife, that the faid Ac! of Oblivion fhall not extend unto any Perfon or Perfons, that will not obey and fubmit unto the Peace concluded and agreed on by thefe Articles ; provided further, that the faid Act of Oblivion, or any thin" in this Article contained, fhall not hinder or interrupt the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donncl Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jef- fery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or any feven or more ol them, to call to an Account, and proceed againfl the Council and Congregation, and the refpective fupream Councils, Commifiioners general, appointed hitherto from time to time by the Confederate Catholics to manage their Affairs, or any other Perfon or Per- fons accountable to an Accompt for their refpective Receipts and Difburfe- ments, fince the beginning of their refpective Employments under the faid Con- federate Catholics, or to acquit or releafe any Arrears of Excifes, Cuftoms, or public Taxes to be accounted for fince the 23^ of OElober 1641, and not dif- pos'd of hitherto, to the public Ufe, but that the Parties therin concern'd 4 may between the Earl of Ormond and the Iriili. may becall'd to an Account for the fame as aforefaid, by the f.iid Thomas Lord Viicount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connagbt, Donnogh Lord Vile. Mujl-erry, Francis Lord Baron of Alhunry, Alexander Ma;-Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunkct Kt. Sir Richard Barnivall Baronet^ Jeffery Browne, Donnagh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or any feven or more of them, the laid ACT or any thing therm contain'd to the contrary notwithftanding. XIX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween thefaid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that an ACT be pais'd in the next Parlament, prohibiting, That neither the Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governour or Governours, Lord Chancellor, Lord Hi°-h Treafu- rer, Vice-Treafurer, Chancellor, or any of the Barons of the Exchequer, Privy Council, or Judges of the four Courts, be Farmers of his Majefty's Cuftoms within this Kingdom. XX. Item, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gracioufly plens'd, That an ACT of Parlane.,: pais in this Kingdom againft Monopolies, fuch as was enacted in England 21 Jacobi Regis, with a further Claufe of repealing of all Grants of Monopolies in this Kingdom; and that Commiffioners be agreed upon by the laid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid 'Tho- mas Lord Viicount Dillon oi Ccftolcgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq-, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Bar. Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, to let down the Rates for the Cuftom and Impofition to be laid on Aquavit*, Wine, Oil, Tarn and Tobacco. XXI. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gra- cioufly pleas'd, that fuch Peribns as ihall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieu- tenant, and the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologh Lord Prefident oi Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Jvlujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athun- ry, Alexander Alae-Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh Cal- laghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, fhall be as foon as may be authoriz'd by Commiffion under the Great Seal to regulate the Court of Caftle-chamber, and fuch Caufes as fhall be brought into, and cenfur'd in the faid Court. XXII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that two Acts lately pafs'd in this Kingdom, one prohibit- ing the plowing with Horfes by the Tail, and the other prohibiting the burn- ing of Oats in the Straw, be repeal'd. XXIII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, for as much as upon Application of Agents from this Kingdom unto his Majefty in the fourth year of his Reign, and lately upon humble Suit made unto his Majefty, by a Committee of both Houles of the Parlament of this Kingdom, order was given by his Majefty for redrefs of feveral Grievances, and for lb many of thofe as are not exprefs'd in the Articles, wherof both Houfes in the next enfuing Parlament fhall defire the benefit of his Majefty's laid former Directi- ons for Redrefs therin, that the fame be afforded them ; yet fo, as for preven- tion of Inconveniences to his Majefty's Service, that the Warning mention'd in the 24.1b Article of the Graces in the fourth year of his Majefty's Reign be fo understood, that the Warning being left at the Perfon's Dwelling-houies be held fufficient Warning ; and as to the 2 2d Article of the laid Graces, the Procefs hitherto us'd in the Court of Wards do ftill continue, as hitherto it hath done in that, and hath been us'd in other Englijh Courts ; but the Court of Wards being compounded for, fo much of the aforefaid Anfwer as concerns Warning and Procefs fhall be omitted. XXIV. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, ThatMari- tine Caufes may be determin'd in this Kingdom, without driving of Merchants or others to appeal and feek Juftice elfewhere: and if it fhall fall out that there be Caufe of an Appeal, the Party griev'd is to appeal to his Majefty in the Chancery of IRELAND ; and that Sentence therupon to be given by the 5 Delegates, ^ rs w* 335 o 36 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace Delegates, to be definitive, and not to be queftion'd upon any further Appeal, except" it be in the Parlament of this Kingdom, if the Parlament fhall then be fittino-, otherwife not, this to be by ACT of Parlament •, and until the laid Parlament, the Admiralty and Maririne Caufes fhall be order'd and fettl'd by the laid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kinodom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac - Donnel Efq-, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnagh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile-, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or 'any feven or more of them. XXV. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the laid Parties, and his Majefty is graciouily pleas'd, That his Majefty's Subjects of this Kingdom be eas'd of allRentsand Increafe of Rents lately rais'd on the CommilTion or defective Titles in the Earl of Strafford's Government, this to be by ACT of Parlament •, and that in the mean time the faid Rents or Increafe of Rents fhall not be written for by any Procefs, or the payment ther- of in any fort procur'd. XXVI. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, that by ACT to be pafs'd in the next Parlament, all the Arrears of Intereft-Money, which did accrue and grow due by way of Debt, Mortgage or otherwife, and yet not lb fatisfy'd fince the 23J of Ockober 164.1, until the Perfection of thefe Articles, fhall be fully forgiven and be releas'd ; and that for and during the ipace of three years next enfuing, no more fhall be taken for Ufe or Intereft of Mo- ney than five Pounds per Centum. And in Cafes of Equity arifing through Dif- ability, occaiion'd by the Diftempers of the Times, the Confiderations of Equi- ty to be like unto both Parties ; but as for Mortgages contracted between his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects and others of that Party, where Entry hath been made by the Mortgagers againft Law, and the Condition of their Mort- gages, and detain'd wrongfully by them without giving any Satisfaction to the Morto-ao-ees, or where any fuch Mortgagers have made Profit of the Lands mortgag'd above Country Charges, yet anfwer no Rent, or other Confidera- tion to the Mortgagees, the Parties griev'd reflectively to be left for relief to a Courfe of Equity therin. XXVII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, that immediately upon Perfection of thefe Articles, the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefi- dent of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq-, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plun- ket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyr- lah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, fhall be authoriz'd by the faid Lord Lieutenant to proceed in, hear, determine and execute, in and throughout this Kingdom, the enfuing Particulars, and all the Matters therup- on depending ; and that fuch Authority and other the Authorities hereafter mention'd fhall remain of force without revocation, alteration or diminution, until Acts of Parlament be pafs'd, according to the purport and intent of thefe Articles j and that in cafe of Death, Mifcarriage, Difability to ferve by reafon of Sicknefs or otherwife of any the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Ld Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Ld Vifc. Mujkerry, Francis Ld Bar. of Athun- ry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, and his Majefty's Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall name and authorize another in the Place of fuch as fhall be fo dead or fhall mifcarry himfelf, or be fo difabled, and that the lame fhall be fuch Perfon as fhall be allow'd of by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh, Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnell Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plun- ket Kt.Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyr- lah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of diem then living. And that the, laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojiologb Lord between the Earl of Ormond and the Iriih. Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount MuAerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel E{q; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicho- las Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnzz'al!B,ironct:,JefferyBroz::!;e,D;nnagb Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fcnne.il Efquires, or any feven or more of them, mail have Power to applot, raife and levy Means with Indiffcrency and Equality by way of Excife or otherwifc, upon all his Majefty's Subjects within the faid Kingdom, their Perfons, Eftates and Goods, towards the Maintenance of fuch Army or Armies as fhall be thought fit to continue, and be in Pay for his Majefty's Service, the Defence of the Kingdom, and other the neceflary public Charges therof, and towards the Maintenance of the Forts Caftles, Garifons and Towns, until there fhall be a Settlement in Par'ament of both or cither Party, other than fuch of the faid Forts, Garifons and Caftles, as from time to time fhall be thought fit, by his Majefty's Chief Governour or Go- vernours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Con- fent of the hidTbomas Lord Vifc. Dillon of Ccftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifc. Mujkerry, Francis Ld Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Don- nelEfq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Bamivall Baro- net, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Ger- rald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, not to be maintained at the Charge of the Public; provided that his Majefty's Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, be firft made acquainted with fuch Taxes, Levies and Excifes as fhall be made, and the manner of levying therof, and that he approve the fame ; and to the end that fuch of the Proteftant Party as fhall fubmit to the Peace, may in the feveral Countries where any of their Eftates lie, have Equality and Indif- fcrency in the Afleffments and Levies that fhall concern their Eftates in the faid feveral Counties. It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, That in the Directions which fhall iffue to any fuch County, for the applotting, fubdividing and levying of the faid public AffefTments, fome of the laid Proteftant Party fhall be joined with others of the Roman Catholic Par- ty to that purpofe, and for effecting that Service •, and the fuel Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccfiolcgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkcrry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Broiaie, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fenn ell Efqs; or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to levy the Arrears of all Exci- fes and other public Taxes impofed by the Confederate Roman Catholics, and yet unpaid, and to call Receivers and other Accomptants of all former Taxes and all public Dues to a juft andftrict Account, either by themfelves, or by fuch as they or any feven or more of them fhall name or appoint ; and that the faid Lord Lieutenant, or any other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall from time to timeiffueCommiffions to fuch Peribn or Perfons as fhall be named and appointed by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vif- count Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Ath'uhry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnt^dll Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, for letting, fetting, and improv- ing the Eftates of all fuch Perfon and Perfons, as fhall adhere to any Party op- pofing his Majefty's Authority, and not fubmitting to the Peace •, and that the Profits of fuch Eftates fhall be converted by the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, to the Maintenance of the King's Army and other neceflary Charges, until Settlen by Parlament ; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicho- las Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Bamivall Bwvonet, Jeffery Broivne, Donnogh O Calla- ghan, Tyrlah Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to applot, raife and levy Means with Indiffe- rency and Equality, for the buying of Arms and Ammunition, and for the en- tertaining of Frigates in fuch proportion as fhall ba thousht fit bv his M.i- Vol. I. Xx jefb 1^1 33/ " 8 Qbfervatiom on the Articles of Peace j>j iefty's Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governours of this Kingdom for the time beino-, by and with the Advice and Content of the faid Thomas Lord Vil- count Dilfon of Ccftologb Lord Prefident of Ccnnaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Elq; Sir Lu- cas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwatt Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah Neile, Miles Keily and Gerrald tennetl Efquires, or any feven or more of them -, the laid Arms and Ammunition to be laid up in fuch Magazines, and under the Charge of fuch Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount £>//- hn of Ccftologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mt/kerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac-Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kr. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Banrzvall Baronet, Jeffery Browne, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or anyie- ven or more of them, and to be difpofed of, and the laid Frigats to be employ- ed for his Majefty's Service, and the public Ufe and Benefit of this Kingdom of Ireland; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskcrry, Francis Lord Baron oi Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to applot, raiie and levy Means with Indifferency and Equality, by way of Excife or otherwise, in the feveral Cities, Corporate Towns, Counties and part of Counties, now within the Quarters and only upon the Eftates of the faid Confederate Roman Catholics, all fuch Sum and Sums of Money as fhall appear to the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologb Lord Prefident ol Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry, Francis Lord Baron oi Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, to be really due, for and in the difcharge of the public Engage- ments of the faid Confederate Catholics, incurred and grown due before the Conclufion of thefe Articles ; and that the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon. of Coflologb Lord Prefident oi Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mujkerry^ Fran- cis Lord Baron oi Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhail be autho- riz'd to appoint Receivers, Collectors and all other Officers, for fuch Monies as fhall be aiTefTed, taxed or applotted, inpuriuance of the Authorities mention'd in this Article, and for the Arrears of all former Applotments, Taxes and other public Dues yet unpaid: And that the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Musketry, Francis Lord Baron oi Athunry, Sec. or any feven or more of them, in cafe of Refractories or Delinquency, may diftrain and imprifon, and caufe fuch De- linquents to be diftrained and imprifoned. And the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon oi Ccftologb Lord Prefident oi Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskcrry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them make per- fect Books of all fuch Monies as fhall be applotted, raifed or levy'd, out of which Books they are to make feveral and refpective Abftrafts, to be de- livered under their hands, or the hands of any feven or more of them, to the feveral and refpective Collectors, which fhall be appointed to levy and receive the fame. And that a Duplicate of the faid Books, under the hands of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccftologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskcrry, Francis Lord Baron oi Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, be delivered unto his Majefty's Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, wherby a perfect Account may be given -, and that the faid Thomas Lord Vif- count Dillon of Coflologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskcrry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall have Power to call the Council and Congregation, and the refpective fupream Councils, and Commifiioners General, appointed hitherto from time to time, by the faid Confederate Roman Catholics, to manage their public Af- fairs, and all other Perfons accountable, to an Account, for all their Receipts and Difburfements fince the beginning of their refpective Employments, under the Confederate Roman Catholics. XXVIII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That for the Prefervation of the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom, the faid Lord-Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Muskcrry, Francis Lord Baron oi Athunry, &fr. or any feven or between the Karl of Ormond and the Irifh. 339 or more of them, mall for the prefent agree upon fuch Perfons, who are to be authorized by Commifiion under the Great Seal, to be CommifTioners of the Peace, Oyer and 'Terminer, Affizes and Go^Z-delivery, in, and throughout the Kingdom, to continue during pleafure, with fuch Power as Juftices of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Ajfiz.es and G<W-delivery in former time of Peace have ufually had, which is not to extend unto any Crime or Offence commit- ted before the firft of May laft paft, and to be qualify'd with Power to hear and determine all Civil Caufes coming before them, not exceeding ten Pounds-, provided that they (hall not intermeddle with Titles of Lands ; provided like- wife, the Authority of fuch CommifTioners fhall not extend to queftion any Perfon or Perfons, for any Shipping, Cattle or Goods, heretofore taken by either Party from the other, or other Injuries done contrary to the Articles of Ceflation, concluded by and with the laid Roman Catholic Party in, or fince May laft, but that the fame fhall be determined by fuch indifferent Perfons, as the Lord Lieutenant, by the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh LordVif- count Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them fhall think fit, to the end that fpeedy and equal Juflice may be done to all Parties grieved ; and the faid CommifTioners are to make their Eftreats as accuftomed of Peace, and fhall take the enfuing Oath, viz. You fhall fwear, That as Juftice of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Affizes and Goa /-delivery in the Counties of A. B. in all Articles to the Commifiion to you dire&ed, you fhall do equal Right to the Poor, and to the Rich after your Cunning and Wit and Power, and after the Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm, and in purfuance of thefe Articles ; and you fhall not be of Counfel of any Quarrel hanging before you •, and the Ifiues, Fines and Amerciaments which mall happen to be made, and all Forfeitures which fhall happen before you, you fhall caufe to be entred without any concealment or imbezling, and fend to the Court of Ex- chequer, or to fuch other Place as his Majefty's Lord-Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom fhall appoint, until there may be accefs unto the faid Court of Exchequer : You fhall not lett for Gift or other Caufe, but well and truly you fhall do your Office of Juftice of Peace., Oyer and Terminer, Afizes and GW-delivery in that behalf ; and that you take nothing for your Office of Juftice of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Affizes and Gorf/-delivery to be done, but of the King, and Fees accuftomed •, and you fhall not direct, or caufe to be directed, any Warrant by you, to be made to the Parties, but you fhall direct them to the Sheriffs and Bailiffs of the faid Coun- ties reflectively, or other the King's Officers or Minifters, or other indifferent Perfons to do execution therof. So help you God, &c . And that as well in the faid Commifiion, as in all other CommifTions, and Authorities to be iffued in purfuance of the prefent Articles, this Claufe fhall be inferted, viz. That all Officers, Civil and Martial, fhall be required to be aiding and affifting and obedient unto the faid CommifTioners, and other Per- fons, to be authorized as aforefaid in the execution of their refpeclive Powers. XXIX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects do continue the PofTeffion of fuch of his Ma- jefty's Cities, Garifons, Towns, Forts and Caftles which are within their now Quarters, until Settlement by Parlament, and to be commanded, ruled and governed in chief, upon occafion of neceffity (as to the Martial and Military Affairs) by fuch as his Majefty, or his Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall appoint ; and the faid Appointment to be by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any {even or more of them •, and his Majefty's Chief Governour, or Governours, is to iflue CommifTions according- ly to fuch Perfons as fhall be fo named and appointed as aforefaid, for the executing of fuch Command, Rule or Government, to continue until all the Particulars in thefe prefent Articles agreed on to pafs in Parlament, fhall be accordingly paiTed ; only in cafe of Death or Mifbehaviour, fuch dther Perfon or Perfons to be appointed for the faid Command, Rule and Government, to Vol. I. X x z be " ao Obfervalions on the Articles of Peace be named and appointed in the place or places, of him. or them, who fhall fo die cr mifb^have themfelves, as the Chief Governour or Governours for the time beino-, by the Advice and Confentof the faid Thomas Lord VifcountD//- lon of Cojfologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Atbunry, &c. or any feven or more of them fhall think fit and to be continued until a Settlement in Parlament as aforefaid. XXX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, That all Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizes belonging to his Majefty, which from the Per- fection of thefe Articles fhall fall due within this Kingdom, fhall be paid un- to his Majefty's Receipt, or until recourfe may be had therunto in the ordi- nary leo-al Way, unto fuch Perfon or Perfons, and in fuch place or places, and under fuch Controuls as the Lord Lieutenant fhall appoint to be difpofed of, in order to the Defence and Safety of the Kingdom, and the defraying of other the neceffary public Charges therof, for the Eafe of the Subje&s in other their Levies, Charges and Applotments. And that all and every Per- fon or Perfons, who are at prefent intrufted and employed by the faid Roman' Catholics, in the Entries, Receipts, Collections, or otherwiie, concerning the faid Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizes, do continue their refpecli ve Employments in the fame, until full Settlement in Parlament, accountable to his Majefty's Receipts, or until recourfe maybe had therui.to ; as the faid Lord Lieute- nant iball appoint as aforefaid, other than to fuch, and fo many of them, as to the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojlclogh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifc. Muskerry, Francis Lord Ba- xon pf Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall be thought fit to be altered ; and then, and in fuch cafe, or in cafe of Death, Fraud or Mifbeha- viour, of other Alteration of any fuch Perfon or Perfons, then fuch other Perfon or' Perfons to be employed therin, as fhall be thought fit by the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccftologb Lord Prefi- dent of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them ; and when it fhall appear that any Perfon or Perfons, who fhall be found faithful to his Majefty, hath right to any of the Offices or Places about the faid Cuftoms, wherunto he or they may not be admitted until Settlement in Parlament as aforefaid, that a reafon- able Compenfation fhall be afforded to fuch Perfon or Perfons for the fame. XXXI. Item, As for and concerning his Majefty's Rents, payable at Eajler next, and from thenceforth to grow due, until a Settlement in Parlament, it is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That the faid Rents be not written for, or levied, until a full Settlement in Parlament ; and in due time upon Appli- cation to be made to the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom, by the laid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Co- ftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, for remittal of thofe Rents, the faid Lord Lieutenant, or any other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall intimate their Defires, and the Reafon therof to his Majefty, who upon confideration of the prefent Condition of this Kingdom will declare his gracious Pleafure therin, as fhall be juft and honourable, and fatisfaclory to the reafonable Defires of his Subjects. XXXII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That the Commiffioners of Oyerand Terminer and Goal-deYivery to be named as aforefaid, fhall have Power to hear and determine all Murders, Manflaughters, Rapes,Stea'ths, burning of Hou- fes and Corn in Rick or Stack, Robberies, Burglaries, forcible Entries, Detain- ers of Poffeffions, and other Offences committed or done, and to be'eommit- ted and done fince the firft day of May laft paft, until the firft day of the next Parlament, thefe prefent Articles, or any thing therin contained to the con- trary notwithftanding •, provided, that the Authority of the faid Commiffi- oners fhall not extend to queftion any Perfon or Perfons, for doing or com- mitting between the Earl of Or mofid and the Irifli. «a T mitting any Aft whatfoevcr, before the Conclufion of this Treaty, by Virtue or Colour V\ arrant or Direction from thofe in public Authority amono- the Confed( - oman Catholics, nor unto any Aft which fhall be done afte°the perfecting .in. I concluding of thefe Articles, by Virtue or Pretence of any Au- thority which is now by thefe Articles agreed on ; provided alfo that the faid CommiiTion fhall not continue longer than thefirftday of the next Parlament. XXXIII. Item, It is concluded, accorded by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That for the determining fuch differences which may arife between his Majefty's Subjefts within this King- dom, and the prevention of Inconvenience and Difquiet which through want of due Remedy in feveral Caufes may happen, there mail be Judicatures efta- blilh'd in this Kingdom, and that the Perfons to be authorized in them, fhall have Power to do all fuch things as fhall be proper and necefTary for them to do ; and the faid Lord Lieutenant, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coflologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Bonnogh Lord Vifcount Mufkerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or anyfeven or more of them, fhall name the faid Perfons fo to be authorized, and do all other things incident unto, and neceflary for the fettling of the faid intended Judicatures, XXXI V. Item, At the Inflance, humble Suit and earneft Defire of the Gene- ral Affembly of the Confederate Reman Catholics, it is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, that the Roman Catholic Regular Clergy of this Kincdom behaving themfelves conformable to thefe Arricles of Peace, fhall not ba mo- lefted in the Poffeflions which at prefent they have of, and in the Bodies, Sites and Precinfts of fuch Abbeys and Monafteries belonging to any Roman Ca- tholic within the faid Kingdom, until Settlement by Parlament; and that the faid Clergy fhall not be molefted in the enjoying fuch Penfions, as hitherto .- fince the Wars they enjoyed for their refpeftive Livelihoods from the faid Roman Catholics : and the Sites and Precinfts hereby intended, are declared to be the Body of the Abbey, one Garden and Orchard to each Abbey, if any there be, and what elfe is contained within the Walls, Meers or ancient Fences or Ditch, that doth fupply the Wall therof, and no more. XXXV. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, that as to all other Demands of the faid Roman Catholics, for or concerning all or any the matters propofed by them, not granted oraffented un- to in and by the aforefaid Articles, the faid Roman Catholics be referred to his Majefty's gracious Favour and further Conceffions. In Witnefs wherof the faid Lord Lieutenant,for and on the behalf of his moft Excellent Majefty, to the one Part of thefe Articles remaining with the faid Roman Catholics, hath put his Hand and Seal : And Sir Richard Blake Kt. in the Chair of the General Af- fembly of the faid Roman Catholics, by Order, Command and unanimous Con- fent of the faid Catholics in full Affembly, to the other Part therof remainino- with the faid Lord Lieutenant, hath put to his Hand and the Public Seal hitherto ufed by the faid Roman Catholics, the lyth of January 1648, and in the 2A.th Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord CHARLES, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, &c. S I R, I HA VE not thus long forborn to invite you with thofe under your Command^ to a SubmiJJion to his Majefty's Authority in me y and a Conjunction with me, in the ways of his Service, out of any the leaf Averfon I had to you, or any of them, or out of any dif- efteem I had to your 'Power, to advance or impede the fame ; but out of my Pear, whiles thofe that have of late ufurped Power over the Subjefts of England, held forth the leaf colourable Shadow of Mode- ration in their Intentions towards the Settlement of Church or State, and that in fome tolerable IVay with relation to Religion, the Inter efl 4 34 2 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace of the King and Crown, the Freedom of Tar lament, the Liberties of the Subject, any Addreffes from me propofing the withdrawing of that Tarty from thofe thus prof effing, from whom they have received fome, and ex- petted further fupport, would have been but coldly received, and any 'Determination thereupon deferred in hope and expectation of the fore- mentioned Settlement ; or that you your felf, who certainly have not wanted a fore fight of the fad Confufion now covering the Face of Eng- land, would have declared with me, the Lord Inchequeen, and the Pro- teftant Army in Munftcr, in prevention therof; yet my fear was, it would have been as difficult for you, to have carried with you the main Body of the Army under your Command (not fo clear fight ed as your felf ) as it would have been dangerous to you, and thofe with you well in- clined to have attempted it without them ; but now that the Mask of Hypocrify, by which ^Independent Army hath enfnared and enflaved all Eflates and Degrees of Men, is laid afide, now that barefaced, they evidently appear to be the Subvert ers of true Religion, and to be the Tro- tettors and Inviters not only of all falfe Ones, but of lr religion and A- theifm, now that they have barbaroufly and inhumanly laid violent., facrilegious hands upon, and murthered God's Anointed, and our King* not as heretofore fomeT at ricides have done, to make room for fame Uf'ur- per, but in away plainly mam fefling their Intentions, to change the Mo- narchy of England into Anarchy, unlefs their Aim be firft to conflitute an elective Kingdom; and CROMWEL or fome fuch John of Leiden being elected, then by the fame Force, by which they have thus far com- paffed their Ends, to ejlablijh a perfect Turkifti Tyranny -, now that of the three Eflates of King, Lords and Commons, whereof in all Ages Tar- laments have confifled, there remains only a fmall number, and they the Dregs and Scum of the Houfe of Commons, pick'd and a-Jd by the ARMT, a wicked Remnant, left for no other end, than yet further if it be poffible to delude the Teople with the Name of a Tar lament : The King being murthefd, the Lords and the reft of the Commons being by unheard of violence at fever al times fore' d from the Houfes, and jbme imprifond. And now that there remains no other Liberty in the Sub- ject but to profefs blafphemous Opinions, to revile and tread under foot Magiftracy, to murther Magiftrates, and opprefs and undo all that are not like-minded with them. Now I fay, that 1 cannot doubt but that you and all with you under your command will take this Opportunity to act and declare againftfomonflrous and unparallel'd a Rebellion, and that you and they will chearfully acknowledge, and faithfully ferue and obey our Gracious King CHARLES II. undoubted Heir of his Father's Crown and Virtues } under whofe Right and Conduct we may by God's Affiflance reflore Troteflant Religion to Turity, and therin fettle it, Tar laments to their Freedom, good Laws to their Force, and our Fellow- Subjects to their juft Liberties ; w her in how glorious and ble (fed a thing it will be, to be fo confiderably inftrumental, as you may now make your felf, I leave to you now to confider. And though I conceive there are not any Motives relating to fome particular Jnterefi to be mentioned after thefe fo weighty Confider at ions, which are fuch as the /Tor Id hath not been at any time furnijb'd with ; yet Iholdit my part to affure you, that as there is nothing you can reafonably propofe for the fafety,fatisf action or advantage of your felf, or of any that fiall adhere to you in what 1 defire, that Ifhallnot to the utter mofl of my power provide for ;fo there is nothing I would, norjhall more indujlrioufly avoid, than thofe Necef- fities ari/ing from my Duty to God and Man, that may by your rejecting this Offer force me to be a fad Injirument of fie d ding Englifh Blood, + which between the Earl of Ormond and the Irifti. 343 which in fuch Cafe muft on both fides happen. If this Overture find place with you, as I earneflly wijh it may, let me know with what poffible fpeed you can, and if you plea fe by the Bearer in what way you defire, it jhall be drawn on to a conclufion. For in that, as well as in the Subfiance, you jhall find all ready compliance from me, that defire to be cakrick, Your affectionate Friend to ferve you. March 9. J » K>j.8. ORMOND* For Colonel Michael Jones Go* vernourof <DU B LIN. My LORD, YO U R Lordfhip's of the ninth, I receiv'dthe twelfth in /I ant, and therin have I your Lordfoips Invitation to a Conjunction with your felf{I fuppofe) as Lord Lieutenant ^Ireland, and with others now united with the lrifh, and with the Irifh themfelves alfo. As I underfiand not how your Lordfhip fhould be invefted with that 'Power pretended, fo am I very well affur d, that it is not in the power of any without the Tar lament of England to give and affur e pardon to thofe bloody Rebels, as by the ACT to that end pafs'd may appear more fully. I am alfo well affur 'd, that the Tar lament of England would ne- ver ajfent to fuch a PEACE {fuch as is that of your Lordfhip's with the Rebels) wherin is little or no Trovifion made either for the Troteftants or the Troteftant Religion. Nor can I underfiand how the Troteftant Religion flwuld be fettled and reftor'd to its Turity by an Army of Tapifls, or the Troteftant Inter efts maintain 'd by thofe very Enemies by whom they have been fpoil'd and there fiaughter'd : And very evi- dent it is, that both the Troteftants and Troteftant Religion are in that your Lordfhip's Treaty, left as in the power of the Rebels, to be by them borne down and rooted out at pleafure. As for that Confideration by your Lordfiip offer d of the pre fent and late Proceedings in England, I fee not how it may be afufficient Motive to me (or any other in like Truft for the Tar lament ^England in the Service of the Kingdom) to join with thofe Rebels upon any the pretences in that your Lor drip's Letter mention d; for therin were there a ma- 7iifefl betraying that Truft repos'd in me, in defecting the Service and Work committed to me, in joining with thofe I Jhall oppofe, and in oppo- sing whom I am oblig'd to ftrve. Neither conceive I it any part of my Work and Care to take notice of any whatfoever Troceedings of STATE, foreign to my Charge and Trull here, efpecially they being found hereunto apparently deftruclive. Mofl certain it is, and former Ages have approved it, that the inter- meddling ofGovernours andTarties in this Kingdom, with Sidings and Tar ties in ENGLAND, have been the very betraying of this Kingdom to the Irifh, whiles the Britifh Forces here had been therupon call' doff, and the Tlace therin laid open, and as it were given up to the common ENEMT. It is what your Lordfhip might have obferv 'din your former Treaty with the Rebels, that upon your Lordfhip's therupon withdrawing, and fending hence into England themoft confider able part of the Englifh Army then commanded by you ; t her by was the remaining Britifh Tarty not long after overpower d, and your Quarters by the Irifh over-run to the Gates ^/"DUBLIN, your fe If alfo reduced to that low Condition, as to be be- fieg'd 4 6 44 Ohfervations on the Articles of Peace (teg'd in this very City {the Metropolis and principal Citadel of the King- dom} and that by thofe Rebels, who till then could never jtand before you : and what the end hath been of that Tarty, alfo fo fent by your Lord- fhip into England (although the Flower and Strength of the Englifh. Army here, both Officers and Soldiers) hath been very obfervable. And how much the "Dangers are at prefent [more than informer Ages) of 'hazarding the Englifh Inter eft in this Kingdom, by fending any Tar- ties hence into any other Kingdom upon any Tretenceswhatfoever, is very apparent, aS in the generality of the Rebellion, now more than formerly ; fo considering your Lordfhifs prefent Conclufions with, and Concejfions to the Rebels, wherinthey are allow d the continued To ffejfion of all the Cities, Forts and T laces of Strength, wherof they food poffefi'd at the time vf their Treaty with your Lord flip, and that they are to have a Standing Force {if I we'll remember) of 15000 Foot and zsco Horfe (all of their own Tarty, Officers and Soldiers) and they (with the whole Kingdom) to be regulated by a major part of Irifh Truftees, cho- fen by the Rebels themfelves, as Terfons for their Inter ejls and Ends, to be by them confided in, without whom nothing is to be ailed. Ther- in I cannot but mind your Lordfhip of what hath been fome times by your f elf delivered, as your fen fe in this particular - y That the Englifh Inter eji in Ireland mufl be prefervd by the Englifh, and not by Irifh ; and upon that ground (if I be not deceiv'd) did your Lordfiip then capitulate with the Tar lament of ENGLAND, from which clear Trinciple 1 am forry to fee your Lordfhip now receding. As to that by your Lordfhip menae'd us here, of Blood and Force, if diffenting from your Lordfhip's Ways and T>efigns, for my particular I pjall(my Lord) much rather chufe'to ftjfer in fo doing {for t her in fliali I do what is becoming, and anfwerable to my Truf) than to pur chafe my felf on the contrary the ignominious Brand of Tcrfidy, by any Al- lurements of what foever Advantages offer d me. But very confident 1 am of the fame "Divine Tower which hath fill followed me in this IV O R K, and will flill follow me ; and in that Trufl doubt nothing of thus giving your Lordfhip plainly this my Rcfo- lution in that T articular : do I remain, DUBLIN, Your Lordfhip's humble Servant. March 14. l6 ^' Signed, MIC. JONES, For the Lord u/ORMOND thefe. H between the Ear/ of Qvmond and the Irifn. \±* BY Til E Lord Lieutenant General O F I R E L A O R MONT). WHERAS our late Sovereign Lord king. CHARLES of happy Memory hath been lately by a 'Party of bis rebellious Sub i eels of ENGLAND mojl traitoroufiy, maliciouflv, and inhumanly ■put to death and murthered ; and forafmuch as his Majefly that now is, Charles by the Grace of GOT) King of England, Scotland, France? and Ireland, is Son and Heir of his faid late Majefly, and thtrfore by the Laws of the Land, of force-, and praclis'd in all Ages, is to in- herit. We t her fore m difcharge of the 'Duty we owe unto God, our Allegiance and Loyalty to our Sovereign, holding it fit him fo to proclaim in and through this his Majejty's Kingdom, do by this our prefent 'Proclamation declare and man if eft to the World, 'That Charles- If. Son and Heir of our Sovereign Lord King Charlesl. of happy Me~ tnory, is, by the Grace of GOT), the undoubted KING of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, 'Defender of the FAIT PI, &c. Given at CAR RICK, Feb. 26. 1648. GOD SAVE THE KING. Vol. I. Y y A «±6 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace A neceffary Reprefentation of the prefent Evils ^ and imminent Dangers to Religion haws and Liber* ties, arifingfrom the late and prefent P rati ices of the Sc&mzn Party in EN GLAND: To- get her with an Exhortation to Duties relating to the Covenant j unto all within our Charge 7 and to all the Well-affecled within this Kingdom, by the Presbytery at BELFAST, February the i^th, 1649. WHEN we ferioufly confider the great and many Duties which we owe unto God and his People, over whom he hath made us Over- feers, and for whom we muit give an Account ; and when we be- hold the laudable Examples of the worthy Minifters of the Province of London ^ and of the Commiffioners of the General AfTembly of the Church of Scotland^ in their free and faithful Teftimonies againft the Infolencies of the SeHari- an Party in England: Confidering a'fo the Dependency of this Kingdom upon the Kingdom of England, and remembring how againfl ftrong Oppofitions we were afliited by the Lord the laft year in difcharge of the like Duty, and how he punifh'd the Contempt of our Warning upon the Defpifers therof : We find our felves as neceffitated, fo the more encouraged to call in our Mite in the Treafury, left our Silence mould involve us in the Guilt of Unfaithfulnefs, and our People in fecurity and neglecl ot Duties. In this Difcharge of the Truft put upon us by God, we would not be looked upon as Sowers of Sedition, or Broachers of national and divifive Motions ; our Record is in Heaven, that nothing is more hateful unto us, nor lefs intended by us, and therfore we fhall not fear the malicious and wicked Afperfions which we know Satan by his Instruments is ready to caft, not only upon us, but on all who fincerely endeavour the Advancement of Refor- mation. What of late have been, and now are, the infolent and prefumptuous Prac- tices of the Sectaries in England, is not unknown to the World : For, Firfi, notwithftanding their fpecious Pretences for Religion and Liberties, yet their late and prefent Actings being therwith compar'd, do clearly evidence that they love a rough Garment to deceive ; fince they have with a high Hand defpis'd the OATH, in breaking the Covenant, which is fo ftrong a Foun- dation to both, whilft they load it with flighting Reproaches, calling it a bundle of particular and contrary Interefts, and a Snare to the People ; and likewife labour to eftablifh by Laws an univerfal Toleration of all Religions, which is an Innovation overturning of Unity in Religion, and fo diredtly re- pugnant to the Word of God, the two firft Articles of our folemn Covenant, vhich is the greateft Wickednefs in them to violate, fince many of the chiefeft of themfelves have, with their hands tcftify'd to the moft Fligh God, l'worn and feal'd it. Moreover, their great DifafFection to the Settlement of Religion, and fo their future breach of Covenant, doth more fully appear by their ftrong oppofi- tions to Presbytertal Government (the Hedge and Bulwark of Religion) whilft they exprefs their hatred to it more than to the worft of Errors, by excluding it under the name of Compulfion ; when they embrace even Paganifm and Judaifm in the Arms of Toleration. Not to fpeak of their Afperfions upon it, and the AfTertors therof as Antichriftian and Popijh, though they have deeply fworn between the Ear/ of Ormond and the Irifn. 347 fworn to maintain the fame Government in the firft Article of the Covenant, as it is eftablifhed in the Church of SCOTLAND, which they now fo defpite and fully blafpheme. Again, It is more than manifeft, that they feek not the Vindication, but the Extirpation of Laws and Liberties, as appears by their feizing on the Per- fon of the King, and at their pleafures removing him from place to place, not only without the Confent, but (if we miftake not) againft a direct Ordi- nance of Parlament : Their violent furprifing, imprifoning and fecluding ma- ny of the molt worthy Members of the Honourable Houfe of Commons, di- rectly againft a declared Privilege of Parlament, (an Action certainly with- out Parallel in any Age) and their Purpofesof abolifhing Parlamentary Pow- er for the future, and eftablifhing of a Reprefentative (as they call it) inftead therof. Neither hath their Fury ftay'd here, but without all Rule or Exam- ple, being but private Men, they have proceeded to the Trial of the King, againft both Intereft and Proteftation of the Kingdom of Scotland, and ths former public Declarations of both Kingdoms (befides the violent hafte, re- jecting the hearing of any Defences) with cruel Hands have put him to death ; an Act fo horrible, as no Hiftory, divine or human, hath laid a Precedent of the like. Thefe and many other their deteftable Infolencies, may abundantly convince every unbyafs'd Judgment, that the prelent Practice of the Sectaries and their Abettors, do directly overturn the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdoms, roor out lawful and fupream Magiftracy (the juft Privileges wherof we have fworn to maintain) and introduce a fearful Confufion and lawlefs Anarchy. The Spirit of God by Solomon tells us* Prov. 30. 21. That a Servant foreign, is one of the four things for which the Earth is difquieted, and which it cannot bear: We wonder nothing that the Earth is difquieted for thefe things ; but we won- der greatly, if the Earth can bear them. And albeit the Lord fo permit, that Folly be fet in great Dignity, and they which fit in low place ; That Servants ride upon Horfes, and Princes walk as Servants upon the Earth, Ecclef. 10. ver. 6, 7. Yet the fame wife Man faith, Prov.ic). 10. Delight is not feemly for a Fool, much lefsfor a Servant to have Rule over Princes. When we confider thefe things, we cannot but declare and manifeft our utter diflike and deteftation of fuch unwarrantable Practices, directly fubvert- ing our Covenant, Religion, Laws and Liberties. And as Watchmen in SION warn all the Lovers of Truth and well-affected to the Covenant, carefully to avoid Compliance with, or not bearing witnefs againft horrid Infolencies, left partaking with them in their Sins, they alfo be Partakers of their Plagues. Therfore in the Spirit of Meeknefs, we earneftly intreat, and in the Authority of Jefus Chrift (whole Servants we are) charge and obteft all who relblve to ad- here unto Truth and the Covenant, diligently to obferve and confcientiouQy to perform thefe following Duties. Firfl, That according to our folemn Covenant; every one ftudy more to the Power of Godlinefs and perfonal Reformation of themfelves and Families; becaufe for the great Breach of this part of the Covenant, God is highly of- fended with 'hjefe Lands, and juftly provoked to permit Men to be the Inltru- ments of our Mifery and Afflictions. Secondly, That every one in their Station and Calling earneftly contend for the Faith which was once delivered to the Saints, J tide 3. And feek to have their Hearts elf ablifhed with Grace, that they be not unftable and wavering, carried about with every Wind of Doctrine ; but that they receive the Truth in Love, avoiding the Company of fuch as withdraw from and vilify the public Ordinances ; fpeak evil of Church-Government •, invent damnable Er- rors, under the fpecious Pretence of a Gofpel-way and new Light ; and high- ly exto' the Perfons and Courfes of notorious Sectaries, left God give them over to ftrong Delufions (the Plague of thefe Times) that they may believe Lyes, and be damned. Vol. L Y y 3 Thirdly, d$ Obfervations on the Articles of Peace , Sec. Thirdly, That they would not be drawn by Counfel, Command or Example, to fhake off the ancient and fundamental Government of thefe Kingdoms by King and Parlament, which we are fo deeply inagaged to preferve by our fo- lemn Covenant, as they would not be found guilty of the great Evil of thefe Times (condemned by the Holy Ghoft) the defpifing of Dominion, and ipeak- ing Evil of Dignities. Fourthly, That they do cordially endeavour the Prefervation of the Union amongft the well-affected in the Kingdoms, not being fwayed by any Natio- nal Refpecl : Remembring that part of the Covenant •, That we /ball not fu.ffer our felves direSily nor indirectly, by whatfoever Combination, Perfwajton, or Ter- ror, to be divided, or withdrawn from this blejjed Union and Conjunction. And Finally, Albeit there be moreprefent Hazard from the Power of Secta- ries (as were from Malignants the laft year) yet we are not ignorant of the evil Purpofes of Malignants, even at this time, in all the Kingdoms, and par- ticularly in this •, and for this Caufe, we exhort every one with equal Watchful- nefs to keep them felves free from affociating with fuch, or from fwerving in their Judgments to malignant Principles ; and to avoid all fuch Perfons as have been from the beginning known Oppofers of Reformation, Refufers of the Covenant, combining themfelves with Papifts and other notorious Ma- lignants, efpecially fiich who have been chief Promoters of the late Engage- ment againft England, Calumniators of the Work of Reformation, in repu- ting the Miferies of the prefent Times unto the Advancers therof ; and that their juft hatred to Sectaries incline not their Minds to favour Malignants, or to think, thatbecaufe of the Power of Sectaries, the Caufe of God needs the more to fear the Enmity, or to Hand in need of the help of Malignants. O B S E R- OBS ERVATIONS UPON The Articles of Peace with the Irifb Rebels, on the Letter of Ormond to Col. yones, and the Reprefentation of the Prefbytery at Belfafti ALthough it be a Maxim much agreeable to wifdom, that juft deeds are the belt anfwer to injurious words, and a&ions, of whatever fort, their own plainer! interpreters ; yet fince our enemies can find the leifure both ways to offend us, it will be requifite we fhould be found in neither of thofe ways neglectful of our juft defence : To let them know, that iincere and upright intentions can certainly with as mucheafie deliver them- felves into words as into deeds. Having therfore feen of late thofe Articles of Peace granted to the Papfft Rebels of Ireland, as fpecial graces and favours from the late King, in reward, moft likely, of their work done, and in his name and authority conrirm'd and ra- tify 'd by James Earl of Ormond ; together with his Letter to Col. Jones, Go- vernour of Dublin, full of contumely and difhonour, both to the Parlament and Army : And on the other fide, an infolent and feditious Reprefentation . from the Scotch Prefbytery at Belfajl in the North of Ireland, no lefs difhonour- able to the State, and much about the fame time brought hither ; there will be needful as to the fame flanderous afperfions but one and the fame Vindication a- gainft them both. Nor can we fever them in our notice and reftntment, though one part intitled a Presbytery, and would be thought a Protectant AflembJ ,', fince their own unexampled virulence hath wrapt them into the fame guilt,made them accomplices and affiftantstothe abhorred IriJ/j Rebels, and with them atpreient to advance the fame intereft : if we confider both their Calumnies, their Hatred, and the pretended Reafons of their hatred to be the fame ; the time alfo, and the place concurring, as that there lacks nothing but a few formal words, which may be eafily difTcmbled, to make the perfecteft conjunction •, and bet. them to divide that Ifiand. As for thefe Articles of Peace made with thofe inhuman Rebels and Papiits of Ireland by the late King, as one of his laft Mailer-pieces, we may be confi- dently perfwaded, that no true-born Englifaman can fo much as barely read them without indignation and difdain, that thofe bloody Rebels, and io pro- claim'd and judg'd of by the King himfclf, after the merciiefs and barbar )us Maffacre of fo many thoufand Engli/h, (who had us'd their right and title to that Country with fuch tendernefs and moderation, and might otherwife have fe- cur'ci themfelves with eafe againft their Treachery) fhould be now graced and rewarded with fuch freedoms and enlargements, as none of their Anceftors could ever merit by their beft obedience, which at beft was always treacherous; to be infranchiz'd with full liberty equal to their Conquerors, whom the juft revenge of ancient Pyracies, cruel Captivities, and thecauflefs infeftation of our Coaft, had warrantably call'd over, and the long prefcription of many hundred years; befides what other titles are acknowledg'd by their own Irijh Parlaments, had fix*: and feated in that Soil with as good a right as the mcereft Natives. Thefe therfore by their own foregoing demerits and provocations juftly maJ • our vaffais, are by the fir ft Article of this Peace advane'd to a Condition of freedom fuperior to what any Englijh Proteftants durft have demanded. For what clfe can be the meaning to dilcharge them the common Oath of Suprema- cy, efpecially being Papifts (for whom principally that Oath was intended) but either to refign them the more into their own Power, or to tet a mark of dif- honour upon the Briti/b Loyalty ; by milling Irijh Rebels for one fmgle Oath of Allegiance, as much as all his Subjects of Britain for the double iwearing 349 both of Allegiance and Supremacy r The. * to Obfervations on the Articles of Peace The fecond Article puts it into the hands of an Irijh Farlafnent to repeal, or to fufpend, if they think convenient, the Act ufually call'd Poyning's ASf, which was the main, and yet the civileft and moft moderate acknowledgment impos'd of their dependance on the Crown of England; wherby no Parlament could be fummon'd there, no Bill be paft, but what was firft to be tianfmitted and allow'd under the great Seal of England. The recalling of which Act, tends openly to invert them with a Law-giving power of their own, enables them by degrees to throw oft all fubjection to this Realm, and renders them, who by their endlefs treafons and revolts have deferv'd to hold no Parlament at all but to be o-overn'd by Edicts andGarifons, asabfoluteandfupreme in that AfTembly as the People of England in their own Land. And the 12 th Article orants them in exprefs words, that the Irijh Parlament lhall be no more depen- dent on the Parlament of England, than the Irijh themfelves lhall declare agree- able to the Laws of Ireland. The two and twentieth Article, more ridiculous than dangerous, coming e- fpecially from fuch a ferious knot of Lords and Politicians, obtains that thofe Acts prohibiting to plow with Horfes by the Tail, and burn Oats in the Straw, be repeal'd 5 enough, if nothing elfe, to declare in them a difpofition not only fottilh, but indocible, and averfe from all Civility and Amendment : and what hopes they give for the future, who rejecting the ingenuity of all other Nati- ons to improve and wax more civil by a civilizing Conqueft, though all thefe many years better mown and taught, prefer their own abfurd and lavage Cu- ftoms before the moft convincing evidence of reafon and demonftration : a Teftimony of their true Barbarifm and obdurate wilfulnefs, to be expected no lefs in other matters of greateft moment. Yet fuch as thefe and thus affected, the ninth Article entrufts with the Mili- tia • a Truft which the King fwore by God at Nezv-Market, he would not com- mit to his Parlament of England, no not for an hour. And well declares the confidence he had in Irijh Rebels, more than in hisLoyalleft Subjects. He grants them moreover, till the performance of all thefe Articles, that 15000 Foot and 2500 Horfe lhall remain a ftanding Army of Papifts at the beck and command of Dillon, Musketry and other Arch-Rebels, with power alio of adding to that number as they lhall fee caufe. And by other Articles allows them the conftitu- tins of Magiftrates and Judges in all Caufes, whom they think fit : and till a fet- tlement to their own minds, the poffeflion of all thofe Towns and Countries within their new Quarters, being little lefs than all the Ifland, befides what their Cruelty hath difpeopled and laid waite. And laftly, the whole managing both of Peace and "War is committed to Papifts, and the chief Leaders of that Re- bellion. Now let all men judge what this wants of utter alienating and acquitting the whole Province of Ireland from all true fealty and obedience to the Common- wealth of England. Which act of any King againft the Confent of his Parla- ment, thouo-h no other Crime were laid againft him, might of it felf ftrongly conduce to the dif-inthroning him of all. In France, Henry the Third, de- manding leave in greateft exigencies to make Sale of fome Crown-Lands only, and that to his Subjects, was anfwered by the Parlament then at Blois, that a King in no cafe, though ofextremeft neceffity, might alienate the Patrimo- ny of his Crown, wherof he is but only Uju-jrutluary, as Civilians term it, the propriety remaining ever to the Kingdom, not to the King. And in our own Nation, Kino- John, for refigning though unwillingly his Crown to the Pope's Leo-ate,' witfTlittle more hazard to his Kingdom than the payment of 1000 Marks, and the unfightlinefs of fuch a Ceremony, was depos'd by his Barons, and Lewis the French King's Son elected in his room. And to have carried only the Jewels, Plate, and Treafure into Ireland without confent of the Nobility, was one of thofe impeachments that condemn'd Richard the Second to lofe his Crown. But how petty a Crime this will feem to the alienating of a whole Kingdom, which in thefe Articles of Peace we fee as good as done by the late King, not to Friends, but to mortal Enemies, to the accompliihment of his own interefts and ends, wholly feparate from the People's good, may without aggravation be eafily conceiv'd. Nay, by the Covenant it felf, fince that fo cavilloufly isurg'd againft us, we are enjoin'd in the fourth Article, with all faithfulnefs to endea- 4 ruov between the Earl of Ormond and the Irifri. 3 c r vour the bringing all fuchto public Trial and condign Punifhment, as fhali di- vide one Kingdom from another. And what greater dividing than by a perni- cious and hoftile Peace, to difalliege a whole Feudary Kingdom from the an- cient Dominion of England? Exception we find therof no perfon whatsoever ; and if the King, who hath actually done this, or any for him claim a privilege above Juftice,it is again demanded by what exprefs Law either of God or Man; and why he whole office is to execute Law and Juftice upon all others, fhould fit himfelf like a Demigod in lawlefs and unbounded Anarchy ; refufing to be ac- countable for that Authority overmen naturally his Equals, which God himfelf without a reafon given is not wont toexercife over his Creatures? And if God the nearer to be acquainted with mankind and his frailties, and to become our Prieft, made himfelf a Man, and fubjeft to the Law, we gladly would be in- ftrufted why any mortal man for the good and welfare of his brethren being made a King, fhould by a clean contrary motion make himfelf a God, exalted above Law ; the readieft way to become utterly unfenfible, both of his human condition, and his own duty. And how fecurely, howfmoothly, with how little touch or CenCc of any corri- mileration, either princely or fo much as human, he hath fold away that juftice fo oft demanded, and fooft by himfelf acknowledg'd to be due for the blood of more than 200000 of his Subjects, that never hurt him, never difobey'd him, alTaifinated and cut in pieces by thofe Irifo Barbarians, to give the firft promo- ting, as is more than thought, to his own tyrannical defigns in England, will ap- pear by the 1 8th Article of his Peace; wherin without the leali regard of Juftice to avenge the dead, while he thirfts to be aveng'd upon the living} to all the Murders, Maffacres, Treafons, Pyracies, from the very fatal day wher- in that Rebellion firft broke out, he grants an Aft of Oblivion. If this can be juftified, or not punifh'd in whomfoever, while there is any Faith, any Religion, any Juftice upon Earth, there can no reafon be alledg'd why all things are not left to Confufion. And thus much be obferv'd in brief concerning thele Articles of Peace made by the late King with his Irifo Rebels. The Letter of Ormond fent to Col. Jones Governour of Dublin, attemptino- his fidelity, which the difcretion and true worth of that Gentleman hath fo well anfwer'd andrcpuls'd, and pafs'd here without mention, but that the other part of it not content to do the errand of Treafon, roves into a long dia;reffion of evil and reproachful Language to the Parlament and Army of England. "Which though not worth their notice, as from a Crew of Rebels whole inhu- manities are long fince become the horror and execration of all that hear them, yet in the purluance of a good endeavour, to give the world all due fatisfaftion of the prefent doings, no fit opportunity lhall be omitted. He accufed firft, That we are the Subvert ers of 'Religion, the Protetlcrs and Inci- ters not only of all falfe ones, but oflrreligion andAthdfm. An Accufation that no man living could more unjuftly ufe than our Accufer himfelf; and which without a ftrange befottednefs, he could not expeft but to be retorted upon his own head. All men who are true Proteftants, of which number he gives out to be one, know not a more immediate and killing Subverter of all true Religion than Antichrift, whom they generally believe to be the Pope and Church of Rome; he therfore who makes Peace with this grand Enemy and Perfecutor of the true Church, he who joins with him, ftrengthens him, gives him root to grow up and fpread his Poilbn, removing all Oppolition againft him, granting him Schools, Abbeys, and Revenues, Garifons, Fortrefles, Towns, as in fo many of thofe Articles may be feen, he of all Proteftants may be callM molt juftly the Subverter of true Religion, the Proteftor and Inviter oflrreligion and Atheifm, whether it be Ormond, or his Matter. And if it can be no way prov'd, that the Parla- ment hath countenane'd Popery or Papifts, but have every where broken their temporal Power, thrown down their public Superftitions, and confin'd them to the bare enjoyment ot that which is not in our reach, their Confciences ; if they have encourag'd all true Minifters of the Gofpel, that is to fay, afforded them favour and protection in all places where' they preach'd, and although they think not Money or Stipend to be the beft encouragement of a true Palter, yet therinalfohave not been wanting nor intend to be, they doubt not then to affirm themlelves, not the Subverters, but the Maint.iiners and Defenders of true Reli- gion ; which of it felf and by confequence is the Jureft and the ftrongeft Sub- verlion, 3C 2 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace verfion, not only of all falfe ones, butof Irreligion and Atheifm. For the Wea- pons of that Warfare, as the Apoftle teftifies, who beft knew, are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down ofjlrong-ho'ds, and all reafonings , and every high thingexalled againft the knowledge of God, jurprijing every thought unto the obe- dience of Chrifl, and eafily revenging all difobedience, 2 Cor. id, What Minifter or Clergy-man that either understood his high calling, or fought not to erect a fe- cular and carnal Tyranny over fpiritnal things^ would neglect this ample and fublime power conferred upon him, and come a begging to the weak hand of Magiftracy for that kind of aid which the Magiftrate hath no Commiffion to afford him, and in the way he feeks it hath been always found helplefs and unprofitable. Neither is it unknown, or by wifeft Men unobferv'd, that the Church began then mod apparently to degenerate, and go to ruin, when fhe borrow'dof the Civil Power more than fair encouragement and protection; more than which Chrifthimfelf and his Apoftles never requir'd. To fay thcr- fore, that We protect and invite all falfe Religions, with Irreligion alfo and A- theifm, becaufe we lend not, or rather mifapply not the temporal power to help out, though in vain, the floth, the fpleen, the infufficiency of Church-men, in the execution of fpiritual difcipline, over thofe within their Charge, or t hole without, is an imputation that may belaid as well upon the beft-regulated States and Governments through the World. Who have been fo prudent as never to employ the civil Sword further than the edge of it could reach, that is, to Ci- vil Offences only •, proving always againft objects that were fpiritual a ridicu- lous weapon. Our protection therfore to men in Civil Matters unoffenfive we cannot deny ; their Confciences we leave, as not within our Cognizance, to the proper cure of inftruction, praying for them. Neverthelefs, if any be found among us declar'd Atheifts, malicious Enemies of God, and of Chrift ; the Parlament, I think, profeffes not to tolerate fuch, but with all befitting endea- vours to fupprefs them. Otherways to protect none that in a larger fenfe may be tax'd of Irreligion or Atheifm, may perhaps be the ready way to exclude none fooner out of protection, than thole themfelves that moft accufe it to be fa general to others. Laftly, that we invite fuch as thefe, or incourage them, is- a meer fiander without proof. He tells us next, that they have murther'd the King. And they deny not to have juftly and undauntedly, as became the Parlament of England, for more Blood- jhed and other heinous Crimes than ever King of this Land was guilty of, after open trial, punifh'd him with death. A matter which to men whole ferious confideration therof hath left no certain precept, or example undebated, is fo far from giving offence, that we implore and befeech the Divine Majefty fo to uphold and fupport their fpirits with like Fortitude and Magnanimity, that all their enfuing actions may correfpond and prove worthy that impartial and noble piece of Juftice, wherin the Hand of God appear'd fo evidently on our fide. We ftiall not then need to fear what all the rout and faction of men bafely principl'd can do againft us. The end of our proceedings, which he takes upon him to have difcover'd, The changing forfooth of Monarchy into Anarchy, founds fo like the finattering of fome raw Politician, and the overworn objection of every trivial Talker, that we leave him in the number. But feeing in that which follows he contains not himfelf, but contrary to what a Gentleman fhould know of Civility, pro- ceeds to the contemptuous naming of a Perfon, whofe valour and high merit many enemies more noble than himfelf have both honour'd and fear'd, to af- fert his good name and reputation, of whofe fervice the Commonwealth re- ceives fo ample fatisfaction, 'tis anfwered in his behalf, that Cromwell whom he couples with a name of fcorn, hath done in few years more eminent and remark- able Deeds wheron to found Nobility in his Houfe, though it were wanting, and perpetual Renown to Poflerity, than Ormond and all his Anceftors put to- gether can fhew from any Record of their Irifh Exploits, the wideft Scene of their Glory. He paries on his groundlefs conjectures, that the aim of this Parlament may be perhaps to fet up firft an elective Kingdom, and after that a perfect Turkifh Ty- ranny. Of the former, we fuppofe the late act againft Monarchy will fuffice to acquit them. Of the latter, certainly there needed no other pattern than that Tyranny which was fo long modelling by the late King himfelf, with Strafford^ 4 and between the Earl of Ormond and the Iriih. that Arch-Prelate of Canterbury* his chief Iriftrurrients ; whofe defigns God pated. Neither is it any new project of the Monarchs, and their Courtiers in thefe days, though Chriftians they would be thought, to endea- tntroducing df aplkin Twkifla Tyranny. Witnefs that Confultation had in the Court of France under Charles the Ninth at Blots, whCrin Pcncet, a certain Court-projector, brought in fecretly by the Chancellor Biragha, after many praifes of the Ottoman Government, propofes means and ways at large, in prefence of the King, the Queen Regent, and Anjou the King's Brother, how with beft, expedition, and leaft noile the Turkijh Tyranny might be let up in :e. It appears therfore that the defign of bringing in that Tyranny, is a Monarchical defign, and not of thole who have dillblved Monarchy. As for Parlaments b/ three Estates **t know that a Parlament fignifies no mote than the Supreme and General Council of a Nation, con fitting of whom- foeverchofen and afiembled for the public good ; which was ever practis'd, and in all forts of Government, before the Word Parlament, or the formality, or the poifibiiity of thole three Eftates, or fuck a thing as a Titular Monarchy had ei- ther name or being in the World. The Original of all which we could pro- to be far newer than thole all Ages which he vaunts of, and by fuch firft in- id contriv'd, whofe authority, tho' it were Charles Mar**//, ftands not fo high in oar repute, either for himfelf, or the age he liv'd in, but that with as good warrant we may recede from what he ordain'd, as he ordain what before was not. But wheras betides he is bold to alledge that of the three Eftates there re- maims only a fmall number, and" they the Dregs and Scum of the Houfe of Com- mom ; this reproach, and in the mouth of an Irijh Man, concerns not them only, but redounds to apparent dithonour of the whole Englifh Nation. Doubtlefs there muft be thought a great fcarcity in England of perfons honourable and. de- ferving, or elfe of Judgment, or fo much as Honefty in the People, if thofe whom theyefteem worthy to fit in Parlament be no better than Scum and Dregs in the Irifh Dialect. But of fuch like fluff we meet not any where with more excrefcence than in his own lavifh Pen •, which feeling it felf loofe without the reins of difcretion, rambles for themoft part beyond all Sobernefs and Civility. In which Torrent he goes on negotiating and cheapning the Loyalty of our Faithful Governour of Dublin, as if the known and try'd Conftancy of that valiant Gentleman were to be bought with Court-fumes. He lays before him, that there remains now no other Liberty'-in the SubjetJ but to prefefs blafpbenious opinions, to revile and tread under foot Magifiracy, to murther Ma- gift rates, to Opprefs and undo all that are not like -minded with us. Forgetting in the mean while hi mil If to be in the head of a mixt Rabble, part Papirts, part Fu- gitives, and part Savages, guilty in the higheft degree of all thefe Crimes. \\ hat more blafphemous, not Opinion, but whole Religion, than Popery, plung'd into Idolatrous and Ceremonial Superftition, the very death of all true Reli- gion; figur'd to us by the Scripture it felf in the thape of that Beaft, ///// of the names of Blafpbemy, which we mention to him as to one that would be counted Proteftant, and had his breeding in the houfe of a Bifhop ? And who are thofe that have trod under foot Magiftracy, murdered Magiftrates, opprefs'd and un- done all that fi led not with them, but the Irifh Rebels, in that horrible Con- fpiracy, for which Ormond himfelf hath either been or feem'd to be their Enemy, though now their Ringleader. And let himafk the Jefuits about him, whether it be not their known Doctrine and alfo Practice, not by fair and due procefsof Juftice to punifh Kings and Magiftrates, which we difavow not, but to murder them in the bafeftand moft affafiinous manner, if their Church- intereftfo require. There will not nee! more words to this windy Railer, convicted openly ot all thofe Crimes -which he fo confidently, and yet faltly charges upon others. We have now to deal, though in the fame Country, with another fort of Ad- verfaries, in (how tar different, in fubftance much-what the lame. Thefe write themfelves the Prefbytery of Bclfaft, a place better known by the name of a late Barony, than by the Fame of thefe Men's Doctrine or Ecclefiaftical Deeds ; whofe oblcurity tillnow never came to our hearing. And furely we lhould think this their Reprefentment far beneath conlidcrable, who have neglected and paft over the like unadvifednefi of their fellows in other places more near us, were it not to obferve in fome particulars the Sympathy, good Intelligence, and joint pace which they go in the North of Ireland, with their Copartning Rebels in the Vol. I. Zz South, f> m * 354 Obfervatiom on the Articles of Peace South, driving on the fame Intereft to lofe us that Kingdom, that they may- gain it themfelves, or at leaft fnare in the lpoil : though the other be open Ene- mies, thefe pretended Brethren. The Introduction or" their Manifeft out of doubt muft be zealous ; Their Du- /v, they fay, to God and his People, over whom be hath made them Overfeers, and for whom they muft give account. What mean thefe Men ? Is the Prefbytery of Belfajl, a fmall Town in Ulfter, of fo large extent, that their Voices cannot ferve to teach Duties in the Congregation which they overfee, without fpread- ing and divulging to all parts far beyond the Diocefs of Patrick or Colum- ba, their written Reprefentation, under the futtle pretence of feeding their own Flock ? Or do they think to overfee or undertake to give an account for all to whom their Paper fends greeting ? S.$aul to the Elders of Ephefus thinks it fuf- licieht to give charge, That they take heed to themfelves and to the Flock over which they were made Overfeers ; beyond thole Bounds he enlarges not their Commif- fion. And furely when we put down Bifhops and put up Prefbyters, which the moft of them have made life of to enrich and exalt themfelves, and turn the firft heel againft their Beneiaclors, we did not think that one Clafiic Fraternity fo obfeure and fo remote, mould involve us and all State- Affairs, within the C c n ■ fore and Jurifdiftion of Belfaft, upon pretence of overfecing their own Charge. We very well know that Church-Cenfures are limited to Church- Matters, and thefe within the compafs of their own Province, or to fay more truly of their own Congregation : that Affairs of State are not for their meddling, as we could urge even from their own Inveftives and Proteftations againft the Biihops, wherin they tell them with much fervency, that Minifters of the Gofpel, nei- ther by that Function, nor any other which they ought accept, have the leaft Warrant to be Pragmatical in the State. And furely in vain were Biihops for thefe and other Caufes forbid to lit and vote in the Houfe, if thefe Men out of the Houi'e, and without Vote fhall claim and be permitted more licence on their Prefbyterial Stools, to breed continual difturbance by interpofing in the Commonwealth. But feeing that now, ftnee their heaving out the Prelates to heave in themfelves, they devife new ways to bring both ends together, which will never meet-, that is to fay, their former Doc- trine with their prefent Doings, as that they cannot elfe teach Magiftrates and Sub- jefts their Duty, and that they have befides a Right themfelves tofpeak as Members of the Commonwealth : Let them know that there is a wide difference between the general exhortation to Juftice and Obedience, which in this point is the utmoft of their Duty, and the State-diiputes wherin they are now grown fueh Bufy- bodies, to preach of Titles, Interefts and Alterations in Government ; more than our Saviour him felf, or any of his Apoltles ever took upon them, though the Title both of Ccefar and of Herod, and what they did in matters of State, might have then admitted Controverfy enough. Next, for their Civil Capacities, we are fure that Pulpits and Church-AlTem- b'ies, whether Claffical or Provincial, never were intended or allow'd by wife Magiftrates, no nor by him that fent them, to advance fuch purpofes, but that as Members of the Commonwealth they ought to mix with other Commoners, tmd in that temporal Body to affume nothing above other private Perfons, or otherwife than in a ufual and legal manner : not by diftincr. Remonftrances and Reprefentments, as if they were a tribe and party by themfelves, which is the next immediate way to make the Church lift a Horn againft the State, and claim an abfolute and undepending Jurifdiction, as from like advantage and occafion (to the trouble of all Chriltendom) the Pope hath for many Ages done; and not only our Biihops were climbing after him, but our Prefbyters alio, as by late Ex- periment we find. Of this Reprefentation therfore we can efteem and judge no other than of a flanderous and feditious Libel, fent abroad by a fort of Incendi- aries to delude and make the better way under the cunning and plaufible name of a Prefbytery. A fecond Reafon of their Rcprefenting is, that they confider the dependance of that Kingdom upon England, which is another lhamelefs untruth that ever they con- fider'd-, as their own Actions will declare, by conniving, and in their fiience par- taking with thole in Ulfter, whole obedience, by what we have yet heard, ftands dubious, and with an eye of Conformity rather to the North, than to that part where they owe their fubjeftion •, and this iu all likelihotd by tie inducement and between the Earl of 'Ormond and the Irifh. and irrigation of thefe Reprefenters : who are fo far from confidering their de- pendance on England, as to prefume at every word to term proceedings of Par- lament, the Infolencies of a Sectarian party, and of private men. Defpifino- domi- nion, and fpeaking evil of dignities, which hypocritically they would'feem to difiuade others from ; and not fearing the due correction of their Superiors, that may in fit feafon overtake them. When as the leaft confideration of their depen- dance on England would have kept them better in their Duty. The third Reafon which they ufe, makes againft them ; The remembrance how God punifh'd the contempt of their warning laft year upon the Breakers of Covenant, whenas the next year after they forget the warning of that puniflv ment hanging over their own heads for the very fame tranfgrefiion, their manifeft breach of Covenant by this feditious Reprefentation, accompanied with the doubtful obedience of that Province which reprefents it. And thus we have their Preface fupported with three Reafons ; two of them notorious falfities, and the third againft themfelves •, and two examples, the Province of London, and the Commffioners of the Kirk-dflembly. But certain, if Canonical Examples bind not, much lefs do Apocryphal. Proceeding to avouch the truft put upon them by God, which is plainly proved to be none or this nature, They would not be looked upon as Sowers of Sedition, or Authors of divijive Motions ; their Record, they fay, is in Heaven, and their Truth and Honefty no Man knows where. For is not this a fharhelefs Hypo- crify, and of meer Wolves in Sheeps cloathing, to low Sedition in the Ears of all Men, and to face us down to the very Act, that they are Authors of no fuch matter ? But let the fequel both of their Paper, and the obedience of the place wherin they are, determine. Nay, while we are yet writing thefe things, and foretelling all men the Rebel- lion which was even then defigned in the clofe purpofe of thefe unhallowed Prieftlings, at the very time when with their Lips they difclaimed all lowing of Sedition, News is brought, and too true, that the Scotti/h Inhabitants of that Province are actually revolted, and have not only befieged in London-Deny thofe Forces which were to have fought againft Ormond and the Irifh Rebels ; but have m a manner declared with them, and begun open War againft the Parlament j and all this by the incitement and illufions of that unchriftian Synagogue at Bel- fa/}, who yet dare charge the Parlament, that notwithftanding fpecious pretences, yet their actings do evidence that they love a rough Garment to deceive. The Deceit: we own not, but the Companion, by what at firft fight may feem alluded, we accept : For that hairy roughnefs affumed, won Jacob the Birthright both Tempo- ral and Eternal ; and God we truft hath fo difpofed the mouth of thefe Balaams, that coming to Curfe, they have ftumbled into a kind of Blefling, and compared our aftings to the faithful Acl of that Patriarch. But if they mean, as more probably dieir meaning was, that rough Garment fpoken of Zach. 13. 4. we may then behold the pitiful ftore of learning and the- ology, which thefe deceivers have thought fufficient to uphold their credit with the People, who, though the rancour that leavens them have fomewhat quickned the common drawling of their Pulpit elocution, yet for want of ftock enough in Scripture-phrafe to ferve the necefiary ufes of their Malice, they are become fo liberal, as to part freely with their own Budge-gowns from off - their backs, and beftow them on the Magiftrate as a rough Garment to deceive ; rather than not be furnifhed with a reproach, though never fo improper, never fo obvious to be turned upon themfelves. For but with half an eye caft upon that Text, any man will foon difcern that rough Garment to be their own Coat, their own Livery, the very Badge and Cognizance of fuch falfe Prophets as themfelves. Who, when they underftand, or ever ferioufly mind the beginning of that 4th verfe, may be aJJjamed every one of his lying Vifion, and may juftly fear that foregoing de- nouncement to fuch asfpeak Lyes in the name of the Lord, verf. 4. lurking under the rough Garment of outward rigour and formality, wherby they cheat the fim- ple. So thxt-this rough Garment to deceive, we bring ye once again, Grave Sirs, into your own Veftry •, or with Zachary fhall not think much to fit it to your own Shoulders. To beftow aught in good earned on the Magiftrate, we know your claftic Prieftftiip is too gripple, for ye are always begging: and for this rough Gown to deceive, we are confident ye cannot fpare it ; it is your Sun- day's Gown, your every day Gown, your only Gown, the Gowa of your Facul- Vol, I. Z z 2 ty ;' 355 /■I 5 6 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace ty v your divining Gown -, to take it from ye were Sacrilege. Wear it ther- fore, and poflefs it your felves, moft grave and reverend Carmelites, that alT Men both young and old, as we hope they will fhortly, may yet better know ye y and diftino-uim ye by it ; and give to your rough Gown, where-ever they meet it, whether in Pulpit, Claffis, or Provincial Synod, the precedency, and the pre-eminence of deceiving. They charge us next that we have broken the Covenant, and loaden it with, flighting Reproaches. For the reproaching, let them anfwer that are guilty, wherof the State we are fure cannot be accus'd. For the breaking, let us hear wherin. In labouring, lay they, to eftablijh by Law a univerfal Toleration of all Re- ligions. This touches not the State -, for certainly were they fo minded, they need not labour it, but do it, having power in their hands ; and we know of no Act as yet pall to that purpofe. But fuppofe it done, wherin is the Covenant broke ? The Covenant enjoins us to endeavour the extirpation firft of Popery and Prelacy, then of Herefy, Schifm, and Prophanenefs, and whatsoever fhall be found contrary to found Doctrine and the Power of Godlinefs. And this we ceafe not to do by all effectual and proper means : But thefe Divines might know that to extirpate all thefe things can be no work of the Civil Sword, but of the Spiritual, which is the Word of God. No Man well in his Wits, endeavouing to root up Weeds out of his Ground, inftead of ufing the Spade will take a Mallet or a Beetle. Nor doth the Covenant any way engage us to extirpate, or to profecute the Men, but the Herefies and Errors in them, which we tell thefe Divines and the reft that understand not, belongs chiefly to their own Function, in the diligent preaching and infilling up- on found Doctrine, in the confuting, not the railing down Errors, encountering both in public and private Conference, and by the power of truth not of per- fection, fubduing thofe Authors of Heretical Opinions, and lallly in the Spi- ritual execution of Church-difcipline within their own Congregations. In all thefe ways we fhall affiftthem, favour them, and as far as appertains to us join with them, and moreover not tolerate the free exercife of any Religion, which fhall be found abfolutely contrary to found Doctrine or the Power of Godlinefs ; for the Confcience, we mull have patience till it be within our verge. And thus doing, we fhall believe to have kept exactly all that is requir'd from us by the Covenant. Whilft they by their feditious practices againft us, than which no- thing for the prefent can add more afiiftance or advantage to thofe bloody Re- bels and Papifts in the South, will be found moft pernicious Covenant-breakers themfelves, and as deep in that guilt as thofe of their own Nation the laftyear ; the warning of whofe ill fuccefs like men hardned for the fame Judgment, they - miferably pervert to an incouragement in the fame offence, if not a far worfe : For now they have join'd Intereft with the Irijh Rebels, who have ever fought againft the Covenant, wheras their Country-men the year before made the Co- venant their Plea. But as it is a peculiar Mercy of God to his People, while they remain his, to preferve them from wicked Confederations : fo it is a mark and punifhment of Hypocrites, to be driven at length to mix their Caufe, and the In- tereft of their Covenant with God's Enemies. And wheras they affirm that the tolerating of all Religions in the manner that we tolerate them, is an innovation •, we muft acquaint them that we are a- ble to make it good, if need be, both by Scripture and the Primitive Fathers, and the frequent affertion of whole Churches and Proteftant States in their Remon- strances and Expostulations againft the PopiSli Tyranny over Souls. And what force of argument do thefe Doctors bring to the contrary ? But we have long ob- lerv'd to what pafs the bold ignorance and Sloth of our Clergy tends no lefs now than in the BiShops days, to make their bare fayings and cenfures authentic with the People, though destitute of any proof or argument. But thanks be to God they are difcern*d. Their nextimpeachment is, That we oppofe the PrefiyterialGevermnent, theHedge and Bulwark of Religion. Which all the Land knows to be a moft impudent false- hood, having eftablilh'd it with all freedom, wherever it hath been defir'd. Neverthelefs, as we perceive it afpiring to be a compulfive power upon all with- out exception in Parochial, ClaSfical, and Provincial Hierarchies, or to require the fleShly Arm of Magistracy in the execution of a Spiritual Discipline, to pu- nifh and amerce by any corporal infliction thofe whole Confcicnccs cannot be edify'd between the Earl of Ormond and the Iriih. — j j j j edify'd by what authority they arc compell'd, we hold it no more to be the Hedge and Bulwark of Religion, than the Popifh and Prelatical Courts, or the Spanijh Inqutjition. But we are told, We embrace Paganifm andjudaifm in the arms cf Toleration. A mod audacious calumny ! And yet while we deteft Judaifm, we know our felves commanded by St. Paul, Rom. n. to refpecT: the Jews, and by all means to endeavour their converfion. Neither was it ever fworn in the Covenant to maintain a univerfal Prefbytery in England, as they falfly alledge, but in Scotland againft the common Enemy, if our aid were call'd for : being left free to reform our own Country according to the "Word of God, and the example of bell; reformed Churches ; from which rule we are not yet departed. But here, utterly forgetting to be Minifters of the Gofpel, they prefume to open their mouths not in the Spirit of Meeknefs, as like difTemblers they pretend, but with as much devilifh malice, impudence and falfhood, as any Irifh Rebel could have utter'd ; and from a barbarous nook of Ireland brand us with the extirpation of Laws and Liberties -, things which they feem as little to under- ftand as aught that belongs to good Letters or Humanity. That we feiz'd on the Perfon of the King ; who was furrendred into our hands an Enemy and Captive by our own fubordinate and paid Army of Scots in England. Next, our imprifoning many Members of the Houfe. As if it were impoffible they mould deferve it, confpiring and bandying againft the public good •, which to the other part appearing, and, with the power they had, not refilling, had been a manifeft defertion of their Truft and Duty. No queftion but it is as good and neceflary to expel rotten Members out of the Houfe, as to banifh Delinquents out of the Land : and the reafon holds as well in forty as in five. And if they be yet more, the more dangerous is their number. They had no privilege to fit there, and vote home the Author, the impenitent Author of all our Miferies .to Freedom, Honour and Royalty, for a few fraudulent, if not deftructive Con- ceffions. Which that they went about to do, how much more clear it was to all men, fo much die more expedient, and important to the Commonwealth was their fpeedy feizure and exclufion ; and no breach of any juft privilege, but a breach of their knotted faction. And here they cry out, An Action without pa- rallel in any Age. So heartily we wifh all men were unprejudie'd in all our Acti- ons, as thefe illiterate denouncers never parallel'd fo much of any Age as would contribute to the tithe of a Century. That we aboliflo Parlamentary Power, and ejlablifa a Reprefentative inftead therof. Now we have the height of them ; thefe profound Inftructors, in the midft of their Reprelentation, would know the Er.g- lifh of a Reprefentative, and were perhaps of that Claffis, who heretofore were as much ftagger'd at Triennial. Their grand Accufation is our Juftice done on the King, which that they may prove to be without rule or example, they venture all the credit they have in divine and human Hiftory ; and by the fame defperate boldnefs detect themfelves to be egregious Lyars and Impoftors, feeking to abufe the multitude with a fhow of that gravity and learning which never was their Portion. Had their knowledge been equal to the knowledge of any ftupid Monk, or Abbot, they would have known at leaft, though ignorant of all things elfe, the life and acts of him, who firft inftituted their Order : But thefe blockifh Prefbyters of Clandeboy know not that John Knox, who was the firft founder of Prefbytery in Scotland, taught pro- feffedly the Doctrine of depofing, and of killing Kings. And thus while they deny that any fuch rule can be found, the rule is found in their own Country, given them by their own firft Prefbyterian Inftitutor ; and they themfelves, like irregular Friers walking contrary to the rule of their own Foundation, deferve for fo grofs an ignorance and tranfgreffion to be difciplin'd upon their own Stools. Or had their reading in Hiftory been any, which by this we may be confident is none at all, or their Malice not heighten'd to a blind rage, they never would fo rafhly have thrown the Dice to a palpable difcovery of their ignorance and want of fhame. But wherefore fpend we two fuch precious things as time and rea- fon upon Prielts, the moft prodigal mif-fpenders of time, and the fcarceft owners of reafon ? 'Tis fufficient we have publifh'd our defences, given reafons, given ex- amples of our Juftice done •, Books alio have been written to the fame purpofe for Men to look on that will •, that no Nation under Heaven but in one age or other hath done the like. The difference only is, which rather feems to us matter of glory, that ^5 8 Obfervations on the Articles of Peace that they for the mod part have without Form of Law done the deed by a kind of martial Juftice, we by the deliberateandwell-weigh'dSentence of alegal Judicature. But they tell us, // was againji the inter eft and proteftation of the Kingdom of Scotland. And did exceeding well to join thofe two together : hereby inform- ing us what credit or regard need be given in England to ^Scotch Proteftation, ufhered in by a Scotch Intereft : certainly no more than we fee is given in Scotland to an Englifh Declaration, declaring the Intereft of England. If then our inte- reft move not them, why fhould theirs move us ? If they fay, we are not all England ; we reply, they are not all Scot land : nay, were the laft year fo inconfi- derable a part of Scotland as were beholden to this which they now term the Sectarian Army, to defend and refcue them at the charges of England from a ftronger party of their own Countrymen, in whofe efteem they were no better than Sectarians themfelves. But they add, 7/ was againji the former Declara- tions of both Kingdoms, to feize, or proceed againft the King. We are certain' that no fuch Declarations of both Kingdoms, as derive not their full force from the fenfe and meaning of the Covenant, can be produced. And if they plead againft the Covenant, To preferve and defend his Per/on ; we afk them briefly whether they take the Covenant to be abfolute or conditio- nal ? If abfolute, then fuppofe the King to have committed all prodigious Crimes and Impieties againft God, or Nature, or whole Nations, he muft neverthelefs be facred from all violent touch. Which abfurd opinion, how it can live in a- ny Man's reafon, either natural or rectified, we much marvel : Since God de- clared his anger as impetuous for the faving of King Benhadad, though iurren- dring himfelf at mercy, as for the killing of Naboth. If it be conditional, in the prefervation and defence of Religion, and the People's Liberty, then cer- tainly to takeaway his life, being dangerous, and pernicious to both thefe, was no more a breach of the Covenant, than for the fame reafon at Edinburgh to be- head Gordon the Marquefs Huntky. By the fame Covenant we made vow to af= fift and defend all thofe that fhould enter with us into this League -, not abfo- lutely, but in the maintenance and purfuing therof. If therfore no Man elfe ever was fo mad as to claim from hence an impunity from all Juftice, why fhould any for the King ? Whofe Life by other Articles of the fame Covenant was for- feit. Nay if common fenfe had not led us to fuch a clear Interpretation, the Scotch CommifTioners themfelves might boaft to have been our firft teachers : who when they drew to the malignance which brought forth that perfidious laft year's irruption againft all the bands of Covenantor Chriftian Neighbourhood, making their hollow Plea the defence of His Majefty's Perfon, they were conftrained by their own guiltinefs to leave out that following morfel that would have choak'd them, the prefervation and defence of true Religion, and our Liberties. Andqueftion- lefs in the prefervation of thefe, we are bound as well, both by the Covenant, and before the Covenant, to preferve and defend the Perfon of any private Man, as the Perfon and Authority of any inferior Magiftrate : So that this Arti- cle, objected with fuch vehemence againft us, contains not an exception of the King's Perfon, and Authority, to do by privilege what wickednefs he lift, and be defended, as fome fancy, but an exprefs teftification of our Loyalty •, and the plain words without wrefting will bear as much, that we had no thoughts againft his perfon, or juft power, provided they might confift with the prefervation and defence of true Religion and our Liberties. But to thefe how hazardous his Jife was, will be needlefs to repeat fo often. It may fuffice that while he was in cuftody, where we expected his Repentance, his remorfe at laft, and com- panion of all the innocent blood fhed already, and hereafter likely to be fhed for his meer wilfulnefs, he made no other ufe of our continual forbearance, our humbleft Petitions and Obteftations at his feet, but to fit contriving and foment- ing new Plots againft us, and as his own phrafe was, playing his own Game up- on the Miferies of his People : Of which we defire no other view at prefent than thefe Articles of Peace with the Rebels, and the rare Game likely to en- fue from fuch a caft of his Cards. And then let Men reflect a little upon the flanders and reviles of thefe wretched Priefts, and judge what Modefty, what Truth, what Confcience, what any thing fit for Minifters, or we might fay reafonable men, can harbour in them. For what they began in fhamelefnefs and malice, they conclude in frenzy : throwing out a fudden rhapfody of Proverbs quite from the purpofe ; and withas much comelinefs^-s wh.en Saul prophefy*d. Fob between the Karl ^Ormond and the Irifh. 3 - g For calling off, as lie did his Garments, all modefty and meekncfs wherewith the Language of Minifters ought to be cloath'd, efpecially to their fu- preme Magilbatc, they talk at random of Servants raging, Servants riding,, and wonder how the Earth can bear them. Either thefe men imagine themfelves to be marveloufly high fet and exalted in the Chair of Belfaji, to vouchfafe the Parlament of England no better ftile than Servants, or eJfe their high notion, which we rather believe, falls as low as Court-parafitifm •, fuppofing all Men to be Servants, but the King. And then all their pains taken to ieem fo wife in proverbing, fcrves but to conclude them downright Slaves : and the ed^e of their own Proverb falls reverie upon themfelves. For as Delight is not feemly for Fools, milch lefs high Words to come from bafe Minds. What they are for Minifters, or how they crept into the Fold, whether at the Window, or through the Wall, or who fet them there lb haughty in the Pontifical See of Belfafi, we know not. But this we rather have caufe to wonder if the Earth can beax this unfufferable infolency of upftarts •, who from a ground which is not their own, dare fend fuch defiance to the fovcreignMagiftracy of England, by whofe autho- rity and in whofe right they inhabit there. By their actions we might rather judge them to be a generation of High-land Thieves and Red-fhanks, who being neigh- bourly admitted, not as the Saxons by merit of their Warfare againft our Ene-- rnies,' but by the courtefy of England to hold pofifefilons in our Province, a Country better than their own, have, with worfe Faith than thofe Heathen, prov'd ingrateful and treacherous Guefts to their beft Friends and Entertainers. And let them take heed, left while their filence, as to thefe matters, might have kept them blamelefs and fecure under thofe proceedings which they fo fear'd to partake in, that thefe their treafonous attempts and practices have not involv'd them in a far worfe guilt of Rebellion •, and (notwithftanding that fair de- hortatory from joining with Malignants) in the appearance of a co-interefi: and partaking with the IriJ/j Rebels. Againft whom, though by themfelves pro- noune'd to be the Enemies of God, they go not out to battle, as they ought, but rather by thefe their doings affift and become affociates. EIKONO- -6o ~> EIKONOKAAXTHS. In Anfwer to a Book Intitled, EIKON BA2IAIKH, The Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings. Prov. 28. 15. As a roaring Lion and a ranging Bear, Jo is a wicked Ruler over the poor People. 1 6. 'The Prince that ivanteth underjlanding, is a 1/6 a great Opprefjor ; but be that hateth covetonjhe/s, Jhall prolong his days. 17. A Man that doth violence to the Blood of any perfon,fiallfy to the pit '; let no manjlay him. Salufi. Conjurai. Catilin. Regium imperium, quod initio, confervanda? libertatis, atque augendae 1 reipub. causa fuerat, in fuperbiam, dominationemque fe convertit. Regibus boni, quam mali, fufpecliores funt, femperque his aliena vir- tus formidolofa eft. Quidlibet impune facere, hoc fcilicet regium eft. PubliJJjed by Authority. The Preface. TO defcant on the Misfortunes of a Perfon fallen from lb high a Dignity, who hath alfo paid his final debt both to Na- ture and his Faults, is neither of it felf a thing commenda- ble, nor the intention of this Difcourfe: Neither was it fond Ambition, or the Vanity to get a Name prefent or with Pofterity, by writing againft a King. I never was io thirfty after Fame, nor lo deftitute of other hopes and means better and more certain to attain it : for Kings have gain'd gloriousTitles from their Favourers by writing againft private Men, as Henry the Stb did againft Luther; but no Man ever gain'd much honour by writing againft a King, as not ulually meeting with that force of Argument in fuch Courtly Antagomfis i which to convince might add to his Reputation. Kings moft commonly, tho' ftrong in Legions, are but weak at Arguments; as they' who ever have accuftom'd from the Cradle to ufe their Will only as their right hand A their Rcafon always as their left. Whence unexpectedly con- ftrain'd to that kind of combate, they prove but weak and puny Ad- vei turics ; An Anfooer to Eikon Bafilike. 361 verfaries : Neverthelefs, for their fakes who through cuStom, fimpli- city, or want of better teaching, have not more SeriouSly confider'd Kings, than in the gaudy name of MajeSty, and admire them and their doings as if they breath'd not the fame breath with other mortal Men, I mall make no fcruple to take up (for it feems to be the challenge both of him and all his party) this Gauntlet, though a King's, in the behalf of Liberty and the Commonwealth. And further, fince it appears manifeflly the cunning drift of a fac- tion and defeated Party, to make the lame advantage of his Book, which they did before of his Regal Name and Authority, and in- tend it not fo much the defence of his former Actions, as the pro- moting of their own future Defigns; making therby the Book their own rather than the King's, as the benefit now mult be their own more than his : now the third time to corrupt and diforder the minds of weaker Men, by new Suggestions, and Narrations, either falily or fallacioufly reprefenting the State of things to the dishonour of thispre- fent Government, and the retarding of a general Peace, fo needful to this afflicted Nation, and fo nigh obtain'd ; I fuppofe it no Injury to the dead, but; a good deed rather to the living, if by bet- ter information given them, or which is enough, by only remem- bring them the truth of what they themfelves know to be here mifaffirm'd, they may be kept from entering the third time unad- vifedly into War and Bloodshed : for as to any moment of folidity in the Book itfelf, Stuft with naught elfe but the common grounds of Tyranny and Popery, fugar'd a little over 5 or any need of anfwering, in refpect of Staid and well-principl'd men, I take it on me as a work affign'd rather than by me chofen or affected ; which was the caufe both of beginning it fo late, and finifhing it fo leifurely in the midft of other imployments and diverfions. And if the late King had thought fufticient thofe Anfwers and Defences made for him in his life- time, they who on the other fide accus'd his evil Government, judging that on their behalf enough alfo hath been reply'd, the heat of this Con- troverfy was in likelihood drawing to an end ; and the further mention of his deeds, not fo much unfortunate as faulty, had in tendernefs to his late Sufferings been willingly forborn ; and perhaps for the prefent age might have ilept with him unrepeated, while his Adverfaries, calm'd and affvvag'd with the fuccefs of their Caufe, had been the lefs favourable to his Memory. But fince he himlelf, making new appeal to Truth and the World, had left behind him this Book as the belt Advocate and Interpreter of his own Actions, and that his Friends by publishing, dif- perfing, commending, and almolt adoring it, feem to place therin the chief Strength and nerves of their Caule, it would argue doubtlefs in the other Party great deficience and diSlruft of themfelves, not to meet the force of his Reafon in any Field whatfoever, the force and equipage of whofe Arms they have fo often met victoriously. And he who at the Bar Stood excepting againSt the form and manner of his Judicature, and complain'd that he was not heard 5 neither he nor his Friends Shall have that caufe now to find fault ; being met and deba- ted within this open and monumental Court of his own erecting ; and not only heard uttering his whole mind at large, but anfwer'd : which to do effectually, if it be neceflary that to his Book nothing the more refpect be had for being his, they of his own Party can havenojuft rea- fon to exclaim. For it were too unreasonable that he, becauie dead, Should have the liberty in his Book to Speak all evil of the Parlia- ment ; and they, becauie living, Should be expected to have lefs free- Vol.I. Aaa dom, 362 An Anfioer to Eikon Baiilike. dom, or any for them, to fpeak home the plain truth of a full and pertinent Reply : As he, to acquit himfelf, hath not fpar'd his Adver- faries to load them with all forts of Blame and Accufation, fo to him, as in his Book alive, there will be us'd no more courtfhip than he ufes ; but what is properly his own guilt, not imputed any more to his evil Counfellors (a Ceremony us'd longer by the Pai lament than he himfelf defir'd) fhall be laid here, without Circumlocutions, at his own door. That they who from the firft beginning, or but now of late, by what unhappinefs I know not, are fo much afra- tuated, not with his perfon only, but with his palpable Faults, and doat upon his Deformities, may have none to blame but their own folly, if they live and die in fuch a ftrooken blindnefs, as next to that of Sodom hath not happen'd to any fort of men more grofs or more mifleading. Firft then, that fome men (whether this were by him intended or by his Friends) have by policy accomplifh'd after death that revenge upon their Enemies which in life they were not able, hath been oft related. And among other Examples we find that the la ft Will of Cce/ar being read to the people, and what bounteous Legacies he had bequeath'd them, wrought more in that vulgar audience to the aveng- ing of his death, than all the art he could ever ufe to win his favour in his life-time. And how much their intent who publilh'd thele over- late Apologies and Meditations of the dead King, drives to the fame end of ftirring up the People to bring him that Honour, that Affec- tion, and by confequence that Revenge to his dead Corpfe, which he himfelf could never gain to his Perfon, it appears both by the con- ceited Portraiture before his Book, drawn out to the fuH meafure of a mafking Scene, and fet there to catch Fools and filly Gazers ; and by thofe Latin words after the end, Vota dabunt qua Bella negarunt ; intimating, that what he could not compafs by War, he fhould atchieve by his Meditations : for in words, which admit of various fenfe, the liberty is ours to choofe that Interpretation which may bell: mind us of what our reftlefs Enemies endeavour, and what we are timely to pre- vent. And here may be well obferv'd the loofe and negligent curiofi- ty of thofe who took upon them to adorn the fetting out oi this Book ; for tho' the Picture martyr him and faint him to befool the People, yet the Latin Motto in the end which they underftand not, leaves him as it were a politic Contriver to bring about that intereft by fair and plaufible words, which the force of Arms deny'd him. But quaint Emblems end Devices begg'd from the old Pageantry of fome Twelfe-nights entertain- ment at Whitehall, will do but ill to make a Saint or Martyr : and if the People refolve to take him fainted at the rate of fuch a Canonizing, I {hull fufpect their Calender more than the Gregorian. In one thing I muft commend his opennefs who gave the Title to this Book, Eot*? Ba<7*A<xn, that is to fay,The King's Image; and by the Shrine he dreffes out far him, certainly would have the People come and worfbip him ; For which reafon this anfwer alfo is intitled, Iconoclajles, the famous Surname of many Greek Emperors, who in their zeal to the Command of God, after long Tradition of Idolatry in the Church, took courage and broke all fuperftitious Images to pieces. But the people, exorbitant and exceflive in all their motions, are prone oftimes not to a religious only, but to a civil kind of Idolatry in idolizing their Kings ; though never more mil- taken in the Object of their Worihip ; heretofore being wont to repute for Saints thofe faithful and couragious Barons who Ion; their lives in the Field, making glorious War againft Tyrants for the commonLiber- 4 ty j An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 363 ty ; as Simon de Memfort, Earl of Leicefler, againft Henry the Third; Thomas Plantagertet Earl of Lancajlcr, againft Edward the Second. But now with a befotted and degenerate bafenefs of Spirit, except fome few who yet retain in them the old Englifh Fortitn.de and Love of Freedom, and have teilify'd it by their matdhlefs deeds, \jpe reft imbaftardiz'd from the ancient Noblenefs of their Anceftors, are ready to fall flat and give a- ddratidn to the Image and Memory of this Man, who hath offer 'd at more tunning fetches to undermine our Liberties, and put Tyranny into an Art, than any Britijb King before him: which low dejection and debafe- ment of mind in the people, I muft confefs I cannot willingly afcribe to the natural Difpofition of an Englijhman, but rather to two other Caufes: firft, to the Prelates and their fellow-teacher?, though of another Name and Sect, whole Pulpit-fluff, both firft and laft, hath been the Doctrine and perpetual Ihfufion of Servility and Wretchednefs to all their Hearers, and their Lives the type of worldlinefs and hypocrify, without the leaft truepattern of Virtue, Righteoufhefs, or Self-denial in their whole prac- tice. 1 attribute it next to the factious Inclination of moft men divided from the Public by fevera! ends and humours of their own. At firft no Man lefs belov'd, no Man more generally condemn'd than was the Kin°-; from the time that it became his Cuftom to break Paiiaments at home, :md either wilfully or weakly to betray Proteftants abroad, to the begin- ning of tbofe Combuftions, all men inveigh'd againft him; ail men, ex- cept v'ourt-Vafiah, oppos'd him and his tyrannical Proceedings; the Cry was umverfal ; and this full Parlament was at firft unanimous in their dif- hke and proteftation againft his evil Government. But when they who iought thcmfelves and not the public, began to doubt that all of them could not by one and the fame way attain to their ambitious pur- pofes, then was the King, or his Name at leaft, as a fit property firft made ufe of, his doings made the beft of, and by degrees juftified : which begot him fuch a Party as after many wiles and ftruglings with his inward fears, embolden'd him at length to fet up his Standard againft the Parlament. Whenas before that time, all his adherents, confifting moft of diffolute Swordmen and Suburb-royfters, hardly amounted to the making up of one ragged Regiment, ftrong enough to afiault the unarm'd Houfe of Commons. After which attempt, feconded by a tedious and bloody War on his Subjects, wherin he hath fo far exceeded thofehis arbitrary Vio- lences in time of Peace, they who before hated him for his high Mifgo- vernment, nay fought againft him with difplay'd Banners in the Field, now applaud him and extol him for the wifeft and moft religious Prince that liv'd. By fo ftrange a method amongft the mad multitude is a fud- den Repfttation won, of Wifdom by wilfulnefs and fubtile fhifts, of Goodnefs by multiplying evil, of Piety by endeavouring to root out true Religion. But it is evident that the chief of his Adherents never lov'd him, never honour'd either him or his Caufe, but as they took him to fet a face up- on their own malignant Defigns ; nor bemoan his lofs at all, but the lofs of their own afpiring hopes : like thofe captive Women, whom the Poet notes in his Iliad, to have bewail'd the Death of Patroclus in outward fhow, but indeed their own condition; YlcbTpoxXov 7rpo(ptz<riv, c$m tfaLwrctiv xyfi Ixay j(. Horn. Iliad, t. And it needs muft be ridiculous to any Judgment uninthrall'd, that they who in other matters exprefs fo little fear either of God or Man, fhould in this one particular outltrip all Precilianifm with their fcruples and cafes, Vol. I. A a a 2 and 364 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. and fill men's ears continually with the noife of their confeientious Loy- alty, and Allegiance to the King, Rebels in the mean while to God in all their actions befide: much lefsthat they whole profefs'd Loyalty and Al- legiance led them to direct: Arms againft the King's Perfon, and thought him nothing violated by the Sword of Hoftility drawn by them a- gainft him, mould now in earneft think him violated by the unfpa- ring Sword of Juftice, which undoubtedly fo much the lefs in vain fhe bears among men, by how much greater and in higheft place the of- fender. Elfe Juftice, whether moral or political, were not Juftice, but a falfe Counterfeit of that impartial and godlike Virtue. The only grief is, that the Head was not ftrook off to the belt advantage and commo- dity of them that held it by the Hair : which obfervation, though made by a common Enemy, may for the truth of it hereafter become a Proverb. But as to the Author of thefe Soliloquies, whether it were the late King, as is vulgarly believ'd, or any fecret Coadjutor ; and fome (tick not to name him ; it can add nothing, nor fhall take from the weight, if any be, of reafon which he brings. But Allegations, notReafons, are the main Con- tents of this Book, and need no more than other contrary Allegations to lay the Quftion before all Men in an even Ballance ; though it were fuppofed that the Teftimony of one Man in his own Caufe affirming could be of any moment to bring in doubt the Authority of a Parlament denying. But if thefe his fair-fpoken words fhall be here fairly confron- ted and laid parallel to his own far-differing deeds, manifeft and vifible to the whole Nation, then furely we may look on them who notwithstanding fhall perlift to give to bare words more credit than to open deeds, as men whole Judgment was not rationally evine'd and perfuaded, but fa- tally ftupefy'd and bewitch'd into fuch a blind and obftinate belief: for whole cure it may be doubted, not whether any Charm, though never fo wifely murmur'd, but whether any Prayer can be available. I. Upon 365 I. Upon the King's calling this lajl Parlament. TH AT which the King lays down here as his firft foundation, and as it were the head Hone of the- whole Structure, that He call'd this laft Parlament, not more by others advice, and the neceffity of his affairs^ than by his own choice and inclination ; is to all knowing Men fo appa- rently not true, that a more unlucky and inaufpicious fentence, and more be- tokening the downfal of his whole Fabric, hardly could have come into his mind. For who knows not that the inclination of a Prince is beft known either by thofe next about him, and moft in favour with him, or by the current of his own Actions ? Thole neareft to his King, and moft his Favourites, were Cour- tiers and Prelates •, Men whofe chief ftudy was to find out which way the Kino- inclin'd, and to imitate him exactly : How thefe Men flood affected to Par- laments cannot be forgotten. No Man but may remember it was their continual exercife to difpute and preach againft them ; and in their common difcourfe no- thing was more frequent, than that they hoped the King flmdd hdve now no need of Parlament s any more. \ And this was but the copy which the Parafites had induftri- oufly taken from his own Words and Actions, who never call'd a Parlament, but to fupply his necefTities ; and having fupply'd thofe, as fuddenly and ignomi- nioufly diil'olv'd it, without redreffing any one grievance of the People : Sometimes choofing rather to mifs of his Subfidies, or to raife them by illegal courfes, than that the People mould not ftill mifs of their hopes to be reliev'd by Parlaments. The firft he broke off" at his coming to the Crown, for no other caufe than to protect the Duke of Buckingham againft them who had accufed him, befides other heinous Crimes, of no lefs than poifoning the deceafed King his Father. And ftill the latter breaking was with more affront and indignity put upon the Houfe and her worthieft Members than the former. Infomuch that in the fifth year of his Reign, in a Proclamation he feems offended at the very rumor of a Parlament divulg'd among the People, as if he had taken it for a kind of Slan- der, that Men mould think him that way exorable, much lefs inclin'd : and for- bids it as a prefumption to prefcribe him any time for Parlaments; that is to fay, either by Perfuafion or Petition, or fo much as the reporting of fuch a Rumor : for other manner of prefcribing was at that time not fufpected. By which fierce Edict, the people, forbidden to complain, as well as forc'd to fuf- fer, began from thenceforth to defpair of Parlaments. Wherupon fuch il- legal actions, and efpecially to get vaft funis of Money, were put in practice by the King and his new Officers, as Monopolies, compulfive Knighthoods, Coat, Conduct and Ship-money, the feizing notofone Naboth's Vineyard, but of whole Inheritances under the pretence of Forreft, or Crown-Lands ; Corrup- tion and Bribery compounded for, with impunities granted for the future, as gave evident proof that the King never meant, nor could it ftand with the rea- fon of his Affairs ever to recall Parlaments : having brought by thefe irregular courfes the people's Intereftand his own to fo direct an oppofition, that he might: forefee plainly, if nothing but a Parlament could fave the people, it muft ne- ceffarily be his undoing. Till eight or nine years after, proceeding with a high hand in thefe Enormi- ties, and having the fecond time levied an in jurious War againft his native Coun- try, Scotland ; and finding all thofe other ftiifts of railing money, which bore out his firft Expedition, now to fail him, not of his own choice and inclination, as any Child may fee, but urged by ftrong neceffities, and the very pangs of State, which his own violent Proceedings had brought him to, he calls a Parlament ; firft in Ireland, which only was to give him four Subfidies, and fo to expire ; then in England, where his firft demand was but twelve Subfidies, to maintain a Scotch War, condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdom : promifing their grievances fhould be confider'd afterwards. Which when the Parlament, who judg'd that War it felf one of their main grievances, made no hafte to grant, not enduring the delay of his impatient will, or elfe fearing the conditions of their grant, he breaks off the whole Seffion, and difmiffes them and their grievances with fcorn and fruftration. Much %66 An Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. Much lefs therfore did he call this laft Parlament by his own choice a-nd in- clination -, but having firft try'd in vain all undue ways to procure money, his Army of their own accord being beaten in the North, the Lords petition!' ar 1 the general voice or' the People almoft hifTing him and 'his- ill-acted regality o!t the Stage, compell'd at length both by his wants, and by his fears, up^r. nieer extremity he fummon'd this laft Parlament. And how is it poffiblc that he fhould willingly incline to Parlaments, who never was perceiv'd to call them but for the greedy hope of a whole National Bribe, his Subfidies •, and never lov'd, never fulfil I'd, never promoted the true end of Parlaments, the redrefs of grievances •, but ftill put them ofF, and prolong'd them, whether gratify'd or not gratify'd ; and was indeed the Author of all thole grievances? To fay therfore that he call'd this Parliament of his own choice and inclination, argues how little truth we can expect from the fequel of this Book, which ventures in the very firft period to affront more than one Nation with an untruth fo remark- able ; and prciumes a more implicit Faith in the People of England, than the Pope ever commanded from the Romijh Laity •, or eife a natural fottifhnefs fit to be abus'd and ridden ? While in the judgment of wife Men, by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is fo manifeftly un- true, he hath given a worfe foil to his own caufe, than when Ids whole Forces were at any time overthrown. They therfore who think fuch great Service done to the King's affairs in publifhing this Book, will find themfelves in the end miftaken, if fenfe and right mind, or but any mediocrity of knowledge and re- membrance hath not quite forfaken men. But to prove his inclination to Parlaments, he affirms here, To have always thought the right way of them mojlfafefor his Crown, and bell f leafing to his People'. What he thought we know not, but that he ever took the contrary way, we faw ; and from his own actions we felt long ago what he thought of Parlaments or of pleafing his People : a furer Evidence than what we hear now too late in words. He al ledges, that the caufe of forbearing to convene Parlaments was the fparks which fome men's diftempers there Jiudied to kindle. They were indeed not te mper'd to his temper •, for it neither was the Law, nor the rule by which all other tem- pers were to be try'd ; but they were efteem'd and chofen for the fitteft men, in their feveral Counties, to allay and quench thofe diftempers which his own in- ordinate doings had infiam'd. And if that were his refuling to convene, till thole men had been qualify'd to his temper, that is to fay, his will, we may eafily con- jecture what hope there was of Parlaments, had not fear and his infatiate pover- ty, in themidft of his exceffive wealth conftrain'd him. He hoped by his freedom and their moderation to prevent mifunderjlandings. And wherfore not by their freedom and his moderation ? But freedom he thought too high a word for them, and moderation too mean a word for himfelf : tnis was not the way to prevent mifunderftandings. He ftill fear'd pajfion a)id prejudice in other men ; not in himfelf: and doubted not by the weight cf bis own reafon to count erf oife any Faclion •, it being fo eafy for him, and fo frequent, to call his obftinacy Reafon, and other men's reafon Faclion. We in the mean while muft believe that wifdom and all reafon came to him by Title with his Crown •, paflion, prejudice, and faclion came to others by being Subjects. He wasforry to hear with what fofular heat Eleclions were carry' 'd in many places. Sorry rather that Court-Letters and intimations prevail'd no more, to divert, or to deter the people from their free Election of thofe men, whom they thought beft affected to Religion and their Country's Liberty, both at that time in dan- ger to be loft. And fuch men they were, as by the Kingdom were lent to ad- vife him, not fent to be cavill'd at, becaufe elected, or to be entertain'd by him with an undervalue and mifprifion of their temper, judgment, or affection. In vain was a Parlament thought fitteft by the known Laws of our Nation, to advife and regulate unruly Kings, if they, inftead of hearkening to advice, ihould be permitted to turn it off, and refufe it by vilifying and traducing their advifers, or by accufing of a popular heat thofe that lawfully elected them. His own and his children* s inter -eft oblig'd him tofcek, and to preferve the love and welfare of his Subjects. Who doubts it ? But the fame intereft, common to all Kings, was never yet available to make them all feek that, which was indeed beft for An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. 36 for themfelves and their Pofterity. All men by their own and their Children's intereft are oblig'd to Honefty and Juftice : but how little that confideration works in private men, how much lefs in Kings, their deeds declare beft. He intended to oblige both Friends and Enemies, and to exceed their Dejires, did ■ they but pretend to any modeft and fiber fenfe ; miftaking the whole bufinefs of a Parlament. Which met not to receive from him Obligations, but Juftice ; nor he to expect from them their modefty, but their grave advice, utter'd with freedom in the public caufe. His talk of modefty in their defires of the common welfare, argues him not much to have underftood what he had to grant, who mifconceiv'd fo much the nature of what they had to defire. And for fiber fenfe, the expreffion was too mean, and recoils with as much difhonour upon himfelf, to be a King where fober fenfe could poffibly befo wanting in a Parlament. The odium and offences which fome men's Rigour, orremiffnefs in Church and State, had contracted upon his Government, he refilved to have expiated with better Laws and Regulations. And yet the worft of mifdemeanors committed by the worft of all his favourites in the height of their dominion, whether acts of ri°x>r or remifThefs, he hath from time to time continu'd, own'd, and taken upon himfelf by public Declarations, as often as the Clergy, or any other of his Inftruments felt themfelves overburden'd with the people's hatred. And who knows not the fuperftitious rigor of his Sunday's Chapel, and the licentious remifThefs of his Sunday's Theatre; accompanied with that reverend Statute for Dominical Jigs and Maypoles, publiih'd in his own Name, and deriv'd from the example of his Father James ? Which teftifies all that rigor in Superftition, all that remifThefs in Religion to have iiTuedout originally from his own Hou!e, and from his own Authority. Much rather then may thofe general mifcarriages in State, his pro- per Sphere, be imputed to no other perfon chiefly than to himfelf. And which of all thofe oppreffive Acts or Impofitionsdid he ever difclaim or difavow, till the fatal awe ot this Parlament hung ominoufly over him ? Yet here he fmooth- ly feeks to wipe oft" all the envy of his evil Government upon his Subftitutes and Under-OfTTcers •, and promifes, though much too late, what wonders he purpos'd to have done in the reforming of Religion ; a work wherin all his undertakings heretofore declare him to have had little or no judgment: Nei- ther could his breeding, or his courfe of life acquaint him with a thing fo fpi- ritual. Which may well afllire us what kind of Reformation v/e could expect from him ; either fome politic form of an impofed Religion, or elfe perpetual vexation and perfecution to all thofe that comply'd not with fuch a form. The like amendment he promifes in State ; not a ftep further than his Reafin andCon- fcience told him was fit to be defir'd, wiftiing he had kept within thofe bounds, and not fuffer'd his own judgment to have been over -born in fome things, of which things one was the Earl of Strafford's execution. And what fignifies all this, but that ft ill his refolution was the fame to fet up an arbitrary Government of his own, and that all Britain was to be ty'd and chain'd to the confcience, judgment, and rea- fonofoneMan ; as if thofe gifts had been only his Peculiar and Prerogative, intail'd upon him with his fortune to be a King? Whenas doubtlefs no man fo obftinate, or fo much a Tyrant, but profeffes to be guided by that which he calls his Reafon and his Judgment, tho' never fo corrupted ; and pretends alfo his Confcience. In the mean while, for any Parlament or the whole Nation to have either reafon, judgment, or confcience by this rule, was altogether in vain, if it thwarted the King's Will •, which was eafy for him to call by any other more plauftble name. And thus we find thefe fair and fpecious pro- mifes, made upon the experience of many hard fuff*erings,and his moft mortify'd retirements, being throughly fifted, to contain nothing in them much different from his former practices, fo crofs and fo averfe to all his Parlaments, and both the Nations of this Ifland. What fruits they could in likelihood have produc'd in his reftorement, is obvious to any prudent forefight. And this is the fubftance of his firft Section, till we come to the devout of it, model'd into the form of a private Pfalter. Which they who fo much admire the Arch-Bifhop's late Breviary, and many others as good Manuals and Hand- maids of Devotion, the lip-work of every Prelatical Liturgift, clapt together, and quilted out of Scripture-phrafe, with as much eafe, and as little need of Chriftian diligence or judgmeut as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary and ,' n 68 An Anfmr to Eikon Bafilike. and falable piece of Englifj Divinity that the lhops value. But he who from fuch a kind of Pfalmiftry, or any other verbal Devotion, without the pledge and ear- ned of fuitable deeds, can be perfuaded of a zeal and true righteoufnefs in the Perfon, hath much yet to learn, and knows not that the deepeft policy of a Tyrant hath been ever to counterfeit Religious. And Ariflotle in his Poli- tics hath mention'd that fpecial craft among twelve other tyrannical Sophi/,. Neither want we examples : Andronicus Comnenus the Byza&titte Emperor, though a moft cruc Tyrant, is reported by Nice t as to have been a conltant reader of Saint P<2«/'sEpiftles •, and by continual ftudy had fo incorporated thephrafe and ftile of that tranfeendent Apoftle in all his Familiar Letters, that the imita- tion feem'd to vie with the original. Yet this avail'd not todeceive the people of that Empire, who notwithstanding his Saint's vizard, tore him to pieces for his Tyranny. From Stories of this nature both ancient and modern which a- L ind, the Poets alfo, and fame Englijh have been in this point fo mindful of Decorum, as to put never more pious words in the mouth of any perfon than of a Tyrant. I fhall not inftance an abftrule Author, wherin the King ^ht be lefs converfant, but one whom we well know was the Cloiet Companion of thefe his foiitudes, William Shakefpeare, who introduces the perfon of Richard the third, fpeaking in as high a ftrain of piety and mortification as is utter'd in any paflage of this Book, and fometimes to the fame fenfe and purpofe with fome words in this place; / intended, faith he, not only to oblige my Friends, but my Enemies. The like faith Richard, Ac! 2. Seat. i. I do not know that Engli flyman alive, With whom my foul is any jot at odds, More than the Infant that is bom to-night ; I thank my God for my humility. Other fluff of this fort may be read throughout the whole Tragedy, wher- in the Poetus'd not much licence in departing from the truth of Hiftory, which delivers him a deep difTembler, not of his Affections only, but of Religion. In praying therfore, and in the outward work of Devotion, this King we fee hath not at all exceeded the worft of Kings before him. But herein the worft of Kings, profeffing Chriftianifm, have by far exceeded him. They, For aught we know, ftill pray'd their own, or at lead borrowed from fit Au- thors. But this King, not content with that which, although in a thing holy, is no holy theft, to attribute to his own making other men's whole Prayers, hath as it were unhallow'd and unchriften'd the very duty of Prayer it felf, by borrowing to a Chriftian ule Prayers offer'd to a Heathen God. Who would have imagin'd lb little fear in him of the true all-feeing Deity, fo little reve- rence of the Holy Ghoft, whofe office is to dictate and preient our Chriftian Prayers, fo little care of truth in his laft words, or honour to himlelr, or to his Friends or l'enfe of his afflictions, or of that fad hour which was iy> on him, as immediately before his Death to pop into the hand of that grave Bifhopwho attended him, as a fpecial Reiique of his Saintly Exercifes, a * Prayer ftolen word for word from the mouth of a Heathen Woman praying to a Heathen God ; and that in no ferious Book, but in the vain amatorious Poem of Sir Philip Sydney's Arcadia ; a Book in that kind full of worth and wit, but among religious thoughts and duties not worthy to be nam'd •, nor to be read at anytime without good caution, much lefs in time of trouble and afflicts on to be a Chriftian's Prayer-Book ? It hardly can be thought upon without fome laughter, that he who had acted over us lb itutely and fo tragically, fhould leave the World at laft with fuch a ridiculous exit, as to bequeath among his edifying friends that ftood about him fuch a piece of mocker)' to be publilbAi by them, as muft needs cover both his and their heads with fliame and confe.fion. And fure it was the hand of God that let them hill, and be taken in Inch a fooliih Trap, as hath expos'd them to all derifion, if for nothing elfe, to throw con- tempt and difgrace in the fight of all Men, upon this his idoliz'dBook, and the whole rofary of his Prayers •, therby teitifying how little he accepted thera from j thole who thought no better of the living God than of a Buzzard Idol, that would be ferv'd and worfhip'd with the polluted traih of Romances and Ar- cadias y * This PRATER is printed at the end of the AmUr x Life, prefixed to : : :is Volume. An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 369 radio's, without difcerning the affront fo irreligioufly and fo boldly offcr'dhim to his face. Thus much be faid in general to his Prayers, and in fpecial to that Arcadian Prayer us'd in his Captivity ; enough to undeceive us what efteem we are to fet upon the reft. And thus far in the whole Chapter we have feen and confider'd, and it cannot but be clear to all men, how and for what ends, what concernments and necefiities, the late King was no way induc'd, but every way conftrain'd to call this laft Parlament ; yet here in his firft Prayer he trembles not to a- vouch as in the ears of God, That he did it with an upright intention to his Glory, and his people's Good: of which dreadful Acteftation how fincerely meant, God, to whom it was avow'd, can only judge j and he hath judg'd already, and hath written his impartial Sentence in Characters legible to all Chriftendom ; and be- fides hath taught us that there be fome whom he hath given over to delufion, whofe very Mind and Confcience is defil'd, of whom Saint Paul to Titus makes mention. II. Upon the Ear/ 0/ Strafford's Death. THIS next Chapter is a penitent Confefiion of the King, and the ftran- geft, if it be well weigh'd, that ever was Auricular. For he repents here of giving his Confent, though mod unwillingly, to the moft feafo- nable and folemn piece of Juftice that had been done of many years in the Land : but his fole Confcience thought the contrary. And thus was the welfare, the fafety, and within a little, the unanimous demand of three populous Nations to have attended ftill on the Angularity of one Man's opinionated Confcience ; if men had always been fo tame and fpirit'.efs, and had not unexpectedly found the grace to underftand, that if his Confcience were fo narrow and peculiar to it felf, it was not fit his Authority fhouid be fo ample and univerfal over others; For certainly a private Confcience forts not with a public Calling, but declares that Perfon rather meant by nature for a private Fortune. And this alfo we may take for truth, that he whofe Confcience thinks it fin to put to death a capital Offender, will as oft think it meritorious to kill a righ- teous Perfon. But let us hear what the fin was that lay fo fore upon him ; and as his Prayer given to Dr. Juxon, teftifies to the very day of his death, it was his figning the Bill of Strafford's execution : A Man whom all men look'd upon as one of theboldeft and moft impetuous Inftrumentsthat the King had to advance any violent or illegal Defign. Fie had rul'd Ireland md fome parts of JLngland, in an arbitrary manner ; had endeavour'd to fubvert fundamental Laws, to fubvert Parlaments, and to incenfe the Kingagainft them ; he had alfo endea- vour'd ro make Hoftility between England and Scotland: He hadcounfel'd the King to call over that Iftjh Army of Papifts, which he had cunningly rais'd, to reduce England, as appear'd by good Teftimony then prefent at the Confulta- tion : For which, and many other Crimes alledg'd and prov*d againft him in 28 Articles, he was condemn'd of HighTrealon by the Parlament. The Commons by far the greater number caft him •, the Lords after they had been fa- tisfy'd in a full Difcourfe by the King's Solicitor, and the Opinions of many Judges deliver'd in their Houfe, agreed like wife to the Sentence of Treafon. The People univerfally cry'd out for Juftice. None were his Friends'but Cour- tiers and Clergymen, the worft at that time, and moft corrupted fort of men ; and Court-Ladies, not the beft of Women ; who when they grow to that in- folence as to appear adtive in State- Affairs, are the certain fign of a diffolute, degenerate, and pufillanimous Commonwealth. Laft of all the King, or rather firft, for thefe were but his Apes, was not fatisfy'd in Confcience to condemn him of High Treafon •, and dcclar'd to both Houfes, That no fears or refpeth wbatfoever fhould make him alter that Refolut ion founded upon his Confcience. Ei- ther then hi.s Relolution Was indeed not founded upon his Confcience, or his Vol. I. B b b Confcience ■» no An Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. Confcience receiv'd better information, or elfe both his Conference and this his ftrono- Refolution ftrook fail, notwithftanding thefe glorious words, to his ftron<J-er fear •, fo'r within a few days after, when the Judges at a privy Coun- cil, and four of his elected Bifhops had pick'd the thorn out of his Conference, he was at length perfwaded to fign the Bill for Strafford's Execution. And yet perhaps that it wrung his Confcience to condemn the Earl of High Treafon is not unlikely ; not becaufe he thought him guiltlefs of highefl Treafon, had half thole Crimes been committed againft his own private Intereft or Perfon, as appear'd plainly by his charge againft the fix Members •, but becaufe he knew himfelf a Principal in what the Earl Was but his Accefifary, and thought nothing Treafon againft the Commonwealth, but againft himfelf only. Had he really fcrupled to fentence that for Treafon which he thought not treafonable, why did he feem refolv'd by the Judges and the Bifhops? and if by them refolv'd, how comes the fcruple here again ? It was not then, as he now pretends, The importunities of fome, and the fear of many, which made him fign, but the fatisfaction given him by thofe Judges and ghoftly Fathers of his own chufino-. Which of him fhall we believe ? for he feems not one, but dou- ble ; either here we muft not believe him profefiing that his Satisfaction was but feemingly receiv'd and out of fear, or elfe we may as well believe that the fcruple was no real fcruple, as we can believe him here againft himfelf before, that the fatisfaction then receiv'd was no real fatisfaction. Of fuch a variable and fleeting Confcience, what hold can be taken ? But that indeed it was a facil Confcience, and could difTemble fatisfaction when it pleas'd, his own infuing Actions declar'd ; being foon after found to have the chief hand in a moil de- tefted Confpiracy againft the Parlament and Kingdom, as by Letters anil Ex- aminations of Percy, Goring, and other Confpirators came to light ; that his- intention was to refcue the Earl of Strafford, by feizing on the Tower of London ; to bring up the Engliflo Army out of the North, join'd with eight thoufand Irifh Papifts rais'd by Strafford, and a French Army to be landed at Portfmouth againft the Parlament and their Friends. For which purpofe the King, though requefted by both Houfes to difband thofe Irijh Papifts, refused to do it, and kept them ft ill in arms to his own purpofes. No marvel then, if being as deeply criminous as the Earl himfelf, it ftung his Confcience to adjudge to death thofe mifdeeds wherof himfelf had been the chief Author : no mar- vel though inftead of blaming and detefting his Ambition, his evil Counfel, his Violence and Oppreflion of the People, he fall to praife his great Abilities, and with Scholaftic Flourifhes beneath the decency of a King, compares him to the Sun, which in all figurative ufe and fignificance bears allufion to a King, not to a Subject : No marvel though he knit Contradictions as clofe, as words can lie together, not approving in his judgment, and yet approving in his fubfe- quent real on all that Strafford did, as driven by the neceffty of times, and the temper of that people ; for this excufes all his Mifdemeanors : Laftly, no marvel that he goes on building many fair and pious Conclufions upon falfe and wicked Premi- i'es, which deceive the common Reader, not well difcerning the antipathy of fuch Connexions : but this is the marvel, and may be the aftonifhment of all that have a Confcience, how he durft in the fight of God (and with the fame words of contrition wherwith David repents the murdering of Uriah) repent his lawful compliance to that juft act of not faving him, whom he ought to have deliverM up to fpeedy punifhment, though himfelf the guiltier of the two. If the deed were fo finful to have put to death fo great a Malefactor, it would have taken much doubtlefs from the heavinefs of his Sin to have told God in his Confeffion, how he labour'd, what dark Plots he had contriv'd, in- to what a League entred, and with what Confpirators againft hisParlamenC and Kingdoms, to have refcu'd from the claim of Juftice fo notable and fo dear an Inftrument of Tyranny ; which would have been a Story, no doubt, as pleafing in the ears of Heaven, as all thefe equivocal Repentances. For it was fear, and nothing elfe, which made him feign before both the fcruple and the fa- tisfaction of his Confcience, that is to fay, of his mind: his firft fear, pre- tended Confcience, that he might be borne with to refufe figning, his latter fear being more urgent, made him find a Confcience both to fi^n, and to be fa- tisfy'd. As for Repentance, it came not on him till a long time after •, when he law he could have fuffer'i nothing tncre, though he had den-fd that Bill. For how could An Anfdoer to Eikon Bafilike. could he underftandingly repent of letting that be Treafon which the Parla- ment and whole Nation fo judg'd ? This was that which repented him, to have given up to juft punilhment fo (tout a Champion of his Defigns, who might have been foufeful to him in his following civil Broils. It was a worldly Repentance, not a confeientions ; or elfe it was a ftrange Tyranny which his Confcience had got over him, to vex him like an evil Spirit for doing one Act of Juftice, and by that means to fortify his Refolution from ever doing fo any more. That mind muft needs be irrecoverably depravM, which either by chance or importunity, tailing but once of one juft deed, fpatters at it and ab- hors the relifh ever after. To the Scribes and Pharifees, Woe was denoune'd by our Saviour, for {training at a Gnat and fwallowing a Camel, though a Gnat were to be ftrain'd at : But to a Confcience with whom one "-ood deed is fo hard to pafs down as to endanger almoft a choaking, and bad deeds with- out number, though as big and bulky as the ruin of three Kingdoms, o- down currently without {training, certainly a far greater woe appertains. If his Confcience were come to that unnatural Dyfcrafy, as to digeft poifon and to keck at wholefome food, it was not for the Parlament, or any of his King- doms to feed with him any longer. Which to conceal he would perfwade us that the Parlament alfo in their Confcience efcap'd not fome touches of re- morfe for putting Strafford to death, in forbidding it by an after-aS to be a Precedent for the future. But in a fairer conflruclion, that act imply'd rather a defire in them to pacify the King's mind, whom theyperceiv'd by this means quite alienated •, in the mean while not imagining that this after-act fhould be retorted on them to tie up Juftice for the time to come upon like occafion, whe- ther this were made a Precedent or not, no more than the want of fuch a Pre- cedent, if it had been wanting, had been available to hinder this. But how likely is it that this after-act argu'd in the Parlament their leaft re- penting for the death of Strafford, when it argu'd fo little in the King himfelf, who notwithftanding this after-act, which had his own hand and concurrence, if not his own infligation, within the fame year accus'd of High Treafon no lefs than fix Members at once for the fame pretended Crimes which his Confcience would not yield to think treafonable in the Earl : So that this his fubtle Ar- gument to fallen a repenting, and by that means a guiltinefs of Strafford's death upon the Parlament, concludes upon his own head ; and fhews us plainly that either nothing in his judgment was Treafon againfl the Commonwealth, but only againfl the King's Perfon •, a tyrannical Principle •, or that his Confcience was a perverfe and prevaricating Confcience, to fcruple that the Common- wealth fhould punifh for treafonous in one eminent Offender, that which he himfelf fought fo vehemently to have punifh'd in fix guiltlefs perfons. If this were that touch of Confcience which he bore with greater regret than for any other fin committed in his life, whether it were that proditory Aidfentto Roche! and Religion abroad, or that prodigality of fhedding blood at home, to a million of his Subjects Lives not valu'd in companion of one Strafford, we may confider yet at lafl what true fenfe and feeling could be in that Confcience, and what fit- nefs to be the Mafter-confcience of three Kingdoms. But the reafon why he labours that we fhould take notice of fo much ten- dernefs and regret in his Soul for having any hand in Strafford's death, is worth the marking e'er we conclude : He hoped it would be fome evidence before God and Man to all pofterity, that he was far from bearing that vaji load and guilt of blood laid upon him by others : Which hath the lifcenefs of a futtle Diffimulation, bewailing the blood of one Man, his commodious Inflrument, put to death moil juftly, though by him unwillingly, that we might think him too tender to fhed willingly the blood of thofe thoufands, whom he counted Rebels. And thus by dipping voluntarily his fingers end, yet with lhew of great remorie, in the blood of Strafford, wherof all men clear him, he thinks to fcape that Sea of in- nocent blood wherin his own guilt inevitably hath plung'd him all over. And we may well perceive to what e.ify fatisfaction's and purgations he had iniir'd his fecret Confcience, who thinks by fuch weak policies and ofttntations as thefe to gain belief and abfolution from underllanding Men. Vol. I. B b b 2 IH. Upon j 2 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. III. Upon his going to the Houfe of Commons. Concerning his unexcufable and hoftile march from the Court to the Houfe of Commons, there needs not much be faid •, for he confeffes it > to be an aft which moft men whom he calls his Enemies cry'd fhame up- on, indifferent men grew jealous of and fearful, and many of his Friends refented, as a motion arifing rather from patfon than reafon : He himielt in one of his An- fwers to both Houfes made profeffion to be convine'd that it was a plain breacli of their privilege-, yet here like a rotten building newly trim'd over, he repre- fents it fpecioufly and fraudulently, to impofe upon the fimple Reader -, and feeks by fmooth and luttle words not here only, but through his .whole Book, to make fome beneficial ufe or other even of his worft mifcarriages. Thefe Men, faith he, meaning his Friends, knew not the juft motives and preg- nant grounds with which I thought my felf furniflied ; to wit, againft the five Mem- bers whom he came to drag out of the Houfe. His belt Friends indeed knew not, nor could ever know his Motives to fuch a riotous aft ; and had he him- felf known any juft grounds, he was not ignorant how much it might have tended to his juftifying, had he nam'd them in this place, and not conceal'd them. But to fuppofe them real, fuppofe them known, what was this to that violation and dishonour put upon the whole Houfe, whole very door forcibly kept open, and all the paffages near it he befet with Swords and Piftols cockt and menae'd in the hands of about three hundred Swaggerers and Ruffians, who but expefted, nay audibly call'd for, die word of Onfet to begin a (laughter ? He had difeover'd, as he thought, unlawful C err efpon dene e which they had us'd,and Engagements to embroil his Kingdoms, and remembers not his own unlawful Correfpondencies and Confpiracies with the Irifh Army of Papifts, with the French to land at Portfmouth, and his tampring both with the Englijh and Scotch Army to come up againft the Parlament : the leaft of which attempts by whom- foever, was no leis than manifeft Treafon againft the Commonwealth. If to demand Juftice on die five Members were his Plea, for that which they with more reafon might have demanded Juftice upon him (I ufe his own Argument) there needed not fo rough affifiance. If he had refelifd to bear that repulfe with pa- tience, which his Queen by her words to him at his return little thought he would have done, wherfore did he provide againft it with fuch an armed and unufual Force ? But his heart ferv'd him not to undergo the hazard that fuch a defpe- rate fcuffle would have brought him to. But wherfore did he go at all, it be- hoving him to know there were two Statutes that declar'd he ought firft to have acquainted the Parlament who were the Accuiers, which he refus'd to do, though ftill profelTingto govern by Law, and ftill juftifying his attempts againft Law : And when he faw it was not permitted him to attaint them but by a fair tryal, as was ofter'd him from time to time, for want of juft matter which yet never came to light, he let the bufinefs fall of his own accord ; and all thofe Pregnancies and juft Motives came to juft nothing. He had no temptation of difpleafure or revenge againfl thofe Men : None but what he thirfted to execute upon them, for the conftant oppofuion which they made againft his tyrannous Proceedings, and the love and reputation which they therfore had among the people. He mijt but little to have produe'd Writings under fome Men's own hands. But yet he mift, though their Chambers, Trunks, and Studies were feal'd up and fcarch'd; yet not found guilty. Providence would not have it fo. Good Provi- dence that curbs the raging of proud Monarchs, as well as of mad Multitudes. Yet he wanted not fuch probabilities (for his pregnant is come now to probable) as were fufficient to raife jealoufies in any King's heart : And thus his -pregnant motives are at laft prov'd nothing but a Tympany, or a Queen Mary's Cu- fhion ; for in any King's heart, as Kings go now, what fliadowy conceit or groundlefs toy will not create a Jealoufy ? That he had defign'd to affault the Houfe of Commons, taking God to witnefs, he utterly denies $ yet io his Anfwer to the City, maintains that any courfe of vio- lence An Anfdoer to Eikon Bafilike. lence had been very juftifiable. And we may then guefs how far it was from his defign : However, it difcover'd in him an exceffive eagernefs to be aveng'd < n . them that crofs'd him •, and that to have his will, he ilood not to do things never fo much below him. What a becoming light it was to fee the Kin^ of England one while in the Houfe of Commons, by and by in the Guild-Hall among the Liveries and Manufactures, profecuting fo greedily the track of five or fix fled Subjects •, himfelf not the Sollicitor only but the Purfivant, and the Apparitor of his own partial Caufe. And although in his Anfwcrs to the Parlament, he hath confefs'd, firft that his manner of profecution was illeo-al, next that as he once conceiv'dhe had ground enough to accufe them, fo at length that he found as good caufe to defer t any profecution of them ; yet here he feems to reverfe all, and againft promife takes up his old deferted Accufation, that he mio-ht have fomething to excufe himfelf, inftead of giving due reparation, which he always refus'd to give them whom he had fo dilhonour'd. Thai I went, faith he of his going to the Houfe of Commons, attended with Gentlemen ; Gentlemen indeed, the ragged infantry of Stews, and Bro- thels -, the fpawn and fhipwreck of Taverns and Dicing-Houfes : and then he pleads it was no unwonted thing for the Majefty and Safety of a King to be fo at- tended, efpecially in difcontented times. An illuftrious Majefty no doubt, fo attend- ed ; a becoming fafety for the King of England, plac'd in the fidelity of fuch Guards and Champions : happy times, when Braves and Hackfters, the on- ly contented Members of his Government, were thought the fitteft and the falthfulleft to defend his Perfon againft the difcontents of a Parlament and all good Men. Were thofe the chofen ones to preferve reverence to him, while he enter'd unaffur'd, and full of fufpicions, into his great and faithful Counfel ? Let God then and the World judge whether the Caufe were not in his own guilty and unwarrantable doings: The Houfe of Commons upon feveral Examinations of this bufinefs declar'd it furficiently prov'd that the coming of thofe Sol- diers, Papifts and others with the King, was to takeaway fome of their Mem- bers, and in cafeofoppofition or denial, to have fallen upon the Houfe in aho- ftile manner. This the King here denies ; adding a fearful Imprecation againft his own life, If he purpofed any violence or oppreffion againft the Innocent, then, faith he, let the Enemy perfecute my Soul, and tread my life to the ground, and lay my Ho- nour in the duft. What need then more difpiuing ? He appeal'd to God's Tribu- nal, and behold God hathjudg'd and done to him in the light of all men accord- ing to the verdict of his own mouth : To be a warning to all Kings hereafter how they ufe prefumptuoufly the words and proteftations of David, without the fpirit and confeience of David. And the King's admirers may here fee their madnefs, to miftake this Book for a monument of his worth and wifdom, when- as indeed it is his Doomfday Book ; not like that of William the Norman his Pre- deceflbr, but the record and memorial of his Condemnation ; and difcovers whatever hath befallen him, to have been haften'd on from Divine Juftice by the ralh and inconfiderate Appeal of his own lips. But what evafions, what pre- tences, though never fo unjuft and empty, will he refufe in matters more un- known, and more involv'd in the mills and intricacies of State, who, rather than not juftify himfelf in a thing fo generally odious, can flatter his Integrity with fuch frivolous excufes againft the manifeft diffent of all men, whether Enemies, Neuters, or Friends. But God and his Judgments have not been mock'd ; and good men may well perceive what a diftance there was ever like to be between him and his Parlament, and perhaps between him and all amend- ment, who for one good deed, though but confented to, afks God forgivenefs; and from his worft deeds done, takes occafion to infill upon his righteouf- nefs. ■ IV. Upon 74 An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. IV. Upon the Infolency of the 'Tumults. WE have here, I muft confefs, a neat and well-couch'd invective a- againft Tumults, exprelling a true fear of them in the Author ; but yet fo handfomely compos'd, and withal fo feelingly, that, to make a Royal companion, I believe Rehoboam, the Son of Solomon, could not have compos'd it better. Yet Rehoboam had more caufe to inveigh againft them ; for they had fton'd his Tribute-gatherer, and perhaps had as little fpar'd his own Perfon, had he not with all fpeed betaken him to his Chariot. But this King hath flood the worft of them in his own Houfe without danger, when his Coach and Horfes, in a panic fear, have been to feek, which argues that the Tumults at Whitehall were nothing fo dangerous as thole at Sechem. But the matter here confiderable is not whether the King, or his Houihold Rhetorician have made a pithy declamation againft Tumults, but firil whether ' thefe were Tumults or not •, next if they were, whether the King himfelf did not caufe them. Let us examine therfore how things at that time flood. The King, as before hath been prov'd, having both call'd this Parlament unwillingly, and as unwillingly from time to time condefcended to their feveral acts, carry - in°- on a disjoint and private Intereil of his own, and not enduring to be fo crofs'd and overfway'd, efpecially in the executing of his chief and boldeft In* ftrument, the Deputy of Ireland, firil tempts the Englijh Army, with no lefs reward than the fpoil of London, to come up and deilroy the Parlament. That beino- difcover'd by fome of the Officers, who, tho' bad enough, yet abhor'd fo foul a deed, the King harden'd in his purpofe, turns him next to the Scotch Army, and baits his temptation with a richer reward ; not only to have the fackino- of London, but four Northern Counties to be made Scotiijh, with Jew- els of oreat value to be given in pawn the while. But neither would the Scots, for any promife of reward, be bought to fuch an execrable and odious treache- ry •, but with much honefty gave notice of the King's defign both to the Parla- ment and City of London. The Parlament moreover had intelligence, and the people could not but difcern that there was a bitter and malignant party growa up now to fuch a boldnefs, as to give out infolent and threatning fpeeches a- gainfl the Parlament it felf. Befides this, the Rebellion in Ireland was now broke out ; and a Confpiracy in Scotland had been made, while the King was there, againft fome chief Members of that Parlament •, great numbers here of un- known and fufpicious perfons reforted to the City. The King being return'd from Scotland, prefently dilmifles that Guard which the Parlament thought neceffary in the midft of fo many dangers to have about them, and puts another Guard in their place, contrary to the privilege of that high Court, and by fuch a one commanded, as made them no lefs doubtful of the Guard it felf. Which they therfore upon fome ill effects therof firil found, difcharge ; deeming it more fafe to fit free, tho' without a Guard, in open danger, than inclos'd with a fuf- pecTred fafety. The people therfore, left their worthieft and moil faithful Pa- triots, who had expos'd themfelves for the public, and whom they faw now left naked, fhould want aid, or be deferred in the midft of thefe dangers, came in multitudes, tho' unarm'd, to witnefs their fidelity and readinefs in cafe of any violence offer'd to the Parlament. The King both envying to fee the people's love thus devolv'd on another obj eel, and doubting left it might utterly difable him to do with Parlaments as he was wont, fent a Menage into the City forbid- ding fuch reforts. The Parlament alio both by what was difcover'd to them, and what they faw in a malignant Party (fome of which had already drawn blood in a Fray or two at the Court-Gate, and even at their own Gate in Wejt- niinfter-Hall) conceiving themfelves to be it ill in danger where they fate, fent a molt reafonable and juit Petition to the King, that a Guard might 'be allow'd ihem out of the City, wherof the King's own Chamberlain, the Earl of EjJ'ex, might have command •, it being the right of inferiour Courts to make choice of their own Guard. This the King refus'd to do, and why he refus'd, the very next day made manifeft : For on that day it was that he fallied out from White^ ball, with thofe trufty Myrmidons, to block up, «r give affault to the Houfe of g Commons. An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 375 Commons. He had, befides all this, begun to fortify his Court, and entertain'd armed Men not a few; who (landing at his Palace-Gate, revil'd, and with drawn Swords wounded many of the People, as they went by unarm'd, and in a peaceable manner, wherof fome died. The paffing by of a multitude, tho' neither to St. George's Feaft, nor to a Tilting, certainly of it felf was no Tu- mult •, the expreflion of their loyalty and ftedfaftnefs to the Parlament, whofe lives and lafeties by more than flight rumours they doubted to be in danger, was no Tumult. If it grew to be lb, the caufe was in the King himfelf and his injurious retinue, who both by hoflile preparations in the Court, and by actual ailailing of the People, gave them juft caufe to defend themfelves. Surely thole unarmed and petitioning people needed not have been fo for- midable to any, but to fuch whofe confeiences mifgave them how ill they had deferv'd of the people ; and firft began to injure them, becaufe they juftly fear'd it from them ; and then afcribe that to popular Tumult, which was occa- fion'd by their own provoking. And that the King was lb emphatical and elaborate on this Theme againft Tu- mults, and exprefs'd with fuch a vehemence his hatred of them, will redound lefs perhaps than he was aware to the commendation of his Government. For befides that in good Governments they happen feldomeft, and rife not without caufe, if they prove extreme and pernicious, they were never counted fo to Monarchy, but to Monarchical Tyranny •, and extremes one with another are at mod antipathy. If then the King fo extremely flood in fear of Tumults, the inference will endanger him to be the other extreme. Thus far the occafion of this difcourfe againft Tumults; now to the difcourfe it felf, voluble enough, and full of fentence, but that, for the mod part, either fpecious rather than To- lid, or to his caufe nothing pertinent. He never thought any thing more to pre/age the mi/chiefs that enfued, than thofe Tu- mults. Then was his forefight but fhort, and much miftaken. Thofe Tumults were but the mild effects of an evil and injurious reign ; not figns of mifchiefs to come, but leeking relief for mifchiefs pad : thofe figns were to be read more apparent in his rage and purpos'd revenge of thofe free expoftulations and clamours of the people againft his lawlefs Government. Not any thing, faith he, portends mm-e God's difpleafure againft a Nation, than when he fuffers the clamours of the Vulgar to pafs all bounds of Law and reverence to Authority. It portends rather his difpleafure againft a tyrannous King, whofe proud Throne he intends to overturn by that contemptible Vulgar ; the fad cries and oppreflions of whom his Royalty regarded not. As for that fupplicating people, they did no hurt ei- ther to Law or Authority, but flood for it rather in the Parlament againft whom Jthey fear'd would violate it. 'that they invaded the Honour and Freedom of the two Houfes, is his own offici- ous accufation, not feconded by the Parlament, who had they feen caufe, were themfelves bed able to complain. And if theyjhook and menae'd any, they were fuch as had more relation to the Court than to the Commonwealth •, Ene- mies, not Patrons of die people. But if their petitioning unarmed were an in- vafion of both Houfes, what was his entrance into the Houfe of Commons, be- fetting it with armed men? In what condition then was the honour and freedom of that Houfe ? They forbore not rude deportments, contemptuous words and ail ions to himfelf and his Court. It was more wonder, having heard what treacherous hoflility he hat! defign'd againd the City and his whole Kingdom, that they forbore to handle him as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heretofore for lefs offences. They were not a fhort Ague, but a fierce quotidian Fever. He indeed may bed fay it, who moft felt it ; for the making was within him, and it fhook him by his own defcription worfe than a Storm, worfe than an Earthquake ; Beljhazzar'i. Palfy. Had not worfe fears, terrors, and envies made within him that com- motion, how could a multitude of his Subjects, armed with no other weapon than Petitions, have fhaken all his Joints with fuch a terrible Ague ? Yet that the Parlament fhould entertain the leaft fear of bad intentions from him or his party, he endures not •, but would perfwade us that men fare themfelves and o- thers without caufe : for he thought fear would be to them a kind of Armour, and his defign was, if poflible, to difarmall, especially of a wife fear and fufpicion ; for that he knew would find weapon?. He 5 %y6 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. He goes on therfore with vehemence to repeat the mifchiefs done by thefe' Tumults. They firft petitioned, then protected; dictate next, and laflly over-awe the Tarlament. They remov'd obftruclions, they purged the Houfes, caft out rotten mem- bers. If there was a man of iron, fuch as Talus, by our Poet Spencer, is feign'ci to be the page of Juftice, who with his iron Flail could do all this, and expe- ditioufly, without thofe deceitful forms and circumflances of Law, worfe than ceremonies in Religion ; I lay God fend it done, whether by one Talus, or by a thoufand. But ibeyfubau'dthe men of conscience in Par lament, back? 'd and abetted all fe- ditious and fchifmatical Propofals againft Government ecclefiaftical and civil. Now we may perceive the root of his hatred whence it fprings. It was not the King's grace or princely goodnefs, but this iron Flail, the People, that drove the Bifhops out of their Baronies, out of their Cathedrals, out of the Lords Houfe, out of the Copes and Surplices, and all thofe Papiftical Innovations, threw down the High-Commiffion and Star-chamber, gave us a Triennial Par- lament, and what we mod delir'd ; in revenge wherof he now fo bitterly in- veighs againft them : thefe are thofe feditious and fchifmatical Propofals then by him condeicended to as Acts of Grace, now of another name ; which de- clares him, touching matters of Church and State, to have been no other man in the deepeft of his Solitude, than he was before at the higheft of his Sove- reignty. But this was not the worft of thefe Tumults, they play'd the hafty Midwives, and would not ft ay the ripening, but went jlreight to ripping up, and forcibly cut out abortive Votes. They would not ftay perhaps the Spanifh demurring, and putting off fuch wholefome afts and counlels, as the politic Cabinet at Whitehall had no mind to. But all this is complain'd here as done to the Parlament, and yet we heard not the Parliament at that time complain of any violence from the people, but from him. Wherfore intrudes he to plead the caufe of Parlament againft the people, while the Parlament was pleading their own caufe againft him, and a- gainft him were forced to feek refuge of the people ? 'Tis plain then that thofe confluxes and reforts interrupted not the Parlament, nor by them were thought tumultuous, but by him only and his Court- Faction. But what good man had net rather want any thing he moft dejired for the public good, than attain it by fitch unlawful and irreligious means? As much as to fay, Had not rather fit ftill, and let his Country be tyranniz'd, than that the people, find- ing no other remedy, fhould ftand up like Men, and demand their Rights and Liberties. This is theartificialeft piece of finefle to perfwade Men to be Slaves,, that the wit of Court could have invented. But hear ho'.v much better the Moral of this Lefton would befit the Teacher : What good man had not ra- ther want a boundlefs and arbitrary power, and thofe fine Flowers of the Crown, call'd Prerogatives, than for them to ufe force and perpetual vexation to his faithful Subjects, nay to wade for them through blood and civil War ? So that this and the whole bundle of thofe following fentences may be apply'd better to the convincement of his own violent courfes, than of thofe pretended Tumults. Who were the chief Demagogues to fend for thofe Tumults, fome alive are not igno- rant. Setting afide the affrightment of this Goblin word ; for the King, by his leave, cannot coin Englijh, as he could Money, to be current (and 'tis believ'd this wording was above his known Stile and Orthography, and accufes the whole compofure to be confcious of fome other Author) yet if the People were fent for, embolden' J and directed by thofe Demagogues, who, laving his Greek, were good Patriots, and by his own confelTion Men of fome repute for Parts and Piety, it helps well to affure us there was both urgent caufe, and the lefs danger of their coming. Complaints were made, yet no redrefs could be obtain'd. The Parlament alfo complain'd of what danger they fate in from another party, and demanded of him a Guard, but it was not granted. What marvel then if it chear'd them to fee fome ftore of their Friends, and in the Roman, not the pettifogging fenfe, their Clients fo near about them ; a defence due by nature both from whom it was offer'd, and to whom, as due as to their Parents •, tho' the Court florm'd and fretted to fee fuch honour given to them, who were then beft Fa- thers An Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. 377 thers of the Commonwealth. And both the Parlament and People complain'd, and demanded Juftice for thofe AfTaults, if not Murders done at his own doors by that crew of Rufflers ; but he, inftead of doing Juftice on them, juftify'd and abetted them in what they did, as in his public Anfwer to a Petition from the City may be read. Neither is itflightly to be pafs'd over, that in the very place where Blood was firft drawn in this Caufe, as the beginning of all that fol- lowed, there was his own Blood fhed by the Executioner : According to that fentence of Divine Juftice, In the place where Dogs lick'd the Blood of Naboth, /hall Dogs lick thy Blood, even thine. From hence he takes occafion to excufe that improvident and fatal error of his abfenting from the Parlament. When he found that no Declaration of the Bi- fiops could take place againfl thofe Tumults. Was that worth his confidering, that foolifh and felf-undoing Declaration of twelve Cypher Bifhops, who were im- mediately appeach'd of Treafon for that audacious Declaring ? The Bifhops peradventure were now and then pull'd by the Rochets, and deferv'd another kind of pulling •, but what amounted this to the fear of his own Perfon in the Streets? Did he not the very next day after his irruption into the Houfe of Commons, than which nothing had more exafperated the people, go in his Coach unguarded into the City ? Did he receive the leaft affront, much lefs vio- lence in any of the Streets, but rather humble demeanors and fupplications ? Hence may be gather'd, that however in his own guiltinefs he might haveL juftly fear'd, yet that he knew the people fo full of awe and reverence to his Perfon, as to dare commit himfelf lingle among the thickeft of them, at a time when he had moft provok'd them. Befides, in Scotland xhty had handled the Bi- fhops in a more robuftious manner ; Edinburgh had been full of Tumults, two Armies from thence had entred England againlt him : yet after all this he was not fearful, but very forward to take fo long a Journey to Edinburgh ; which ar- gues firft, as did alio his rendition afterward to the Scotch Army, that to Eng- land he continu'd ftill, as he was indeed, a ftranger, and full of diffidence •, to the Scots only a native King, in his confidence, tho' not in his dealing towards them. It fhews us next beyond doubting, that all this his fears of Tumults was but a meer pretence and occafion taken of his refolved abfence from the Parla- ment for fome other end not difficult to be guefs'd. And thofe inftances wherin valour is not to be queftion'd for not fcuffiing -with the Sea, or an undif- ciplined Rabble, are but fubfervient to carry on the folemnjeft of his fearing Tu- mults ; if they difcover not withal the true reafon why he departed, only to turn his flafhing at the Court-Gate to flaughtering in the Field; his diforderly bickering to an orderly invading ; which was nothing elfe but a more orderly diforder. Seme fufpccled and affirm* d that he meditated a War, when he went firft //o?« White- hall. And they were not the worft heads that did fo, nor did any of his former ails weaken him to that, as he alledges for himfelf-, or if they had, they clear him only for the time of palling them, not for wliatever thoughts might come after into his mind. Former aclions of improvidence or fear, not with him unufual, cannot abfove him of all after-meditations. He goes on protefting his no intention to have left Whitehall, had thefe horrid Tumults given him but fair Quarter, as if he himfelf, his Wile and Children had been in peril. But to this enough hath been anfwer'd. Had this Parlament, as it was in its firft Eleclion, namely with the Lord and Baron Bifhops, fate full and free, he doubts not but all had gone well. What warrant is this of his to us ? whole not doubting was all good men's gr^ doubt. He was refolv'd to hear Reafon, and to confent fo far as he could comprehend. A hopeful refolution : what if his reafon were found by oft experience to compre- hend nothing beyond his own advantages, was this a reafon fa to be intruded with the common good of three Nations ? But, faith he, as Swine are to Gardens, fo are Tumults to Parlament s. This the Parlament, had they found it fo, could beft have told us. In the mean while who knows not that one great Hog may do as much mifchief in a Garden as iny little Swine? He was fometimes prone to think, that bad he call'd this la,} Parlament to any other place in England, the fad Confequences might have been pre- vented. But change of Air changes not the mind. Was not his firfl Parlament Vol. I. Ccc yg An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. at Oxford diflblv'd after two Subfidies given him, and no Juflice receiv'd ? Was not his laft in the fame place, where they fate with as much freedom, as much quiet from Tumults as they could defire, a Parlament, both in his account and their own, confiding of all his Friends, that fled after him, and fuffer'd for him, and yet by him nicknam'd, and cafhier'd for a Mungrel Parlament, that vext bis §ueen with their bafe and mutinous motions? as his Cabinet-letter tells us. Wher- by the World may fee plainly, that no fhifting of place, no fifting of Members to his own mind, no number, no paucity, no freedom from Tumults could e- ver bring his arbitrary wilfulnefs, and tyrannical Defigns to brook the lealt fhape or fimilitude, the leaft counterfeit of a Parlament. Finally, inftead of praying for his people as a good King mould do, he prays to be deliver'd from them, as from wild Beafts, Inundations, and raging Seas, that had overborn all Loyalty, Modefty, Laws, Juflice, and Religion ; God lave the People from fuch Interceflbrs. V. Upon the Bill for Triennial Parlaments^ and for fettling this, &c. THE Bill for Triennial Parlaments was doubtlefs a good Bill, and the other for fettling this was at that time very expedient ; and in the King's own words no more than what the World was fully confirmed he might in Juflice, Reafon, Honour, and Cmfcience grant them ; for to that end he affirms to have done it. But wheras he attributes the palling of them to his own Aft of Grace and Willingnefs, as his manner is to make Virtues of his Neceflities, and giving to himfelf all the praife, heaps ingratitude upon the Parlament, a little memory will fet the clean contrary before us ; that for thofe beneficial Afts we owe what we owe to the Parlament ; but to his granting them neither praife nor thanks. The firft Bill granted much lefs than two former Statutes yet in force by Edward the third •, that a Parlament fhould be call'd every year, or oftner, if need were: nay, from a far ancienter Law-Book call'd the Mirror, it is aflirm'd in a late Treatife call'd Rights of the Kingdom, that Parlaments by our old Laws ought twice a year to be at London. The fecond was fo neceiTary, that nothing in the power of man more feem'd to be the flay and fupport of all things from that fteep ruin to which he had nigh brought them, than that Aft obtain'd. He had by his ill Stewardfhip, and, to fay no worfe, the needlefs raifing of two Armies intended for a civil War, beggar'd both himfelf and the Public ; and befides had left us upon the fcore of his needy Enemies for what it coll: them in their own defence againft him. To difingage him and the Kingdom great fums were to be borrow'd, which would never have been lent, nor could ever be paid, had the King chanced todilTolve this Parlament as heretofore. The Errors alio of his Government had brought the Kingdom to fuch extremes, as were in- capable of all recovery without the abfolute continuance of this Parlament. It had been elfe in vain to go about the fettling of fo great diftempers, if he, who firft caus'd the Malady, might, when he pleas'd, rejeft the Remedy. Not- withftanding all which, that he granted both thefe Afts unwillingly, and as a meer paffive Inftrument, was then vifible even to moll of thofe men who now will fee nothing. At palling of the former Aft he himfelf conceal'd not hisunwillingnefs ; and teftifying a general diflike of their aftions, which they then proceeded in with great approbation of the whole Kingdom, he told them with a mafterly Brow, that by this Ac! he had obliged them above what they had deferv'd, and gave a piece of Juflice to the Commonwealth three times ihort of his Predeceflbrs, as if he had been giving fome boon, or begg'd office to a fort of his dcfertle'fs Grooms. That he pafs'd the latter Aft againfl his will, no man in reafon can hold it quell ionable. For if the February before he made fo dainty, and were 1q loth to An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 3 79 to bellow a Parlament once in three years upon the Nation, becaufe this had fo oppos'd his courfes, was it likely that the May following he fhould bellow wil- lingly on this Parlament an indiflbluble fitting, when they had offended him much more by cutting fhort and impeaching of High Treafon his chief Fa- vourites ? It was his fear then, not his favour, which drew from him that Act left the Parlament, incens'd by his Confpiracies againft them, about the fame time difcover'd, mould with the People have refented too heinoully thofe his doings, if to the fufpicion of their danger from him he had alio added the de- nial of this only means to fecure themfelves. From thefe Acls therfore in which he glories, and wherwith fo oft he up- braids the Parlament, he cannot juftly expect to reap aught but difhonour and difpraife ; as being both unwillingly granted, and the one granting much lefs than was before allow'd by Statute, the other being a teftimony of his violent and lawlefs Cuftom, not only to break Privileges, but whole Parlaments ; from which Enormity they were conftrain'd to bind him firft of all his Predecefibrs ; never any before him having given like caries of diftruft and jealoufy to his Peo- ple. As for this Parlament, how far he was from being advis'd by them, as he ought, let his own words exprefs. He taxes them with undoing what they feund well done : and yet knows they undid nothing in the Church but Lord Bifhops, Liturgies, Ceremonies, Hio-h Commiffion, judg'd worthy by all true Proteftants to be thrown out of the Church. They undid nothing in the State but irregular and grinding Courts, the main grievances to be remov'd ; and if thefe were the things which in his opinion they found well done, we may again from hence be inform'd with what unwillingnefs he remov'd them ; and that thofe gracious Acts wherof fo fre- quently he makes mention, may be englifffd more properly Acts of fear and diflimuJation againft his mind and confeience. The Bill preventing dififolution of this Parlament he calls an unparallel'd Acl y out of the extreme confidence that his Subjects would not make illufe of it. But was it not a greater confidence of the People to put into one Man's hand fo great a Power, till he abus'd it, as to fummonanddifiblve Parlaments ? He would be thank'd for trading them, and ought to thank them rather for trufting him : the trull ifluing firft from them, not from him. And that it was a meer truft, and not his Prerogative, to call and difiblve Parlaments at his pleafure ; and that Parlaments were not to be diflblv'd, till all Petitions were heard, all Grievances redrefs'd, is not only the afTertion of this Parlament, but of our ancient Law-books, which aver it to be an un- written Law of common Right, fo ingraven in the Hearts of our Anceftors, and by them fo conftantly enjoy'd and claim'd, as that it needed not enrolling. And if the Scots in their Declaration could charge the King with breach of then- Laws for breaking up that Parlament without their confent, while matters of greateft moment were depending ; it were unreafonable to imagine that the Wifdom of England fhould be fo wanting to it felf through all a'o-es, as not to provide by fome known Law, written or unwritten, againft the not calling, or the arbitrary difiblving of Parlaments •, or that they who ordain'd their fum- moning twice a year, or as oft as need requir'd, did not tacitly enact alfo, that as nccefiity of affairs call'd them, fo the fame neceffity fhould keep them undiffolv'd till that were fully fatisfy*d. Were it not for that, Parlaments, and all the fruit and benefit we receive by having them, would turn foon to meer abulion. It appears then that if this Bill of not difiblving were an unparallel'd Act, it was a known and common Right which our Anceftors under other Kings enjoy'd as firmly as if it had been graven in Marble ; and that the infringement of this King firll brought it into a written Act : Who now boafls that as a great favour done us, which his own lefs fidelity than was in former Kings, con- ftrain'd us only of an old undoubted Right, to make a new written Act. But what needed written Acts, whenas anciently it was efteem'd part of his Crown- Oath not to difiblve Parlaments till all Grievances were conlider'd ? wherup- on the old Modi of Parlament, calls it flat Perjury, if he difiblve them before ; as I find cited in a Book mention'd at the beginning of this Chapter, to which and other Law-tractats I refer the more Lawyerly mooting of this point, which is neither my element, nor my proper work here ; fince the Book which I have Vol. I. C c c % to „ go An Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. to anfwer, pretends to reafon not to authorities and quotations : and I hold rea- ibn to be the beft Arbitrator, and the Law of Law it felf. 'Tis true, that good Subjecls think it not juji that the King's condition fhould be worfe by bettering theirs. But then the King mufl not be at fuch a diftance from the people in judging what is better and what worfe ; which might have been agreed, had he known (for his own words condemn him) as well with modera- to ufe, as with earneftnefs to dcfire his own advantages. A continual Parlament he thought would keep the Commonwealth in tune. Judge, Commonwealth, what proofs he gave that this boafted profemon was ever in his thought. me, faith he, gave out that I repented me of that fettling Acl. His own acti- ons c ave it out beyond all fuppofition ; for doubtlefs it repented him to have eftablifh'd that by Law, which he went about fo foon after to abrogate by the Sword. He calls thofe Acts which he confefles tended to their good, net nun Princely than friendly Contributions : As if to do his duty were of courtefy, and die dii- char^e of his truft a parcel of his liberality •, fo nigh loft in his efteem was the birth-ri^ht of our Liberties, that to give them back again upon demand flood at the mercy of his Contribution. He doubts not but the affeclions of his People will compenfate his fufferings for thofe aSs of confidence : And imputes his fufferings to a contrary Caufe. Not his confidence but his dijlruft was that which brought him to thofe fufferings, from the time that he forfook his Parlament ; and trufted them ne'er the fooner for what he tells of their piety and religious flriclnefs, but rather hated them as Pu- ritans, whom he always fought to extirpate. He would have it believed that to bind his hands by thefe Ails argu'd a very fhovt fcreftght of things, and extreme fatuity of mind in him, if he had meant a War. If we mould conclude fo, that were not the only Argument : neither did it argue that he meant Peace ; knowing that what he granted for the pre- fent out of fear, he might as foon repeal by force, watching his time ; and de- prive them the fruit 01 thofe Acts, if his own defigns wherin he put his trufb took effect. Yet he complains, That the Tumults threatened to abufe allAtls of Grace, and turn them into wantonnefs. I would they had turn'd his wantonnefs into the grace of not abufing Scripture. Was this becoming fuch a Saint as they would make him, to adulterate thofe facred words from the grace of God to the acts of his own grace ? Herod was eaten up of Worms for fuffering others to compare his voice to the voice of God ; but the Borrower of this Phrafe gives much more caufe of jealoufy, that he liken'd his own acts of grace to the acts of God's Grace. From prophanenefs he fcarce comes off with perfect fenfe. / was not then in a capacity to make War, therfore I intended not. I was not in a capacity, ther- fore I could not have given my Enemies greater advantage than by fo unprincely in- conjlancy to have fcatter'd them by Arms, whom but lately I had fettled by Parla- \ went. What place could there be for his inconftancy to do that thing wher- to he was in no capacity ? Otherwife his inconftancy was not fo unwonted, or fo nice, but that it would have eafily found pretences to fcatter thofe in revenge whom he fettled in fear. It had been a courfefull of Jin as well as of hazard and difhonour. True ; but if thofe Confiderations withheld him not from other Actions of like nature, how can we believe they were of ftrength fufficient to withhold him from this ? And that they withheld him not, the event foon taught us. His letting fame men go up to the Pinacle of the Temple, was a temptation to them to caft him down headlong. In this Simily we have himfelf compar'd to Chrifl, the Parlament to the Devil, and his giving them that Aft of fettling, to his letting them go up to the Pinacle of the Temple. A tottering and giddy Act rather than a fettling. This was goodly ufe made of Scripture in his Solitudes: But it was no Pinacle of the Temple, it was a Pinacle of Nebuchadnezzar's Palace from whence he and Monarchy fell headlong together. He would have others fee that All the Kingdoms of the World are not worth gaining by ways of fin which hazard the Soul ; and hath himfelf left nothing unhazarded tg keep three. He concludes with fentences that rightly fcann'd, make An Anfeoer to Eikon Bafilike. 381 make not fo much for him as againft him, and confefies that the Ail of fettling was no fin of his Will ; and we eafily believe him, for it hath been clearly prov'd a fin of his unwillingnefs. With his Orifons I meddle not, for he appeals to a high Audit. This yet may be noted, that at his Prayers he had before him the lad prefage of his ill fuccefs, As of a dark and dangerous Storm, which never admitted his return to the Port from -whence he fet out. Yet his Pray er-Book no fooner flint, but other hopes flatter'd him ; and their flattering was his deftruftion. VI. Upon his Retirement from Weftminfter. THE Simily wherwith he begins I was about to have found fault with, as in a garb fomewhat more poetical than for a Statift : but meetino- with many {trains of like drefs in other of his Eflays, and him hear° ing reported a more diligent reader of Poets, than of Politicians, I beo-un to think that the whole Book might perhaps be intended a piece of Poetry. The words are good, the fiction fmooth and cleanly ; there wanted only Rhyme, and that they fay is beftow'd upon it lately. But to the Argument. I 'ftay'd at White-Hall //'// / was driven away by f.ame more than fear. I re- tract not what I thought of the fiction, yet here I muft confefs it lies too open. In his Meflages and Declarations, nay in the whole Chapter next but one be- fore this, he affirms that The danger wherin his Wife, his Children, and his own Perfon were by thofe Tumults, was the main caufe that drove him from White-Hall, and appeals to God as witnefs : he affirms here that it was Jhame more than fear. Kn&Digby, who knew his mind as well as any, tells his new- lifted Guard, That the principal caufe of his Majejly's going thence, was to fave them from being trod in the dirt. From whence we may difcern what falfe and frivolous excufes are avow'd for truth, either in thofe Declarations, or in this penitential Book. Our Forefathers were of that courage and feverity of zeal to Juftice and their native Liberty, againft the proud contempt and mifrule of their Kings, that when Richard the Second departed but from a Committee of Lords who fate preparing matter for tht Parlament, not yet affembled, to the re- moval of his evil Counfellors, they firft vanquiih'd and put to flight Robert de Vere his chief Favourite; and then coming up to London with a huge Army, requir'd the King then withdrawn for fear, but no further off" than the Tower, to come to Weftminfter. Which he refufing, they told him flatly thatunlefs he came they would chufe another. So high a Crime it was accounted then for Kino- s to abfent themfelves, not from a Parlament, which none ever durft, but from any meeting of his Peers and Counfellors which did but tend towards a Parla- ment. Much lefs would they have fuffer'd that a King for fuch tri\ ial and van- ' ous pretences, one while for fear of Tumults, another while for fhame to fee them, ftiould leave his Royal Station, and the whole Kingdom bleeding to death of thofe wounds which his own unfkilful and perverfe Government had inflicted. Shame then it was that drove him from the Parlament, but the flume of what ? Was it the fliame of his manifold errors and mifdeeds, and to fee how weakly he had play'd the King ? No; Slut to fee the barbarous rudenefs of t Tumults to demand any thing. We have ftarted here another, and I believe the trueft, caufe of his deferting the Parlament. The worft and ftrangeft of that Any-thing which the people then demanded, was but the unlording of Bi- Ihops, and expelling them the Houfe, and the reducing of Church-Difciplinc to a conformity with other Proteftant Churches ; this was the Barbarifm oi thofe Tumults : and that he might avoid the granting of thofe honeft and pious demands, as well demanded by the Parlament as the People, for this very caufe more than for fear, by his own confefllon here, he left the City ; and in a mod tempeftuous feafon forlbok the Helm and Steerage of the Com- monwealth. This was that terrible Any-thing from which his Confcience anil his Reafon chofe to run rather than not deny. To be importun'd the removing of evil Counfellors, and other Grievances in Church and State, was tobim*// intoleral '■'■■ - 8 2 An Anficer to Eikon Baillike. intolerable appreffion. If the People's demanding were fo burdenfome to him, what was his denial and delay of Juftice to them ? But as the demands of his People were to him a burden and oppreffion, fo was the advice of his Parlament eiteem'd a bondage •, Wbofi agreeing Votes, as he affirms, were not by any Law or Reafon conclufive to his Judgment. For the Law, it ordains a Parlament to advife him in his great Affairs ; but if it ordain alfo that the fingle judgment of a King mail out-ballance all the wifdom of his Par- lament, it ordains that which fruflrates the end of its own ordaining. For where the King's judgment may difTent to the deftruftion, as it may happen, both ofhimfelt and the Kingdom, there Advice, and no further, is a moft insuf- ficient and fruitraneous means to be provided by Law in cafes of lb high con- cernment. It being therfore moil unlike a Law, to ordain a remedy fo (len- der and unlawlike, to be the utmoft means ot all public fafety or prevention, as Advice is, which may at any time be rejected by the fole judgment of one man, the King, and lb unlike the Law of England, which Lawyers fay is the quintefience of Reafon ; we may conclude that the King's negative voice was never any Law, but an abfurd and realbnlefs Cuftom, begotten and grown up either from the flattery of bafeft times, or the ufurpation of immoderate Prin- ces. Thus much to the Law of it, by a better evidence than Rolls and Re- cords, Reafon. But is it poflible he fhould pretend alfo to Reafon, that the judgment of one Man, not as a wife or good Man, but as a King, and oft-times a wilful, proud, and wicked King, fhould outweigh the prudence and all the virtue of an eledted Parlament ? What an abufive thing it were then to fummon Parlaments, that by the major part of voices greateft matters may be there debated and refolv'd, whenas one voice after thatfhall dafh ail their Refolutions ? He attempts to give a reafon why it fhould, Becaufe the whole Parlament re- pre/ents not him in any kind. But mark how little he advances -, for if the Par- lament reprefent the whole Kingdom, as is fure enough they do, then doth the King reprefent only himfelf; and if a King without his Kingdom be in a civil fenfe nothing, then without or againfl the Reprefentative of his whole Kingdom, he himfelf reprefents nothing; and by confequence his judgment and his negative is as good as nothing : and though we fhould allow him to be Something, yet not equal or comparable to the whole Kingdom, and fo neither to them that reprefent it. Yet here he maintains, To be no further bound to agree with the Votes of both Hcufes, than he fees them to agree with the will of God, with his juft Rights as a King, and the general Good of his People. As to the freedom of his agreeing or not agreeing, limited with due bounds, no man reprehends it; this is the Queftion here, or the Miracle rather, why his only not agreeing fhould lay a negative bar and inhibition upon that which is agreed to by a whole Parla- ment, though never fo conducing to the public good or fafety. To know the will of God better than his whole Kingdom, whence fhould he have it? Certainly Court-breeding and his perpetual conversation with Flatterers was but a bad School. To judge of his own Rights could not belong to him, who. had no right by Law in any Court to judge of fo much as Felony or Treafon, being held a party in both thefe cafes, much more in this ; and his Rights how- ever fhould give place to the general good, for which end all his Rights were criven him. Laftly, to fuppofe a clearer infight and difcerning of the general good, allotted to his own Angular judgment, than to the Parlament and all the People, and from that felf-opinion of difcerning to deny them that good which they, being all Freemen, feek earneftly and call for, is an arrogance and iniqui- ty beyond imagination rude and unreasonable ; they undoubtedly having moft authority to judge of the public good, who for that purpoie arechofen out and fent by the People to advife him. And if it may be in him to fee oft the ma- jor part of them not in the right, had it not been more his modefty to have doubted their feeing him more often in the wrong ? Fie paries to another reafon of his denials, Becaufe of fame men's hydropic un- fr.tiablenefs, andthirjl of afking,the more they drank, whom no fountain of Regal Boun- ty was able to overcome. A comparifon more properly beltow'd on thofe that came to guzzle in his Wine-cellar, than on a freeborn People that came to < him in Parlament their Rights and Liberties, which a King ought therfore to grant. An Anfwer to Eikon Baiilike. 383 grant, because of right demanded ; not to deny them for fear his bounty mould be exhaufted, which in thefe demands (to continue the fame Metaphor) was not l'o much as broach'd ; it being his duty, not his bounty to grant thefe things. Putting oft' the Courtier, he now puts on the Philofopher, and fententioufly difpur.es to this effedr, That reafon ought to be us*d to men, force and terror to Beajls; that he deferves to be a Slave who captivates the rational fovereignty of his Soul, and liberty of his IVill to compulfion ; that he would not forfeit that freedom which cannot be deny'd him as a King, becaufe it belongs to him as a Man and a Chrijtian, though to preferve his Kingdom ; but rather die enjoying the Empire of his Soul, than live in fuch a vajjalage, as not to ufe his reafon and confeience to like or dijlike as a King. Which words or themfelvcs, as far as they are fenfe, good and philofophical* yet in the mouth of him who to cngrofs this common liberty to himfelf, would tread down all other men into the condition of Slaves and Beafts, they quite loft their commendation. He confeffes a rational fovereignty of Soul, and free- dom of Will in every man, and yet with an implicit repugnancy would have his reafon thefovereign of that fovereignty, and would captivate and make ufelefs that natural freedom of will in all other men but himfelf. But them that yield him this obedience he lb well rewards, as to pronounce them worthy to be Slaves. They who nave loft all to be his Subjects, may ftoop and take up the reward. What that freedom is, which cannot be denied him as a King, becaufe it belongs to him as a Man and a Chriftian, I underftand not. If it be his Negative Voice, it con- cludes all men who have not fuch a Negative as his againft a whole Parlament, to be neither Men nor Chriftians: and what was he himfelf then all this while, that we denied it him as a King? Will he fay that he enjoy'd within himfelf the lefs freedom for that ? Might not he, both as a Man and as a Chriftian, have reign'd within himfelf in full fovereignty of foul, no man repining, but that his outward and imperious Will mult invade the civil Liberties of a Nation? Did we ther- fore not permit him to ufe his reafon or his confeience, not permitting him to bereave us the ufe of ours ? And might not he have enjoy'd both as a Kino-, governing us as Free-men by what Laws we our felves would be govern'd ? It was not the inward ufe of his reafon and his confeience that would content him, but to ufe them both as a Law over all his Subjecls, in whatever he declar'd as a King to like or dijlike. Which ufe of reafon, moft reafonlefs and unconfcionable, is the utmoft that any Tyrant ever pretended over his Vaflals. In all wife Nations the Legiflative Power, and the judicial execution of that Power, have been moll commonly diftincl:, and in feveral hands ; but yet the for- mer fupreme, the other fubordinate. If then the King be only let up to execute the Law, which is indeed the higheft of his Office, he ought no more to make or forbid the making of any Law agreed upon in Parlament, than other inferi- or Judges, who are his Deputies. Neither can he more rejeft a Law ofler'd him by the Commons, than he can new make a Law which they rcjecl:. And yet the more to credit and uphold his caufe, he would feem to have Philofophy on his fide, draining her wife didates to unphilofophical purpofes. But when Kings come lb low, as to lawn upon Philofophy, which before they neither va- lu'd nor underftood, 'tis a fign that fails not, they are then put to their laft: Trump. And Philofophy as well requites them, by not fuffering her golden layings either to become their lips, or to be us'd as mafks and colours of inju- rious and violent deeds. So that what they prefume to borrow from her fage and virtuous Rules, like the Riddle of Sphinx not underftood, breaks the neck of their own caufe. But now again to Politics : He cannot think theMajefly of the Crsivn of Eng- land to be bound by any Coronaiion-Qath in a blind and brutip formality, to confent to -whatever its Subjecls in Parlament Jhall require. What Tyrant could prefume to fay more, when he meant to kick down all Law, Government, and bond of Oath ? But why he lb defires to abfolve himfelf the Oath of his Coronation, would be worth the knowing. It cannot but be yielded that the Oath which binds him to pertormance ot his Truft, ought in reafon to contain the fum of what his chiet Truft and Office is. But if it neither do enjoin nor mention to him, as a part ol his duty, the making or the marring of any Law, or fcrap of Law, but requires only his affent to thole Laws which the People have alrea- dy chofen, or Ihall chute for fo both the Latin of that Oath, and the old Lnglijh, and all reafon admits, that the People fhould not lofe under a new King what 84 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. what freedom they had before) then that negative Voice fo contended for, to deny the paffing of any Law which the Commons chofe, is both againft the Oath of his Coronation, and his Kingly Office. And if the King may deny to pais what the Parlament hath chofen to be a Law, then doth the King make himfelf fuperiour to his whole Kingdom •, which not only the general Maxima of Policy gainfay, but even our own ftanding Laws, as hath been cited to him in Remonftrances heretofore, that the King bath two Superiours, the Law, and his Court of Parlament. But this he counts to be a blind and brutifh formality, whether it be Law, or Oath, or his Duty, and thinks toturnit off with whole- fome words andphrafes, which he then firfl learnt of the honeft People, when they were fo often compell'd to ufe them againft thofe more truly blind and brutifh formalities thruft upon us by his own command. As for his inftance, in cafe He and the Hottfe of Peers attempted to enjoin the Eoufe af Commons, it bears no equality •, for he and the Peers reprefent but them- felves, the Commons are the whole Kingdom. Thus he concludes his Oath to be fully difcbarg'd in governing by haws already made, as being not bound to pafs any new, if his Rcafon bids him deny. And fo may infinite mifchiefs grow,, and a whole Nation be ruin'd, while our general good and fafety fliall depend upon the private and overweening Reafon of one obftinate Man, who againft all the Kingdom, if he lift, will interpret both the Law and his Oath of Coronation by the tenor of his own Will. Which he himfelf confefTes to be an arbitrary power, yet doubts not in his Argument to imply, as if he thought it more fit the Parlament fhould be fubject to his Will, than he to their Advice ; a man neither by nature nor by nurture wife. How is it poffible that he in whom fuch Principles as thefe were fo deep rooted, could ever, tho' reftor'd again, have reign'd otherwife than tyrannically? He objects, That Force was but ajlavijh Method to difpel his Error. But how often fhall it beanfwer'd him, that no force was us'd to difpel the error out of his head, but to drive it from off our necks ? for his error was imperious, and would command all other men to renounce their own reafon and underftanding, till they perifh'd under the injunction of his all-ruling error. He alledges the uprightnefs of his intentions to excufe his poffible failings ; a Pofition falfe both in Law and Divinity : Yea, contrary to his own better prin- ciples, who affirms in the twelfth Chapter, that the goodnefs of a man's intention will not excufe the fcandal and contagion of the example. His not knowing, through the corruption of Flattery and Court-principles, what he ought to have known, will not excufe his not doing what he ought tchave done ; no more than the fmall fkill of him. who undertakes to be a Pilot will excufe him to be mif-led by any wandring Star miftaken for the Pole. But let his intentions be never fo upright, what is that to us ? What anfwer for the Reafon and the National Rights which God hath given us, if having Parlaments, and Laws, and the power of making more to avoid mifchief, we fuffer one man's blind intentions to lead us all with our eyes open to manifeft deftrudion ? And if Arguments prevail not with fuch a one, Force is well us'd •, not to car- ry on the weaknefs of our Counfels, or to convince his Error, as he iurmifes, but to acquit and refcueour own Reafon, our own Confciences from the force and prohibition laid by his ufurping error upon our Liberties and Underftand- ings. Never thing pleas' 'd him more, than when his judgment cowurr'd with theirs. That was to the applauie of his own judgment, and would as well have pleas'd any felf-conceited man. 2'ea, in many things he chofe rather to deny himfelf than thaw. That is to fay, in trifles. For oj his own Interefis andperfonal Rights he conceives himfelf Mojler. To part with, if he pleafe, not to conteft for, againft the Kingdom which is greater than he, whole Rights are all fubordinate to the Kingdom's good : And in what concerns Truth, Jujlice, the Right of Church, or bis Crown, no man fhall gain his confent againfl his mind. What can be left then for a Parlament, but to fit like Images, while he ftill thus either with incomparable arrogance affumes to himfelf the beft ability of judging for other men what is Truth, Juftice, Goodnefs, what his own or the Church's right, or with unfufferable Tyranny reftrains all men from the enjoyment of any good, which his judgment, though erroneous, thinks not fit to grant them ; notwithstanding that the Law and his An Anjwer to Eikori Bafilike. 3§c; his Coronal Oath requires his undeniable afient ro what Laws the Parlament a- grcv upon. lie had rather wear a Crown of Thorns with our Saviour. Many would be all one with our Saviour, whom our Saviour will not know. They who govern ill thole Kingdoms which they had a right to, have to our Saviour's Crown of Thorns no right at all. Thorns they may find enow of their own ^atherino-, and their own twilling •, for Thorns and Snares, faith Solomon, are in the way of the Froward : but to wear them, as our Saviour wore them, is not o-iven to them that fit Iter by their own demerits. Nor is a Crown of Gold his due, who cannot firft wear a Crown of Lead ; not only for the weight of that great Office, but for the compliance which it ought to have with them who are to counfel him, which here he terms in fcorn An imbafedflexiblenef to the various and oft contrary dictates of any Faclions, meaning his Parlament •, for the queftion hath bin all this while between them two. And to his Parlament, though a numerous and choice AiTembly, of whom the Land thought wifeft, he imputes, rather than to himfelf, want of reafon, neglecl of the Public, intereft of Parties, and particularly of private will andpalfwn -, but with what modefty or likelihood of truth, it will be wearifome to repeat fo often. He concludes with a lenience fair in feeming, but fallacious. For if the con- feience be ill edified, the rcfolution may more befit a foolifh than a Chriftian King, t-> prefer a felf-will'd confeience before a Kingdom's good ; efpeciallyin the denial of that which Law and his Regal Office by Oath bids him grant to his Par- lament and whole Kingdom rightfully demanding. For we may obferve him throughout the Difcourfe to affirt his Negative Power againft the whole King- dom; now under the fpecious Plea of his confeience and his reafon, but here- tofore in a louder note ; Without us, or againft our confent, the Votes of either or of both Houjes together, muft not, cannot, Jh all not. Beclar. May 4. 1642. With thefe and the like deceivable Doctrines he levens alfo his Prayer. T VII. Upon the Queers departure. O this Argument'we fhall foon have faid ; for what concerns it us to hear a Hufband divulge his Houfhold Privacies, extolling to others the virtues of his Wife ? an infirmity not feldom incident to thofe who have^. leaft caufe. But how good fhe was a Wife, was to himfelf, and be it left to his own fancy •, how bad a Subject, is not much difputed. And being fuch, it need be made no wonder, tho' fhe left a Proteftant Kingdom with as little honour as her Mother left a Popifh. That this is the firft example of any Proteftant Subjects that have taken up Arms againft their King a Proteftant, can be to Proteftants no difhonour; when it fhall be heard that he firft levied War on them, and to the intereft of Papifts more than of Proteftants. He might have given yet the precedence of making War upon him to the Subjects of his own Nation, who had twice oppofed him in the. open Field long ere the Engliftj found it necefiary to do the like. And how groundlefs, how diffembled is that fear, left fhe, who for fo many years had bin a- verfe from the Religion of her Hufband, and every year more and more before thefe difturbances broke out, fhould for them be now the more alienated from that to which we never heard fhe was inclin'd ? But if the fear of her Delinquency, and that Juftice which the Proteftants demanded on her, was any caufe of her a- lienating the more, to have gain'd her by indirect means had been no advantage to Religion, much lefs then was the detriment to lofe her further off. It had bin happy if his own actions had not given caufe of more fcandal to the Prote- ftants, than what they did againft her could juftly fcandalize any Papift. Then who accufed her, well enough known to be the Parlament, he cenfures for Men yet tofeek their Religion, whether Doctrine, Difcipline, or Good Manners ; the reft he fooths with the name of true Englifh Proteftants, a meer fchifmatical name, yet he fo great an enemy of Schifm. Vol. I, Ddd He iS6- An Anfioer to Eikon Bafiiike, He afcribes rudenefs and barbarity, ivorfe than Indian, to the Englijh Parla- merit ; and all virtue to his Wife, in ftrains that come almoft toSonnettin g : How At to govern men, undervaluing and afperfing the great Council of his Kingdom, in comparifon of oneWoman. Examples are not tar to feek how great mifchief and difhonour hath fallen to Nations under the Government of effeminate and uxorious Magiftrates, who being themlelves govern'd and overfway'd at home under a feminine Ufurpation, cannot but be far fhort of fpirit and authority without doors to govern a whole Nation. Her tarrying hers he could not think fafe among them who were Jhaking hands with Allegiance, to lay f after hold en Religion ; and taxes them of a duty rather than a crime, it being juft to obey God rather than Man, and impofllble to ferve two Matters. I would they had quite ihaken off what they Hood making hands with ; the fault was in their courage, not in their caufe. In his Prayer he prays that the dijloyalty of his Proteftant Subjeils may not be a hindrance to her love of the true Religion ; and never prays, that the diffolutenefs of his Court, the Scandals of his Clergy, the unfoundnefs of his own Judgment* the lukewarmnefs of his Life, his Letter of compliance to the Pope, his per- mitting Agents at Rome, and the Pope's Nuntio here, may not be found in the fight of God far greater hindrances to her converfion. But this had been a futtle Prayer indeed, and well pray'd, though as duly as a Pater-ncfter, if it could have charm'd us to lit ftill and have Religion and our Liberties one by one lhatch'd from us, for tear left rifing to defend our felves,. we fhould fright the Queen, a ftiff Papift, from turning Proteftant. As if the way to make his Queen a Proteftant, had bin to make his Subjefts more than half-way Papifts. He prays next that his conftancy may be an antidote againft the poifon of other men' 's example \ His conftancy in what? Not in Religion, for it is openly known that her Religion wrought more upon him, than his Religion upon her ; and his open favouring of Papifts, and his hatred of them call'd Puritans, made moft men iufpeft the had quite perverted him. But what is it that the blindnefs of hypo- crify dares not do ? It dares pray, and thinks to hide that from the eyes of God,, which it cannot hide from the open view of man. VIII. Upon his Repulfe at Hull, and the Fate of the Hothams. HUE L, a Town of great ftrength and opportunity both to Sea and Land-Affairs, was at that time the Magazine of all thofe Arms which the King had bought with money moft illegally extorted from his Subjedts of England, to ufe in a caufelefs and moft unjuft Civil War againft his Subjects of Scotland. The King in high difcontent and an- ger had left the Parlament, and was gone toward the North, the Queen in- to Holland, where the pawn'd and let to fail the Crown-Jewels (a crime here- tofore counted treafonable in Kings) and to what intent thefe fums. were raifed, the Parlament was not ignorant. His going northward in fo high a chafe, they doubted was to poffefs himfelf of that ftrength, which the ftore- houfe and fuuation of Hull might add fuddenly to his malignant Party. Hav- ing firft therfore in many Petitions earneftly pray'd him to difpofe and fettle, with confent of both Houfes, the military Power in trufty hands, and he as oft refufing, they were neceffitated by the turbulence and danger of thofe times to put the Kingdom by their own authority into a pofture of defence ; and very timely fent Sir John Hotham, a Member of the Houfe, and Knight of that County, to take Hull into his cuftody, and fome of the Train'd-bands to his affiftance : Neither had the King before that time omitted to attempt the fame» firft by Colonel Legg, one of thofe who were imploy'd to bring the Army up againft the Parlament, then by the Earl of Newcafile under a difguife. And Letters of the Lord JDigby were intercepted, wherin was wifht that the King would declare himfelf, and retire to fome fafe place ; other information came from abroad, that Hull was tbe place defign'd for fome new enterprife. But An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 387 But thefe Attempts not fucceeding, and that Town being now in cuftody of the Parlament, he fends a MefTage to them, that he had firmly refolv'd to o- in Perfon into Ireland, to chaftife thofe wicked Rebels (for thefe and worfe words he then gave them) and that towards this work he intended forthwith to raife by his Commiffions, in the Counties near Weftcbefler, a Guard forhis own Perfon confifting of 2000 foot, and 200 horfe, that fhould be arm'd from his Magazine at Hull. On the other fide, the Parlament, forefeeino- the King's drift, about the fame time fend him a Petition, that they miokt have leave for necefiary caufes to remove the Magazine of Hull to the Tower of Lot- ion ; to which the King returns his denial •, and foon after going to Hull, at- tended with about 400 horfe, requires the Governor to deliver him up the Town : wherof the Governor befought humbly to be excus'd, till he could fend notice to the Parlament who had intruded him -, wherat the King much incens'd, proclaims him Traitor before the Town-Walls, and gives immediate order to flop all Paffages between him and the Parlament. Yet he himfelf dif- patches port after poft to demand juftice as upon a Traitor, ufing a ftran°-e ini- quity to require Juftice upon him whom he then waylaid and debarr'd from his appearance. The Parlament no fooner underftood what had pafs'd, but they declare that Sir John Hotham had done no more than was his duty, and was therfore no Traitor. This relation being moft true, proves that which is afHrm'd here to be moft falfe ; feeing the Parlament, whom he accounts his greatefi Enemies, had more confidence to abet and own what Sir John Hotham had done, than the King had confidence to let him anHv;r in his o>vn behalf. To fpeak of his patience, and in that folemn manner, he might better have forborn ; God knows, faith he, it affecled me more with for row for others than with anger for my felf; nor did the affront trouble me fo much as their fin. This is read, I doubt not, and believ'd : and as there is fome ule of every thing, fo is there of this Book, w ;re it but to fhew us, what a miferable, credulous, deluded thing that creatr.re is, which is call'd the vulgar ; who notwithstanding what they might know, will believe fuch vain-glories as thefe. Did not that cho- leric and vengeful act of proclaiming him Traitor before due procefs of Law, having been convinc'd fo late before of his illegality with the five Members, declare his anger to be incens'd ? doth not his own relation confefs as much ? and his fecond MefTage left him fuming three days after, and in plain words teftifies his impatience of delay till Hotham be feverely punifh'd, for that which he there terms an infupportable affront. Surely if his forrow for Sir John Hotham's fin were greater than his anger for the affr ont, it was an exceeding great forrow indeed, and wondrous charitable. But if it ftirr'd him lb vehemently to have Sir John Hotham punifht, and not at all that we hear to have him repent, it had a ftrange operation to be call'd a forrow for his fin. He who would perfuade us of his forrow for the fins of o- ther men, as they are fins, not as they are fin'd againft himfelf, rniift give us firft fome teftimony of a forrow for his own fins, and next for fuch fins of o- ther men as cannot be fuppofed a direct injury to himfelf. Bit fuch compunc- tion in the King no man hath yet oblerv'd ; and till then, his forrow for Sir John Hotham's fin will be call'd no other than the refentment of his repulfe ; and his labour to have the (inner only punifh'd, will be call'd by a right name, his revenge. And the hand of that cloud which cafl all foon after into darknefs and difor- der, was his own hand. For afiembling the Inhabitants of Torkjhire, and other Counties, horfe and foot, firft under colour of a new Guard to his Perfon, foon after, being fupply'd with Ammunition from Holland, bought with the Crown- Jewels, he begins an open War by laying fiege to Hull: which Town was not his own, but the Kingdom's •, and the Arms there, public Arms, bought with the public Money, or not his own. Yet had they bin his own by as good right as the private Houfe and Arms of any man are his own ; to ufe either of them in a way not private, but fufpicious to the Commonwealth, no Law permits, But the King had no propriety at all either in Hull or in the Magazine : 1b that the following Maxims which he cites of bold and dijloyal Undertakers, may belong more juftly to whom he leafr. meant them. After this he again relapfes into the praife of his patience atHtiU, and by his overtalking of it, feems to doubt ei- Vol. J, D d d 2 ther ngg An Anfioer to Eikon Bafiiike. ther his own confcience, or the hardnefs of other men's belief. To me the more he praifes it in himfelf, the more he feems to fufpeft that in very deed it was not in him, and that the lookers on fo likewife thought. Thus much of what he fuffe'rd by Hotham, and with what patience ; now ot what Hotham fuffered, as he judges, for oppofmg him : He could not but obferve how God not long after pleaded and aveng'd his caufe. Moft men are too apt, and commonly the worft of men, fo to interpret and expound the judgments ot God, and all other events of providence or chance, as makes moft to the jufti- fyino- of their own caufe, though never fo evil ; and attribute all to the particu- lar favour of God towards them. Thus when Saul heard that David was in Keilah, God, faith he, bath delivered him up into my bands, for be is jhut in. But how far that King was deceiv'd in his thought that God was favouring to his caufe that ftory unfolds ; and how little reafon this King had to impute the death of Hot ham to God's avengement of his repulfe at Hull, may eafily be feen. For while Hot bam continu'd faithful to his truft, no man more fafe, more fuc- cefsful, more in reputation than he : But from the time he firft fought to make his peace with the King, and to betray into his hands that Town, into which before he had deny r d him entrance, nothing profper'd with him. Certainly- had God purpofed him fuch an end for his oppofition to the King, he would not have deferr'd to punifh him till then, when of an enemy he was chang'd to- be the King's Friend, nor have made his repentance and amendment the occa- fion of his ruin. How much more likely is it, fince he fell into the ac~t of dif- loyalty to his charge, that the judgment of God concurred with the punish- ment of man, and juftly cut him off for revolting to the King? To give the World an example, that glorious deeds done to ambitious ends, find reward anfwerable, not to their outward feeming, but to their inward ambition. In the mean while, what thanks he had from the King for revolting to his caufe, and what good opinion for dying in his fervice r they who have ventur'd like him, or intend, may here take notice. He proceeds to declare, not only in general wherfore God's Judgment was upon Hotham, but undertakes by fancies, and allufions, to give a criticifin upon every particular : That his head was divided from his Body, becaufe his heart was divided from the King ; two heads cut off in one family for affronting the head of the Commonwealth ; the eldeft Son being infecled with the fin of the Father, again(t the Father of his Country. Thefe petty gloffes and conceits on the high and fe- cret Judgments of God, befides the boldnefs of unwarrantable commenting, are fo weak and fhallow, and fo like the quibbles of a Court-Sermon, that we may fafely reckon them either fetcht from fuch a pattern, or that the hand of fome houfhold Prieft foifted them in, left the World ihould forget how much he was the Difciple of thofe Cymbal Doctors. But that Argument by which the Au- thor would commend them to us, difcredits them the more : For if they be fo cbvious to every fancy, the more likely to be erroneous, and to mifconceive the mind of thofe high fecrecies, wherof they prefume to determine. For God judges not by human fancy. But however God judg'd Hotham, yet he had the King's pity : but mark the reafon how prepofterous ; fo far he had his pity, as he thought he at firft ailed more againjl the light of bis confcience than many other men in the fame caufe. Que- ftionlefs they who adl againft confcience, whether at the Rir oi human, or divine Juftice, are pitied leaft of all. Thefe are the common grounds and verdicts of Nature, wherof when he who hath the judging of a whole Nation, is found deftitute under fuch a Governor, that Nation muft needs be miferable. By the way he jerks at fome men's reforming to models of Religion, and that they think all is gold of Piety that doth but glifter with aff)ew of Zeal. We know his meaning, and apprehend how little hope there could be of him from luch lan- guage as this : But are fure that the piety of his prelatic Model glifter'd more upon the Pofts and Pillars which their zeal and fervency gilded over, than in the true works of fpiritual edification. He is for ry tbatHotham felt the juftice of others, andfellnot rather into the hands cf his mercy. But to clear that, he Ihould have fhewn us what mercy he had e- ver us'd to fuch as fell into his hands before, rather than what mercy he intend- ed to fuch as never could come to ask it. Whatever mercy one man might have expected, 'tis too well known the whole Nation found none •, though they be- lought; ;> An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 389 fought it often, and fo humbly, but had bin fwallow'd up in blood and ruin to fet his private will above the Parlament, had not his ftrength fail'd him. Yet clemency he counts a debt, which he ought pay to thofe that crave it ; fince we -pay not any thing to God for his Mercy but Prayers and Praifes. By this reafon we ought as freely to pay all things to all men ; for of all that we receive from God, what do we pay for, more than prayers and praifes ? we look'd for the difcharrreof his Office, the payment of his Duty to the Kingdom, and are paid Court-pay- ment with empty fentences that have the found of gravity, but the fignificance of nothing pertinent. Yet again after his mercy part and granted, he returns back to give fentence upon Hotham ; and whom he tells us he would fo fain have faved alive, him he never leaves killing with a repeated Condemnation, though dead long fince. It was ill that fomebody flood not near to whifper him, that a reiterating Judoe is worfe than a tormentor. He pities him, he rejoices not, he pities him again ; but {till is fure to brand him at the tail of his pity with fome ignominious mark, ei- ther of ambition or difloyalty. And with a kind of cenforious pity aggravates rather than leffens or conceals the fault : To pity thus, is to triumph. He a Humes to foreknow, that after -times will difpute, whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull, or at Tower-hill. What knew he of after-times, who while he fits judging and cenfuring without end, the fate of that unhappy Father and his Son at Tcwer-hill, knew not that the like fate attended him before his own Palace-Gate •, and as little knew whether after-times do not referve a oreater infamy upon his own Life and Reign. He lays but over again in his Prayer, what his Sermon hath preach'd : How acceptably to thofe in Heaven, we leave to be decided by that precept which for- bids vain Repetitions. Sure enough it lies as heavy as he can lay it upon the head of poor Hotham. Needs he will faften upon God a piece of revenge as done for his fake; and takes it for a favour, before he know it was intended him : which in his Clofet had bin excufable, but in a written and publifh'd Prayer too prefumptuous. Ecclefiaftes hath a right name for fuch kind of Sacrifices. Going on he prays thus, Let not thy Juftice prevent the objetls and opportunities of my Mercy. To folly, or to blafphemy, or to both fhall we impute this ? Shall the Juftice of God give place, and ferve to glorify the Mercies of a Man ? All other Men who know what they ask, defire of God that their doings may tend to his glory ; but in this prayer God is requir'd that his Juftice would forbear to prevent, and as good have faid to intrench upon the glory of a Man's Mercy. If God forbear his Juftice, it muft be fure to the magnifying of his own Mercy : But here a mortal man takes the boldnefs to ask that glory out of his hand. It may be doubted now by them who underftand Religion, whether the King were more unfortunate in this his Prayer, or Hotham in thofe his Sufferings. IX. Upon the lifting and raifmg Armies y &c. IT were an endlefs work to walk fide by fide with the verbofity of this Chap- ter ; only to what already hath not bin fpoken, convenient Anfwer fhall be given. He begins again with Tumults ; all demonftration of the People's Love and Loyalty to the Parlament was Tumult •, their Petitioning, Tumult ; their defenfive Armies were but lifted 'Tumults ; and will take no notice that thofe about him, thofe in a time of Peace lifted into his own Houfe, were the beginners of all thefe Tumults ; abufing and affaulting not only fuch as came peaceably to the Parlament at London, but thofe that came petitioning to the King himfelf at York. Neither did they abftain from doing violence and out- rage to the Meffengers fent from Parlament -, he himfelf either countenancing or conniving at them. He fuppofes that his recefs gave us confidence that he might be conquered. Other men fuppofe both that and all things elfe, who knew him neither by nature warlike, norexperiene'd, nor fortunate ; fofar was any Man that difecrn'd aught from efteeming him unconquerable ; yet fuch are readieft to imbroil others. But ("I ^o An Anfioer to Eikon Baillike. But he had a Soul invincible. What praife is that ? The Stomach of a Child isoftimes invincible to all correction. The unteachable man hath a foul to all reafon and good advice invincible ; and he who is intractable, he whom nothing can perfuade, may boaft himfelf invincible ; whenas in fome things to be over- come is more honeft and laudable than to conquer. He labours to have it thought that his fearing God more than Man was the ground of his fufferings ; but he fhould have known that a good principle not rightly uhderftood may prove as hurtful as a bad, and his fear of God may be as faulty as a blind zeal. He pretended to fear God more than the Parlament, who ne- ver urg'd him to do otherwife •, he fhould alfo have lear'd God more than he did his Courtiers, and the Bifhops who drew him, as they pleafed, to things in- confiftent with the fear of God. Thus boafted Saul to have performed the Com- mandment of God, and flood in it againft Samuel •, but it was found at length that; he had feared the People more than God, in faving thole fat Oxen for the worfhip of God which were appointed for deftruflion. Not much unlike, if not much worfe, was that fact of his, who for fear to dilpleafe his Court and mungrel Clergy, with the difTolutefl of the People, upheld in the Church of God, while his power lafted, thofe Beafts of Amalec, the Prelates, againft the advice of his Parlament and the example of all Reformation ; in this more un- excufable than Saul, that Saul was at length convine'd, he to the hour of death fixed in his falfe perfuafion, and fooths himfelf in the flattering peace of an er- roneous and obdurate confeience ; finging to his foul vain Pfalms of exultation,, as if the Parlament had afTailed his reafon with the force of Arms, and not he on the contrary their reafon with his Arms, which hath been prov'd already, and fhall be more hereafter. He twits them with his Ails of Grace ■, proud, and un-felf-knowing words ia the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God, and fuch as ought to be as odious in the ears of a free Nation. For if they were unjuft acts, why did he grant them as of grace ? If juft, it was not of his grace, but of his duty and his Oath to grant them. A glorious King he would be, though by his fufferings : But that can never be to him, whofe fufferings are his own doings. He feigns a hard choice put upon him, either to kill his Subjecls, or be killed. Yet never was Kinglefs in danger of any violence from his Subjects, till he unfheath'd his Sword againft them ; nay long after that time, when he had fpilt the blood of thoufands, they had ftill his Per- fon in a foolifh veneration. He complains, That civil War tnujl be the fruits of his feventeen years reign- ing -with fuch a meafure of J ujlice, Peace \ Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations ei- ther admired or envied. For the Juftice we had, let the Council-Table, Star- chamber, High-Commiffion fpeak the praife of it ; not forgetting the unprince- ly ufage, and, as far as might be, the abolifhing of Parlaments, the difplacing, of honeft Judges, the Sale of Offices, Bribery and Exaction, not found out to be punifhed, but to be fhared in with impunity for the time to come. Who can number the Extortions, the Oppreffions, the public Robberies and Rapines com- mitted on the Subject both by Sea and Land under various pretences ?. Their pofleflions alfo taken from them, one while as Foreft-Land, another while as Crown-Land ; nor were their Goods exempted, no not the Bullion in the Mint j Piracy was become a project own'd and authoriz'd againft the Subject. For the peace we had, what peace was that which drew out the Englifh to a needlefs and difhonourable Voyage againft the Spaniards at Coles ? Or that which lent our fhipping to a treacherous and Antichriftian War againft the poor Proteftants of Roche I our fuppliants ? What peace was that which fell to rob the French by Sea, to the imbarring of all our Merchants in that Kingdom ? which brought forth that unbleft expedition to the Ifle ofRhee, doubtful whether more calamitous in the fuccefs or in the defign, betraying all the flower of our military Youth and beft Commanders to a lhameful furprilal and execution. This was the peace we had, and the peace we gave, whether to friends or to foes abroad. And if at home any peace was intended us, what meant thofe billeted Soldiers in all parts of the Kingdom, and the defign of German Horfe to fubdue us in our peaceful Houfes ? For our Religion, where was there a more ignorant, profane, and vitiou? Clergy, learned in nothing but the antiquity of their Pride, their Covetoufnefs and An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. qoi and Superftition ? whofe unfincere and levenous Doctrine, corrupting the peo- ple, firft taught them Joofenefs, then bondage •, loofening them from all found knowledge and ftrictnefs of life, the more to fit them for the bondage of Tyran- ny and Superftition. So that what was left us for other Nations not to pity ra- ther than admire or envy, all thofe feventeen years, no wile man could fee. For wealth and plenty in a Land where Juftice reigns not, is no argument of a flourifhing State, but of a nearnefs rather to ruin or commotion. Thefe were not fome mifcarriages only of a Government, which might efcape, but a univerfal diftemper, and reducement of Law to arbitrary Power ; not through the evil counfels of fome men, but through the conftant courfe and practice of all that were in higheft favour : whofe worit actions he frequently avow'd and took upon himfelf, and whofe Perfons when he could no longer pro- tect, heefteem'd and favour'd to the end; but never otherwife than by constraint, yielding any of them to due Punishment ; wherby manifesting that what they did was by his own Authority and Approbation. Yet here he asks, Whofe innocent Blood he hathfhed, what Widows or Orphans tears can witnefs againft him ? after the fufpected poiibning of his Father, not enquirM into, but imother'd up, and him protected and advanc'd to the very half of his Kingdom, who was accufed in Parlament to be the Author of the fact, after fo many Years of cruel War on his People in three Kingdoms. Whence the Author of 'Truths manifeft, a Scotchman, not unacquainted with affairs, pofitively affirms, That there hath more Chriftian Blood been Jhed by the Commif- JioH, Approbation, and Connivance of King Charles and his Father James in the latter end of their reign, than in the Ten Roman Perfections. Not to fpeak of thofe many Whippings, Pillories, and other corporal inflictions wherwith his reign alfo before this War was rot unbloody •, fome have died in Prifon under cruel reftraint, others in Banifhment, whole Lives were fhorten'd through the rigor of that Perfecution wherwith fo many years he infefted the true Church. And thofe fix Members all men judg'd to have efcap'd no lefs than capital dan- ger, whom he fo greedily purfuing into the Houfe of Commons, had not there the forbearance to conceal how much it troubl'd him, That the Birds were flown. If fome Vultur in the Mountains could have open'd his Beak intelligibly and fpoke, what fitter words could he have utter'd at the lofs of his Prey ? The Tyrant Nero, though not yet deferving that name, fet his hand fo unwillingly to the execution of a condemn'd Perfon, as to wifh He had not known Letters. Certain- ly for a King himfelf to charge his Subjects with High Treafon, and fo vehe- mently to profecute them in his own caufe, as to do the Office of a Searcher, argu'd in him no great averfation from fhedding blood, were it but tofatisfy his anger, and that revenge was no unpleafing morfel to him, wherof he himfelf thought not much to be fo diligently his own Caterer. But we infill rather up- on what was actual, than what was probable. He now falls to examine the caufes of this War, as a difficulty which he had longjludied to find out. // was not, faith he, my withdrawing from Whitehall ; for no account in reafon could be given of thofe Tumults, where an orderly Guard was granted. But if it be a molt certain truth that the Parlament could never yet obtain of him any Guard fit to be confided in, then by his own confefiion fome account of thofe pretended Tumults may in reafon be given ; and bo:h concerning them and the Guards enough hath bin faid already. Whom did he protetl againft the Juftice of Parlament ? Whom did he not to his utmoft power ? Endeavouring to have refcu'd Strafford lrom their Juftice, tho' with the deftruction of them and the City •, to that end exprefly commanding the admittance of new Soldiers into the Tower, rais'd by Suckling and other Confpirators, under pretence for the Portugal; not to repeat his other Plot of bringing up the two Armies. But what can be disputed with fuch a King, in whofe mouth and opinion the Parlamnnt it felf was never but a Faclion, and their Juftice no Juftice, but the Diilates and overfwaying Infolence of Tumults and Rabbles ? and under that excufe avouches himfelf openly the general Patron of molt notorious Delinquents, an J . approves their Might out of the Land, whofe crimes were fuch, as that the jufteft and the faireft trial would have fooneft condemn'd them to death. But did not Catiline plead in like manner againft the Roman Senate, and the injustice of their trial, and the juftice of his Slight from Rome? Cefar alfo, then hatching Tyranny, injected the fame lcrupulous de- murs o 92 An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. murs to ftop the fentence of death in full and free Senate decreed on Lentulus and Cethegus, two of Catiline's accomplices, which were renew'd and urg'd for Stafford. He vouchfafes to the reformation, by both Kingdoms intended, no bet- ter name than Innovation and ruin both in Church and State. And what we would have learnt lb gladly of him in other pafTages before, to know wherin he tells us now of his own accord. The expelling Bifhops out of the Houfe of Peers, this was ruin to the State ; the removing them root and branch, this was ruin to the Church. How happy could this Nation be in fuch a Governor who counted that their ruin, which they thought their deliverance •, the ruin both of Church and State, which was the recovery and the faving of them both ? To the paffing of thofe Bills againft Bifhops, how is it likely that the Houfe of Peers gave fo hardly their confent, which they gave fo eafily before to the attaching them of HighTreafon, twelve at once, only for protefting that the Par- lament could not aft without them ? Surely if their rights and privileges were thought fo undoubted in that Houfe, as is here maintain'd •, then was that Pro- teftation, being meant and intended in the name of their whole fpiritual Order, no Treafon ; and fo that Houfe it felf will become liable to a juft conftruftion either of injuftice in them for fo confenting, or of ufurpation, reprefenting none but themfclves, to expeft that their voting or not voting fhould obftruft the Commons: Who not tor jive repulfes of the Lords, no not for fifty, were tode- fift from what in the name of the whole Kingdom they demanded, fo long as thofe Lords were none of our Lords. And for the Bill againft root and brandy tho' it pafs'd not in both Houfes till many of the Lords and lome few of the Commons, either enticed away by the King, or overaw'd by the fenfe of their own Malignancy, not prevailing, deferted the Parlament, and made a fair rid- dance of themfelves •, that was no warrant for them who remain'd faithful, be- ing far the greater number, to lay afide that Bill of root and branch, till the return of their fugitives j a Bill fo necefTary and fo much defir'd by themfelves- as by the People. This was the partiality, this degrading of the Bifhops, a thing fowholefome in the State, and fo orthodoxal in the Church both ancient and reformed, which, the King rather than affent to, will either hazard both his own and the Kingdom's ruin, by our juft defence againft his force of arms ; or pro/Irate our consciences in a blind obedience to himfelf, and thofe men r wbcfe fuperfiition, zealous or unzealous, would inforce upon us an Antichriftian tyranny in the Church, neither Primitive^ jlpojlolical, nor more anciently univerfal than fome other manifeft corruptions. But he was bound, befides his judgment, by a moji ftricl and undifpe; fable Oath to preferve that Order and the Rights of the Church. If he mean the Oath of his Co- ronation, and that the letter of that Oath admit not to be interpreted either by equity, reformation, or better knowledge, then was the King bound by that Oath to grant the Clergy all thofe Cuftoms, Franchifes, and Canonical Privi- leges granted to them by Edzvard the ConfefTor ; and fo might one day, under pretence of that Oath, and his confcience, have brought us all again to Popery. But had he fo well remembred as he ought, the words to which he fwore, he might have found himfelf no otherwife oblig'd there, than according to the Laws of God, and true prof ejfion of the Gofpel. For if thofe following words, Eftab/i/h'd' in this Kingdom, be fet there to limit and lay prefcription on the Laws of God and truth of the Gofpel by man's eftablifhment, nothing can be more abfurd or more injurious to Religion. So that however the German Emperors or other Kings have levied all thofe Wars on their Proteftant Subjects under the colour of a blind and literal obfervance to an Oath, yet this King had leaft pretence of all. Nor is it to be imagined, if what ftiall be eftablifh'd come in queftion, but that the Parlament fhould overfway the King, and not he the Parlament. And by all Law and Reafon that which the Parlament will not, is no more eftabliih'd in this King- dom, neither is the King bound by Oath to uphold it as a thing eftablifh'd. Had he gratified, he thinks, Antiepifcopal Faction with his confent, and facrific'd the Church-government and Revenues to the fury of their covetoufnefs, &:c. an Army had not bin raifed. Wheras it was the fury of his own hatred to the profeffors of true Religion which firft incited him to prefecute them with the Sword of War, when Whips, Pillories, Exiles, and I mprifonments were not thought fuf- ficient. To colour which he cannot find wherwithal but that ftale pretence of Charles the fifth, and other Popifh Kings, that the Proteftants had only an inten,. An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 393 intent to by hands on the Church-revenues, a thing never in the thoughts of this Parlament, till exhaufted by his endlefs War upon them, their necefiity (eiz'd on that for the Commonwealth, which the luxury of Prelates had abus'd before to a common mifchief. 1 lis confent to the unlording of Bi Chops (for to that he himfelf confented, and at Canterbury the chief feat of their Pride, fo God would have it) was from his firmperfwqfion of their contentednefs to fujfer a prefent diminution of their Rights. Can any man, reading this, not difcern the pure mockery of a Royal Confent, to delude us only for the prefent, meaning, it feems, when time mould ferve, to revoke all ? By this reckoning his confents and his denials come all to one pals : and wemayhence perceive thewildom and the integrity of thofe Votes -which voted his Conceflions at the IhVof Wight for grounds of a lafling Peace. This he alledges, this Controverfy about Bifhops, to be the true fiate of that diffe- rence between him and the Parlament. For he held Epifcopacy both very Sacred and Divine ; with this Judgment, and for this caufe he withdrew from the Par- lament, and confelfes that fome men knew be was like to bring again the fame judgment which he carried with him. A fair and unexpected juftification from his own mouth afforded to the Parlament, who notwithftanding what they knew of his obftinate mind, omitted not to ufe all thofe means, and that patience to have gain'd him. As for Delinquents, he allows them to be but the neceffary confluences of his and their w;tbdrazv;;:g and defending. A pretty fhift to mince the name of a De- linquent into a neceflkry Confequent : what is a Traitor, but the needfury con- fequence of his Treafon ? What a Rebel, but of his Rebellion ? From this conceit he would infer a Pretext only in the Parlament to fetch in Delinquents, as if there had indeed been no fuch caufe, but all the delinquency in London Tumults, Which is the over- worn theme, and ftuffing of all his difcourfes. This he thrice repeats to be the true ilate and reafon of all that War and De- vaftation in the Land ; and that of all the "Treaties and Proportions offer'd him, he was refolv'd never to grant the abolifhing of Epifcopal, or the eftablifhment of Prefbyterian Government. I would demand now of the Scots and Covenanters (for fo I call them, as mifobfervers of the Covenant) how they will reconcile the prefervation of Religion and their Liberties, and the bringing of Delinquents to condign punifoment, with the freedom, honour, and fafety of this vow'd reiolution here, that efteems all the Zeal of their proflituted Covenant no better than a noife and fhew of piety, a heat for reformation, filling them with prejudice, and ebjlrutling all equality and clearnefs of judgment in them. With thefe Principles who knows but that at length he might have come to take the Covenant, as o- thers whom they brotherly admit, have done before him ? And then all, no doubt, had gone well, and ended in a happy peace. His Prayer is moft of it borrow'd out of David ; but what if it be anfwer'd him as the Jews, who trufted in Mofes, were anfwer'd by our Saviour ; There is one that accufeth you, even David, whom you mifapply. He tells God, that his Enemies are many, but tells the People, when itferveshis turn, they are but a faclion of fome few, prevailing over the major part of both Houfes. God knows he had no prffion, defign or preparation to embroil his Kingdom in a Civil War. True ; for he thought his Kingdom to be Iffachar, iflrong Afs that would have couch 'd down between two burdens, the one of Prelatical Superflition, the other of civil Tyranny : but what palfion and defign, what clofe and open preparation he had made to fubdue us to both thefe by terror and preventive force, all the Nation knows. The confidence of fome Men had almofl perfwaded him to fufpetl his own innocence. As the words of Saint Paul had almofl perfwaded Agrippa to be a Chriflian. But almofl in the work of repentance is as good as not at all. God, faith he, will find out bloody and deceitful Men, many of whom have not liv'd out half their days. It behov'd him to have been more cautious how he tempted God's finding out of blood and deceit, till his own years had been further fpent, or that he had enjoy'd longer the fruits of his own violent Counfels. But inflead of warinefs he adds another temptation, charging God to know that the chief defign of this War was either to dejlroy his Perfon or to force his Judg- ment. And thus his Prayer from the evil practice of unjufl accufing Men to God, arifestothe hideous rafhnefs of accufing God before men, to know that for truth, which all men know to be moft falfe. Vol. I. Eec He q4 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. " H e prays, 72>«/ God would forgive the People, for they know not what they do. It is an eafy matter to fay over what our Saviour faid •, but how he lov'd the Peo- ple, other Arguments than affected Sayings muft demonftrate. He who fo oft hath prefurn'd rafhly to appeal to the knowledge and teftimony of God in things fo evidently untrue, may be doubted what belief or efteem he had of his for- givenefs, either to himfelf, or thofe for whom he would fo feign that men fhould hear he pray'd. X. Upon their feizing the Magazines , Forts , &c. TO put the matter fooneft out of controverfy who was the firft beginner of this Civil War, fince the beginning of all War may be difcern*d not only by the firft act of Hoftility, but by the Counfels and Preparations fore^oino-, it fhall evidently appear that the King was ftill foremoft in all thefe. No Kino- had ever at his firft coming to the Crown more love and acclamation from a people •, never any people found worfe requital of their loyalty and good affection : Firft, by his extraordinary fear and miftruft that their Liberties and Rights were the impairing and diminifhing of his Regal Power, the true Original of Tyranny ; next, by his hatred to all thofe who were efteem'd reli- gious ; doubting that their Principles too much afferted Liberty. This was quickly feen by the vehemence, and the caufes alledg'd of his perfecuting, the other by his frequent and opprobrious diffolution of Parlaments; after he had demanded more money of them, and they to obtain their Rights had granted him, than would have bought the 'Turk out of Morea, and fet free all the Greeks. But when he fought to extort from us, by way of Tribute, that which had been offer'd him conditionally in Parlament, as by a free People, and that thofe Extortions were now confum'd and wafted by the luxury of his Court, he began then (for ftill the more he did wrong, the more he fear'd) before any Tumult or Infurrection of the People, to take counfel how he might to- tally fubdue them to his own will. Then was the defign of German Horle, and Soldiers billeted in all parts ; the Pulpits refounded with no other Doctrine than that which gave all Property to the King, and Paflive Obedience to the Subject. After which innumerable forms and fhapes of new Exactions and Exacters overfpread the Land : Nor was it enough to be impoverifh'd, unlefs we were difarm'd. Our Train'd-Bands, which are the truftieft and moft proper ftrength of a free Nation, had their Arms in divers Counties taken from them j other Ammunition by defign was ingrofs'd and kept in the Tower, not to be bought without a Licence, and at a high rate. Thus far, and many other ways were his Counfels and Preparations before- hand with us, either to a Civil War, if it fhould happen, or to lubdue us with- out a War, which is all one, until the raifmg of his two Armies againft the Scots, and the fitter of them rais'd to the moft perfidious breaking ol a folemn Pacification. After the beginning of this Parlament, whom he faw fo refojute and unani- mous to relieve the Commonwealth, and that the Earl of Strafford was con- demn'd to die, other of his evil Couniellors impeach'd and imprifon'd, to fhew there wanted not evil Counfel within himfelf fufficient to begin a War upon his Subjects, though no way by them provok'd, he fends an Agent with Letters to the King of Denmark requiring aid againft the Parlament, endea- vours to bring up both Armies, firft the Engliflj, with whom 8000 IriJJj Pa- pifts rais'd by Strafford, and a French Army were to join; then the Scots at New- caftle, whom he thought to have encourag'd by telling them what money and horfe he was to have from Denmark. I mention not the Irhfh Confpiracy till due place. Thefe and many other were his Counfels toward a Civil War. His Preparations, after thofe two Armies were difmifs'd, could not fuddcnly be too- open : Neverthelefs there were 8000 Trijh Papifts which he refus'd to difband, though intreated by both Houfes, firft, for reafons beft known to himfelf, next, ■ under pretence of lending them to the Spaniard; and fo kept them undifband- ed • An Anfiver to Eikon Bafilike. 395 ed till very near the month wherin that Rebellion broke forth, He was alfo raifing Forces in London, pretended]/ to ferve the Portugal, but with intent to ieize the Tower. Into which divers Cannoneers were by him fent ; the Court was fortify'd with Ammunition, and Soldiers new lifted, follow'd the Kino- from London, and appear'd at King ft on fame hundreds of Horfe in a warlike manner, with Waggons of Ammunition after them ; the Queen in Holland was buying more •, the Inhabitants ofTorkJhire and other Counties were call'd to Arms, and actual Forces rais'd, while the Parlament were yet petitioning in peace. As to the Act of Hoftility, though not much material in whom firft it began after fuch Counfels and Preparations difcover'd, and fo far advane'd by the King, yet in that act alfo he will be found to have had precedency, if not at London by the afiault of his arm'd Court upon the naked People, and his at- tempt upon the Houfe of Commons, yet certainly at Hull, firft by his clofe Practices on that Town, next by his Siege. Thus whether Counfels, Prepa- rations, or Acts of Floftility be confider'd, it appears with evidence enough, though much more might be (aid, that the King is truly charg'd to be the firft beginner of thefe Civil Wars. To which may be added as a clofe, that in the Ifle of Wight he charg'd it upon himfelf at the public Treaty, and acquitted the Parlament. Bat as for the fecuring of Hull and the public ftores therin, and in other places, it was no furprifa I of his Strength ; the cuftody wherof by Authority of Parlament was committed into hands moft fit and moft refponfible for fuch a truft. It were a folly beyond ridiculous, to count ourfelves a free Nation, if the King, not in Parlament, but in his own Perfon, and againft them, might ap- propriate to himfelf the ftrength of a whole Nation as his proper Goods. What the Laws of the Land are, a Parlament fhould know beft, having both the life and death of Laws in their law-giving power : And the Law of England is, at beft, but the reafon of Parlament. The Parlament therfore, taking into their hands that wherof moft properly they ought to have the keeping, committed no furprifal. If they prevented him, that argu'd not at all either his innocency or unpreparednefs, but their timely forefight to ufe prevention. But what needed that ? They knew his chief eft Arms left him were thofe only which the ancient Chriftians were wont to ufe againft their Perfecutors, Prayers and Tears. O facred reverence of God, refpect and fname of Men, whither were ye fled when thefe hypocrifies were utter'd ? Was the Kingdom then at all that coft of Blood to remove from him none but Prayers and Tears ? What were thofe thoufands of Blaipheming Cavaliers about him, whofe mouths let fly Oaths and Curies by the volley ; were thofe the Prayers ? and thofe Caroufes drunk to the Confufion of all things good or holy, did thofe minifter the Tears ? Were they Prayers and Tears that were lifted at 2~ork, mufter'd on Heworth Moore, and laid fiege to Hull for the guard of his Perfon ? Were Prayers and Tears at fo high a rate in Hollaud, that nothing could purchafe them but the Crown- Jewels ? Yet they in Holland (fuch word was fent us) fold them for Guns, Carabines, Mortar-pieces, Cannons, and other deadly Inftruments of War-, which when they came toTork, were all no doubt by the merit of fome great Saint fuddenly transform'd into Prayers and Tears ; and being divided into Regiments and Brigades, were the only Arms that mifchiev'd us in all thofe Battles and Encounters. Thefe were his chief Arms, whatever we muft call them, and yet fuch Arms as they who fought for the Commonwealth have by the help of better Prayers vanquifh'd and brought to nothing. He bewails his want of the Militia, not fo much in reference to his own proteRi- cn as the People's, whofe many and fore Oppreffions grieve him. Never confidering how ill for leventeen years together he had protected them, and that thefe mife- ries of the People are ftill his own handy-work, having fmitten them like a fork- ed Arrow, fo fore into the Kingdom's fides, as not to be drawn out and cured without the incifion of more flefh. He tells us that what he wants in the hands of Power, he has in the wings of Faith and Prayer. But they who made no reckoning of thofe Wings while they had that power in their hands, may eafily miftake the Wings of Faith for the Wings of Prefumption, and fo fall headlong. Vo l.I. E e e 2 We 3! ,6 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. We meet next with a comparifon, how apt let them judge that have travell'd to Mecca, That the Parlament have hung the Majejiy of 'King/hip in an airy imagi- nation of Regality ', between the Privileges of both Houfes, like the Tomb of Mahomet. He knew not that he was prophefyingthe death and burial of a Turkijh Tyran- ny, that fpurn'd down thofe Laws which gave it life and being, lb long as it endur'd to be a regulated Monarchy. He counts it an injury not to have the fole Power in himfelf to help or hurt any ; and that the Militia which he holds to be his undoubted Rights fhould be difpos'd as the Parlament thinks ft : And yet confefTes that if he had it in his actual difpo- fing, he would defend thole whom he calls his good SubjeSs from thofe Men's vi- olence and fraud, who would per [wade the World that none but Wolves are fit to be trifled with the cujlody of the Shepherd and his Flock. Surely, if we may guefs whom he means here, by knowing whom he hath ever moft oppos'd in this Controverfy, we may then allure ourfelves that by violence and fraud he means that which the Parlament hath done in fettling the Militia, and thofe the Wolves, into whofe hands it was by them intruited : which draws a clear con- feffion from his own mouth, that if the Parlament had left him fole Power of the Militia, he would have us'd it to the deftruction of them and their Friends. As for fole power of the Militia which he claims as a Right no lefs un- doubted than the Crown, it hath been oft enough told him, that he hath no more Authority over the Sword than over the Law •, over the Law he hath none, either to eftablifh or to abrogate, to interpret or to execute, but only by his Courts and in his Courts, wherof the Parlament is higheft : no more therfore hath he power of the Militia, which is the Sword, either toufe or to difpofe, but with confent of Parlament ; give him but that, and as good give him all our Laws and Liberties. For if the power of the Sword were any where fepa- rate and undepending from the power of Law, which is originally feated in the higheft Court, then were that power of the Sword higher than the power of Law, and being at one Man's difpofal, might when he pleas'd controul the Law, and enflave us. Such power as chis did the King in open terms challenge to have over us, and brought thoufands to help him win it ; lb much more good at fighting than at underftanding, as to perfwade themfelves that they fought then for the Subject's Liberty. He is contented, becaufe he knows no other remedy, to refign this power for his own time, but not for his Succeffors : So diligent and careful he is that we fhould be Slaves, if not to him, yet to his Pofterity, and fain would leave us the Legacy of another War about it. But the Parlament have done well to remove that queftion : whom, as his manner is to dignify with fome good name or other, he calls now a many-headed Hydra of Government, full of faclious diftraftions, and not more eyes than mouths. Yet furely not more mouths, or not fo wide as the difiblute Rabble of all his Courtiers had, both Hees and Shees, if there were any Males among them. He would prove that to govern by Parlament hath a Monftrojity rather than Perfection ; and grounds his Argument upon two or three eminent Absurdities ; Firft, by placing Counfel in the Senfes, next, by turning the Senfes out of the Head, and in lieu therof placing Power fupreme above fenle and reafon -, which be now the greater Monftrofities ? Further to difpute what kind of Govern- ment is beft, would be a long Theme ; it fufficeth that his reafons here for Monarchy are found weak and inconiiderable. He bodes much horror and bad influence after his Eclipfe. He fpeaks his wifhes ; but they who by weighing prudently things paft, forefee things to come, the beft Divination, may hope rather all good fuccefs and happinels, by removing that darknefs, which the mifty cloud of his Prerogative made between us and a peaceful Reformation, which is our true Sun-light, and not he, though he would be taken for our Sun itfelf. And wherfore fhould we not hope to be govern'd more happily without a King, whenas all our mifery and trouble hath been either by a King, or by our necefiary vindication and defence a- gainfthim. He would be thought inforc'd to Perjury, by having granted the Militia, by which his Oath bound him to protect the People. If he can be perjurM in grant- ing that, why doth he reful'e for no other caufe the aboliihing of Epifcopacy ? But 5 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 307 But never was any Oath fo blind as to fvvear him to protect Delinquents againft Juftice, but to protect all the People in that Order, and by thofe hands which theParlament mould advife him to, and the protected confide in; and not un- der the fhew of Protection to hold a violent and incommunicable Sword over us as ready to be let fall upon our own necks, as upon our Enemies ; nor to make our own Hands and Weapons fight againft our own Liberties. By his parting with the Militia he takes to himfelf much praife of his affu- ranee in God's protection ; and to the Parlament imputes the fear of not daring to adventure the injuftice of their aclions upon any other way of fafety. But wherfore came not this afiurance of God's Protection to him, till the Militia was wrun°- out of his hand ? It fhculd feem by his holding it fo faft, that his own Actions and Intentions had no lefs of injuftice in them, than what he charges upon others, whom he terms Chaldeans, Sabeans, and the Devil himfelf. But Job us'd no fuch Militia againft thofe Enemies, nor fuch a Magazine as was at Hull, which this King fo contended for, and made War upon us, that he might have wherwithal to make War againft us. He concludes, that although they take all from him, yet can they not obftrutl his way to Heaven. It was no handfome occafion, by feigning obftrudtions where they are not, to tell us whither he was going : he fhould have fhut the door, and pray'd in fecret, not here in the high Street. Private Prayers in public, afk fomething of whom they afk not, and that ftiall be their Reward. XI. Upon the Nineteen Proportions , &c. OF the nineteen Proportions he names none in particular, neither fhall the Anfwer : But he infiftsupon the old Plea of his Confcience, Honour and Reafon ; ufing the plaufibility of large and indefinite words, to defend himfelf at fuch a diftance as may hinder the eye of common judgment from all diftinct view and examination of his reafoning. He would buy the peace of his People at any rate, fave only the parting with his Confcience and Honour. Yet fhews not how it can happen that the Peace of a People, if otherwife to be bought at any rate, fhould be inconfiftent or at variance with the Confcience and Ho- nour of a King. Till then we may receive it for a better fentence, that no- thing fhould be more agreeable to the Confcience and Honour of a King, than to preferve his Subjects in peace, efpecially from Civil War. And which of the Propofuions were obtruded on him with the point of the Sword, till he firft with the point of the Sword thruft from him both the Propofitions and the Propounders ? He never reckons thofe violent and mercilefs Obtrufi- ons, which for almoft twenty years he had been forcing upon tender Confciences by all forts of Perfecution, till through the multitude of them that were to Juffer, it could be no more call'd a Perfecution, but a plain War. From which when firft the Scots, then the Englifh were conftrain'd to defend themfelves, this their juft defence is that which he calls here, 'their making War upon his Soul. He grudges thatyi? many things are required of him, and nothing offered him in requital of thofe favours which he had granted. What could fatiate the defires of this Man, who being King of England, and Matter of almoft two Millions yearly, was ftill in want •, and thofe ads of Juftice which he was to do in duty, counts done as favours, and fuch favours as were not done without the avari- tious hopes of other Rewards befides fupreme Honour, and the conftant Re- venue of his place? This Honour, he faith, they did him, to put him on the giving part . And fpake truer than he intended, it being meerly for honour's fake that they did fo ; not that it belong'd to him of right : For what can he give to a Parlament, who receives all he hath from the People, and for the People's good ? Yet now he brings his own conditional Rights to conteft and be preferr'd before the Peo- ple's good ; and yet unlefs it be in order to their good, he hath no Rights at all ? reigning by the Laws of the Land, not by his own j which Laws are in the hands 39 g An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. hands of Parlament to change or abrogate as they fhall fee beft for the Com- monwealth ; even to the taking away of Kingfhip itfelf, when it grows too mafterful and burdenfome. For every Commonwealth is in general defin'd, a Society fufficient of itfelf in all things conducible to well-being and commo- dious life. Any of which requifite things, if it cannot have without the gift or favour of a fingle Perfon, or without leave of his private reafon or his confei- ence, it cannot be thought fufficient of itfelf, and by confequence no Common- wealth, nor free ; but a multitude of Vaflals in the poffeffion and domain of one abfolute Lord, and wholly obnoxious to his will. If the King have power to enve ordeny any thing to his Parlament, he muft do it either as a Perfon feveral from them, or as one greater ; neither of which will be allow'dhim : not to be confider'd feverally from them ; for as the King of England can do no wrong, fo neither can he do right but in his Courts and by his Courts •, and what is le- gally done in them, fliall be deem'd the King's affent, though he as a feveral Per- fon fhn.ll judge or endeavour the contrary •, fo that indeed without his Courts, or againft them, he is no King. If therfore he obtrude upon us any public mif- chief, or withhold from us any general good, which is wrong in the higheft de- gree, he muft do it as a Tyrant, not as a King of England, by the known Max- ims of our Law. Neither can he, as one greater, give aught to the Parlament which is not in their own power, but he muft be alio greater than the Kingdom which they reprefent : fo that to honour him with giving part was a meet civility, and may be well term'd the courtefy of England, not the King's due. But the incommunicable Jewel of his Confcience he will not give, but refervs to himfelf. It feems that his Confcience was none of the Crown- Jewels •, for thofe we know were in Holland, not incommunicable to buy Arms againft Subjects. Being therfore but a private Jewel, he could not have done a greater pleafure to the Kingdom than by referving it to himfelf. But he, contrary to what is here profefs'd, would have his Confcience not an incommunicable, but a uni- verfal Confcience, the whole Kingdom's Confcience. Thus what he feems to fear left we fhould ravifh from him, is our chief complaint that he obtruded up- on us •, we never fore'd him to part with his Confcience, but it was he that would have fore'd us to part with ours. Some things he taxes them to have offer'd him, which while he had the Maftery of his Reafon, he would never confent to. Very likely ; but had his reafon mafter'd him as it ought, and not been mafter'd long ago by his fenfe and humour (as the breeding of moft Kings hath been ever fenfual and moft humour'd) perhaps he would have made no difficulty. Mean while at what a fine pafs is the King- dom, that muft depend in greateft Exigencies upon the fantafy of aKing's Rea- fon, be he wife or fool, who arrogantly fhal-1 anfwer all the Wifdom of the Land, that what they offer feems to him unreafonable ? He prefers his love of 'Truth before his love of the People. His love of Truth would have led him to the fearch of Truth, and have taught him not to lean fo much upon his own underftanding. He met at firft with Doctrines of unac- countable Prerogative •, in them he refted, becaufe they pleas'd him •, they ther- fore pleas'd him becaufe they gave him all: and this he calls his love of Truth, and prefers it before love of his People's Peace. Some things they propos'd which would have wounded the inward peace cf 'his Confcience. The more our evil hap, that three Kingdoms fhould be thus pe- fter'd with one Confcience ; who chiefly fcrupled to grant us that which the Parlament advis'd him to, as the chief means of our public Welfare and Refor- mation. Thefe fcruples to many perhaps feem pretended ; to others, upon as good grounds, may feem real •, and that it was the juft judgment of God, that he who was fo cruel and fo remorfelefs to other Men's Confcience s, fhould have a Confcience within him as cruel to himfelf ; conftraining him, as he conftrain'd others, and infnaring him by fuch Ways and Counfels as were certain to be his deftruclion. Other things though he could approve, yet in honour and policy he thought ft to deny, left he fhould feem to dare deny nothing. By this means he will be fure, what with Reafon, Confcience, Honour, Policy, or Punctilio's, to be found never unfur- nifh'd of a denial: Whether it were his envy not to beoverbounteous, or that the fubmiffnefs of our afking ftirr'd up in him a certain pleafure of denying. Good Princes have thought it their chief happinefs to be always granting ; if good 5 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 599 good things, for the things fake ; if things indifferent, for the People's fake, while this man fits calculating variety or excufes how he may grant lead, as ifhis whole ftrength and royalty were plac'd in a meer negative. Of one Propolition eipecially he laments him much, that they would bind him to a general and implicit confent for whatever they defir'd. Which though I find not among the nineteen, yet undoubtedly the Oath of his Coronation binds him to no lels •, neither is he at all by his office to interpofe againft a Parlament in the making or not making of any Law; but to take that for juft and good legally, which is there decreed, and to fee it executed accordingly. Nor was he fet over us to vie wifdom with his Parlament, but to be guided by them : any of whom fqffibly may as fir excel him in the gift of wifdom, as he them in place and dig- nity. But much nearer is it toiinpoffibility that any King alone fhould be wiler than all his Council ; fure enough it was not he, though no King ever before him fo much contended to have it thought i'q. And if the Parlament fo thought not, but dtfir'd him to follow their advice and deliberation in things of public concernment, he accounts it the fame Propofition, asiiSampfon had been mov'd to putting out his eyes, that the Philijlines might abufe him. And thus out of an unwife or pretended fear left others fhould make a lcorn of him for yielding to his Parlament, he regards not to give caufe of worfe Sufpicion that he made a fcorn of his regal Oath. But to exclude him from all power of denial feems an arrogance ; in the Parlament he means : what in him then to deny againft the Parlament ? None at all by what he argues : For, by petitioning, they confefs their Inferiority, and that obliges them to reji, if not fatisfy'd, yet quieted with fucb an anfwer as the will and reafon of their Superior thinks fit to give. Firft, petitioning in better Englifj, is no more than requesting or requiring ; and men require not favours only, but their due, and that not only from Superiors, but from Equals, and Inferiors alfo. The nobleft Romans, when they flood for that which was a kind of regal honour, the Confulihip, were wont in a fubmiffive manner to go about, and beg that higheft Dignity of the meaneft Plebeians, naming them man by man ; which in their tongue was call'd Petitio confulatus. And the Parlament of England pe- tition'd the King, not becaufe all of them were inferior to him, but becaufe he was fuperior to any one of them, which they did of civil cuftom, and for fa- fhion's fake more than of duty •, for by plain Law cited before, the Parlament is his Superior. But what Law in any tryal or difpute enjoins a Free-man to reft quieted, though not fatisfied with the will and reafon of his Superior ? It were a mad Law that would fubjecl reafon to fuperiority of place. And if our higheft con- fultationsand purpos'd Laws muft be terminated by the King's Will, then is the Will of one man our Law, and no futtlety of difpute can redeem the Parlament and Nation from being Slaves : neither can any Tyrant require more than that his will or reafon, though not fatisfying, fhould yet be refted in, and determine all things. We may conclude therfore that when the Parlament petition'd the King, it was but meerly form, let it be as foolifi and abfurd as he pleafes. It cannot certainly be fo abfurd as what he requires, that the Parlament fhould confine their own and all the Kingdom's reafon to the will of one man, becaufe it was his hap to fucceed his Father. For neither God nor the Laws have fub- jecTedusto his will, nor fet his reafon to be our Sovereign above Law (which muft needs be, if he can ftrangle it in the birth) but fet his Perfon over us in the fovereign execution of fuch Laws as the Parlament eflablifh. The Parlament therfore without any ufurpation hath had it always in their power to limit and confine the exorbitancy of Kings, whether they call it their Will, their Reafon, or their Confcience. But this above all was never expected, nor is it to be endur'd, that a King, who is bound by Law and Oath to follow the advice of his Parlament, fhould be per- mitted to except againft them as young Statefmen, and proudly to fufpend his following their advice, until hisfeven years experience hadjhewn him how well they could govern themfelves. Doubtlels the Law never fuppos'd fo great an arro- gance could be in one Man ; that he whofe Seventeen years unexperience had almoft ruin'd all, lhould fit another (even years SchooJ-mafter, to tutor thofe who were fent by the whole Realm to be his Counfellors and Teachers. And with what Modefty can he pretend to be a Statesman himlelf; who with his Fa- ther's 400 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. ther's Kin^-craft and his own, did never that of his own accord which was not directly oppofite to his profefs'd Intereft bothat home and abroad j difcontenting and alienating his Subjects at home, weakning and deferting his Confederates abroad, and with them the common caufe of Religion? So that the whole courfe 'of his Reign, by an example of his own furniihing, hath refembled Pha- eton more than Phccbus, and forc'd the Parlament to drive like Jehu ; which O men taken from his own mouth God hath not diverted. And he on the other fide might have remembred that the Parlament fit in that body, not as his Subjects, but as his Superiors, call'd, not by him, but by the Law •, not only twice every year, but as oft as great affairs require, to be his Comfellors and Delators, tho' he ftomach it ; nor to be diffolv'd at his plea- fiire, but when all grievances be firft remov'd, all Petitions heard and anfwer'd. This is not only Reafon, but the known Law of the Land. When he heard that Propofitions would befent him, he fat conjecturing what they would propound ; and becaufe they propounded what he expected not, he takes that to be a warrant for his denying them. But what did he expect: ? He ex- pected that the Parlament would reinforce fome old Laws. But if thofe Laws were not a fufficient re meay to all grievances, nay were found to be grievances themfelves, when did we lofe that other part of our freedom to eftablifh new ? He thought fome injuries done by him/elf and others to the Commonwealth were to be repair' J. ' But how could that be, while he the chief Offender took upon him to be idle Judge both of the injury and the reparation ? Hejlaidtill the advantage of his Crown confider'd might induce him to condescend to the People's good. When- as the Crown itfelf with all thofe advantages were, therfore given him, that the people's good fhould be firft confider'd ; not bargain'd for, and bought by in- ches with the bribe of more offertures and advantages to his Crown. He look'd for moderate defires of due Reformation •, as if any fuch defires could be immode- rate. He look'd for fuch a Reformation both in Church and State, as might pre- ferve the roots of every grievance and abufe in both (till growing (which he calls the' foundation and efjentials) and would have only the excrefcencies of Evil prun'd away for the prefent, as was plotted before, that they might grow faft enough between Triennial Parlaments to hinder them by work enough be- fides from ever ftriking at the root. He alledges, They fliould have had regard to the haws in force, to the Wifdom and Piety of former Parlaments, to the ancient and univerfal Pratliceof Chriflian Churches. As if they who come with full authority to redrefs public grievances, which oftimes are Laws themfelves, were to have their hands bound by Laws in force, or the fuppofition of more piety and wif- dom in their Anceftors, or the practice ot Churches heretofore, whole Fathers, notwithstanding all thefe pretences, made as vaft alterations to free themfelves from ancient Popery. For all Antiquity that adds or varies from the Scripture is no more warranted to our fafe imitation, than vhat was done the Age before at Trent. Nor was there need to have defpair'd of what could be eitablifh'd in lieu of what was to be annull'd, having before his eyes the Government of fo many Churches beyond the Seas ; whole pregnant and folid reafons wrought fo with the Parlament, as to defire a Uniformity rather with all other Protectants, than to be aSchifm divided from them under a Conclave of thirty Bifhops, and •=a Crew of irreligious Priefts that gaped for the fame Preferment. And wheras he blames thofe Propofitions for not containing what they ought, what did they mention, but to vindicate and rejlore the Rights of Parlament in- vaded by Cabin Councils, the Courts of Jujlice cbjirufied, and the Government of Church innovated and corrupted ? All thefe things he might eafily haveob- ferv'd in them, which he affirms he could not find ; but found thofe demanding in Parlament who were lookt upon before as fattious in the State, and fchifmatical in the Church ; and demanding not only Toleration for themfelves in their vanity, novel- ty, an J confufion, but alfo an extirpation of that Government whofe Rights they had a mind to invade. Was this man ever likely to be advis'd, who with fuch a pre- judice and difefteem lets himfelf againft his chofen and appointed Counfellors ; likely ever to admit of Reformation, who cenfures all the Government of o- ther Proteitant Churches as bad as any Papift could have cenfur'd them ? And what King had ever his whoJe Kingdom in fuch contempt, fo to wrong and dif- honour the free electionsof his People, as to judge them whom the Nation thought worthielt to fit with him in Parlament, few elfe but fuch as were punifiabk by the An Anfioer to Eikon Baft like, 401 the Laws: yet knowing that time was, when to be a Proteftanf, tobeaChrifti- an, was by Law as punifhable as to be a Traitor ; and that our Saviour himfelf coming to reform his Church, was accus'd of an intent to invade Cafar'% right, as good a right as the Prelate Bifhops ever had ; the one being got by force, the other by fpiritual ufurpation, and both by force upheld, He admires and falls into an extafy that the Par'amentfhould fend him fuch a horrid Proportion, as the removal of Epifcopacy. But expect from him in an exta- fy no other reafons of his admiration than the dream and tautology of what he hath fo oft repeated, Law, Antiquity, Anceftors, Prosperity, and the like, which will be therfore not worth a fecond Aniwer, but may pafs with his own comparifon, into the common fewer of other Popifh arguments. Had the two Houfes fu'd out their Livery from the [Fardjbip of 'tumults, he could fooner have believ'd them. It concern'd them firft to lue out their Li- very from the unjuft Wardfhip of his encroaching Prerogative. And had he al- io redeem'd his overdated minority from a Pupilage under Bifhops, he would much lefs have miftrufted his Parlament •, and never would have fet (o bafe a character upon them, as to count them no better than the Vaffals of certain namelefs men, whom he charges to be fuch as hunt after Failion with their Hounds the Tumults. And yet the Bifhops could have told him, that Nimrod, the firft that hunted after Faction, is reputed by ancient Tradition the firft that founded Monarchy ; whence it appears that to hunt after Faction is more properly the ■King's Game, and thofe Hounds, which he calls the Vulgar, have been often halloo'd to from Court, of whom the mungrel fort have been intie'd -, the reft have not loft their fcent, but underftood aright that the Parlament had that part to ail which he had fail'd in ; that truji to difchaage, which he had broken ■, that eftate and honour to preferve, which was far beyond his, die eftate and honour of the Commonwealth, which he hadimbezl'd. Yetfo far doth felf-opinion or falfe principles delude andtranfporthim, as to think the concurrence of his rcafon to the Votes of Parlament, not only political, but natural, and as neceffary to the begetting, or bringing forth of any one compkat ail of public wifdom as the- Sun's influence is necefjary to all nature's productions. So ^ that the Parlament, it feems, is but a Female, and without his procreative Rea- fon can produce no Law : Wifdom, it feems, to a King is natural, to a Par- lament not natural, but by conjunction with the King : yet he profefTes to hold his Kingly Right by Law ; and if no Law coif d be made but by the great Council of a Nation, which we now term a Parlament, then certainly it was a Par- lament that firft created Kings ; and not only made Laws before a King was in being, but thofe Laws efpecially wherby he holds his Crown. He ought then to have fo thought of a Parlament, if he count it not Male, as of his Mother, which to civil Being created both him and the Royalty he wore. And if it hath bin anciently interpreted the prefaging fign of a future Tyrant, but to dream of copulation with his Mother, what can it be lefs than actual Tyran- ny to affirm waking, that the Parlament, which is his Mother, can neither con- ceive or bring forth any authoritative Ail without his mafculine coition ? Nay, that his Reafon is asceleftial and life-giving to the Parlament, as the Sun's in- fluence is to the Earth : What other notions but thefe or fuch like, could fwell up Caligula to think himfelf a God? But to be rid of thefe mortifying Propofitions, he leaves tyrannical evafion uneffay'd ; firft, that they arc not the joint and free defircs of both Houfes, or the ma- jor part ; next, that the choice of many Members was carried on by Fail ion. The former of thefe is already difcover'd to be an old device put firft in practice by Charles the fifth, fince Reformation : Who when the Proteftants of Germany for their own defence join'd themfelves in a League, in his Declarations and Re- monftrances laid the fault only upon fome few (for it was dangerous to take no- tice of too many Enemies ) and accufed them that under colour of Re- ligion they had a purpofe to invade his and the Church's right ; by which po- licy he deceiv'd many of the German Cities, and kept them divided from that League, until they law themfelves brought into a fnare. That other Cavil a- gainft the People's choice purs us in mind rather what the Court was wont to do, and how to tamper with Elections : neither was there at that time any Faction more potent, or more likely to do fuch a bufinefs than they themfelves whocom- plain molt. Vol. I. Fff Bu: 4<D2 An Anfccer to Eikon Bafilike. But he mufl chew fuch Morfels, as Propositions, ere he let them down. So let him-, but if the Kingdom fhall tafte nothing but after his chewing, what does he make of the Kingdom but a great Baby ? Theftreightnefs of his Confcience will not give him leave tofwallow down fuch Camels of facrtlcge and injuftice as others do. This is the Pharifee up and down, / am not as other men are. But what Camels of injuftice he could devour, all his three Realms were witnefs, which was the caufe that they almoft perifh'd for want of Parlaments. And he that will be unjuft to man, will be facrilegious to God •, and to bereave a Chiiftian Con- fcience of liberty for no other reafon than the narrownefs of his own Con- fcience, is the moft unjuft meafure to man, and the worft facrilege to God. That other, which he calls Sacrilege, of taking from the Clergy that fuperflu- cus Wealth, which antiquity as old as Conftantine, from the credit of a divine Villon, counted foifon in the Church, hath been ever moft oppos'd by men whofe righteoufnefs in other matters hath been leaft obferv'd. He concludes, as his manner is, with high commendation of his own unbiafs'd Rectitude, and believes nothing to be in them that diffent Irom him, but Faction, Innovation, and par- ticular Defigns. Of thele Repetitions I find no end, no not in his Prayer ; which being founded upon deceitful Principles, and a fond hope that God will blefs him in thofe his Errors, which he calls honejl, finds a fit anfwer of St. James, Ye ajk and receive not, b-ecaufe ye ajk amifs. As for the truth and fin- cerity which he prays may be always found in thofe his Declarations to the people, the contrariety of his own actions wiil bear eternal witnefs, how little careful or folicitous he was, what he promis'd or what he utter'd there. XII. Upon the Rebellion in Ireland. TH E Rebellion and horrid Maffacre of Englifh Proteftants in Ireland, to the number of 1 54000 by their own computation, although fo fud- den and fo violent, as at firft to amaze all men that were not accefi* fary •, yet from whom, and from what counfels it firft fprung, neither was, nor could be polfibly fo fecret, as the Contrivers therof, blinded with vain hope, or the defpair that other Plots would fucceed, fuppos'd : for it cannot be ima- ginable that the Irifh, guided by fo many futtle and Italian heads of the Romi/h Party, fhould fo far have loft the ufe of reafon, and indeed of common fenfe, as not fupported with other ftrength than their own, to begin a War fo defpe- rate and irreconcilable againft both England and Scotland at once. All other Na- tions from whom they could expect aid, were bufied to the utmoft in their own moft necefiary Concernments. It remains then that either fome authority, or fome great afliftance promis'd them from England, was that wheron they chiefly trufted. And as it is not difficult to difcern from what inducing Caufe this Infurrcftion firft arofe, fo neither was it hard at firft to have apply' d fome effectual Remedy, though not prevention. But the affurance which they had in private, that no remedy fhould be apply'd, was it feems, one of the chief reafons that drew on their undertaking. Seeing then the main incitement and authority for this Rebellion muft be needs deriv'd from England, it will be next inquir'd who was the prime Author. The King here denounces a Malediction temporal and eternal, not fimply to the Au- thor, but to the malicious Author of this bloodfhed : and by that limitation may exempt, not himfelf only, but perhaps the Irifh Rebels themfelves, who never will confefs to God or Man that any blood was fhed by them malicioufly ; hut either in the Catholic Caufe, or common Liberty, or fome other fpecious Plea, which the Confcience from grounds both good and evil ufually fuggefts ro itfclf, therby thinking to elude the direct force of that imputation which lies upon them. Yet he acknowledges it fell out as a moft unhappy advantage of fome mens malice againft him : but indeed of moft mens juft fufpicion, by finding in it no fuch wide departure or difagreement from the fcope of his former Counfels and Pro- ceedings. And that he himfelf was the Author of that Rebellion, he denies both An Anfeocr to Eikon BafiJike. 403 both here and elfewhere, with many Imprecations, but no folid evidence ; What on the other fide againft his denial hath bin affirm'd in three Kingdoms, being here briefly fet in view, the Reader may lb judge as he finds caufe. This is mod certain, that the King was ever friendly to the Irifh Papifts, and in his third year, againft the plain advice of Parlament, like a kind oi Pope, fold them many Indigencies for money •» and upon all occafions advancing the Popiih Party, and negotiating under- hand by Priefts, who were made his A gents, ingag'd the Irijh Papifts in a War againft the Scotch Proteftants. To that end he furnifh'd them, and had them train'd in Arms, and kept them up the only Army in his three Kingdoms, till the very burft of that Rebellion. The Summer before that difmal Otiober, a Committee of moft active Papifts, all fince in the head of that Rebellion, were in great favour at While-Hall - % and admitted to many private Confultations with the King and Queen. And to make it evident that no mean matters were the fubjeft of thofe Conferences, at their requeft he gave away his peculiar right to more than five Irijh Counties, for tiic 1 nt of an inconfiderable Rent. They departed not home till within two months before the Rebellion ; and were either from the firft break- ing out, or foon after, found to be the chief Rebels themfelves. But what fhould move the King, befides his own inclination to Popery, and the preva- lence of his Queen over him, to hold fuch frequent and dole meetings with a Committee of Irijh Papifts in his own Houfe, while the Parlament of England (lite unadrifed with, is declared by a Scotch Author, and of it felf is clear igh. The Parlament at the beginning of that Summer, having put Straf- ford to death, imprifon'd others his chief Favourites, and driven the reft to fly *, the King, who had in vain tempted both the Scotch and the Englijh^ Army to come up againft the Parlament and City, finding no compliance anfwerable to his hope from the Proteftant Armies, betakes himfelf laft to the Irijh, who had in readinefs an Army of eight thoufand Papifts, and a Committee here of the fame RHigion. And with them, who thought the time now come to do eminent fervice for the Church oi Rome againft a Puritan Parlament, he concludes that fo focn as both Armies in England fhould be difbanded, the Irijh fhould appear in Arms, mafter all the Proteftants, and help the King againft his Parlament. And we need not doubt that thofe five Counties were given to the Irijh for other reafon than the four Northern Counties had bin a little before offer'd to the Scots. The King in Augujl takes a journey into Scotland ■, and overtaking the Scotch Army then on their way home, attempts the fecond time to pervert them, but without fuccefs. No fooner come into Scotland, but he lays a Plot, fo faith the Scotch Author, to remove out of the way fuch of the Nobility there, as were moft likely to withftand, or not to further his defigns. This being dif- cover'd, he fends from his fide one Dillon a Papift Lord, foon after a chief Rebel, with Letters into Ireland ; and difpatches a Commiflion under the Great Seal of Scotland at that time in his own cuftody, commanding that they fhould forthwith, as had bin formerly agreed, caufe all the Irijh to rife in Arms. Who no fooner had receiv'd fuch command, but obey'd •, and began in Mafifacre, for they knew no other way to make fure the Proteftants, which was commanded them exprefly •, and the way, it feems, left to their difcretion. He who hath a mind to read the Commiflion it felf, and found reafon added why it was not likely to be forg'd, befides the atteftation of fo many Irijh themfelves, may have recourfe to a Book, intitled, The Myftery of Iniquity. After the Rebellion broken out, which in words only he detefted, but under- hand favour'd and promoted by all the offices of friendfhip, correfpondence, and what poflible aid he could afford them, the particulars wherof are too many to be inferted here, I fuppofe no underftanding man could longer doubt who was Author or Injligator of that Rebellion. If there be who yet doubt, I refer them efpecially to that Declaration of July 1643, concerning this matter. A- gainft which Teftimonies, Likelihoods, Evidences, and apparent A&ions of his own, being fo abundant, the bare denial of one man, though with impreca- tion, cannot in any reafon countervail. As for the Commiflion granted them, he thinks to evade that by retorting, that ft me in England fight againft him, and yet pretend his authority. But though a Parlament by the known Laws may affirm juftly to have the King's Authority inleparable from that Court, though divided' from his Perfon, it is not credible Vol. I. Fff a that 404 si* 1 Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. that the Irijb Rebels who fo much tender'd his Perfon above his Authority, and were by him fo well receiv'd at Oxford, would be fo far from all humanity, as to flander him with a particular Commiflion, fign'd and lent them by his own hand. And of his good affedion to the Rebels, this Chapter itfelf is not without witnefs. He holds them lefs in fault than the Scots, as from whom they might alledge to have fetch'd their imitation ; making no difference between men that rofe neceffarily to defend themfelves, which no Proteftant Doctrine ever dif- allow'd, againft them who threaten'd War, and thofe who began a voluntary and cauflefs Rebellion with the Maffacre of fo many thoufands who never mean: them harm. He falls next to flames, and a multitude of words, in all which is contain'd no more, than what might be the Plea of any guikieft Offender : He was not the Author, becaufe he hath the great eft JJjare of lofs and diftionour by what is com- mitted. Who is there that offends God, or his Neighbour, on whom the great- eft fhare of lofs and difhonour lights not in the end? But in the ail of doing evil, men ufe not to confider the event of their evil doing •, or if they do, have then no power to curb the fway of their own wickednefs ; fo that the greateft fhare of lofs and difhonour to happen upon themfelves, is no argument that they were not guilty. This other is as weak, that a King's Intereft above that of any other man, lies chiefly in the common Welfare of his Subjetls ; therfore no King will do aught againft the common welfare. For by this evafion any Ty- rant might as well purge himfelf from the guilt of railing Troubles or Commo- tions among the people, becaufe undoubtedly his chief intereft lies in their fit- ting ftill. I faid but now that even this Chapter, if nothing elfe, might fufiice to difco- ver his good affection to the Rebels ; which in this that follows too notori- ouily appears •, imputing this Infurreclion to the prepoflerous Rigour, andunreafo- nable Severity, the covetous Zeal and uncharitable Fury of fome men, (thek fome me* by his continual paraphrafe are meant the Parlament ;) and laftly, to the fear of utter extirpation. If the whole Irifhry of Rebels had fee'd fome Advocate to fpeak partially and fophiftically in their defence, he could have hardly dazl'd better : yet neverthelefs would have prov'd himielf no other than a plaufible De- ceiver. And perhaps thofe feigned Terrors and Jealoufies were either by the King himfelf, or the Popifh Priefts which were fent by him, put into the head of that inquifitive People, on fet purpofe to engage them. For who had power to opprefs them, or to relieve them being oppreft, but the King or his immediate Deputy? This rather fhould have made them rife againlt the King than againft the Parlament. Who threaten'd or ever thought of their extirpation, till they themfelves had begun it to the Englifh ? As ior prepcjlerous Rigour, covetous Zeal, and uncharitable Fury -, they had more reafon to iufpecT: thole Evils firft from his own commands, whom they faw ufing daily no greater argument to prove the truth of his Religion than by enduring no other but his own Prelatical •, and to force it upon others, made Epifcopal, Ceremonial, and Common-Prayer- Book Wars. But thePapifts underftoodhim bettter than by the outfide ; and knew that thofe Wars were their Wars. Although if the Commonwealth fhould be afraid to fupprefs open Idolatry, left th e D Papilb therupon fhould grow defperate, this were to let them grow and become our Perlecutors, while we neglefted what we might have done Evangelically, to be their Reformers : Or to do as his Father James did, who inftead of taking heart and putting confidence in God by fuch a deliverance as from the Powder-Plot, though it went not off, yet with the meer conceit of it, as fome obferve, was hit into fuch a hetlic trembling between Proteftant and Papift all his life after, as that he never durft from that time do otherwife than equivocate or colloo-ue with the Pope. and his adherents. He would be thought to commiferate the fad effecls of that Rebellion, and to lament that the tears and blood fpilt there did not quench the fparks of our civil dif- cord here. But who began thefe diffenfions ? and what can be more openly known than thofe retardings and delays which by himfelf were continually de"- vis'd, to hinder and put back the relief of thofe diftreffed Proteftants, whom he leems here to companionate ? The particulars are too well known to be re- cited and too many. But An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. 405 Bat he offer' d to gohimfelf in per/on upon that expedition •, and reckons up many formifes why he thinks they would not fuffer him. But mentions not that by his underdealing to debauch Armies here at home, and by his fecret Intercourfe with the chief Rebels, long ere that time every where known, he had brought the Parlament into fo juft a diffidence of him, as that they durft not leave the public Arms to his diipofal, much lefs an Army to his conduct. He concludes, That next the fin of thofe zvbo began that Rebellion, theirs mufl needs be who hindered the fuppreffing, or diverted the aids. Bit judgment rafhly given oftimes involves the Judge himfelf. He finds fault with thofe who threatened all extremity to the Rebels, and pleads much that mercy ihould be fnown them. It feems he found himfelf not fo much concern'd as thofe who had loft Fathers, Brothers, Wives and Children by their cruelty •, whom in juftice to retaliate, is not as he fuppofes unevangelical, fo long as Magistracy and War are not laid down under the Gofpel. If this his Sermon of affected mercy were not too Pharifaical, how could he permit himfelf to caufe the daughter of fo many thoufands here in England for mere Prerogatives, the Toys and Gewgaws of his Crown, for Copes and Surplices, the Trinkets of his Priefts, and not per- ceive his own zeal, while he taxes others to be moft prepoiterous and unevan- gelical ? Neither is there the fame caufe to deftroy a whole City for the ravifh- ing of a Sifter, not done out of Villany, and recompence offer'd by Marriage ; nor the fame cafe for thofe Difciples to fummon fire from Heaven upon the whole City where they were deny'd lodging ; and for a Nation by juft War and execution to flay whole Families of them who fo barbaroufly had (lain whole Families before. Did not all Jfrael do as much againft the Benjamites for one Rape committed by a few, and defended by the whole Tribe ? and did they not the fame to J-abeJlo-Gi lead for not affiftingthem in that revenge ? I fpeak not this, that fuch meafure fhould be meted rigoroufly to all the Irijh, or as remem- bring that the Parlament ever fo decreed ; but to fhew that this his Homily hath more of craft and affectation in it, than of found Doctrine. But it was happy that his going into Ireland was not confented to ; for either he had certainly turn'd his intended forces againft the Parlament itfelf, or not gone at all ; or had he gone, what work he would have made there, his own following words declare. He 'would have ptmiftSd feme, no queftion -, for fome perhaps who were of leaft ufe, mult of necetfity have been facrifie'd to his reputation, and the convenience of his affairs. Others he would have difarm'd ; that is to fay, in his own time : but all of them he would have protected 'from the fury of thofe that would have drown' d them, if they had ' refus* d to fwim down the popular ftream. Thefe expreffions are too often met, and too well underftood for any man to doubt his meaning. By the, fury of thofe, he means no other than the Juftice of Parlament, to whom yet he had committed the whole bufinefs. Thofe who would have refus'd to fwim down the popular ftream, our conftant key tells us to be Papifts, Prelates, and their Faction ; thefe by his own confeffion here, he would have protected againft his Puritan Par- lament : And by this who fees not that he and the Irifh Rebels had but one aim, one and the fame drift, and would have forthwith join'd in one body againft us ? He goes on ftill in his tendernefs of the Irifh Rebels, fearing left our zeal fhould be more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin than for any barm he hath done. This either juftifies the Rebels to have done no harm at all, or infers his opi- nion that the Parlament is more bloody and rapacious in theprofecution of their Juftice, than thofe Rebels were in the execution of their barbarous cruelty. Let men doubt now and difpute to whom the King was a Friend moft, to his Eng- lifh Parlament, or to his Irifh Rebels. With whom, that we may yet fee further how much he was their Friend, af- ter that the Parlament had brought them every where either to Famine, or a low- Condition, he to give them all the refpit and advantages they could defire, with- out advice of Parlament, to whom lie himfelf had committed the managing of that War, makes a Ceffation ; in pretence to relieve the Proteftants, oyer born there with numbers, but as the event prov'd, tofupportthe Papifts, by diverting and drawing over the Englifl) Army there, to his own fervice here againft the Par- lament. For that the Proteftants were then on the winning hand, it mult needs be plain •, who notwithstanding the rnifs of thofe Forces, which at their landing here mafter'd without difficulty great part of Wales and Che/hire, vet made 40 6 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. a fhift to keep their own in Ireland. But the plot of this Irijh Truce is in good part difcover'd in that Declaration of September 30, 1643. And if the Pro- teftants were but handfuh there, as he calls them, why did he ftop and way-lay both by Land and Sea, to his utmoft power, thole Provifions and Supplies which were fent by the Parlament ? How were ib many handfuh call'd over, as for a while flood him in no fmall ftead, and againft our main Forces here in England ? Since therfore all the reafons that can be given of this CefTation appear fo falfe and frivolous, it may be juftly fear'd that the defign itfelf was molt wick- ed and pernicious. What remains then ? He. appeals to God, andiscaft; liken- ing his punifhments to Job's, trials, before he law them to have Job's ending. He cannot ftand to make prolix apologies. Then furely thole long Pamphlets let out for Declarations and Remonftrances in his name, were none of his ; and how they lhould be his indeed, being fo repugnant to the whole courie of his Actions, augments the difficulty. But he ufurps a common faying, That, it is Kingly to do well, and hear ill. That may be fometimes true : but far more frequently to do ill and hear well ; fo great is the multitude of Flatterers, and them that deify the name of King. Yet not content with thefe neighbours, we have him ftill a perpetual Preacher of his own virtues, and of that efpecially, which who knows not to be patience perforce ? He believes it will at loft appear that they whofirft began to embroil his ether King - doms, are alfo guilty of the blood of Ireland. And we believe fo too; for now the CefTation is become a Peace by publifli'd Articles, and Commiffion to bring them over againft England, firft only ten thoufand by the Earl of 'Glamorgan, next all of them, ifpoffible, under Ormond, which was the laft of all his Tranf- aftions done as a public Perfon. And no wonder •, for he look'd upon the blood fpilt, whether ofSubjeclsor of Rebels, with an indifferent eye, asexhaufled out of his own veins ; without diftinguifhing, as he ought, which was good blood and which corrupt ; the not letting out wherof, endangers the whole body. And what the Doctrine is, ye may perceive alfo by the Prayer, which after a fhort ejaculation for the poor Protejlants, prays at large for the Irifh Rebels, that God would not give them over, or their Children, to the covetoufnefs, cruelty^ fierce and curfed anger of the Parlament. He finifhes with a deliberate and folemn Curfe upon himfelf and his Father's lloufe. "Which how far God hath already brought to pafs, is to the end that men by fo eminent an example lhould learn to tremble at his judgments, and not play with imprecations. XIII. Upon the calling in of the Scots, and their coming. IT muff, needs feem ftrange to Men who accuftom themfelves to ponder and contemplate things in their firft original and inftitution, that Kings, who, as all other Officers of the Public, were at firft chofen and inftall'd only by confent and fuffrage of the People, to govern them as Freemen by Laws of their own framing, and to be, in confideration of that dignity and riches beftow'd upon them, the intruded Servants of the Commonwealth, fhould notwithftanding grow up to that difhoneft encroachment, as to efteem them- felves Mafters both of that great Truft which they ferve, and of the People that betrufted them : counting what they ought to do, both in difcharge of their public duty, and for the great reward of Honour and Revenue which they re- ceive, as clone all of meer grace and favour-, as if their power over us were by nature, and from themfelves, or that God had fold us into their hands. This ignorance or wilful miftake .of the whole matter, had taken fo deep root in the imagination of this King, that whether to the Englijh or to the Scot, men- tioning what a&sof his Regal Office, though God knows how unwillingly, he had An Anfxer to Eikon Bafilike. 407 had pafs'd, he calls them, us in other places, Acts of grace and bounty; fo here ■ al obligations, favours, to gratify a£tive Jpirits, and the defires of that -pari-';. Words not only founding Pride and Lordly Ufurpation, but Injuilice, Partiaiity and Corruption. For to the Irijh he fo far condefcended, as firft to tolerate in private, then to covenant openly the tolerating of Popery t So far to the Scot, as to remove Bifhops, eilablifh Presbytery, and the Militia in their own hands ; preferring, as fame thought, the Defires of Scotland before his own In- ierej Horn ur. But being once on this fide Tweed, his reafon, his conference, and his honour became fo ilreighten'd with a kind of falfe Virginity, that to the Englijh neither one or other of the fame demands could be granted, wher- with the Scots were gratifyM; as if our air and climate on a hidden had chang'd the property and the nature both of Conference, Honour, and Reafon, or that lie found none fo fit as Englijh to be the fubjecls of his arbitrary power. Ire- land was as Ephraim, the lirength of his head, Scotland as Judah, was his Law- giver ; but over England, as over Edom, he meant to caft his Shoe, and yet fo many fober Englijhmen not fuffkiently awake to confider this, like men in- chanted with the Circaan cup of fervitude, will not be held back from running their own heads into the Yoke of Bondage. The furri of his difcourfe is agalnft fettling of Religion by violent means; which whether it were the Scots defign upon England, they are beft able to clear them- felves. But this of all may ieem flrangeft, that the King, who, while it was permitted him, never did thing more eagerly than to molell and periecute the confeiences of moll religious men •, he who had made a War, and loft all rather than not uphold a Hierarchy of perfecuting Bifhops, fhould have the con- fidence here to profefs himfelf fo much an Enemy of thofe that force the con- fidence. For was it not he, who upon the Englijh obtruded new Ceremonies, upon the Scots a new Liturgy, and with his fword went about to engrave a bloody Rubric on their backs ? Did he not forbid and hinder all effectual fearch of Truth ; nay, like a befieging Enemy, ftoptall her paflages both by word and writing? Yet here can talk of fair and equal difputations : where notwithftand- ing, if all fubm it not to his judgment, as not being rational- conviSied, they mull fubmit (and he conceals it not) to his penalty, as counted objlinate. But what if he himfelf and thofe his learned Churchmen were the convicted or the obilinate part long ago, fhould Reformation fuffer them to fit lording over the Church in their fat Bifhoprics and Pluralities, like the great Whore that fitteth upon many Waters, till they would vouchfafe to be difputed out ? Or fhould we fit difputing, while they fat plotting and perfecuting ? Thofe Clergymen were not to be driven into the fold like Sheep, as his Simile runs, but to be driven out of the Fold like Wolves or Thieves, where they fat fleecing thofe Flocks which they never fed. He believes that Presbytery, though prov'd to be the only luff Hut ion ofjefus Cbriji, were not by the Sword to be Jet up without his confent ; which is contrary both to the Doclrine, and the known Practice of all Proteftant Churches, if his Sword threaten thofe who of their own accord embrace it. And although Chrijl and his Apoilles being to civil affairs but private men, contended not with Magiftrates, yet when Magillrates themfclves, and efpecially Parlaments, who have greateil right to difpofe of the civil Sword, come to know Religion, they ought in confidence to defend all thofe who receive it willingly againil the violence of any King or Tyrant whatfoever. Neither is it therfore true, Thai Chrijlianity is planted or watred with Chrijlian Blood', £< r there is a large'difference between forcing men by the Sword to turn Prefbytcriar.s, and de- fending thofe who willingly are fo from a furious inroad of bloody Biiho rm'd with the Militia of a King their Pupil. And if covetoufnefs and ambition Uc . ar- gument 1 kit Prejbytery both not much of Chrijl , it argues morellrongly againil E- nifcopacy ; which from the time of her firft mounting to an order above the Prefbyters, had no other Parents than Covetoufnefs and Ambition. And thofe Setts, Schifms, andHerejtes, which he fpeaks of, if they get but Jtrengtb and num- bers, need no oi\ur pattern than Epifeopacy and himfelf, to fet up their ways by the like method of violence. Nor is there any thing that hath more marks of Schifm and Seclarifm than Englijh Epifeopacy ; whether we look at Apoftolic times, or at reformed Churches •, for the univerfalway of Church -government before, may as foon lead us into grofs error, as their univerlally corrupted Doctrine. And Govern- 408 An Anfioer to Eikon Baillike* Government, by reafon of ambition, was likelieft to be corrupted much the fooner of the two. However, nothing can be to us catholic or univerfal in Re- ligion, but what the Scripture teaches •, whatfoever without Scripture pleads to be univerfal in theChurch, in being univerfal is but the moreSchifmaticai. Much lefs can 'particular Laws and Conjlituticns impart to the Church of England any power of confiftory or tribunal above other Churches, to be the fole Judge of what is Seel: or Schifm, as with much rigour, and without Scripture they took upon them. Yet thefe the King refolves here to defend and maintain to his laft, pretending, after all thofe conferences ofFer'd, or had with him, not to fee more rational and religious motives than Soldiers carry in their Knapfacks ; with one thus refolv'd it was but folly to ftand difputing. He imagines his own judicious zeal to be moft concern' d in his tuition of the Church. So thought Saul when he prefum'd to offer Sacrifice, for which he loft his King- dom ; fo thought Uzziah when he went into the Temple, but was thruft out with a Leprofy for his opinion'd zeal, which he thought judicious. It is not the part of a King, becaufe he ought to defend the Church, therfore to fet himfelf fupreme head over the Church, or to meddle with Ecclefial Government, or to defend the Church otherwife than the Church would be defended ; for fuch de- fence is bondage : nor to defend abufes, and flop all Reformation under the fiame of New moulds fancy' 'd and fa/hicn'd to private defigns. The holy things of Church are in the power of other keys than were deliver'd to his keeping. Chriftian liberty, purchafed with the death of our Redeemer, and eftablifh'd by the fending of his free Spirit to inhabit in us, is not now to depend upon the! doubtful confent of any earthly Monarch ; nor to be again fetter'd with a pre- fumptuous negative voice, tyrannical to the Parlament, but much more tyran- nical to the Church of God ; which was compell'd to implore the aid of Par- lament, to remove his force and heavy hands from off our confeiences, wha therfore complains now of that moft juft defenfive force, becaufe only it re- mov'd his violence and perfecution. It this be a violation to his confeience, that it was hindred by the Parlament from violating the more tender confeien- ces of fo many thoufand good Chriftians, kt the ufurping confeience of all Ty- rants be ever fo violated. , He wonders, Fox wonder, how we could fo much diftntft God's qffijfance, as to call in the Proteftant aid of our Brethren in Scotland : why then did he, if his truft were in God and the juftice of his Caufe, not fcfuple to follicit and in- vite earneftiy the afliftance both of Papifts and of Irijh Rebels ? If the Scots were by us at length fent home, they were not call'd in to ftay here always; neither was it for the people's eafe to feed fo many Legions longer than their help was needful. The Government of their Kirk we dejpis'dnot, but their impofing of that Govern- ment upon us ; not Presbytery but Arch-Presbytery, Claffical, Provincial, and Diocefan Presbytery, claiming to it fell" a Lordly Power and Superin tendency both over Flocks and Paftors, over Perfons and Congregations no way their own. But thefe debates in his judgment would have bin ended better by the befl Divines inChriJiendotn in a full and free Synod. A moft improbable way, and fuch as never yet was us'd, at leaft with good fuccefs, by any Proteftant Kingdom or State fince the Reformation : Every true Church having wherwithal from Hea- ven, and the affifting Spirit of Chrift implor'd to be complete and perfect with- in it felf. And the whole Nation is not eafily to be thought fo raw, and fo perpetually a novice after all this light, as to need the help and direction of other Nations, more than what they write in public of their opinion, in a matter fo familiar as Church-Government. In fine, he accufes Piety with the want of Loyalty, and Religion with the breach of Allegiance, as if God and he were one Mafter, whofe commands were fo often contrary to the commands of God. He would perfwade the Scots that their chief Inter eft confifts in their fidelity to the Crown. But true policy will teach them to find a fafer intereft in the common friendfhip of England, than in tl^e ruins of one ejected Family. XIV. An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. 409 XIV. Upon the Covenant, UPON this themehis difcourfe is long, his matter little but repetition, and therfore foon anfvver'd. Firft, after an abufive and ftrange appre- henfion of Covenants, as if Men pawn'd their fouls to them with whom they covenant, he digrefTes to plead for Bifhops ; firft from the antiquity of their foffeffton here, fince the firft plantation of Chriftianity in this I/land; next from a uni- verfal prefcriptionjince the Apojlles till this lafi Century. But what avails the moft, primitive Antiquity againft the plain fenie of Scripture ? which if the Lift Cen- tury have beft follow'd, it ought in our efteem to be firft. And yet it hath been often prov'd by Learned Men from the Writings and Epiftles of moft an- cient Chriftians, that Epifcopacy crept not up into an Order above the Prefbyters, till many years after that the Apoftles weredeceas'd. He next is unfaiisfy'd with the Covenant, not only for fome paffages in it referring to himfelf, as he fuppofes, with very dubious and dangerous limitations, but for bind- ing men by Oath and Covenant to the Reformation of Church-Difcipline. Firft, thole limitations were not more dangerous to him than he to our Liberty and Religion ; next, that which was there vow'd to caft out of the Church an An- tichriftian Hierarchy which God had not planted, but ambition and corrup- tion had brought in, and fofter'd to the Church's great damage and op- preffion, was no point of controverfy' to be argu'd without end, but a thing of clear moral neceffty to be forthwith done. Neither was the Covenant fuperfluous y though former engagements both religious and legal bound tts before : But was the practice of all Churches hertofore intending Reformation. All Jfrael, though bound enough before by the Law of Mofes to all neceffary duties ; yet with Afa, their King enter'd into a new Covenant at the beginning of a Reformation : And the Jews after captivity, without confent demanded of that King who was their Mafter, took folemn Oath to walk in the Commandments of God. All Proteftant Churches have done the like, notwithftanding former engagements to their feveral Duties. And although his aim were to fow variance between the Proteftation and the Covenant, to reconcile them is not difficult. The Protefta- tion was but one ftep, extending only to the Doctrine of the Church of Eng- land, as it was diftinct from Church-Difcipline •, the Covenant went further, as it pleas'd God to difpenfe his light by degrees, and comprehended Church-Go- vernment : Former with latter fteps in the progrefs of well-doing need not re- concilement. Neverthelefs he breaks through to his conclufion, That all honeji and wife men ever thought themfelves fufficiently bound by former tics of Religion ; leaving Afa, Ezra, and the whole Church of God in fundry Ages to fhift for honejly and wifdom from fome other than his teftimony. And although after- contracts abfolve not till the former be made void, yet he firft having done that, 1 our duty returns back, which to him was neither moral nor eternal, but conditi- onal. Willing to perfwade himfelf that many good men took the Covenant, either unwarily or out of fear, he feems to have beftow'd fome thoughts how thefe good men following his advice may keep the Covenant and not keep it. The firft evafion is, prefuming that the chief end of 'Covenanting in fucb men's intentions was topreferve Religion in purity, and the Kingdom's peace. But the Covenant will more truly inform them that purity of Religion and the Kingdom's peace was not then in ftate to be preferv'd, but to be reftor'd •, and therfore binds them not to a prefervation of what was, but to a Reformation of what was evil, what was traditional and dangerous, whether novelty or antiquity, in Church or State. To do this clafhes with no former Oath lawfully fworn either to God or the King, and rightly underftood. In general, he brands all fitch confederations by League and Covenant, as the com- vion road us'd in all faclious Perturbations cf State and Church. This kind of lan- guage reflects with the fame ignominy upon all the Proteftant Reformations that have been fince Luther ; and lb indeed doth his whole Book, replenifh'd throughout with hardly other words or arguments, than Papifts, and eipecially Popiih Kings, have us'd hertofore againft their Proteftant Subjects ; whom he Vol. I. Ggg would 4io An Anfucer to Eikon Bafilike. would perfwade to be every man bis own Pope, and to abfolve himfelf of thofe ties^ by the fuggeftion of falfe or equivocal interpretations too oft repeated to be now anfwer'd. The Parlament, he faith, made their Covenant like Manna, agreeable to every man's Palate. This is another of his gloffes upon the Covenant ; he is content to let it be Manna, but his drift is that men fhould loath it, or at leaft expound it by their own relijh, and latitude of fenfe ; wherin left any one of the Ampler fort fhould fail to be his crafts-mafter, he furnifhes him with two or three laxative, he terms them general claufes, which may ferve fomivhat io relieve them againft the Covenant taken : intimating, as if what were lawful and according to the word of Cod, were no otherwife fo, than as every man fancy'd to himfelf. From (uch learned explications and refolutions as thefe Upon the Covenant, what marvel if no Royalift or Malignant refufe to take it, as having learnt from thefe Princely Infiructions his many Salvo's, cautions, and refervations, how to be a Covenanter and Anticovenanter, how at once to be a Scot, and an Irifh Rebel. He returns again to difallow of that Reformation which the Covenant vows, as being the partial advice of a few Divines. But matters of this moment, as they were not to be decided there by thofe Divines, fo neither are they to be deter- min'd here by Effays and curtal Aphorifms, but by folid proofs of Scripture. The reft of his difcourfe he fpends, highly accufing the Parlament, that the main Reformation by them intended, was to rob the Church, and much applauding himfelf both for his forwardnefs to all due Reformation, and his averfenefs from all fuch kind of Sacrilege. All which, with his glorious title of the Church's Defender, we leave him to make good by Pharaoh's Divinity, if he pleafe, for to Jcfeph's Piety it will be a tafkunfuitable. As for the parity and poverty of Mi- rtiflers, which he takes to be of {'ohd confluence, the Scripture reckons them for two fyecial Legacies left by our Saviour to his Difciples ; under which two Primitive Nurles, for fuch they were indeed, the Church of God more truly flourifli'd than ever after, fince the time that Imparity and Church-revenue rufh- ing in, corrupted and beleper'd all the Clergy with a worfe infection than Geha- zi's ; fome oneofwhofe Tribe, rather than a King, I fhould take to be com- piler of that unfalted and Simonical Prayer annex'd : although the Prayer it- felf ftrongly prays againft them. For never fuch holy things as he means were given to mote Swine,, nor the Church's bread more to Dogs, than when it fed am- bitious, irreligious and dumb Prelates. XV. Upon the many yealoufes^ &c TO wipe offjealoufies and fcandals, the beft way had been by clear Acti- ons, or till Actions could be clear'd, by evident reafons ; but meer words we are too well acquainted with. Had his honour and reputation been dearer to him than the luft of reigning, how could the Parlament of either Nation have laid fo often at his door the breach of Words, Promifes, Acts, Oaths, and Execrations, as they do avowedly in many of their Petkions and AddrefTes to him ? thither I remit the Reader. And who can believe that whole Parlaments, elected by the People from all parts of the Land, fhould meet in one mind and refolution not 'to advife him, but to confpire againft him in a worfe powder-plot than Catejbie's, to blow up, as he terms it, the people's affeilion towards him, and batter down their Loyalty by the Engines of foul afferfions : Waterworks rather than Engines to batter with, yet thofe afperfions were rais'd from the foulnefs of his own actions. W T herofto purge himfelf, be ufes no other ar- gument than a general and fo often iterated commendation of himfelf; and thinks that Court Holy-water hath the virtue of expiation, at leaft with the filly people, to whom he familiarly imputes fin where none is, to feem liberal of his forgivenefs where none is afk'd or needed. W hat ways he hath taken toward the Profperity of his people, which he would feem fo earneftly todefire, if we do but once call to mind, it will be enough to teach us, looking on the fmooth infinuations here, that Tyrants are not more flattered An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 41 1 flatter'd by their Slaves, than fore'd to flatter others whom they fear. For the People's tranquillity he would willingly be the Jena ; but left he fhould be taken at his word, pretends to forefee within ken two imaginary winds never hoard of in the Compafs, which threaten, if he be caft over board, to increafe the Storm ; but that Controverfy divine Lot hath ended. He had rather not rule, than that his people JJiould 'be ruin'd ; and yet above thefe twenty years hath been ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling. He is accurate to put a difference between the plague of malice, and the ague of mftskes, the itch of novelty, and the leprofy of difloyalty . But had he as well known how to diftinguilh between the venerable grey hairs of ancient Religion, and the old fcurff" of Superftition, between the wholefome heat of well governing, and the feverous rage of tyrannizing, his judgment in State-phyfic had been of more authority. Much he prophefles, that the credit of thofe men who have cad black fcandals on bim,Jhall ere long be quite blaftedby the fame furnace of popular obloquy, wherin they fought to caft his name and honour. I believe not that a Romifo gilded Portraiture gives better Oracle than a Babylonifh golden Image could do, to tell us truly who heated that Furnace of obloquy, or who deferves to be thrown in, Nebu- chadnezzar or the three Kingdoms. It gave him great caufe to fufpetl his own In- nocence, that he was oppos'd by fo many who profeft fingular piety. But this qualm was foon over, and he concluded rather to fufpefl their Religion than his own innocence, affirming that many with him were both learned and religious above the ordinary fiZe . But if his great Seal without the Parlament were not fufficient to create Lords, his Parole muft needs be far more unable to create learned and religious men ; and who (hall authorize his unlearned judgment to point them out? He guefTes that many well-minded men were by popular Preachers urg'd to oppofe him. But the oppofition undoubtedly proceeded and continues from heads rar wifer, and fpirits of a nobler ftrain ; thofe Prieft-led Herodians with their blind guides are in the Ditch already •, travelling, as they thought, to Sion, but moor'd in the Ifle of JFight. He thanks God for his conftancy to the Proteftant Religion both abroad and at home. Abroad, his Letter to the Pope ; at home, his Innovations in the Church will fpeak his conftancy in Religion what it was, without further credit to this vain boaft. His ujiug the affftance of fome Papifts, as the caufe might be, could not hurt his Religion ; but in the fettling of Prot'eftantifm their aid was both unfeemly and fufpicious, and inferr'd that the greateft part of Proteftants were againft him and his obtruded fettlement. But this is ftrange indeed, that he fhould appear now teaching the Parlament what no man, till this was read, thought ever he had learn'd, that difference of perfwafion in religious matters may fall out where there is the famenefs of Allegiance and Subjetlion. If he thought fo from the beginning, wherfore was there fuch compulfion us'd to the Puritans of England, and the whole Realm of Scotland about conforming to a Liturgy ? Wherfore no Bifhop no King ? Wherfore Epifcopacy more agreeable to Monarchy, if different perfwafions in Religion may agree in one Duty and Allegiance ? Thus do Court-Maxims like Court- Minions rife or fall as the King pleafes. Not to tax him for want of Elegance as a Courtier in writing Oglio for Olla the Spanifh word, it might be well affirm'd that there was a greater Medley and difproportioning of Religions to mix Papifts with Proteftants in a religious caufe, than to entertain all thofe diverfify'd Seels, who yet were all Proteftants, one Religion, though many Opinions. Neither was it any fhame to Proteftants, that he a ^f/ar'iPapift, if his own Letter to the Pope, not yet renoune'd, belye him not, found fo few Proteftants of his Religion, as enfore'd him to call in both the counfel and the aid of Papifts to help eftablifh Proteftancy, who were led on, not by the fenfe of their Allegi- ance, but by the hope of his Apoftacy to Rome, from difputing to warring, his own voluntary and firft appeal. His hearkning to evil Counfellors, charg'd upon him fo often by the Parlament, he puts off" as a device of thofe men who were fo eager to give him better counfel. That thofe men were the Parlament, and that he ought to have us'd the coun- Vol. I. Ggg 2 fel .j 41 2 An Anjher to Eikon Bafilike. fel of none but thofe, as a King, is already known. What their civility laid upon evil Couniellors, he himfelf molt commonly own'd •, but the event of thofe evil Counfels the Enormities, the Confiufions, the Miferies, he transfers from the guilt of his own civil broils to the juft refiftance made by Parlament ; and imputes what mifcarriages of his they could not yet remove for his oppofing, as if they were fome new mifdemeanors of their bringing in, and not the in- veterate difeafes of his own bad Government ; which, with a difeafe as bad, he falls again to magnify and commend : and may all thofe who would be go- vern'd by his Retractions and Concefifions, rather than by Laws of Parlament, ad- mire his Self- Encomiums, and be flatter'd with that Crown of Patience to which he cunningly exhorted them, that his Monarchial foot might have the fetting it upon their heads. That truft which the Parlament faithfully difcharg'd in the afTerting of our Liberties, he calls another Artifice to withdraw the people from him to their defigns. What piece of Juftice could they have demanded for the People, which the jealoufy of a King might not have mifcall'd a defign to difparage his Govern- ment, and to ingratiate themfelves ? To be more juft, religious, wife, or mag- nanimous than the common iort, ftirs up in a Tyrant both fear and envy ; and ftraight he cries out Popularity, which in his account is little lefs than Treafon, Thefum is, they thought to regulate and limit his Negative voice, andfhare with him in the Militia, both or either of which he could not poflibly hold without confent of the people, and not be abfolutely a Tyrant. He profefles to defire no other liberty than what he envies not his Subjects according to Law ; yet fought with mi°,ht and main againft his Subjects to have a fole power over them in his hand, both againft and beyond Law. As for the Philofophical Liberty which in vain he talks of, we may conclude him very ill train'd up in thofe free no- tions, who to civil Liberty was fo iujurious. He calls the Confcience God's fovereignty, why then doth he conteft with God about that fupreme title ? why did he lay reftraint, and force enlargements upon our Confciences in things for which we were to anfwer God only and the Church ? God bids us be fubjecl for Confidence Jake, that is as to a Magiftrate, and in the Laws •, not ufurping over fpiritual things, as Lucifer beyond his fphere. Finally, having laid the fault of thefe Commotions, not upon his own mifgo- vernment, but upon the ambition of others, the nccefifity ofi fiome mens fortune, and thirfi after novelty, he bodes himfelf much houour and reputation, that like the Sun fifjall rife and recover it fie If to fiuch a Splendour, as Owls, Batts, and fuch fatal Birds fihall be unable to bear. Poets indeed ufe to vapor much after this manner. But to bad Kings, who without caufe expect future glory from their actions, it happens as to bad Poets, who fit and ftarve themfelves with a delufive hope to win Immortality by their bad Lines. For though men ought not to fipeak evil ofi Dignities which are juft, yet nothing hinders us to fpeak evil, as oft as it is the truth, of thofe who in their Dignities do evil ; thus did our Saviour himfelf, John the Baptift, and Stephen the Martyr. And thofe black veils of his own mif- deeds he might be fure would ever keep his face firom finning, till he could refute evil fipeaking with well doing, which grace he feems here to pray for ; and his Prayer doubtlefs as it was pray'd, To it was heard. But even his Prayer is fo ambitious of Prerogative, that it dares alk away the Prerogative of Chrift him- felf, To become the head-flone of the Corner. XVI. Upon An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 413 XVI. Upon the Ordinance again fl the Common- Prayer Book, WHAT to think of Liturgies, both the Senfe of Scripture, and Apo- ftolical Practice would have taught him better, than his human rea- fonings and conjectures : Neverthelefs, what weight they have, let us conlider. If it be no news to have all Innovations ujher'd in with the name of Re- formation, fure it is leis news to have all reformation cenfur'd and oppos'd under the name of innovation ; by thofe, who being exalted in high place above their merit, tear all change, though of things never fo ill or fo unwifely fettled. So hardly can the dotage of thole that dwell upon Antiquity allow prefent times any JJjare of godlinefs or wifdom. The removing of Liturgy he traduces to be done only as a thing plaufible to the People ; whole rejection of it he likens, with fmall reverence, to the crucifying of our Saviour; next, that it was done to pleafe thofe men who gloried in their ex- temporary vein, meaning the Minifters. For whom it will be belt to anfwer, as was anfwer'd for the man born blind, They are of age, let them fpeak for them- feives •, not how they came blind, but whether it were Liturgy that held them tongue-ty'd. For the matter contained in that Book,, we need no better witnefs than King Ed- ward the iixth, who to the Cornijh Rebels confefTes it was no other than the old Mais-Book done into Englifh, all but fome few words that were expung'd. And by this argument which King Edward fo promptly had to ufe againll that irreligious Rabble, we may be affur'd it was the carnal fear of thole Divines and Politicians that modelPd the Liturgy no farther off from the old Mafs, left by too great an alteration they mould incenfe the People, and be deftitute of the fame Ihifts to fly to which they had taught the young King. For the manner of ufingfet forms, there is no doubt but that wholefome matter, and good defires rightly conceiv'd in the heart, wholefome words will follow of themfelves. Neither can any true Chriftian find a reafon why Liturgy fhould be at all admitted, a Prefcription not impos'd or practis'd by thofe firft Foun- ders of the Church, who alone had that authority : Without whofe precept or example, how conftantly the Prieft puts on his Gown and Surplice, fo conftant- ly doth his Prayer put on a fervile yoak of Liturgy. This is evident, that they who ufe no fet Forms of Prayer, have words from their affections ; while others are to feek affections fit and proportionable to a certain dofe of pre- pared words ; which as diey are not rigoroufly forbid to any man's private infirmity, fo to imprifon and confine by force, into a Pinfold of fet words, thofe two moft unimprifonable things, our Prayers, and that Divine Spirit of utterance that moves them, is a tyranny that would have longer hands than thofe Giants who threaten'd bondage to Heaven. What we may do in the fame form of words is not fo much the queftion, as whether Liturgy may be fore'd, as he fore'd it. It is true that we pray to the fame God, muft we therfore always ufe the fame words ? Let us then ufe but one word, becaufe we pray to one God. We profefs the fame Truths, but the Liturgy compre- hends not all Truths : we read the fame Scriptures, but never read that all thofe facred expreffions, all benefit and ufe of Scripture, as to public Prayer, fhould be deny'd us, except what was barrel'd up in a Common-Prayer Book with many mixtures of their own, and which is worfe, without fait. But fuppofe them favoury words and unmix'd, fuppofe them Manna it felf, yet if they fhall be hoarded up and enjoined us, while God every morning rains down new expreffions into our hearts ; inftead of being fit to ufe, they will be found like referved Manna, rather to breed Worms andftink. We have the fame duties upon us, and feel the fame wants : yet not always the fame, nor at all times alike % but with variety of Circumftances, which ask variety of words : Wherof God hath given us plenty •, not to ufe fo copioufly upon all other occafions, and fo niggardly to him alone in our devotions. As if Chriftians were now in a worfe famine of words fit for Prayer, than was of food at the Siege ofjerufa- 4 /«»» 414 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafihke. km, when perhaps the Priefts being to remove the fhew-bread, as was accu- ftom'd, were compell'd every Sabbath-day for want of other Loaves, to bring again ftil! the fame. If the Lord's Prayer had been the warrant or pattern to hi L::::r- gies, as is here affinn'd, why was neither that Prayer, nor any other fet Form ever after us'd, or fo much as mention'd by the Apoftles, much his commended to our ufe ? Why was their care wanting in a thing fo ufeful to the Church ? fo full of danger and contention to be left undone by them to other men's penning, of whofe authority we could not be focertain ? Why was this forgotten by them, who declare that they have reveal'd to us the whole Counfel of God •, who as he left our affections to be guided by his farictifying Spirit, fo did de likewife our words to be put into us without our premeditation ; not only thofe cautious words to be i s'd before Gentiles and Tyrants, but much more thofe filial words, of which we have fo frequent ufe in our acceis with freedom of fpeech to the Throne of Grace. Which to lay afide for other outward dictates of men, were to injure him and his perfect Gift, who is the Spirit and the giver of our ability to pray -, as if his minift ration were incompleat, and that to whom he gave affections, he did not alfo afford utterance to make his Gift of Prayer a perfect Gift. And although the Gift were only natura 1 , yet voluntary Prayers are lefs fub- jetl to formal and fuperficial tempers than Jet Forms : For in thefe, at Ieaft for words and matter, he who prays mull coniu't firft with his heart; which in likelihood may ftir up his affections ; in thefe having both words and matter ready made to his lips, which is enough to make up the outward act of prayer, his affections grow lazy, and come not up eafily at the call of words nor their own ; the Prayer alfo having lefs intercourie and fympathy with a heart wherin it was not conceiv'd, faves itfelf the labour of fo long a journey downward, and flying up in hafte on the fpecious wings of formality, if it fall not back again headlong, inftead of a prayer which was expected, prefents God with a let of ftale and empty words. No doubt but oflentation and formality may taint the belt duties •, we are not therfore to leave duties for no duties, and to turn Prayer into a kind of lurry. Cannot unpremeditated babling be rebuk'd, and reftrain'd in whom we find they are, but the Spirit of God mult be forbidden in all men ? But it is the cuftomof bad Men and Hypocrites to take advantage at the leaft abufe of good things, that under that covert they may remove the goodnefs of thofe thing';, rather than the abufe. And how unknowingly, how weakly is the ufing of fet Forms attributed here to cenftancy, as if it were cor.ftancy in the Cuckoo to be always in the fame Liturgy. Much lefs can it be lawful that an Engliffrd Mafs-Book, compos'd, for aught we know, by men neither learned, nor godly, Jhcv.ld juftle cut, or at any time deprive us the exercife of that heavenly Gift, which God by fpecial promile pours out daily upon his Church, that is to fay, the fpirit of Prayer. Whcr- of to help thofe many infirmities, which he reckons up, Rudenefs, lmpertiv.aicv, Flatnefs, and the like, we have a remedy of God's finding out, which is not Liturgy, but his own free fpirit. Though we know not what to pray as we ought, yet he with fighs unutterable by any words, much lefs by a ftinred Liturgy dwelling in us, makes interceffion for us according to the mind and will of God both in private, and in the performance of all Eccleiiaftical Duties. For it is his promife alfo, that where two or three are gather'd together in his name fhall agree to aik him any thing, it fhall be granted ; for he is there in the midft of them. If any ancient Churches to remedy the infirmities of Prayer, or rather the infections of /Irian and Pelagian Herefies, neglectins that or- dain'd and promis'd help of the Spirit, betook them almoft four hundred years after Chrift to Liturgy their own invention, we are not to imitate them ; nor to diftruft God in the removal of that Truant-help to our Devotion, which by him never was appointed. And what is faid of Liturgy, is fiid alfo of Di- rectory, if it be impos'd : although to forbid the Service-Book there be much more reafon, as being of itfelf fuperftitious, oftenfive, and indeed, though Englijh'd, yet ftill the Mafs-Book : and public Places ought to be provided of fuch as need not the help of Liturgies or Directories continually, but are fup- ported with minifterial Gifts anfwerable to their calling. Laftly, that the Common-Prayer Book was rejected becaufe it pray'd fo oft for him, he had no reafon to object : for what large and laborious Prayers were • 4 made An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 41 5 made for him in the Pulpits, if he never heard, it is doubtful they were never heard in HeaVen. We might now have expected that his own following Prayer fhould add much credit to let Forms ; buc on the contrary we find the fame imperfections in it, as in moft before, which he lays here upon extemporal. Nor doth he afk ot God to be directed whether Liturgies be lawful, but pre- fumes, and in a manner would perfwade him that they be fp ; praying that the Church and he may never want them. What could be pray'd worfe extem- pore ? XVII. Of the Differences in point of Church* Government, TH E Government of Church by Bifhops hath been fo fully prov'd from the Scriptures to be vicious and ulurp'd, that whether out of Piety or Policy maintain'd, it is not much material : For Piety grounded upon error, can no more juftify King Charles, than it did Queen Mary in the fight of God or Man. This however muff, not be let pafs without a ferious Obferva-- tion ; God having lb difpos'd the Author in this Chapter as to confefs and difcover more of myitery and combination between Tyranny andfalle Religion, than from any other hand would have been credible. Here we may fee the very dark roots of them both turn'd up, and how they twine and inter- weave one another in the Earth, though above ground fhooting up in two flvi r'd Branches. We may have learnt both from facred Story, and times of Reformation, that the Kings of this World have both ever hated, and inftinctively fear'd the Church of God. Whether it be for that their Doc- trine ieems much to favour two things to them fo dreadful, Liberty *nd Equality •, or becaufe they are the Children of that Kingdom, which, as an- cient Prophecies have foretold, fhall in the end break to pieces and dif- fo'.ve all their great Power and Dominion. And thofe Kings and Potentates who have ftrove moft to rid themfelves of this fear, by cutting offorfup- preffing the true Church, have drawn upon themfelves the occafion of their own ruin, while they thought with moft policy to prevent it. Thus Pharaoh when once he began to fear and wax jealous of the Ifraelites, left they fhould multiply and fight againft him, and that his fear ftirr'd him up to afflict and keep them under, as the only remedy of what he fear'd, foon found that the evil which before flept, came fuddenly upon him, by the prepofterous way he took to prevent it. Palling by examples between, and not (hutting wilfully our eyes, we may fee the like ftory brought to pafs in our own Land. This King more than any before him, except perhaps his Father, from his firil entrance to the Crown, harbouring in his mind a ftrange fear and fufpicion of Men moft reli- gious, and their Doctrine, which in his own language he here acknowledges, terming it the feditious exorbitancy of Minifters tongues, and doubting le/l they, as he not chriftianly expreffes it, Jljould with the keys of Heaven let out Peace and' Ley ally from the people's hearts: though they never preach'd or attempted aught that might juftly raife in him fuch thoughts, he could not reft or think himfelf fecure, fo long as they remain'd in any of his three Kingdoms unroot- ed out. But outwardly profeffing the fame Religion with them, he could not prefently ufe violence as Pharaoh did, and that courfe had with others be- fore but ill lucceeded. He choofes therfore a more myftical Way, a newer Me- thod of Antichriftian Fraud, to the Church more dangerous: and like to Ba~ lack the Son of Zippor, againft a Nation of Prophets thinks it beft to hire other eileemed Prophets, and to undermine and wear out the true Church by a falfe Ecclefiaftical Policy. To this drift he found the Government of Bifhops moft llrviccablc •, an Order in the Church, as by men firft corrupted, fo mutually corrupting them who receive it, both in judgment and manners. He by con- ferring Bifhopi ics and great Livings on whom he thought moll pliant to his Wills agaiiift the known Canons aaduniverlal prafticeofthc ancient Church, wherby 4'i 6 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. wherby thofe Elections were the people's right, fought, as he confeffes, to have greatejl influence upon the Church-men. They on the other fide finding them- fclves in a high Dignity, neither founded by Scripture, nor allow'd by Refor- mation, nor fupported by any fpiritual Gift or Grace of their own, knew it their beft courfe to have dependance only upon him : and wrought his fancy by de- grees to that degenerate and unkingly perfwafion of No Bifhop, no King. Whenas on the contrary all Prelates in their own futtle fenfe are of another mind ; ac- cording to that of Pius the fourth, remember'd in the Hiftory of Trent, that Bifhops then grow to be moft vigorous and potent, when Princes happen to be moft weak and impotent. Thus when both Interefts of Tyranny and Epifco- paCy were incorporate into each other, the King, whole principal fatety and eftabl'ifhment confifted in the righteous execution of his civil power, and not in Bifhops and their wicked Counfels, fatally driven on, i'ct himfelf to the remo- val of thofe men whofe Doctrine and defire of Church-Difcipline he fo fear'd would be the undoing of his Monarchy. And becaufe no temporal Law could touch the innocence of their lives, he begins with the perfecution of their Con- ferences, laying fcandals before them ; and makes that the argument to inflict his unjuft penalties both on their Bodies and Eftates. In this War againft the Church if he had fped fo, as other haughty Monarchs whom God hertofore hath harden'd to the like enterprize, we ought to look up with praifes and thankfgiving to the Author of our deliverance, to whom Victory and Power, Majefty, Honour and Dominion belongs for ever. In the mean while, from his own words we may perceive eafily that the ipe- cial motives which he had to endear and deprave his judgment to the favouring and utmoft defending of Epifcopacy, are luch as here we reprefent them : and how unwillingly, and with what mental refervation he condefcended againft his Intereft to remove it out of the Peers houfe, hath been fhewn already. The reafons, which he affirms wrought fo much upon his judgment, fhall be fo far anfwer'd as they be urg'd. Scripture he pretends, but produces none, and next the conflant practice of all Chriftian Churches, till of late years tumult, faction, pride, and covetoufnefs, in- vented new models under the Title ofChrijfs Government. Could any Papift have fpoke more fcandaloufly againit all Reformation ? Well may the Parlamentand beft-affected People now be troubled at his calumnies and reproaches, fince he binds them in the fame bundle with all other the reformed Churches-, who alfo may now further fee, befides their own bitter experience, what a cordial and well-meaning helper they had of him abroad, and how true to the Proteftant Caufe. As for Hiftories to prove Bifhops, the Bible, if we mean not to run into Er- rors, Vanities, and Uncertainties, muft be our only Hiftory. Which informs us that the Apoftles were not properly Bifhops ; next, that Bifhops were not fucceflbrs of Apoftles, in the function of Apoftlefhip : And that if they were Apoftles, they could not be precifely Bifhops ; if Bifhops, they could not be Apoftles, this being univerfal, extraordinary, and immediate from God ; that being an ordinary, fixr, and particular charge and continual inflection over a certain Flock. And although an ignorance and deviation of the ancient Churches afterward, may with as much reafon and charity be fuppos'd asfudden in point of Prelaty, as in other manifeft corruptions, yet that no example fine e the firfi age for 1500 years can be produCd of any fettled Church, wherin were many Minifters and Congregations, which had not fome Bifhops above them ; the Ecclefiaftical Story, to which he appeals for want of Scripture, proves clearly to be a falfe and over-confident affertion. Sozomenus, who wrote above twelve hundred years ago, in his feventh Book, relates from his own knowledge, that in the Churches of Cyprus and Arabia (places near to Jerufalem, and with the firft frequented by Apoftles) they had Bifhops in every Village •, and what could thofe be more than Prefbyters ? The like he tells of other Nations ; and that Epifcopal Churches in thofe days did not condemn them. I add, that many. Weftern Churches, eminent for their Faith and good Works, and fettled above four hun- dred years ago in France, in Piemont and Bohemia, have both taught and prac- tis'd the fame Doctrine, and not admitted of Epifcopacy among them. And if we may believe what the Papifts themfelves have written of thefe Churches, which they call Waldenfes, I find it in a Book written almoft four hundred years fince, An Anfiocr to Eikon Bafilike. 417 fince, and fet forth in the Bohemian Hiftory, that thofe Churches in Piemtmt have held the fame Doctrine and Government, fince the time that Conjlantine with his mifchievous donations poifon'd Sylvefter and the whole Church. O- thers affirm they have fo continu'd there fince the Apoftles, and 'Theodoras Bel- vederenfis in his relation of them, con feffeth that thofe Herefies, as he names them, were from the firft times of Chriftianity in that place. For the reft I refer me to that famous teffimony of ' Jerom, who upon that very place which he cites here, the Epiftle to Titus, delares openly that Bifhop and Prefby ter were one and the fame thing, till by the inftigation of Satan partialities grew up in the Church, and that Bifhops rather by cuftom than any ordainment of Chrift, were exalted above Prefbyters : whofe interpretation we truft fhall be receiv'd before this intricate fluff" tattl'd here of Timothy and Titus, and I know not whom their Succeffors, far beyond Court- Element, and as far beneath true Edifi- cation. Thefe are his fair grounds both from Scripture-Canons and Ecclefiaftical Examples ; howundivine-like written, and how like a worldly Gofpeller thatun- derftands nothing of thefe matters, pofterity no doubt will be able to judge, and will but little regard what he calls Apofiolical, who in his Letter to the Pope calls Apofiolical the Roman Religion. Nor let him think to plead, that therfore it was not Policy of State, or obflina- cy in him which upheld Epifcopacy, becaufe the injuries and lofies which he fuftain'd by fo doing were to him more confiderable than Epifcopacy itfelf ; for all this might Pharaoh have had to fay in his excufe of detaining the Ifraelites, that his own and his Kingdom's fafety, fo much endanger'd by his denial, was to him more dear than all their building labours could be worth to Egypt. But whom God hardens, them alfo he blinds. He endeavours to make good Epifcopacy not only in Religion, hut from the na- ture of all civil Government, where Parity breeds confufion and fatlion. But of faction and confufion, to take no other than his own teftimony, where hath more been ever bred than under the imparity of his own Monarchical Government ? Of which to make at this time longer difpute, and from civil conftitutions and human conceits to debate and queflion the convenience of Divine Ordinations, is nekdier wifdom nor fobriety : and to confound Mofaic Priejlhood with Evan- gelic Prefby tery againft exprefs inftitution, is as far from warrantable. As little to purpofe is it, that we fhould fland polling the reformed Churches, whether they equalize in number thofe of bis three Kingdoms, of whom fo lately the far greater part, what they have long defir'd to do, have now quite thrown off" Epifcopacy. Neither may we count it the Language or Religion of a Proteflant fo to vili- fy the beft reformed Churches f for none of them but Lutherans retain Bifhops) as to fear more the fcandalizing of Papifls, becaufe more numerous, than of our Proteflant Brethren, becaufe a handful. It will not be worth the while to fay what Schifmatics or Heretics have had no Bifhops •, yet left he fhould be taken for a great Reader, he who prompted him, if he were a Doctor, might have remember'd the foremention'd place in Sozomenus ; which affirms, that befides the Cyprians and Arabians who were counted Orthodoxal, the Novatians alfo, and Montanijls in Phrygia had no other Bifhops than fuchas were in every Village: and what Prefbyter hath a narrower Diocefs ? As for the Agrians we know of no Heretical Opinion juflly father'dupon them, but that they held Bifhops and Prefbyters to be the fame. Which he in this place not obfeurely feems to hold a Herefy in all the reformed Churches •, with whom why the Church of Eng- land defir'd conformity, he can find no reafon with all his charity, but the coming in of the Scots Army ; fuch a high efteem he had of the Englifi. He tempts the Clergy to return back again to Bifhops, from the fear of tenuity and contempt, and the affurance of better thriving under the favour of Princes ; a- gainfl which temptations if the Clergy cannot arm themfelves with their own fpiritual Armour, they are indeed zspoor a carcafs as he terms them. Of fecular Honours and great Revenues added to the dignity of Prelates, fince the fubjedtof that queflion is now remov'd, we need not fpend time : But this perhaps will never be unfeafonable to bear in mind out of Chryfoftoni, that when Miniflers came to have Lands, Houfes, Farms, Coaches, Horles, and the like Lumber, then Religion brought forth Riches in the Church, and the Daughter devour'd the Mother. Vol. I. Hhh Bu? ^i 8 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. But if his judgment in Epifcopacy may be judg'd by the goodly choice he made of Bifhops, we need not much amufe ourfelves with the confideration of thofe evils which, by his foretelling, will neceffarily follow their pulling down, until he prove that the Apoftles, having no certain Diocefs or appointed place of re- fidence, were properly Bifhops over thofe Prefbyters whom they ordain'd, or Church' es they planted ; wherin oftimes their labours were both joint and promifcuous : Or that the Apoftolic Power muft necejjarily defcend to Bifhops, the life and end of either function being fo different. And how the Church hath flourifh'd under E- pifcopacy, let the multitude of their ancient and grofs errors teftify, and the words of fome learnedeft and moft zealous Bifhops among them ; Nazianzen in a devout palfion wifhing Prelaty had never been ; Bafd terming them the Slaves of Slaves ; Saint Martin the Enemies of Saints, and confefnng that af- ter he was made a Bifhop, he found much of that grace decay in him which he had before. Concerning his Coronation-Oath, what it was, and how far it bound him, al- ready hath been fpoken. This we may take for certain, that he was never fworn to his own particular confeience and reafon, but to cur conditions as a free peo- ple •, which requir'd him to give us fuch Laws as ourfelves fhould choofe. This the Scots could bring him to, and would not be baffled with the pretence of a Coronation-Oath, after that Epifcopacy had for many years been fettled there. Which conceflion of his to them, and not to us, he feeks here to put off with evafions that are ridiculous. And to omit no fhifts, he alleges that the Prefbyterian manners gave him no encouragement to like their Modes of Govern- ment. If that were fo, yet certainly thofe men are in moft likelihood nearer to Amendment, who feek a ftricter Church-Difcipline than that of Epifcopacy, under which the moft of them learn'd their manners. If eftimation were to be made of God's Law by their manners, who leaving Egypt, receiv'd it in the Wildernefs, it could reap from fuch an inference as this, nothing but rejection and difefteem. For the Prayer wherwith he clofes, it had been good fome fafe Liturgy, which he fo commends, had rather been in his way ; it would perhaps in fome meafure have perform'd the End for which they fay Liturgy was firft invented, and have hinder'd him both here, and at other times, from turning his notorious errors into his Prayers. XVIII. Upon the Uxbridge Treaty, &C IF the way of Treaties be look'd upon in general, as a retiring from beftial force to human reafon, his firft Aphorifm here is in part deceiv'd. For men may treat like Beafts as well as fight. If fome fighting were not manlike, then either fortitude were no virtue, or no fortitude in fighting : And as Politici- ans oftimes through dilatory purpofes and emulations handle the matter, there hath been no where found more beftiality than in treating ; which hath no more commendation in it, than from fighting to come to undermining, from violence to craft, and when they can no longer do as Lions, to do as Foxes. The fincereft end of treating after War once proclaim'd, is either to part with more, or to demand lefs than was at firft fought for, rather than to ha- zard more lives, or worfe mifchiefs. What the Parlament in that point were willing to have done, when firft after the War begun, they petition'd him at Colebrook to vouchfafe a Treaty, is unknown. For after he had taken God to witnefs of his continual readinefs to treat, or to offer Treaties to the avoiding of bloodfhed, taking the advantage of a Mift, the fitteft weather for deceit and treachery, he follows at the heels thofe MefTengers of Peace with a train of covert War ; and with a bloody furprize falls on our fecure Forces which lay quartering at Brentford in the thoughts and expectation of a Treaty. And. although in them who make a trade of War, andagainft a natural Enemy, fuch an onfet might in the rigour of martial Law have beenexcus'd, while Arms were not yet by agreement fufpended i yet by a King, who feem'd fo heartily to ac- cept An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 419 cept of treating, and profeffes here, He never wanted either dejire er difpojition to it, prof Res to have greater confidence in bis Rcafon than in his Sword, and as a Cbriftidn tofeek Peace and enjiie it, fiich bloody and deceitful advantages would have bin forborn one day at leaft, if not much longer ; in whom there had not bin a thirft rather than a deteftation of civil War and Blood. In the midft of a fecond Treaty not long after, fought by the Parlamenr, and after much ado obtain'd with him at Oxford, what futtle and unpeaceable defigns Ik- then had in chace, his own Letters difcover'd : What attempts of trea- cherous holtility fuccefsful and unfuccefsful he made againft Briftol, Scarborough, and other places, the Proceedings of that Treaty will foon put us in mind •, and how he was lb far from granting more of reafon after fo much of blood, that he deny'd then to grant what before he had offer'd : making no other ufe of Treaties pretending Peace, than to gain advantages that might enable him to continue War. What marvel then if he thought it no diminution of himfelf, as oft as he law his time, to be import unate for Treaties, when he fought them on- ly, as by the upfhot appear'd, to get opportunities? ' But he infers, as if the Parlament would have compell'd him to part with fome- thing of his honour as a King. What honour could he have, or call his, join'd not only with the offence or difturbance, but with the bondage and deflruftion of three Nations ? wherof though he be carelefs and improvident, yet the Par- lament, by our Laws and Freedom, ought to judge, and ufe prevention •, our Laws elfe were but Cobweb Laws. And what were all his moll rightful honours, but the people's gift, and the inveftment of that Luftre, Majefty and Honour, which for the public good, and no otherwife, redounds from a whole Nation into one perfon ? So far is any honour from being his to a common mifchief and calamity. Yet ftill he talks on equal terms with the grand Reprefentative of that people, for whofe fake he was a King, as if the general welfare and his fubfervient Rights were of equal moment or confideration. Plis aim indeed hath ever bin to magnify and exalt his borrow'd Rights and Prerogatives above the Parlament and kingdom of whom he holds them. But when a King fets himfelf to bandy againft the higheft Court and Refidence of his Regal Authority, he then, in the fingle perfon of a Man, fights againft his own Majefty and King- fhip, and then indeed fets the firft hand to his own depofing. 'The Treaty at Uxbridge, he faith, gave the fair eft hopes of a happy compofure ; faireft indeed, if his inltructions to bribe our CommilTioners with the promife of Security, Rewards, and Places were fair : What other hopes it gave, no man can tell. There being but three main heads wheron to be treated •, Ireland^ Epifcopacy, and the Militia •, the firft was anticipated and foreftall'd by a Peace at any rate to be haften'd with the Irijh Rebels, ere the Treaty could begin, that he might pretend his word and honour paft againft the fpecious and popular arguments (he calls them no better) which the Parlament would urge upon him for the continuance of that juft War. Epifcopacy he bids the Queen be confi- dent he will never quit ■, which informs us by what Patronage it flood : And the Sword he refolves to clutch as fall, as if God with his own hand had put it into his. This was the moderation which he brought ; this was as far as Reafon, Honour, Confcience, and the Queen, who was his Regent in all thefe, would give him leave. Laftly, for compofure, inftead of happy, how milerable it was more Likely to have bin, wife men could then judge •, when the Englifo, during Trea- ty, were call'd Rebels, the Irifh, good and catholic Subjects ; and the Parla- ment before-hand, though for fafhions call'd a Parlament, yet by a Jefuitical flight not acknowledg'd, though call'd fo •, but privately in the Council-Books inroll'd no Parlament : that if accommodation had fucceeded, upon what terms foever, fuch a devilifh fraud was prepared, that the King in his own cfteem had bin abfolv'd from all performance, as having treated with Rebels, and no Par- lament j and they on the other fide inftead of an expedled happinefs, had bin brought under the Hatchet. Then no doubt War had ended, that MafTacre and Tyranny might begin. Thefe Jealoufiei, however raifed, let all men fee whether they be diminifh'd or allayed, by the Letters of his own Cabinet open'd. And yet the breach of this Treaty is laid all upon the Parlament and their Commiffi- oners, with odious Names of Pertinacy, hatred of Peace, Fablion, and Covetcuf- nefs, nay his own Brat Supcrfiition is laid to their charge •, notwithftanding his here profeffed refolution to continue both the Order, Maintenance, and Authority of Prelates, as a Truth of God. Vol. II. Hhh 2 And ^.20 An Anfucer to Eikon Bafilike. And who were moft to blame in the unfuccefsfulnefs of that Treaty, his appeal is to God's decifion ; believing to be very excufable at that Tribunal. But if ever man glory* d in an unffexible Jliffnefs, he came not behind any : and that grand Maxim, always to put fomething into his Treaties, which might give colour to refufe all that was in other things granted, and to make them fignify nothing-, was his own principal Maxim and particular Inftructions to his Commiffioners. Yet all, by his own verdict, muft be conftru'd Reafon in the King, and depraved Temper in the Parlament. That the highejl Tide offuccefs, with thefe principles and defigns, fet him not above a Treaty, no great wonder. But that his loweft Ebb could not be lower than a Flight, was a prefumption that ruin'd him. He prefaged the future unfuccefsfulnefs of Treaties by the unwillingnefs of fome men to treat ; and could not fee what was prefent, that their unwillingnefs had good caufe to proceed from the continual experience of his own obftinacy and breach of word. His Prayer therfore offorgivenefs to the guilty of that Treaty's breaking, he had good reafon to fay heartily over, as including no man in that guilt fooner than himfelf. As for that Protefhtion following in his Prayer, How oft have I entreated fir Peace, but when Ifpeak therof they make them ready to War ; unlefs he thought himfelf (till in that perfidious mift between Colebrook and Hounflow, and thought that mift could hide him from the eye of Heaven as well as of Man, after fuch a bloody recompence given to our firft offers of Peace, how could this in the fight of Heaven without horrors of confeience be utter'd ? XIX. Upon the various Events of the War. IT is no new or unwonted thing for bad men to claim as much part in God as his beft fervants, to ufurp and imitate their words, and appropriate to themfelves thofe properties which belong only to the good and righteous. This not only in Scripture is familiarly to be found, but here alfo in this Chap- ter of Apocrypha. He tells us much, why it pleafedGod to fend him Victory or Lofs (although what in fo doing was the intent of God, he might be much mis- taken as to his own particular) but we are yet to learn what real good ufe he made therof in his practice. Thofe numbers which he grew to from fmall beginnings, were not fuch as out of love came to protect him, for none approv'd his actions as a King, except Courti- ers and Prelates, but were fuch as fled to be protected by him from the fear of that Reformation which the pravity of their lives would not bear. Such a Snow-ball he might eafily gather by rolling through thofe cold and dark provinces of ignorance and lewdnefs, where on a fudden he became fo numerous. He imputes that to God's proteclion, which, to them who perfift in a bad caufe, is either his long-fuffering, or his hardening •, and that to wholefome chajlifement , which were the gradual beginnings of a fevere punifhment. For if neither God nor nature put civil power in the hands of any whomfocver, but to a lawful end, and commands our obedience to the authority of Law only, not to the tyrannical force of any perfon ; and if the Laws of our Land have plac'd the Sword in no man's fingle hand, fo much as to unftieath againft a foreign enemy, much lefs up- on the native people, but have placed it in that elective body of the Parlament, to whom the making, repealing, judging, and interpreting of Law it felf was alfo committed, as was fittelt, fo long as we intended to be a free Na- tion, and not the Slaves of one man's will, then was the King himfelf difobe- dient and rebellious to that Law by which he reign'd ; and by authority of Par- lament to raife arms againft him in defence of Law and Liberty, we do not on- ly think, but believe and know was juftifiable both by the Word of God, the Laws cf the Land, and all lawful Oaths ; and they who fided with him fought againft all thefe. The An Anfwer to Eikon Balilike. 421 'The fame Allegations which heufes for himfclf and his Party, may as well fit any Tyrant in the World : for let the Parlament be called a Faction when the King pleafes, and that no Law muft be made or changed either civil or religi- ous, becaufe no Law will content all fides, then muft be made or changed no Law at all but what a Tyrant, be he Proteltant or Papift, thinks fit. Which r . rannous AlTertion forc'd upon us by the Sword, he who fights againft, and cTies fighting, if his other fins overweigh not, dies a Martyr undoubtedly both of the Faith and of the Commonwealth : and I hold it not as the opinion, but as the full belief and perfwafion of far holier and wiferMen than Parafitic Preach- ers. Who, without their Dinner-doctrine, know that neither King, "Law, Civil Oaths, or Religion, was ever eflablijlfd without the Parlament : and their power is the fame to abrogate as to eftablifh : neither is any thing to be thought efla- blifj'd, which that Houfe declares to be abolifiYd. Where the Parlament fits, there infeparably fits the King, there the Laws, there our Oaths, and whatfoe- ver can be civil in Religion. They who fought for the Parlament, in the truelt fenfe fought for all thefe •, who fought for the King divided from his Parlament, fought for the fhadow of a King againft all thefe ; and for things that were not, as if they were eftablf/d. It were a thing monftroufiy abfurd and contra? dictory to give the Parlament a Legislative Power, and then to upbraid them for tranfgrefiing old Ettablifhments. But the King and his Party having loft in this Quarrel their Heaven upon Earth, begin to make great reckoning of Eternal Life, and at an eafy rate in forma Pauperis canonize one another into Heaven ; he them in his Book, they him in the Portraiture before his Book : but as was laid before, Stage-work will not do it, much lefs the juftnefs of their Caufe, wherin moft frequently they died in a brutijhfercenefs, with Oaths and other damning words in their mouths •, as if fuch had bin all the Oaths they fought for : which undoubtedly fent them full fail on another Voyage than to Heaven. In the mean while they to whom God gave victory, never brought to the King at Oxford the ftate of their Con- fciences, that he fhould prefume without confefiion, more than a Pope pre- lumes, to tell abroad what conflitls and accufations men, whom he never fpoke with, have in their own thoughts. We never read of any Engtijh King but one that was a Confeflbr, and his name was Edward j yet fure it pafs'd his fkill to know thoughts, as this King takes upon him. But they who will not ftick to flander mens inward Confciences, which they can neither fee nor know, much lefs will care to fhnder outward Actions, which they pretend to fee, though with fenfes never fo vitiated. To judge of his condition conquer* d, and the manner of dying on that fide, by the fiber men that chofe it, would be his fmall advantage: it-being moft noto- rious, that they who were hotteft in his Caufe, the moft of them were men oft- ner drunk, than by their good- will fober, and very many of them fo fought and fo died. And that the Confcience of any man fhould grow fufpicious, or be now conviSI- ed by any Pretentions in the Parlament, which are now prov'd falfe and un- intended, there can be no juft caufe. For neither did they ever pretend to efta- blifh his Throne without our Liberty and Religion, nor Religion without the Word of God, nor to judge of Laws by their being ejlablifh'd, but to eftablifh them by their being good and necefiary. He tells the World he often pray'd that all on his fide might be as faithful to God and their own Souls, as to him. But Kings above all other men have in their hands not to pray only, but to do. To make that Prayer effectual, he fhould have govern'd as well as pray'd. To pray and not to govern, is for a Monk, and not a King. Till then he might be well affur'd they were more faithful to their luft and rapine than to him. In the wonted predication of his own virtues he goes on to tell us, that to conquer he never deftr'd, but only to reftore the Laws and Liberties of his People. It had bin happy then he had known at laft, that by force to reftore Laws abro- gated by the Legiflative Parlament, is to conquer abfolutely both them and Law it felf. And for our Liberties, none ever opprefs'd them more, both in Peace and War ; firft like a Mafter by his arbitrary power, next as an Ene- my by hoftile invafion. a And An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. And if his beft friends fear'd him, and he himfelf in the temptation of an ab- fclute Conquefl, it was not only pious but friendly in the Parlameat, both to fear him and refill him ; fince their not yielding, was the only means to keep him out of that temptation wherin he doubted his own ftrength. He takes himfelf to be guilty in this War of nothing elfe, but of confirming the power offomemen : Thus all along he fignifies the Parlament, whom to have fet- tled by an aft he counts to be his only guiltinefs. So well he knew that to con- tinue a Parlament, was to raife a War againft himfelf; what were his Actions then, and his Government the while ? For never was it heard in all our Story, that Farlaments made War on their Kings, but on their Tyrants ; whole mode- fly and gratitude was more wanting to the Parlament, than theirs to any of fuch Kings. What he yielded was his fear -, what he denfi was his obftinacy. Had he yielded more, fear might perchance have fav'd him ; had he granted lefi, his ob- ftinacy had perhaps the fooner deliver'd us. To review the occafions of this War, will be to them never too late, who would be warn'd by his example from the like evils : but to wifh only a happy conclufion, will never expiate the fault of his unhappy beginnings. 'Tis true, on our fide the fins of our lives not feldom fought againft us : but on their fide, befides thofe,, the grand fin of their Caufe. How can it be otherwife, when he defires here moft unreafonably, and indeed fieri legioufly, that we fhould btfubjeel to him, though not further, yet as fin- as all of us may be fubjeel to God, to whom this exprefilon leaves no precedency ? He who defires from men as much obedience and fubjection, as we may all pay to God, defires not Iefs than to be a God •, a Sacrilege far worfe than meddling With the Bifhop's Lands, as he efteems it. His Prayer is a good Prayer and a glorious ; but glorying is not good, if it know not that a little leven levens the whole lump. It fhould have purg'd out the leven of untruth in telling God that the blood of his Subjetls by him fhed was in his juft and neceffary defence. Yet this is remarkable ; God hath here fo or- der'd his Prayer, that as his own lips acquitted the Parlament, not long before his death, of all the blood fpilt in this War, fo now his Prayer unwittingly draws it upon himfelf. For God imputes not to any man the blood he fpills in a juft caufe •, and no man ever begg'd his not imputing of that which he in his juft ice could not impute : So that now whether purpofely, or unawares, he hath con- fefs'd both to God and Man the blood-guiltinefs of all this War to lie upon his own head. XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times. THIS Chapter cannot punctually be anfwer'd without more repetitions than now can be excufiible : Which perhaps have already bin more hu- mour'd than was needful. As it prefents us with nothing new, fo with his exceptions againft Reformation pitifully old and tatter'd with continual ufing -, not only in his Book, but in the words and writings of every Papift and Popifh King. On the Scene he thrufts out firft an Antimafque of two bug- bears, Novelty and Perturbation ; that the ill looks and noife of thofe two may as long as poffible drive off all endeavours of a Reformation. Thus fought Pope Adrian, by reprefenting the like vain terrors, to divert and difiipate the zeal of thofe reforming Princes of the age before in Germany. And if we cre- dit Latimer's Sermons, our Papifts here in England pleaded the fame dangers and inconveniencies againft that which was reform'd by Edward "the fixth. Wheras if thofe fears had bin available, Chriftianity it felf had never bin re- ceived. Which drift foretold us, would not be admitted without the cen- fure of Novelty and many great Commotions. Thefe therfore are not to deter us. He An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 423 He grants Reformation to be a good work, and confeiTes what the indulgence of times and corruption of manners might have deprav'd. So did the lore-mention'd Pope, and our Grandfire Papifts in this Realm. Yet all of them agree in one fong with this here, that they are ferry to fee fo little regard had to Laws ejla- blifh'd, and Religion fettled. Popular compliance, diftolution of all order and government in the Church, Schifms, Opinions, Undecencies, Confufions, facrilegious Invafions, contempt of the Clergy and their Liturgy, diminution of Princes ; all thefe complaints are to be read in the MefTages and Speeches almoft of every Legate from the Pope to thofe States and Cities which began Reformation. From whence he either learn'd the fame pretences, or had them naturally in him from the fame Spirit. Neither was there ever fo fincere a Reformation that hath efcap'd thefe clamours. He offer'd a Synod or Convocation rightly chofen. So offer'd all thofe Popifh Kings hertofore ; a courfe the moft unfatisfaftory, as matters have been long carried, and found by experience in the Church liable to the greateft fraud and packing ; nofolution, or redrefs of evil, but an increafe rather; detefted therfore by Nazianzen, and fome other of the Fathers. And let it be pro- due'd, what good hath been done by Synods from the firft times of Refor- mation. Not to juftify what Enormities the Vulgar may commit in the rudenefs of their zeal, we need but only inftance how he bemoans the pulling down of Croffes and other fuperftitious Monuments, as the effect of a popular and deceitful Refor- mation. How little this favours of a Proteftant, is too eafily perceiv'd. What he charges in defeft of Piety, Charity, and Morality, hath been alfo charg'd by Papifts upon the beft reform'd Churches ; not as if they the Accu- fers were not tenfold more to be accus'd, but out of their Malignity to all en- deavour of amendment ; as we know who accus'd to God the lincerity of Job ; an accufation of all others the moft eafy, whenas there lives not any mor- tal man fo excellent, who in thefe things is not always deficient. But the infirmities of beft men, and the fcandals ofmix'd hypocrites in all times of re- forming, whole bold intrufion covets to be ever feen in things moft facred as they are more fpecious, can lay no juft blemifh upon the integrity of others, much lefs upon the purpofe of Reformation itfelf. Neither can the evil do- ings of fome be the excufe of our delaying or deferting that duty to the Church, which for no refpeft of times or carnal policies can be at any time un- feafonable. He tells with r great fhew of Piety what kind of Perfons public Reformers ought to be, and what they ought to do. It is ftrange that in above twenty years, the Church growing ftill worfe and worfe under him, he could neither be as he bids others be, nor do as he pretends here fo well to know ; nay, which is worft or all, after the greateft part of his Reign fpent in neither knowing nor doing aught toward a Reformation either in Church or State, mould ipend the refidue in hindring thofe by a feven years War, whom it concern'd with his con- fent or without it to do their parts in that great performance. 'Tis true that the method of reforming may well fubfift without perturbation of the State ; but that it falls out otherwife for the moft part, is the plain Text of Scripture. And if by his own rule he had allow'd us to fear God firft, and the King in due order, our Allegiance might have ftill follow'd our Religion in a fit fubordination. But if Chrift's Kingdom be taken for the true Difcipline of the Church, and by his Kingdom be meant the violence he us'd againft ir, and to up- hold an Antichriftian Hierarchy, then fure enough it is, that Chrift's Kingdom could not be fet up without pulling down his : And they were beft Chriftians who were leaft fubject to him. Chrift's Government, out of queftion meaning it Prelatical, he thought would confirm his : and this was that which overthrew it. He profeffes to own his Kingdom from Chrift, and to defire to rule for his glory, and the Church's good. The Pope and the King of Spain profefs every where as much ; and both his practice and all his reafonings, all his enmity againft the true Church we fee hath been the fame with theirs, fince the time that in his Letter to ihe Pope he affur'd them both of his full compliance. But evil beginnings never bring forth good conclufions : they are his own words, and he ratify'd them by his own ending. To the Pope he engag'd himfelf to hazard Life and Eftate for the Ro- man Religion, whether in compliment he did it, or in earneft ; and God, who r flood a 24 An Anfocer to Eikon Bafilike. flood nearer than he for complementing minded, writ down thofe words ; that according to his refolution, fo it mould come to pafs. He prays againft his Hy- pocrify and Pharifaical Waflnngs, a Prayer to him mod pertinent, but choaks it ftreioht with other words which pray him deeper into his old Errors and Delu- fions. XXI. Upon his Letters taken and divulged. TH E King's Letters taken at the Battle otNafeby, being of greateft im- portance to let the people fee what Faith there was in all his promifes and folemn Proteftations, were tranfmitted to public view by fpe- cial Order of Parlament. They difcover'd his good affection to the Papifts and Irijh Rebels, the ftrict intelligence he held, the pernicious and difhonoura- ble Peace he made with them, not foil ici ted but rather folliciting, which by all invocations that were holy he had in public abjur'd. They reveal'd his en- deavours to bring in foreign Forces, Irijh, French, Dutch, Lorrainers, and our old Invaders the Danes upon us, befides his futtleties and myfterious arts in treating : to fum up all, they fhew'd him govern'd by a Woman. All which, though fufpefted vehemently before, and from good grounds believ'd, yet by him and his adherents peremptorily deny'd, were by the opening of that Cabi- net vifible to all men under his own hand. The Parlament therfore, to clear themfelves of afperfing him without caufe, and that the people might no longer be abus'd and cajol'd, as they call it, by Falfities and Court-impudence, in matters of fo high concernment, to let them know on what terms their duty flood, and the Kingdom's peace, conceiv'd it moft expedient and neceffary that thofe Letters fhould be made public. This the King affirms was by them done without honour and civility : words, which if they contain not in them, as in the language of a Courtier moft commonly they do not, more of fubftance and reality than Compliment, Ceremony, Court- fawning and Diffembling, enter not I fuppofe further than the ear into any wife man's confideration. Matters were not then between a Parlament and a King their enemy in that ftate of trifling, as to obferve thofe fuperficial Vanities. But if honour and civility mean, as they did of old, difcretion, honefty, prudence, and plain truth, it will be then maintain'd againft any Sect of thofe Cabalifts, that the Parlament in doing what they did with thofe Letters, could fuffer in their honour and civility no diminution. The reafons are already heard. And that it is with none more familiar than with Kings to tranfgrefs the bounds of all honour and civility, there fhould not want examples good ftore, if brevity would permit; in point of Letters, this one fhall fuffice. The Dutchefs of Burgundy and Heir of Duke Charles, had promis'd to her Subjects that fhe in- tended no otherwife to govern, than by advice of the three Eftates •, but to Lewis the French King had written Letters that fhe had refolv'd to commit wholly the managing of her affairs to four Perfons whom fhe nam'd. The three Eftatesnot doubting the fincerity of her Princely Word, fend Embaffadors to Lewis, who then befieg'd Arras belonging to the Dukes of Burgundy. The King taking hold of this occafion to fet them at divifion among themfelves, queftion'd their Credence ; which when they offer'd to produce with their In- ftru&ions, he not only mews them the private Letter of their Dutchefs, butgives it them to carry home, wherwith to affront her; which they did, fhe denying it ftoutly, till they fpreading it before her face in a full Affembly, convicted her of an open lye. Which although Comines the Hiftorian much blames, as a deed too harfh and difhonourable in them who were Subjects, and not at war with their Princefs, yet to his Mafter Lewis, who firft divulg'd thofe Letters, to the open fhaming of that young Governefs, he imputes no incivility or difhonour at all, although betraying a certain confidence repos'd by that Letter in his Royal Secrecy. With An Anfdcer to Eikon Bafilike. 425 With much more reaibn then may Letters not intercepted only, but won in battle from an Enemy, be made public to the befl advantages of them that win them, to the riifcovery of fuch important truth or fallhood. Was it not more difhor.oui able in himfeU to feign fufpicions and jealoufies, which we firft found among thofe Letters, touching the chaftity of his Mother, therby to gain aftiftance from the King of Denmark, as in vindication of his Sifter? The Damfel of Burgundy at fight of her own Letter was foon blank, and more in- genuous thai: to Hand out-facing ; but this man whom nothing will convince, tli inks by talking world without end to make good his integrity and fair dealing, contradicted by his own Hand and Seal. They who can pick nothing out of them but Phrafes, lhall be counted Bees : they that difcern further both there and here, that conftancy to his Wife is fet in place before Laws and Religi- on, are in his naturalities no belter than Spiders. He would work the people to a perfwafion, that if he be miferable, they cannot be happy. What fhould hinder them ? Were they all born Twins of Hippocrates with him and his fortune, one birth one burial ? It were a Nation miferable in- deeo, not worth the name of a Nation, but a race of Idiots, whofe happinefs and welfare depended upon one Man. The happinefs of a Nation confifts in true Religion, Piety, j uftice, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, and the con- tempt of Avarice and Ambition. They in whomibever thefe virtues dwell e- mincntly, need not Kings to make them happy, but are the Architects of their own happinefs ; and whether to themfelves or others are not lefs than Kings. But in him which of thefe virtues were to be found, that might extend to the making happy, or the well-governing of fo much as his own houfhold, which was the moft licentious and ill-govern'd in the whole Land ? But the opening of thofe Letters wasdefign'd by the Parlamenr to make all Re- conciliation defperate. Are the Lives of fo many good and faithful Men that died for the freedom of their Country, to be fo (lighted, as to be forgotten in a ftu- pid reconcilement without juftice done them ? What he fears not by War and Slaughter, fhould we fear to make defperate by opening his Letters ? Which fact he would parallel with Cham's revealing of his Father's Nakednefs : When he at that time could be no way efteem'dthe Father of his Country, but the Deftroyerj, nor had he ever before merited that former title. He thanks God he cannot only bear this with patience, but with charity forgive the Doers. Is not this meer mockery, to thank God for what he can do, but will not ? For is it patience to impute Barbarifm and Inhumanity to the opening of an Enemy's Letter, or is it Charity to clothe them with curfes in his Prayer, whom he hath forgiven in his Difcourfe ? In which Prayer to fhew how readily he can return good for evil to the Parlament, and that if they take away his Coat, he can let them have his Cloak alfo -, for the difmantling of his Letters he wifhes they may be cover' d with the Cloak of Confufion. Which I fuppofe they do refign with much willingnefs, both Livery, Badge, and Cognizance, to them who chofe rather to be his Servants and Vaflals, than to ftand againft him for the Liberty of their Country. Vol. I. liS XXII. ^ 426 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilikc XXII. Upon his going to the Scots. TH E King's coming in, whether to the Scots or Englifh, deferv'd no thanks : For Necejfity was his Connfellor ; and that he hated them both a-' like, his exprefTions every where manifeft. Some lay his purpofe was to have come to London, till hearing how ftrictly it was proclaim'd that no man mould conceal him, he diverted his courfe. But that had been a frivolous excufe : and befides, he himfelf rehearfing the confultations had before he took his journey, fhews us clearly that he was determin'd to adventure upon their Loyalty •whofirft began his troubles. And that the Scots had notice of it before, hath been long fince brought to light. What prudence there could be in it, no man can imagine ; Malice there might be by railing new jealoufies to divide Friends. For befides his diffidence of the Englifh, it was no frnall difhonour that he put upon them, when rather than yield himfelr to the Parlament of England, he yielded to a hireling Army of Scots in England, paid for their fervice here, not in Scotch- coin, but in Engliflo Silver ; nay, who from the firft beginning ofthefe troubles, what with brotherly aiftftance, and what with monthly pay, have defended their own Liberty and Confciences at our charge. However it was a hazardous and rafh journey taken to refolve riddles in mens Loyalty, who had more reafon to mif- truft the riddle of fuch a difguis'd yielding; and to put himfelf in their hands whofe Loyalty was a Riddle to him, was not the courfe to be refolv'd of it, but to attempt it. What Providence deny'd to Force, he thought it might grant to Fraud, which he ftiles Prudence : But Providence was not cozen'd with difguifes,. neither outward nor inward. To have known his great eft danger in his fuppos'd fafety, and his great eft fafe- ty in his fuppos'd danger, was to him a fatal Riddle never yet refolv'd ; wherin- rather to have employ'd his main fkill had been much more to his preferva- tion. Had he known when the Game was loft, it might have fav'd much conteft ; but the way to give over fairly was not to flip out of open "War into a new difguife. He lays down his Arms, but not his Wiles ; nor all his Arms ; for in obftinacy he comes no lefs arm'd than ever, Cap-a-pe. And what were they but wiles, continually to move for Treaties, and yet to perfift the fame man, and to fortify his mind before-hand,, ftill purpofing to grant no more than what feem'd good to that violent and lawlefs Triumvirate within him, under the falfify'd names of his Reafon, Honour,, and Confcience, the whole circulating dance of his fhifts and evafions ? The words of a King,, as they are full of power, in the authority and ftrength of Law, fo like Sampfon without the ftrength of that Nazarite's Lock, they have no more power in them than the words of another Man. He adores Reafon as Domitian did Minerva, and calls her the Divineft Power, therby to intimate as it at reafoning, as at his own weapon, no man were fo able as himfelf. Might we be fo happy as to know where thefe Monu- ments of his Reafon may be feen •, for in his actions and his writing they ap- pear as thinly as could be expected from the meaneft parts, bred up in the midft of fo many ways extraordinary to know fomething. He who reads his talk» would think he had left Oxford not without mature deliberation : yet his Pray- er confefies that he knew not what to do. Thus is verify'd that Pfalm ; he poureth contempt upon Princes, and caufeth them to wander in the Wildernsfs where there iswway, Pfal, 107. XXIII, Vpn An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 427 XXIII. Upon the Scots delivering the King to the Englifh. THAT the Scots in England fhould fell their King, as he himfelf here af- firms, and for a price fo much above that, which the covetoufnefs of Judas was contented with to fell our Saviour, is fo foul an infamy and difhonour caft upon them, as befits none to vindicate but themfelves. And it were but friendly Counfelto wifh them beware the Son, who comes among them with a firm belief that they fold his Father. The reft of this Chapter he fa- crifices to the Echo of his Confcience, out-babling Creeds and Ave's, glorying in his refolute obftinacy, and as it were triumphing how evident it is now that not evil Counfellors, but he himfelf hath been the Author of all our Troubles. Herein only we fhall difagree to the World's end, while he who fought fo mani- feftly to have annihilated all our Laws and Liberties, hath the confidence toper- fwade us that he ha.th fought and fuffer'd all this while in their defence. But he who neither by his own Letters and Commiffions under Hand and Seal, nor by his own Actions held as in a Mirror before his face, will be convinc'd to fee his faults, can much lefs be won upon by any force of words, neither he, nor any that take after him ; who in that refpefl are no more to be difputed with, than they who deny Principles. No queftion then, but the Parlamentdid wifely in their decree at laft, to make no more AddrefTes. For how unalterable his will was, that would have been our Lord, how utterly averfe from the Par- lament and Reformation during his confinement, we may behold in this Chapter. But to be ever anfwering fruitless Repetitions, I fhould become liable to anfwer for the fame myfelf. He borrows David's, Pfalms, as he charges the Affembly of Divines in his twehtieth Difcourfe, To have fet forth old Catechifms and Cotifeffi- ons of Faith new drefl ; had he borrow'd David's heart, it had been much the holier theft. For fuch kind of borrowing as this, if it be not better'd by the Borrower, among good Authors is accounted Plagiary. However, this was more tolerable than Pamela's Prayer ftolen out of Sir Philip. XXIV. Upon the denying him the Attendance of his Chaplains. A CHAPLAIN is a thing fo diminutive and inconfiderable, that how he fhould come here among matters of fo great concernment to take fuch room up in the Difcourfes of a Prince, if it be not wonder'd, is to be fmil'd at. Certainly by me fo mean an Argument fhall not be written ; but I fhall huddle him, as he does Prayers. The Scripture owns no fuch Order, no fuch Function in the Church ; and the Church not owning them, they are left, for aught I know, to fuch a further examining as the Sons oiSceva the Jew met with ; Bifhops or Prefbyters we know, and Deacons we know, but what are Chaplains ? In State perhaps they may be lifted among the upper Serving-men of fome great houfhold, and be admitted to fome fuch place, as may ftile them the Sewers, or the Yeomen- Ufhers of Devotion, where the Mafter is too refty, or too rich to fay his own Prayers, or to blefs his own Table. Wherfore fhould theParlament then take fuch implements of the Court Cup-board into their confideration ? They knew them to have been the main Corrupters at the King's elbow ; they knew the King to have been always their moft attentiveScholar and Imitator, and of a Child to have fuck'd from them and their Clofct- work all his impotent Prin- ciples of Tyranny and Superftition. While therfore they had any hope left of his reclaiming, thefe fowers of Malignant Tares they kept afunder from him, and lent to him fuch of the Minifters and other zealous Perfons as they Vol. I. I i i 2 thought 428 An Anfocer to Eikon Bafilike. thought were beft able to inftruft him, and to convert him. What could Reli- gion herfelf have done more to the Hiving of a Soul ? But when they found him paft Cure, and that he to himfelf was grown the moft evil Oounfellor of all, they deny'd him not his Chaplains, as many as were fitting, and ibme of them attended him, or elfe were at his call to the very laft. Yet here he makes more Lamentation for the want of his Chaplains, than fuperflitious Micah did to the Danitcs, who had taken away his houlhold Prieft : Te have taken away my Gods which I made, and the Prieft, and what have I more? And perhaps the whole Story of Micah might fquare not unfitly to this argument : Now know /, faith he, that the herd will do me good, feeing I have a hevite to my Prieft. Micah had as great a care that his Prieft fhould be Mofaical, as the King had that his mould be A- poftolical -, yet both in error touching their Priefts. Houfhold and private Ori- fons were not to be officiated by Priefts ; for neither did public Prayer apper- tain only to their office. Kings hertofore, David,. Solomon, and jebefaphat* who might not touch the Priefthood, yet might pray in public, yea in the Tem- ple, while the Priefts themfelves ftood and heard. What ail'd this King then, that he could not chew his own Mattins without the Prieft's Ore terms? Yet it is like he could not pray at home T who can here publifh a whole Prayer-book of his own, and fignifies in fome pare of this Chapter almoft as good a mind to be a Prieft himfelf, as Micah had to let his Son be. There was doubtlefs ther- fore fome other matter in it, which made him fo defirous to have his Chaplains about him, who were not only the contrivers,, but very oft the inftruments alio of his defigns. TheMinifters which were fent him, no marvel heendur'dnot ; for they pre.ich'd repentance to him : the others gave him eafy confeffion, eafy abfolution, nay, ftrengthen'd his hands, and harden'' d his heart, by applauding him in his wilful ways. To them he was an Ahab, to thefe a Conftantine ; it muft follow then, that they to him were as unwelcome as Eliah was to Ahab, thefe as dear and pleafing as Amaziah the Prieft of Bethel was to Jeroboam. Thefe had learnt well the lef- fon that would pleafe ; Prophefy net egainft Bethel, for it is the King's Chappel, the King's Court ; and had taught the King to fay of thofe Minifters which the Parlament had fent, Amos bath confpir'd againjl me y the hand is not able to bear all his words. Returning to our firft Parallel, the King look'd upon his Prelates, as Orphans under the facrilegious eyes of many rapacious Reformers : and there was as great fear of Sacrilege between Micah and his Mother, till with their holy treafure, about the lofs wherof there was fuch a curfing, they made a graven and a molten linage, and got a Prieft of their own. To let go his criticizing about the found of Prayers, imperious, rude, or paffionate modes of his own deviling, we are in danger to fall again upon the flats and fhallows of Liturgy. Which if I Ihould repeat again, would turn my anfwers into Refponfories, and beget another Liturgy, having too much of one already. This only I lhall add, that if the heart, as he alledges, cannot (.\\~dy join with* another man's extemporal fufficiency, becaufe we know not foexaftly what they mean to fay, then thofe public Prayers made in the Temple by thofe. forenamed Kings, and by the Apoftles in the Congregation, and by the ancient Chriftians for above three hundred years before Liturgies came in, were with the People made in vain. After he hath acknowledg'd that Kings hertofore pray'd without Chaplains, even publicly in the Temple itfclf, and that every private Believer is inveftedwitb a royal Priefthood ; yet like one that relifh'd not what he tafted of the heavenly gift, and the good word of God, whofe name he fo confidently takes into his mouth, he frames to himfelf impertinent and vain reafons why he fhould rather pray by the officiating mouth of a Clofet-Chaplain. Their Prayers, faith he, are snore prevalent, they flow from minds more enlighten' d, from affeblions lefs diftracled. Admit this true, which is not, this might be fomething faid as to their Prayers for him, but what avails it to their praying with him ? If his own mind be incum- bred with fecular affairs, what helps it hisparticular Prayer, tho* the mind of his Chaplain be not wandring, either after new preferment, or his dinner ? The fervency of one man in prayer cannot fupererogate for the coldnefs of another j neither can his fpiritual defeils in that duty be made out in the acceptance of God by another man's abilities. Let him endeavour to have more light in him- felf, and not to walk, by anotker man'* Lamp, but to get Oil into bis own. Let him An An/doer to Eikon Bafilike. 420 him caft from him, as in a Chriftian warfare, that ftcular incumbrance which cither diltrafts or overloads him ; his load elfe will never be the iefs heavy, be- caufe another man's is light. Thus theft pious ilourifhes and colours examin'd throughly, are like the Apples of Afphaltis, appearing goodly to the Hidden eye, but look well upon them, or at leafl but touch them, and they turn into Cinders. In his Prayer he remembers what voices cf joy and gladnefs there were in his •Chappel, God's I/cufe, in his opinion, between the Singing-men and the Or- gans -, and this was unity of fpirit in the bond of peace ; the vanity, fuperftition, and mifdevotion of which place, was a fcandal far and near: Wherin ib .many things were fung, and pray'd in thofe Songs which were not underftood ; and yet he who makes a difficulty how the people can join their hearts to ex- temporal Prayers, though diftinftly heard and underftood, makes no queftion how they fhould join their hearts in unity to fongs not underftood. I believe that God is no more mov'd with a Prayer elaborately pen'd, than men truly charitable, are mov'd with the pen'd fpeech of a Beggar. Finally, O ye Minifters, read here what work he makes among your Gally- pots, your Bahns and Cordials ; and not only your fweet Sippets in Widows Houles, but the huge gobbets wherwith he charges you, to have devour'd houfes and all •, the houfes of your Brethren, your King, and your God. Cry him up for a Saint in your Pulpits, while he cries you down for Atheifts into Hell. XXV. Upon his penitential Meditations and Vows at Holmby. IT is not hard for any man Who hath a Bible in his hands, to borrow good words and holy layings in abundance -, but to make them his own, is a work of grace only from above. He borrows here many penitential Verfes out of David's Pfalms. So did many among'thofe Ifraelites, who had revolted from the true Worfhipof God, invent to themfelves infiruments of mufic like David, and probably Pfalms alfolike his; and yet the Prophet Amos complains heavily a- gainft them. But to prove how fhort this is of true repentance, I will recite the penitence of others, who have repented, in words not borrow'd, but their own, and yet by the doom of Scripture itfelf are judg'd Reprobates. Cain laid unto the Lord, My Iniquity is greater than I can bear: behold thou haft driven me this day from the face of the Earth, and from thy face /hall I be hid. And when Efau heard the words of his Father, he cry'd with an exceeding bitter cry, and faid, Blefs me, even me alfo, my Father ; yet found noplace of repentance^ though he fought it carefully with tears, Heb. 12. And Pharaoh laid to Mofes, The Lord is righteous, I and my People are wicked ; J have Jiff d agabift the Lord your God, and againft you. And Balaam faid, Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my laft end be like his. And Saul faid to Samuel, I have fin' d, for I have tranjgrefs'd the commandment cf the Lord ; yet honour me now, I pray thee, before the Elders of my People. And when Ahab heard the words of Eliah, he rent his clothes, and put fackcloth upon his flefl-i, andfafied, and lay in fackcloth, and went foftly. Jehoram alfo rent his clothes, and the People look'd, and behold he had fackcloth upon iris fleflj •, yet in the very aft of his humiliation he could fay, God do fo, and more alfo to me, if the head of Elifha Jhall Jland on him this day. Therfore faith the Lord, They have not cry'd unto me with their heart, when they howl'd upon their beds. They return, but not to the Mofi High. Hofea 7. And Judas faid, / have fin' d, in that I have betray' d innocent blood. And Simon Magus faid, Pray ye to the Lord for me, that none of thefe things come upon me. All thefe took the pains both to confefs and to repent in their own words, and many of them in their ©wn tears, ngt in David's. But tranfported with the vain 43o An Anfocer to Eikon Bafilike. vain oftentation of imitating David's language, not his life, obferve how he brings a curfe upon himlelf and his Father's houfe ('God fo difpofing it) by his ufurp'd and ill-imitated Prayer, Let thy anger I befeech thee be againft me and my Father's houfe ; as for thefe Sheep, what have they dene ? For if David indeed fin'd in mimbring the People, of which fault he in earneft made that Confefiion, and acquitted the whole People from the guilt of that fin ; then doth this King, i:fing the fame words, bear witnefs againft himfelf to be the guilty Perfon, and either in his Soul and Confcience here acquits the Parlament and the People, or e!fe abufes the words of David, and difTembles grofly even to the face of God ; which is apparent in the very next line ; wherin he accufes even the Church it- felf to God, as if fhe were the Church's enemy, for having overcome his Tyran- ny by the powerful and miraculous Might of God's manifeft arm : For to other ilrength in the midft of our divifions and diforders, who can attribute our Vic- tories ? Thus had this miferable man no worfe enemies to follicit and mature hisown deftrudtion, from the haften'd fentence of divine Juftice, than the ob- durate curfes which proceeded againft himlelf out of his own mouth. Hitherto his Meditations, now his Vows, which as the Vows of Hypocrites ufedtobe, are moft commonly abfurd, and fome wicked. Jacob vow'd that God fnould be his God, if he granted him but what was neceiTary to perform that Vow, lifeandfubfifter.ee: but the obedience profer'd here is nothing fo cheap. He who took fo heinoufiy to be offer'd nineteen Propofitions from the Parlament, capitulates here with God almoft in as many Articles. Jf he will continue that light, or rather that darknefs of the Gofpel, which is among his Prelates, fettle their Luxuries, and make them gorgeous Bilhops ; If he will reftore the grievances and mifchiefs of thofe obfolete and popifii Laws,, which the Parlament without his confent hath abrogated, and will fijfter Juftice to be executed according to his fenfe ; If he will fupprefs the many Schifms in Church, to contradict himfelf in that which he hath foretold mult and fhall come to pafs, and will remove Reforma- tion as the greateft Schifm of all, and Factions in the State by which he meana in every leal the Parlament ; If he will reftore him to his Negative Voice and the Militia, as much as to fay, to arbitrary Power, which he wrongfully avers to be the Right of his Prede- ceffors ; If he will turn the hearts of his People to their old Cathedral and Parochial Ser- vice in the Liturgy, and their Paffive Obedience to the King ; If he will quench the Army, and withdraw our Forces from withftanding the Piracy or Rupert, and the plotted Irijb Invafion ; If he willblefs him with the freedom of Bilhops again in the Houfe of Peers, and of fugitive Delinqents in the Houfe of Commons, and deliver the honour of Par- lament into his hands, from the moft natural and due protection of the people, that entrufted them with the dangerous enterprize of being faithful to their Country againft the rage and malice of his tyrannous oppofition ; If he will keep him from that great offence of following the Counfel of his Par- lament, and enabling what they advife him to, which in all reafon, and by the known Law and Oath of his Coronation he ought to do, and not to call that Sacrilege which neceffity through the continuance of his own Civil War hath compell'd them to ; Necelnty, which made David eat the Shew-bread, made Ezekiah take all the Silver which was found in God's Houfe, and cut off the Gold which overlaid thofe doors and pillars, and give it to Senacherib ; Necef- fity, which oftimes made the Primitive Church to fell her facred Utenfils, even to the Communion-Chalice ; If he will reftore him to a Capacity of glorifying him by doing that both in Church and State, which muft needs difhonour and pollute his Name ; If he will bring him again with peace, honour andfafety to his chief City, with- out repenting, without fatisfying for the blood fpilt, only for a few politic Conceffions, which are as good as nothing ; If he will put again the Sword into his hand, to puniftj thofe that have deliver'd us, and to proteil Delinquents againft the Juftice of Parlament ; Then, if it be poffible to reconcile Contradictions, he will praife him by dif- pleafing him, and ferve him by differving him. Fits An Arifwer to Eikon Bafilike. 431 His glory, in the gaudy Copes and painted Windows, Mitres, Rochets, Al- tars, and the chanted Service-Book, /hall be dearer to him than the eftabliihing his Crown in righteoufnefs, and the fpiritual power of Religion. He will pardon thofe that have offended him in particular, but there fhaJl want no futtle ways to be even with them upon another fcore of their fuppos'd Offen- ces againft the Commonwealth ; wherby he may at once effect the glory of a ieeming juftice, and deftroy them pleafantly, while he feigns to forgive them as to his own particular, and outwardly bewails them. Thefe are the conditions of his treating with God, to whom he bates no- thing of what he ftood upon with the Parlament : as if Commifiions of Array could deal with him alfo. But of all thefe conditions, as it is now evident in our eyes, God accepted none, but that final Petition which he fo oft, no doubt but by the fecret judgment of God, importunes againft his own head ; praying God, That his mercies might befo toward him, as his refolutions of truth and peace were toward his People. It follows then, God having cut him off without granting any of thefe mercies, that his refolutions were as feigned, ashis Vows are fruftrate. XXVI. Upon the Army s furprifal of the King at Holmby. TO give account to Royalifts what was done with their vanquifh'd King, yielded up into our hands, is not to be expected from them whom God hath made his Conquerors. And for Brethren to debate and rip up their falling out in the Ear of a common Enemy, therby making him the Judge, or at leaft the well-pleas'd Auditor of their difagreement, is neither wife nor comely. To the King therfore, were he living, or to his Party yet remaining, as to this Action, there belongs no anfwer. Emulations, all men know are inci- dent among military men, and are, if they exceed not, pardonable. But fome of the former Army, eminent enough for their own martial deeds, and preva- lent in the Houfe of Commons, touch'd with envy to be fo far outdone by a new model which they contemn'd, took advantage of Prefbyterian and Indepen- dent Names, and the virulence of fome Minifters, to raile difturbance. And the War being then ended, thought flightly to have difcarded them, who had faithfully done the work, without their due pay, and the reward of their invin- cible valour. But they who had the Sword yet in their hands, difdaining to be made the firft objects of ingratitude and oppreffion, after all that expence of their blood for Juftice and the common Liberty, feiz'd upon the King their Pri- foner, whom nothing but their matchlefs deeds had brought fo low as to fur- render up his Perfon : though he, to ftir up new difcord, chofe rather to give up himfelf a captive to his own Country-men who lefs had won him. This in likelihood might have grown to fome height of miichief ; partly through the ftrife which was kindling between our elder and our younger Warriors, but chiefly through the feditious tongues of fome falfe Minifters, more zealous a- gainft Schifms, than againft their own Simony and Pluralities, or watchful of the common Enemy, whole futtle infmuations had got fofar in among them, as with all diligence to blow the coals. But it pleas'd God not to embroil and put to confufion his whole people for the perverfenefs of a few. The growth of our diffenfion was either prevented, or foon quieted •, the Enemy foon deceiv'd of his rejoicing, and the King elpecially difappointed of not the meaneft morfel that his hope prefented him, to ruin us by our divifion. And being now fo nigh the end, we may the better be at leifure to ftay a while, and hear him com- menting upon his own Giptivity. He faith of his furprifal, that it was a motion eccentric and irregular. What then r his own allufionfrom the Celeftial Bodies, puts us in mind that irregular motions may be neceffary on Earth fometimes as well as conftantly in Heaven, That is not always beft which is moft regular to written Law. Great Wor- thies hertofore by difobeying Law, oftimes have fav'd the Commonwealth •, and the Law afterward by firm Decree hath approv'd that planetary motion, that unblamable exorbitancy in them. He 4« -« y&? Anficer to Eikon Bafilike. He means no good to either Independent or Prefbyterian, and yet his Parable,, like that of Balaam, is over-ru!'d to portend them good, lar befide his intenti- on. Thofe Twins that ftrove enclosed in the womb of Rebecca, were the feed of Abraham ; the younger undoubtedly gain'dthe heavenly Birth-right ; the elder thou°-h»fupplanted in his Simile, mail yet no queftion find a better portion than Eiau found, and far above his uncircumcis'd Prelates. He r.enfures, and in cenfuring feems to hope it will be an ill Omen that they who huild Terufalem divide their tongues and hands. But his hope fail'd him with his example •, for that there were divifions both of tongues and hands at the building ofjerufalem,. the Story would have certify'd him ; and yet the work profper'd : and if God will, fo may this, notwithftanding all the craft and ma- lignant wiles of Sanballat and Tobiah, adding what fuel they can to our diffen- fions ; or the indignity of his comparifon, that likens us to thofe feditious Zea- lots whofe inteftine fury brought deftruction to the laft Jerufalem. It being now no more in his hand to be reveng'd on his oppofers, he feeks to fatiutc his fancy with the imagination of fome revenge upon them from above; and like one who in a drowth obferves the Sky, fits and watches when any thing will drop, that might folace him with the iikenefs of a Punifhment from Heaven upon us : which he ftrait expounds how he pleafes. No evil can befal the Parlament or City, but he pofitively interprets it a judgment upon them for his fake; as if the very Manuicript of God's Judgments had been deli- ver'dtohis cuftody and expofition. But his reading declares it well to be a falfe copy which he ufes •, difpenfing often to his own bad deeds and fuccefiesthetefti- mony of Divine Favour, and to the good deeds and fuccefies of other Men, Divine Wrath and Vengeance. But to counterfeit the hand of God is the hold- eft of all Forgery : And he who without warrant, but his own famaftic fur- mile, takes upon him perpetually to unfold the fecret and unfearchable Myfte- ries of high Providence, is likely for the moft part to miftake and flander them ; and approaches to the madnefs of thofe reprobate thoughts, that would wren; the Sword of Juftice out of God's own hand, and employ it more juftly in his own conceit. It was a fmall thing to contend with the Parlament about the fole power of the Militia, when we fee him doing little lefsthan laying hands on the Weapons of God himfelf, which are his judgments, to wield and manage them, by thefway and bent of his own frail Cogitations. Therfore they that by Tumults firft occqfton'd the raifing of Armies, in his doom mtifl needs be chaften'd by their own Army for new Tumults. Firft, note here his^confefiion, that thofe Tumults were the firft occafion of rai- fing Armies, and by conlequence that he himfelf rais'd them firft againft thofe iuppos'd Tumults. But who occafion'd thofe Tumults, or who made them fo, being at firft nothing more than the unarm'd and peaceable concourfe of People, hath been difcuft already. And that thofe pretended Tumults were chaftiz'd by their own Army for new Tumults, is net prov'd by a Game at tic-tac with words ; Tumults and Armies, Armies and Tumults, but feems more like the me- thod of a Juftice irrational than divine. If the City were chaften'd by the Army for new Tumults, the reafon is by himfelf fet down evident and immediate, their new Tumults. With what fenfe can it be referr'd then to another far-fetch'd and imaginary caufe that happen'd fo many years before, and in his fuppofition only as a caufe ? Manlius defended the Capitol and the Romans from their enemies the Gauls : Manlius for fedition afterward was by the, Romans thrown headlong from the Capitol ; therfore Manlius was punifiVd by divine Juftice for defending the Capitol, becaufe in that place punifh'd for fedition, and by thofe whom he defended. This is his Logic upon Divine Juftice ; and was the fame before upon the death of Sir John Hotham. And here again, fuch as were content to fee him driven away by unfupprefled Tumults, are now fore' d to fly to an Army. Was this a judgment ? was it not a mercy ra- ther that they had a noble and victorious Army io near at hand to fly to ? From God's Juftice, he comes down to Man's Juftice. Thofe few of both Houfes who at firft withdrew with him from the vain pretence of Tumults, were ■counted Deferters ; therfore thofe many muft be alfo Deferters who withdrew Afterwards from real Tumults : as if it were the place that made a Parlament, and not the end and caufe. Becaufe it is deny'd thofe were Tumults from which the King made fhew of being driven, is it therfore of neceffity imply'd x that there could be never any Tumults for the future ? If fome men fly in craft, may 5 An Anfeoer to Eikon Bafilike. 4*3 may not other men have caufe to fly in earned ? But mark the difference between their flight and his •, they foon return'd in fafety to their places, he not till after many years, and then a Captive to receive his punifhmcnt. So that their flying, whether the caufe be confider'd or the event, or both, neither juftify'd him, nor condemned themfehes. But he will needs have vengeance to purfue and overtake them ; though to brin<* it in, it coil him an inconvenient and obnoxious companion, As the Mice and Rats overtook a German Bijhop. I would our Mice and Rats had been as ortho- doxal here, and had lb purfu'd all his Bilhops out of England ; then vermin had rid away vermin, which now hath loll the lives of too many thoufand honeft men to do. He cannot but obfervethis Divine Jujlice yet with farrow and pity. But forrow and pity in a weak and over-malter'd Enemy, is look'd upon no otherwife than as the Afhes of his revenge burnt out upon it felf ; or as the damp of a cool'd fury when we fay it gives. But in this manner to fit fpelling and pbferving Di- vine Jullice upon every accident and flight difturbance that may happen human- ly to the affairs of Men, is but another fragment of his broken revenge ; and yet the fiirewdeft and the cunningelt Obloquy that can be thrown upon their Actions. For if he can perfuade men that the Parlament and their caufe is pur- fu'd with Divine Vengeance, he hath attain'd his end, to make all men forfake them, and think the worft that can be thought of them. Nor is he only content to fuborn Divine Jullice in his cenfure of what is pall, but he aflumes the perfon of Chrill himfelf to prognollicate over us what he wifhes would come. So little is any thing or perfon facred from him, no not in Heaven, which he will not ufe, and put on, if it may ferve him plaufibly to wreck his fpleen, or eafe his mind upon the Parlament. Although if ~ ever fatal blindnefs did both attend and pitnifla wilfulnefs, if ever any enjoy' 'd not comforts for ii'glecling counfel belonging to their peace, it was in none more evidently brought to pais than in himfelf : and his Predictions againll the Parlament and their Ad- herents have lor the moll part been verify'd upon his own head, and upon his chief Counfellors. He concludes with high praifes of the Army. But praifes in an Enemy are fuperfluous, or fmell of craft ; and the Army ihall not need his praifes, nor the Parlament far worfe for his accufing prayers that follow. Wherin as his Charity can be no way comparable to that of Chrill, fo neither can his affurance that they whom he feems to pray lor, in doing what they did againll him, knew not what they did. It was but arrogance therfore, and not charity, to lay fuch ig- norance to others in the fight of God, till he himfelf had been infallible, like him whofe peculiar words he overweeningly affumes. Vol. I. K k k XXVII- 434 <An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. XXVII. IntitFd to the Prince of Walts. WHAT the King wrote to his Son, as a Father, concerns not us ; what he wrote to him as a King of England, concerns not him ; God and the Parlament having now otherwiie difpos'd of England. But becaufe I fee it done with fome artifice and labour, to pofTefs the people that they might amend their prefent condition, by his or by his Son's reflorement, I fhail fhew point by point, that although the King had been re-inftall'd to his de- fire, or that his Son admitted, mould obferve exactly all his Father's Precepts, yet that this would be fo far from conducing to our happinefs, either as a re- medy to the ■prefent diftempers, or a prevention of the like to come, that it would inevitably throw us back again into all our paft and fulfill'd miferies ; would force us to fight over again all our tedious Wars, and put us to another fatal flrug- gling for Liberty and Life, more dubious than the former. In which as our fuccefs hath been no other than our caufe ; fo it will be evident to all pofterity, that his misfortunes were the meer confequence of his perverfe Judgment. Firft he argues from the experience of thcfe troubles which both he and his Son have had, to the improvement of their piety and -patience : and by the way bears witnefs in his own words, that the corrupt education of his youth, which was but glanc'd at only in fome former pafTages of this Anfwer, was a thing neither of mean confideration, nor untruly charg'd upon him or his Son: himfelf con- ferring here, that Court -delights are prone either to root up all true vertue and honour, or to be contented only with fome leaves and withering formalities of than, without any real fruits tending to the public good. "Which prefents him (till in his own words another Rchoboam, foflen'd by a far worfe Court than Solomon's, andfo cor- rupted by flatteries, whichhe affirms to be unfep arable, to the overturning of all peace, and the lofs of his own Honour and Kingdoms. That he came therfore thus bred up and nurtur'd to the Throne, far worfe than Rehoboam, unlefs he be of thofe who equaliz'd his Father to K'mgSolomcn, we have here his own confeffi- on. And how voluptuoufly, how idly reigning in the hands of other men, he either tyranniz'd or trifled away thofe feventeen years of peace, without care or thought, as if to be a King had been nothing elfe in his apprehenfion, but to eat and drink, and have his will, and take his pleafure ; though there be who can relate his domeftic life to the exadtnefs of a diary, there fhall be here no mention made. This yet we might have then forefeen, that he who fpent his leifure foremisfly and fo corruptly to his own pleafing, would one day or other be worfe bufied and employed to our forrow. And that he acted in good earneft what Rehoboam did but threaten, to make his little finger heavier than his Father's Loins, and to whip us with his two-twifted Scorpions, both temporal and fpiritual Tyranny, all his Kingdoms have felt. What good ufe he made afterward of his adverfity, both his impenitence and obftinacy to the end (for he was no Manajfeb) and the fequel of thefehis meditated refolutions, abundantly exprefs; retaining, commending, teaching to his Son all thofe putrid and perniciousdocuments both of State and of Religion, inftill'd by wick- ed Doctors, and receiv'd by him as in a Vefiel nothing better ieafon'd, which were the firft occafion both of his own and all our miferies And if he in the beft maturity of his years and underftanding made no better ufe to himfelf or others of his fo long and manifold afflictions, either looking up to God, or look- ing down upon the reafon of his own affairs, there can be no probability that his Son, bred up, not in the foft effeminacies of a Court only, but in the rug- ged and more boifterotis licence of undifciplin'd Camps and Garifons, for years unable to reflect with judgment upon his own condition, and thus ill In— flructed by his Father, ihould give his mind to walk by any other rules than thefe bequeath'd him as on the death-bed of his Father, and as the choiceft of all that experience, which his moft ferious obfervation and retirement in good or evil days, had taught him. David indeed by fufFering without juft caufe, learn'd that mcekncfs and that wifdom by adverfity, which made him much the fitter man to reign. But they who fuffcr as Opprcfibrs, Tyrants, violators of Law, and perfecutors of Reformation, without appearance of repenting, if they An Anfwer to Eikon Balifike. they once get hold again of that dignity and power which they had loft, an*, but whetted and enrag'd by what they fuffer'd, againft thofe whom they look upon as them that caus'd their fufferings. How he hath been fubjeel to the fceptre of God's word and fpirit, though acknow- ledge to be the befi Government, and what his difpenfatwn of civil power hath been, with what Juftice, and what honour to the public peace, it is but Ioofeing back upon the whole catalogue of his deeds, and that will be fufficient to re- member us. The Cup of God's phyfic, as he calls it, what alteration it wrought in him to a firm healthfulnefs from any furfeit, or excefs wherof the people ge- nerally thought him fick, it any man would go about to prove, we have his own teftimony following here, that it wrought none at all. Firft, he hath the fame fix'd opinion and efteem of his old Ephefian Goddefs, call'd the Church of England, as he had ever ; and charges ftricfly his Son after him to perfevere in that Anti-papal Schifm (for it is not much better) as that which will be necejfary both for his Soul's and the Kingdom's Peace. But if this can be any foundation of the Kingdom's peace, which was the firft caufe of our di- ftracfions, let common fenfe be Judge. It is a rule and principle worthy to be known by Chriftians, that no Scripture, no nor fo much as any ancient Creed, binds our Faith, or our obedience to any Church whatfoever, denominated bv a particular name ; firlefs, if it be diftinguifti'd by a feveral Government from that which is indeed Catholic. No man was ever bid be fubje-ft to the Church of Corinth, Rome, or AJia, but to the Church without addition, as it held faith- ful to the rules of Scripture, and the Government eftablifh'd in all places by the Apoflles ; which at firft was univerfally the lame in all Churches and Con- gregations ; not differing or diftinguifh'd by the diverfity of Countries, Terri- tories, or civil Bounds. That Church, that from the name of a diftincl place takes authority to (ct up a diftincl: Faith or Government, is a Schifm and Fac- tion, not a Church. It were an injury to condemn the Papift of ablurdity and contradiction, for adhering to his Catholic Romifh Religion, if we for the pleafure of a King and his politic confiderations, fhall adhere to a Catholic Engliflo. Bat fuppofe the Church of England were as it ought to be, how is it to us the fafer by being fo nam'd and eftablifh'd, whenas that very name and efta- blifhment, by his contriving, or approbation, ferv'd for nothing elfe but to de- lude us and amufe us, while the Church of England was almoft chang'd into the Church of Rome. Which as every man knows in general to be true, fo the particular Treaties and Traniactions tending to that conclufion, are at large dif- cover'd in a Book intitled the Englifi Pope. But when the people, difcerning thefe abufes, began to call for Reformation, in order to which the Parlament de- manded of the King to un-eftab!i(h that Prelatical Government,, which without Scripture had ufurp'd over us, ftrait, as Pharaoh accus'd of Idlenefs the Ifrael- ites that fought leave to go and facrifice to God, he lays faction to their charge. And that we may not hope to have ever any thing reformed in the Church ei- ther by him or his Son, he forewarns him, That the Devil of Rebellion doth meft commonly turn himfelfinto an Angel of Reformation : and fays enough to make him hate it, as the worft Evils, and the bane of his Crown : nay he counfels him to let nothing fern little or defpicable tohim,fo as not fpeedily and efj'eilual- ly tofupprefs Errors lf> Schifms. Wherby we may perceive plainly that our con- fciences were deftin'd to the fame iervitude and perfecution, if not worie than before, whether under him, or if it fhould fo happen, under his Son ; who count all Proteftant Churches erroneous and fchifmatical, which are not Epifco- pal. His next precept is concerning our civil Liberties -, which by his fole voice and predominant will mull be circumfcrib'd, and not permitted to extend a hand's breadth further than his interpretation of Laws already fettled. And although al! human Laws are but the offspring of that frailty, that fallibility, and imper- fection which was in their Authors, wherby many Laws, in the change of ig- norant and obfeure Ages, may be found both fcandalous, and full of grievance w their Pofterity that made them, and no Law is further good, than mutable upon all occafion ; yet if the removing of an old Law, or the making of anew would lave the Kingdom, we fhall not have it unlefs his arbitrary voice will io far (lacken the ftiff curb of his Prerogative, as to grant it us ; who are as free- born to make our own Laws, as our Fathers were who made thefe we 1 Where are then the Englijh Liberties which we boaft to have been left us by our Vol. I. K k k 2 Progenitors ? ■:o a «6 An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. Progenitors ? To that he anfwers, that Our Liberties confiji in the enjoyment of the fruits of cur Induftry, and the benefit of thofe Laws to which we our felves have con- fented. Firft, for the enjoyment of thofe fruits which our induftry and labours have made our own u pon our own, what privilege is that above what the 'Turks, Jews and Moors enjoy under the Turkifh Monarchy ? For without that kind of Juftice, which is alfo in Argiers, among Thieves and Pirates between them- felves, no kind of Government, no Society, juft or unjuft, could ftand ; no combination or confpiracy could flick together. Which he alfo acknowledges in thefe words : That if the Crown upon his head be fo heavy as to opprefs the whole body, the weaknefs of inferior members cannot return any thing of Jlrevgth, honour, crfafety to the head; but that a neceffary debilitation muft follow. So that this Li- berty of the Subject concerns himfelf and the fubhftence of his own regal power in the firft place, and before the confideration of any right belonging to the Subject. We expect therfore fomething more that muft diftinguiili free Go- vernment from flavifh. But inftead of that, this King, though ever talking and protefting as fmooth as now, fuffer'd it in his own hearing to be preachM and pleaded without controul or check, by them whom he moft favour'd and upheld, that the Subject had no property of his own Goods, but that all was the King's right. Next, for the benefit of thofe Laws to which we our felves have confented, we never had it under him •, for not to fpeak of Laws ill executed, when the Par- lament, and in them the People, have confented to diners Laws, and according to our ancient Rights, demanded them, he took upon him to have a Negative Will, as the tranfeendent and ultimate Law above all our Laws ; and to rule us forcibly by Laws to which we our felves did not confent, but complain'd of. Thus thefe two heads, wherin the utmoft of his allowance here will give our Liberties leave to confift, the one of them fhall be fo far only made good to us, as may iupport his own Intereft and Crown from ruin or debilitation -, and fo far Tur- kijh Vaffals enjoy as much liberty under Mahomet and the Grand Signior : the other we neither yet have enjoy'd under him, nor were ever like to do under the Tyranny of a Negative Voice, which he claims above the unanimous confent and power of a whole Nation virtually in the Parlament. In which Negatitve Voice to have been call by the doom of War, and put to death bv thofe who vanquifh'd him in their own defence, he reckons to himfelf more than a Negative Martyrdom, But Martyrs bear witnefs to the truth, not to themfelves. If I bear witnefs of my felf, faith Chrift, my witnefs is not true. He who writes himfelf Martyr by his own infeription, is like an ill Painter, who by writing on the fhapelefs Picture which he hath drawn, is fain to tell paffen- gers what fhape it is -, which elfe no man could imagine : no more than how a Martyrdom can belong to him, who therfore dies for his Religion becaufe it is ejlabliffj'd. Certainly if Agrippa had turned Chriftian, as he was once turning, and had put to death Scribes and Pharifees for obferving the Law of Mofies, and refufing Chriftianity, they had died a truer Martyrdom. For thofe Laws were eftablifh'd by God and Mofes, thefe by no warrantable authors of Religion, whole Laws in all other belt reformed Churches are rejected. And if to die for an eftablifhment of Religion be Martyrdom, then Romifij Priefts executed for that which had fo many hundred years been eftablifh'd in this Land, are no worfe Martyrs than he. Laftly, it to die for the tcfiimony of his own confidence be enough to make him Martyr, what Heretic dying for direftBlafphemy, asfome have done conftantly, may not boaft a Martyrdom ? As for the conftitution or repeal of civil Laws, that power lying only in the Parlament, which he by the very Law of his Coronation was to grant them, not to debar them, nor to pre- ferve a leffer Law with the contempt and violation of a greater, it will conclude him not lb much as in a civil and metaphorical fenfe to have died a Martyr of our Laws, but a plain Tranfgreffor of them. And mould the Parlament, en- dued with Legiflative Power, make our Laws, and be after to difpute them piece-meal with reafon, confeience, humour, paflion, fancy, " folly, oblti- nacy, or other ends of one man, whofe fole word and will fhall baffle and un- make what all the wifdom of a Parlament hath been deliberately framing, what a ridiculous and contemptible thing a Parlament would foon be, and what a, bale unworthy Nation wc, who boaft our freedom, and fend them with .the nunifeft peril of their Lives to preferve it, they who arc not tnark'd by deftiny An Anfmer to Eikon Bafilike. 437 for Slaves, may apprehend. In this fervile condition to have kept us ftill under hatches, he both refolves here to thelaft, and fo inftructs his Son. As to thole oflfer'd condefcenfions of charitable connivence, or toleration, if we confider what went before, and what follows, they moulder into nothing. For, what with not fuffering ever fo little to feem a defpicable Schifm, without effectual fuppreflion, as hewarnedhim before, and whatwith no off oft t ion of Law, Government, or ejlabliped Religion to be permitted, which is his following provifo, and wholly within his own conftruction, what a miferable and fufpected tole- ration, under Spies and haunting Promoters we fhould enjoy, is apparent. Be- fides that it is fo far beneath the honour of a Parlament and free Nation to beo- and fupplicate the Godfhip of one frail man, for the bare and fimple tole- ration of what they all confent to be moil juft, pious, and belt pleafmo- to God, while that which is erroneous, unjuft and mifchievous in the Church or State, ilnll by him alone againft them all be kept up and eftablifh'd, and they cenfur'd the while for a covetous, ambitious, and facrilegious Faclion. Another bait to allure the people, is the charge he lays upon his Son to be ten- der of them. Which it we fhould believe in part, becaufe they are his Herd, his Cattle, the Stock upon his ground, as he accounts them, whom to wafle and deftroy would undo himfelf, yet the inducement which he brings to move him, renders the motion it felf fomething fufpicious. For if Princes need no Palliations, as he tells his Son, wherfore is it that he himfelf hath fo often ufed them ? Prin- ces, of all other men, have not more change of Raiment in their Wardrobes, than variety of Shifts and Palliations in their folemn aclings and pretences to the People. To try next if he can enfnare the prime men of thofe who haveoppos'd him, whom, more truly than his meaning was, he calls the Patrons and Vindicators of the People, he gives out Indemnity, and offers Ails of oblivion. But they who with a good confeience and upright heart did their civil duties in the fight of God, and in their feveral places, to refill Tyranny and the violence of Superflition banded both againft them, he may be fure will never feek to be forgiven that, which may be juftly attributed to their immortal praife ; nor will affent ever to the guilty blotting out of thofe actions before men, by which their Faith allures them they chiefly ltand approved, and are had in remembrance before the throne of God. He exhorts his Son not to Jludy revenge. But how far he, or at leaftthey about him intend to follow that exhortation, was feen lately at the Hague, and by what attempts were likewifemade in other places. How implacable they would be, it will be willlom and our fafety to believe rather, and prevent, than to make trial. And it will concern the multitude, though courted here, to take heed how they feek to hide or colour their own ficklenefs and inflability with a bad repentance of their well-doing, and their fidelity to the better caufe, to which at rirft lb chearfully and confeientioufly they join'd themfelves. He returns again to extol the Church of England, and again requires his Sort by the joint authority of a Father and a King, not to let his heart receive the leaji check or difaffeclion againft it. And not without caufe, for by that means having fole influence upon the Clergy, and they upon the People, after long fearch and many difputes, he couid not poilibly find a more compendious and politic way to uphold and fettle Tyranny, than by fubduing firfl the Conferences of vulgar nun with the infenfible poifon of their flavifh Doctrine : for then the body and befotted mind without much reluctancy was likeliefl to admit the Yoke. He commends alfo Parlament s held ivith freedom and with honour. But I would ask how that can be, while he only mull be the fole free Perfon in that number? and would have the power with his unaccountable denial to difhonour them by rejecting a'l their counfels, to confine their Law-giving Power, which is the Foundation of our freedom, and to change at his plealure the very name of a Parlament into the name of a Faction. The conclufion therfore muft needs be quite contrary to what he concludes ; tint nothing can be more unhappy, more difhonourable, more unfa fe for all, than when a wife, grave, and honourable Parlament fliall have labour'd, de- bated, argued, confulted, and, as he himfelf fpeaks, contributed for the pub- lic good all their Counfels in common, to be then fruftrated, difappointed, deny'd and repuls'd by the fingle whiff of a Negative, from the mouth of one wilful man ; 438 An Anfioer to Eikon Bafiiike. man ; nay, to be blafted, to be ftruck as mute and motionlefs as a Parlament of Tapeftry in the Hangings, orelfe after all their pains and travel to be difiblv'd, and caft away like fo many Noughts in Arithmetic, unlefs it be to turn the O of their infignificance into a lamentation with the people, who had fo vainly fent them. For this is not to enatl all things by public confent, as he would have us be perfuaded, this is to enact nothing but by the private confent and leave of one not negative tyrant ; this is mifchief without remedy, a ftifling and obftruct- ino- evil that hath no vent, no out-let, no paffage through : Grant him this, and the Parlament hath no more freedom than if it fate in his Noofe, which when he pleafes to draw together with one twitch of his Negative, mail throttle a whole Nation, to the wifh of Caligula in one neck. This with the power of Militia in his own hands over our bodies and eftates, and the Prelates to enthrall our confciences either by fraud or force, is thefum of that happinefs and liberty wc were to look for, whether in his own reftitution, or in theie precepts given to his Son. Which unavoidably would have fet us in the lame ftate of mifery, wherin we were before; and have either compell'd us tofubmit like bond-flaves, or put us back to a fecond wandring over that horrid Wildernefs of diftraclion and civil flaughter, which, not without the ftrong and miraculous hand of God affiftino- us, we have meafur'd out, and furviv'd. And who knows, if we make fo fli°kt of this incomparable deliverance, which God hath bellowed upon us, but that we fhall like thole foolifh Ifraelites, who depos'd God and Samuel to fet up a King, cry cut one day, becaufe of our King, which we have been mad up- on •, and then God, as he foretold them, will no more deliver us. There remains now but little more of his difcourfe, wherof yet to take a fhort view will not be amifs. His words make fcmblance as if he were magnani- moufly exercifing himfeif, and fo teaching his Son, To want as well as to wear a Crown -, and would feem to account it not worth taking up or enjoying, upon for- did, dijhonourable, and irreligious terms ; and yet to his very laft did nothing anore induftrioufly than ftrive to take up and enjoy again his fequefter'd Crown, upon the molt fordid, difloyal, difhonourable, and irreligious terms, not of making peace only, but of joining and incorporating with the murdrous Irifl^ formerly by himfeif declared againft, for wicked and deteftable Rebels, odious ts God and all good Men. And who but thofe Rebels now, are the chief ftrength and confidence of his Son ; while the Prefbyter Scot that woos and follicits him, is nefdetted and put off, as if no terms were to him fordid, irreligious and dif- honourable, but theScoitiJJi andPrelbyterian. He bids his Son keep to the true principles of piety, vertue, and honour, and he JJjall never want a Kingdom. And I fay, People of England, keep ye to thofe principles, and ye fhall never want a King. Nay, after fuch a fair deliverance as this, with fo much fortitude and valour mown againft a Tyrant, that people that mould feek a King, claiming what this Man claims, would fliew them- i elves to be by nature flaves, and arrant beafts; not fit for that liberty which they cried out and bellowed for, but fitter to be led back again into their old bondage, like a fort of clamouring and fighting brutes, broke loofe, that know not how to ufe or pofTefs the liberty which they fought for. The laft fentence, wheron he feems to venture the whole weight of his for- mer reafons and argumentations, That Religion to their God, and Loyalty to their King, cannot be parted, without the fin and infelicity of a People, is contrary to the plain teaching of Chrift, that No man canferve two Mafters ; but, if he hold ro the one, he muft reject and forfake the other. If God then, and earthly Kings be for the molt part not feveral only, but oppofite Mafters, it will as oft happen, that they who will ferve their King muft forfake their God ; and they who will ferve God, muft forfake their King ; which then will neither be their fin, nor their infelicity ; but their wifdom, their piety, and their true happi nefs: as to be deluded by thefe unfound and futtle oftentations here, would be their mifery. XXVIII. An Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. 4*9 XXVIII. IntitPd Meditations upon Death. IT might be well thought by him who reads no further than the Title of this laft Effay, that it requir'd no anfwer. For all other human things are dif- puted, and will be varioufly thought of to the world's end. But this bufi- nels of Death is a plain cafe, and admits no controverfy : In that centre all Opi- nions meet. Neverthelefs, fince out of thofe few mortifying hours that fhould have been intireft tothemfelves, and moft at peace from all paflion and difquiet, he can afford fpare time to inveigh bitterly againft that Juftice which was done upon him ; it will be needful to fay fomething in defence of thofe Proceedings, tho' briefly, in regard fo much on this Subject hath been written lately. It happened once, as we find in Efdras and Jofepbus, Authors not lefs believed than any under facred, to be a great and folemn debate in the Court of Darius, what thing was to be counted ftrongeft of all other. He that could refolve this, in reward of his excelling wifdom, fhould be clad in Purple, drink in Gold, deep on a Bed of Gold, and fit next to Darius. None but they doubtlefs who were reputed wife, had the Queftion propounded to them : Who after fome refpite given them by the King to confider, in full AfTembly of all his Lords and "raveft Coimfellors, returo'd feverally what they thought. The firit held, that Wine was ftrongeft •, another, that the King was ftrongeft. But Zorohabel Prince of the Captive Jews, and Heir to the Crown of Judah, being one of them, prov'd Women to be ftronger than the King, for that he himfelf had fce.n a Concubine take his Crown from off his head to fet it upon her own : And others befides him have lately {een the like Feat done, and not in jeft. Yet he prov'd on, and it was fo yielded by the King himfelf, and all his Sages, that neither Wine, nor Women, nor the King, but Truth, of all other things was th: ftrongeft. For me, though neither afk'd, nor in a Nation that gives fuch re- wards to wifdom, I fhall pronounce my fentence fomewhat different from Zorc- babel ; and fhall defend, that either Truth and Juftice are all one, for Truth is but Juftice in our knowledge, and Juftice is but Truth in our practice ; and he indeed fo explains himfelf in faying that with Truth is no accepting of Perfons, which is the property of Juftice : or elfe if there be any odds, that Juftice, though not ftronger than Truth, yet by her office is to put forth and exhibit more ftrength in the affairs of mankind. For Truth is properly no more than Contemplation ; and her utmoft efficiency is but teaching : but Juftice in her very effence is all ftrength and activity ; and hath a Sword put into her hand, to ufe againft all violence and oppreffion on the earth. She it is moft truly, who accepts no Perfon, and exempts none from the feverity of her ftroke. She ne- ver fuffers injury to prevail, but when falfhood firft prevails over Truth ; and that alio is a kind of Juftice done on them who are fo deluded. Though wick- ed Kings and Tyrants counterfeit her Sword, as fome did that Buckler, fabled to fall from Heaven into the Capitol, yet fhe communicates her power to none but fuch as like herfelf are juft, or at leaft will do juftice.' For it were ex- treme partiality and injuftice, the flat denial and overthrow of her felf, to put her own authentic Sword into the hand of an unjuft and wicked Man, or fo far to accept and exalt one mortal Perfon above his equals, that he alone fhall have the punifhing of all other men tranfgreffing, and not receive like punifhment from men, when he himfelf fhall be found the higheft Tranfgreffor. We may conclude therfore, that Juftice, above all other things, is and ought to be the ftrongeft: She is the Strength, the Kingdom, the Power, and Majcfty of all Ages. Truth her felf would fubferibe to this, though Darius and all the Monarchs of the World fhould deny. And if by fentence thus written it were my happinefs to fet free the minds of Englijhmen from long- ing to return poorly under that Captivity of Kings, from which the ftrength and fupreme Sword of Juftice hath deliver'd them, I fhall have done a work not ich inferior to that of Zorebabel: who by well praifing and extolling the force of Truth, in that contemplative ftrength conquer'd Darius ; and freed his Country and the people of God from the Captivity of Babylon. Which I fhall yet not defpair to do, if they in this Land' whofc minds are yet Captive, be 440 An Anfeoer to Eikon BafiUke. be but as ingenuous to acknowledge the ftrength and fupremacy of Juftice, as that Heathen King was to confefs the ftrength of Truth : or let them but, as he did, grant that, and they will foon perceive that Truth refigns all her out- ward ftrength to Juftice : Juftice therfore muft needs be ftrongeft, both in her own and in the ftrength of Truth. But if a King may do among men whatso- ever is his will and pleafure, and notwithftanding be unaccountable to men, then contrary to this magnify'd wifdom of Zorobabel, neither Truth nor Juftice, but the King is ftrongeft of all other things : which that Perfian Monarch him- felf in the midft of all his pride and glory durft not affume. Let us -fee therfore what this King hath to affirm, why the fentence of Juftice and the weight of that Sword which fhe delivers into the hands of men, fhould" be more partial to him offending, than to all others of human race. Firft he pleads that no Law of God or Man gives to Subjects any power of judicature without or againft him. Which affertion fhall be prov'd in every part to be molt un- true. The firft exprefs Law of God given to mankind, was that to Noah, as a Law, in general, to all the fons of men. And by that moft ancient and uni- verfal Law, Whofoever floeddeth man's blood, by man f/jall his blood be fhed ; \vc find here no exception. If a King therfore do this, to a King, and that by men alio, the fame fhall be done. This in the Law of Mofes, which came next, feveral times is repeated, and in one place remarkably, Numb. 35* TefbaUti no fatisfatlion for the life of a murderer, but he fhall fur ely be pit to death : the Land cannot be cleanfed of the blood that is fhed therin, but by the blood of him that fhed it. This is fo fpoken as that which concerned all lfrael, not one man alone, to fee performed •, and if no fatisfaction were to be taken, then cer- tainly no exception. Nay the King, when they fhould fet up any, was to cb- ferve the whole Law, and not only to fee it done, but to do it ; that his heart might not be lifted up above his Brethren, to dream of vain and reafonleis Prero- gatives or Exemptions, wherby the Law it fell muft needs be founded in un- righteoufnefs. And were that true, which is moft falfe, that all Kings are the Lord's Anointed, it were yet abfurd to think that the Anointment of God fhould be as it were a charm againft Law, and give them privilege, who punilh others, to fin thcmfelves unpunifhably. The High Prieft was the Lord's Anointed as well asany King, and with the fame confecrated oil : yet Solomon had put to death Abiathcr, had it not been for other refpefts than that anointment. If God him- felf fay to Kings, Touch not mine anointed, meaning his chofen people, as is evi- dent in that Pfalm, yet no man will argue thence, that he protects them from Civil Laws if they offend ; then certainly, though David as a private Man, and in his own caufe, fear'd to lift his hand againft the Lord's Anointed, much Jefs can this forbid the Law, or difarm Juftice from having legal power againft: any King. No other fupreme Magiftrate, in what kind of Government foever, lays claim to any fuch enormous Privilege ; wherfore then fhould any King, a\ ho is but one kind of Magiftrate, and fet over the People for no other end than they ? Next in order of time to the Laws of Mofes, are thofe of Chrift, who de- clares profeffedly his Judicature to be fpiritual, abftracl: from civil manage- ments, and therfore leaves all Nations to their own particular Laws, and way of Government. Yet becaufe the Church hath a kind of Jurifdiction within her own bounds, and that alfo, though in procefs of time much corrupted and plainly turn'd into a corporal Judicature, yet much approv'd by this King ; it •will be firm enough and valid againft him, if Subje&s, by the Laws of Church alfo, be invejled with a power of judicature both without and againft their King, though pretending, and by them acknowledged next and immediately under Chrijl fupreme Head and Govemour. Theodofius the Emperor having made a fiaughter of the Tloeffalonians for fedition, but too cruelly, was excommuni- cated to his face by Saint Ambrofe, who was his fubjedl ; and Excommunion is the utmoft of Ecclefiaftical Judicature, a fpiritual putting to death,. But this, ye will fay, was only an example. Read then the Story, and it will appear, both that Ambrofe avouch'd it for the Law of God, and Theodofius confeft it of his own accord to be fo -, and that the Law of God was not to be made void in him, for any reverence to his Imperial Power. From hence, not to be tedious, I fhall pafs into our own Land of Britain ; and fhow that Subjects here have exercis'd the utmoft An Anjwer to Eikon Bafilike. 44 x utmoft of fpiritual Judicature, and more than fpiritual againft their Kings, his Predeceffors. V or tiger for committing inceft with his Daughter, was by Saint German, at that time his Subject, curs'd and condemn'd in a Bri- tijh Council about the year 448 ; and thertipon foon after was depos'd. Mauricus a King in Wales for breach of Oath, and the murder of Cynetus, was excommunicated and curft, with all his OrT-fpring, by Oudoceus Bilhop of Landaff in full Synod, about the year 560 ; and not reftor'd till he had repented. Morcant another King in IVales having flain Frioc his Uncle, was fain to come in Perfon, and receive judgment from the fame Bifliop and his Cler- gy, who upon his penitence acquitted him, for no other caufe than left the Kingdom fhould be deftitute of a SuccefTor in the Royal Line. Thefe Examples are of the Primitive, Britijh, and Epifcopal Church ; long ere they had any Commerce or Communion with the Church of Rome. What Power afterward of depofing Kings, and fo confequently of putting them to death, was afium'd and practis'd by the Canon Law, I omit as a thing generally known. Certainly if whole Councils of the Romiflo Church have in the midft of their dimnefs difcerned lb much of Truth, as to decree at Conflance, and at Bafil, and many of them to avouch at 'Trent alfo, that a Council is above the Pope, and may judge him, though by them notdeny'd to be the Vicar of Chrift, we in our clearer light may be afham'd not to difcern further, that a Parlament is by all equity and right above a King, and may judge him, whofe reafons and pretenlions to hold ol God only, as his immediate Vicegerent, we know how far fetch'd they are, and infufflcient. As for the Laws of Man, it would afk a volume to repeat all that might be in this point againft him from all Antiquity. In Greece, Orejies the Son of Agamemnon, and by Succefiion King of Argos, was in that Country judg'd and condemn'd to death lor killing his Mother : whence efcaping, he was judg'd again* though a ftranger, before the great Council of Areopagus in Athens. And this memorable Aft of Judicature, was the firft that brought the Jufticeof that grave Senate into Fame and high Eftimation over all Greece for many Ages after. And in the fame City, Tyrants were to undergo legal fentence by the Laws of Solon. The Kings of Sparta, though defcended lineally from Hercules, eiteem'd a God among them, were often judg'd, and fometimesput to death by the moft juft and renowned Laws of Lycurgus ; who, though a King, thought it moft unequal to bind hisSubjefts by any Law, to which he bound not him- felf. In Rome the Laws made by Valerius Publicola, and what the Senate de- creed againft Nero, that he fhould be judg'd and punifh'd according to the Laws of their Anceftors, and what in like manner v/as decreed againft other Emperors, is vulgarly known. And that the Civil Law warrants like Power of Judicature to Subjefts againft Tyrants, is written clearly by the beft and fa- mouleft Civilians. For if it was decreed by Theodo/ius, and ftands yet firm in the Code of fufiinian, that the Law is above the Emperor, then certainly the Emperor being under Law, the Law may judge him ; and if judge him, may punifh him proving tyrannous : howclfe is the Law above him, or to what pur- pofe ? Thefe are necelTary deductions ; and therafter hath bin done in all Ages and Kingdoms, oftner than to be here recited. But what need we any further fearch after the Laws of other Lands, for that which is fo fully and fo plainly let down lawful in our own? "Where ancient Books tell us, Bratlon, Fle.'a, and others, that the King is under Law, and inferior to his Court of Parlament •, that although his Place to do Jujiice be higheft, yet that he ftands as liable to receive Jujiice, as the meaneft of his Kingdom. Nay, Alfred the moft worthy King, and by fome accounted firft abfolute Monarch of the Saxons here, fo ordain'd •, as is cited out of an ancient Law -Book call'd the Mirror; in Rights of the Kingdom, p. 31. where it iscomplain'don, as the fovereign abufe of all, that the King fhould be deem'd above the Law, wheras he ought to be fub- jeSt to it by his Oath. Of which Oath antiently it was the laft caulc, that the King fhould be as liable, and obedient tofuffer right, as others of his People. And in- deed it were but fond and fenilels, that the King fhould be accountable to every petty Suit in lefi'er Courts, as we all know he was, and not be fubjeft to the Judi- cature of Parlament in the main matters of our common fafety or deftruftion ; fhathe fhould beanfwerable in the ordinary Courts of Law forany wrong done to a private Perfon, and not anfwerable in Court of Parlament for deftroying the Vol.. I. Lll whole 442, ^ n -dtijwer to Eikon Bafilike. whole Kingdom. By all this, and much more that might be added, as in an ar- gument over-copious rather than barren, we fee it fnanifeft that all Laws both of God and Man are made without exemption of any Perfon whomfoever ; and that if Kings prefume to over-top the Law by which they reign for the pub- lic Good, they are by Law to be reduc'd into Order ; and that can no way be more juftly, than by thofe who exalted them to that high Place. For who mould better underhand their own Laws, and when they are tranfgreft, than they who are govern' d by them, and whofe confent firft made them ? And who can have more right to take knowledge of things done within a tree Na- tion than they within themfelves? Thole objected Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy we fwore, not to his Per- fon, but as it was inverted with his Authority ; and his Authority was by the Peo- ple firft given him conditionally, in Law, and under Law, and under Oath alio for the Kingdom's Good, and not otherwife •, the Oaths then were inter- change, and mutual ; ftood and fell together ; he fwore fidelity to his truft ; not as a deluding Ceremony, but as a real condition of their admitting him for Kino--, and the Conqueror himfelf fwore it oftner than at his Crowning : they fwore Homage and Fealty to his Perfon in that truft. There was no rea- fon why the Kingdom fhould be further bound by Oaths to him, than he by his Coronation-Oath to us, which he hath every way broken : and having broken, the ancient Crown-Oath of Alfred above-mentioned conceals not his Penalty. As for the Covenant, if that be meant, certainly no difcreet Perfon can ima- gine it fhould bind us to him in any fl ricter fenfe than thole Oaths formerly. The A-ftsof Hoftility which we receiv'd from him, were no fuch dear obligements that we mould owe him more Fealty and Defence for being our Eenemy, than we could before when we took him only tor a King. They were accus'd by him and his Party to pretend Liberty and Reformation, but to have no other end than to make themfelves great, and todeftroy the King's Perfon and Authority. For which rcafon they added that third Article, testifying to the World, that as they were refolv'd to endeavour firft a Reformation in the Church, to extir- pate Prelacy, to preferve the Rights of Parlament, and the Liberties of the Kingdom, lo they intended, fo far as it might confift with the Prefervation and Detence of thefe, to preferve the King's Perfon and Authority ; but not other- wife. As far as this comes to, they covenant and fwear in the fixth Article to preferve and defend the Perfons and Authority of one another, and all thofe that enter into that League •, fo that this Covenant gives no unlimitable exemp- tion to the King's Perfon, but gives to all as much Defence and Prefervation as to him, and to him as much as to their own Perfons, and no more ; that is to fay, in order and fubordination to thofe main ends for which we live and are a Nation of Men join'd in fociety either chriftian, or at leaft human. But if the Covenant were made abfolute, to preferve and defend any one whomfoever, without rcfpecl: had, either to the true Religion, or thofe other fuperiour things to be defended and preferv'd however, it cannot then be doubted, but that the Covenant was rather a moft foolifh, hafty, and unlawful Vow, than a deliberate and well-weigh'd Covenant -, fwearing us into Labyrinths and Repug- nances, no way to be folv'd or reconcil'd, and therfore no way to be kept ; as firft offending againll the Law of God, to vow the abfolute Prefervation, De- fence, and Maintaining of one Man, though in his Sins and Offences never fo great and heinous againft God or his Neighbour ; and to except a Perfon from Juftice, wheras his Law excepts none. Secondly, it offends againft the Law of this Nation, wherin, as hath been prov'd, Kings in receiving Juftice, and under- going due trial, are not differenc'd from the meaneft Subjecb. Laftly, it contra- dicts and offends againft the Covenant itfelf, which vows in the fourth Arti- cle to bring to open trial and condign punifhment all thofe that mall be found guilty of fuch Crimes and Delinquencies, wherofthe King by his own Letters and other undeniable Teftimonics not brought to light till afterward, was found and convicted to be the chief Actor in what they thought him, at the time of taking that Covenant, to be over-rul'd only by evil Counfellors ; and thofe, or vvhomfoever they fhould difcover to be principal, they vow'd to try, either by their own fupreme Judicatories, for fo even then they call'd them, or by others having Power from them to thateffeEl. So that to have brought the King to con- dign Pumihment hath not broke the Covenant, but it would have broke the Covenant An Anfioer to Eikon Bafilike. 443 I nant to have f.iv'd him from thofe Judicatories, which both Nations de- clar'd in that Covenant to be fupreme againft any perfon whatfoever. And if the Covenant fwore otherwife to preferve him than in the Prefervation of true Religion and our Liberties, againft which he fought, if not in Arms, yet in Resolution to his dying day, and now alter death it 1 11 fights againft in this his Book, the Covenant was better broken, than he fav'd. And God hath teftify'd by all propitious and evident figns, wherby in thefe latcer times he is wont to teddy what pleafes him, that fuchafolemn and for many Ages Unexampled Ad of due Punilhment, was no mockery of jujlice, but a molt grateful and well- pleafing Sacrifice. Neither was it to cover their Perju-.y, as he accufes, but to uncover his perjury to the Oath of his Coronation. The reft of his difcourfe quite forgets the Title ; and turns his Meditations upon death into obloquy and bitter vehemence againft his Judges and Accufers ; imitating therin, not our Saviour, but his Grandmother Mary Queen of Scots, a . alio in the moft of his other fcruples, exceptions and evafious ; and from whom he feems to have learnt, as it were by heart, brelfe by kind, that which is thought by his Admirers to be moft virtuous, moft manly, moft chriftian, and moft martyr-like both of his words and fpeeches here, and of his Anfwers and Behaviour at his Trial. // is a fad fate, he faith, to have bis Enemies both Accufers, Parties, and Judges. Sad indeed, but no fufficient Plea to acquit him from being fo judg'd. For what Malefactor might not fometimes plead the like ? If his own crimes have made ail men his Enemies, who elfe can judge him ? They of the Powder-plot againft his Father might as well have pleaded the fame. Nay, at the Reiurrection it may as well be pleaded, that the Saints who then fha!l judge the World, are both Enemies, Judges, Parties, and Accufers. So much he thinks to abound in his own defence, that he undertakes an un- tneafurable talk •, to befpeak the Jingular care and protection of God over all Kings, as being the greatefi Patrons of Law, Jujlice, Order, and Religion on Earth. But what Patrons they be, God in the Scripture oft enough hath expreft j and the Earth itfelf hath too long groan'd under the burden of their injuftice, diforder, and irreligion. Therfore to bind their Kings in chains, and their Nobles with links cf Iron, is an honour belonging co his Saints •, not to build Babel, which was Nimrod's work, the firft King, and the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel, but to deftroy it, efpecially that lpiritual Babel : and firft to overcome thofe Euro- pean Kings, which receive their Power, not from God, but from the beaft ; and are counted no better than his ten horns. Thefe fhall hate the great Whore, and yet fhall give their Kingdoms to the Beaft that carries her ; they Jhall commit Fornication with her, and yet fhall burn her with fire, and yet fhall lament the fall of Baby Ion, where they fornicated with her. "Thus fhall they be to and fro, doubtful and ambiguous in all their doings, un- til at Lift, joining .their Armies with the Beaft, whole Power firft rais'd them, they fhall perifh with him by the King of Kings, againft whom they have re- bell'd i and the Fowls fhall eat their Flejh. This is their doom written, and the utmolt that we find concerning them in thefe latter days ; which we have much more caufe to believe, than his unwarranted Revelation here, prophefying what fhall follow after his death, with thefpirit of Enmity, not of Saint John. He would fain bring us out of conceit with the good Succefs which God hath vouchfaf'd us. We meaiure not our caufe by our fuccefs, but our fuccels by our caufe. Yet certainly in a good Caufe, fuccefs is a good confirmation ; for God hathpromis'd it to good Men a 1 moft in every leaf of Scripture. If it ar- gue not tor us, we are lure it argues not againft us ; but as much or more for us, than ill luccefs argues for them •, for to the wicked God hath denoune'd ill fuccefs in all that they take in hand. He hopes much of thofe fofter tempers, as he calls them, and lefs advantag'd by his ruin, that their Confcicnces do already gripe them. 'Tis true, there be a fort of moody, hot-brain'd, and always unediry'd Confidences -, apt to engage their Leaders into great and dangerous affairs paft retirement, and then upon a hidden qualm and fwimming of their Confidence, to betray them bafely in the rriidft or what was chiefly undertaken for their fakes. Let luch Men never meet with any faithful Parlament to hazard for them ; never with any noble Spirit to condufr. and lead them out, but let them live and die in fervile Condition and Vol. I. LI 1 2 their 444 da Anfwer to Eikon Bafilike. their fcrupulous queafinefs, if no inftruction will confirm them. Others there bo in whofe Confidences the lofs of gain, and thofe advantages they hoped for, hath fprung a hidden Leak. Thefe are they that cry out, the Covenant broken ! and to keep it better, Aide back into neutrality, or join actually with Incendiaries and Malignants. But God hath eminently begun topunilh thofe, firft, in Scot- land, then in Uljler, who have provok'dhim with the moft hateful kind of moc- kery, to break his Covenant under pretence of ftricteft keeping it ; and hath fiub- jected them to thofe Malignants, with whom they fcrupled not to be Aflbciates. In God therfore we fhall not fear what their falfe fraternity can doagainft us. He feeks again with cunning words to turn our fuccefs into our fin. But might call to mind that the Scripture fpeaks of thofe alio, who when God flew them, then fought him ; yet did but flatter him with their mouth, and ly'd to him witb their tongues ; for their heart was not right with him. And there was one who in the time of his affliction trefpafs'd more againft God; This was that King Ahaz. He glories much in the forgivenefs of his Enemies ; fo did his Grandmother at her death. Wile men would fooner have believ'd him, had he not fo often told us fo. But he hopes to erecl the Trophies of his Charity over us. And Tro- phies of Charity no doubt will be as glorious as Trumpets before the Alms of Hy- pocrites •, and mot£ efpeciaily the Trophies of fuch an afpiring Charity as offers in his Prayer to fhare victory with God's compajfion, which is over all his Works. Such Prayers as thefe may perhaps catch the People, as was intended : but how they plcafe God, is to be much doubted, though pray'd in fecret, much Ids written to be divulg'd. Which perhaps may gain him after death a fhort, con- temptible, and loon fading Reward ; not what he aims at, to ftir the con- ftancy and folid firmnefs of any wife Man, or to unfettle the Confcience of any knowing Chriftian, if he could ever aim at a thing fo hopelefs, and above the genius of his Cleric Elocution, but to catch the worthlefs approbation of an in- conftant, irrational, and image-doting Rabble. The reft, whom perhaps ig- norance without malice, orfome error, lefs than fata!, hath for the time milled on this fide Sorcery or Obduration, may find the grace and good guidance to bethink themfelves and recover. A DEFENCE OF TH E people of Cngianu, In ANSWER to Salmafwsh DEFENCE of the KING. The PREFACE. AL T H O' I fear, left, if in defending the People of England, I fliould be as copious in Words, and empty of Matter, as molt Men think Sal- mqfius has been in his Defence of the King, I might feem to deferve juftly to be accounted a verbofe and filly Defender j yet fince no Man thinks himfelf obliged to make fo much hafte, tho' in the handling but of any ordinary Subject, as not to premife fome Introduction at leaft, according as the weight of his Subject requires; if I take the fame courfe in handling almolt the greateft Subject that ever was, (without being too tedious in it) I am in hopes of attaining two things, which indeed I earneftly defire. The one, not to be at all wanting, as far as in me lies, to this mod Noble Caufe, and molt worthy to be recorded to all future Ages : The other, That I may appear to have a- voided myfelf, that frivoloufnefs of Matter, and redundancy of Words, which I blame in my Antagonift. For I am about to difcourfe of Matters, nei- ther inconfiderable nor common, but how a moft Potent King, after he had trampled upon the Laws of the Nation, and given a fhock to its Religion, and begun to rule at his own Will and Pleafure, was at laft fubdu'd in the Field by his own Subjects, who had undergone a long Slavery under him •, how after- wards he was caft into Prifon, and when he gave no ground, either by Words or Actions, to hope better things of him, he was finally by the Supreme Coun- cil of the Kingdom condemned to die, and beheaded before the very Gates of the Royal Palace. I fliall likewife relate (which will much conduce to the eafing Men's Minds of a great Superftition) by what Right, efpecially according to" our Law, this Judgment was given, and all thefe Matters tranfacted ; and fliall eafily defend my Valiant and Worthy Countrymen (who have extremely well deferved of all Subjects and Nations in the World) from the moft wicked Calumnies both of Domeftic and Foreign Railers, and efpecially from the Re- proaches of this moft vain and empty Sophifter, who fets up foi» a Captain and Ringleader to all the reft. For what King's Majefty fitting upon an exalted Throne, ever fhone fo brightly, as that of the People of England then did, when fhaking off that old Superftition, which had prevailed a long time, they gave Judgment upon the King himfelf, or rather upon an Enemy who had been their King, caught as it were in a Net by hisown Laws, (who alone of all Mortals challenged to himfelf impunity by a Divine Right) and fcrupled not to inflict the fame punifhtnent upon him, being guilty, which he would have inflicted upon any other ? But why do I mention thefe things as performed by the Peo- ple, which almoft open their Voice themfelvcs, ami teftify the Prefcnce of God throughout? Who, as often as it feems good to his Infinite Wifdom, ufes to throw down proud and unruly Kings, exalting themfelves above the Condition of 445 446 A Defence of the People of England, of Human Nature, and utterly to extirpate them and all their Family. By his manifeft Impulfe being fet on work to recover our almoft loft Liberty, follow- ing him as our Guide, and adoring the impreffes of his Divine Power manifelled upon all occafions, we went on in no obfcure, but an illuitrious PafTage, pointed out and made plain to us by God himfelf. Whichthings, if I mould io much as hope by any diligence or ability of mine, fuch as it is, to difcourfe of as I oiicht to do, and to commit them fo to writing, as that perhaps all Nations and all Ages may read them, it would be a very vain thing in me. For whatftile can be au CT uft and magnificent enough, what man has parts fufficientto undertake lb «reat a Talk ? Since we find by experience, that in fo many Ages as are gone over the World, there has been but here and there a Man found, who has been able worthily to recount the Actions of Great Heroes, and Potent States ; can any man have fo good an opinion of his own Talents, as to think hin*felf capable to reach thefe glorious and wonderful Works of Almighty God, by any Language, by any ftile of his ? Which Enterprize, though fome of the moft eminent Per- fons in our Commonwealth 'have prevailed upon me by their Authority to under- take, and would have it be my bufinefs to vindicate with my Pen againfc Envy and Calumny (which are proof againft Arms) thofe Glorious Performances of theirs (whole opinion of me I take as a very great honour that they ftiould pitch upon me before others to be ferviceable in this kind to thofe molt Valiant Deliverers of my Native Country ; and true it is, that from my very Youth I have been bent extremely upon fuch fort of Studies, as inclin'd me, if not to do crreat things myfelf, at leaft to celebrate thofe that did) yet as having no confidence in any fuch Advantages, I have recourfe to the Divine Affiflance ; and invoke the Great and Holy God, the Giver of all good Gifts, that I may ns fubftantially, and as truly, difcufs and refute the Saucinefs and Lyes of this Foreign Declamator, as our Noble Generals pioufly and fucceisfully by force of Arms broke the King's Pride, and his unruly Domineering, and afterwards put an end to both by inflicting a memorable Punilhment upon himfelf, and as thoroughly as a fingle Perfon did with cafe but of late contuteand confound the King himfelf, rifing as it were from the Grave, and recommending himfelf to the People in a Book publifh'd after his death, with new Artifices and Allure- ments of Words and Exprefiions. Which Antagonift of mine, though he be a Foreigner, and, though he deny it a thoufand times over, but a poor Gram- marian ; yet not contented with the Salary due to him in that Capacity, chofe to turn a Pragmatical Coxcomb ; and not only to intrude in State- Affairs^ but into the Affairs of a Foreign State : tho' he brings along with him neither Mo- defty, nor Underftanding, nor any other Qualification requifite in fo great an Arbitrator, but Saucinefs, and a little Grammar only. Indeed if he had pub- lifh'd here, and in Englijh, the fame things that he has now wrote in Latin fuch as it is, I think no Man would have thought it worth while to return an Anfwer to them, but would partly clefpife them as common, and exploded over and over already, and partly abhor them as fordid and tyrannical Maxims, not to be endured even by the moft abject of Slaves : Nay, Men that have fided with the King, would have had thefe thoughts of his Book. But fince he has fwol'n it to a confiderable bulk, and dilpers'd it amongft Foreigners, who are altogether ignorant of our Affairs and Conftitution ; it's fit that they who miftake them, ftiould be better informed ; and that he, who is fo very forward to fpeak ill of others, mould be treated in his own kind. If it be afked, why we did not then attack him fooner, why we fuffered him to triumph fo long, and pride himfelf in our filence ? For others lam not to anfwer ; for myfelf I can boldly lay, That I had neither Words nor Arguments long to feck for the defence of fo good a Caufe, if I had enjoyed fuch a meafure of health, as would have endur'd the fatigue of writing. And being but weak in Body, I am forced to write by piece-meal, and break off" almoft every hour, though the Subject be fuch as requires an unintermitted ftudy and intenfenefs of mind. But though this bodily Indifpofition may be a hindrance to me in fetting forth the juft Praifes of my moft worthy Countrymen, who have been the Saviours of their Native Country, and whole Exploits, worthy of Immortality, are al- ready famous all the World over; yet I hope it will be no difficult matter for me to defend them from the Infolence of this filly little Scholar, and from that faucy Tongue of his, at leaft. Nature and Laws would be in an ill cafe, if Slavery in anfioer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 447 Slavery ihould find what to fay for itfelf, and Liberty be mute: and if Tyrants fhould find men to plead for them, and they that can matter and vanquifh Ty- rants, mould not be able to find Advocates. And it were a deplorable thing in- deed, if the Reafon Mankind is endu'd withal, and which is the gift of God, mould not furnifh more Arguments for Men's Prefervation, for their Delive- rance, and, as much as the nature of the thing will bear, for making them equal to one another, than for their Oppreflion, and for their utter ruin under the Domineering Power of one fingle Perlbn. T*t me therfore enter upon this Nobie Caufe with a cheerfulnefs, grounded upon this AfTurance, That my Ad- verfary's Caufe is maintain'd by nothing but Fraud, Fallacy, Ignorance and B.rbarity; wheras mine has Light, Truth, Reafon, the Practice and the Learning of the beft Ages of the World, of its fide. But now, having faid enough for an Introduction, fince we have to do with Critics •, let us in the firft place confider the Title of this choice Piece : De- fenfio R gia pro Car. Prima, ad Car. Secundum : A Royal Defence (or the Kind's Defence) for Charles the Firft, to Char lei the Second. You undertake a wonder- ful piece of work, whoever you are ; to plead the Father's Caufe before his own Son : a hundred to one but you carry it. But I fummon you, Salmajius\ who hertofore fculk'd under a wrong name, and now go by no name at all, to ap- pear before another Tribunal, and before other Judges, where perhaps you may not hear thole little Applaufes, which you ule to be lb fond of in your School. But why this Royal Defence dedicated to the King's own Son ? We need not put him to the torture ; he confeffes why. At the King's charge, fays he. O mercenary and chargeable Advocate ! cou:d you not airord to write a Defence ior Charles the Father, whom you pretend to have been the bell of Kings, to Charles the Son, the mod indigent of all Kings, but it muft be at the poor King's own Charge ? But though you are a Knave, you would not make yourfelf ridiculous, in calling it the King's Defence ; for you having fold it, it i^ no longer yours, but the King's indeed : who bought it at the price of a hundred Jacobuffes, a great Sum for a poor King to dilburfe. I know very well what I lay : and 'tis well enough known who brought the Gold, and the Purfe wrought with Beads: We know who faw you reach out greedy Fills, under pre- tence of embracing the King's Chaplain, who brought the Prefent, but indeed to embrace the Prefent itfelf, and by accepting it to exhauft almofl all the King's Treafury. But now the Man comes himlelf, the Door creaks ; the Actor comes upon the Stage. Infilencc now, and with attention wait, That ye may ham what th' Eunuch has to prate. Terent. For whatever the matter is with him, he blufters more than ordinary. A horrible meffage had lately ft ruck our Ears, but our Minds mere, with a heinous wound concerning a Parricide committed in England in the Perfon of a King, by a wicked Con- / racy of Sacrilegious Men. Indeed that horrible Meffage muft either have had a much longer Sword than that which Peter drew, or thofe Ears muft have been of a wonderful length, that it could wound at fuch a diftance ; for it could not Jo much as in the leaft offend any Ears but thofe of an Afs. For what harm is it to you, that are Foreigners ? Are any of you hurt by it, if we amongft our- felves put our own Enemies, our own Traitors to death, be they Commoners, Noblemen, or Kings ? Do you, Salmafius, let alone what does not concern you : lor I have a horrible Meffage to bring of you too ; which I'm miftaken if it ftrike not a more heinous Wound into the Ears of all Grammarians and Critics, provided they have any Learning and Delicacy in them, to wit, your croud- ing fo many barbarous Expreffions together in one Period in the Perfon of (Ari- ftarcbus) a Grammarian -, and that fo great a Critic as you, hired at the King's charge to write a Defence of the King his Father^ fhould not only fet fo fulfome a Preface before it, much Jike thofe lamentable Ditties that ufed to be lung at Funerals, and which can move Companion in none but a Coxcomb ; but in the very firft Sentence ihould provoke your Readers to laughter with fo many Bar- . barifms all at once. Perfona Regis, you cry. Where do you find any fuch La- tin ? Or are you telling us fome Tale or other of a Perkin IVarbcc, who taking upon 448 A Defence of the People of England, upon him the Per/on of a King, has, forfooth, committed fome horrible Parri- cide in England? Which expreflion, though dropping carelefly from your Pen, has more truth in it, than you are aware of. For a Tyrant is but like a King upon a Stage, a man in a Vizor, and acting the part of a King in a Play ; he is not really a King. But as for thefe Gallicifms, that are fo frequent in your Book, I won't lalli you for them myfelf, for I am not at leifure ; but fhall de- liver vou over to your Fellow-Grammarians, to be laught to fcorn and whipt by them.' What follows is much rf\ire heinous, that what was decreed by our Su- preme Magistrates to be done to the King, mould be faid by you to have been clone by a wicked Con/piracy of facn legions Perfons. Have you the impudence, you Ro^ue, to talk at this rate of the Acts and Decrees of the chief Magistrates of a Nation, that lately was a moft Potent Kingdom, and is now a more Potent Commonwealth ? Whofe proceedings no King ever took upon him by word of mouth, or otherwife to vilify and let at nought. The Illuftrious States of Holland therfore, the Genuine Off- Spring of thole Deliverers of their Coun- try, have defervedly by their Edict condemned to utter Darknefs this Defence of Tyrants, fo pernicious to the Liberty of all Nations; the Author of which, every Free State ought to forbid their Country, or to banifh out of it •, and that State particularly that feeds with a Stipend fo ungrateful and fo lavage an Enemy to their Commonwealth, whole very Fundamentals, and the caufes of their be- coming a free State, this Fellow endeavours to undermine as well as ours, and at one and the lame time to Subvert both ; loading with Calumnies the moSt worthy Afferters of Liberty there, under our Names. Confider with your- felves, ye moSt Illuftrious States of the United Netherlands, who it was that put this ASTertor of Kingly Power upon fetting Pen to Paper ? who it was, that but lately began to play Rex in your Country ? what Counfels were taken, what Endeavours ufed, and what disturbances enfued therupon in Holland ? and to what pafs things might have been brought by this time ? Flow Slavery and a new MafteY were ready prepar'd for you ; and how near expiring that Liberty of yours, aflerted and vindicated by fo many years War and Toil, would have been ere now, if it had not taken breath again by the timely death of a cer- tain ralh young GENTLEMAN. But our Author begins to Strut again, and to feign wonderful Tragedies •, JVhomfoever this dreadful news reacbt Cto wit, the news of Salmajius's Parricidial Barbariims) all of a fudden, as if they had been Jlruck with Lightning, their hair flood an end, and their tongues clove to the roof of their mouth. Which let natural Philofophers take notice of (for this fecret in nature was never difcovered before) that Lightning makes mens hair Stand an end. But who knows not that little effeminate minds are apt to be amaz'd at the news of any extraordinary great Action ; and that then they Shew them- felves to be, what they really were before, no better than fo many Stocks ? Some could not refrain from tears -, fome little Women at Court, I fuppofe, or if there be any more effeminate than they, of whole number Salmajius himfelf bein^. one, is by a new Metamorphofis become a Fountain near a-kin to his Name (Salmacis) and with his counterfeit flood of tears prepared over night, endea- vours to emafculate generous minds : I advife therfore, and wifh them to have a care ; ' Infamis ne quern male fortibus undis Sal mac is Enervet, . Ne, ft vircum venerit, exeat indi Semivir, £s? taEiisfubito mollefcat in undis. Abstain, as Manhood you efteem, From Salmacis' pernicious Stream : If but one moment there you Stay, Too dear you'll for your Bathing pay. ■ Depart nor Man nor Woman, but a Sight Difgracing both, a loath'd Hermaphrodite. They that had more courage (which yet he exprefles in miferable bald Latin, as if he could notfo much as Speak of Men of Courage and Magnanimity in proper words) were jet on fire with indignation to that degree, that they could hardly contain them- 4 in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. aaq ihemfehes. Thofe furious Hectors we value not of arufh. We have been ac- cuftomed to rout fuch Bullies in the Field with a true fober courage •, a courage becoming Men that can contain themfelvcs, and are in their right Wits. There were none that didnot curje the Authors of fo horrible a Villany. But yet, you fav, their tongues clove to the roof of their mouths ; and if you mean this of our Fugitives only, I wifh they had clove there to this day ; for we know very well that there's nothing more common with them, than to have their mouths full of Curfes and Imprecations, which indeed all good Men abominate, but withal defpife. As for others, it's hardly credible, that when they heard the news of our having inflicted a Capital Punifhment upon the King, there fhould any be found, efpeciaUy in a Free State, fo naturally adapted to Slavery as cither to ipeakill of us, or fo much as to cenfure what we had done. Nay, 'tis highly probable that all good Men applauded us, and gave God thanks for fo illuftri- ous, lb exalted apiece of Juflice ; and for a Caution lb very ufcful to other Princes. In the mean time, as for thofe fierce, thole fleet '-hearted Men, that, you fay, take on for, and' bewail fo pitifully, the lamentable and wonderful death of I know not who ; them, I fay, together with their tinkling Advocate, the dul- left that ever appeared fince the name of a King was born and known in the World we fhall e'en let whine on, till they cry their eyes out. But in the mean time' what School-boy, what little infignificant Monk could not have made a more elegant Speech for the King, and in better Latin than this Royal Advocate has done ? But it would be folly in me to make fuch particular Animadverfions upon his Childilhnefs and Frenzies throughout his Book, as I do here upon a few in the beginning of it •, which yet I would be willing enough to do (for we hear that he is fwell'd with Pride and Conceit to the utmoft degree imaginable) if the undigefted and immethodical bulk of his Book did not protect him. He was refolved to take a courle like the Soldier in Terence, to lave his Bacon ; and it was very cunning in him to fluff his Book with fomuch Puerility, and fo ma- ny filly "Whimfies, that it might naufeate the fmarteft Man in the World to death to take notice of them all. Only I thought it might not be amifs to cdvea Specimen of him in the Preface; and to let the ferious Reader have a tafte of him at firft, that he might guels by the firft difh that's ferved up, how noble an Entertainment the reft are like to make ; and that he may imagine with him- felf what an infinite number of Fooleries and Impertinences muff needs be heap- ed up together in the body of the Book, when they ftand fo thick in the very En- trance into it, where, of all other places, they ought to have been fhunned. His tittle-tattle that follows, and his Sermons fit for nothing but to be worm-eaten, I can eafily pafs by; as for any thing in them relating to us, we doubt not in the leaft, but that what has been written and publilhed by Authority of Parla- mentj will have far greater weight with all wife and fober Men, than the Ca- lumnies and Lyes of one (ingle impudent little Fellow : who being hired by our Fugitives, their Country's Enemies, has fcrap'd together, and not fcrupled to publifh in Print, whatever little Story anyone of them that employed him, put into his head. And that all Men may plainly fee how little confeience he makesof letting down any thing right or wrong, good or bad, I defire no o- ther Witnefs than Salmqfius himfelf. In his book, entitled, Apparatus contra Primatum Papa; he fays, ' There are moll weighty Reafons why the Church ' ought to lay afide Epifcopacy, and return to the Apoftolical Inftitution of * Prefbyters: That a far greater mi ("chief has been introduced into the Church 4 by Epifcopacy, than theSchifms themfelves were, which were before appre- ' hended : That the plague which Epifcopacy introduced, depreffed the who'e ' body of the Church under a milerable Tyranny ; nay, had put a yoke even ' upon the necks of Kings and Princes : That it would be more beneficial tothe ' Church, if the whole Hierarchy itfeif were extirpated, than if the Pope only, ' who is the head of it, were laid afide, page 160. ' That it would be very ' much for the good of the Church, if Epifcopacy were taken away, together with ' the Papacy: That if Epifcopacy were once taken down, the Papacy would fall * of itfeif, as beingjfoundeduponit,/"^ 171. He fays, ' he can lhew very good ' reafons why Epifcopacy ought to be put down in thofe Kingdoms that have * renounced the Pope's Supremacy ; but that he can fee no reafon for attaining ' it there : That a Reformation is not entire, that is defective in this point : ' That no reafon can be alledg'd, rjo probable caufe alfigned, why the Supre- * macy of the Pope being once difowntd, Epifcopacy mould notwithstanding Vol.. I. M m m ' be 450 A Defence of the People (/England, ' be retained, page 197. Though he had wrote all this, and a great deal more to this effect, but four years ago, he is now become fo vain and fo impudent with- al, as to accufe the Parlament of England, ' for not only turning the Bifhops out « 'of the Houfe of Lords, but for abolifhing Epifcopacy itfelf. Nay, he per- fuades us to receive Epifcopacy, and defends it by the very fame Reafons and Arguments, which with a great deal of earneftnefs he had confuted himfelf in that former Book ; to wit, '* That Bifhops were neceffary, and ought to have ' been retained, to prevent the fpringing up of a Thoufand pernicious Seels and ' Herefies. Crafty Turn-coat ! Are you not afham'd to fhift hands thus in things that are Sacred, and (I had almoft faid) to betray the Church ; whofe mofl folemn Inftitutions you feem to have afferted and vindicated with fo much noife, that when it fliould feem for your intereft to change fides, you might un- do and fubvert all again with the more difgrace and infamy to yourfelf? It's notorioufly known, That when both Houfes of Parlament, being extreamly defirous to reform the Church of England by the pattern of other Reformed Churches, had refolv'd to abolifh Epifcopacy, the King firft interpofed and afterwards waged War againft them chiefly for that very Caufe ; which proved fatal to him. Go now and boaft of your having defended the King ; who, that you might the better defend him, do now openly betray and impugn the Caufe of the Church, whole Defence you yourfelf had formerly undertaken ; and whofe fevered Cenfures ought; to be inflided upon you. As for the prefent form of our Government, fince fuch a foreign infignificant Profeffor as you, havino- laid afide your Boxes and Defks fluffed with nothing but Trifles, which you might have fpent your time better in putting into order, will needs turn bufy-body, and be troublefome in other Men's matters, I mall return you this anfwer, or rather not to you, but to them that are wifer than yourfelf, viz. That the Form of it is fuch as our prefent diffractions will admit of ; not fuch as were to be wifh'd, but fuch as the obftinate Divifions that are amongft us, will bear. What State foever is peflered with Factions, and defends it felf by Force of Arms, is very juft in having regard to thofe only that are found and untainted, and in overlooking or fecluding the reft, be they of the Nobility or the Common People ; nay, though profiting by experience, they fhould refufe to be govern'd any longer, either by a King or a Houfe of Lords. But in railing at that Supreme Council, as you call it, and at the Chairman there, you make yourfelf very ridiculous ; for that Council is not the Supream Council, as you dream it is, but appointed by Authority of Parlament, for a certain time only ; and confirming of forty perlbns, for the moft part Members of Parla- ment, anyone of whom may be Prefident, if the reft vote him into the Chair. And there is nothing more common, than for our Parlaments to appoint Com- mittees of their own Members ; who, when fo appointed, have Power to meet where they pleafe, and hold a kind of little Parlament amongft themfelves. And the moft weighty Affairs are often referred to them, for Expedition and Secrefy ; the care of the Navy, the Army, the Treafury •, in fhort, all things whatsoever relating either to Waror Peace. Whether this be called a Council, or any thing elfe, the thing is ancient, though the name may be new ; and it is fuch an Inftitution, as no Government catt be duly adminiftred without it. As fcr.our putting the King to death, and changing the Government, forbear vour bawling, don't fpit your Venom, till, going along with you through every Chapter, I Ihow, whether you will or no, by ivhat Law, by what Right and Jujtice all that was done. But if you infift to know by what Right, by what Law ; by that Law, I tell you, which God and Nature have enacted, viz. that what- ever things are for the Univerfal Good of the whole State, are for that reafon lawful and juft. So wife Men of o'd uied to anfwer fuch as you. You find fault with us for Repealing Laws that had obtained for fo many years ; but you do not tell us whether thofe Laws were good or bad, nor, if you did, fhould we heed what you laid ; for, you bufy Puppy, what have you to do with our Laws ? I wifti our Magiftrates had repealed more than they have, both Laws and Lawyers ; if they had, they would have confulted the Intereft of the Chriftiari Religion, and that of the People better than they have done. It frets you, That Hobgoblins, Sons of the Earth, fcarce Gentlemen at home, fcarce known to their own Countrymen, fhould pre fame to do fuch things. But you ought to have remembred, what not only the Scriptures, but Horace would have taught you, viz. — Valet in anjwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 45 Valet imafummis Mutare, & infignem attenuat Dens, Ob few a pr omens, &c. The Power that did create, can change the Scene Of things; make mean of great, and great of mean: The brighteft Glory can eclipfe with Night ; And place the molt obfeure in dazling Light. But take this into the bargain. Some of thofe who, you fay, be fcarce Gentlemen, are not at all inferior in birth to any of your party. Others, whofe Anceftors were not noble, have taken a courfe to attain to true Nobility by their own Induftryand Vertue, and are not inferior to Men of the Nobleft Defcent. They had rather be called Sons of the Earth, provided it be their own Earth (their own Native Country) and aft like Men at home, than, be- ing deft itute ofHoufeor Land, to relieve the Neceffities of Nature in a Fo- reign Country by felling of Smoke, as thou doft, an inconfiderable Fellow and a Jack-ftraw, and who dependeft upon the good-will of thy Matters for a poor Stipend ; for whom it were better to difpenfe with thy labours, and return to thy own Kindred and Countrymen, if thou hadft not this one piece of Cun- ning, to babble out fome filly Preleftions and Fooleries at fo good a rate amon°-ft Foreigners. You find fault with our Magiftrates for admitting fuch a Common- Jhore of all forts of Seels. Why fhould they not ? It belongs to the Church to caft them out of the Communion of the faithful ; not to the Magiftrate to ba- nifh them the Country, provided they do not offend againft the Civil Laws of the State. Men at firft united into Civil Societies, that they might live fafely, and enjoy their Liberty, without being wrong'd or opprefs'd ; and that they might live religioufly and according to the Doctrine of Chriftianity, they uni- ted themfelves into Churches. Civil Societies have Laws, and Churches havea Difcipline peculiar to themfelves, and far differing from each other. And this has been the occafion of fo many Wars in Chriftendom ; to wit, becaufethe Civil Magiftrate and the Church confounded their Jurifdictions. Therfore we do not admit of the Popiflo Sect, fo as to tolerate Papifts at all ; for we do not look upon that as a Religion, but rather as an Hierarchical Tyranny, under a Cloak of Religion, cloathed with the Spoils of the Civil Power, which it has ufurp'd to itfelf contrary to our Saviour's own Doctrine. As for the Indepen- dents, we never had any fuch amongft us, as you defcribe ; they that we call Independents, are only fuch as hold that no Claffis or Synods have a Superiority over any particular Church, and that therfore they ought all to be pluck'd up by the Roots, as Branches, or rather as the very Trunk of Hierarchy itfelf j which is your own opinion too. And from hence it was that the name of In- dependents prevailed amongft the Vulgar. The reft of your Preface is fpent in endeavouring not only to ftir up the hatred of all Kings and Monarchs againft us, but to perfuadethem to make a general War upon us. Mithridatesot'old, though in a different caufe, endeavoured to ftir up all Princes to make Warup- on the Romans, by laying to their charge almoftjuft the fame things that you do to ours : viz. that the Romans aim'd at nothing but the Subvcrfion of all Kingdoms, that they had no regard to any thing, whether facred or civil, that from their very firll rile, they never enjoy'd any thing but what they hadacquir'd by force, that they were Robbers, and the greatelt Enemies in the World to Monarchy. Thus Mithridates exprdl himfelf in a Letter to Arfaces, King of the Parthians. But how came you, whofe bufinefs it is to make filly Speeches from your Defk, to have the confidence to imagine, that by your pcrfuafions to take up Arms, and/ an Alarm as it were, yoti fhould be able fo much as to influ n< e a King amongft Boys at play ; efpecially, with fo fhrill a Voice, and unfa voury Breath, that I believe, if you were to have been the Trumpeter, not fo much as Homer's Mice would have waged War againft the Frogs ? So little do we fear, you Slug you, any War or Danger from Foreign Princes through your filly Rhetoric, who accufeft us to them, juft as if you were at play, That we tofs Kings Heads like Balls ; play at Bowls with Crowns ; and regard Scepters no more than if they were Fool's Staves with heads on : But you in the mean Vol. I. Mmm 2 time. ac 2 A Defence of the People of England. time, you filly Loggerhead, deferve to have your Bones well thraihed with a Fool's ftaff, for thinking to ftir up Kings and Princes to War by fuch childifh Arguments. Then you cry aloud to all Nations, who, I know full well, will never heed what you fay. You call upon that wretched and barbarous Crew of Irijh Rebels too, to affert the King's Party. Which one thing is fufficient evidence how much you are both a Fool and a Knave, and how you out-do al- moft all Mankind in Villany, Impudence, and Madnefs ; who fcruple not to implore the Loyalty and Aid of an execrable People, devoted to the Slaughter', whom the King himfelf always abhorr'd, or fo pretended, to have any thing to do with, by reafon of the guilt of fo much innocent Blood, which they had contracted. And that very Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty, which he endeavoured as much as he could to conceal, and to clear himfelf from any fufpicion of,, you the moft villanous of Mortals, as fearing neither God nor Man, voluntarily and openly take upon yourfelf. Go on then, undertake the King's Defence at the Encouragement, and by the Affiftance of the Irijh. You take care, and fo you mio-ht well, left any fhould imagine that you were about to bereave Cicero or Denwjlbencs of the praife due to their Eloquence", by telling us before-hand, that you conceive you ought not to [peak like an Orator. 'Tis wifely faid of a Fool ; you conceive you ought not to do what is not in your power to do : and who that knows you never fo little, ever expects any thing like an Orator from you ? Who neither ufcs, nor is able to publifh any thing that's Elaborate, Diftinct, qr has fo much as Senfe in it ; but like a fecond Crifpin, or that little Grecian Tzetzes, you do but write a great deal, take no pains to write well ; nor could write any thing well, though you took never fo much pains. This Caufe /hall be argued (fay you] in the hearings and as it were before the Tribujial of all Man- kind. That's what we like fo well, that we could now wifh we had a difcreet and intelligent Adverfary, and not fuch a hair-brain'd Blunderbufs, as you, to deal with. You conclude very Tragically, like A) ax in his Raving ; I will proclaim to Heaven and Earth the Injttfiice, the Villany> the Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty of tbefeMcn, and will deliver them over convicled to all Pofterity. O Flow- ers ! that fuch a witlefs, fenfelefs Bawler, one that was born but to fpoil or tran- fcribegood Authors, fhould think himfelf able to write any thing of his own, that will reach Pofterity, whom together with his frivolous Scribbles, the very next Age will bury in Oblivion ; unlefs this Defence of the King perhaps may be beholden to the Anfwer I give to it, for being looked into now and then. And I would entreat the Illultrious States of Holland to take off their Prohibi- tion, andfuffer the Book to be publicly fold. For when 1 have detected the Vanity, Ignorance, andFalfhood, that it is full of, the farther it ipreads, the more effectually it will be fuppreft. Now let us hear how he convilts us. 453 DEFENCE OF THE oplt of Cnglanu* CHAP. I, IPerfuade myfelf, Salmqfius, that you being a vain flafhy Man, are not a little proud of being the King of Great-Britain's Defender, who himfelf wasftil'd the Defender of the Faith. For my part, I think you deferve your Titles both alike ; for the King defended the Faith, and you have defended him lb, that betwixt you, you have fpoiled both your Caufes : which I mall make appear throughout the whole enfuing Difcourie, and particular- ly in this very Chapter. You told us in the 12th Page of your Preface, That fo good and fo juft a Caufe ought not to be embeliflfd with any Flourijhes of Rhetoric •, That the King needed no other Defence, than by a bare Narrative of his Story : and yet in your firft Chapter, in which you had promifed us that bare Narrative, you neither tell the Story right, nor do you abftain from making ufe of all the (kill you have in Rhetoric to fet it off*. So that, if we muft take your own judgment, we muft believe the King's Caufe to be neither good nor juft. But by the way I would advife you not to have fo good an Opinion of yourfelf (for no body elfe has fo of you) as to imagine that you are able to fpeak well up- on any Subject, who can neither play the part of an Orator, nor an Hiftorian, nor exprefs yourfelf in a Stile that would not be ridiculous even in a Lawyer -, but like a Mountebank's Jugler, with big fwelling words in your Preface, you raifedour expectation, as if fome mighty matter were to enfue : in which your defign was not fo much to introduce a true Narrative of the King's Story, as to make your own empty intended flourifhes go offthe better. For being nofto about to give us an account of thematter of Faff, you find yourfelf encompafted and affrighted withfo numy Monflers of Novelty, that you are at a lofs what to fay firft, what next, and what laft of all. 1*11 tell you what the matter is with you. In the firft place, you find yourfelf affrighted and aftonifhed at your own monftrous Lyes, and then you find that empty head of yours not encompafled, but carried round with fo many trifles and fooleries, that you not only now do not, but never did know what was fit to be fpoken, and in what method. Among the many Difficulties thai you find in expreffing the heinoujnefs of fo incredible a piece of, Impiety, this one offers itfelf, you fay, which is eafily faid, and muft often be repeated ; to wit, That the Sun itfelf never beheld a more outragious affion. But by your good leave, Sir, the Sun has beheld many things, that blind Bernard never faw. But we are con- tent you fliould mention the Sun over and over. And it will be a piece of Pru- dence in you fo to do. For though our wickednefs does not require it, the cold- nefs of the defence that you are making, does. The Original of Kings, you fay, is as ancient as that cf the Sun. May the Gods and GoddelTes, Damqfippus, blefs thee with an everlaftingSolftice ; that thou mayeft always be warm, thou that can'ft not ftir a foot without the Sun. Perhaps you would avoidthe imputation of being called a Doctor Umbraticus. But alas ! you are in perfect darknels, that make no difference betwixt a Paternal Power, and a Regal : and that when you had called Kings Fat hers of their Country, could fancy that with that Me- taphor you had perfuaded us that whatever is applicable to a Father, is fo to a King. Alas! there's.', great difference betwixt them. Our Fathers begot us. Our 4 ? 4 A Defence of the People of England, Our King made not us, but we him. Nature has given Fathers to us all, but we ourfelves appointed our own King. So that the People is not for the King but theKin- for them. We bear with a Father, though he be barfb and fever e ; and fo we do with a King. But we do not bear -with a Father, if he be a I y rant. If a Father murder his Son, he himfelf muft die lor it ; and why fhould not a Kina be fubiect to the fame Law, which certainly is a moft juft one ? Efpecially confiderincr'that a Father cannot by any poffibilitydiveft himfelf or that Rela- tion but a King eafily may make himfelf neither King nor Father of his People. If this action of ours be confidered according to its quality, as you call it, I, who am both an Englifhman born, and was an Eye-witnefs of the Tranfactions of thefe Times, tell you, who are both a Foreigner and an utter Stranger to our Affairs-, That we have put to death neither agood nor a juft, nor a merciful, nor a devout, nor a godly, nor a peaceable King, as you ftile him •, but an Enemy, that has been ib to us almoft ten years to an end ; nor one that was a Father, but a Deftroyer of his Country. You confefs that fuch things have been praffifed ; for yoarfelf have not the impudence to deny it : but not by Proteftants upon a Prote- llar.t King. As if hedeferved the name of a Proteftant, that in a Letter tothe Pope, could give him the title of Moft\Boly Father; that was always more fa- vourable to the Papifts than to thofe of his own Profeffion. And being fuch, he is not the firft of his own Family that has been put to death by Proteftants. Was not his Grandmother depofed and banifh'd, and at laft beheaded by Pro- teftants ? And were not her own Countrymen, that were Proteftants too, well' enough pleafed with it ? Nay, if I fhould % they were Parties to it, I fhould not lye. But there being fo few Proteftant Kings, it is no great wonder, if it never happened that one of them has been put to death. But that it is lawful to depofe a Tyrant, and to punifh him according to his deferts ; nay, that this is the opinion of very eminent Divines, and of fuch as have been moftinftrumen- tal in the late Reformation, do you deny it if you dare. You confefs that ma- ny Kings have come to an unnatural Death: Some by the Sword, fomepoifon'd, fomeftrangled, and fome in a Dungeon ; but for a King to be arraign 'd in a Court of Judicature, to be put to plead for his Life, to have Sentence of Death pronounced a- vainji him, and that Sentence executed ; this you think a more lamentable Inftance than all the reft, and make it a prodigious piece of Impiety. Tell me, thou fu- perlativeFool, Whether it be not more juft, more agreeable to the Rules of Humanity, and the Laws of all Human Societies, to bring a Criminal, be his Offence what it will, before a Court of Juftice, to give him leave to fpeak for himfelf; and, if the Law condemn him, then to put him to death as he has deferved, fo as he may have time to repent or to recol- lect himfelf; than prefently, as foon as ever he is taken, to butcher him out more ado ? Do you think there's a Malefactor in the World, that if he might have his choice, would not chufe to be thus dealt withal ? And if this fort of proceeding againft a private Perfon be accounted the fairer of the two, why fhould it not be counted fo againft a Prince ? Nay, why fhould we not think that himfelf liked it better ? You would have had him kill'd privately, and rone to have feen it, either that future Ages might have loft the Advantage of fo crood an Example ; or that they that did this glorious Action, might feem to have avoided the Light, and to have acted contrary to Law and Juftice. You aggravate the matter by telling us, that it was not done in an uproar, or brought about by any Faction amongft Great Men, or in the heat of a Rebellion, either of the People, or the Soldiers : that there was no hatred, no fear, no ambition, no blind precipitate rafhnefs in the Cafe ; but that it was long confulted on, and done with deliberation. You did well in leaving off being naCus an Advocate, and turn Grammarian, who from the Accidents and Circum- •wtuoucean ftances of a thing, which in themielves confidered fway neither one way nor other, argue in difpraife of it, before you have proved the thing itfelf to be 'rJllorat cither good or bad. See how open you lie: If the Aftion you are difcourling i.«.' of, be commendable and praife-worthy, they that did it deferve the greater Flonour, in that they wereprepoffefred with no Paftions, but did what they did for Vertue's fake. If there were great difficulty in the enterprife, they did well in not going about it ralhly, but upon Advice and Confideration. Tho' for my own part, when I call to mind with how unexpected an importunity and fer- vency of Mind, and with how unanimous a Confent, the whole Army, and a :at in an/tier to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 45 great part of the People from almoft every County in the Kingdom, cried out with one Voice for Juftice againft the King, as being the fole Author of all their Calamities : I cannot but think that theft things were brought about by a Di- vine impulfe. Whatever the matter was, whether weconfider the Magiftrates, or the Body of the People, no Men ever undertook with more Courage, and which our Adverfaries themfelves confefs, in a more fedate temper of Mind.To brave an Action, an Adtion that might have become thole famous Heroes of whom we read in former Ages ; an Action, by which they enobled not only Laws, and their Execution, which ftem for the future equally refWd to high and low againft one another ; but even Juftice, and to have rendered it after fa iignal a Judgment, more illuftriousandgreater than in its own felf. We arc now come to an end of the 3d Page of the firft Book, and have not the bare Narra tive he promifed us yet. He complains that our Principles are, That a King whofe Government is burthenfome and odious, may lawfully be depofed : And, by this' Doctrine, fays he, if they had had a King a thoufand times better than they had, they would not have fpared his Life. Obferve the Man's fubtle way of arguing For I would willingly be informed what Confequence there is in this, unlefs he al- lows, that a King's Government may be burthenfome and odious, who is a rhoufana times better than our King was. So, that now he has brought things to this pafe, to make the King that he defends, a thoufand times worfe than fome whole Go- vernment notwithftanding is burthenfome and odious, that is, it may be, the molt monftrous Tyrant that ever reigned. I wifh ye Joy, O ye Kings, of ib able a Defender. Now the Narrative begins. They put him to federal forts of Torments. Give an inftance. They remov'd him from Prifon to Prifon ; and ib they mip'ht lawfully do ; for having been a Tyrant, he became an open Enemy, and was ta* ken in War. Often changing his Keepers. Left they themfelves mould change. Sometimes they gave him hopes of Liberty ; nay, and fome times even of reftoring him to his Crown, upon Articks of Agreement . It teems then the taking away his Life, was not done upon fo much premeditation, as he talked of before ; and that we did not lay hold on all opportunities and means, that offer'd themfelves, to renounce our King. Thofe things that in the beginning of the War we demand- ed of him, when he had almoft brought us under, which things if they were de- nied us, we could enjoy no Liberty, nor live in any fafety •> thofe very things we petitioned him for when he was our Prifoner, in a humble, fubmifllve way, not once, nor twice, but thrice, and oftener, and were as often denied. When we had now loft all hopes of the King's complying with us, then was that noble Order of Parlament made, That from that time forward, there Ihould no Ar- ticles be fent to the King •, fo that we left off applying ourfelves tohim, not from the time that he began to be a Tyrant, but from the time that we found him in- curable. But afterward fome Parlament-Men fet upon a new Project, and meeting with a convenient opportunity to put it in practice, pals a Vote to fend further Propofals once more to the King. Whole Wickednefs and Folly near- eft relembles that of the Roman Senate, who contrary to the opinion of M. Tul- Hus, and all honeft Men, voted to fend Embaffadors to M. Anthony ; and the i'.v n. had been the fame, but that it pleafed God Almighty in his Providence, to order itotherwife, and to affert our Liberty, though he fufrer'd them to be e.';P..tv\l : For tho' the King did not agree to any thing that might conduce to a firm Peace, and Settlement of things more than he had before, they go and vote themfelves fatisfied. Then the founder part of the Houfe finding them- felves and the Commonwealth betrayed, implore the aid of that Vajian and always faithful Army to the Commonwealth. Upon which occafion I can obferve only this, which yet I am loth to utter ; to wit, that our Soldiers underftood themfelves better than our Senators, and that they faved the Commonwealth by their Arms, when the other by their Votes had almoft ruined it. Then he relates a great many things in a dolefui, lamentable Strain ; but he does it fo ftnfclefiy, that he kerns rather to beg of his Readers that they would be forrowful, than to ftir up any fuch PalTion in them. It grieves him to think that the King fhould undergo a Capi- tal Punifment after fuch a manner as no other King ever had done. Tho' he had of- ten told us before, that there never was a King that underwent a Capital Puniih- mentat all. Do you ufe to compare ways and manners, ye Coxcomb, when you have no Things, nor Actions to compare with one another ? lie j:'-ifr\i Death, lays he, as a Robber, as a Murderer, as a Parricide, as a Tray tor, as a + . Is this 456 A Defence of the People of England, this defending the King? Or is it nOt rather giving a more fevere Sentence a-» o-ainft him than that that we gave ? How came you fo all on a hidden to be of Our mind? He complains that Executioners in Vizards [pcrfonati Carnifices] cut off the King's Head. What iliall we do with this Fellow ? He told us be- fore, of a Murder committed on one in the difguife of a King: [in Perfona* Reg'is.] Now he fays, 'twas done in the difguife of an Executioner. 'Twere to no purpofe to take particular notice of every filly thing he fays. He tells Stories of Boxes on the Ear, and Kicks, that, he lays, were given the King by Common Soldiers, and that 'twas four Shillings a-piece to fee his dead Body. Thefe, and fuch like Stories ,whichpartly arefalfe, and partly impertinent, be- tray the Ignorance and Childifhnefs of our podr Scholar -, but are far from ma- kino- any Reader ever a whit the fadder. In good faith his Son Charles had done better to have hired fome Ballad-finger to have bewailed his Father's Mif- fortunes, than this doleful, fhall I call him, or rather moft ridiculous Orator, who isfodry and infipid, that there's not the leaft Spirit in any thing he fays. Now the Narrative's done, and 'tis hard to fay what he does next, he runs on fo fordidly and irregular. Now he's angry, then he wonders ; he neither cares what he talks, nor how, repeats the fame things ten times over, that could not but look ill, tho' he had faidthem but once. And I perfuade myfelf, the ex- temporary Rhymes of fome antic Jack-pudding may deferve printing better; fo far am I from thinking aught he lays worthy of a ferious Anfwer. I pais by his ftilingthe King a Proteclor of Religion, who chofe to make war upon the Ckurch, father than part with thofe Church-Tyrants, and Enemies of all Re- ligion, the Bifhops •, and how is it poflible that he fhould maintain Religion in its Purity, that was himfelf a Slave to thofe impure Traditions and Ceremonies of theirs? And for our Setlaries, whofe Sacrilegious Meetings, you fay, have public Allowance ; inftance in any of their Principles, the Profeffion of which is not openly allow'd of, and countenanced mHolland. Bucin the mean time, there's not a more Sacrilegious Wretch in nature than yourfelf, that always took liberty to fpeak ill of all forts of people. They could not wound the Commonwealth more danger oufly than by taking off its Mafier. Learn, ye abject, home-born Slave ; unlefs ye take away the Mafter, ye deftroy the Commonwealth. That that has a Mafter, is one Man's Property. The word Mafter denotes a private, not a public Relation. They perfecute moft unjuftly thofe Minifters that abhorr'd this Ac- tion of theirs. Left you fhould not know what Minifters he means, I'll tell you in a few words what manner of Men they were ; they were thofe very Men, that by their Writings and Sermons juftified taking up Arms againft the King, and ftirred the People up to it. That daily curfed, as Deborah did Meroz, all fuch as would not furnifh the Parlament either with Arms, or Men, or Money. That taught the People out of their Pulpits, that they were not about to fight a- gainft a King, but a greater Tyrant than either Saul or Ahab ever were •, nay, more a Nero than Nero himfelf. As foon as the Bifhops, and thofe Clergymen, whom they daily inveighed againft, and branded with the odious Names of Plu- ral ifts and Non-refidents, were taken out of their way, they prefently jump, fome into two, fome into three of their beft Benefices ; being now warm them- felves, they foon unworthily neglected their Charge. Their Covetoufnefs brake through all Reftraints of Modefty and Religion, and themfelves now labour un- der the fame Infamy, that they had loaded their Predeceffors with ; and becaufe their Covetoufnefs is not yet fatisfied, and their ambition has accuftomed them to raife Tumults, and be Enemies to Peace, they can't reft at quiet yet, but preach up Sedition againft the Magiftracy, as it is now eftablifhed, as they had formerly done againft the King. They now tell the People that he was cruelly murdered ; upon whom themfelves having heaped all their Curfes, had devoted him to Destruction, whom they had deliver'd up as it were to the Parlament, to be defpoil'd of his Rtoyalty, andpurfued with a Holy War. They now complain that the Scdtaries are not extirpated ; which is a moft abfurd thing to expect the Magiftrates fhould be able to do, who never yet were able, do what thty could, to extirpate Avarice and Ambition, thofe two moft pernicious Hg-efies, and more deftructive to the Church than all the reft, out of the very order and tribe of the Minifters themfelves. For the Sects which they inveigh againft, I con- fefs there are fuch amongft us, but they are obfeure, and make no noife in the wo'rld: The Sects that they are 1 of, are public and notorious, and much more 2 ' dano;e- in anjwer to Salmafius'i Defence of the King, 457 dangerous to the Church of God. Simon Magus and Dio/rephes were the Ring* leaders of them. Yet are we fo far from perfecting thefe Men^ tho' they are peftilent enough, that tho' we know them to be iJI-affected to the Government, and defirous of, and endeavouring to work a change, we allow them but too much Liberty. You, that af e both a Frenchman and a Vagabond, feem dif- pleafed that the Engliih, more fierce and cruel than their own Majliffs, as your barking Eloquence has it, have no regard to the lawful Succefjor and Heir of the Crown: Take no care of the King's youngeji Son, nor of the Queen of Bohemia. I'll make ye no Anfwef; you lhall aiifwer yourfelf. Whin the frame of a Govern - nt is changed from a Monarchy to any other, the new Modellers have no regard to f'.cn : the application iseafy ; it's in your Book de primatu Pap<?. The great ge throughout three Kingdoms, you fay, was brought about by a (mall number of Men in one of them. If this were true, that frriall number of Men would have de- ferved to have Dominion over the reft ; Valiant Men over faint-hearted Cow- ards. Thefe are they that prefumptuoufly took upon them to change, antiquum Regni Regimen, in aliumqui a pluribus Tyrannis tcneatur. 'Tis well for them chat you cannot find fault with them, without committing a barbarous Soloecifrn ; you fhame all Grammarians. The Englifh willnever be able to wafh out this ftain. Nay, yo-i, tho' a blot and a ftain to all learned Men, were never yet able to ftain the Renown and everlafting Glory of the Englijh Nation, that with fo great a Refo- lution, as we hard y find the like recorded in any Hiftory, having ftruggled with* and overcome, not only their Enemies in the Field, but the fuperftitious Per- fuafions of the common People, have purchafed to themfelves in general a- mongft all pofterity the name of Deliverers : The Body of the people having undertook and performed an enterprize, which in other Nations is thought to proceed only from a magnanimity that's peculiar to Heroes. What the Prote- ctants and Primitive Cbrijlians have done, or would do upon fuch an occafion, I'il tell ye herafter, when we come to debate the merits of the Caufe : In difcour- fing it before, I fhould be guilty of your fault, who outdo the moft impertinent Talkers in Nature. You wonder how we lhall be able to anfwer the Jefuits. Meddle with your own matters, you Runagate, and be afham'd of your actions, fince the Church is afham'd or you 5 who, though but of late you fet yourfelf fo fiercely and with fo much Oftentation againft the Pope's Supremacy and E- pifcopal Government, are now become yourfelf a very Creature of the Bifhops. You confefs thxt feme Proteftants whom you do not name, have afferted it lawful to depofea Tyrant : But though you do not think fit to name them, I will, becaufe you fay they are far worfe than the very Jefuits themfelves ; they are no other than Luther, and Zuinglius, and Calvin, and Bucer, and Parens, and many others. But then, you fay, they refer it to the Judgment of learned and wife Men, who fhall be accounted a Tyrant. But what for Men, were theje ? Were they wife Men, were they Men of Learning ? Were they any -wife remarkable, either for Virtue or No- bility? You may well allow a People that has felt the heavy Yoke of Slavery, to be Wife, and Learned, and Noble enough to know what is fit to be done to the Tyrant that has opprcfied them ; though they neither confultwith Foreign- ers nor Grammarians. But that this Man was a Tyrant, not only the Parla- ments or England and Scotland have declared by their actions and exprefs words; but almoft all the People of both Nations afiented to it, till fuch time as by the 1 ricks and Artifices of the Bilhops they were divided into two Factions : and what if it haspleafed God to chufe fuch Men, to execute his Vengeance upon the. greateft Potentates on Earth, as he chofe to be made partakers of the benefit of tlie Golpel ? Not many Wife, not many Learned, not many Powerful, not many No- ble : That by thofe that are not, he might bring to naught thofe that are ; and that no flefh might glory in his fight. And who are you that babble to the contrary ? Dare you affect the Reputation of a learned Man ? I confefs you are pretty well verfed in Phrafe-Books, and Lexicons, and Glofiaries ; infomuch that you feem to have fpent your time in nothing elfe. But you do not make appear that you have readany good Authors withfo much Judgment as to have benefited by them. Other Copies and various Le&ions and Words omitted, and Corruptions of Texts and the like, thefe you arc lull of; but no footftep of any folid Learn- ing appears in all you have writ : Or do ye think yourflf a wife Man, that quarrel and contend about the meaneft Trifles that may be ? That being alto- gether ignorant in Aftronomy and Phyfic, yet are always railing at the Pro- Vo l. I. Nnn fcfibrs 458 A Defence of the People of England, feflbrs of both, whom all Men credit in what things belong to their own Sci- ences that would be ready to curfe them to the Pit of Hell, that fhould offer to deprive you of the Vain-glory of having corrected or fupply'd the leaft word or letter in any Copy you've criticifed upon. And yet you are mad to hearyourfelf call'd a Grammarian. In a certain trifling Difcourfe of yours, you call Dr. Hammond Knave in plain terms who was one of this King's Chaplains, and one that he valued above all the reft, for no other reafon but becaufe he had cal- led you a Grammarian. Andl don't queftion butyou would have been as ready to have thrown the fame reproach upon the King himfelf, if you had heard that he had approv'd his Chaplain's Judgment of you. Take notice now, how much I (who am but one of thofe many Engliflo, that you have the impudence to call Mad-men, and unlearned, and ignoble, and wicked) flight and defpife you, (for that the Englijh Nation in general mould take any notice in public of fuch a worm as you are, would be an infinite undervaluing of themfelves) who though one fhould turn you topfy-turvy, and infide-out, are but a Grammarian : Nay^ as if you had made a foolifher wifh than Midas did, whatever you med- dle with, except when you make Solcecifms, is Grammar ftill. Whomever therfore he be, though from among the Dregs of that common People that you are lb keen upon, (for as for thofe Men ofEmincncy amongft us, whofe great Actions evidenced to all Men their Nobility, and Virtue, and Conduct, I won't difgrace them lb much, as to compare you to them, or them to you; but whofoever, I fay, among the Dregs of that common People has but i'uck'd in this Principle, That he was not born for his Prince, but for God and his Country ; he deferves the reputation of a Learned, and an Honeft, and a Wife Man more, and is of greater ufe in the world than yourfelf. For fuch a one is Learned without Letters ; you have Letters, but no Learning, that un- derstand fo many Languages, turn over fo many Volumes, and yet are but a- fleep when all is done. CHAP. II. THE Argument that Salmaftus, toward the conclufion of his firfl: Chapter, urg'd as irrefragable, to wit, that it was really fo, becaufe all Men una- nimoufly agreed in it •, That very Argument, than which, as he apply'd it, there is nothing more falfe, I, that am now about to difcourfe of the Right of Kings, may turn upon himfelf with a great deal of Truth. For, wheras he defines a King (if that may be faid to be defin'd which he makes infinite) to be a Per/on in whom the Supreme Piwer of the Kingdom re/ides, who is anfwerable to God alone, who may do whatfoever pleafes him., who is bound by no Law : I will under- take to demonftrate, not by mine, but by his own Reafons and Authorities, that there never was a Nation or People of any account (for to ranfack all the un- civiliz'd parts of the World were to nopurpofe) that ever allowed this to be their King's Right, or put fuch exorbitant Power into his hand, as that he fhould not be bound by any Law, that he might do what he would, that be Jhould judge all, but be judged of none. Nor can I perfuade myfelf, that there ever was any one Perfon befides Salmafius of fo flavifh a Spirit, as to aflert the outragious Enor- mities of Tyrants to be the Rights of Kings. Thofe amongft us that were the greateft Royalifts, always abhorred this fordid Opinion : And Salmaftus himfelf, as appears by fome otherWritings of his before he was bribed, was quite of ano- ther mind. Infomuch, that what he here gives out, does not look like the Dictates of a free Subject under a free Government, much lefs in fo famous a Commonwealth as that of Holland, and the moll eminent Univerfity there ; but feems to have been penn'd by fome defpicable Slave that lay rotting in a Prifon, or a Dungeon. If whatever a King has a mind to do, the right of Kings will bear him out in (which was a Leflbn that the bloody Tyrant Antoni- nus Caracalla, tho' his Step-mother Julia preach'd it to him, and endeavoured to inure him to the practice of it, by making him commit inceft with her felf, yet could hardly fuck in) then there neither is, nor ever was that King rhatdeferved the name of a Tyrant. They may fafelv violate all the Laws of God in anfuer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 4-rt God and Man: their very being Kings keeps them innocent. What Crime was ever any of them guilty of? They did but make ufe of their own Right upon their own Vaflals. No King can commit fuch horrible Cruelties and Out- rages, as will not be within this Right of Kings. So that there's no Pretence left for any Complaints or Expoftulations with any of them. And dare you aflert, That this Right of Kings, as you call it, is grounded upon the Law of Na- tions, or rather upon that of Nature, you Brute Beaft ? for you dcferve not the name of a Man, that are fo cruel and unjuft towards all thofe of your own kind •, that endeavour as much as in you lies, fo to bear down and vilify the whole race of Mankind, that were made after the Image of God, as to aflert and maintain that thofe cruel and unmerciful Tafkmatters, that through the f iperftiticus whimfies, or floth, or treachery of feme perfons, get. into the Chair, are provided and appointed by Nature herfelf, that mild and gentle Mo- ther of us all, to be the Governors of thofe Nations they enflave. By which peftilent Doctrine of yours, having rendered them more fierce and untraceable, you not only enable them to make havoc of, and trample under foot their mi- serable Subjects ; but endeavour to arm them for that very purpofe with the Law of Nature, the Right of Kings, and the very Conftitutions of Government, than which nothing can be more impious or ridiculous. By my confent, as tiionyjius formerly of a Tyrant became a School-rhafter, fo you of a Gramma- rian mould become a Tyrant ; not that you may have that Reo-al Licence of doing other people harm, but a fair opportunity of perifhing miferably your felf: That, as Tiberius cqmplain'd, when he had confin'd himfelf to the Ifiand Capre<e, you may be reduced into fuch a condition, as to be fctifible that you perifli daily. But let us look a little more narrowly into this Right of Kin^s that you talk of. This was the fenfe of the Eaflern, and of the We/tern part of the World. I fhall not anfwer you with what Ariftoile and Cicero, (who are both as credible Authors as any we have) tell us, viz. That the People of Afia eafily fubmit to Slavery, but the Syrians and the Jews are even born to it from the womb. I confefs there are but few, and thofe Men of great wifdom and cou- rage, that are either defirous of Liberty, or capable of ufing it. The greateft part of the world chufe to live under Matters ; but yet they would have them juft ones. As for fuch as are unjuft and tyrannical, neither was God ever fo much an enemy to Mankind, as to enjoin anecelTity of fubmitting to them ; nor was there ever any people fo deftitute of all fenfe, and funk into fuch a depth of defpair, as to ifripofe fo crue! a Law upon themfelves and their pofterity. Firft, you produce the words of King Solomon in his Ecclefiaftes. And we are as willing to appeal to the Scripture as you. As for Solomon's Authority, we'll confider that hereafter, when perhaps we fhall be better able to underftand it. Firft, let us hear God himfelf {peak, Deut. xvii. 14. When thou art come into the Land, which the Lord thy God give th thee, and fhalt fay, I will fet a King over me, like as the Nations that arc round about me. Which paffage I could wifh all Men would ferioufly confider : for hence it appears by the teftimony of God him- felf; Firft, that all Nations are at liberty to erect what Form of Government they will amongft themfelves, and to change it when and into what they will. This God affirms in exprefs terms concerning the Hebrew Nation ; and it does not appear but that other Nations are, as to this refpect, in the fame condition. Another remark that this place yields us, is, that a Commonwealth is a more perfect Form ofGovernmentthana Monarchy, and morefuitable to the condition of Mankind, and in the opinion of God himfelf, better for his own People ; for himfelf appointed it, and could hardly be prevail'd withal a great while after, and at their own importunate defire, to letthem change it into a Monarchy. But to make it appear that he gave them their choice to be govern'd by a fingle perfon, or by more, fo they were juftly govern'd, in cafe they mould in time ro come refolve upon a King, he prefcribes Laws for this King of theirs to ob- ferve, wherby he was forbidden to multiply to himfelf Horlls and Wives, or to heap up Riches : whence he might eafily infer, that no power was put into his hands over others, but according to Law, fince even thofe actions of his life, which related only to himfelf, were under a Law. He was commanded therfore to tranferibe with his own hand all the Precepts of the Law, and ha- ving writ them out, to obferveand keep them, that his mind might not befitt- ed up above his Brethren. 'Tis evident from hence, that as well the Prince a Vol. I. Nnn 2 People 460 A Defence of the People of England, People was bound by the Law of Mofes. To this purgofe Jpfepbui v. rites, .. proper and an able Interpreter of the Laws or his own Country, who was ad- mirably well verfed in the Jewifh Policy, and infinitely preferable to a thoufand obfeure ignorant Rabbins : He has it thus in the fourth Book ot his Antiquities. ''Aph-oxp*™ f*« »» y.cy.n-ov, tstc. " An Ariftocracy is the belt Form of Go- "^vernment; wherfore do not you endeavour to fettle any other, 'tis e- " noudi for you that God prelides over ye, but if you will have a King, let " nlm guide himfelf by the Law of God, rather than by his own wifdom ;. " and lay a reftraint upon him, if he offer at more power than the ftate of " your affairs will allow of." Thus he exprefles himfelf upon this place in Deu- teronomy. Another Jevrijh Author, Philo Judxus, who was Jofephns's, Contem- porary, a very ftudious Man in the Law of Mofes, upon which he wrote a large Commentary ; when in his Book concerning the Creation of the King, he in- terprets this Chapter of Deuteronomy, he lets a King loofe from the Law no o- therwife than as an enemy may be laid to be fo : " They, fays he, that to " the prejudice and deftru&ion of the people acquire great power to themfelves, " deferve not the name of Kings, but that of Enemies: For their Actions are " the fame with thofe of an irreconcileable enemy. Nay, they, that under a " pretence of Government are injurious, are worfe than open enemies. We " may fence ourfelves againfl the latter ; but the malice of the former is fo " much the more peftilent, becaufe it is not always eafy to be difcovered. But when it is difcovered, why mould they not be dealt with as enemies ? The fame Author in his fecond Book, Allegorier. Legis, " A King, fays he, and a Ty- " rant, are Contraries. And a little after, A King ought not only to command, " but alfo to obey." All this is very true, you'll fay, a King ought to obferve the Laws, as well as any other Man. But what if he will not, what Law is there to punifh him ? I anfwer, the fame Law that there is to punifli other Men ; for I find no exceptions. There is no exprefs Law to puniili the Priefts or any other inferior Magiftrates, who all of them, if this opinion of the ex- emption of Kings from the Penalties of the Law would hold, might by the fame reafon claim impunity, what guilt foever they contract, becaufe there is no pofitive Law for their punifhment ; and yet Ifuppofenone of them ever chal- lenged fuch a Prerogative, nor would it ever be allow'd them, if they fhould. Hitherto we have learned from the very Text of God's own Law, that a King ought to obey the Laws, and not lift himfelf up above his Brethren. Let us now confider whether Solomon preached up any ether Doctrine, Ch. viii. v. 2. I eounfel thee to keep the King's Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God. Be not hajly to go out of his fight ; ft and not in an evil thing ; for he doth what fo- ever pleafeth him. Where the word of a King is, there is power ; and who may fay unto him, what doft thou? It is well enough known, that here the Preacher directs not his Precepts to the Sanhedrim, or to a Parlament, but to private Perfons;and fuch he commands to keep the King's Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God. But as they fwear Allegiance to Kings, do not Kings likewife fwear to obey and maintain the Laws of God, and thofe of their own Country ? bo the Reubeniles and Gadiles prom ife obedience to Jo/hua, Jojh. i. 17. According as we hearkened unto Moles in all things, fo will we hearken unto thee ; only the Lord thy God be with thee, as he was with Mofes. Here's an exprefs condition. Hear the Preacher elfe, Chap. ix. v. 17. The words of wije Men are heard in qui- et, more than the cry of him that ruleth among fools. The next caution that Solo- mon gives us, is, Be not hefty to go out of his fight ; ft and not in an evil thing ; for he doth wbatfoever pleafeth him. That is, he does what he will to Malefactors, whom the Law authorizes him to punifli, and againfl: whom he may proceed with mercy or feverky, as he fees occafion. Here's no- thing like Tyranny ; nothing that a good Man needs be afraid of. Where the Word of a King is, there is power; and who may ay :, What deft thou? And yet we read of one that not only faid to a King, What doft thou? but told him, Thou baft done foolifhly. But: Samuel, you may fay, was an extraordinary Perfon. I_anjwer you with your own Words, which follow in the 49th Page of your Book, What was there extraordinary, fay you, ;';.• Saul or in David ? And fo lay I, what was there in Samuel extraordina- ry ? He was a Prophet, you'll fiy •, fo are they that now follow his example ; for they act accor ing to the will of God, either his revealed, or his fecret will, which yourfelf grant in your 50th Page. The Preacher therforc in this 3 place in anfvoer to Salmafius'j- Defence of the Kino. 461 place prudently advifes private perfons not to contend with Princes •, for it. is even dangerous to contend with any Man that's either rich or powerful. But what then ? Mult therfore the Nobility of a Nation, and all the inferior Ma- gifirates, and the whole body of the people not dare to mutter when a Kino- raves and acts like a Madman ? Mud they not oppofe a fooliih, wicked, out° ragious Tyrant, that perhaps feeksthe deitruction of all good Men ? Mull they not endeavour to prevent his turning all Divine and Human things upfide down'- Muft they iuffer him to maffacre his People, burn their Cities, and commit fuch Outrages upon them daily ; and finally, to have perfect Liberty to do what he lifts without controul ? O de Cappadocis eques catafiis ! 'Thou Jlavijh Knight of Cappadocia ! Whom all free People, if you can have the confidence herafter to fet your foot within a free Country, ought to call out from amonglt them, and fend to fome remote parts of the World, as a Prodigy of dire portent ; or to condemn to fome perpetual drudgery, as one devoted to flavery, folemnly obliging them- felves, if they ever let you go, to undergo a worfe flavery under fome cruel, filly Tyrant : No Man living can either devife himfelf, or borrow from any o- ther, Expreffions lb full ol Cruelty and Contempt, as may not juftly be ap- ply'd to you. But goon. When the Ifraelites ajked a King of God, theyfaid, they -would fet up a King that fhould have the fame Rule and Dominion over them, that the Kings of their neighbour Countries exercifed over their Subjetls. But the Kings of the Eaft we know had an unlimited Power : as Virgil teftitles, Regem nonfic iEgyptus &? ingens Lydia, nee Populi Parthorum, &f Medus, Hydafpes Obfervant. — : No Eaftern Nation ever did adore The Majefty of Sovereign Princes more. Firft, What is thattous, what fort of Kings the Ifraelites defired ? Efpecialiy fince God was angry with them, not only for defiring fuch a King as other Na- tions had, and not fuch a King as his own Law defcribes, but barely for defiring a King at all ? Nor is it crediblethat they fhould defire an unjult King, and one that fhould be out of the reach of all Laws, who could not bear the Government of Samuel's Sons, though under the power of Laws ; but from their Covetouf- nefs fought refuge in a King. And laftly, The Verfe that you quote out of Virgil, does not prove that the Kings of the Eaft had an abfolute unlimited Power ; for thofe Bees, that he there (peaks of, and who reverence their Kings, he lays, more than the Egyptians or Medes do theirs, by the Authority of the fame Poet, Magnis agitant fub Icgibus avum. Live under certain Fundamental Laws. They do not live under a King then, that's tied to no Law. But nOwPil let you fee how little realbn you have to think I bear you an ill-will. Moll People think you are a Knave •, but Pll make it appear that you have only put on a Knave's Vizor for the prefent. In your Introduction to your Difcourfe of the Pope's Supremacy, you fay, that fome Divines inthe Council of Trent madeufe of the Government, that is laid to be amonglt Bees, to prove the Pope's Supre- macy. This fancy you borrow from them, and urge it here with the fame ma- lice that they did there. Now that very fame anfvver that you gave them, whilft you were an honelt Man, now that you are become a Knave, you lhall give your felf, and pull off with your own hand that Vizor you have now put on : TJ.v Bees, layyou, are a Stai , an . Natural Philofophers call them ; they have a King, but aharmlefs one ; he is a Leader, or Captain, rather than a King ; he never beats, nor pulls, a6z A Defence of the People of England, ■pulls., nor kills his fubjetl Bees. No wonder they are fo obfervant of him then J But in good Faith, you had but ill luck to meddle with thefe Bees •, for though thev are Bees of Trent, they fhow you to be a Drone. Ariftetle, a moft exact writer of Politics, affirms that theA/iatique Monarchy, which yet himfelf calls barbarous was according to Law, Politic. 3. And wheras he reckons up five feveral forts of Monarchies, four of thole five he makes Governments according to Laws and with the confent of the People ; and yet he calls them tyrannical Forms of Government, becaufe they lodge fo much power in one Man's hand. But the Kingdom of the Lacedemonians he fays is moft properly a Kingdom, be- caufe there all Power is not in the King. The fifth fort of Monarchy, which he calls Tra!/>i£*<n>.Eia, that is, where the King is all in all -, and to which he refers that, that you call the Right of Kings, which is a Liberty to do what they lift ; he neither tells us when, nor where any fuch Form of Government ever obtain- ed. Nor feems he to have mentioned it for any other purpofe than to fhew how uniuft, abfurd, and tyrannical a Government it is. You fay, that when Samuel would deterthe People from chufing a King, he propounded to them this Right of Kin^s. But whence had Samuel it ? Had he it from the written Law of God ? That can't be. We have obferv'd already, that the Scriptures afford us a quite other Scheme of Sovereignty, flad Samuel it then immediately from God him- felf by Revelation ? That's not likely neither •, for God diflikes ir, difcommends it, finds fault with it : So that Samuel does not expound to the People any Right of Kings appointed by God •, but a corrupt and depraved manner of governing, taken up by the Pride and Ambition of Princes. He tells not the People what their Kino's ought to do, but what they would do. He told them the manner of their King, as before he told us of the manner of the Priefts, the Sons of Eli ; for he ufes the fame word in both places ; (which you in the 33d Page of your Book, by an Hebrew Solcecifm too, call J^SlCD.) That manner of theirs was wicked, and odious, and tyrannical: It was no right, but great wrong. The Fathers have commented upon this place too : I'll inftance in one, that may ftand for a great marly 5 and that's Sulpitius Severus, a contemporary and intimate Friend of St. Jerome, and, in St. Auguflin's opinion, a Man of great Wifdom and Learning. He tells us in his facred Hiftory, that Samuel in that place ac- quaints the People with the imperious Rule of Kings, and how they ufe to lord it over their Subjects. Certainly it cannot be the Right of Kings to domineer and be imperious. But according to balujt, that lawful Power and Authority that Kin^s were entrufted with, for the prefervation of the public Liberty, and the good of the Commonwealth, quickly degenerated into Pride and Tyranny : And this is the fenfe of all Orthodox Divines, and of all Lawyers upon that place of Samuel. And you might have learned from Sichardus, that moft of the Rab- bins too were of the fame mind •, at leaft, not any one of them ever affert- ed that the abfolute inherent Right of Kings is there difcourfed of. Yourfelf in your 5th Chapter, Page ic6, complain, That not only Clemens Alexandrinus, but all other Expofitors miftake themfches uponthisText : And you, I'll warrant ye, are the only Man that have had the good luck to hit the Mark. Now what a piece of folly and impudence is this in you to maintain, inoppofition to all Ortho- dox Expofitors, that thofe very Actions which God ibmuch condemns, are the Right of Kings, and to pretend Law for them ? Though yourfelf confefs, that that Right is very often exercifed in committing Outrages, being injurious, con- tumelious and the like. Was any Man ever to that degree fui juris, fo much his own Mailer, as that he might lawfully prey upon Mankind, bear down all that ftood in his way, and turn all things upfide-down ? Did the Remans ever maintain, as you fay they did, that any Man might do thefe things [no jure, by virtue of fome inherent Right in himfelf? Salujl indeed makes C. Menrmius, a Tribune of the People, in an invective Speech of his againft the Pride of the Nobility, and their efcaping unpunifh'd, howfoever they mifbehaved themfelves, to ufe thefe words, viz. " To do whatever one has a mind to, without fear of •' Punifhment, is to be a King." This Saying you catch'd hold of, thinking it would make for your purpofe ; but confider it a little better, and you'll find yourfelf deceived. Does he in that place aifert the Right of Kings? Or does he not blame the common People, and chide them for their Slot!., in fuffering their Nobility to lord it over them, as if they were out of the reach of all Law, mid in iubmitting again to that Kingly Tyranny, which together with their 2 Kin s in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. a6i Kings themfelves, their Anceftors had lawfully and juftly rejected and banifh'd from amongft them ? If you had confulted fully, you would have underftood both Saluft and Samuel better. In his Oration/™ C. Rabirio, " There is none " of us ignorant, fays he, of the manner of Kings. Thele arc their lordly - Dictates : Mind what I lay, and do accordingly." Many paffa"es to this purpofe he quotes out of Poets, and calls them not the Right, but the Cuftom or the Manner of Kings ; and he fays, We ought to read and confider them not only lor cunofity lake, but that we may learn to beware of them, and avoid' them. You perceive how miierably you are come off with Saluft, who tho' he- be as much an Enemy to Tyranny as any other Author whatfocver, you'thoueht would have patronized this tyrannical Right that you are eftablifhine. Take my word for't, the Right of Kings fecms to be tottering, and even to further its own ruin, by relying upon fuchweak Props for its fupportj and by endea vouring to maintain itielr by fuch Examples and Authorities, as would h-ften its downfall, if it were further off than it is. The extremity of Ri^ht or Law you fay, is the height of Injury, Summum jus fumma injuria ; this faying is verified melt properly in Kings, who when they go to the utmojl of their Right, fall intothofc coiirfes in which Samuel makes the Right of Kings to confifl. And 'tis a miferable Right* which, when you have faid all you can for, you can no otherwife defend than by confefling, that it is the greateft injury that may be. The extremity of Right or Law is faidtobe, when a Man ties himfelfup to Niceties, dwells upon Letters and Syllables, and in the mean time neglects the intent and equity of the Law ; or when awrittenLaw is cunningly and malicioufly interpreted j'this Cicero makes to have been the rife of that common faying. But fince 'tis' cer- tain that all Right flows from the Fountain of Juftice, fo that nothing can poflf bly be any Man's right that is not juft, 'tis a moll wicked thing in ycTu to affirm that for a King to beunjuft, rapacious, tyrannical, and as ill as the word of them ever were, is according to the right of Kings 5 and to tell us that a Holy Pro- phet would have perfuaded the People to fuch a fenfelefs thing. For whether written or unwritten, whether extreme or remifs, what Right can any Man have to be injurious ? Which left you fhould confefs to be true of other Men but not of Kings, I have one Man's Authority to object to you, who I think wasa King likewife, and profeffes that that Right of Kings that you fpeak of is odious both to God and himfclf : It is in the 94th Pfalm, Shall the Throne of Iniquity have fellowjlnp with thee, thatframeth mifchief by a Law? Be not there- fore fo injurious toGod, as toafcribe this Doctrine to him, viz. that all man- ner of wicked and flagitious Actions are but the Right of Kin^s ; fince himfelf tells us, that he abhors all fellowfhip with wicked Princes for this very reafon becaufe under pretence of Sovereignty they create Mifery and Vexation to their Subjects. Neither bring up a falfe Accufation againlt a Prophet of God- for by making him to teach us in this place what the Right of Kines is, you do not produce the right Samuel, but fuch another empty Shadow as was raifed by the Witch ofEndor. Tho' for my own part, I verily believe that that infernal Sa- tnuel-would not have been fo great a Lyar, but that he would have confefled that what you call the Right of Kings, is Tyranny. We read indeed of Impieties countenanced by Law, Jus datum feeler i : you yourfelf confefs that they are bad Kings that have made ufe of this boundlefs Licence of theirs to do every thing. Now this Right that you have introduced for the Deftruclion of Man- kind, not proceeding from God, as I have proved it does not, muft needs come from the Devil ; and that it docs really fo, will appear more clearly hereafter. By virtue of this Liberty, fay you, Princes may if they will. And for this, you pretend to have Cicero's Authority. I'm always willing to mention your Au- thorities, for it generally happens that the very Authors you quote them out of, give you an Anfwer themfelves. Hear eife what Cicero lays in his 4th Philip- pic, ' What caufeof War can be more juft and warrantable than to avoid * Slavery ? For tho' a People may have the good fortune to live under a gentle 4 Mafter, yet thofe are in a mifemble Condition whole Prince may tyrannize * over them if he will.' May, that is, can ; has Power enough fo to do. If he meant it of his Right, he would contradict himfelf, and make that an umuft Caufe of War, which himfelf had affirmed with the fame breath to be a molt juft one. It is not therfore the Right of all Kings that you defcribe, but the Injurioufnefs, and Force, and Violence of fome. Then you tell us what private Men 1 464 A Defence of the People of England, Men may do. A private Mom, fay you, may lye, wry be ungrateful; and fo may Kings, but what then? May they therlere Plunder, Murder, Ravifh, with- out controul ? 'Tis equally prejudicial and deftruiStive to the Commonwealth, whether it be their own Prince, or a Robber, or a Foreign Enemy that Spoils, MafTacres, and Enflaves them. And quefl ion lei's being both alike Eaemfes of Human Society, the one as well as the other may lawfully be oppoled and pu- nifli'd •, and their own Prince the rather, becaufe he, tho' raifed to that Dignity by the Honours that his People have conferr'd upon him, and being bound by his Oath to defend the Public Safety, betrays it notwithstanding all. At kit you grant, that Mofes prefcribes Laws, according to which the King that t he Peo- ple of XitaiAfhould tbufe^ ought to govern, tho' different from this Right that Samuel propofes ; which words contain a double Contradiction to what you have faid be- fore. For whefas you had affirmed, That a King was bound by no Paw, here you confefs he is. And you fet up two contrary Rights, one dei'cribed by Mofes, and another by Samuel, which is abfurd. But, fays the Prophet, youjhall be Ser- vants to your King.. Tho' I fhould grant that the Ifraelites were really fo. it would not prefently follow, that it was the Right of their Kings to have them fo ; but that by the Ufurpation and Injuftice of moil: of them, they were re- due'd to that Condition. For the Prophet had foretold them, that that importunate Petition of theirs would bring a PuniJhment from God upon them ; not becaufe it would be their King's Right fo to harrafs them, but becaufe they themftlves had deferved it fhould be fo. It Kings are out of the reach of the Law, fo as that they may do what they Jiff, they are more abfolute than any Mailers, and rheir Subjects in a more deipicable Condition than the worft of Slaves. The law of God provided fome re- drefs for them, tho' of another Nation, if their Mailers were cruel and un- reafonable towards them. And can we imagine that the whole Body of the People of a free Nation, tho' opprefs'd and tyrannized over, and prey'd upon, fhould be left remedilefs ? That they had no Law to protect them, no Sanctuary to betake themfelves to ? Can we think that they were deliver'd from the Bon- dage that they were under to the Egyptian Kings, to be reduced into a worfe to one of their own Brethren ? All which being neither agreeable to the Law of God, nor to common Senfe, nothing can be more evident than that the Prophet de- clares to the People the Manner, and not the Right of Kings ; nor the Manner of all Kings, but of moft. Then you come to the Rabbins, and quote two of them, but you have as bad luck with them here, as you had before. For it is plain, that that other Chapter that Rabbi Jofes fpeaks of, and which contains, he fays, the Right of Kings, is that in Deuteronomy, and not in Samuel. For Rabbi Judas fays very truly, and againft you, that that Difcourfe of Samuel's was intended only to frighten the People. 'Tis a moft pernicious Doctrine to maintain that to be any one's Right, which in itfelf is fiat Injuitice, unlefs you have a mind to fpeak by contraries. And that Samuel intended to affrighten them, appears by the 18th Verfe, Andye floall cry out in that day, becaufe of your King, which ye fhall have chofen you, and I will not hear you in that day , faith the Lord. That was to be their Punifhment for their Obftinacy in perlilting to de- fire a King againft the Mind and Will of God, and yet they are not forbidden here either to pray againft him, or to endeavour to rid themfelves of him. For if they might lawfully pray to God againft him, without doubt they might ufeall lawful means for their own Deliverance. For what Man living, when he finds himfelf in any Calamity, betakes himfelf to God, fo as to neglect his own Duty in order to a Redrefs, and rely upon his lazy Prayers only ? But be it how it will, what is all this to the Right of Kings, or of the Englijh People? who neither afked a King againft the Will of God, nor had one appointed us by God, but by the Right that all Nations have to appoint their own Gover- nors, appointed a King over us by Laws of our own, neither in Obedience to, nor againft any Command of God ? And this being the Cafe, for aught I fee, we have done well in depofing our King, and are to be commended for it, fince the Ifraelites finned in afking one. And this the Event has made appear; for we, when we had a King, prayed to God againft him, and he heard us, and delivered us : But the Jews (who not being under a Kingly Government, defired a Kin<*) he fuffered to live in Slavery under one, till, at laft, after their return from the Babylonifj Captivity, they betook themfelves to their former Government again, 2 Then in anfocer to Salmafius'j- Defence of the King. a6z Then you come_ to give us a difplay of your Talmudical Learning, but: vou have as ill fuccefs with that, as you have had with all the reft. For whilft you are endeavouring to prove that Kings are not liable to any Temporal Judica- ture, you quote an Authority out of the Treatife of the SaribedrW, King neither is judged of others, nor does him/elf judge any. Which is againft the People's own Petition in Samutl ; for they defired a King that might judge them You labour in vain to falve this, by telling us, that it is to be underftood of thofe Kings that reigned after the Babylonijb Captivity. For then, what lav ve to Maimonides? He makes this difference betwixt the Kings o/Ifrael, c Ju- da -, that the Kings of the Poftcrily of David judge, and are judges the Kings o/Ifracl do neither. You contradict and quarrel with your felf or your Rabbins and ftill do my work for me. This, fay you, is not to be underjlood of the Kings e/"Ifrael in their firfi Injlitution ; for in the 17th Verfe 'tis laid, You flail be his Servants ; that is, he fhall ufe ye to it, not that he (hall have any Rio-ht to make you fo. Or if you underftand it of their Kings Right, 'tis but a Judgment of God upon them for afking a King ; the effects of which they were fenfible of under moft of their Kings, tho' not perhaps under all. But you need no Anra- gonifts, you arc fuch a perpetual Adverfary to your felf. For you tell us now a Story, as if you were arguing on my fide, how that firft Arijiobulus, and alter him Jannceus, furnamed Alexander, did not receive that Kingly Right that they pretended to, from the Sanhedrim, that great Treafury and Oracle of the Laws of that Nation, but ufufped it by degrees againft the Will of the Senate. For whofe fake, you fay, that childifh Fable of the principal Men of that Affembly being Jlruck dead by the Angel Gabriel, was firft invented. And thus you confefs that this magnificent Prerogative, upon which you feem mainly to rely, viz. YhatKings are not to be judged by any upon Earth, ' was grounded upon this worfe * than an old Wife's Tale, that is, upon a Rabbinical Fable.' But that the He- brew Kings were liable to be call'd in queftion for their Actions, and to be pu- nched with ftripes, if they were found faulty, Sichardus mows at large out of the Writings of the Rabbins, to which Author you are indebted for all that you employ of that fort of Learning, and yet you have the Impudence to be thwarting with him. Nay, we read in the Scripture that Saul thought himfelf bound by a Decree of his own making ; and in Obedience thereunto, that he caft Lots with his Son Jonathan which of them two mould die. Uzzias likewife, when he was thruft out of the Temple by the Priefts as a Leper, fubmitted as every private Perfon in fuch a Cafe ought to do, and ceas'd to be a King. Suppofe he fhould have refufed to go out of the Temple, and lay down the Government, and live alone, and had refolved to aflert that Kingly Right of not being fubjecl to any J ,aw ; do you think the Priefts, and the People of thzje ws, would have fuffered the Temple to be defiled, the Laws violated, and live themfelves in danger of the Infection ? It feems there are Laws againft a leprous King, but none againft a Tyrant. Can any Man poffibly be fo mad and foolifh as to fancy that the Laws fhould fo far provide for the People's Health, as tho' lb me noifome Diftemper fhould feize upon the King himfelf, yet to prevent the Infection's reaching them, and make no Provifion for the Security of their Lives and Eftates, and the very being of the whole State, againft the Tyranny of a cruel, unjuft Prince, which is incomparably the greater mifchief of the two ? But, fay you, there can be no precedent /hown of any one King, that has been arraigned in a Court cfjujlice, and condemned to die. Sichardus aniwers that well enough. 'Tis all one, fays he, as if one fhould argue on this manner : The Emperor of Germany never was lummoned to appear before one of the Prince-Electors ; therefore if the Prince Elector Palatine fhould impeach the Emperor, he were not bound to plead to it •, tho' it appears by the Golden Bull, that Charles the Fourth fubject- ed himfelf and his Succeffors to that Cognizance and Jurifdiction. But no won- der if Kings were indulged in their Ambition, and their Exorbitances palled by, when the times were fo corrupt and depraved, that even private Men, it they had either Money or Intereft, might efcape the Law, tho' guilty of Crimes of never fo high a nature. That i'/j-mCSw*, that you fpeak of, that is to be wholly independent upon any other, and accountable to none upon Earth, which you fay is peculiar to the Majefty of Sovereign Princes, Arijhtle in the 4A& Book of his Pol. Cb. 10. calls a moft Tyrannical Form of Government, and not in the Ieaft to be endured bv a free People. And that Kings are not liable Vol. I. Ooo to 466 A Defence of the People of England, to be queflion'd for their Actions, you prove by the Teftimony of a very worthy Author, that barbarous Tyrant Mark Antony ; one of thole that fubvcrted the Commonwealth of Rome: And yet he himfelf, when he undertook an Expedi- tion a<niinft the Partbians, fummon'd Herod before him, to anfwer to a Charge of Murder, and would have punifhed him, but that Herod brib'd him. So that Antony's averting this Prerogative Royal, and your Defence of King Charles, come" both out of one and the fame Spring. And 'tis very reafonable, fay you, that it fhould he fo ; for Kings derive their Auhiority from God alone. What Kings are thofe, I pray, that do fo ? For I deny that there ever were any llich Kings in the World, that derived their Authority from God alone. Saul the firfl: King of Jfrael had never reign'd, but that the People defired a King, even a- gainft the Will of God ; and tho' he was proclaimed King once at Mizpah, yet after that he lived a private Life, and look'd to his Father's Cattel, till he was created fo the fecond time by the People at Gilgal. And what think ye of Da- vid? Tho' he had been anointed once by God, was he not anointed the fecond time in Hebron by the Tribe ofjudah, and after that by all the People of Ifra. el, and that after a mutual Covenant betwixt him and them ? 2 Sam. 5. 1 Cbron. 1 1 . Now a Covenant lays an Obligation upon Kings, and reftrains them within Bounds. Solomon, you fay, fucceeded him in the 'Throne of the Lord, and was ac- ceptable to all men : 1 Cbron. 2$. So that 'tis ibmething to be well-pleafmg in the eyes of the People. Jeboiadah the Prieft made Joafj King, but firfl he made him and the People enter into a Covenant to one another, 2 Kings 1 1. I confefs that thefe Kings, and all that reign'd of David's Pofterity, were appointed to the Kingdom both by God and the People; but of all other Kings, of what Country foever, I affirm, that they are made fo by the People only; nor can you make it appear, that they are appointed by God any otherwife than as all other things, great and fmall, are faid to be appointed by him, becaufe nothing comes to pals without his Providence. So that I allow the Throne of David was in a peculiar manner call'd, The Throne of the Lord: whereas the Thrones of other Princes are no otherwife God's, than all other things in the World are his ; which if you would, you might have learnt out of the fame Chapter, Ver. 11, 12. Thine, O Lord, is the greatnefs, Scc.fcr all that is in the Heaven, and in the Earth is thine. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignefi over all. And this is fo often repeated, not to puff up Kings, but to put them in mind, tho' they think themfelves Gods, that yet there is a God above them, to whom they owe whatever they are and have. And thus we eafily underftand what the Poets, and the Effenes among the Jews mean, when they tell us, That 'tis by God that Kings reign, and that they are of Jupiter ; for fo all of us are of God, we are all his Off-fpring. So that this univerfal Right of Almighty God's, and the Intereft that he has in Princes, and their Thrones, and all that belongs to them, does not at all derogate from the People's Right ; but that notwithstanding all this, all other Kings, not particularly and by name appointed by God, owe their Sovereignty to the People only, and confequently are accountable to them for the management of it. The truth of which Doctrine, tho' the Common People are apt to flatter their Kings, yet they themfelves acknowledge, whether good ones, as Sarpedon in Homer is defcribed to have been ; or bad ones, as thofe Tyrants in the Lyrick Poet : TAai/xs, tiyi Sn vuii TmyniJicrSz, p.3."/Ji~x, Sec. Glaucus, in Lycia we're ador'd like Gods : What makes 'twixt us and others fo great odds ? He refolves the Queftion himfelf: " Becaufe, fays he, we excel others " in Heroical Vertues : Let us fight manfully then, fays he, left our Country- " men tax us with Sloth and Cowardice." In which words he intimates to us, both that Kings derive their Grandeur from the People, and that for their Con- duel and Behaviour in War, they are accountable to them. Bad Kings indeed, tho' to caft fome Terror into People's minds, and beget a Reverence of them- felves, they declare to the World, that God only is the Author of Kingly Go- vernment •, in their Hearts and Minds they reverence no other Deity but that of Fortune, according to that pall.ige in Horace; Te in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 467 Te Dacus afper, te profugi Scythe, Regumque tnatres barbarorum, fc? Purpurei metuunt Tyranni. Injuriofo ne pede proruas Si ant em columnam, neu populus frequent Ad arma cejfantes, ad arma Concitet, imperiumque fraiigat . " All barb'rous People, and their Princes too, " All Purple Tyrants honour you ; " The very wandring Scythians do. " Support the Pillar of the Roman State, " Left all Men be involv'd in one Man's fate, " Continue ns in Wealth and Peace ; " Let Wars and Tumults ever ceafe. So that if 'tis by God that Kings now-a-days reign, 'tis by God too that the People aflert their own Liberty ; lince all things are of him, and by him. I'm fure the Scripture bears witnefs to both ; that by him Kings reign, and that by him they are caft down from their Thrones. And yet experience teaches us that both thefe things are brought about by the People, oftner than by God. Be this Right of Kings, therefore, what it will, the Right of the People is as much from God as it. And whenever any People, without fome vifible De- fignation of God himfelf, appoint a King over them, they have the fame Ri°-ht to put him down, that they had to fet him up at firft. And certainly 'tis a more God-like Action to depoie a Tyrant, than to fet up one : And there appears much more of God in the People, when they depofe an unjuft Prince, than in a King that opprefles an innocent People. Nay, the People have a Warrant from God to judge wicked Princes ; forGod has conferred this very honour up- on thofe that are dear to him, that celebrating the praifes of Chrift their own King, ' they fhall bind in Chains the Kings of the Nations, (under which Ap- pellation all Tyrants under the Gofpel are included) ' and execute the Judg- ' ments written upon them that challenge to themfelves an Exemption from all 1 written Laws, Pfalmi^g. So that there's but little reafon left for that wicked and foolifh Opinion, that Kings, who commonly are the worft of Men, mould be lb high in God's account, as that he fhould have put the World under them, to be at their beck, and be govern'd according to their humour •, and that for their fakes alone he fhould have reduced all Mankind, whom he made after his own Image, into the fame condition with Brutes. After all this, rather than fay nothing* you produce M. Jure/his, as a Countcnancer of Tyran- ny ; but you had better have let him alone. I can't fay whether he ever affirm'd, that Princes are accountable only before God's Tribunal. But Xiphiline indeed, out of whom you quote thofe Words of M. Aurelius, mentions a certain Government, which he calls an Autarchy, of which he makes God the only Judg : mfi a.xna.f/j.xq i ©soV poj l §r > xfiiwu SIvx[m. But that this word Autarchy and Monarchy are fynouymous, I cannot eafily perfwade my felf ■to believe. And the more I read what goes before, the lefs I find my felf in- clinable to think fo t And certainly whoever confiders the Context, will not eafily apprehend what coherence this Sentence has with it, and mult needs won- der how it comes lb abruptly into the Text ; efpecially fince Marcus Aurdius, that Mirror of Princes, carried himfelf towards the People, as Capitolinus tells us, juft as if Rome had been a Commonwealth ftill. And we all know that when it was fo, the Supreme Power was in the People. The fame Emperor ho- noured the memory of Tha?-fcas, and Helvidius, and Caio, and Dio, and Brutus ; who all were Tyrant flayers, or affected the reputation of being thought fo. In the firft Book that he writes of his own Life, he lays that he propos'd to himfelf a Form of Government, under which all men might equally enjoy the benefit of the Law, and Right and Juttice be equally admjniftred to ail. And in his fourth Book he fays, The Law is Mailer, and not he. He acknowledged the Right of the Senate and the People, and their Ime'reft in all things ; We are Vo l.I. Ooo ;■ ib 468 J Defence of the People of 'England, fofar, fays he, from having any thing of our own, that we live in yasy Hou- fes. 'Thefe things Xiphiline relates of him. So little.;! id he abrogate aught to himfelf by virtue of his Sovereign Right. When he diod, he recommended his Son to the Romans for his Succeffor, if they mould think he deferved it.. So far was he from pretending to a Commifiion from Heaven to exercife thatablolute and imaginary Right of Sovereignty, that Autarchy, that you teJi us of. All the Latin and Greek Books are full of Authorities of this nature, Bjc we have heard none of them yet. So are the Jewilh Author:. &nd yet, yfti! lay, The Jews in many things allow' 'd but too little to their Pri>ues. Nay, you'd find that both the Greeks and the Latins allowed much lefs to Tyrants. And how little the Jews allowed them, would appear, if that Book that Samuel wrorc of the manner of the Kingdom were extant -, which Book the Hebrew Doctors tell us, their Kings tore in pieces and burnt, that they might be more at liberty 10 ty- rannize over the people without controul or tear of punifhment. Now look a- bout ye again, and catch hold of fomewhat or other.' In the laft place you come to wreft David's words in the 1 7th Pfalm, Let my fentence come forth from thyprefence. Therfore, fays. Barnacbmoni, God only can judge the King. And yet it's moft likely that David penn'd this Pfalm when lie was perfecuted by Saul, at which time, though himfelf were anointed, he did not decline being judged even by Jonathan : ^Nctwithftanding, if there be iniquity in me, Jiay me thyjelf, 1 Sam. 20. At leaft in this Pfalm he does no more than what any perfon in the world would do upon the like occafion ; being falfly accufed by Men, he ap- peals to the judgment of God himfelf, Let thine eyes look upon the thing that is right ; thou haft proved andvifited mine heart, &'c. What relation has this to a Temporal Judicature ? Certainly they do no good office to this right of Kings, that thus difcover the weaknefs of its foundation. Then you come with that thread-bare argument, which of all others is moft in vogue with our Courtier.', Againftthee, thee only have I finned, Pfal. \i. 6. As if David in the midit of his Repentance, when overwhelm'd with forrow, and almoft drowned in tears, he was humbly imploring God's Mercy, had any thoughts of this Kingly Right of his when his heart was fo low, that he thought he deferVed not the right of a flave. And can we think that he defpifed all the People of God, his own Bre- thren, to that degree, as to believe that he might murder them, plunder them, and commit Adultery with their Wives, and yet not fin againft them all this while? So Holy a Man could never be guilty of fuch infufferable Pride, nor have fo little knowledge either of himfelf, or of his duty to his Neighbour. So without doubt, when he fays, Againft thee only, he meant, againft thee chiefly have I finned, &c. But whatever He means, the words of a Pfalm are too full of Poetry, and this Pfalm too full of Paffion, to afford us any exact definitions of Right and Juftice ; nor is it proper to argue any thing of that nature from them. But David was never queftion dfor this, nor made loplead for his life before the Sanhe- drim. What then ? How fhould they know that any fuch' thing had been which was done fo privately, that perhaps for i'ome years after not above one or two were privy to it, as fuch fecrets there are in moft Courts ? 2 Sam, 12. 'Thou haft done this thing in fecrel. Befides, what if the Senate fhould neglect to puniih private perfons ? Would any infer that therefore they ought not to be punifh'd at all ? But the reafon why David was not proceeded againft as a Malefactor, is not much in the dark : He had condemn'd himfelf in the $th verie, The man that hath done this thing fhall furely die. To which the Prophet prefently replies, Thou art the man. So that in the Prophet's judgment as well as his own, he was worthy of death ; but God by his Sovereign Right over all things, and of his great Mercy to David, ablblves him from the guilt of his Sin, and the fentence of death which he had pronoune'd againft himfelf; verie \%tb. The Lord hath put away thy Jin, thou pal t not die. The next thing you do is to rail at iome b!oody Advocate or other, and you take a deal of pains to refute the conclufioa • of his Difcourfe. Let him look to that ; I'll endeavour to be as fhort as I can in what I've undertaken to perform. But fome things I mult not pals by without taking notice of \ as firft and foremoft your notorious Contradic- tions ; for in the 30th Page you fay, The Ifraclites do not deprecate dn unjuft. ". rapacious, tyrannical King, one as bad as the worjl of Kings are. And yet, Page 42. you are very (mart upon your Advocate, for maintaining that the Ifraelites •afked for a Tyrant : Would they have Uap'd out of the Frying-pan into the Fire. in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 469 i ', fay you, and groan under the Cruelty of the. worft of Tyrants, rather than live under bad Judges, efpccially being us'd to fuch a Form of Government ? J'irft you laid the Hebrews would rather Jive under Tyrants than Judges, here you fay they would rather live underjudgcs than Tyrants ? and that they defired nothing lefs than a Tyrant. So that your Advocate may anfwer you out of your own Book. For according to your Principles 'tis every King':; Ri^ht to be a Tyrant. What you f.iy next is very true, The Supreme Power was then in the Peo- ple, which appears by their own rejecting their Judges, and making ehoice of a Kingly Government . Remember this when 1 ilia 1 1 have occafion to make ufc of ir. You fay, that God gave the Children of Tfrael'a King, as a thing good and profitable for them, and deny that he gave them one in bis anger, as a Punr/hment for their Sin. But that will receive an eafy anfwer ; for to what purpofe mould they cry to God becaufe of the King that they had choicn, ii it were not becaufe a Kingly Govern- ment is an evil thing •, not in it felt, but becaufe it mod commonly does, as Sa- muel forewarns the People that theirs would, degenerate into Pride and Tyran- ny ? If y'are not yet fatisfied, hark what you fay your felf j acknowledge your own hand, and blufh -, 'tis in your Apparatus ad Primalum : God gave them a King in his anger, fay you, being offended a t their Sin in rejecting him from ruling ova them ; andfo the Chrijlian Church, as a Piciiftrment for its forfaking the pure Wor- ffjip of God, has been Jubjetledto the more than Kingly Government of one mortal Head. So that if your own Companion holds, either God gave the Children of Ifrael a King as an evil thing, and as a puniihment ; or he has let up the Pope for the good of the Church. Was there ever any thing more light and mad than this Man is ? Who would truft him in the fmallell matters, that in things of fo great concern lays and unfays without any confidcration in the World ? You tell us in your 29th Page, That by the Conftitutisn of all Nations, Kings are bound by no Law. That this had been the judgment both of the Eaftern and Weft cm part of the World. And yet pag. 43. you fay, That all the Kings of the Raft ruled v.y.-y. .ly.ov> according to Law, nay that the very Kings 0/ Egypt in all matters whatfoevcr, whe- ther great or fmallyWere tied to Laws. Tho' in the beginning of this Chapter you had undertook to demonftrate, That Kings are bound by no Laws, that ibtyglve Laws to others, but have none prefer ibed to themfelves. For my part Pve no reafon to be angry with ye, for either y'are mad, or of our fide. You do not defend the King's Caufe, but argue againft him, and play the fool with him : Or if y'are in earneftj that Epigram of Catullus $ Tdnto peffimus omnium Poela, £uantb tu optimus omnium P at r onus. The world of Poets, I my felf declare* By how much you the beft of Patrons are. That Epigram, I fay* may be turn'd, and very properly applied to you ; for there never was fo good a Poet, as you are a bad Patron. Unlefs that ftv.pniity, that you complain your Advocate is immers' 'd over head and ears in, has blinded the eyes of your own understanding too, Pll make ye now fenfible tnat y'are becomt a very Brute your felf. For now you come and coniefs that the Kings of all Na- tions have Laws prefcribed to them. But then you fay again, T.ey are npt-fo «», the power of 1 hem, as to be liable to cenfure orpunijhment of death, if they break them. Which yet you have proved neither from Scripture, nor from any good Author. Obfcrve then in iliort •, to prefcribe Municipal Laws to fuch as are apt hound by them, is filly and ridiculous : and to puniih all others, but leave fqme one man at .liberty to commit all fort of Impieties without fear of puniihment, is mod un- juft ; the Law being general, and not making any exception ; neither of which can be fuppos'd to hold place in the Constitutions of any wife Law-maker, much lefs in thofe of God's own making. But that all may perceive how una- ble you are to prove out of the writings of the Jewst what you undertook in this Chapter to make appear by them, you coniefs of your own accord, That there are feme Rabbins, who affirm that their Forefathers oug hi nut to have had any c- ther King than God himfelf; and that he ft other Kings over them for their pun f.- ment. And of thofe mens opinion, I declare my felf to be. It is not fitting nor decent that any Man mould be a King that do< • not far excel all his Subjects 3ui. aoo A defence of the People ^England, But where Men are Equals, as in all Governments very many are, they ought t6 have an equal intereft in the Government, and hold it by turns. But that all Men mould be Slaves to one that is their Equal, or (as it happens moft common- ly) far inferior to them, and very often a Fool, who can lb much as entertain fuch a thought without Indignation ? Nor does it make for the Honour of a King- ly Government, that our Saviour was of the Pofterity of fome Kings, more thsa it does for the commendation of the worft of Kings, that he was the Off- lpring of fome of them too. The Meffias is a King. We acknowledge him fo to be, and rejoice that he is fo ; and pray that his Kingdom may come, for he is worthy : Nor is there any other either equal, or next to him. And yet a Kingly Government being put into the hands of unworthy and undeferving Perlbns, as moft commonly it is, may well be thought to have done more harm than good to Mankind. Nor does it follow for all this that all Kings, as fuch, are Tyrants. But fuppofe it did, as for argument-fake I'll allow it does, left you mould think I'm too hard with ye ; make you the belt ule of it you can. Then, fay you, God himfelf may properly be faid to be the King of Tyrants, nay, himfelf the worft cf all Tyrants. If the firft of thefe conclufions does not follow, another does, which may be drawn from moft parts of your Book, viz. That you perpetually contra- dict, not only the Scriptures, but your own felf. For in the very laft fore- going Period you had affirmed, that God was the King of all things, having himfelf created them. Now he created Tyrants and Devils, and confequently by your own reafon, is the King of fuch. The fecond ol thefe Conclufions we deteft, and wifh that blafphemous Mouth of yours were ftopt up, with which you affirm God to be the worft of Tyrants, if he be, as you often fay he is, the King and Lord of fuch. Nor do you much advantage your Giuie by telling us that Mo~ fes was a King, and had the abfolute and fupr erne Power of a King. For we could be content that any other were fo, that could refer our matters to God, as Mofes did, and confult with him about our affairs, Exod. xviii. 19. But neither did Mofes, notwithstanding his great familiarity with God, ever affume a Li- berty of doing what he would himfelf. "What fays he of himfelf; The people come unto me to enquire of God. They came not then to receive Mofes's own Dic- tates and Commands. Then fays Jethro, ver. 19. Be thou for the people to God, ward, that thou mayfi bring their caufes unto God. And Mofes himfelf fays, Deut, iv. 5. I have taught you Statutes and Judgments, even as the Lord my God com- manded me. Hence it is that he is faid to have been faithful in all the Houfe of God, Numb. xii. 7. So that the Lord Jehovah himfelf was the People's King, and Mofes no other- than as it were an Interpreter or a Meffenger betwixt him and them. Nor can you, without Impiety and Sacrilege, transfer this abfolute Supreme Power and Authority from God to a Man ; (not having any Warrant from the Word of God fo to do) which Mofes ufed only as a Deputy or" Subfti- tute to God ; under whofe Eye, and in whofe Prefence, himfelf and the Peo- ple always were. But now, for an aggravation of your wickednefs, though here you make Mofes to have exercis'd an abfolute and unlimited Power, in. your Apparat. ad Primat. Page 230. you fay that he together with the feventy El- ders ruled the people, and that himfelf was the chief of the people, but not their Ma- fter. If Mofes therefore were a King, as certainly he was, and the beft of Kings, and had a Supreme and Legal Power, as you fay he had, and yet neither was the People's Mafter nor govern'd them alone; then according to you, Kings, tho' indued with the Supreme Power, are not by virtue of' that Sovereign and Kingly Right of theirs Lords over the People, nor ought to govern them alone ; much lefs, according to their own Will and Pleafure. After all this, you have the Impudence to feign a Command from God to that People, tofet up a King over them, as foon as they fhould be pofjeffed of the Holy Land, Deut. xvii. For you craftily leave out the former words, andfloalt fay, I will fet a King over Hie, &c. And now call to mind what you faid before, Page 42. and what I faid I mould have occafion to make ufe of, viz. That the Power was then in the People, and that they were entirely free. What follows, argues you either mad or irreligious ; take whether you lilt : God, fay you, having fo long before appointed a Kingly Government, as beft and moft proper for that People ; What Jhall we fay to • Samuel'j oppofing it, and God's own acting, as if himfelf were againft it ? How do thefe ^things agree? He finds himfelf caught, and obferve now with how great malice •ogpinft the Prophet, and impiety againft God, he endeavours to difentangle 2 himfelf. in anfwer to Salmafius'j- Defence of the King. 471 himfelf. We muft confider, fays he, that Samuel's own Sons then judged the People, and the People rejected them becaufe of their corruption ; now Samuel was loth his Sens Jhould be laid ajide, and God to gratify the Prophet, intimated to him, as if himfelf were not very well plea fed with it. Speak out, ye Wretch, and never mince the matter: You mean, God dealt deceitfully with Samuel, and he with the People. It is not your Advocate, but your felf that are frantic and dijiratted ; who caft off all reverence to God Almighty, fo you may but feem to honour the King, Would Samuel prefer the Intereft of his Sons and their Ambition, and their Covetoufnefs, before the general good of all the People, when they afked a thine- that would be good and profitable for them ? Can we think that he would im° pofe upon them by cunning and fubtilty, and make them believe things that were not ? Or if we mould fuppofe all this true of Samuel, would God himfelf countenance and gratify him in it; would he diffemble with the People? So that either that was not the Right of Kings which Samuel taught the People ; or elfe that Right by the Teftimony, both of God and the Prophet, was an. evil thing, was burdenfom, injurious, unprofitable, and chargeable to the Com- monwealth : Or Laflly, (which muft not be admitted) God and the Prophet deceiv'd the People. God frequently protefts that he- was extremely difpleas'd with them for afking a King. V. 7th. They have not rejecled thee, but they have rejecled me, that I jhould not reign over them. As if it were a kind of Idolatry to afk a King, that would even fuffer himfelf to be ador'd, and affume almoft Di- vine Honour to himfelf. And certainly, they that fubject themfelves to a Worldly Mafter, and ict him above all Laws, come but a little fhort of chufino- a ftrange God : And a ftrange one it commonly is ; brutilh, and void of all fenfe and reafon. So \ft of bam. Chap. lotb. v. lyth. And ye have this day re- jecled your God, who himfelf faved you out of all your adverjilies and your tribula- tion, and ye have f aid unto him, Nay, but Jet a King over us, &c. and Chap. 1 2th, v.izth. Ye faid unto me. Nay, but a Kingfoall reign over us ; when the Lord your God was your King: and v. the ijth. See that your wickednefs is great, that ye have done in the fight of the Lord, in ajking you a King. And Hofea fpeaks contempti- bly of the King, Chap. 1 3 . v. 10, 11. I will be thy King ; where is any other that may five in all thy Cities, and thy Judges of whom thouj'aidjl, Give me a King and Princes ? I gave thee a King in mine anger, and took him away in my wrath. And Gideon that warlike Judge, that was greater than a King •, / will not rule over you, fays he, neither fhall my Son rule over you ; the Lord fhall rule over you, Judges, Chap. 8. Intimating thereby, that it is not fit for a Man, but for God only to exercife Dominion over Men. And hence Jofephus in his Book againft/fy>/>/<j/,, an Egyptian Grammarian, and a foul-mouth'd fellow, like you, calls the Com- monwealth of the Hebrews a Theocracy, becaufe the principality was in God only. In Ifaiah, Chap. 26. v. 13. the People in their Repentance, complain that it had been mifchievous to them, that other Lords, befides God himfelf, had had Dominion over them. All which places prove clearly, that God gave the Ifraetitss a King in his anger; but now who can forbear laughing at the ufe you make of Abimelcch\ Story ? Of whom it is laid, when he was kill'd, partly by a Woman that hurl'd a piece of a Mill-ftone upon him, and partly by his own Armour- Bearer, that God rcudred the wickednefs of Abimelech. This Hiflory, fay you, proves flrongly that God only is the fudge and Avenger of Kings. Yea, if this Ar- gument hold, he is the onlyjudge and Punifher of Tyrants, Villainous Rafcals, and Baftards. Whoever can get into the Saddle, whether by right or by wrong, has thereby obtain'd a Sovereign Kingly Right over the People, is out of all danger of punifhment, all inferior Magiftrates muft lay down their Arms at his feet, the People muft not dare to mutter. But what if fome great notorious Robber had perifhed in War$ as Abimelech did, would any Man infer from thence, That God only is the Judge and Punilher of Highway-men ? Or what if Abi- melech had been condemn'd by the Law, and died by an Executioner's hand, would not God then have rendred his wickednefs ? You never read that the Judges of the Children of Ijrael were ever proceeded againft according to Law : And yet you confefs, That where the Government is an Ariftocracy, the Prince, if there be any, may and ought to be call'd in quejlion, if he break the Laws. This in your 4jth Page. And why may not a Tyrant as well be proceeded againft in a Kindly Government? Why, becaufe God rendred the wickednefs of Abimelech. So did the Women, and fo did his own Armour-Bearer ; over both which he pretended i 4 7 % -^ Defence of the People of England, pretended to a right of Sovereignty. And what if the Magiftrates had rendred his wickednefs ? Do not they bear the Sword for that very purpofe, for the punifhment of Malefactors ? Having done with his powerful argument from the Hiftory of Abimelech's death, he betakes himfelf, as his cuftom is, to Slanders and Calumnies ; nothing but Dirt and Filth comes from him : but for thole things that he promis'd to make appear, he hath not prov'd any one of them, ■ cither from the Scriptures, or from the Writings of the Raobins. He alJedgcs no reafon why Kings fhould be above all Laws, and they only of all mortal Men exempt from puniihment, if they deferve it. He falls foul upon thole very Authors and Authorities that he makes ufe of, and by his own Difcourfe de- monftrates the truth of the opinion that he argues againft. And perceiving that he is like to do but little good with his arguments, he endeavours to bring an odium upon us, by loading us with flanderous Accufations, as having put to death the moft vertuous innocent Prince that ever reign'd. Was King Solomon,. fays he, better than King Charles the Firft ? I confefs fome have ventur'd to com- pare his Father King James with Solomon ; nay, to make King James the better Gentleman of the two. Solomon was David's Son, David had been Saul's Mu- fician ; but King James was the Son of the Earl ot'Damly, who, as Buchanan tells us, becaufe David the Mufician got into the Queen's Bed-Chamber at an uniea- ibnable time, kill'd him a little after ; for he could not get to him then, be- caufe he had bolted the Door on the infide. So that King James being the Son of an Earl, was the better Gentleman ; and was frequently called a fecond Solomon, though it is not very certain that himfelf was not the Son of David the Mufician too. But how could it ever come into your head to make a com- parifon betwixt King Charles and Solomon ? For that very King Charles whom you praife thus to the Sky, that very Man's Obftinacy, and Covetoufnefs, and Cruelty, his hard ufage of all good and honeft Men, the Wars that he rais'd, the Spoilings and Plunderings and Conflagrations that he occafioned, and the death of innumerable of his Subjects that he was the caufe of, does his Son Charles, at this very time whilft I'm a writing, confefs and bewail in the Stool of Repentance in Scotland, and renounces there that Kingly Right that you affect. But fmce you delight in Parallels, let's compare King Charles and King Solomon together a little : Solomon began his reign with the death of his Brother, who had juftly deferved it ; King Charles began his with his Father's Funeral, I do not fay with his Murder : and yet all the marks and tokens of Poifon that may be, appeared in his dead body •, but that fufpicion lighted upon the Duke of Buckingham only, whom the King notwithstanding cleared to the Parlament, though he had killed the King, and his Father; and not only fo, but he dif- folved the Parliament, left the matter fhould be enquired into. Solomon eppreffed the people with heavy Taxes ; but he fpent that Money upon the Temple of God, and in raifing other public Buildings: King Charles fpent his in Extravagances. Solomon was enticed to Idolatry by many Wives : This Man by one. Solomon though he were feduced himfelf, we read not that he feduced others ; but Kino- Charles feduced and enticed others not only by large and ample rewards to cor- rupt the Church,- but by his Edicts and Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions he compell'd them to fet up Altars, which all Proteftants abhor, and to bow down to Cruci- fixes painted over them on the Wall. But yet for all this, Solomon was not condem- ned to die. Nor does it follow, becaufe he was nor, that therefore he ouo-ht not to have been. Perhaps there were many Circumftances that made it then not expedient. But not long after the People both by words and actions made ap- pear what they took to be their right, when Ten Tribes of Twelve revolted from his Son ; and if he had not laved himfelf by flight,, it is very likely they would have ftoned him, notwithftanding his Threats and big fwellin^ words. CHAP, in anfucer to Salmafius'i Defence of the King, 47- chap. in. "Aving proved fufficiently that the Kings of the Jews were fubjeft to the . fame Laws that the People were ; That there are no exceptions made in their favour in Scripture ; That 'tis a moft falfe afTertion grounded upon no Reafon, nor warranted by any Authority, to fay, That Kings may do what they lift with Impunity ; That God has exempted them from all human Jurif- diction, and referved them to his own Tribunal only : Let us now confider, whether the Gofpel preach up any fuch Doctrine, and enjoin that blind Obe- dience which the Law was fo far from doing, that it commanded the contrary -, let us confider, whether or no the Gofpel, that Heavenly Promulgation, as it were, of Chriftian Liberty, reduce us to a condition of Slavery to Kings and Tyrants, from whofe imperious rule even the old Law, that Miftrefs of Slave- ry, difcharged the People of God, when it obtained. Your firft argument you take from the Perfon of Chrift himfelf. But, alas ! who does not know that he put himfelf into the condition, not of a private perfon only, but even of a Servant, that we might be made free ? Nor is this to be understood of fome internal fpiritual Liberty only •, how inconfiftent elfe would that Song of his Mother's be with the defign of his coming into the World, He hath feat tered the proud in the imagination of their heart, he hath put down the mighty from their feat, end hath exalted the humble and meek? How ill fuited to their occafion would thefe exprefiions be, if the coming of Chrift rather eftablifhed and ftrengthened a Tyrannical Government, and made a blind fubjection the duty of all Chrifti- ans ? He himfelf having been born, and lived and died under a Tyrannical Go- vernment, has thereby purchafed Liberty for us. As he gives us his Grace to fubmit patiently to a condition of Slavery, iftherebea neceffity of it ; fo if by any honed ways and means we can rid our felves and obtain our Liberty, he is fo far from restraining us, that he encourages us fo to do. Hence it is that St. Paul not only of an Evangelic d, but alfo of a Civil Liberty, fays thus, i Cor. j. 21. Art thou called, being a Servant ? care not for it; but if thou maift be made free, ufe it rather ; you are bought with a price, be not ye Servants of Men. So that you are very impertinent in endeavouring to argue us into Slavery by the exam- ple of our Saviour; who by fubmitting to fuch a condition himfelf, has con- firmed even our Civil Liberties. He took upon him indeed in our ftead the form of a Servant, but he always retained his purpofe of being a Deliverer ; and thence it was that he taught us a quite other notion of the Right of Kings, than this that you endeavour to make good. You, I fay, that preach up not King- fhip, but Tyranny, and that in a Commonwealth ; by enjoining not only a ne- ceffary, but a Religious Subjection to whatever Tyrant gets into the Chair, whether he come to it by Succefllon, or by Conqueft, or Chance, or any how. And now Pll turn your own Weapons againft you ; and oppofe you, as I ufe to do, with your own Authorities. When the Collectors of the Tribute- Money came to Chrift for Tribute in Galilee, he afked Peter, Mat. 17. Of whom the Kings of the Earth took cuftom or tribute, of their own Children, or of Strangers ? Peter faith unto him, Of Strangers ; J ejus faith unto him, then are the Children free ; notwithftanding left we fhould offend them, &c. give unto them for thee and for me. Expofitors differ upon this place, whom this Tribute was paid to ; fome lay it was paid to the Priefts, for the ufe of the Sanctuary ; others that it was paid to the Emperor. I am of opinion that it was the Revenue of the Sanctua- ry, but paid to Herod, who perverted the Inftitution of it, and took it to him- felf. Jcfephus mentions divers forts of Tribute which he and his Sons exacted, all which Agrippa afterwards remitted. And this very Tribute, though fmall in it felf, yet being accompanied with many more, was a heavy burden. The Jews, even the pooreft of them in the time of their Commonwealth, paid a Poll, fo that it was fome confiderable oppreffion that our Saviour fpoke of : and from hence he took occafion to tax Herod's, Injuftice (under whofe Government, and within whofe Jurillliction he then was) in that, whereas the Kings of the Earth, who affect ufually the Title of Fathers of their Country, do not ufe to opprefs their own Children, that is, their own natural-born Subjects with heavy and un- -reafonable Exactions, but lay fuch burdens upon ftrangers, and conquer'd ene- Vol. I. Ppp , miesi 474 A Defence of the People of 'England mies ; he, quite contrary, oppreiTed not ftrangers, but his own people. But let what will be here meant by Children, either natural-born Subjects, or the Children of God, and thole the Elect Only, or Chriftians in general, as St. Augv.ftine underftands the place ; this is certain, that if Peter was a Child, and therefore free, then by confequence we are fo too, by Our Saviour's own Tefti- mony, either as Englijhmen, or as Chriftians ; and that it therefore is not the Right of Kings to exact heavy Tributes from their own Countrymen, and thofe freeborn Subject. Chrift himfelf profefles, that he paid not this Tribute as a thing that was due, but that he might not bring trouble upon himfelf by offend- ing thole that demanded it. The work that he came into this World to do, was quite of another nature. But if our Saviour deny, that it is the Right of Kings to burden their Free-born Subjects with grievous Exactions ; he would certain- ly much lefs allow it to be their Right to Spoil, MaiTacre, and Torture their own Countrymen, and thofe Chriftians too. He difcourfed after fuch a manner of the Right of Kings, that thofe to whom he fpoke, fufpected his Principles, as laying too great a reftraint upon Sovereignty, and not allowing the Licence that Tyrants aflume to themfelves to be the Rights of Kings, it was not for no- thing that the Pharifees put fuch Queftions to him, tempting him •, and that at the fame time they told him, that lie regarded not the Perfon of any Man : nor was it for nothing that he was angry when fuch Queftions were propoled to him, Matth. 22. If one mould endeavour to enfnare you with little Queftions, and catch at your Anfwers, to ground an Acculation againft you upon your own Principles concerning the Right of Kings, and all this under a Monarchy,- would you be angry with him ? You'd have but very little reafon. 'Tis evident, That our Saviour s Principles concerning Government, were not agreeable to the Hu- mour of Princes. His Anfwer too implies as much •, by which he rather turn'd them away, than inftructed them. He afked for the Tribute-Money. IVhofe bnage and Superfcription is it, fays he ? They tell him it was Cofar's. Give then to Co-far, fays he, the things that are Cafiif's ; and to God, the things that are Goa's. And how comes it to pals, that the People fhould not have aiven to them the things that are theirs? Render to all Men their dues, fays St. Paul, Rem. 13. So that C<ffar muft not ingrofs all to himfelf. Our Liberty is not Co-Jar's ; 'tis a Bleffing we have received from God himfelf; 'tis what we are born to ; to lay this down at Cofar's feet, which we derive not from him, which we are not be- holden to him for, were an unworthy Action, and a degrading of our very Nature. If one fhould confider attentively the Countenance of a Man, and en- quire after whofe Image fo noble a Creature were framed ; would not any one that heard him, prefently make anfwer, That he was made after the Image of God himfelf ? Being therefore peculiarly God's own, and confcquently rhings that are to be given to him ; we are intirely free by Nature, and cannot with- out the greateft Sacrilege imaginable be reduced into a Condition of Slavery to any Man, efpecially to a wicked, unjull, cruel Tyrant. Our Saviour does not take upon him to determine what things are God's, and what C\ffar\ ; he leaves that as he found it. If the piece of Money which they fhewed him, was the fame that was paid to God, as in Fefpa/ian's time it was ; then our Saviour is fo far from having put an end to the Controvert)', that he has but entangled it, and made it more perplext than it was before : for 'tis impoffible the fame thing fhould be given both to God, and to Cofar. But, you fay, he intimates to them what things were Cafar's, ; to wit, that piece of Money, becaufe it bore the Emperor's Stamp ; and what of all that ? How does this advantage your Caufe ? You get not the Emperor, or your felf a Penny by this Concluiicn. Either Chrift allowed nothing at all to be Co-Jar's, but that piece of Money that he then had in his hand, and thereby afferted the People's Intereft in every thing elfe i or elfe, it (as you would have us underhand him,) he affirms all Money that has the Emperor's ftamp upon it, to be the Emperor's own, he contradicts himfelf, and indeed gives the Magiltrate a property in every Man's Eftate, whenas he himfelf paid his Tribute-Money with a Prottflation, that it was more than what either Peter, or he were bound to do. The ground you rely on, is very weak ; for Money bears the Prince's Image, not as a token of its be- ing his, but of its being good Metal, and that none may prefume to counter* ' leit it. It the writing Princes Names, or letting their Stamps upon a thing, veil the. property ot it in them, 'twere a good ready way for them to invade all Propeny. in anfwer to SaJmafiusV Defence of the King. 475 Property. Or rather, if whatever Subjects have, be abfolutely at tfieir Prin- ces difpofal, which is your AfTertion, that piece of Money was not Ca-far's, becaufe his Image was ftampt on it, but becaufe of right it belonged to him be- fore 'twas coin'd. So that nothing can be more manifeft, than that our Savi- our in this place never intended to teach us our Duty to Magiftrates (he would have fpoke more plainly, if he had; but to reprehend the Malice and Wicked- nefs of the hypocritical Pharifees. When they told him that Herod laid wait to kill him ; did he return an humble, fubmiffive Anfwer ? Go, tell that Fox, fays he, &c. intimating, that Kings have no other Right to deftroy their Subjects, than Foxes have to devour the things they prey upon. Say you, * He ftjfrered ' Death under a Tyrant.' How could he poffibly under any other ? But from hence you conclude, that he afferted it to be the Right of Kings to commit Mur- der, and aft Injuftice. You'd make an excellent Moraliit. But our Saviour, tho' he became a Servant, not to make us fo, but that we might be free ; yet carried he himfelf fo with relation to the Magiftracy, as not to afcribe any more to them than their due. Now, let us come at laft to enquire what his Doftrine was upon this Subject. The Sons of Zebedee were ambitious of Ho- nour and Power in the Kingdom of Chrift, which they perfwaded themfelves he would fhortly fet up in the World ; he reproves them fo, as withal to let all Chriftians know what Form of Civil Government he defires they fhould fettle a- mongft themfelves. Tc know, lays he, that the Princes of the Gentiles exercife do- minion over them ; and they that are great, exercife authority upon them : but ■it pall not be fo among you ; but whofoever will be great among you, let him be your Minificr ; and whofoever will be chief among you, let him be your Servant. Unlefs you'd been diitrafted, you could never have imagined that this place makes for you : and yet you urge it, and think it furnifnes you with an Argu- ment to prove that our Kings are abfolute Lords and Mailers over us and ours. May it be our fortune to have to do with fuch Enemies in War, as will fall blindfold and naked into our Camp inftead of their own : as you conftantly do, who alledge that for your felf, that of all things in the world makes moft a- gainft you. The Ifraelites afked God for a King, fuch a King as other Nati- ons round about them had. God diffwaded them by many Arguments, whereof our Saviour here gives us an Epitome ; You know that the Princes of the Gen- tiles exercife Dominion over them. But yet, becaufe the Ifraelites perfifted in their defire of a King, God gave them one, tho' in his Wrath. Our Savi- our, left Chriftians fhould defire a King, fuch a one at leaft as might rule, as he fays the Princes or the Gentiles did, prevents them with an Injunction to the contrary ; but it fhall not be fo among you. What can be faid plainer than this ? That ftately, imperious Sway and Dominion that Kings ufe to exercife, fhall not be amongft you ; what fpecious Titles foever they may affume to themfelves, as that of Benefactors ; or the like. But he that will be great amongft you (and who is greater than the Prince ?) let him be your Servant. So that the Lawyer, whoever he be, that you are fo fmart upon, was not fo much out of the way, but had our Saviour's own Authority to back him, when he faid that Chriftian Princes were indeed no other than the People's Servants •, 'tis very certain' that all good Magiftrates are fo. Infomuch that Chriftians either mull have no King at all, or if • they have, ,that King muil be the People's Servant. Abfolute Lordfhip and Chrittianity are incdrififtefit. Mofes himfelf, by whofe Miniftry that fervile CEconomy of the okl Law was inftituted, did not exercife an" arbitrary, haughty Power and Authority, but bore the burden of the People, and carried them in his Bofom, as a Nurling Father does a fucking Child, Numb. n. and what is that of a Nurfing Father but a Minillerial Imployment? Plato would not have the MagiftrateS called Lords, but Servants and Helpers of the People ; nor the People Servants, but Maintainers of their Magiftrates, becaufe they give Meat, Drink, and Wages to their Kings themfelves. Ariftotle calls the Magiftrates, Keepers and Minifters or the Laws. Plato, Minillers and Servants. The A- poftle calls them Minifters ot God ; but they are Minifters and Servants of the People, and of the Laws, neverthelefs for all that •, the Laws and the Magi- ftrates were both created for the good of the People : And yet this is it, that you call the Opinion of the Fanatic Mftijfs in England. I fhould not have thought the People of England were MaftifF-dogs, if fuch a Mungrel-Cur as thou art, did not bark at them lo currifhiy. The Matter, it it fhall pleafe ye, of St. "Lupus inLa- Jjipus*, complains it feems that the Mailiffs are mad {Fanatics). Germanus t '";h ni fi t! a Vo L. I. P p p 1 here- '•'' 476 A Defence of the People of England, heretofore* whofe Colleague that Lupus of Triers wa?, depofed our inceftuou; Kino- Vortigern by his own Authority. And therefore St. Lupus defpifes thee,; the Mailer not or a Holy Wolf, but of fome hunger-ftarv'd thieving little Wolf or other, as being more contemptible than that Mafter of Vipers, of whom Martial makes mention, who has't by relation a barking She-Wolf at home too, that domineers over thee mod wretchedly •, at whofe Inftigations, as I am in- formed, thou haft wrote this ftuff. And therefore it is the lefs wonder that thou fhouldft endeavour to obtrude an abfolute Regal Government upon others, who haft been accuftomed to bear a Female Rule fo fervilely at home thy felf. Be therefore, in the Name of God, the Mafter of a Wolf, left a She-Wolf be thy Miftrefs j be a Worthy felf, be a Monller made up of a Man, and a Wolf; whatever thou art, the Englifi Maftiffs will but make a laughing-ftock of thee. But I am not now at leifure to hunt for Wolves, and will put an end therefore to this Digreffion. You that but a while ago wrote a Book againft all manner of fuperiority in the Church, now call St. Peter the Prince of the Apo- ltles. How inconftant you are in your Principles ! But what fays Peter ? Submit your f elves to every Ordinance of Man, for the Lord's fake, whether it be to the King as Supreme, or to Covernours, as unto them that are fent by him for the punifhment of evil-doers, and the praife of them that do well: for fo is the will of God, &c. This Epiftle Peter wrote, riot only to private Perfons, but thofe Strangers fcat- ter'd and difpers'd through Afia ; who in thofe places where they fojourned, had no other Right, than what the Laws of Hofpitality intitled them to. Do you think fuch Mens cafe to be the fame with that of Natives, Free-born Sub- jects, Nobility, Senates, Affemblies of Eftates, Parliaments? Nay, is not the cafe far different of private Perfons, tho' in their own Country; and Sena- tors, or Magiftrates, without whom, Kings themfelves cannot poffibly fubfift, ? But let us fuppofe that St. Peter had directed his Epiftle to the Natural- born Subjects, and thofe not private perfons neither ; fuppofe he had writ to the Se- nate of Rome ; What then ? No Law that is grounded upon a reafon, exprefly fet down in the Law it felf, obligeth further than the reafon of it extends. Br fubjetl, fays he, v-avrdyr^i : Thar, is, according to the genuine fenfe and im- port of the word, be fubordinate, or legally fubjecl. For the Law, Ariftotle fays, is Order. Submit for the Lord's fake. Why fo ? Becaufe a King is an Officer appointed by God for the punifhment of evil-doers, and the praife of them that do well -, For fois the will of God : To wit, that we fhould fubmit and yield Obedience to fuch as are here deferibed. There is not a word fpoken of any other. You fee the ground of this Precept, and how well 'tis laid. The Apoftle adds in the 16th verle, as Free ; therefore not as Slaves. What now ? if Princes pervert the defign of Magiftracy, and life the power, that is put into their hands, to the ruin and deftruction of good Men, and the praife and encouragement of evil-doers ; muft we all be condemn'd to perpetual Slavery, not private perfons only, but our Nobility, all our inferior Magiftrates, our very Parliament it felf? Is not temporal Government call'd a human Ordinance ? How comes it to pals then, that Mankind fhould have power to appoint and conftitute, what may be good and profitable for one another ; and want power to reftrain or fupprefs things that are univerfally mifchievous and deftructive ? That Prince, you fay, to whom St. Peter enjoins Subjection, was Nero the Tyrant : And from thence you infer, that it is our Duty to fubmit and yield Obedience to fuch. But it is not certain that this Epiftle was writ in Nero's Reign : 'Tis as likely to have been writ in Claudius's time. And they that are commanded to fubmit, were pri- vate Perfons and Strangers ; they were no Confuls, no Magiftrates : 'Twas not the Roman Senate, that St. Peter directed his Epiftle to. Now let us hear what uie you make of St. Paul (for you take a freedom with the Apoftles, I find,- that you will not allow us to take with Princes •, you make St. Peter the chief of them to-day, and to-morrow put another in his place) St. Paul in his 13th Chap. to the Romans, has thefe words : Let every Soul be fubjetl unto the higher Powers, for there is no power but of God ; the powers that be, are ordained of God. I confels he writes this to th.e Romans, not to Strangers difpers'd, as Peter did ; but how- ever he writes to private perfons, and thofe of the meaner rank : And yet he gives us a true, and a clear account of the reafon, the original, and the delign of Government ; and fhows us the true and proper ground of our Obedience, that it's far from impofing a r.eceflity upon us of being Slaves. " Let everv " Soul, in anfcer to Salmafius'j- Defence of the King. 4-7 " Soul, lays he ; that is, let every Man fubmit." Chryfojlam tells us, " That " St. Paul's defign in this Difcourfe, was to make it appear, that our Saviour " did not go about to introduce Principles inconfiftent with the Civil Govcrn- *' ment, but fuch as ftrengthned it, and fettled it upon the fiireft Foundations." He never intended then by fetting Nero, or any other Tyrant out of the reach of all Laws, to enflave Mankind under his Luff, and Cruelty. " He in- " tended too, fays the fame Author, to diffwade from unneceffary and cauflefs " Wars." But he does not condemn a War taken up againft a Tyrant, a Bofom- Enemy of his own Country, and confequently the molt dangerous that may be. " 'Twas commonly faid in thole days, that the Doclrine of the Apoitlcs was " feditious, themfelves Perfons that endeavour'd to lhake the fettled Laws and " Government of the World •, that this was what they aimed at in all they faid '.' and did." The Apoftle in this Chapter flops the mouths of fuch Gainfayers : So that the Apoftles did not write in defence of Tyrants, as you do ; but they afferted fuch things as made them fufpected to be Enemies to the Government they liv'd under, things that flood in need of being explained and interpreted, and having another fenfe put upon them than was generally received. St. Ch?y- fofiom has now taught us what the Apoftle's defign was in this Difcourfe ; let us now examine his words : Let every Soul be fubjeel to the Higher Powers. He tells us not what thole Higher Powers are, nor who they are •, for he never intended to overthrow all Governments, and the feveral Conftitutions of Nations, and fubject all to fome one Man's will. Every good Emperor acknowledged that the Laws of the Empire, and the Authority of the Senate was above himfelf: and the fame principle and notion of Government has obtained all along in civi- Jiz'd Nations. Pindar, as he is cited by Herodotus, calls the Law iruvlav Q»n\i» t King over all. Orpheus in his Hymns calls it the King both of Gods and Men : And he gives the reafon why it is fo •, Becaufe, fays he, 'tis that that fits a: tbi helm of all human affairs. Plato in his Book De Legibus, calls it to x^-™* £ '" T * "*'*« : that that ought to have the greateft fway in the Commonwealth. In his Epi'ftles he commends that Form of Government, in which the Law is made Lord and Ma- iler, and no fcope given to any Man to tyrannize over the Laws. Ariftotle is of the fame opinion in his Politics; and fo is Cicero in his Booked Legibus, That the Laws ought to govern the Magiftrates as they do the People. The Law therefore having always been accounted the higheft Power on Earth, by the iugdment of the moll learned and wife men that ever were, and by the Confti- tutions of the belt-ordered States ; and it being very certain that the Doftrine of the Gofpel is neither contrary to Reafon nor the Law of Nations, that Man is truly and properly fubjeel: to the higher Powers who obeys the Law and the Magiftrates, fo far as they govern according to Law. Sb that St. Paul does not only command the People, but Princes themfelves to be in Subjection ; who are not above the Laws, but bound by them, For there is no Power but of God: that is no Form, no lawful Conftitution of any Government. The molt ancient Laws that are known to us, were formerly afcribed to God as their Author. For the Law, fays Cicero in his Philippics, is no other than a rule of well-grounded rea- fon, derived from God himfelf, enjoining whatever is jull and right, and for- bidding the contrary. So that the inititution of Magiftracy is Jure Divino, and the end of it is, that Mankind might live under certain Laws, and be govern'd by them. But what particular Form ol Government each Nation would live under, and what Perfons fhould be entrufted with the Magiftracy, without doubt, was left to the choice of each Nation. Hence St. Peter calls Kings and Deputies, Human Ordinances. And Hofea in the 8 th Chapter of his Prophecy, They have Jet up Kings, but not by me ; they have made Princes, and I knew it not. For in the Commonwealth of the Hebrews, where, upon matters of great and weighty im- portance, they could have accefs to God himfelf, and confult with him, they could not chufe a King themfelves by Law, but were to refer the matter to him. OtherNations have received no fuch Command. Sometimes the veryForm ofGo- vcrnmentj if it be amifs, or at leait thofe Perfons that have the Power in their hands, are not of God, but of Men, orof the Devil, Luke 4. All this Power will I five unto thee, for it is delivered unto me, and I give it to whom J will. Hence the Devil is called the Prince of thisWorld ; and in the 1 2th of theRevelaticns, the Dragon gave to the Beaft his Power, and his Throne, and great Authority. So that we mull not understand St. Paul, as if he fpoke of all forts of M.igillrates in general, but 478 A Defence of the People of Expand, but of lawful Magiftrates-, and fo they are defcribed' in what follows. We muft alfo understand him of the Powers themfelves •, not ofthofe Men always, in whofe hands they are lodged. St. Cbryfcftom fpeaks very well, and clearly upon this occafion. What ? fays he, is every Prince then appointed by God to be jo ? I [ay nofuch thing, fays he. St. Vxu\ fpeaks not of the Perfon of the 'Mdgi/hate, but cfthe Magifiracy it felf. He does not fay, there is no Prince but who is of God. He fays there is no Power but of God. Thus far St. Cbryfcftom ; for what Powers are, "are ordained of God : So that St. Paul fpeaks only of a lawful Magiftrav y. For what is evil and amifs, cannot be faid to be ordain'd, becaufe 'tis dilbrderly -, Order and Dilbrder cannot confift together in the fame Subject. The Apoftle fays, The Powers that be ; and you interpret his words as if he had laid, The Powers that now be ; that you may prove that the Rowans ought in Confcience to obey Nero, who you take for granted was then Emperor. I'm very well con- tent you fhould read the words fo, and draw that Conclufion from them. The Confequence will be, that Englifhmen ought to yield Obedience to the prefent Government, as 'tis now eftablifht according to a new Model •, becaufe you mult needs acknowledge that it is the prefent Government, and ordain'd of God, as much at leaft as Nero's was. And left you mould object that Nero came to the Empire by a Lawful Succeffion, it's apparent from the Roman Hiftory that both he and Tiberius got into the Chair by the Tricks and Artifices ot their Mothers, and had no right at all to the Succeffion. So that you are inconfiftent with your felf, and retract from your own Principles, in affirming that the Romans owed Subjection to the Government that then was •, and yet denying that Englifhmen owe Subjection to the Government that now is. But 'tis no wonder to hear you contradict your felf. There are no two things in the world more directly op- pofite and contrary to one another, than you are to your felf. But what will become of you, poor Wretch ? You have quite undone the young King with your Witticifms, and ruin'd his Fortunes utterly •, for according to your own Doctrine you muft needs confefs, that this prefent Government in England, is or- dain'd of God, and that all Englifhmen are bound in Confcience to fubmit to it. Take notice, all ye Criticks andTextuaries ; Do not you prefume to meddle with this Text. Thus Salmafius corrects that Paffage in the Epiftle to the Romans : He has made a difcovery, that the Words ought not to be read, The Powers that are -, but, ThePowers that now are : And all this to prove that all Men owed Subjection and Obedience to Nero the Tyrant, whom he fuppofed to have been then Em- peror. This Epiftle, which you fay was writ in Nero's time, was writ in his Predeceffor's time, who was an honeit well- meaning Man : And this learned Men evince by undeniable Arguments. But befides, the five firft years of Nero's reign were without exception. So that this threadbare Argument, which fo many Men have at their tongues end, and have been deceived by, to wit, that Ty- rants are to be obeyed, becaufe St. Paul injoins a Subjection to Nero, is evident, to have been but a cunning Invention of fome ignorant Parfon. He that rcfifts the Powers, to wit, a lawful Power, rejijls the Ordinance of God. Kings them- felves come under the Penalty of this Law, when they refift the Senate, and act contrary to the Laws. But do they refift the Ordinance of God, that refift an unlawful Power, or a Perfon that goes about to overthrow and deftroy a lawful one ? No Man living in his right Wits can maintain fuch an AiTer- tion. The words immediately after make it as clear as the Sun, that the Apoftle fpeaks only of a lawful power ; for he gives us in them a Definition of Magiftrates, and thereby explains to us who are the Perfons thus authoriz'd, and upon what account we are to yield Obedience, left we fhould be apt to mil- take and ground extravagant Notions upon his Difcourfe. The Magiftrates, fays he, are not a Terror to good Works, but to evil : Wilt thou then not be afraid of the Power ? Do that which is good, and thouftjalt have praife of the fame : For he is the Minifter of God to thee for good. He bcareth not the Sword in vain ; for he is the Minifter of God, a Revenger to execute Wrath upon him that doth evil. What honeft Man would not willingly fubmit to fuch a Magiftracy as is.here defcri- bed ? And that not only to avoid Wrath, and for fear of Punifhment, but for Confcience fake. Without Magiftrates, and fome Form or other of Civil Govern- ment, no Commonwealth, no Human Soi iety can fubfift, there were no li vino- in the World. But whatever Power enables a Man, or whatfoevcr Magistrate takes upon him to act contrary to what St. Paul makes the Duty ofthofe that ? are in anfacr to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 479 are in Authority, neither is that Power, nor that Magiftrate ordain'd of God. And confequently to fuch a Magistracy no Subjection is commanded, nor is any due, nor are the People forbidden to refill: luch Authority ; (or in fo doing they do not refift the Power, nor the Magistracy, as they are here excellently well de- fcribed ; but they refill: a Robber, a Tyrant, an Enemy ; who if he may notwith- standing in fome fenfe be called a Magiftrate, upon this account only, becaufe he has Power in his hands, which perhaps God may have inverted him with for our punishment ; by the fame reafon the Devil may be called a Magi- itrate. This is molt certain, that there can be but one true Definition of one and the fame thing. So that if St. Paul in this place define what a Magiftrate is, which he certainly does, and that accurately well ; he cannot pofTibiy define a Tyrant, the molt contrary thing imaginable, in the fame words. Hence I in- fer, that he commands us to Submit to Such Magistrates only as he himfelf defines and defcribes, and not to Tyrants, which are quite other things. For this Caufeyou pay Tribute alfo : He gives a Reafon, together with a Command. Hence St. Cbry- fojiom ; Why do we pay Tribute to Princes? Do we not, adds he, thereby reward them for the care they take of our Safety ? Wefoould not have paid them any Tribute if we had net been ccnvinc , d, that it was good for us to live under a Government. So that I muft her : repeat what I have faid already, That Since Subjection is not absolutely enjoined, but on a particular Reafon, that Reafon muft be the rule of our Subjection : where that Reafon holds, we are Rebels if we fubmit not ; where it holds not, we are Cowards and Slaves if we do. But, fay you, the English are far from being Free- men ; for they are wicked and flagitious. I will not reckon up here the Vices of the French, tho' they live under a Kingly Government ; neither will I excufe my own Country-men too far : but this I may fafely fay, whatever Vices they have, they have learnt them under a Kingly Government ; as the Ifraelites learnt a great deal ot Wickednefs in Egypt. And as they, when they were brought in- to the Wildernefs, and lived under the immediate Government of God himfelf, could hardly reform, juft fo 'tis with us. But there are good hopes of many amongft us ; that I may not here celebrate thofe Men who are eminent for their Piety and Virtue, and Love of the Truth •, of which fort I perfwade my fe]f we have as great a number, as where you think there are molt luch. But they have laid a heavy yoke upon the English Nation : What if they have, upon thole of them that endeavoured to lay a heavy Yoke upon all the reft ? Upon thofe that have deferved to be put under the hatches ? As for the reft, I queftion not but they are very well content to be at the expence of maintaining their own Liberty, the Public Treafury being exhausted by the Civil Wars. Now he betakes himfelf to the Fabulous Rabbins again : He aSTerts frequently, that Kings are bound by no Laws •, and yet he proves, That according to the fenfe of the Rabbins, a King may be guilty ofTreafon, byfuffering an Invafion upon the Rights of his Crown. S> Kings are bound by Laws, and they arc not bound by them ; they may be Criminals, and yet they may not be So. This Man contradicts himfelf fo perpetually, that Contradiction and he feem to be of kin to one an p- ther. You fay that God himfelf put many Kingdoms under the yoke of Nebu- chadnezzar, King of Babylon. I confers he did \'o for a time, Jer. 27. 7. but do you make appear, if you can, that he put the Englijh Nation into a condition of Slavery to Charles Stuart for a minute. I confefs he fuffered rhem to be enflaved by him for fome time ; but I never yet heard that himfelf appointed it lo to be. Or if you will have it fo, that God Shall be Said to put a Nation under Slavery, when a Tyrant prevails ; why may he not as well be faid to deliver them fr< his Tyranny, when the People prevail and get the upper hand ? Shall his Ty- ranny be laid to be of God, and not our Liberty r There is no evil in the City, that the Lord hath not done, Amos 3. So that Famine, Peftilence, Sedition, War, all ot" them are of God ; and is it therefore unlawful for a People af- flicted with any of thefe Plagues, to endeavour to get rid of them ? Certainly they would do their utmoft, tho' they know them to be Sent by God, unlets himfelf miraculoufly from Heaven Should command the contrary : And why may they not by the fame reafon rid themfelves of a Tyrant, if they are Stronger than he ? Why Should we fuppofe his weaknefs to be appointed by God for the ruin and delrruction of the Commonwealth, rather than the Power a.; J Strength of all the People for the good of the State ? Far lie it from all Com- monwealths, from all Societies of free-born Men, to maintain noi >nly fuch per- 1 i JCUS, 3 4 8 o A Defence of the People of England, nicious but fuch ftupid and fenfelcfs Principles •, Principles that fubvcrt all Ci- vil Society, that to gratifv a few Tyrants, level all Mankind with Brutes; and by fettino- Princes out of the reach of human Laws, give them an equal power over both. I pals by thofe foolifh Dilemma's tint you now make, which that vou mbht take occafion to propofe, you feign fome or other to affert that the fuperlaHvePozver of Princes is derived from the People ; though for my own part I do not at all doubt but that all the power that any Magifl rates have, is lb. Hence Cicero, in his Orat.pro Flacco, ' Our wife and holy Anceftors, fays he, « appointed thole things to obtain for Laws, that the People enacted.' And hence it is that Lucius Craps, an Excellent Roman Orator, and at that time Prefident of the Senate, when in a Controverfy betwixt them and the common People, he alferted their Rights, ' I befeech you, fays he, fuffer rot us to live in iub- ' jection to any, but your felves, to the entire body of whom we can and 1 ought to fubmit.' For though thclioman Senate govern'd the People, the Peo- ple themfelves had appointed them to be their Governours, and had put that power into their hands. We read the term of Majejly more frequently ap- plied to the People of Rome, than to their Kings. 'Tally in Orat. pro Plancio, ' It is the condition of all free People, (lays he) and efpecially of this People, ' the Lord of all Nations, by theirVotes to give or take away, to or from any, * as themfelves fee caufe. 'Tis the duty of the Magiftrates patiently to fubmit « to what the body of the People enact. Thofe that are not ambitious of Ho- ' nour, have the lefs obligation upon them to court the People ? Thofe that af- ' feci: Preferment, muft not be weary of entreating them.' Should I fcruple to call a King the Servant of his People, when I hear the Roman Senate, that reign'd over fo many Kings, profefs themfelves to be but the People's Servants? You'll object perhaps, and fay, that all this is very true in a popular State •, but the cafe was altered afterwards, when the Regal Law transferred all the People's Right into Auguftus and his SuccelTors. But what think you then of Tiberius, whom your felf confefs to have been a very great Tyrant^ as he certainly was? Suetonius fays of him, that when he was once called Lord or Mafter, though af- ter the enacting of that Lex Regia, he defired the Perfon that gave him that ap- pellation, to forbear abufing him. How does this found in your ears? a Ty- rant thinks one of his Subjects abufes him in calling him Lord. The fame Em- peror in one of his Speeches to the Senate, ' I have faid, fays he, frequently 1 heretofore, and now 1 fay it again, that a good Prince, whom you have inveft- * ed with fo great power as I am entrufted with, ought to ferve the Senate, * and the body of the People, and fometimes even particular Perfons ; nor do I * repent of having faid fo : I confefs that you have been good, and juft, and c indulgent Mafters to me, and that you are yet fo.' You may fay that he dif- fembled in all this, as he was a great Proficient in the art of Hypocrify ; but that's all one. No man endeavours to appear otherwife than he ought to be. Hence Tacitus tells us, that it was the cuftom in Rome for the Emperors in the Circus, to worihip the People •, and that both Nero and other Emperors prac- tifed it. Claudian in his Panegyric upon Honcrius mentions the fame cultom. By which fort of Adoration what could poflibly be meant, but that the Empe- rors of Rome, even after the enacting of the Lex Rcgia, confeffed the whole body of the People to be their Superiors ? But I find, as I fufpected at firft, and fo I told ye, that you have fpent more time and pains in turning over Gloffaries,. and criticifing upon Texts, and propagating fuch-like laborious Trifles, than in reading found Authors fo as to improve your knowledge by them. For had you been never fo little verfed in the Writings of learned Men in former Ages, you would not have accounted an opinion new, and the product of fome Enthu- fiaflic Heads, which has been aliened and maintained by the greateff Philofo- phers, and moft famous Politicians in the World. You endeavour to expofe one Martin, who you tell us was a Taylor, and one William a Tanner ; but if they are fuch as you defcribe them, I think they and you may very well go together-, though they themfelves would be able to inftruct you, and un- fold thofe myfterious Riddles that you propofe : as, Whether or no they that in a Monarchy would have the King but a Servant to the Commonwealth, will fay the fame thing of the whole body of the People in a popular State? And whether all the People ferve in a Democracy, or only fome part or other ferve the reft ? And when they have been an CEdipus to you, by my content you fhall be a Sphinx. a to in anjwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 481 ro them in good earned, and throw your felf headlong from fome precipice or other, and break your neck ; lor elfe I'm afraid you'll never have done with your Riddles and Fooleries. Youafk, Whether or no >, e Paul names Kings, he meant the People? I confefs St. Paul commands us to pray for Kings, but he had commanded us to pray for the People before, vcr. i . But there are fome for all that, both among Kings and common People, that we are forbidden to pray for ; and if a man muft not fo much as be prayed for, may he not be punifhed ? What mould hinder? But, when Paul wrote this Epiftle, he that reigned was the moft profligate Per/on in the World. That's falfe. For Ludovicus Capellus makes it evident, that this Epiftle likewife was writ in Claudius's time. When St. Paul has occafion to fpeak of Nero, he call's him not a King, but a Lion ; that is, a wild, lavage Bead, from whofe jaws he is glad he was delivered, 2 Tim. 4. So that it is for Kings, not for Beads that we are to pray, that under them we may live a quiet and a peaceable life, in all godlinefs andhonejly. Kings and their Inte- red are not the things here intended to be advanced and fecured; 'tis the public Peace, Godlinefs and Honedy, whofe edablifhment we are commanded to en- deavour after, and to pray for. But is there any People in the World that would not chufe rather to live an honed and careful Life, tho' never free from War and Troubles, in the defence ofthemfelves and their Families, whether againd Tyrants or Enemies (for I make no difference) than under the power of a Ty- rant or an Enemy to fpin out a Life equally troublefome, accompanied with Slavery and Ignominy ? That the latter is the more delirable of the two, I'll prove by a Tedimony of your own ; not becaufe I think your Authority worth quoting, but that all Men may obferve how double- tongu'd you are, and how mercenary your Pen is. " Who would not rather, fay you, bear with thofe " diffenfions that through the emulation of great Men often happen in an Arido- " cratical Government, than live under the Tyrannical Government of one, " where nothing but certain mifery and ruin is to be look'dfor? The People of " Rome preferr'd their Commonwealth, tho' never fo much fhatter'd with civil " Broils, before the intolerable Yoke of their Emperors. When a People, to " avoid Sedition, fubmits to a Monarchy, and finds by experience, that that is " the word evil of the two, they often defire to return to their former Govern- " ment again." Thefe are your own words, and more you have to this purpofe in that Difcourfe concerning Bifhops, which under a feigned name you wrote a- gaind Petavius the Jefuit ; though your felf are more a Jefuit than he, nay worfe than any of that Crew. We have already heard the fenfe of the Scrip- ture upon this Subject ; and it has been worth our while to take fome pains to find it out. But perhaps it will not be fo to enquire into the judgment of the Fathers, and to ranfac their Volumes : for if they affert any thing which is not warranted by the Word of God, we may fafely rejeft their Authority, be it never fo great ; and particularly that expreffion that you alledge out of Irentev.s, " That God in his Providence orders it fo, that fuch Kings reign as arc; " fuitable to, and proper for the People they are to govern, all Circumftances " confidered." That expreffion, I fay, is directrly contrary to Scripture. For though God himfelf declared openly that it was better for his own people to be governed by Judges than by Kings, yet he left it to them to change that Form of Government for a worfe, if they would themfelves. And we read frequently, that when the body of the People has been good, they have had a wicked King, and contrariwife that a good King has fometimes rcign'd when the People have been wicked. So that wife and prudent Men arc to confider and fee what is pro- fitable and fit for the People in general ; for it is very certain that the fame Form of Government is not equally convenient for all Nations, nor for the fame Nation at all times ; but fometimes one, fometimes another may be more pro- per, according as the indudry and valour of the People may increafe or decay. But if you deprive the People of this liberty of fetting up what Government they like bed among themfelves, you take that from them, in which the life of all civil Liberty confids. Then you tell us of Juflin Martyr, of his humble and fubmiffive behaviour to the Antonines, thofe bed of Emperors; as if any body would not do the like to Princes of fuch moderation as they were. " How " much worfe Chriftians are we in thefe days, than thofe were? They were content to " live under a Prince of another Religion." Alas! They were private Perfons, and infinitely inferior to the contrary party in ftrength and number. But now Papijls will not endure a Protefant Prince, nor Protejtants one that is Popijh. You Vol. I. Q^qq do 48 x A Defence of the People of England, do well and difcreetly, in fhewing your felf to be neither Papift nor Proteftant. And you are very liberal in your conceffions ; for now you confefs that all forts of Chriftians agree in that very thing, that you alone take upon you with fo much impudence and wickednefs, to cry down and oppofe. And how unlike thofe Fathers that you commend, do you fhow your felf: They wrote Apolo- gies for the Chriftians to Heathen Princes > you in defence of a wicked Popifh Kino-, ao-ainft Chriftians and Proteftants. Then you entertain us with a num- ber of impertinent quotations out of Athenagcras and Terlullian : Things that we have already heard cut of the Writings of the Apoftles, much more clearly and intelligibly expreft. But Tertullian was quite of a different opinion from yours, of a King's being a Lord and Mafter over his Subjects : Which you either knew not T or wickedly diflembled. For he, though he were a Chriftian, and directed his difcourfe to a Heathen Emperor, had the con- fidence to lell him, that an Emperor ought not to be called Lord. " Augufius " himfelf, fays he, that formed this Empire, rcfus'd that appellation : 'Tis a *' Title proper to God only. Not but that the Title of Lord and Mafter may " in fome fenfe be afcribed to the Emperor : But there is a peculiar fenfe of that *' word, which is proper to God only •, and in that fenfe, I will not afcribe it " to the Emperor. I am the Emperor's free-man. God alone is my Lord and " Mafter. And the fame Author, in the fame Difcourfe 5 how inconfiftent, " fays be, are thofe two Appellations, Father of his Country, and Lord and ** Mafter ?" And now I wifh you much joy of Tertullian's authority, whom it had been a great deal better you had let alone. But Tertullian calls them Parri- cides that flew Domitian. And he does well, for fo they were, his Wife and Ser- vants conlpir'd againft him. And they fet one Parthenius and Stephanus, who ■were accus'd for concealing part of the public Treafure, to make him away. If the Senate and the People of Rome had proceeded againft him according to the cuftom of their Anceftors; had given Judgment of Death againft him, as they did once againft Nero ; and had made fearch for him to put him to death; doye think Tertullian-would have called them Parricides? If he had, he would have deferv'd to be hang'd, as you do. I give the fame anfwer to your quotation out of Origen, that I have given already to what you have cited out of Irenaus. Athana- Jius indeed fays, that Kings are not accountable before human Tribunals. But I wonder who told Athanafim this ? I do not hear that he produces any authority From Scripture, to confirm this afTertion. And I'll rather believe Kings and Empe- rors themfelves, who deny that they themfelves have any fuch Privilege, than I will Athanafim. Then you quote Ambrofim, who after he had been a Proconful, and after that became a Catechumen, at laft got into a Bifhopric : But for his au- thority, I fay, that his Interpretation of thofe words of David, againft thee on- ly I have finned, is both ignorant and adulatory. He was willing all others fhould be enthrall r dto the Emperor, that he might enthral the Emperor to him- felf. We all know with what a Papal Pride and Arrogancy he treated Theodo- fius the Emperor, how he took upon him to declare him guilty of that mafTacre atTheffalonica, and to forbid him coming into the Church ; how miferably raw in Divinity, and unacquainted with the Doctrine of the Gofpel, he fhewed himfelf upon that accalion ■, when the Emperor fell down at his feet, he com- manded him to get him out of the Porch. At laft, when he was received again into the Communion of the Church, and had offered, becaufe he continued ftanding near to the Altar, the Magifterial Prelate commanded him out of the Rails : O Emperor, fays he, thefe inner places are for the Priefts only, 'tis not unlawful for others to come within them! Does this found like the behaviour of a Minifter of the Gofpel, or like that of a Jewifh High-Prieft ? And yet this man, fuch as we hear he was, would have the Emperor ride other People, that himfelf might ride him, which is a common trick of almoft all Ecclefiaftics. With words to this purpofe, he put back the Emperor as inferior to himfelf: You rule over men, faith he, that are partakers of the fame Nature, and Fellow -fervants with your felf : For there is one only Lord and King over all, to wit, the Creator of all. This is very pretty! This piece of truth, which the craft and flattery of Clergy-men has alt along endeavoured to fupprefs and obfeure, was then brought to light by the furious paflion, or to fpeak more mildly, by the ignorant indifcreet zeal of one of them. After you have difplay'd Ambrofe's ignorance, you fhow your own, or rather, vent a Herejy in affirming point-blank, That under the Old Teftament, thirt "was no fuch things as forgivenefs of Sins upon the account of ChrijPs fufferings- face in anfb&er to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 483 fiuce David confef'd his tranfgreffon, faying, Againft thee only have I finned, Pf. 68. 'Tis the Orthodox Tenet, that there never was any rerriiffion of Sins, but by the bioo.l of the Lamb that was (lain from the beginning of the World.' I know not whole Dil'ciple you are, that fet up for a Broacher of new Herefies • but cer- tain I am, that that great Divine's Difciple whom you are fo angry with, did not miftake himfelf, when he laid that any one of David's Subjects mi^ht have laid, again/} thee only have I finned, as properly, and with as much right, as David him- feif. Then you quote St. Auflin, and produce a company of Hipponenfan Di- vines. What you alledge out of St. Auflin, makes not at all againft us. We confefs that, as the Prophet Daniel has it, it's God that changeth times, fets up one Kingdom, and pulls down another ; we only defire to have it allow'd us, that he makes ufe of Men as his Inftruments. If God alone gave a Kingdom to' Kin"- Charles, God alone has taken it from him again, and given it to the Parlament^ and to the People. If therfore our Allegiance was due to King Charles, becaufe God had given him a Kingdom ; for the fame reafon it is now due totheprefent Magiftracy. For your felf confefs, that God has given our Magiftrates fuch power as he ufes to give to wicked Princes, for the punifhment of the Nation. And the confequence of this will be, that according to your own opinion, our prefent Magiftrates being rais'd and appointed by God, cannot lawfully be de- pofed by any, but God himfelf. Thus you overthrow the opinion you pretend to maintain, which is a thing very frequent with you : Your Apology for the King, carries its death's-wound in it. You have attained to fuch a prodigious degree of Madrid's and Stupidity, as to prove it unlawful upon any account whatfoever, to lite up one's finger againft Magiftrates, and with the very next breath to affirm that it's the duty of their Subjects to rife up in Rebellion a- gainft them. You tell us that St. Jerom calls IJhmael that flew Gedaliah, a Parri- cide or Traytor : And it is very true, that he was fo: For Gedaliah was Deputy Governour oi'Judea, a good man, and (lain by Ifimael without any caufe. The fame Author in his Comment upon the Book of Ecclefiaftes, fays, that Solomon's command to keep the King's Commandment, is the fame with St. Paul's Doc- trine, upon the fame fubjec"t ; and deferves commendation for having made a more moderate Conftru&ion of that Text, than molt of his Contemporaries. You fay, you will forbear enquiring into the Sentiments of Learned Men that lived fince St. Aujlin's time : but to fhew that you had rather difpenfe with a Lye, than not quote any Author that you think makes for you, in the very next period but one, you produce the Authorities of Ifidore, Gregory, and Otho y Spanijh and Dutch Authors, that liv'd in the moft barbarous and ignorant ages of all ; whofe Authorities, if you knew how much we defpife, you would not have told a Lye to have quoted them. But would you know the reafon why he dares not come fo low as to the prefent times? why he does as it were .hide him- felf, and difappear, when he comes towards our own times? The reafon is, Be- caufe he knows full well, that as many eminent Divines as there are of the Re- formed Church, fo many Adverfaries he would have to encounter. Let him take up the Cudgels, if he thinks fit; he will quickly find himfelf run down with innumerable Authorities out of Luther, Zuinglius, Calvin, Bucer, Martyr, Parous, and the reft. I could oppofe you with Teftimonies out of Divines that have flourifhed even in Leyden. Though that famous Univerfity and renowned Commonwealth, which has been as it were a Sanctuary for Liberty, thofe Fountains and Streams of all Polite Learning, have not yet been able to walk away that flavifh Ruft that fticks to you, and infufe a little Humanity into you. Finding your felf deftitute of any afilftance or help from Orthodox Proteftant Divines, you have the impudence to betake your felf to the Sorbonifls, whole College you know is devoted to the Romi/Jj Religion, and confequcntly but of very weak authority amongft Proteftants. We are wil- ling to deliver fo wicked an afTertor of Tyranny as you, to be drown'd in the Sorbon, as being afham'd to own fo defpicable a Slave as you fhow your felf to be, by maintaining that the whole body of a Nation is not equal in power to the moft fiothful degenerate Prince that may be. You labour in vain to lay that upon the Pope, which all free Nations, and all Orthodox Divines own and af- fert. But the Pope and his Clergy, when they were in a low Condition, and but of fmall account in the World, were the firft Authors of this pernicious ab- furd Doctrine of yours : and when by preaching fuch Doctrine they had gotten Vol. I. Qj} q 2 power 484 A Defence of the People of England^ power into their own hands, they became the worft of Tyrants themfelves. Yet they engaged all Princes to them by the clofeft tie imaginable, perlwading the World that was now befotted with their Superflition, that it was unlawful to depofe Princes tho' neverfobad, unlefs the Pope difpenfed with their Allegiance to them, by abfolving them from their Oaths. But you avoid Orthodox Wri- ters and endeavour to burden the truth with prejudice and calumny, by making the Pope the firft afTertor of what is a known and common received Opinion a- mon°-ft them; which if you did not do it cunningly, you would make your felf appear to be neither Papift nor Proteftant, but a kind of a Mongrel Idumean Hero* dian. For as they of old adored one moil inhuman bloody Tyrant for the Mef- fias, fo you would have the World fall down and worfhip all. You boaft that you have confirmed your Opinion by the Tefti monies of the Fathers that flour i foe din the four firft Centuries ; whofe Writings only are Evangelical, and according to the truth of the Chrijiian Religion. This man is paft all fhame ! how many things did they preach, how many things have they publifhed, which Chrift and his Apoftles never tan o-ht? How many things are there in their Writings, in which all Pro- teftant Divines differ from them? But what is that Opinion that you have con- firm'd by their Authorities? Why, That evil Princes are appointed by God. Al- low that, as all other pernicious and deftructive things are. What then ? why, that therfore they have no Judge but God alone, that they are above all human Laws ; that there is no Law, written or unwritten, no Law of Nature, nor of God, to call them to account befirre their own Subjects. But how comes that to pais ? Certain I am, that there is no Law againft it: No Penal Law excepts Kings. And all reafon and juftice requires, that thole that offend, mould be punifhed according to their deferts, without refpecl of Perfons. Nor have you hitherto produced any one Law, either written or unwritten, of God or of Nature, by which this is for- bidden. What Hands in the way then ? Why may not Kings be proceeded a- gainft ? Why, becaufe they are appointed by God, be they never fo bad. I do not know whether I had beft call you a Knave, or a Fool, or ignorant, unlearned Barbarian. You fhow your felf a vile Wretch, by propagating a Doctrine {o deftrudtive and pernicious; and y'are a Fool for backing it with fuch filly Argu- ments. God fays in Ifa. 54. I have created the flayer to deftroy. Then by your reafon a Murderer is above the Laws. Turn this topfy-turvy, and confider it as long as you will, you'll find the Confequence to be the fame with your own. For the Pope is appointed by God, juft as Tyrants are, and fet up for the pu- nifhment of the Church, which I have already demonltrated out of your own Writings ; And yet, fay you, Wal. Mef. pag. 412. becaufe he has raifed his Primacy 10 an infufferable height of power, fo as that he has made it neither better nor worfe than plain downright Tyranny, both he and his Bifhops may be put down more lawfully than they were at firft fet up. You tell us that the Pope and the Biihops (tho' God in his wrath appointed them) may yet lawfully be rooted out of the Church, becaufe they are Tyrants ; and yet you deny that 'tis lawful to depofe a Tyrant in the Commonwealth, and that for no other reafon than becaufe God appointed him, tho' he did it in his anger. What ridiculous fluff this is! for wheras the Pope cannot hurt a Man's Confcience againft his own will, for in the Conlciences of Men it is that his Kingdom confifts, yet you are for depofing him as a grievous Tyrant, in whofe own power it is not to be a Tyrant ; and yet you maintain that a Tyrant properly and truly fo called, a Tyrant that has all our Lives and Eftates within his reach, without whofe affiftance the Pope himfelf could not ex- ercife his Tyranny in the Church, ought for Confcience fake to be born withal and fubmitted to. Thefe affertions compar'd with one another betray your Childifhnefs to that degree, that no Man can read your Books, but muft of ne- ccflity take notice of your ignorance, rafhnefs, and incogitancy. But you al- ledge another reafon, Human Affairs would be turned upfide down. They would fo, and be chang'd for the better. Human Affairs would certainly be in a deplora- ble condition, if being once troubled and dilorder'd, there was a necefllty of their continuing always fo. I fay, they would be chang'd for the better, for the King's power would revert to the People, from whom it was firft derived, and conferred upon one of themfelves ; and the power would be transferred from him that abufed it, to them that were prejudiced and injured by the abufe of it; than which nothing can be more juft, for there could not well be an Umpire in fuchacafe; Who would ftand to the judgment of a Foreigner ? all Mankind would equally in anjwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 485 equally be fubjeft to the Laws ; there would be no Gods of flefh and blood : " Which kind or Deities whoever goes about to fet up in the World, they are dly injurious to Church and Commonwealth. Now I muft turn your own Weapons upon you again. You fay, There can be no greater Herefy than this, to fet up one Man inCbrifl'sSeat. Tbefe twoare infallible marks of Antichriftjnfallibi- :i Spirituals, and Omnipotence in Temporals. Apparat. ad Prim. pag. 171. Do you pretend that Kings are infallible ? It' you do not, why do you make them Omnipotent? And how comes it to pafs that an unlimited Power in oneMan mould counted lefs deftrudtive to Temporal things, than it is to Ecclefiaftical ? Or do you think that God takes no care at all of Civil Affairs? If he takes none him- felf, I'm fare he does not forbid us to take care which way they go. If he does take any care about them, certainly he would have the fame Reformation made in the Commonwealth, that he would have made in the Church, efpecially it be- ing obvious to every Man's experience that Infallibility and Omnipotency being arrogated to one Man, are equally mifchievous in both. God has not lb model- I ■ 1 the Government of the World as to make it the duty of any Civil Commu- nity to fubmit to the Cruelties of Tyrants, and yet to leave the Church at liberty 10 free themfelves from Slavery and Tyranny : nay, rather quite contrary, he has put no Arms into the Church's hand but thofe of Patience and Innocence, Prayer and Ecclefiaftical Difcipline..; but the Commonwealth, all the Magi- II racy are by him entrulted with the prefcrvation and execution of the Laws, with the power of punifhing and revenging ; he has put the Sword into their hinds. I cannot but fmile at this Man's prepofterous whimfies ; in Ecclefiaflics he's Helvidius, Thrafeas, a perfeft Tyrannicide. In Politics no Man more a Lackey and Slave to Tyrants than he. If his Doctrine hold, not we only that have depos'd our King, but the Proteftants in general, who againft the minds of their Princes have rejected the Pope, are all Rebels alike. But I've confounded him long enough with his own Arguments. Such is the nature of the Beaft, left his Adverfary lhould be unprovided, he himfelf furnifhes him with Weapons. Never did any Man give his Antagonift greater advantages againft himfelf than he does. They that he has to do withal, will be fooner weary of purfuing him, than he of flying. CHAP. IV. PErhaps you think, Sahnafucs, that you have done enough to ingratiate your felf with Princes •, that you have deferved well of 'em : but if they confi- der their own Intereft, and take their meafures according to what it really is, not according to the falfe Glofs that your flatteries have put upon it, there never was any Man in the World that deferv'd fo ill of 'em as you, none more deftru- ctive and pernicious to them and their intereft in the whole World than your felf. For by exalting the Power of Kings above all Human Laws, you tell all Mankind that are fubject to fuch a Government, that they are no better than Slaves, and make them but the more defirous of Liberty by difcovering to them their error, and putting that into their heads that they never lb much as dreamt of before, to wit, that they are Slaves to their Princes. And without doubt fuch a fort of Government will be more irkfome and unfufferable, by how much the more you perfwade the World, that it is not by the allowance and fubmifii- on of Nations, that Kings have obtained this exorbitant Power ; but that it is ablblutely effential to fuch aFormof Government, and of the nature of the thing it felf. So that whether you make the World of your mind or no, your Doc- trine muft needs be mifchievous and deftructive, and fuch as cannot but be ab- horred of all Princes. For if you fliould work men into a perfwafion that the Right of Kings is without all bounds, they would no longer be fubjec~t to a Kingly Government; if you mils of your aim, yet you make men weary ot Kings, by telling them that they afTume fuch a power to themfelves, as of right belonging to them. But if Princes will allow of thofe Principles that I aflert; if they will fuffer themfelves and their own power to becircumfcribed by Laws, inftead of an uncertain, weak and violent Government, full of cares and fears, tluy 4$6 A Defence of the People of England, they will reign peaceably, quietly, and fecurely. If they flight this counfel of mine, though wholefome in it felt, becaufe of the meannefs of the Author, they fhall know that it is not my counfel only, but what was anciently advifed by one of the wifeft of Kings. For Lycurgns King of Lacedemon, when he obferved that his own Relations that were Princes of Argos and Meffana, by endeavour- int* to introduce an Arbitrary Government, had ruin'd themfelves and their Peo- ple ; he, that he might benefit his Country, and fecure the SuccefTion to his own Family, could think upon no better expedient, than to communicate his Power to the Senate, and taking the great Men of the Realm into part of the Govern- ment with himfelf •, and by this means the Crown continued in his Family for many ages. But whether it was Lycurgus, or, asfome learned men are of opi- nion, Tbeopompus, that introduced that mixt Form of Government among the Lacedemonians, fomewhat more than a hundred years after Lycurgus's time (of whom it is recorded, that he ufed to boaft, that by advancing the Power of the Senate above that of the Prince, he had fettled the Kingdom upon a fure Foun- dation, and was like to leave it in a laftingand durable condition to his Pofte- rity) which of them foever it was, I fay, he has left a good F.xample to modern Princes ; and was as creditable a Counfelior, as his Counfel was fafe. For that all men fhould fubmit to any one man, fo as to acknowledge aPowerinhim fuperior to all human Laws, neither did any Paw ever enact, nor indeed was it poflible that any fuch Law fhould ever be ; for that cannot be faid to be a Law, that ftrikes at the root of all Laws, and takes them quite away : It being appa- rent, that your Pofitions are inconfiftent with the nature of all Laws, being inch as render them no Laws at all. You endeavour notwithftanding, in this fourth Chapter, to make good by Examples, what you have not been able to do by any Reafons that you have alledged hitherto. Let's confider whether your Ex- amples help your Caufe ; for they many times make things plain, which the Laws are either altogether filent in, or do but hint at. We'll begin firft with the Jews, whom we fuppofe to have known moft of the mind of God ; and then, according to your own method, we'll come to the times of Chriftianity. And firft, for thofe Times in which the Ifraelitesbe'mg fubject to Kings, who, orhowfoever they were, did their utmoft to caft thatflavifh yoke from off their necks. Eglon the King of Moab had made a Conqueft of them •, the Seat of his Empire was at Jericho ; he was no contemner of the true God •, when his Name was mentioned, he role from his Seat : The Israelites had ferved him eighteen Years ; they fent a Prefent to him, not as to an Enemy, but to their own Prince ; notwithftanding which outward Veneration and Profef- fion of Subjection, they kill him by a wile, as an Enemy to their Coun- try. You'll fay perhaps, that Ehud, who did that action, had a Warrant from God for fo doing. He had fo, 'tis like ; and what greater Argument of its being a warrantable and praife-worthy action ? God ufes not to put Men upon things that are unjuff, treacherous and cruel, but upon fuch things as are virtuous and laudable. But we read no where that there was any pofitive Com- mand from Heaven in the cafe. The Israelites called upon God; fo did we. And God ftirred up a Saviour for them •, fo he did for us. Eglon of a neigh- bouring Prince became a Prince of the Jews ; of an Enemy to them he became their King. Our Gentleman of an Englifh King became an Enemy to the Eng- UJh Nation •, fo that he ceas'd to be a King. Thofe Capacities are incon- fiftent. No Man can be a Member of the State, and an Enemy to it at the fame time. Antony was never lookt upon by the Romans as a Conful, nor Nero as an Emperor, after the Senate had voted them both Enemies. This Cicero tells us in his Fourth Philippic: If Antony be a Conful, fays he, Brutus is an Enemy ; but //Brutus be a Saviour an&Preferver of the Commonwealth, Antony is an Enemy: none but robbers count him a Conful. By thefime reafon, fay I, who but Enemies to their Country look upon a Tyrant as a King ? So that Eglon's being a Foreigner, and King Charles a Prince of our own, will make no diffe- rence in the cafe ■, both being Enemies, and both Tyrants, they are-in the fame circumftances. If Ehud kill'd him juftly, we have done fo too in putting our King to death. Sampfon that renowned Champion of the Hebrews, tho' his Country-men blam'd him for it, Dojl thou not know, fay they, that the Philijlines have dominion over us? Yet againft thofe Philijlines, under whofe Dominion he was, he himfelf undertook a War in his own Perfon, without any other help ; and in anfioer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 487 and whether he acted in purfuance of a Command from Heaven, or was promp- ted by his own Valour only •, or whatfoever inducement he had, he did not put to death one, but many that tyrannized over his Country, having firft called upon God by Prayer, and implored his Afiiftance. So that Sampfon counted ic no aft of Impiety, but quite contrary, to kill thofe that enflaved his Country, tho' they had dominion over himfelf too •, and tho' the greater part of his Country- men fubmitted to their Tyranny. But yet David, who was both a King and a Pro* phet, would not take away SxuYs life, becaufehe was God's Anointed. Does it follow that becaufe David refufed to do a thing, therfore we are obliged not to do that very thing ? David was a private Perfon, and would not kill the King •, is that a precedent for a Parlament, for a whole Nation ? Da- vid would not revenge his own Quarrel, by putting his Enemy to death by ftealth ; does it follow that therfore the Magi Urates muft not pu- nifh a Malefactor according to Law ? He would not kill a King •, muft not an Affembly of the States therfore punifh a Tyrant ? He fcrupled the killing of God's Anointed •, muft the People therfore fcruple to condemn their own Anointed ? Efpecially one that after having fo long profeffed Hoftility againft his own People, had wafh'd off that anointing of his, whether Sacred or Civil, with the Blood of his own Subjects. I confefs that thofe Kings whom God by his Prophets anointed to be Kings, or appointed to fome fpecnl fervice, as he did Cyrus, Ifa.\^. may not improperly be called the Lord's Anotnted\ but all other Princes, according to the leveral ways of their coining to the Government, are the People's Anointed, or the Army's, or many times the Anointed of their own Faction only. But taking it for granted, that all Kings are Go.'j Anointed, you can never prove, that therfore they are above all Laws, and not to be called in queftion, what Villanies foever they commit. What if David laid a charge upon himfelf and other private Perfons not to ftretch forth their hands againft the Lord's Anointed? Does not God himfelf command Princes not fo much as to touch his Anointed? Which were no other than his People, Pfal. 105. He preferred that anointing wherwith his People were anointed, before that of Kings, if any fuch thing were. Would any man offer to infer from this place of the Pfalmift, That Believers are not to be called in queftion, tho' they offend againft the Laws, becaufe God com- mands Princes not to touch his Anointed ? King Solomon was about to put to death Abiathar the Prieft, tho' he were God's Anointed too ; and did not fpare him becaufe of his Anointing, but becaufe he had been his Father's Friend. If that Sacred and Civil Anointing, wherwith the High-Prieft of the Jews was anointed, wherby he was not only conftituted High-Prieft, but a Temporal Magiftrate in many cafes, did not exempt him from the Penalty of the Laws; how comes a Civil Anointing only to exempt a Tyrant? But you fay, Saul was a 'Tyrant, and worthy of Death : What then ? It does not follow, that becaufe he deferved it, that David in the circumftances he was then under, had power to put him to death without the People's Authority, or the Command of the Ma^ giftracy. But was Saul a Tyrant ? I wifh you would fay fo •, indeed you do fo, though you had find before in your Second Book, page 32. That be was no Tyrant, but a good King, and chofen of God. Why fhould falfe Accufers, and Men guilty of Forgery be branded, and you efcape without the like ignominious Mark ? For they practife their Villanies with lefs Treachery and Deceit than you write, and treat of matters of the greateft moment. Saul was a good King, when it ferv'd your turn to have him fo ; and now he's a Tyrant, becaufe it fuits with your prefent purpofe. But 'tis no wonder that you make a Tyrant of a good King; for your Principles look as if they were invented for no other de- fign, than to make all good Kings fo. But yet David, tho' he would not put to death his Father-in-Law, for Caufes and Reafons that we have nothing to do withal, yet in his own Defence he railed an Army, took and pofleffed Cities that belong'd to Saul, and would have defended Keilab againft the King's Forces, had he not underftood that the Citizens would be falfe to him. Suppofe Saul had befieged the Town, and himfelf had been the firft that had fcal'dthe Walls; do you think David would prefently have thrown down his Arms, and have be- tray'd all thofe th.it aflifted him to his anointed Enemy ? I believe not. What reafon have we to think David would have ftuck to do what we have done, who when his> Occafions and Circumftances fo required, proffered his Afiiftance to the ^8 8 A Defence of the People of England, the Philippines, who were then the profefTed Enemies of his Country, and did that zgxm&Sauh which I am fure we mould never have done againft our Tyrant? I'm weary of mentioning your Lyes, and afham'd of them. You fay, 'tis a Maxim of the Envlijh, That Enemies are rather to be /pared than Friends ; and that ther- fore we conceived we ought not to /pare our King's Life, becaufe he had been our Friend. You impudent Lyar, what Mortal ever heard this Whimfy before you invented it ? But we'll excufe it. You could not bring in that threadbare Flourifh, of our being more fierce than our own Maftiffs (which now comes in the fifth time, and will as oft again before we come to the end of your Book) without fome fuch Introduction. We are not fo much more fierce than our own Maftiffs, as you are more hungry than any Dog whatfoever, who return fo gree- dily to what you have vomited up fo often. Then you tell us, that David commanded the Amalekite to be put to death, who pretended to have killed Saul. But that inftance, neither in refpect of the Fact, nor the Perfon, has any affini- ty with what we are difcourfing of. I do not well underlfand what caufe David had to be fo fevere upon that Man, for pretending to have haftened the King's death, and in effect but to have put him out of his pain, when he was dying -, unlefs it were to take away from the Israelites all fufpicion of his own having been inftrumental in it, whom they might look upon as one that had revolted to the Philiftines, and was part of their Army. Juit fuch another Action as this of Davia's, do all Men blame in Domitian, who put to death Epaphroditus, becaufe he had helped Nero to kill himfelf. After all this, as another inftance of your Impudence, you call him not only the Anointed of the Lord, but the Lord's Cbrift, who a little before you had faid was a Tyrant, and acted by the impulfeof fome evil Spirit. Such mean thoughts you have of that reverend Name, that you are not afham'd to give it to a Tyrant, whom you your felf confefs to have been poffeffed with the Devil. Now I come to that Precedent, from which every Man that is not blind muft needs infer the Right of the People to be fuperior to than of Kings. When Solomon was dead, the People affembled themfelves at Siebem to make Rehoboam King. Thither himfelf went, as one that ftood for the place, that he might not feem to claim the Succeffion as his Inheritance, nor the fame Right over a free-born People that every Man has over his Father's Sheep and Oxen. The People propofe Conditions, upon which they were willing to ad- mit him to die Government. He defires three days time to advife; he confulta with the old Men •, they tell him no fuch thing, as that he had an abfolute Right to fucceed, but perfwade him to comply with the People, and lpeak them fair, it being in their power whether he fhould reign or not. Then he advifes with die young Men that were brought up with him ; they, as if Salmajius's Phrenzy had taken them, thunder this Right of Kings into his ears ; perfwade him to threaten the People with Whips and Scorpions : And he anfwered the People as they advifed him. When all Ifrael law that the King hearkened not to them, then they openly proteft the Right of the People, and their own Liberty ; What portion have we in David ? To thy "Tents, Ifrael ? wax look to thine own Houfe, David. When the King fent Adoram to them, they ftoned him with Stones, and perhaps they would not have ftuck to have fcrv'd the King himfelf fo, bur he made hafte and got out of the way. The next News is of a great Army rais'd by Rehoboam to reduce the Ifraelites to their Allegiance. God forbids him to proceed, Go not up, fays he, to war againft your Brethren the Children of Ifrael ; fur this thing is of me. Now confider ; heretofore the People had defired a King; God was dilpleafed with them for it, but yet permitted them to make a King, according to that Right that all Nations have to appoint their own Governors. Now the People reject Rehoboam from ruling them ; and this God not only fuf- fers them to do, but forbids Rehoboam to make War againft them for it, and ftops him in his undertaking ; and teaches him withal, that thofe that had re- volted from him, were not Rebels in fo doing ; but that he ought to look upon them as Brethren. Now recollect your felf: You lay that all Kings are of God, and that therfore the People ought not to refill them, be they never fijch Tyrant?. I anfwer you, the Convention of the People, their Votes, their Acts, are like- wife of God, and that by the Teftimony of God himfelf in this place •, and con- fequently according to your Argument, by the Authority of God himfelf, Prin- ces ought not to refift the People. For as certain as it is, that Kings are of God, and whatever Argument you may draw from thence to enforce a Subjecti- on. in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 489 on and Obedience to diem: So certain is it, that free Aflemblies of She Body of the People are of God, and that naturally affords the fame Argument for their Right of reftraining Princes from going beyond their Bounds, and reject- ing them if there be occafion ; nor is their fo doing a juftifiable Caufe of War, any more than the People of ffracl's, rejecting Reboboa'm was. You afk, why the People did not revolt from Solomon? Who but you would afk fuch an imper- tinent Queftion? You ice they did revolt from a Tyrant, and were neither pu- nifhed, nor blam'd for it. It is true, Solomon fell into fonle Vices, but he was not therfore a Tyrant ; he made amends for his Vices by many excellent Vir- tues, that he was famous for, by many benefits which accrued to the Nation of the Jews by his Government. But admit that he had been a Tyrant: Many times the Circurhltances of a Nation arc fuch, that the People will not, and ma- ny times fuch, that they cannot depofe a Tyrant. You fee they did it when it was in their power. But, fay you, Jeroboam'^ Aft was ever bad in delegation ; 'twas looked upon as an unjufl revolt from a lawful Prince; be and his Succejfors were accounted Rebels. I confefs we find his revolt from the true Worfhip of God often found fault with •, but I no where find him blam'd for revolting from Reho- boam; and his Succeflbrs are frequently fpoken of as wicked Princes, but not as Rebels. Acting contrary to Law and Right, fay you, cannot introduce, or ejlablifh a Right. I pray, what becomes then of your Right of Kings ? Thus do you perpetually baffle your felf. You fay, Adulteries, Murders, Thefts are daily com- mit ted with impunity. Are you not aware, that here you give an anfwer to your own Queftion, how it comes to pais, that Tyrants do fo often efcape unpunilhed? You fay, Thofe Kings were Rebels, and yet the Prophets do no where dijfwflde the People from their Allegiance. And why do you, ye rafcalty falfe Prophet, endea- vour to perfwade the People of England not to yield Obedience to their prefent Magiftrates, tho' in your opinion they are Rebels? This Englifh Faftion of Rob- bers, fay you, alledge for them Pelves, that by fomc immediate Voice from Heaven, they were put upon their bloody Enterpnze. It is notoriously evident, that you were diffracted when you wrote thefe Lines ; for as you have put the words together, they are neither Latin, nor Senfe. And that the Englifh pretend to any fuch warrant, as a Juftification of their Actions, is one of diofe many Lyes and Fic- tions that your Book is full of. But I proceed to urge you with Examples. Lib- it , a great City revoked from J cram, becaufe he Had forfaken God : 'twas the King therfore that Was guilty, not the City, nor is the City blam'd for ir. He that confiders the reafon that's given why that City rejected his Government, muff: conclude that the Ploly Ghoft rather approves of what they did, than con- demns them for it. Thefe kind of revolts are no precedents, fay you. But why were you thenfo vain, as to promife in the beginning of this Chapter, that you would argue from Examples, wheras all the Examples that you alledge, aremeer Negatives, which prove nothing ? and when we urge Examples that are folic! and pofitive, vou fay they are no Precedents. Who would endure fuch a way of arguing ? You challenged us at precedents •, we produced them ; and what do you do ? You hang back, and get out of the way. I proceed : Jehu at the Command of a Prophet, flew a King •, nay, he ordered the death of Abaziab, his own Liege Prince. If God would not have Tyrants put to death by their own Subjects, if it were a wicked thing fo to do, a thing of a bad Example j why did God himfelf command it ? If he commanded it, it was a lawful, com- mendable, and a praife-worthy Action. It was not therfore lawful to kill a Tyrant, becaufe God commanded it; but God commanded it, becaufe, antece- dently to his Command, it was a juftifiable and a lawful Action. Again, Jeboiada the High-Prieft did not fcruple to depofe Atbaliah, and kill her, tho' ffie had been feven years in actual PoffelTion of the Crown. But, fay you, foe took upon her the Government when fie bad no Right to it. And did not you fay your felf, buta while a£0, That Tiberius affimed the Sovereignty when it belonged not at all to him ? And yet you then affirm'd, that according to our Saviour T s Doctrine, we ought to yield Obedience to fuch Tyrants as he was. 'Twere a molt ridiculous thing to imagine, that a Prince, who gets in by Ufurpation, may lawfully be depofedj but one that rules tyrannically may not. But, fay you, Atbaliah cou'.d not polTi- bly reign according to the Law of ihejewijh Kingdom, Thoufialt fct over thee a K'ing, fays God Almighty ; be dees not fay, Thou fialt ft over thee a Queen. If this Argument have any weight, I may as well fay, the Command of God was. Vol. I. R r r due j.00 A Defence of the People ^England, that the People fhould fet over themfelves a King, not a Tyrant. So that I'm even with you. Amazias was a flothtul, idolatrous Prince, and was put to death, not by a few Conlpirators j but rather, it fhould feem, by the Nobility, and by the Body of the People. For he fled from Jerufilem, had none to ftand by him, and they purfued him to Lachijh : They took Counfel againft him, fays the Hiftory, becaufe he had forfaken God : And we do not find that Azarias his Son profecuted thofe that had cut off" his Father. You quote a great many fri- volous paflages out of the Rabbins, to prove chat the Kings of the Jews were lu- perior to the Sanhedrim. You do not confider Zedekiah's, own words, Jeretn. 38. The King is not he that can do any thing againft you. So that this was the Prince's own ftile. Thus he confeffed himfelf inferior to the great Council of the Realm. Perhaps, fay you, he meant that he durjt not deny them any thing for fear of Sedition. But what does your perhaps fignify, whofe moft pofitive aflerting any thing is not worth a Louie ? For nothing in Nature can be more fickle and inconhftent than you are. How oft have you appear'd in this Difcourfe inconfiftent with your felf; unfaying with one Breath what you had laid with another ? Here, again, you make Companions betwixt King Charles, and fome of the good Kings of Judah. You fpeak contemptibly of David, as if he were not worthy to come in competition with him. Confider David, fay you, an Adulterer, a Murderer ; King Charles was guilty of no fuch Crimes. Solomon his Son, who was accounted wife, &c. Who can with patience hear this filthy, rafcally Fool, fpeak lb irre- verently of Perfons eminent both in Greatnefs and Piety ? Dare you compare KingDavid with King Charles ; a moft religious King and Prophet, with a Su- perllitious Prince, and who was but a Novice in the Chriftian Religion ; a moft prudent wife Prince with a weak one ; a valiant Prince with a cowardly one ; finally, a moft juft Prince with a moft unjuft one? Have you the impudence to commend his Chaftity and Sobriety, who is known to have committed all man- ner of Lewdnefs in company with his Confident the Duke ofBuckingha;?: ? It were to no purpofe to enquire into the private Actions of his Life, who publicly at Plays would embrace and kifs the Ladies lafcivioufly, and handle Virgins and Matrons Breafts, not to mention the reft ? I advife you therfore, you counter- feit Plutarch, to'abftain from fuch like Parallels, left I be forced to publifh thofe things concerning King Charles, which I am willing to conceal. Hitherto we have entertained our felves with what the People of the Jews have acted or at- tempted againft Tyrants, and by what Right they did it in thofe times, when God himfelf did immediately, as it were, by his Voice from Heaven govern their Commonwealth. The Ages that fucceeded, do not afford us any Autho- rity, as from themfelves, but confirm us in our Opinion by their imitating the Actions of their Fore-fathers. For after the Baby'onijh Captivity, when God did not give any new command concerning the Crown, tho' the Royal Line was not extinct, we find the People returning to the old Mofaical Form of Govern- ment again. They were one while Tributaries to Antiochus, King, of Syria; yet when he enjoin'd them things that were contrary to the Law of God, they refilled him, and his Deputies, under the Conduct of their Priefts, the Macca- bees, and by force regain'd their former Liberty. After that, whoever was ac- counted moft worthy of it, had the Principality conferr'd upon him. 'Till at laft, Hircanus the Son of Simon, the Brother of Judah, the Maccabee, having fpoiled David's Sepulchre, entertain'd foreign Soldiers, and began to inveft the Priefthood with a kind of Regal Power. After whofe time his Son Ariftobulus was the firft that afium'd the Crown ; he was a Tyrant indeed, and yet the Peo- ple ftirred not againft him, which is no great wonder, for he reigned but one Year. And lie himfelf being overtaken with a grievous DifeaJe, and repenting of his own Cruelty and Wickednefs, defired nothing more than to die, and had his wiin. His Brother Alexander fucceeded him •, and againft him, you fay, the People raifedno Infurreilion, tho' he were a Tyrant too. And this Lye might have gone down with us, it'Jcfephus's Hiftory had not been extant. We fhould then have had no memory of thofe times, but what your Jofippus would afford us, out of whom you tranferibe a few fenfeleis and ufelefs Apothegms of the Pharifees. The Hiftory is thus : Alexander adminiftred the Public Affairs ill, both in War and Peace; and tho' he kept in pay great numbers of PiJiJians and Cilicians, yet could he not protect himfelf from, the Rage of the People : but whilft he wa* facrificing they fell upon him, and had almoft finother'd him with Boughs 4 in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 49 1 Jbughs of Palm-trees and Citron-trccs. Afterward the whole Nation made War upon him fix Years, during which time, when many thoufands. of die Jews had beenfiain, and hchimfelf being at length defirous of Peace, demand- ed of them, what they would have him do to fatisfy them ; they told him no- thing could do that, but his Blood, nay, that they fhould hardly pardon him after his death. This Hiftory you perceiv'd was not for your purpofe, and fo you put it off with a few Pharifaical Sentences ; when it had been much better either to have let it quite alone, or to have given a true Relation of it : but you truft to Lyes more than to the Truth of your Caufe. Even thole eight hundred Pbarifees, whom he commanded to be crucified, were of their number that fod taken up Arms againft him. And they with the reft of the People had folemnly protefted, that if they could fubdue the King's Forces, and get his Perfon into their power, they would put him to death. After the death of Alexander, his Wife Alexandra took the Government upon her, as Athaliah had formerly done not according to Law (for you have confefied, that the Laws of the Jews admit- ted not a Female to wear the Crown) but fhe got it partly by force, for fhe maintain'd an Army of Foreigners ; and partly by favour, for ihe had' brought over the Pbarifees to her Intereil, w hich fort of Men were of the greateft thority with the People. Them fhe had made her own, by putting the Power into their Hands, and retaining to her felf only the Name. Juft as the Scotch Prefbyterians lately allowed Charles the Name of King, but upon condition that he would let them be King in effect. After the death of Alexandra, Hyrca- nus and Arijlobidus, her Sons, contended for the Sovereignty : Ariftcbulus was more induftrious, and having a greater Party, forced his Elder Brother out of the Kingdom. A while after, when Pompey pafled through Syria, in his return from the Mitbridatic War; the Jews, fuppofing they had now an opportunity of regaining their Liberty, by referring their Caufe to him, difpatch an Embaffy to him in their own Names ; they renounce both the Brothers ; complain that they hadenflaved them. Pompey depofed Ari/lobului, leaves the Priefthood and inch a Principality as the Laws allowed to Hyrcanus the Elder. From that time forward he was called High-Pried, and Ethnarcha. After thefe times in the Reign of Archelaus, the Son of Herod, the Jews fent fifty Ambafladors to An- gujlus Ctefar; accufed Herod that was dead, and Archelaus his Son, that then reigned •, they depofed him as much as in them lay, and pctition'd the Empe- ror, that the People of the Jews might be govern'd without a King. C.efar was moved at their entreaty, and did not appoint a King over them, but a Gover- nour, whom they called an Elhnarch. When that Governour had prefided ten years over Judea, the People fent Ambaflfadors again to Rome, and accufed him of Tyranny. Cafar heard them gracioufty ; fent for the Governour, condemn'd him to perpetual Exile, and banifhed him to Vienna. Anfwer me now, that People that accufed their own Princes, that defir'd their Condemnation, that defir'd their PuniJhment, would not they themfelves rather, if it had been in their power, and that they might have had their choice ; would not they, I fay, rather have put them to death themfelves ? You do not deny, but that the Peo- ple, and the Nobles often took up Arms againft the Roman Deputies, when by their Avarice, or their Cruelty, their Government was burdenfome and op- ?refiive. But you give a ridiculous reafon for this, as all the reft of yours are. '011 lay, They were not yet accuflomed to the Yoke; very like they were not, under Alexander, Herod, and his Son. But, fay you, they would not raife War againft Caius Caefar, nor Petronius. I confefs they did not, and they did very prudent- ly in abftaining, for they were not able. Will you hear their own words upon that occafion ? We will not make War, fay they, becaufe we cannot . That thing which they themfelves acknowledge, they refrain'd from for want of Ability ; you, falfe Hypocrite, pretend they abftain'd from out of Religion. Then with a great deal of toil you do juft nothing at all ; for you endeavour to prove out of the Fathers (tho' you had done it as fuperficially before) that Kings are to be prayed for. That good Kings are to be pray'd for, no Man de- nies •, nay, and bad ones too, as long as there are any hopes of them : fo wfe ought to pray for Highway-men, and for our Enemies. But how ? Not thai they may plunder, fpoil and murder us; but that they may repent. We pray both for Thieves and Enemies ; and yet whoever dreamt but that it was law- fa] to put the Laws in execution againft one, and to light againft the other ? Vol. I. R r r 2 I 492 A Defence of the People of England, I value not the Egyptian Liturgy that you quote ; but the Prieft that you mention, who prayed that Commodus might fucceed his Father in the Empire, did not pray for any thing in my opinion, but imprecated all themifchiefs imaginable to the Roman State. You lay, that we have broken our Faith, which we engaged more than once infolemn Affemblies to preferve the Authority and Majejly of the King. But be- caufe hereafter you are more large upon that fubjecl:, I mall pafs it by in this place ; and talk with you when you come to it again. You return then to the Fathers •, concerning whom take this in fhort. Whatever they fay, which is not warranted by the Authority of the Scriptures, or by good Reaibn, fhall be of no more regard with me, than if any other ordinary Man had faid it. The firft that you quote is Tertullian, who is no Orthodox Writer, notorious for many errors •, whofe authority, if he were of your opinion, would ftand you in no Head. But what fays he ? He condemns Tumults and Rebellions. So do we. But in faying fo, we do not mean to deftroy all the People's Rights and Privi- leges, all the Authority of Senates, the Power of all Magiftrates, the King only excepted. The Fathers declaim againft Seditions raihly raifed, by the giddy heat of the multitude ; they fpeak not of the inferior Magiftrates, of Senates, of Parlaments encouraging the People to a lawful oppoiing of a Tyrant. Hence Ambrcfe, whom you quote •, " Not to refift, fays he, but to weep and to figh, •' thefe are the Bulwarks of the Priefthood j what one is there of our little num- " ber who dares fay to the Emperor, I do not like your Laws ? This is not al- " lowed the Priefts, and fhall Lay-men pretend to it ?" Tis evident of what fort of Perfons he fpeaks, viz. of the Priefts, and fuch of the People as are private Men not of the Magiftrates. You fee by how weak and prepofterous a reaibn he lighted a Torch as it were to the diffenfions that were afterwards to arife be- twixt the Laity and the Clergy concerning even Civil or Temporal Laws. But becaufe yoa think you preft hardeft upon us with the Examples of the Primitive Chriftians •, who tho' they were haraffed as much as a People could be, yet, you fay, they never took up Arms againft the Emperor : I will make it appear, in the firft place, that for the molt part they could not : Secondly, that whenever they could, they did : And thirdly, that whether they did or did not, they were fucli a fort of People, as that their example deferves but to have little fway with us. Firft therfore, no Man can be ignorant of this, that when the Commonwealth of Kome expired, the whole and fovereign power in the Empire was fettled in the Emperor; that all the Soldiers were under his pay; infomuch that if the whole Body of the Senate, the Eqiieftrian Order, and all the common People had endea- voured to work a change, they might have made way for a maffacre of themfelves,. but could not in any probability retrieve their loft Liberty : for the Empire would ftill have continued, tho* they might perhaps have been fo lucky as to have kill'd the Emperor. This being fo, what could the Chriftians do ? 'Tis true, there were a great many of them •, but they were difperfed, they were generally Perfons of mean quality, and but of fmall intereit in the World. How many of them would one Legion have been abie to keep in awe? Could lb inconfiderable a body of Men as they were in thofe days, ever expect to accomplifh an Enter- prize that many famous Generals, and whole Armies of tried Soldiers had loft their lives in attempting? When about 300 years after our Saviour's Nativity, which was near upon 20 years before the Reign of Conflantine the Great, when Biockfian was Emperor, there was but one Chriftian Legion in the whole Ro- Empire •, which Legion, for no other reaibn than becaufe it coniitted of Chriftians, was flain by the reft of the Army at a Town in France called Oclodu- ram. The Chriftians, fay you, confpir'dnot ii///)Caffius,':c77i'Albinus, with Niger;, and does Tertullian think they merited by not being willing tolofe their lives in the quarrels of Infidels ? 'Tis evident therfore that the Chriftians could not free themfelves from the yoke of the Roman Emperors ; and it could be no ways ad- vantageous to their intereft to confpire with Infidels, as long as Heathen Em- ptors reign'd. But that afterwards the Chriftians made war upon Tyrants, and defended themfelves by force of Arms when there was occaiiou, and many times revenged upon Tyrants their Enormities, I am now r about to make appear. In the firft place, Conjlantine being a Chriftian, made war upon Licinius,\ru± cut him off, who was his Partner in the Sovereign Power, becaufe he molefted the Eajlern Chriltians-, by which aft of his he declared thus much at leaft, that one Magistrate might punifh another : For he for his Subjects fake punilhed L- in anfwer to Salmafius'i- Defence of the King. 40 3 cinittSy who to all intents was as abfolutc in the Empire as himfelf, and did not leave the vengeance to God alone : Licinius might have done the fame to I tine, if there had been the like occafion. So then, it the matter be not wholly referved to God's own Tribunal, but that Men have fomething to do in the cafe, why did not the Parlament of England ftand in the fame relation to King Charla, that Confiantine did to Licinius? The Soldiers made Conjlantine what he was : But our Laws have made our Parlaments equal, nay, fupcrior to our Ki The Inhabitants of Conftantinople refilled Conjlantius an Avian Emperor, by force of Arms, as long as they were able •, they oppofed Henncgencs whom he had fent with a Military power to depofe Paul an Orthodox Bifhop •, the houfc whither he had betaken himfelf for lecurity, they fired about his ears, and ac laft killed him right-out. Conjians threaten'd to make war upon his Brother Conjlantius, unlets he would reltore Paul and Athanafius to their Bifhoprics. You fee thofe holy Fathers, when their Bifhoprics were in danger, were not a- yg3 fhamed to ftir up their Prince's own Brother to make War upon him. Not long after, the Chriftian Soldiers, who then made whom they would Emperors, put to death Conjians the Son of Conjlautinus, becaufe he behaved himfelf diffolutely and proudly in the Government, and tranflated the Empire to Magnentius. Nay, thofe very perfons thatfaluted Julian by the name of Emperor, againft Confiantius'% will, who was actually in poffeilion of the Empire, (for Julian was not then an Apoftate, but a virtuous and valiant perfon) are they not amongft the number of thofe Primitive Chriftians, whofe Example you propoie to us for our imagination ? Which action of theirs, when Conjlantius by his Letters to the People very lharply and earneftly forbad, (which Letters were openly read eg them) they all cried out unanimoufiy, That themfelves had but done what the Provincial Magiftrates, the Army, and the Authority of the Commonwealth had decreed. The fame perfons declared War againft Conjlantius, and contri- buted as much as in them lay, to deprive him both of his Government and his Life. How did the Inhabitants of Antioch behave themfelves, who were none of the word fort of Chriftians ? PI! warrant you they pray'd for Julian, after he became an Apoftate, whom they ufed to rail at in his own prefence, and fcoffing at his long Beard bid him make Ropes of it : LIpon the news of whofe death they offer'd public Thankfgivings, made Feafts, and gave other public Demonltrations of Joy. Do you think they ufed when he was alive to pray tor the continuance of his life and health ? Nay, is it not reported, that a Chriiti- an Soldier in his own Army was the Author of his death ? Sozor/wn, a Writer of Ecclefiaftical Hiilory, does not deny it, but commends him that did it, if the Fact were lb : ' For it is no wonder, fays be, that fome of his own Soldiers ' might think within himfelf, that not only the Gneks, but all Mankind hitherto ' had agreed that it was a commendable action to kill a Tyrant-, and that they ' deferve all men's praife, who are willing to die themfelves to procure the liber- ' ty of all others: So that that Soldier ought not rafhly to be condemned, ' who in the Caule of God and of Religion, was fo zealous and valiant.' Thefe are the words of Sozomen, a good and religious Man of that age. By which we may eafdy apprehend what the general opinion of pious men in thofe days was upon this point. Ambrofe himfelf being commanded by the Emperor Valenti- vian the Younger, to depart from Milan, refufed to obey him, but defended himfelf and the Palace by force of Arms againft the Emperor's Officers, and took upon him, contrary to his own Doctrine, torefijl the higher powers. There was a great fedition raifed at Conflantinople againft the Emperor Arcadius, more than once, by reafon of Cbryfojlcmh Exile. Hitherto I have fhewn how the Pri- mitive Chriftians behaved themfelves towards Tyrants; how not only the Chri- ftian Soldiers, and the People, but the Fathers of the Church themfelves, have both made War upon them, and oppofed them with force, and all this before St. Jujlin'a time: for you your felf are pleated to go down no lower ; and ther- fore I make no mention of Valeniinian the Son of Placidia, who was Haiti by Maxmm a Senator, for committing Adultery with his Wife ; nor do I mention Avitus the Emperor, whom, becaufe he difbanded the Soldiers, and betook himfelf wholly to a luxurious life, the Roman Senate immediately depofed ; be- cai tilings came to pais fome years after St. Aufiin's, death. _ But all this I give you: Suppofe I had not mentioned the practice of the Primitive Chrifti- aas; fuppoii ih -v never had ftirred in oppolitiun to Tyrants •, I . they had 494 A Defence of the People of England, had accounted it unlawful fo to do; I will make it appear that they were not fuck Perfons, as that we ought to rely upon their Authority, or can fafely follow their Example. Long before Conjlantine's time the generality of Chriftians had loft much of the Primitive Sanctity and Integrity both of their Doctrine and Manners. Af» terwards, when he had vaftly enriched the Church, they began to fall in love with Honour and Civil Power, and then the Chriftian Religion went to wrack. Firft Luxury and Sloth, and then a great drove of Herefies and Immoralities broke Ioofe amoncr them; and thefe begot Envy, Hatred and Difcord, which abounded every where. At laft, they that were linked together into one Brotherhood by that holy band of Religion, were as much at variance and ftrife among themfelves as the moft bitter Enemies in the world could be. No reverence for, no conside- ration of their duty was left amongft them : the Soldiers and Commanders of the Army, as oft as they pleafed themfelves, created new Emperors, and fome- times killed good ones as well as bad. I need not mention fuch as Verannio, Maxitms, Eugenius, whom the Soldiers all of a fudden advanced and made them Emperors; nor Gratian, an excellent Prince ; nor Valentinian the younger, who was none of the worft, and yet were put to death by them. It is true, thefe things were acted by the Soldiers, and Soldiers in the Field ; but thofe Soldiers were Chriftians, and lived in that Age which you call Evangelical, and whofe example you propofe to us for our imitation. Now you fhall hear how the Cler- gy managed themfelves: Paftorsand Bifhops, and fometimes thofe very Fathers whom we admire and extol to fo high a degree, every one of whom was a Lea- der of their feveral Flocks ; thofe very men, I fay, fought for their Bifhoprics, as Tyrants did for their Sovereignty, fometimes throughout the City, fometimes in the very Churches, fometimes at the Altar, Clergy-men and Lay-men fought promifcuoufly ; they flew one another, and great {laughters were made on both fides. You may remember Damafus and Urcifinus, who were Contemporaries with Ambrofe. It would be too long to relate the tumultuary Infurrections of the Inhabitants of Conftantimple, Antioch, and Alexandria, efpecially thofe under the Conduct and Management of Cyril/us, whom you extol as a Preacher up of Obedience ; when the Monks in that Fight, within the City, had almoft flain Orejlcs, Theodofms'% Deputy. Now who can fufficiently wonder at your Impu- dence, or Careleflhefs and Neglect ? " 'Till St. Auftin'j time, fay you, and lower " down than the Age that he lived in, there is not any mention extant in Hijiory, of " any private Perfon, of any Commander, or of any number of Confpirators, that have " put their Prince to death, or taken up Arms againft him ." I have named to you out of known and approved Hiftories, both private Perfons and Magiftrates, that With their own hands have flain not only bad, but very good Princes : Whole Armies of Chriftians, many Bifhops among them, that have fought a- gainft their own Emperors. You produce fome of the Fathers, that with a great flourifh of words, perfwade or boaft of Obedience to Princes : And I, on the other fide, produce both thofe fame Fathers, and others befides them, that by their actions have declined Obedience to their Princes, even in lawful things; have defended themfelves with a Military Force againft them; others that have oppofed forcibly, and wounded their Deputies ; others that being Competitors for Bifhoprics, have maintained Civil Wars againft one ano- ther : As if it were lawful for Chriftians to wage War with Chriftians for a Bifhopric, and Citizens with Citizens ; but unlawful to fight againft a Tyrant, in defence of our Liberty, of our Wives and Children, and of our Lives them- felves. Who would own fuch Fathers as thefe ? You produce St. Auftin, who vou fay, afferts that the Power of a Mafter over his Servants, and a Prince over his SubjetJs, is one and the fame thing. But I anfwer ; If St. Aajlin aflert any fuch thing, he afferts what neither our Saviour, nor any of his Apoftles ever afTerted ; tho' for the confirmation of that AfTertion, than which nothing can be more falfe, he pretends to rely wholly upon their Authority. The three or four laft Pages of this Fourth Chapter, are fluffed with meer Lyes, or things carelefly and loofelyput together, that are little to the purpofe : And that every one that reads them, will difcover by what has been laid already. For what concerns the Pope, againft whom you declaim fo loudly, I am content you fhould bawl at him, till you are hoarfe. But wheras you endeavour to perfwade the igno- rant, that all that called themfelves Chriftians, yielded an entire obedience to Princes , whether good or bad, till the PapalPcwer grew t?(Ls( height, that it was acknowledged fuperioK in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 49 ? fuperior to that of the Civil Magi 'ft 'rate, and till he took upon him to abfolve Stibjetls from their Allegiance : I have fufnciently proved by many Examples before and fince the age that St. Mguftttie lived in, that nothing can be more falfe. Neither does that f'eem to have much more truth in it, which you fay in the lad place •, viz. That Pope Zachary abfolvedthe French-men/row their Oath of Allegiance to their King. For Francis Hot toman, who was both a French-man and a Lawyer, aud a very learned man, in the 13th Chapter of his Francogallia,, denies that either Chilperic was depofed, or the Kingdom tranflated to Pepin by the Pope's Autho- rity ; and he proves out of very ancient Chronicles of that Nation, that the whole affair was tranfacted in the great Council of the Kingdom, according to the original Conflitution of that Government. Which being once done, the hrench Hiftories, and Pope Zachary himfelf, deny that there was any necefiity of abi'olving his Subjects from their Allegiance. For not only Hot toman, but Guic- card<, a very eminent Hiftorian of that Nation, informs us, that the ancient 1< coords of the Kingdom of France teitify, that the Subjects of that Nation upon the firft inltitmion of Kingfhip ambng'ft them, referved a power to them- ielves, both of chufing their Princes, and of depofing them again, if they thought lit: And that the Oath of Allegiance which they took, was upon this express condition -, to tvit, that the King mould likewife perform what at his Corona- tion he fworc to do. So that if Kings by mifgoverning the People committed to their charge, firft broke their own Oath to their Subjects, there needs no Pope todifpenfe with the People's Oaths-, the Kings themfelves by their own perfidi- oufnefs having abfolved their Subjects. And finally, Pope Zachary himfelf in a Letter of his to the French, which you your felf quote, renounces, and afcribes to the People that Authority which you fay heaffumes to himfelf: For, " if a " Prince be accountable to the People, being beholden to them for his Royalty; " if the People, fince they make Kings, have the fame Right to depofe them, as the very words or that Pope are; it is not likely that the French-men would by any Oath depart in the Ieaft from that ancient Right, or ever tie up their own hands, lb as not to hive the fame Right that their Anceftors always had, to de- pofe bad Princes, as well as to honour and obey good ones ; nor is it likely that they thought thcmlelves obliged to yield that Obedience to Tyrants, which they fvvore to yield only togood Princes. A People obliged to Obedience by fuch an Oath, is difcharged of that Obligation, when a lawful Prince be- comes a Tyrant, or gives himfelf over to Sloth and Voluptuoufnefs ; the rule of Jultice, the very Law of Nature difpenfes with fuch a People's Alle- giance. So that even by the Pope's own opinion, the People were under no Obligation to yield Obedience to Chilperic, and confequently had no need of a Difpenfaticn. CHAP. V. THO' I am of opinion, Salmafius, and always was, that the Law of God does exactly agree with the Law of Nature ; fo that having Ihown what the Law of God is, with refpect to Princes, and what the practice has been of the People of God, both Jews and Chrijlians, I have at the lame time, and by the lame difcourfc, made appear what is molt agreeable to the Law oi Nature: yet becaufe you pretend to confute us mojl pozverfidly by the Law of Nature, I will be content to admic that to be neceliary, which before I had thought would be luperiluous; that in this Chapter I may demonftrate., that nothing is more luitab'e to the Law of Nature, than that Puniihment be inflicted upon Tyrants. Which if I do not evince, I will then agree with you, that likewife by the Law of God they are exempt. I do not purpofe to frame a long Dilcourfe of Na- ture in general, and the Original of Civil Societies; that Argument has been largely handled by many Learned Men, both Greek and Latin. But I (hall en- deavour to be as fhort as may be; and my defign is not fomuch to confute you (who would willingly have lpared this pains) as to ihow that you confute your felf, and deftroy your own Pofitions. I'll begin with that firlt Pofition which you lay down as a Fundamental, and that lhall be the Ground-work of my en- 1 luing 496 A Defence of the People of England, filing Difcourfe. The Law of Nature, fay you, is a Principle imprinted on all mens minds, to regard the good of all Mankind, confidering men as united together id Societies. But this innate Principle cannot procure that common good, unlefs, as there are people that mud be governed Jo that very Principle a/certain who Jbati govern them. To wit left the ftronger opprefs the weaker, and thole perfons, who for their mutual Safety and Protection have united themfelves together, mould be dis- united and divided by Injury and Violence, and reduced to a beftial ftvage life a- gain. This I fuppofe is what you mean. Out of the number of thofe that united into one body, you fay, there mujl needs have been fome chofen, who excelled the reft in Wifdom and Valour; that they either by force, or by perfwafion, might refirain thofe that were refrailory, and keep them within due bounds. Sometimes it would fo fall out that one Jingle Perfon, whofe ConduH and Valour was extraordinary, might be able to do this, and femetimes more affifted one another with their Advice and Counfel. But Jince it is impoffible that any one manfhould order all things himfelf, there was a neceffitj of his confulting with others, and taking fome into fart of the Government with bimfelj : So that whether afingle perfon reign, or whether the Supreme Power refide in the body of ihePeople,fince it is impoffible that allflrndd adminijlerthe affairs of theCommonwealtl\ cr that one manflooulddo all, the Government does always lie upon thefooidders of ma- ny. And afterwards you fay, both Forms of Government, whether by mar.y cr a few, or by afingle perfon, are equally according to the Law of Nature ; for bah pro- ceed from the fame Principle of Nature, viz. That it is impoffible for any f.nglc ferfm fo to ^ over n alone, as not to admit others into a/hare of the Government with himfelf. Tho' I might have taken all this out of the third Book of ~ An forte's Politics, I chofe rather to transcribe it out of your own Book ; for you Hole it from him, as Prometheus did fire from Jupiter, to the ruin of Monarchy, and overthrow of yourfelf, and your own opinion. For enquire as diligently as you can for your life, into the Law of Nature, as you have defcribed it, you will not find theleaft footftep in it of Kingly Power, as you explain it. The Law of Nature, fay you, in ordering who JJjou/d govern others, rcfpecled the univerfal good cf all man- kind. It did not then regard the private good of any particular perfon, not of a Prince, fo that the King is for the People, and confequently the People fupc- rior to him-, which being allowed, it is impoffible that Princes fhould have any ri°-htto opprefs or enflave the people; that the inferior lhouldhave right to ty- rannize over the fuperior. So that fince Kings cannot pretend to any right to do mifchief, the right of the people muft be acknowledged according to the Law of Nature to be fuperior to that of Princes ; and therfore by the fame right, that before Kingfhip was know r n, men united their Strength and Counfels for their mutual Safety and Defence •, by the fame right, that for the prefervation of all men's Liberty, Peace, and Safety, they appointed one or more to govern the reft •, by the fame right they may depofe thole very perfons, whom for their Valour or Wifdom they advanced to the Government, or any others that rule diforderly, if they find them by reafon of their flothfulnefs, folly, or impiety, unfit for Government : fince Nature does not regard the good of one, or of .1 few, but of all in general. For what fort of perfons were they whom you fuppofe to have been chofen ? You fay, they were fuch as excelled in Courage and Ccnduit,tu ■wit, inch as by Nature feemed fitteft for Government; who by reafon of their ex- cellent Wifdom and Valour, were enabled to undertake fo great a Charge. The confequence of this I take to be, that Right of Succeffion is not by the Law of Na- ture; that no Man by the Law of Nature has right to be King, unlefs he excel all others in Wifdom and Courage •, that all fuchas reign, and want thefe qualificati- ons, are advanced to theGovernment by Force or Faction ; have no right by the Law of Nature to be what they are, but ought rather to be Slaves than Princes. For Nature appoints that wife Men mould govern Fools, not that wicked Men Ihou'.d rule over good Men -, Fools over wife Men : And confequently, they that take the Government out of fuch men's hands, act according to the Law of Na- ture. To what end Nature diredts wife Men fhould bear the Rule, you fhall hear in your own words-, viz. " That by Force or by Perfwafion, they may keep fuch *' as are unruly, without due bounds." But how fhould he keep others within the bounds of their duty, that neglects, or is ignorant of, or wilfully ads contrary to his own ? Alledge now, it you can, any dictate of Nature, by which we are enjoined to neglect the wife Intlitutions of the Law of Nature, and have no regard to them in Civil and Public Concerns, when we fee what great and ad- mirable in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 497 mirable things Nature her felf effects in things that are inanimate and void of fenfe, rather than loie her end. Produce any Rule of Nature, or Natural Juftice, by which inferior Criminals ought to be punilhed, but Kings and Prin- ces to go unpuniflied •, and not only fo, but tho' guilty of the greateft Crimes imaginable, be had in Reverenc, and almoft adored. You a<*ree, That all Forms of Government, whether by many, or few, or by a fingle perfon, are equally agree- able to the Law of Nature. So that the perfon of a King is not by the Law of Nature more facred than a Senate of Nobles, or Magistrates, chofen from a- mongft the common people, who you grant may be puniflied, and ought to be if they offend •, and confequently, Kings ought to be fo too, who are appoint- ed to rule for the very fame end and purpofe that other Magistrates are. For fay you, Nature does not allow any /ingle perfon to bear rulefo entirely, as not to have Partners in the Government. It does not therfore allow of a Monarch -, it does not allow one fingle perfon to rule fo, as that all others fliould be in a flavifh fub- jection to his Commands only. You that give Princes fuch Partners in the Go- vernment, as in whom, to ufe your own words, the Government always refdes, do at the fame time make others Colleagues with them, and equal to them ; nay, and confequently you fettle a power in thofe Colleagues of punilhing, and of de- pofing them. So that while you your felf go about, not to extol a Kingly Govern- ment, but to eftablifh it by the Law of Nature, you deftroy it ; no greater mif- fortune could befall Sovereign Princes, than to have fuch an Advocate as you are. Poor unhappy wretch! what blindnefs of mind has feiz'd you, that you mould unwittingly take fo much pains to difcover your knavery and folly, and make it vifible to the world, (which before you conceal'd in fome meafure, and dif- guis'd) that you fliould be fo induitrious to heap difgrace and ignominy upon your felt ? What offence does Heaven punifh you for, in making you appear in public, and undertake the defence of a defperate Caufe, with fo much impu- dence and chiklifhnefs, and inftead of defending it, to betray it by your igno- rance ? What Enemy of yours would defire to fee you in a more forlorn, defpi- cable condition than you are, who have no refuge left from the depth of mifery, but in your own imprudence and want of fenfe, fince by your unskilful and filly defence, you have rendered Tyrants the more odious and deteftable, by aicri- bing to them an unbounded liberty of doing mifchief with impunity ; and con- fequently have created them more Enemies than they had before ? But I return to your Contradictions. When you had refolv'd with your felf to be fo wicked as to endeavour to find out a Foundation for Tyranny in the Law of Nature, you faw a neceflity of extolling Monarchy above other forts of Government ; which you cannot go about to do, without doing as you ufe to do, that is, con- tradicting your felf. For having faid but a little before, That all Forms of Go- vernment, whether by more or fewer ■, or by a fingle perfon, are equally according to the Law of Nature, now you tell us, that of all thefs forts of Government, that of a fingle perfon is moft natural : Nay, though you had laid in exprefs terms but lately, That the Law of Nature does not allow that any Government fhould refide entirely in one man. Now upbraid whom you will with the putting of Tyrants to death ; fince you your felf, by your own folly, have cut the Throats of all Monarchs, nay, even of Monarchy it felf. But it is not to the purpofe for us here to dif- pute which Form of Government is beft, by one fingle perfon, or by many. I confefs many eminent and famous men have extolled Monarchy ; but it has al- ways been upon this fuppofition, that the Prince were a very excellent perfon, and one that of all others deferved belt to reign ; without which Suppofition, no Form of Government can be fo prone to Tyranny as Monarchy is. And wheras you refemble a Monarchy to the Government of the World, by one Divine Being, I pray anfwer me, Whether you think that any other can deferve to be invelted with a power here on Earth, that fhall refemble his power that governs the World, except fuch a perfon as does infinitely excel all other Men, and both for Wifdom and Goodnefs in fome meafure refemble the Deity ? and fuch a perfon in my opinion, none can be but the Son of God himfelf. And wheras you make a Kingdom to be a kind of Family, and make a companion betwixt a Prince and the Mafter of a Family ; obferve how lame the Parallel is. For a Mafter of a Family begot part of his Houfhold, at lealt he feeds all thofe that are of his houfe, and upon that account deferves to have the Government -, but the reafon holds not in the cafe of a Prince ; nay, 'tis quite contrary. In Vol. I. Sff the 49 8 A Defence of the People of England, the next place, you propofe to us for cur imitation the example of inferior Creatures, efpecially of Birds, and amongft them of Bees, which according to your flcill in Natural Philofophy, are a fort of Birds too ; The Bees have a King over them. The Bees of Trent you mean ; don't you remember ? all other Bees, you your felf confers to be Commonwealths. But leave off playing the fool with Bees •, they belong to the Mufes, and hate, and (you fee) confute inch a Beetle as you are. The Quails are, under a Captain. Lay fuch ihares for your own Bitterns ; you are not Fowler good enough to catch us. Now you begin to be perfonally concerned. Callus Gailinaceus, a Cock, fay you, has both Cocks and Hens under him. How can that be, fince you your felf that are Callus, and but too much Gailinaceus, by report cannot govern your own fingle Hen, but let her govern you ? So that if a Gailinaceus be a King over many Hens, you that are a (lave to one, mult own your felf not to be lb good as a Gailinaceus, but fome Stercorarius Gallia, fome Dunghil-Cock or other. For matter of Books, there is no body publifheshuger Dunghils than you, and you difturb all people with your fhitten Cock-crow, that's the only property in which you referable ■i true Cock. I'll throw you a great many Barley-corns, if in ranfacking this Duno-hil Book of yours, you can ihow me but one Jewel. But why ihould I promife you Barley, that never peckt at Corn, as that honeft plain Cock that we read of in Mfop, but at Gold, as that Roguey Cock in Plautas, though with a different event ; for you found a hundred Jacobufjes, and he was ftruck dead with Euclid's Club, which you deferve more than he did. But let us go on : That fame natural reafon that defigns the good and fafety of all Mankind, requires, that whoever is once promoted to the Sovereignty, be preferred in the poffeffon of it. Who ever queft.on'd this, as long as his prefervation is conliftent with the fafety of all the reft ? But is it not obvious to all men that nothing can be more con- trary to natural reafon than that any one man Ihould be preferred and defended to the utter ruin and deftruclion of all others ? But yet (you fay) it is better to keep and defend a bad Prince, nay one of the worft that ever was, than to change him for another ; becaufe his ill Government cannot do the Commonwealth fo much harm as the difturbances will occafion, which mvft ofneceffity be raifed before the people can get rid of him. But what is this to the Right of Kings by the Law of Nature ? If Nature teaches me rather to differ my felf to be robbed by Highwaymen, or if I Ihould be taken Captive by fuch, to purchafe my Liberty with all my Eftate, than to fight with them for my life, can you infer from thence, that they have a natural right to rob and ipoil me ? Nature teaches men to give way fometimes to the violence and outrages of Tyrants, the neceflity of affairs fometimes en- forces a Toleration with their enormities ; what foundation can you find in this forced patience of a Nation, in this compulfory fubmiflion, to build a Right upon, for Princes to tyrannize by the Law of Nature ? That Right which Na- ture has given the people for their own prefervation, can you affirm that fhe has invefted Tyrants with for the people's ruin and deftruction ? Nature teaches, us, of two evils to chufe the leaft ; and to bear with oppreffion, as long as there is a neceflity of fo doing ; and will you infer from hence, that Tyrants have fome Right by the Law of Nature to opprefs their Subjects, and go unpunifh- ed, becaufe as circumftances may fall out, it may fometimes be a lefs mifchief to bear with them than to remove them ? Remember what your felf once wrote concerning Biihops againft a Jefuit ; you were then of another opinion than you are now : I have quoted your words formerly ; you there affirm that feditious Civil diffcvJioKS and difcords of the Nobles and Common People againjl and among/} one another, are much more tolerable, and lefs mifchievous than certain mifery and ae- flruQion under the Government of a fingle perfon, that plays the Tyrant. And you laid very true. For you had not then run mad ; you had not then been bribed with Charles his Jacobuffes. You had not got the King's-Evil. I ihould tell you perhaps, if I did not know you, that you might be alhamed thus to prevaricate. But you can fooner burft than blulh, who have caft off all fhame for a little pro- fit. Did you not remember, that the Commonwealth ol the people of Rome flourifhed and became glorious when they had banifhed their Kings? Could you poflibly forget that of the Low Countries ? which after it had Ihook off the Yoke of the King of Spain, after long and tedious Wars, but crowned with fuccefs, obtained its Liberty, and feeds fuch a pitiful Grammarian as your felf with a Pennon : but not with a defign that their Youth might be fo infatuated by your Sophiftry, in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 409 Sophiftry, as to chufe rather to return to their former Slavery than inherit the Glorious Liberty which their Ancellors purchafed for them. May thofeperni- cioys principles of yours be banifhed with your felf into the molt remote and barbarous Corners of the World. And laft of all, the Commonwealth of Eng- land might have afforded you an example, in which Charles, who had been their King, after he had been taken captive in War, and was found incurable, was put to death. But they have defaced and impoverijh'd the IJlandwitb Civil broils and difcords, which under its Kings was happy, and [warn in Luxury. Yea, when it was almoft buried in Luxury and Voluptuoufnefs, and the more' inured thereto, that it might be enthralled the more eafily ; when its Laws were abolifhed and its Religion agreed to be fold, they delivered it from Slavery. You are 'like him that publifhed Simplicius and Epicletus in the fame Volume •, a very »rave Stoic who call an IJland happy, becaufe it fwirns in Luxury. I'm fure no fuch Doctrine ever came out of Zeno\ School. But why mould not you, who would give Kings a power of doing what they lift, have liberty your felf to broach what new Philofophy you pleafe ? Now begin again to adf. your part. 'There never was in any King's Reign fo much Blood fpilt, fo many Families ruined. All this is to be imputed to Charles, not to us, who firft raifed an Army of Irijhmen againft us •, who by his own Warrant authorized the Iri/h Nation to confpire ao-ainft the Engli/h ; who by their means flew two hundred thoufand of his £ngIi/b°Sub- jetts in the Province of Uijler, befides what Numbers were (lain in other parts of that Kingdom 5 who folicited two Armies towards the deftruction of the Par- lament of England, and the City of London ; and did many other actions of Hoftility before the Parliament and People had lifted one Soldier for the prefer- vation and defence of the Government. What Principles, what Law, what Re- ligion ever taught men rather to confult their eafe, to fave their Money, their Blood, nay their Lives themfelves, than to oppofe an Enemy with force? fori make no difference between a Foreign Enemy and another, fince both are equally dangerous and deftrucTive to the good of the whole Nation. The People of If- rael&vr very well, that they could not poffibly punifh the Benjamites for mur- dering the Lcvitc's Wife, without the lofs of many Men's Lives : And did that induce them to lit ftill ? Was that accounted a fufficient Argument why they ihould abftain from War, from a very Bloody Civil War ? Did they therfore fuffer the death of one poor Woman to be unrevenged ? Certainly if Nature teaches us rather to endure the Government of a King, though he be never fo bad, than to endanger the Lives of a great many Men in the recovery of our Liberty •, it mult teach us likewife not only to endure a Kingly Government, which is the only one that you argue ought to be fubmitted to, but even an A- riftocracy and a Democracy : Nay, and fometimes it will perfuade us, to fub- mit to a Multitude of Highwaymen, and to Slaves that mutiny. Fulvius and Rupilius, if your Principles had been received in their days, muft not have en- gaged in the Servile War (as their Writers call it) after the Praetorian Armies were flain : Craffus muft not have marched againft Sparticus, after the Rebels had deftroyed one Roman Army, and Ipoiled their Tents : Nor muft Pompey have undertaken the Pyraiic War. But the State of Rome muft have purfued the dictates of Nature, and muft have fubmitted to their own Slaves, or to the Py- rates rather than run the hazard of lofing fome Men's Lives. You do not prove at all, that Nature has imprinted any fuch notion as this of yours on the minds of Men : And yet you cannot forbear boding us ill luck, and denouncing the Wrath of God againft us (which may Heaven divert, and inflidt it upon your felf, and all fuch Prognofticators as you) who have punifhed, as he deferved, one that had the name of our King, but was in facf our implacable Enemy ; and we have made Atonement for the death of fo many of our Countrymen, as our Ci- vil Wars have occafion'd, by fhedding his Blood, that was the Author and Caufe of them. Then you tell us, that a Kingly Government appears to be more according to the Laws of Nature, becaufe more Nations, both in our days and of old, have fubmitted to that Form of Government, than ever did to any other. I anfwer, If that be fo, it was neither the effect of any dicfate of the Law of Nature, nor was it in Obedience to any Command from God. God would not fuffer his own People to be under a King •, he confented at laft, but unwillingly : what Nature and right Reafon dictates, we are not to gather from the practice of moft Nations, but of the wifeft and moll prudent. The Grecians, the Romans, the Vol. I, Sff 2 Italians, t oo -A Defence of the People of England, Italians, and Carthaginians with many other, have of their own accord, out of choice^ preferr'd a Commonwealth to a Kingly Government •, and thefe Na- tions that I have named, are better inftances than all the reft. Hence Sulpitius Severus fays, * That the very name of a King was always very odious among * freeborn People. But thefe things concern not our prefent purpofe, nor many other Impertinences that follow over and over again. I'll make hafte to prove that by Examples* which I have proved already by Reafon ; viz. That it is very agreeable to the Law of Nature, that Tyrants mould be punifhed ; and that all Nations, by the inftinct of Nature, have punifhed them •, which will expofe your Impudence, and make it evident, that you take a liberty to publifh palpable downright Lyes. You begin with the Egyptians ; and indeed, who does not fee, that you play the Gipfy your felf throughout ? Amongji them, fay you, there is no mention extant of any King, that was everjlain by the People in a Popular Infurretlion, no War made upon any of their Kings by their Subjecls, no Attempt made to depofe any of them. What think you then of Ofiris, who perhaps was the firft King that the Egyptians ever had ? Was not he flain by his Brother Typhon, and five and twenty other Confpirators ? And did not a great part of the Body of the People fide with them, and fight a Battel with IJis and Orz/j, the late King's Wife and Son ? I pafs by Sefojlris, whom his Brother had well nigh put to death, and Chemmis, and Cephrenes, againft whom the People were delervedly enraged ; and becaufe they could not do it while they were alive, they threatned to tear them in pieces after they were dead. Do you think that a People that durft lay violent hands upon good Kings, had any reftraint upon them, either by the Light of Nature or Religion, from putting bad ones to death ? Could they that threat- ned to pull the dead Bodies of their Princes out of their Graves, when they ceafed to do mifchief, (tho'by the Cuftom of their own Country, theCorps of the mean- eft Perfon was facred and inviolable) abftain from inflicting Punifhment upon them in their Life-time, when they were acting all their Villanies, if they had been able -, and that upon fome Maxim of the Law of Nature? I know you would not flick to anfwer me in the affirmative, how abfurd foever it be ; but that you may not offer at it, I'll pull out your Tongue. Know then, that fome Ages be- fore Cephrenes's time, one Ammofts was King of Egypt, and was as great a Ty- rant, as who has been the greateft-, him the People bore with. This you are glad to hear •, this is what you would be at. But hear what follows, my honeft Tell-troth. I fhall fpeak out of Diodorus , They bore with him for fome while, be- caufe he was tooflrong for them. But when Atlifanes King of Ethiopia made war upon him, they took that opportunity to revolr, fo that being deferted, he was eafily fubdued, andEgypt became an Accefllon to the Kingdom of Ethiopia. You fee the Egyptians, as foon as they could, took up Arms againft a Tyrant ; they joined Forces with a Foreign Prince, to depofe their own King, and difinherit his Pofterity ; they chofe to live under a moderate and good Prince, as Aclifanes was, tho' a Foreigner, rather than under a Tyrant of their own. The fame Peo- ple with a very unanimous Confent took up Arms again ft Apries, another Tyrant, who relied upon Foreign Aids that he had hired to afllft him. Under the Con- duct of Amafis their General they conquered, and afterward ftrangled him, and placed Amafis in the Throne. And obferve this Circumftance in the Hiftory ; Amafis kept the Captive King a good while in the Palace, and treated him well : At laft, when the People complain'd that he nourifhed his own and their Ene- my ; he delivered him into their hands, who put him to death in the manner I have mentioned. Thefe things are related by Herodotus and Diodorus. Where are you now ? Do you think that any Tyrant would not chufe a Hatchet rather than a Halter ? Afterwards, fay you, when the Egyptians were brought intofubjeilion by /itf Perfians, they continued faithful to them; which is moftfalfe, they never were faithful to them : For in the fourth year after Cambyfes had fubdued them, they rebelled. Afterwards, when Xerxes had tamed them, within a fhort time they revolted from his Son Artaxerxes, and fet up one Inarus to be their King. Af- ter his death they rebell'd again, and created one Tachus King, and made war upon Artaxerxes Mnemon. Neither were they better Subjects to their own Princes, for they depofed Tachus, and conferr'd the Government upon his Son Neclanebus, till at laft Artaxerxes Ochus brought them the fecond time under fub- jection to the Perjian Empire. When they were under the Macedonian Empire, they declared by their Actions, that Tyrants ought to be under fome reftraint : Thev in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the Kzng. cor They threw down the Statues and Images o\~ Ptolcmtus Phyfco, and would have killed him, but that the mercenary Army that he commanded, was too ftrong for them. His Son Alexander was forced to leave his Country by the meer vio- lence of the People, who were incenfed againft him for killing his Mother. And the People of Alexandria dragged his Son Alexander out of the Palace, whofe in* foIentBehaviour gave juft Offence, and killed him in the Theatre. And the fame People depolcd Ptokm.sus Auletes for his many Crimes. Now fince it is impof- fible that any Learned Man fliould be ignorant of thefe things that are fo general- ly known ; and fince it is an inexcufable Fault inSalmafiusto be ignorant of them, whole Profeffion it is to teach them others, and whofe very afferting things of this nature ought to carry in it felf an Argument of Credibility •, it is certainly a very fcandalous thing (I fay) either that fo ignorant, illiterate aBlockhead, fhould to the fcahdal of all Learning, profefs himfelf, and be accounted a Learned Man, and obtain Salaries from Princes and States ; or that fo impudent and no- torious a Lyar fliould not be branded with fome particular mark of Infamy, and for ever banifhed from the Society of learned and honeft Men. Having fearched among the Egyptians for Examples, let us now confider theEthiopians their Neigh- bours. They adore their Kings, whom they fuppofeGod to have appointed o- ver them, even as if they were a fort of Gods : And yet whenever the Priefts condemn any of them, they kill themfelvcs : And on that manner, fays Diodorus, they punifh all their Criminals ; they put them not to death, but fend a Minifter of Juftice to command them to deftroy their own Perfons. In the next place, you mention the AJfyrians, the Medes, and the Perfians, who of all others were molt obfervant of their Princes .' And you affirm, contrary to all Hiftorians that have wrote any thing concerning thofe Nations, That the Regal Power there, had an unbounded Liberty annexed to it, of doing what the King lifted. In the firft place, the Prophet Daniel tells us, how the Babylonians expelled Nebuchadnezzar out of Human Society, and made him graze with the Bealts, when his Pride grew to be infufferable. The Laws of thole Countries were not intitled the Laws of their Kings, but the Laws of the Medes and Perfiam % which Laws were irrevocable, and the Kings themfelves were bound by them : Infomuch that Darius the Mede, tho' he earneftly defired to have deliver'd Daniel from the hands of the Princes, yet could not effect it. Thofe Nations, fay you, thought it no fufficient pretence to> reje5l a Prince, becaufe he abufed the Right that was inherent in him as he wasSovereign. But in the very writing of thefe words you are fo ftupid, as that with the fame breath that you commend the Obedience and Submiffivenefs of thofe Nations, of your own accord you make mention ofSardanapalus's being depriv'd of his Crown, by Arbaces. Neither was it he alone that accomplished that Enterprize ; for he had the affiftance of the Priefts (who of all others were belt, verfed in the Law) and of the People •, and it was wholly upon this account that hedepofed him, be- caufe he abufed his authority and power, not by giving himfelf over to cruelty, but to luxury and effeminacy. Run over the Hiflories of Herodotus, Ctefias, Di- odorus, and you will find things quite contrary to what you affert here ; you will find that thofe Kingdoms were deftroy'd for the molt part by Subjects, and not by Foreigners •, that the AJfyrians were brought down by the Medes, who then were their Subjects, and the Medes by the Per/tans, who at that time were like- wife fubjecT: to them . You your felf confefs, that Cyrus rebell'd, and that at the fame time in divers parts of the Empire little upflart Governments were formed by thofe that fbock off the Medes. But does this agree with what you faid before ? Does this prove the obedience of the Medes and Perfians to their Princes, and that Jus Re- ginm which you had afferted to have been univerfally receiv'd amongft thofe Na- tions ? What Potion can cure this brain-fick Frenzy of yours ? You fay, // ap- pears by Herodotus how abfolute the Perfian Kings were. Cambyfes being defirous to marry his Sifters, confulted with the Judges, who were the Interpreters of the Laws, to whofe Decifion all difficult matters were to be referr'd. What anfwer had he from them ? They told him, they knew no Law which permitted a Bro- ther to marry his Sifter •, but another Law they knew, that the Kings of Perfia might do what they lifted. Now to this I anfwer, if the Kings of Perfia were really fo abfolute, what need was there of any other to interpret the Laws, be- fides the King himfelf ? Thofe fuperfluous unneceffary Judges would have had their abode and refidence in any other place rather than in the Palace, where they were altogether ufelefs. Again, if thofe Kings might do whatever they would, it c o 2 A Defence of the People of England, it is not credible that fo ambitious a Prince as Camhyfes was, fhould be fo igno rant of that grand Prerogative, as to confult with the Judges, whether what lie defired were according to Law. What was the matter then ? either they de- fio-ned to humour the King, as you fay they did, or they were afraid to crofs his inclination, which is the account that Herodotus gives of it ; and fo told him of fuch a Law, as they knew would pleafe him, and in plain terms made a fool of him •, which is no new thing with Judges and Lawyers now a-days. But, fay you, Artabanus a Perfian told Themiftocles, that there was no better Law in Perfia, than that by which it was enacled, That Kings were to be honoured and adored. An excellent Law that was without doubt, which commanded Subjects to adore their Princes ! but the Primitive Fathers have long ago damned it •, and Artabanus was a proper perfon to commend fuch a Law, who was the very Man that a little while after flew Xerxes with his own hand. You quote Regicides to affert Roy- alty. I am afraid you have fome defign upon Kings. In the next place, you quote the Poet Claudian, to prove how obedient the Perjians were. But I appeal to their Hiftories and Annals, which are full of the Revolts of the Perjians, the Medes, the Bailrians, and Babylonians, and give us frequent Inftances of the Mur- ders of their Princes. The next perfon whole authority you cite, is Otancs the Perfian, who likewife killed Smerdis then King of Perfia, to whom, out of the hatred which he bore to a Kingly Government, he reckons up the impieties and injurious actions of Kings, their violation of all Laws, their putting Men to death without any legal Conviction, their Rapes and Adulteries ; and all this you will have called the Right of Kings, and {lander Samuel again as a teacher of fuch Doctrines. You quote Homer, who fays that Kings derive their Authority from Jupiter ; to which I have already given an anfwer. For King Philip of Macedofi, whofe afferting the Right of Kings, you make ufe of ; PI I believe Charles his defcription of it, as foon as his. Then you quote lome Sentences out of a fragment of Diogenes a Pythagorean ; but you do not tell us what fort of a King he fpeaks of. Obferve therfore how he begins that Difcourfe ; for what- ever follows mult be underftood to have relation to it. " Let him be King, * fays he, that of all others is moft juft, and fo he is that acts moft according * to Law •, for no Man can be King that is not juft ; and without Laws there * can be no Juftice.' This is directly oppofite to that Regal Right of yours. And Ecphantas, whom you likewife quote, is of the fame opinion : ' Whofc- * ever takes upon him to be a King, ought to be naturally moft pure and clear * from all imputation.' And a little after, ' Him, fays he, we call a King, that ' governs well, and he only is properly fo.' So that fuch a King as you fpeak of, according to the Philofophy of the Pythagoreans, is no King at all. Hear now what Plato fays in his Eighth Epiftle : ' Let Kings, fays he, be liable * to be called to account for what they do: Let the Laws controul not only the ' People, but Kings themfelves, if they do any thing not warranted by Law.* I'll mention what Ariftotle fays in the Third Book of his Politics; ' It is neither for * the Public Good, nor is it juft, fays he, feeing all men are by nature alike ' and equal, that any one fhould be Lord and Matter over all the reft, where 4 there are no Laws : nor is it for the Public Good, or Juft, that one man * fhould be a Law to the reft, where there are Laws ; nor that any one, tho' ' a good man, fhould be Lord over other good men, nor a bad man over bad * men.' And in the Fifth Book, fays he, ' That King whom the People refufe to be * govern'd by, is no longer a King, but a Tyrant.' Hear what Xenopbon fays in Hiero: * People are fo far from revenging the deaths of Tyrants, that they con - ' fer great Honour upon him that kills one, and erect Statues in their Temples * to the Honour of Tyrannicides.' Of this I can produce an Eye-witnefs, Mar- cus Tullius, in his Oration pro Milone ; * The Grecians, fays he, afcribe Divine ' Worfhip to fuch as kill Tyrants : What things of this nature have I my felf ' feen at Athens, and in the other Cities of Greece ? How many Religious Ob- ■ fervances have been inftituted in honour of fuch men ? How many Hymns ? ' They are confecrated to Immortality and Adoration, and their Memory endea- * voured to be perpetuated.' Andlaftly, Polybius, a Hiftorian of great Authority and Gravity, in the Sixth Book of his Hiftory, fays thus : ' When Princes began to ' indulge their own Lufts and fenfual Appetites, then Kingdoms were turned ' into fo many Tyrannies, and the Subjects began to confpire the death of their ' Governors •, neither was it the profligate fort that were the Authors of thofe ' Defigns, in anfwer to Sa.lmafius'j Defence of the Khiv. 503 « Defigns, but the moll Generous and Magnanimous.' I could quote many fuch like paffages, but I mail inftance in no more. From the Philolophers you ap- peal to the Poets ; and I am very willing to follow you thither. Mfchylus is enough to inform us, That the Power of the Kings o/Greece was fuch, as not to be liable to the cenfure of any Laws, or to be queftioned before any Human Judicature j for he in that Tragedy that is called, The Suppliants, calls the King of the Arrives, a Governor not obnoxious to the Judgment of any Tribunal. But you mult know (for the more you fay, the more you difcovcr your rafhnefs and want of judgment) you mud know, I fay, that one is not to regard what the Poet fays, but what perfon in the Play fpeaks, and what that perfon fays ; for different perfons arc introduced, fometimes good, fometimes bad ; fometimes wife men, fometimes fools ; and fuch words are put into their mouths, as it is moll proper for them to fpeak -, not fuch as the Poet would fpeak, if he were to fpeak in his own perfon. The Fifty Daughters of Danaus being baniflied out of Egypt, became Suppliants to the King of the Argives ; they begg'd of him, that he would protect them from the Egyptians, who purfued them with a Fleet of Ships. The Kino- told them he could not undertake their Protection, till he had imparted the matter to the people; ' For fays he, if I fhould make a promife to you, I fhould not * be able to perform it, unlefs I confult with them firft.' The Women being Strangers and Suppliants, and fearing the uncertain fuffrages of the people, tell him, ' That the Power of all the people refides in him alone ; that he judges ' all others, but is not judged himfelf by any.' He anfwers : ' I have told you * already, That I cannot do this thing that you defire of me, without the peo- « pie's confent ; nay, and tho' I could, I would not.' At laft he refers the matter to the people ; ' I will affemble the people, fays he, and perfuade them to pro- ' tccT: you.' The people met, and refolved to engage in their quarrel •, info- much that Danaus their Father bids his Daughters, ' be of good cheer, for the 4 People of the Country, in a popular Convention, had voted their Safeguard * and Defence.' If I had not related the whole thing, how ralhly would this impertinent Ignoramus have determined concerning the Right of Kings among, the Grecians, out of the mouths of a few Women that were Strangers and Sup- pliants, tho' the King himfelf, and the Hiitory be quite contrary ? The lame thing appears by the ftory of Qreftes in Euripides, who after his Father's death was himfelf King of the Argives, and yet was called in question by the people for the death of his Mother, and made to plead for his Life, and by the major fuffrage was condemned to die. The fame Poet in his Play called The Suppliants, declares, That at Athens the Kingly Power was fubjedr. to the Laws ; where Thefeus then King of that City is made to fay thefe words : ' This is a free City, ' it is not govern'd by one man ; the people reigns here.' And his Son Demophoon, who was King after him, in another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Heraclida ; * I do not exercife a Tyrannical Power over them, as if they were Barbarians : 4 I am upon other terms with them ; but if I do them juftice, they will do me ' the like.' Sophocles in his CEdipus fhows, That anciently in Thebes the Kings were not abfolute neither : Hence fays Tirefuis to CEdipus, ' I am not yoiir * Slave.' And Creon to the fame King, ' I have fome Right in this City, fays he, ' as well as you.' And in another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Antigone, ■JEmon tells the King, ' That theCity oi Thebes is not govern'd by a fingle perfon.' All men know that the Kings of Lacedemon have been arraigned, and fometimes put to death judicially. Thefe inftances are fufficient to evince what Power the Kings in Greece had. Let us confider now the Romans: You betake your felf to that paffage of C. Memmius in Saluft, of Kings having a liberty to do what they lift, and go unpunifhed ; to which I have given an anfwer already. Saluft himfelf lays in exprefs words, ' That the ancient Government of Rome was * by their Laws, tho' the Name and Form of it was Regal :' which Form of Go- vernment, when it grew into a Tyranny, you know they put down and chang- ed. Cicero in his Oration againft Pifo, ' Shall I, fays he, account him aConful, * who would not allow the Senate to have any Authority in the Commonwealth ? * Shall I take notice of any man as Conful, if at the fame time there be no fuch 4 thing as a Senate ; when of old, the City of Rome acknowledged not their ' Kings, if they a&ed without, or in oppofition to the Senate ?' Do you hear -, the very Kings themfelves at Rome figniried nothing without the Senate. But, fay you, Romulus governed as he lifted ; and for that you quote Tacitus. No 5 04 -^ Defence of the People of England, No wonder : The Government was not then eftablifhed by Law ; they were a confus'd Multitude of Strangers, more likely regulated than a State •, and all Mankind lived without Laws, before Governments were fettled. But when Ro- mulus was dead, tho' all the People were defirous of a King, not having yet ex- perienced the fweetnefs of Liberty, yet, as Livy informs us, ' TheSovereignPower * refided in the People •, fo that they parted not with more Right than they re- * tained.' The fame Author tells us, ' That the fame Power was afterwards ex- ' tortedfrom them by their Emperors.' ServiusTullius at firft reigned by fraud, and as it were a Deputy to Tarquinius Prifcus ; but afterward he referr'd it to the People, Whether they would have him reign or no ? At laft, lays Tacitus, he became the Author of fuch Laws as the Kings were obliged to obey. Do you think he would have done fuch an injury to himfelf and his Pofterity, if he had been of opinion that the Right of Kings had been above all Laws ? Their laft King Tarquinius Superbus, was the firft that put an end to that cuftom of confut- ing the Senate concerning all Public Affairs : for which very thing, and other enormities of his, the People depofed him, and banifhed him and his Family. Thefe things I have out of Livy and Cicero, than whom you will hardly produce any better Expofitors of the Right of Kings among the Romans. As for the Dic- tatorfhip, that was but temporary, and was never made ufe of, but in great ex- tremities, and was not to continue longer than fix Months. But that which you call the Right of the Roman Emperors, was no Right, but a plain downright Force •, and was gained by War only. But Tacitus, fay you, that lived under the Government of a fingle Perfon, writes thus ; The Gods have committed the Sovereign Power in human Affairs to Princes only, and have left to Subjecls the honour of being obedient. But you tell us not where Tacitus has thefe words, for you were confei- ous to your felf, that you impofed upon your Readers in quoting them •, which I prefently fmelt out, tho' I could not find the place of a fudden : For that Exprc i- fion is not Tacitus's own, who is an approved Writer, and of all others the greateft Enemy to Tyrants •, but Tacitus relates that of M. Terentius, a Gentle- man of Rome, being accufed for a Capital Crime, amongit other things that he faid to fave his Life, flatter'd Tiberius on this manner. It is in the SxithBook of his Annals. ' The Gods have entrufted you with the ultimate Judgment in all ' things ; they have left us the honour of Obedience.' And you cite this paffage as if Tacitus had faid it himfelf ; you fcrape together whatever feems to make for your Opinion, either out of orientation, or out of weaknefs ; you would leave out nothing that you could find in a Baker's, or a Barber's Shop ; nay, you would be glad of any thing that look'd like an Argument, from the very Hang- man. If you had read Tacitus himfelf, and not tranferibed fome loofe Quota- tions out of him by other Authors, he would have taught you whence that Impe- rial Right had its Original. ' After the Conqueft of AJia, fays he, the whole * ftate of our Affairs was turned upfide down ; nothing of the ancient integrity * of our Forefathers was left amongft us •, all men fhook off that former equalr- ' ty which had been obferved, and began to have a reverence for the Mandates ' of Princes.' This you might have learned out of the ThirdBook of his Annals^ whence you have all your Regal Right. ' When that antient equality was laid a- * fide, and inftead therof Ambition and Violence took place, Tyrannical Forms * of Government ftarted up, and fixed themfelves in many Countries.' This fame thing you might have learned out of Dio, if your natural Levity and Un- fettlednefs of Judgment would have fuffered you to apprehend any thing that's folid. He tells us in the Fifty-third Book of his Hiftory, out of which Book you have made fome quotation already, That Oclavius C<efar, partly by force, and partly by Fraud, brought things to that pafs, that the Emperors of Rome became no longer fetter'd by Laws. For he, tho' he promifed to the people in public that he would lay down the Government, and obey the Laws, and become fubject to others ; yet under pretence of making War in feveral Provinces of the Empire^ ftill retained the Legions, and fo by degrees invaded the Government, which he pretended he would refufe. This was not regularly getting from under the Law, but breaking forcibly through all Laws, as Spartacus the Gladiator might have done •, and then affuming to himfelf the ftyle of Prince or Emperor, as if God or the Law of Nature had put all Men and all Laws into fubjecfion under him. Would you enquire a little further into the Original of the Right of the Roman Emperors ? Marcus Ant onius^ whom Ca-far (when by taking up Arms againft the Commonwealth, in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 505 Commonwealth, he had got all the Power into his hands) had made Conful, when a Solemnity called the Lupercalia was celebrated at Rome, as had been contrived before-hand that he mould fet a Crown upon Cafar's head, though the people fighed and lamented at the fight, caufed it to be entered upon record, That Marcus Antonius, at the Lupercalia, made C*far Kingatthelnftance of the peop'e. Of which action Cicero in his fecond Philippic fays, ' Was Lucius Tar- * quinius therfor? expelled, Spurius Coffins, Sp. Melius, and Marcus Manillas * put to death, that after many ages Marcus Antonius fhou ; d make a Kino- in « Rome contrary to Law ?' Butyou deferve to be tortured, and loaded with evtr- lafting difgrace, much more than Mark Antony ; tho' I would not have you proud becaufe he and your felf are put together : for I do not think fo defpica- ble a Wretch as you fit to be compared with him in any thing but his Impiety ; you that in thole horrible Lupercalia of yours, fet not a Crown upon one Ty- rant's head, but upon all, and iuch a Crown as you would have limited by no Laws, nor liable to any. Indeed if we muft believe the Oracles of the Empe- rors themfelves, (for lb fomc Chriltian Emperors, as Theodcfrus and Valens, have called their Edicts, Cod. lib. i. tit. 14.) the Authority of the Emperors depends upon that of the Law. So that the Majefty of the Perfon that reign , even by the Judgment, or call it the Oracle of the Emperors themielvcs, muft iubmit to the Laws, onwhofe Authority it depends. Hence Pliny tells Trajan in his Panegyric, when the Power ol the Emperors was grown to its height, * A Principality, and an Abfolme Sovereignty are quite different things. Trc- * jan puts down whatever looks like a Kingdom •, he rules like a Prince, that * there may be no room for a Magifterial Power.' And afterwards, 'Whatever ' I have f lid of other Princes, I laid that I might fhow how our Prince reforms * and corrects the Manners of Princes, which by long cuftom have been corrup- * ted and depraved.' Are not you afhamed to call that the Right of Kings, that Pliny calls the corrupt and depraved Cuftoms of Princes ? Bat let this fuf- fice to have been laid in fhort of the Right of Kings, as it was taken at Rome. How they dealt with their Tyrants, whether Kings or Emperors, is generally known. They expelled Tarquin. But, fay you, How did they expel him ? Did they proceed againji him judicially ? No fuch matter : When he would have come into the City, they flmt the gates againji him. Ridiculous Fool ! What could they do but lhut the gates, when he was haftening to them with part of the Army ? And what great difference will there be, whether they banifhed him, or put him to death, fo they punilhed him one way or other? The belt men of that age kill'd Csfar the Tyrant in the very Senate. Which adion of theirs, Marcus Tullius, who was himfelf a very excellent Man, and publicly call'd the Father of his Country, both elfewhere and particularly in his fecond Philippic, extols won- derfully. I'll repeat fome of his words : * All good men kill'd Cxfar, as far as ' in them lay. Some men could notadvifc in it, others wanted Courage to act 1 in it, others wanted an Opportunity, all had a goodwill to it.' And after- wards, ' What greater and more glorious Action (ye holy Gods !) ever was * performed, not in this City only, but in any other Country ? what Adion * more worthy to be recommended to everlafting memory ? I am not unwilling * to be included within the number of thofe that advifed it, as within the Trojan * Horfe.' The pafl'age of Seneca may relate both to the Remans, and the Grecians: « There cannot be a greater, nor more acceptable Sacrifice offered up to Jupiter, « than a wicked Prince.' For if you confider Hercules, whofe words thefe are, they (hew what the Opinion was of the principal Men amongft the Grecians m that Age. If the Poet, who flourifhed under Nero, (and the moil worthy Per- fons in Plays generally expreis the Poet's own Senfe) then this paffage fhows us what Seneca himfelf and all good Men, even in Nero's time, thought was fit to be done to a Tyrant •, and how vertuousan Adion, how acceptable to God they thought it to kill one. So every good Man of Rome, as far as in him lay, kill'd Domitian. Pliny the Second owns it openly in his Panegyrick to Trajan t he Em- peror, ' We took pleafure in dafhing thole proud Looks againft the ground, « in piercing him with our Swords, in mangling him with Axes, as if he had « bled and felt pain at every ftroke : No Man could fo command his paffion or « Joy, but that he counted it a piece of Revenge to behold his mangled Limbs, « his Members torn afunder, and after ali, his item and horrid Statues thrown * down and burnt.' And afterwards, * Tbey cannot love good Princes enough, Vol. I. T t t l w« 506 A Defence of the People of England, ' that cannot hate bad ones as they defer ve.' Then amongft other Enormities of Domitian, he reckons this for one, that he put to death Epapbroditm, that had kill'd Nero : ' Had we forgotten the avenging Nero's death ? Was it likely that ' he would fuffer his Life and Actions to be ill fpoken of, whole death he reveng- ' ed ?' He feems to have thought it almoft a Crime not to kill Nero, that counts it fo great a one to puniih him that did it. By what has been faid, it is evident, that the beft of the Romans did not only kill Tyrants, as oft as they could, and howfoever they could ; but that they thought it a commendable, and a praife- worthy Action fo to do, as the Grecians had done before them. For when they could not proceed judicially againft a Tyrant in his life-time, being inferior to him in Strength and Power, yet after his death they did it, and condemn'd him by the Valerian Law. For Valerius Publicola,Junius Brutus his Colleague, when he faw that Tyrants, being guarded with Soldiers, could not be brought to a legal Trial, he deviled a Law to make it lawful to kill them any way, tho' un- condemn'd •, and that they that did it, fhould afterwards give an account of their fo doing. Hence, when Caflius had actually run Caligula through with a Sword, tho' every body elfe had done it in their hearts, Valerius Afiaticus, one that had been Conful, being prefent at the time, cried out to the Soldiers that began to mutiny becaufe of his death, I wijh I my [elf bad kiWdbim. And the Senate at rhefame time was fo far from being difplealed with Cqffius for what he had done, that they refolved to extirpate the Memory of the Emperors, and to raze the Temples that had been erected in honour of them. When Claudius was pre- fently faluted Emperor by the Soldiers, they forbad him by the Tribune of the People to take the Goverment upon him ; but the Power of the Soldiers pre- vailed. The Senate declared Nero an Enemy, and made enquiry after him, to have punilhed him according to the Law of their Anceftors -, which required, that he fhould be ftript naked, and hung by the Neck upon a forked Stake, and whipt to death. Confider now, how much more mildly and moderately the Englijb dealt with their Tyrant, tho' many are of opinion, that he caufed the fpilling of more Blood than ever Nero himfelf did. So the Senate condemn'd Domitian after his death ; they commanded his Statues to be pull'd down and dafh'd in pieces, which was all they could do. When Commodus was (lain by his own Officers, neither the Senate nor the People punifh'd the Fact, but de- clared him an Enemy, and enquired for his dead Corps to have made it an Ex- ample. An Act of the Senate made upon that occafion is extant in Lampridius : * Let the Enemy of his Country be depriv'd of all his Titles -, let the Parricide * be drawn, let him be torn in pieces in the Spoliary, let the Enemy of the Gods, ' the Executioner of the Senate be drag'd with a Hook, &c.' The fame Perfons in a very full Senate condemn'd Diduis Julianus to death, and fent a Tribune to flay him in the Palace. The fame Senate depofed Maximinus, and declared him an Enemy. Let us hear the words of the Decree of the Senate concerning him, as Capito'linus relates it : ' The Conful put the queftion, Confcript Fathers, what * is your pleafure concerning the Maximines ? They anfwer'd, 'They are Enemies, ' they are Enemies, whoever kills them fhall be rewarded.' Would you know now, whether the People of Rome, and the Provinces of the Empire obeyed the Senate, or Maximinetht Emperor? Hear what the fame Author fays, The Senate wrote Letters into all the Provinces, requiring them to take care of their Com- mon Safety and Liberty ; the Letters were publicly read. And the Friends, the Deputies, the Generals, the Tribunes the Soldiers of Maximine, were (lain in all places ; very few Cities were found that kept their Faith with the public Enemy. Herodian relates the fame thing. But what need we give any more In- ftancesout of the Roman Hiflories ? Let us now fee what manner of thing the Right of Kings was in thofe days, in the Nations that bordered upon the Empire. Jmbiorix, a King of the Cauls, confeffes, ' The Nature of his Dominion to be * fuch, that the People have as great Power over him, as he over them.' And confequently, as well as he judged them, he might be judged by them. Ver- cingetorix, another King in Gaul, was accufed of Treafon by his own People. Thefe things Cafar relates in his Hiftory of the Gallic Wars. '"Neither is the ' Regal Power among the Germans abfolute and uncontroulable ; letter matters * are ordered and difpofed by the Princes ; greater Affairs by all the People. ' The King or Prince is more confiderable by the Authority of his Perfwafions. ' than by any Power that he has of commanding. If his Opinion be not ap- ' proved in anfvoer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. * y « prov'd of, they declare their diflikeof it by a general murmuring Noife.* This is out of Tacitus. Nay, and you your felf now confefs, that what but of late you exclaim'd againft as an unheard of thing, has been often done, to wit, That«o left than fifty Scotifh Kings have been either banifhed, or hnpri foned, or put to death, nay, and fame of them publickly executed. "Which having come to pal's in our very Bland -, why do you, as if it were your Office to conceal die vio- lent deaths of Tyrants, by burying them in the dark, exclaim againft it as an abominable and unheard of thing? You proceed to commend the Jews and Chriftians for their Religious Obedience even to Tyrants, and to heap one Lye upon another, in all which I have already confuted you. Lately you made lar°-e Encomiums on the Obedience of the AJfyrians and Perjians, and now you reckon up their Rebellions ; and tho' but of late you faid they never had rebell'd at all, now you give us a great many reafons why they rebell'd fo often. Then you refume the Narrative of the manner of our King's death, which you had broken off long fince ; that if you had not taken care fufficiently to appear ridiculous, and a Fool then, you may do it now. You faid, lie was led through the Members of his own Court. What you mean by the Members of the Court, I would gladly know. You enumerate the Calamities that the Romans underwent by changing their Kingdom into a Commonwealth. In which I have already fhown how grofly you give your felf the Lye. What was it you faid when you wrote againft thejefuit ? You demonftrated, That in an Ariftocracy, or a popular State, there could but be Seditions and Tumults, wheras under a Tyrant nothing was to be looked for, but certain Ruin and Drjlruilion: And dare you now fay, you vain corrupt Mor- tal, That thofe Seditions were PunifJrments inflicled upon them for banijhing their Kings ? Forfooth, becaufe King Charles gave you a hundred Jacobujfes, therfore the Romans mall be punifhed for banifhing their Kings. Bat ' they that kilPd Ju~ ' lius Ctcfar, did not profper afterwards.' I confefs, if I would have had any Ty- rant fpared, it fhoukl have been him. For altho' he introduced a Monarchical Government into a Free State by force of ArmSj yet perhaps himfelf de- ferved a Kingdom beft ; and yet I conceive that none of thofe that killed him can be laid to have been punifhed for fo doing, any more than Caius Antonius, Ccero's Colleague, for deftroying Catiline, who when he was af- terward condemn'd for other Crimes, fays Cicero in his Oaration pro Flacco^ Catiline'j Sepulchre was adorned with Flowers. For they that favoured Catiline, they rejoyced ; They gave cut then, that -what Catiline did was jufi, to encreafc the People's hatred againft thofe that had cut him off. Thefe are Artifices, which wicked Men make ufe of, to deter the beft of Men from punifliing Tyrants, and flagitious Perfons. I might as eafily fay the quite contrary, and inftance in them that have killed Tyrants, and profpered afterwards ; it any certain inference might be drawn in luch Cafes from the events of things. You object further, That the Englifh did not put their Hereditary King to death in like manner, as Tyrants ufe to bejlain, but as Robbers andTraytors are executed. In the firft place I do not, nor can any wife Man underftand what a Crown's being He- reditary fliould contribute to a King's Crimes being unpunifhable. What you afcribe to the Barbarous Cruelly of the Englifh, proceeded rather from their Cle- mency and Moderation, and as fuch, deferves Commendation •, who, tho' the being' a Tyrant is a Crime that comprehends all forts of Enormities, fuch as Robberies, Treafons, and Rebellions againft the whole Nation, yet were con- tented to inflict no greater punifhment upon him for being fo, than they ufed of courfe to do upon any common Highway-man, or ordinary Traytor. You hope fome fuch Men as Harmodius and Thrafibulus will rife up amongfl us, and make expiation for the King's death, by fhedding their Blood that were the Authors of it. But you will run mad with defpair, and be detefted by all good Men, and put an end to that wretched Life of yours, by hanging your felf, before yon lee Men like Harmodius avenging the Blood of a Tyrant upon fuch as have done no other than what they did themlelves. That you will come to luch an end A moft probable, nor can any other be expected of fo great a Rogue ; but the o- ther thing is an utter impoffibility. You mention thirty Tyrants that rebelled in GalliemsH time. And what if it fallout, that one Tyrant happens to op- pofc another, muft therefore all they that refill Tyrants be accounted luch themfelves ? You cannot perfuade Men into fuch a belief, you Slave of a Kinght* nor your Author TreMlius-Pollio, the moft inconfiderabk Of all Hiftorians that Vol. I. 'J' t t 2 I'- ■ 508 A Defence of the People of England, have writ. If any of the Emperors were declared Enemies by the Senate, you fay, it was done ly Faclion, but could not have been by Law. You put us in mind what it was that made Emperors atfirft: It was Fadlion and Violence, and to fpeak plainer, it was themadnefs of Anthony, that made Generals at firft rebel againft the Senate, and the People of Rome ; there was no Law, no Right for their fo doing. Galba, you fay, was f unified for his Infurretlion again fl Nero. Tell us likewife how Vefpafian was punifhed for taking up Arms againft Vitellius ; There was as much difference, you fay, betwixt Charles and Nero, as betwixt thofe Englifh Butchers, and the Roman Senators of that Age. Defpicable Villain ! by whom it is fcandalous to be commended, and a Praife to be evil fpoken of: But a few Pe- riods before, difcourfing of this very thing, you faid, That the Roman Senate under the Emperors, was in effetl but an AJfembly of Slaves in Robes : And here you fay, That very Senate was an Affembly of Kings ; which if it be allowed, then are Kings, according to your own Opinion, but Slaves with Robes on. Kings art blefled, that have fuch a Fellow as you to write in their praife, than whom no Man is more a Rafcal, no Bead more void of Senfe, unlefs this one thing may be faid to be peculiar to you, that none ever brayed fo learnedly. You make the Parlamentof England more like to Nero, than to the Roman Senate. This itch of yours of making filly Similitudes, enforces me to rectify you, whether I will or no : And I will let you fee how like King Charles was to Nero-, Nero you fav commanded his own Mother to be run through with a Sword. But Charles murdered both his Prince, and his Father, and that by Poifon. For to omit other evi dences ; he that would not fuffer a Duke that was accufed for it, to come to his Tryal, muft needs have been guilty of it himfelf. Nero flew many thoufands of Chrifiians ; but Charles (lew many more. There were thofe, fays Suetonius, that praifed Nero after he was dead, that long'd to have had him again, That bung Garlands of Flowers upon his Sepulchre, and gave out that they would never pro- fper that had been his Enemies. And fome there are tranfported with the like Phrenfy, that wifh for, King Charles again, and extol him to the higheft degree imaginable, of whom you a Knight of the Halter are a Ringleader. Ihe Englifh Soldiers more favage than their own Mafiiffs, ere tied a new and unheard-of Court of Juflice. Obferve this ingenious Symbol, or Adage of Salmafms, which he has now repeated fix times over, more favage than their own Mafiiffs. Take notice, Orators and School-Mafters -, pluck, if you are wife, this Elegant Flower, which Salmafms is fo very fond of: Commit this Flourifh of a Man, that isfo much «i Mafterof Words, to your Defks forfafe Cuftody, left it be loft. Has your rage made you forget words to that degree, that like a Cuckoo, you muft needs iky the fame thing over and over again ? What ftrange thing has befallen you ? The Poet tells us, that Spleen and Rage turn'd Hecuba into a Dog ; and it has turn'd you, the Lord of St. Lupus, into a Cuckoo. Now you come out with frefh Contradictions. You had faid before, fag. 113. That Princes were not bound by any Laws, neither Coercive, nor Direclory ; that they were bound by no Law at all. Now you fay, That you will difcourfe by and by of the difference betwixt fome Kings and others, infoint of Rower ; fome having had more, fome lefs. You fay, Ton will frove that Kings cannot be judged, nor condemned by their own Subjects, by a moft folid Argument ; but you do it by a very filly one, and 'tis this : You fay, There was Jio other difference than that betwixt the Judges, and the Kings of the Jews ; and vet the reafon why the Jews required tohave Kings over them, was becaufethey were weary of their Judges, and hated their Government. Do you think, that, becaufe they might judge and condemn their Judges, if they mifbehaved themfelves in the Government, they therfore hated and were weary of them, and would be un- der Kings, whom theyfhould have no Power to reftrainand keep within Bounds, tho' they fhould break through all Laws? Who but you ever argued fo chiidifh- ly ? So that they defired a King for fome other reafon, than that they might have a Mafter over them, whofe Power fhould be fuperior to that of the Law; which reafon, what it was, it is not to our prefent purpofe to make a Conjecture. Whatever it was, both God and his Prophets tells us, it was no piece of pru- dence in the People to defire a King. And now you fall foul upon" your Rabbin.-, and are very angry with them for faying, That a King might be judged and con- demned to undergo Stripes ; out of whofe Writings you faid before you had proved that the Kings of the Jews could not be judged. Whcrin you confeA, that you told a Lye when you faid you had proved any fuch thing out of their Writings. in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 509 Writings. Nay, you come at laft to forget the Subject you were upon, of wri . ting in the King's Defence, and raife little impertinent Controverfies about Solo- mon's Stables, and how may Stalls he had for his Horfes. Then of a Jockey you become a Ballad-finger again, or rather, as I laid before, a raving detracted Cuckoo. You complain, That in tbefe latter Ages, Difcipline has ken more re~ mifs, and the Rule lefs obferved and kept up to ; viz. becaufe one Tyrant is not per- mitted, without a Check from the Law, to let loofe the Reins of all Difcipline and corrupt all Mens manners. This Doctrine, you lay, the Brownijis introdu- ced amongft thole or the Reform'd Religion ; fothat Luther, Calvin, ZuingH- us, Bucer, and all the molt Celebrated Orthodox Divines are Brownijis in your Opinion. The Englijh have the lefs reafon to take your Reproaches ill, becaufe they hear you belching out the lame Slanders againft the molt eminent Doctors of the Chu r ch, and in effect againft the whole Reformed Church it felf. CHAP. VI. AFter^ having difcours'd upon the Law of God and of Nature, and handled both to untowardly, that you have got nothing by the bargain but a de- ferved reproach of ignorance and knavery ; I cannot apprehend what you can. have farther to alledge in defence of your Royal Caufc, but meer trilles. I for my part hope I have given fatisfaction already to all good and learned men, and done this Noble Caufe right, fhould I break off here ; yet left I mould feem to any to decline your variety of arguing and ingenuity, rather than your immode- rate impertinence, and tittle-tattle, I'll follow you wherc-ever you have a mind to go •, but with fuch brevity as (hall make it appear, that after having per- form'd whatever the neceflary defence of the Caufe required, if not what the dignity of it merited, I now do but comply with fome mens expectation, if not their curiofity. Now, fay you, I fljall alledge other and greater Arguments. What! greater Arguments than what the Law of God and Nature afforded ? 1 Lip Lucina ! The Mountain Salmafms is in labour ! It is not for nothing that he has srot a Shc-Hufband. Mortals expect fome extraordinary Birth. If be that is, ■ be accufed before any other Power, that Power mv.ft of ■;: that of the King; and if ' fo, then tnuft that Power be indeed the Kingly Power, and ought to have the name of it : For a Kingly Power is thus defi- ned ; to wit, the Supreme Power in the State rejiding in a Jingle Perfon, and which has nofuperior. O ridiculous Birth ! a Moufe crept out of the Mountain ! Help Gram- marians ! one of your number is in clanger of perilhing ! The Law of God and of Nature are laic; but Salmafius's Dictionary is undone. What if I mould anfwer you thus ? That words ought to give place to things •, that we having ta- ken away Kingly ( <■ rnment it felf, do not think our felves concerned about its name, and definition ; let others look to that, who are in love with Kings : We are contented with the enjoyment of our Liberty •, fuch an anfwer would be good enough for you. But to let you fee that I deal fairly with you through- out, I will anfwer you, not only from my own, but from the opinion of very wife and good men, who have thought that the Name and Power of a King are very confiltcnt with a Power in the People and the Law, fuperior to that of the King himfelf. In the fir ft place Lycurgus, a man very eminent for wifdom, figning, as Plato fays, to fecure a Kingly Government as well as it was pofiible, could find no better expedient to preferve it, than by making the Power of the Senate, and of the Epbori, that is, the Power of the People, fuperior to it. Thefeus, in Euripides, King of Athens, was of the fame opinion ; for he to his great honour reftored the People to their Liberty, and advanced the Power of the People above that of the King, and yet left the Regal Power in that City to his Poffcerity. Whence Euripides in his Play called the Suppliants, introduces him fpeaking on this manner: ' I have advanced tin People themfelves into the 4 Throne, having freed the City from Slavery, and admitted the People to a « (hare in the Government, by giving them an equal right of Suffrage.' And in another place to the Herald of Thebes, ' fn the firft | ' your Speech, Friend, with a thing that is not true, in (tiling me a Monarch ; * for c i o A Defence of the People of England, c for this City is not governed by a fingle Perfon, but is a Free State ; the People ' reigns here.' Thefe were his words, when at the fame time he was both called, and really was King there. The Divine Plato likewife in his eighth Epiftle, Ly~ curgus, lays he, introduced the Power of the Senate and of the Ephori, a thing very prefervative of Kingly Government, which by this means has honour ably flour ifhed for fo many Ages, becaufe the Law in effettwas made King. Now the Law cannot be King, unlefs there be fome, who, if there mould be occafion, may put the Law in ex- ecution a^aind the King. A Kingly Government fo bounded and limited, he himfelf commends to the Sicilians : ' Let the People enjoy their Liberty under a ' Kingly Government •, let the King himfelf be accountable •, let the Law take ' place even againft Kings themfelves, if they aft contray to Law.' Arifiotle likewife in the third Book of his Politics, ' Of all Kingdoms,/^ he, that are go- * vern'dby Laws, that of the Lacedemonians feemsto be moft truly and properly fo.* And he fays, all Forms of Kingly Governments are according ro fettled and efta- blifh'd Laws, but one, which he calls ttcc^xo-iXux, or Abfolute Monarchy, which he does not mention ever to have obtain'd in any Nation. So that Arifiotle thought fuch a Kingdom, as that of the Lacedemonians was, to be and deferve the name of a Kingdom more properly than any other •, and confequently that a King, tho' fubordinate to his own People, was neverthelefs aftually a King, and properly fo called. Now fince fo many and fo great Authors affert that a Kingly Government both in name and thing may very well fubfift even where the Peo- ple, tho' they do not ordinarily exercife the Supreme Power, yet have it aftually refiding in them, and exercife it upon occafion ; be not you of fo mean a Soul as to fear the downfall of Grammar, and the confufion of the fignification of words to that degree, as to betray the Liberty of Mankind, and the State, ra- ther than your Gloffary mould not hold water. And know for the future, that words muft be conformable to things, not things to words. By this means youll have more wit, and not run on in infinitum, which now you're afraid of. It was to no purpofe then for Seneca, you fay, to defcribe thofe three Forms of Government, as he has done. Let Seneca do a thing to no purpofe, fo we enjoy our Liberty. And if I miftake us not, we are other fort of Men than to be enflav'd by Seneca's Flowers. And yet Seneca, tho' he fays that the Sovereign Power in a Kingly Go- vernment refides in a fingle Perfon, fays withal that the Powe r is the People's, and by them committed to the King for the welfare of the whole, not for their ruin and deftruftion ; and that the People has not given him a propriety in it, but the ufe of it. Kings at this rate, you fay, do not reign by God, but by the People. As if God did not fo over-rule the People, that they fet up fuch Kings, as it pleafes God. Since Juftinian himfelf openly acknowledges, that the Roman Em- perors derived their Authority from that Royal Law, wherby the People granted to them and vefted in them all their own Power and Authority. But how oft mall we repeat thefe things over and over again ? Then you take upon you to intermed- dle with the Conftitution of our Government, in which you are no way concern- ed, who are both a Stranger and a Foreigner •, but it fhows your faucinefs, and want of good manners. Come then, let us hear your Solcecifms, like a bufy Coxcomb as you are. You tell us, but 'tis in falfe Latin, that what thofe Defpera- does fay is only to deceive the People. You Rafcal ! wasit notforthis that you a Rene- gado Grammarian, were fo forward to intermeddle with the Affairs of our Go- vernment, that you might introduce your Solcecifms and Barbarifms amongft us ? But fay, How have we deceiv'd the People ? 'The Form of Government which they have fet up, is not Popular, but Military. This is what that herd of Fugitives and Vagabonds hired you to write. So that I lhall not trouble my fclf to anfwer you, who bleat what you know nothing of, but Pll anfwer them that hired you. Who excluded the Lords from Parlament, was it the People ? Ay, it was the People ; and in fo doing they threw an intolerable Yoke of Slavery from off their necks. Thofe very Soldiers, who you fay did it, were not Foreigners, but our own Country-men, and a great part of the People ; and they did it with the confent, and at the defireof almoftall the reft ofthePeople, and not without the Autho- rity of the Parlament neither. Was it the People that cut off part of the Houfe of Commons, forcing fome away? &c. Yes, I fay, it was the People. For whatever the better and founder part of the Senate did, in which the true power of the People rcfided, why may not the People be laid to have done it.? What if the greater part of the Senate fliould chule to be Slaves, or toexpofethe Govern- ment. in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. r 1 1 ment to file, ought not the letter number to interpofc, and endeavour to retain their Liberty, it it be in their power ? But the Officers of the Army and their Sol diers did it. And we are beholden to thole Officers for not beincr wanting to the State, but repelling the tumultuary violence of the Citizens and Mechanics of London, who like that Rabble that appear'd for Clodius, had but a little before beiet the very Parlament-Houfe ? Do you therfore call the ri^ht of the Parla ment, to whom it properly and originally belongs to take care of the Liberty of the People both in Peace and War, a Military Power ? But 'cis no wonder- that thofe Traytors that have dictated thefe pafTages to you, mould talk at that rate ; fo that profligate faction of Antony and his adherents ufed to call the Se- nate of Rome, when they armed themfelves againft the Enemies of their Coun- try, The Camp of Pompey. And now Pm glad to imderftand that they of your party envy Cromwell, that molt valiant General of our Army, for undertake that Expedition in Ireland, (fo acceptable to Almighty God) furrounded with a joyful croud of his Friends, and profecuted with the well-wifhes of the people and the prayers of all good men : For I queftion not but at the news of his many Victories there, they are by this time burft with fpleen. I pafs by many of your impertinencies concerning the Roman Soldiers. What follows is mod notoriouf- ly falfe : The power of the people, fay you, ceafes where there is a King. By what Law or Right is that ? Since it is known that almoft all Kings, of what Nations foever, received their Authority from the people upon certain conditions ; which if the King do not perform, I wifh you would inform us, why thatPower, which was but a truft, fhou'.d not return to the people, as well from a Kin", as from a Conful, or any other Magiftrate. For when you tell us, that 'tis neceffary for the Public Safety, you do but trifle with us ; for the fafety of the Public is e- qually concerned, whether it be from a King, or from a Senate, or from a Tn - tcmvirate, that the power wherewith they were entrufted, reverts to the people, upon their abufe of it ; and yet you your felf grant that it may fo rev. rt from all forts of Magiftrates, a King only excepted. Certainly, if no people in their right wits ever committed the Government either to a King, or other Mao-i- ftrates, for any other purpofe than for the common good of them all, there can be no reafon why, to prevent the utter ruin of them all, they may not as well take it back again from a King, as from other Governors ; nay, and it may with far greater eafe be taken from one, than from many. And to inveft any mortal creature with a power over themfelves, on any other terms than upon truft, were extreme madnefs ; nor is it credible that any people fince the Cre- ation of the World, who had freedom of will, were ever fo miierably filly, as ei- ther to part with the power for ever, and to all purpofes, or to revoke it from thofe whom they had entrufted with it, but upon moft urgent and weighty rea- fons. If Diffenfions, if Civil Wars, are occafioned therby, there cannot any Right accrue from thence to the King, to retain that power by force of arms, which the people challenge from him as their own. Whence it folio s that what you fiy, and we do not deny, That Governors are not lightly to be changed, is true with refpec"t to the People's Prudence, not the King's Right ; but that therfore they ought never to be changed, upon no occafion whatlbever, that does not follow by no means ; nor have you hitherto alledged any thing, or made ap- pear any Right of Kings to the contrary, but that all the people concurring, they may lawfully be depofed, when unfit for Government; provided it may be done, as it has been often done in your own Country of France, without any Tumults or Civil Wars. Since therfore the Safety of the People, and not that of a Tyrant, is the Supreme Law ; and confequently ought to be alledged on the People's behalf againft a Tyrant, and not for him againft them : you that go a- bout to pervert fo ficred and fo gloriousa Law, with your fallacies andjugglings ; you who would have this Supreme Law, and which of all others is moft beneficial to Mankind, to ferve only for the Impunity of Tyrants ; let me tell you (fince you call us Englifhmen fo often infpired, and Enthufiafls, and Prophets) let me, I fay, be fo far a Prophet, as to tell you, That the Vengeance of God and Man hangs over your head for fo horrid a Crime ; altho' your fubje&ing all Mankind to Ty- ranny, as far as in you lies, which in effecl is no better than condemning them to be devoured by wild Beafts, is in it felf part of its own Vengeance •, and whither- foever you fly, and wherefoever you wander, will firft or laft purfue you with its Furies, and overtake you, and caufe you to rave worfe than you do at pre- fent. A Defence of the People of England, I come now to your fecond Argument, which is not unlike the firft : If • People may refume their Liberty,/^ would be no difference, fay you, betwixt Popular State and a Kingdom ; but that in a Kingdom one Man rules, and in a popular State many. And what if that were true •, would the State have any pre- judice by it ? But you your felf tell us of other differences that would be not- withftanding •, to wit, of Time and Succejfwn ; for in popular States, the Magi- Jlrates are generally chofen yearly; wheras Kings, if they behave them fe Ives well, are perpetual-, and in moft Kingdoms there is a Succeffionin the fame Family. But let them differ from one another,or not differ, I regard not thofe petty things : In this they agree, that when the Public Good requires it, the People may without doing injury to any, refume that Power for the Public Safety, which they committed to another for that end and purpofe. But according to the Royal Law, by the Romans fo called, which is mentioned in the Jnftitutes, the People of 'Romt granted all 'their Power and Authority to the Prince. They did fo by compul- fion ; the Emperor being willing to ratify their Tyranny by the Authority of a Law. But of this we have fpoken before •, and their own Lawyers, commenting uponthisplace in the Inftitutes, confefs as much. So that we make noqueftion but the People may revoke what they were forced to grant, and granted againft, their wills. But moll rational it is to fuppofe, that the People of Rome trans- ferred no other Power to the Prince, than they had before granted to their own Ma°iftratcs •, and that was a power to govern according to Law, and a revoca- ble net an abfurd, tyrannical power. Hence it was, that the Emperors affumed the'Confular Dignity, and that of the Tribunes of the People ; but after Julius Cffar, not one of them pretended to the Didlatorfhip : In the Circus Maximus theyufed to adore the People, as I have faid already out of Tacitus and Claudian. But as heretofore many private perfons have fold tbemfelves into Slavery, fo a whole Nation may. Thou Goal-bird of a Knight, thou Day-fpirit, thou everlafting fcaridal to thy Native Country ! The meft defpicable Slaves in the world ought to abhor and fpit upon fuch a Factor for Slavery, fuch a public Pander as thou art. Certainly if people had fo enflaved themfelves to Kings, then migjit Kings turn them over to other Mailers, or fell them for Money, and yet we'know that Kings cannot fo much as alienate the Demefnes of the Crown : And ftiall he, that has but the Crown, and the Revenues that belong to it, as an Uiufructuary, and thofe given him by the People, can he be laid to have, as it were, purchased the People, and made them his Propriety ? Tho* you were bo- red through both ears, arid went barefoot, you would not be fo vile and de- fpicable, fo much more contemptible than all Slaves, as the broaching fuch a "fcandalous Doctrine as this makes you. But go on, and punifh your felf for your Rogueries as now you do, tho' againft your will. You frame a long Dif- courfe of the Law of War ; which is nothing to the purpofe in this place : For neither did Charles conquer us ; and for his Anceftors, if it were never fo much °ranted that they did, yet have they often renounced their Title as Con- querors. And certain it is, That we were never fo conquered, but that as we iwore Allegiance to them, fo they fwore to maintain our Laws, and govern by them : Which Laws, when Charles had notorioufly violated, taken in what capacity you will, as one who had formerly been a Conqueror or was now a perjured King, wefubdued him by force, he himfelf having begun with us firft. And according to your own opinion, Whatever is acquired by War, becomes his property that acquired it. So that how full foever you are of words, how imperti- nent foever a babbler, whatever you prate, how great a noife foever you make, what Quotations foever out of the Rabbins, tho' you make your felf never fo hoarfe, to the end of this Chapter, affure your felf, That nothing of it makes "for the King, he being now conquered, but all for us, who by God's affiftance are Conquerors. CHAP, in ahjwer to SaJmafius'i Defence of the King, 513 CHAP. VII. TO avoid two very great inconveniences, and, confidering your own weight, very weighty ones indeed, you denied in the foregoing Chapter, That the People's Power was fuperior to that of the King ; for if that fhould be granted, Kings muft provide themfelves of fome other name, becaufe the People would indeed be King, and fome divifions in your Syftem of Politics would be con- founded : the firft of which inconveniences would thwart with your Diet iona- ry, and the latter overthrow your Politics. To thefe I have given fuch an anfwer as fliows, That tho' our own Safety and Liberty were the principal things I aimed the prefervation of, yet withal, I had fome confideration of falvino- your Dictionary, and your Politics. Now, fay you, / will prove by other argu- ments, 'That a King cannot be judged by his own Subjects ; of which Arguments this jhall be the greateft and mofl convincing, "That a King has no Peer in his Kingdom. What ? Can a King have no Peer in his Kingdom ? What then is the meanino- of thofe Twelve Ancient Peers of the Kings of France ? Are they Fables and Tri- fles ? Are they called fo in vain, and in mock only ? Have a care how you af- front thofe Principal Men of that Kingdom : Who if they are not the Kind's Peers, as they are called, I am afraid your Dictionary, which is the only thin° p you are concerned for, will be found more faulty in France, than in England. But go to, let's hear your demonftration, that a King has no Peer in his own Kingdom. Becaufe, fay you, the People of 'Rome, when they had banifo'd then- King, appointed not one, but two Confuls ; and the reafon was, Thai if one of them fhould tranfgrefs the Laws, his Collegue might be a check to him. There could hard- ly have been devifed any thing more filly : How came it to pafs then, that but one of the Confuls had the bundles of Rods carried before him, and not both, if two were appointed, that each might have a Power over the other? And what if both had confpired againft the Commonwealth ? Would not the Cafe then be the very fame that it would have been, if one Conful only had be^n ap- pointed without a Collegue ? But we know very well, that both Confuls, and all other Magiftrates were bound to obey the Senate, whenever the Senate and the People faw, that the Intereft of the Commonwealth fo required. We have a famous inftance of that in the Decemvirs, who tho' they were invefted with the Power of Confuls, and were the chief Magiftrates, yet the Authority of the Senate reduced them all, tho' they ftruggled to retain their Government. Nay, we read that fome Confuls before they were out of Office, have been de- clared Enemies, and Arms been taken up againft them ; for in thofe days no man looked upon him as a Conful, who acted as an Enemy. So War was wa- ged againft Antony, tho' a Conful, by Authority of the Senate ; in which beino- worfted, he would have been put to death, but that Oclavius, affecting the Em- fo, dieted by your felf a little after : tor the Hebrew Judges, you fay, ruled as long as they lived, and there was hut one of them at a time : The Scripture alfo calls them Kings ; and yet they were accountable to the great Council. Thus we fee, That an itch of Vain-glory, in being thought to have faid all that can be faid, makes you hardly fiy any thing but contradictions. Then I afk, what kind of Government that was in the Roman Empire, when fometimes two, fometimes three Emperors, reign'd all at once ? Do you reckon them to have been Empe- rors, that is, Kings, or was it :\n Ariftccracy, or a Triumvirate? Or will you de- ny, that the Roman Empire under Antoninus and Verus, under Dicclefian and Maximian, under Conjlantine and Licinius, was ftill but one entire Empire? If thefe Princes were not Kings, your three Forms of Government will hardly hold; if they were, then it is not an elfential Property of a Kingly Govern- ment, to refide in a fingle perfon. If one of thefe offend, fay you, then may the other refer the matter to the Senate, or the People, where he may be accufed and con- demned. And does not the Senate and the People then judge, when the matter is fo referred to them ? So that if you will give any credit to your felf, there needs not one Collegue to judge another. Such a miferable Advocate as you, Vol. I. Uuu if 1 r 1 4 A Defence of the People of England, if you were not fo wretched a fellow as you are, would deferve companion ; you lie every way fo open to blows, that if one were minded for fport's-fake to make a Pafs at any part of you, he could hardly mifs, let him aim where he would. 9 Tis ridiculous, fay you, to imagine, 'That a King\vill ever appoint Judges to cond&nn bimfelf. But I can tell you of an Emperor, that was no ridiculous perfac, but an Excellent Prince, and that was Trajan, who when he delivered a Dag to a certain Roman Magiftrate, as the cuftom was, that being the badge or his Office, frequently thus admonifhed him, ' Take this Sword, and uTe it for 1 me, if I do as I ought •, if otherwife, again ft me : for Mifcarriages in the Su- ' preme Magiftrate are lefs excufable.' This Dion and Jure!, us I icier lay of him: You fee here, that a worthy Emperor appointed one to judge hi mielfj tho' he did not make him equal. Tiberius perhaps might have faid as much out of Vanity and Hypocrify ; but 'tis almoft a crime to imagine that fo good and vertuous a Prince as Trajan, did not really fpeak as he thought, ami according Co what he apprehended right and juft. How much more reafonable was it that tho' he were fuperior to the Senate in power, and might if he would, have re- fufed to yield them any obedience, yet he actually did obey them, as by virtue of his Office he ought to do, and acknowledged their Right in the Government to be fupperior to his own ? For fo Pliny tells us in his Panegyric, ' The Senate ' both defired and commanded you to be Conful a fourth time-, you may know ' by the Obedience you pay them, that this is no word of Flattery, but of Pow- ' er.' And a little after, ' This is the defign you aim at, to reftore our loft Li- ' berty.' And Trajan was not of that' mind alone ; the Senate thought fo too, and were of opinion, That their Authority was indeed Supreme : Fcr they that could command their Emperor, might judge him. So the Emperor Marcus Au- relius, when CaJ/ius Governor of Syria endeavoured to get the Empire from him, referred himfelf either to the Senate, or the People of Rome, and declared him- felf ready to lay down the Government, if they would have it io. Now how ihould a man determine of the Right of Kings better, and more truly, than out of the very mouths of the beft of Kings ? Indeed every good King accounts either the Senate, or the People, not only equal, but fuperior to himfelf by the Law of Nature. But a Tyrant being by nature inferior to all men, every one that is ftronger than he, ought to be accounted not only his equal, but fuperior : For as heretofore nature taught men from Force and Violence to betake them- felves to Laws ; fo wherever the Laws are let at naught, the fame dictate of nature mull necelTarily prompt us to betake our felves to Force again. ' To be ' of this opinion, jays Cicero pro Sejlio, is a fign of Wifdom •, to put it in prac- ' tice, argues Courage and Relblution •, and to do both, is the effect of Vertue ' in its perfection.' Let this ftand then as a fettled Maxim of the Law of Na- ture, never to be fhaken by any Artifices of Flatterers, That the Senate, or the People, are fuperior to Kings, be they good or bad : Which is but what you your felf do in effect confefs, when you tell us, That the Authority of Kings was derived from the People. For that power which they transferred to Prin- ces, doth yet naturally, or as I may fay virtually refide in themfelves notwith- ftanding : for fo natural caufes that produce any effect by a certain eminency of operation, do always retain more of their own virtue and energy than they impart •, nor do they by communicating to others, exhauft themlelves. You fee, the clofer we keep to Nature, the more evidently does the People's Power appear to be above that of the Prince. And this is likewife certain, That the People do not freely, and of choice, fettle the Government in their King abfo- lutely, fo as to give him a Propriety in it, nor by Nature can do fo ; but only for the Public Safety and Liberty, which when the King ceafes to take care of, then the People in effect have given him nothing at all : For Na- ture fays, the People gave it him to a particular end and purpofe ; which end, if neither Nature nor the People can attain, the People's Gift becomts no more valid, than any other void Covenanc or Agreement. Thefe Rea- fons prove very fully, That the People are fuperior to the King ; and fo your greatejl and mofi convincing Argument, That a King cannot Be judged by I. is People, becauje he has no Peer in his Kingdom, nor any Superior, falls to the ground. For you take that for granted, which we by no means allow. In a popular State, fay you, the Magiji rates being appointed by the People, may likewife bepumjledfor their Crimes by the People : In an Arijlocracy the Senators may be punijbed by their Col- legues : in anfocer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. c i c legues : But 'tis a prodigious thing to proceed criminally againft a King in his own King- dom^ and make him plead for his Life. What can you conclude from hence, but that they who let up Kings over them, are the mod miferable and mod filly People in the World ? But, I pray, what's the reafon why the People may not punilh a King that becomes a Malefactor, as well as they may popular Magi- ftrates and Senators in an Ariftocracy ? Do you think that all they who live un- der a Kingly Government, were fo ftrangely in love with Slavery, as when they might be free, to chufe Vaffalage, and to put themfelves all and entirely under the dominion of one man, who often happens to be an ill Man, and often a Fool, fo as whatever caufe might be, to leave themfelves no refuge in, no re- lief from the Laws nor the Dictates of Nature, againft the Tyranny of a moll outragious Mafter, when fuch a one happens ? Why do they then tender Con- ditions to their Kings, when they firft enter upon their Government, and pre- fcribe Laws for them to govern by ? Do they do this to be trampled upon the more, and be the more laughed to fcorn ? Can it be imagined, that a whole People would ever fo vilify themfelves, depa t from their own intereft to that degree, be fo wanting to themfelves, as to place all their hopes in one Man, and he very ofcen the moll vain Perfon of them all ? To what end do they re- quire an Oath of their Kings, not to a£r. any thing contrary to Law ? We mult iuppofe them to do this, that (poor Creatures !) they may learn to their for- row, That Kings only may commit Perjury with impunity. This is what your own wicked Conclufions hold forth. If a King that is elecled, promife any thing to his People upon Oath, which if he would not have fworu to, perhaps they would not have chefe him, yet if he rcfufe to perform that promife, befalls not under thePeople's cenfure. Nay, tho' he fzvear to his Subjecls at his Eleclion, That he will adminifter Jujiicc to them at cor ding to the Laws of the Kingdom ; and that if he do not, they fhail be difcharged of their Allegiance, and himfelf ipfo facto ceafe to be their King, yet if he break this Oath, ''tis God and not Man that tnufi require' it cf him. I have, tranferibed thefe lines, not for their Elegance, for they are barbaroufly expref- fed ; nor becaufe I think there needs any anfwer to them, for they anfwer them- felves, they explode and damn themfelves by their notorious falfhood and loath- fomnefs : but 1 did it to recommend you to Kings for your great Merits ; that a- mong fo many places as there are at Court, they may put you into fome Prefer- ment or Office that may be fit for you. Some are Princes Secretaries, fome their Cupbearers, fome Mafters of the Revels: I think you had bed be Mafter of the Perjuries to fome of them. You fhan't be Mafter of the Ceremonies, you are too much a Clown for that ; but their Treachery and Perfidioufnefs ihall be under your care. But that Men may fee that you are both a Fool and a Knave to the higheft degree, let us confider thefe laft affertions of yours a little more narrowly •, A King, fay you, tho' he fwear to his Subjecls at his Eleclion, that he will govern according to Law, and that if he do not, they fjaTl be difcharged of their Allegiance, and he himfelf ipfo facto ceafe to be their King ; yet can he not be depofed or punifhed by them. Why not a King, I pray, as well as popular Magiftrates ? becaufe in a popular State, the People do not transfer all their Power to the Magiftrates. And do they in the Cafe that you have put, vcft.it all in the King, when they place him in the Government upon thofe terms ex- preQy, to hold it no longer than he ufes it well ? Therefore it is evident, that a King fworn to obferve the Laws, if he tranfgrefs them, may be puniftied and depofed, as well as popular Magiftrates. So that yon can make no more ufe of that invincible Argument of thePeople's transferring all their Right and Pow- er to the Prince •, you your feif have battered it down with your own Engines. Hear now another moft powerful and invincible Argument of his, why Subjecls cannot judge their Kings, becaufe he is bound by no Law, being himfelf the fole Lawgiver. Which having been proved already to be moft falle, this great rea- fon comes to nothing, as well as the former. But the reafon why Princes have but feldom been proceeded againft for perfonal and private Crimes, as Whore- dom, and Adultery, and the like, is not becaufe they could not juftly be pu- nifhed even for fuch, but left the People mould receive more prejudice through disturbances that might be occafioned by the King's death, and the change of Affairs, than they would be profited by the puniJhment of one Man or two. But when they begin to be univerfally injurious and infufferable, it has always been the Opinion of all Nations, that then, being Tyrants, it is lawful to put Vol. I. U u u 2 thru* 1 6 A Defence of the People of England 7 them to death any how, condemn'd or uncondemn'd. Hence Cicero in his Sec Philippic, fays thus of thofe that kill'd Cd-far, ' They were the firft that ran * through with their Swords, not a Man who affected to be King, but who w.;S * actually fettled in the Government ; which, as it was a worthy and godlike « Action fo it's fet before us for our imitation.' How unlike are you to hirn ! Murder, Adultery.) Injuries, are not regal and public, but private and perfona! Crimes. Well laid, Parafite! you have obliged all Pimps and Proflkatcs in Courts by this Expreffion. How ingtnioufly do you ad:, both the Parafite, and the Pimp, with the fame breath ? J King that is an Adulterer, cr a Murderer, may yet govern well, and confequently ought not to be put to death, beeaufe together with his Life k lofe his Kingdom ; and it was never yet allowed by God's Laws, cr Man's, that for one and the fame Crime, a Man was to be punifbed twice. Infamous foul mouth Wretch ! By the fame reafon the Magiftrates in a popular State, or in an Ari- fiocracy, ou<mt never to be put to death, for fear of double Puniihmenr •, no Judge, no Senator muft die, for they muft lofe their Magiftracy too, as well as their Lives. As you have endeavoured to take all Power out of the People's hands, and veft it in the King, fo you would all Majefty too : A delegated tranf- Jatiiious Majefty we a. low, but that Majefty does chiefly and primarily reflde in him, you can no more prove, than you can, that Power and Authority does. A King, you lay, cannot commit Treafcn againft his People, but a People may againfl King. And yet a King is what he is for the People only, not the Peop'e for him. Hence I infer, that the whole Body of the People, or the greater part of them, muft needs have greater Power than the King. This you deny, and be<nn to caft up accounts. He is of greater Power than any one, than any two, than any three, than any ten, than any hundred, than any thoufand, than any ten thoufand : be it fo, He is of more Power than half the People. I will not deny that neither i Add now half of the other half, will he not have more Power than all thofe ? Not at all. Go on, why do you take away the Board ? Do you not underftand Pro- ejeiTion in Arithmetic ? He begins to reckon after another manner. Has rot the Kin?, and the Nobility together, more Power? No, Mr. Changeling, I deny that too. If by the Nobility, whom you ftile Opiimates, you mean the Peers only ; for it may happen, that amongft the whole number of them, there may not be one Man de- fervin» that Appellation : for it often falls out, that there are better and wifer Men than they amongft the Commons, whom in conjunction with the greater, or the better part of the People, I fhould not fcruple to call by the Name of, and take them for all the People. But if the King is notfuperior in Power to all the People toge- ther, he is then a King but of Jingle Perfov.s, he is not the King of the whole Body of the People. You fay well, no more he is, unlefs they are content he fhould be fo. Now, bahance your Accounts, and you will find that by mifcafting, you have loft your Principal. The Englifh jfr}', that the Right of Majefty originally and principally re/ides in the People ; which Principle would introduce a Confufion of all States. What, of an Ariflocracy and Democracy ? But let that pafs. What if it fhould overthrow a Gyiuccceracy too ? (i. e. a Government ol one or more Women) under which State or Form of Government, they fay, you are in danger of being beaten at home •, would not the Englifh do you a kindnefs in that, you fheepifh Fellow, you ? But there's no hope of that. For 'tis moll juftly fo ordered, fince you would fubject all Mankind to Tyranny abroad, that you your felf fhould live in a fcandalous moft unmanlike Slavery at home. We mv.fi tell you, you fay, what we mean by the word People. There are a great many other things, which you ftand more in need of being told : For of things that more immediately concern you, you feem altogether ignorant, and never to have learnt any thing but Words and Letters, nor to be capable of any thing elfe. But this you think you know, that by the word People, we mean the Common People only, exclu- sive of the Nobility, beeaufe we have put down the Houfe of Lords. And yet that very thing fhows, that under the word People, we comprehend all our Natives, of what Order and Degree foever ; in that we have fettled one Supreme Senate only, in which the Nobility alfo, as a part of the People (not in their own Right, as they did before ; but reprefenting thofe Boroughs or Counties, for which they may be chofe) may give their Votes. Then you inveigh againft the com- mon People, as being blind and brutijh, ignorant of the art of governing ; you fay there's nothing more empty, more vain, more inconjtant, more uncertain than All which is very true ol your felf, and it's true likewifc of the Rabble, but ncc of in anfmer to Salmafius'j Defence of th \ g. c^ of the middle fort, amongft whom the moftpi identMen, lairs are generally found ■, others are molt eommonly dii ry and Plenty, or by Want and Poverty, from Vertue, • - id Government. There are many ways± you fay, by wbio Crown, jo as not to be beholden to the People at al . . . ; and efpecially, •■ a Kingdom. Bat thole Nations muft certainly be Slaves, a id born to Slavery, that acknowledge any one to be their Lord and Matter fo abfo utely, as that they arc his inheritance, and come to him by defcenr, without any confentof their own ; they deferve not the Appellation of Subjefts, nor of Frc men, nor can they be juftiy reputed liich •, nor are they to be accounted as a Civil Society, but mutt be looked on as the Poffeffions and Eftate of their Lord, and his Family : For I fee no difference as to the Right of Qwnerfhip betwixt them, and Slaves, or Beafts. Secondly, Fhey that come to the Crown by Ccnaueft, cannot acknowledge them/elves to have received from the People the Power they ujurp. We are not now difcourling of a Conqueror, but of a conquered King ; what a Conqueror may lawlully do, we'll difcourfe elfewhere •, do you keep to your Subject. But whereas you al- cribe to Kings that ancient Right that Matters of Families have over their Houi- holds, and take an example from thence of their Ablblute Power ; I have mown already over and over, that there is no likenefs at all betwixt them. And Ari- Jtotle (whom you name fo often) if you had read him, would have taught yuu as much in the beginning of his Politics, where he lays they judge amifs that think there is but little difference betwixt a King, and a Matter or a Family : For that there is not a numerical, but afpecifical difference betwixt a Kingdom and a Family. For when Villages grew to be Towns and Cities, that Regal Domeftic Right vanilhed by degrees, and was no more owned. Hence Dicdorus in his ririt Book fays, That anciently Kingdoms were tranfmitted not to the former Kings Sons, but to thofe that had beft deferved of the People. And Juftin, ' Origi- * nally, fays he, the Government of Nations, and of Countries, was by Kings, ' who were exalted to that height of Majefty, not by popular Ambition, but lor ' their Moderation which commended them to good Men.' Whence it is mani- feft, that in the very beginning of Nations, that Fatherly and Hereditary Go- vernment gave way toVertue, and the People's Right : Which is the moit natu- ral reafon and cauie, and was the true rife of Kingly Government. For at firft, Men entred into Societies, not that any one might infult over all the reft, but that in cafe any fhould injure other, there might be Laws and Judges to protect them from wrong, or at leaft to punifh the wrong doers. When Men v\ere at firft difpers'd and lcattered afunder, fome wife and eloquent Man perfwaded them to enter into Civil Societies ; that he himfelf, fay you, might exercife Dominion over them, when fo united. Perhaps you meant this of Btmrod, who is laid to have been the firtt Tyrant. Or elle it proceeds from your own malice only, and certainly it cannot have been true of thofe great and generoui-lpirited Men, but is a Fiction of your own, not warranted by any Authority that I ever heard of. For all ancient Writers tell us, that thofe firft Inftituters of Communities of Men, had a regard to the good and fafety of Mankind only, and not to any private advantages of their own, or to make themfelves great or powerful. One thing I cannot pais by, which I fuppofe you intended for an Emblem, to let off the reft of this Chapter : If a Cottful, £iy you, bad been to be accufed before his Magi- Jiracy expired, there muft have been a Dictator created for that purpeje ; tho' you had laid before, that for that very reafon there were two of them. Juft fo your Petitions always agree with one another, and almoft every Page declares how weak and frivolous whatever you fay or write upon any Subject, is. Under the ancient Englifh Saxon Kings, you fay, the People were never called to Parlaments. If any ot our own Countrymen had afferted fuch a thing, I could eafily have convinced him that he was in an error. But I am not fo much concerned at your miftaking our Affairs, becaufe y'are a Foreigner. This in effect is all you fay of the Rignt of Kings in general. Many other things I omit, for you ufe many Digrefiions, and put things down that either have no ground at all, or are nothing to the purpofe, and my defign is not to vie with you in Impertinence. CHAP. c 1 8 A Defence of the People of England, CHAP. VIII. I F you had publifhed your own opinion, Satmafius, concernig the Right of Kings in general, without affronting any Perfons in particular, notwith- standing this alteration of Affairs in England, as long as you did but ufe your own liberty Tn writing what your felt" thought fit, no Engliftman could have had any caufe to have been difpleafed with you, nor would you have made good the opi- nion you maintain ever a whit the lefs. For if it be a pofuive Command both ofMofes and of Chrift h\mfc\i\That allMen whatfoever,whether Spaniards, French, Italians, Germans, Engliih or Scotch, Jhould be fubjeil to their Princes, be they good or bad, which you aliened, fag. 127. to what purpofe was it for you, who are a Foreigner and unknown to us, to be tampering with our Laws, and to read us Le&ures out of them as out of your own Papers and Mifcellanies, which, be they how they will, you have taught us already in a great many words, that they ou^ht to give way to the Laws of God ? But now it is apparent, that you have undertaken the defence of this Royal Caufe, not fo much out of your own incli- nation, as partly becaufe you were hired, and that at a good round price too, confidering how things are with him that fet you on work ; and partly, 'tis like, out of expectation of fome greater reward hereafter ; to publifh a fcandalous Libel againft the Englifo, who are injurious to none of their Neighbours, and meddle with their own matters only. If there were no fuch thing as that in the cafe, is it credible that any Man fhould be fo impudent or fo mad, as tho? he be a ftranger, and at a great diflance from us, yet of his own accord to in- termeddle with our Affairs, and fide with a Party ? What the devil, is it to you what the Englifh do amongll themfelves ? What would you have, Pragmatical Puppy ? What would you be at ? Have you no concerns of your own at home ? I with you had the fame concerns that that famous Olus, your fellow bufy-body in the Epigram, had ; and perhaps fo you have ; you deferve them, I'm fure. Or did that Hotfpur your Wife, who encouraged you to write what you have done for out-law'd Charles'?, fake, promife you fome profitable Profeffbr's place in England, and God knows what Gratifications at Charles's Return ? But allure your felves, my Miftrefs and my Matter, that England admits neither of tVolves, nor Owners of Wolves : So that it's no wonder you fpit fo much Venom at our Englijh Maftifts. It were better for you to return to thofe Illuftrious Titles * St. Lou, //-of yours in France ; firft to that hunger-ftarved Lordfhip of yours at * St. Leu ; Latin, Sanclus anc j j n ^ next p] llce to t \xQ Sacred Confiftory of the moil Chriftian King. Being Wolf' is /^' a Counfellor to the Prince, you are at too great a diftance from your own Coun- nameofaplaceVrj, But I fee full well that the neither defires you, nor your Counfel ; nor did /« France, j t appear the did, when you were there a few years ago, and began to lick a fiutX?i«e "Cardinal's Trencher j file's in the right, by my troth, and can very willingly fmallE/iat'e, fuffer fuch a little Fellow as you, that are but one half of a Man, to run up and and was cat-down with your Miftrefs of a Wife, and your Defies full of Trifles and Fooleries, ledfifromSt. t ||j y OU Yigjnt fomewhere or other upon a Stipend, large enough for a Knight of m ' J a P U p"; ""the Grammar, or an Illuftrious Critic on horfeback; if any Prince or State iSt. has a mind to hire aVagabond Doftor, that is to be fold at a good round Price. German f*»«But here's one that will bid for you ; whether you're a Merchantable Commo- 1 ind ' Anno 2 "^'^ or not ' an ^ w ' iat ^ ou are wort ^' we ma ^ ^ ee by and by. You fay, The Dom. 429. Parricides qffert, thai the Government of England is not meerly Kingly, but that it is a mixt Government. Sir 'Thomas Smith, a Country-man of ours in Edward the Sixth's days, a good Lawyer, and a Statefman, one whom you your felf will not call a Parricide, in the beginning of a Book which he wrote of the Gommotk- wealtb ef England, afferts the lame thing, and not of our Government only, but of almoft all others in the World, and that out a£'Arifiotle\ and he fays k is not poffible that any Government fhould otherwife fubfift. But as if you thought it a crime to fay any thing, and not unfay it again, you repeat your former threadbare Contradictions. You fay, There neither is nor-ever was any Nation that did not underft and by the very name of a King, a Pa fen whofe authority is inferior to God alone, and who is accountable to no other. And yet a little alter you confefs, that the name of a King was formerly given to fuch Powers and Magifirates, as had not a full and aifAuie right of themfelves, but had a dependance upon the Pec- in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 510 pie, as the Suffetes among the Carthaginians, the Hebrew Judges, the Kings of the Lacedemonians, and of Arragon. Are you not very confiftent with yourfelf ? Then you reckon up five feveral forts of Monarchies out of Ariftotle -, in one of which only that Right obtain'd, which you fay is common to ail Kings. Con- cerning which I have laid already more than once, that neither doth Arijiotle give an inftance of any fuch Monarchy, nor was there ever any inch in being ; the other four he clearly demonftraf.es that they were bounded by Eftablifh'd Laws, and the King's Power fubjecT: to thofe Laws. The firft of which four was that of the Lacedemonians, which in his opinion did of all others beft deferve the name of a Kingdom. The fecond was fuch as obtain'd among Barbarians, which was lafting, becaufe regulated by Laws, and becaufe the People willingly fubmitted to it •, whereas by the fame Author's opinion in his third Book, what King foever retains the Sovereignty againft the People's will, is no longer to be accounted a King, but a downright Tyrant ; all which is true likewile of his third fort of Kings, which he calls Mfymnetes, who were chofen by the Peo- ple, and moft commonly for a certain time only, and for fome particular pur- pofes, fuch as the Roman Dictators were. The fourth fort he makes of fuch as reigned in the Heroical days, upon whom for their extraordinary merits the People of their own accord conferr'd the Government, but yet bounded bv Laws •, nor could thefe retain the Sovereignty againft the will of the People : nor do thefe four forts of Kingly Governments differ, he fays, from Tyranny in any thing elfe, but only in that thefe Governments are with the good liking of the People, and That againft their will. The fifth fort of Kingly Govern- ment, which he calls Trapgao-iXn*, or abfolute Monarchy, in which the Supreofc Power refides in the King's Perfon, which you pretend to be the right of all Kings, is utterly condemn'd by the Philolopher, as neither for the good of Mankind, nor confonant to Juftice or Nature, unlefs fome People mould be con- tent to live under fuch a Government, and withal confer it upon fuch as excel all others in vertue. Thefe things any man may read in the third Book of his Politics. But you, I believe, that once in your life you might appear witty and florid, pleafed your fell with making a comparifon betwixt thefe five forts of Kingly Government, and the five Zones of the World; betwixt the two extremes of Kingly power, there are three more temperate Species interpofed, as there lie three Zones betwixt the "Torrid and the Frigid. Pretty Rogue ! what ingenious compari- fons he always makes us ! May you for ever be banifhed, whither you your felf condemn an Abfolute Kingdom to be, that is, to the frigid Zone, which when you are there, will be doubly cold to what it was before. In the mean while we fhall expecl: that new-fafhioned fphere which you defcribe, from you our modern Archimedes, in which there fhall be two extreme Zones, one Torrid, and the o- ther Frigid, and three temperate ones lying betwixt. The Kings of the Lacede- monians, you fay, might lawfully be imprifoned, but it was not lawful to put them to death. Why not? Becaufe the Minifters of Juftice, and fome Foreign Soldiers, being furprifed at the Novelty of the thing, thought it not lawful to lead Agis to his Execution, though condemn'd to die? And the People of Lacedemon, were difpleafed at his death, not becaufe condemn'd to die, though a King, but be- caule he was a good man and popular, and had been circumvented by a Faction of the great ones. Says Plutarch, " Agis was the firft King that was put to death " by the Ephori •," in which words he docs not pretend to tell us what lawfully might be done, but what aftualy was done. For to imagine that fuch as may lawfully accufe a King, and irnprifon him, may not alfo lawfully put him to death, is a childifh conceit. At laft you betake your felf to give an account of the Right of Englifj Kings. There never was, you fay, but one King in England. This you fay, becaufe you had laid before, that unlefs a King befole in the Govern- ment, he cannot be a King. Which if it be true, fome of them, who I had thought had been Kings of England, were not really fo ; for to omit many of our Saxon Kings, who had either their Sons, or their Brothers Partners with them in the Go- vernment, it is known that King Henry II. of the Norman Race, reign'd together with his Son. Let themfhew, fay you, aPrecedent of any Kingdom under the Government of afingle perfon, who has not an abfolute power; though in fome Kingdoms more re- mifs, in others more intenfe. Do you fhow any Power that's abfolute, and yet re~ mi/s, you Afs -, is not that power that's abfolute, the Supreme Power of all? How can it then be both fupreme and remifs ? Wlutfoever Kings you fhall acknow- 20 A Defence of the People ^England, acknowledge to be inverted with a remifs (or a lefs) power, thofe I will eafily make appear to have no abfolute power •, and confequently to be inferior to a People, free by nature, who is both its own Law-giver, and can make the Regal Power more or lefs intenfe or remifs ; that is, greater or lels. "Whether the whole Ifland of Britain was anciently governed by Kings, or no, is uncertain. It's moft likely that the Form of their Government changed accord- ing to the Exigencies of the Times. Whence 'Tacitus fays, The Britains anci- ently were under Kings ; now the great Men amongft them divide them into Parties & nd Factions.. When the Romans left them, they were about forty years without Kirgs ; they were not always therefore under a Kingly Government, as you lay they were. But when they were fo, that the Kingdom was Hereditary, I pofi- tively deny •, which that it was not, is evident both from the Series of their Kings, and their way of creating them : for the confent of the People is aflced in exprefs words. When the King has taken the accuftomed Oath, the Arch- bifhop ftepping to every fide of the Stage erected for that purpofe, afks the Peo- ple four feveral times in thefe words, Do you confent to have this Man to be your & n S - ? J u ft as if he fpoke to them in the Roman Stile, Vultis, Jubetis hum Reguare ? ' Is it your pleafure, do you appoint this Man to reign ?' Which would be need- lefs, if the Kingdom were by the Law hereditary. But with Kings, Ufurpation panes very frequently for Law and Right. You go about to ground Charles's Right to the Crown, who was fo often conquered hknfeJf, upon the Right of Conqueft. William, furnamed the Conqueror, forfooth, fubdued us. But they who are not ftrangers to our Hiftory, know full well, that the Strength of the Englijh Nation was not fo broken in that one Fight at Hafiings, but that they might eafily have renewed the War. But they chofe rather to accept of a King,, than to be under a Conqueror and a Tyrant : They fwear therefore to William, to be his Liege-men, and he fwears to them at the Altar, to carry himfelf to- wards them as a good King ought to do in all refpects. When he broke his Word, and the EngliJJj betook themfelves again to their Arms, being diffident of his Strength, he renewed his Oath upon the Holy Evangelifts, to obferve the ancient Laws of England. And therefore, if after that he miferably opprefied the Englijh, (as you fay he did) he did it not by Right of Conqueft, but by Right of Perjury. Befides, it is certain, that many Ages ago, the Conquerors and Con- quered coalefced into one and the fame People : So that that Right of Conqueft, if any fuch ever were, muft needs have been antiquated long ago. His own words at his death, which I give you out of a French Manufcript written at Caen, put all out of doubt, I appoint no Man (fays he) to inherit the Kingdom <y~ England. By which words, both his pretended Right of Conqueft, and the Hereditary Right, were difclaim'd at his death, and buried together with him. I fee now that you have gotten a place at Court, as I foretold you would ; you are made the King's Chief Treafurer and Steward of his Court-Craft : And what follows, you ftem to write ex Officio, as by virtue of your Office, Magnificent Sir. If any preceding Kings, being thereunto compelled by Fatlions of Great Men, or Seditions a- mongjl the Common People, have receded in fome meafure from their Right, that cannot prejudice the Succejfor ; but that he is at liberty to rejume it. You fay well ; if there- fore at any time our Anceftors have through neglect loft any thing that was their Right, why fhould that prejudice us their Pofterity ? If they would promife for themlelves to become Slaves, they could make no fuch promife for us ; who fhall always retain the fame Right of delivering our felves out of Slavery, that they had of enflaving themfelves to any whomfoever. You .wonder how it comes to pafs that a King of Great Britain muft now-a-days be looked upon as one of the Magiftrates of the Kingdom only •, whereas in all other Kingly Governments in Chnftendom, Kings are inverted with a Free and Abfolute Authority. For the Scots, I remit you to Buchanan : For France, your own Native Country, to which you feem to be a ftranger, to Hottcman's Franco-Gallia, and Girardus a French Hiftorian •, for the reft, to other Authors, of whom none that I know of, were Independents : Out of whom you might have learned a quite other Leffion concer- ning the Right of Kings, than what you teach. Not being able to prove that a Tyrannical Power belongs to the Kings of England by Right of Conqueft, you try now to do it by Right of Perjury. Kings profefs themfelves to reign by the Grace of God : What if they had profeffed themfelves to be Gods? I believe if they had, you might eafily have been brought to become one of their Priefts. So in anfiver to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 521 So the Archbifhops of Canterbury pretended toArchbifhop it by Divine Providence. Are you fuch a Fool, as to deny the Pope's being a King in the Church, that you may make the King greater than a Pope in the State ? But in the Statutes of the Realm the King is ca led our Lord. You are become of a fudden a wonderful Nomenclator oi our Statutes : But you know not that many are called Lords and Mailers, who are not really fo : You know nothowunrealbnable a thing it is to judge of Truth and Right by Titles of Honour, not to fay of Flattery. Make the fame Inference, if you will, from the Parlament's being called the King's Parlament ; for it is called the King's Bridle too, or a Bridle to the King : and thcrfore the King is no more Lord or Mafter of his Parlament, than a Horfe is of his Bridle. But why not the King's Parlament, fince the King fummons them? I'll tell you why •, becaufe the Confuls ufed to indicl a Meeting of the Senate, yet were they not Lords over that Council. When the King therfore fummons or c.d!s together a Parlament, he does it by virtue and in difcharge of that Office, which he has received from the People, that he may advife with them about the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, not his own particular Affairs. Or when at afiy time the Parlament debated of the King's own Affairs, if any could proper- ly be called his own, they were always the laft things they did ; and it was in their choice when to debate of them, and whether at all or no, and depended not upon the King's pleafure. And they whom it concerns to know this, know very well, that Parlaments anciently, whether fummoned or not, might by Law meet twice a Year : But the Laws are called too, The King's Laws. Thefe are flattering Afcriptions ; a King of England can of himfelf make no Law: For he was not conftituted to make Laws, but to fee thofe Laws kept, which the People made. And you your felf here confefs, that Parlaments meet to make Laws •, wherfore the Law is alio called the Law of the Land, and the People's Law. Whence King Ethelfiane in the Preface to his Laws, fpeaking to all the People, I have granted you every thing, fays he, by your own Law. And in the Form of the Oath, which the Kings of England ufed to take before they were made Kings, the People ftipulate with them thus •, Will you grant thofe juft Laws, which the People/hall chufe ? The King anfwers, / will. And you are infinitely miftaken in ihying, That when there is no Parlament fitting, the King governs the whole State of the Kingdom, to all intents and purpofes, by a regal Power. For he can determine nothing of any moment, with relpecl to either Peace or War •, nor can he put any flop to the Proceedings of the Courts of Juftice. Anil the Judges therfore fwear, that they will do nothing judicially, but according to Law, though the King by Word, or Mandate, or Letters under his own Seal, fliould com- mand the contrary. Hence it is that the King is often faid in our Law to be an Infant ; and to poflefs his Rights and Dignities, as a Child or a Ward does his: See the Mirror, Cap. 4. Seel. 22. And hence is that common Saying a - mongft us, that the King can do no wrong: Which you, like a Rafcal, interpret thus, Whatever the King does, is no Injury, becaufe he is not liable to be punifoedfer it.. By this very Comment, if there were nothing elfe, the wonderful Impudence andVillany of this Fellow, difcovers it feiffufficiently. It belongs to thellead, you fay, to command, and not to the Members : The King is the Head of the Parlament. You would not trifle thus, if you had any guts in your brains. You are mifta- ken again (but there's no end of yourMiftakes) in not diftinguifhing the King's Couniellors from the States of the Realm : For neither ought he to make choice of all of them, nor of any of them, which the reft do not approve of; but for electing any Member of the Houie of Commons, he never fo much as pretend- ed to it. Whom the People appointed to that Service, they were feverally cho- fen by the Votes of all the People in their refpecHve Cities, Towns, and Coun- ties. I fpeak now of things univerfally known, and therfore I am the fhor- ter. But you fay, 'Tis falfe that the Parlament was inftituted by the People, as the Worfippe's of Saint Independency ajfert. Now I fee wiry you tookfo much pains in endeavouring to fubvert the Papacy •, you carry another Pope in your Belly, as we fay. For what elfe fliould you be in labour of, the Wife of a Woman, a He- Wolf, impregnated by aShc-Wolf, but either a Monfter, or fome new fort of Pa- pacy ? You now make He-Saints, and She-Saints, at your pleafure, as if you were a true genuine Pope. You abfolve Kings of all their fins ; and as if you had utterly ruifh'd and fubdu'd your Antagonift the Pope, you adorn your felf with his fpoils. But becaufe you have not yet prorogated the Pope quite, till the fecond Vol. I. X xx and e%Z A Defence of the People ^England, and third, and perhaps the fourth and fifth Part of your Book of his Suprema- cy come out, which Book will naufeate a great many Readers to death, fooner than you'll get the better of the Pope by it ; let it fuffice you in the mean time, I befeech you, to become fome Antipope or other. There's another She-Saint, befides that Independency that you deride, which you have canoniz'd in good earned ; and that is, the Tyranny of Kings: You mail therfore by my confenr. be the Hi<dvPrieft of Tyranny ; and that you may have all the Pope's Titles, you fhall be a Servant of the Servants, not of God, but of the Court. For that Curfe pronounced upon Canaan, feems to flick as clofe to you, as your Shirt. You call the People a Beaft. What are you then your felf ? For neither can that facred Confiftory, nor your Lordfhip of St. Lou, exempt you its Mafter from ' being one of the People, nay, of the common People •, nor can make you other thanwhat you really are, a moil loathfome Beaft. Indeed, the Writingsof the Prophets fhadow out to us the Monarchy and Dominion of great Kings by the Name, and under the Refemblance of a great Beaft. You fay, That there is no mention of Parlaments held under our Kings, that reigned before William the Con- queror. It is not worth while to jangle about a French word : The thing was al- ways in being ; and you your felf allow that in the Saxon times, Concilia Sapien- tum, Wittena-gemots, are mentioned. And there are wife Men among the Body of the People, as well as amongft the Nobility. But in the Statute of Merton made in the twentieth year of King Henry the j,d, the Earls and Barons are only na- med. Thus you are always impofed upon by words, who yet have fpent your whole Life in nothing elfe but words ; for we know very well that in that age, not only the Guardians of the Cinque-Ports, and Magiilrates of Cities, but e- ven Tradefmen are fometimes called Barons ; and without doubt they might much more reafonably call every Member of Parlament, tho' never fo much a Commoner, by the Name of a Baron. For that in the fifty fecond Year of die fame King's Reign, the Commoners as well as the Lords were fummoned, the Statute of Marlbridge, and moft other Statutes, declare in exprefs words ; which Commoners King Edward the Third, in the Preface to the Statute-Staple, calls, Magnates Ccmitatim, the great Men of the Counties, as you very learnedly quote it for me ; thofe to wit, that came out of thefeveral Counties, and ferved for them ; which number of Men cenftituted the Houfe of Commons, and neither were Lords, nor could be. Befides, a Book more ancient than thole Statutes, called, Modus ha- bendi Parlamenta, i. e. The manner of holding Parlaments, tells us, that the King and the Commons may hold a Parlament, and enact Laws, tho' the Lords, the Bilhops, are ablent ; but that with the Lords, and the Bifhops, in the abfence of the Commons, no Parlament can be held. And there's a reafon given for it, viz. becaufe Kings held Parlaments and Councils with their People before any Lords or Bifhops were made •, befides, the Lords ferve for themfelves on- ly, the Commons each for the County, City, or Borough that fent them. And that therfore the Commons in Parlament reprelentthe whole Body of the Na- tion •, in which refpect they are more worthy, and every way preferable to the Houic of Peers. But the power of Judicature, you lay, never was invefed in the llmfe of Commons. Nor was the King ever pofiefled of it : Remember tho', that originally all power proceeded, and yet does proceed from the People. Which Marcus Tullius excellently well fhows in his Oration, Be lege Agraria, Of the Agrarian -Law,: ' As all Powers, Authorities, and public Admmiftratioris * ought to be derived from the whole Body of the People ; fo thofe of them ' ou^ht in an efpecial manner fo to be derived, which are ordained andappoint- ' ed for the common Benefit and Intertft of all, to which Employments every *• particular Perion may both give his Vote for the chufing fuch Perfons, as he « thinks will take moft care of the Public, and withal by voting and making ' Intereft for them, lay fuch Obligations upon them, as may entitle them to ' their Friendfhip, and good Offices in time to come.' Flere you fee the true rife and original of Parlaments, and that it was much ancienter than the Saxon Chronicles. Whilft we may dwell in fuch a light of Truth and Wifdom, as Cuero's Age afforded, you labour in vain to blind us with the darknefs of ob- fcum- times. By the fiiying wherof I would not be underftood to derogate in the lcail from the Authority and Prudence of our Anceftors, who moft certain- ly went further in the enacting of good Laws, than either the Ages they lived in, or their own Learning or Education i'eem to have been capable of; and tho' fometimes in anfuoer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 5 2 fometimes they made Laws that were none of the beft, yet as being confcious to themfelves of the Ignorance and Infirmity of Human Nature, they have con- veyed this Doctrine down to Pofterity, as the foundation of all Laws, which likewife all our Lawyers admit, that if any Law, or Cuftom, be contrary to the Law of God, .of Nature, or of Reafon, it ought to be looked upon as null and void. Whence it follows, that tho' it were poffible for you to difcover any Statute, or other public Sanction, which afcribed to the King a tyrannical Power, fince that would be repugnant to the Will of God, to Nature, and to right Reafon, you may learn from that general and primary Law of ours, which I have juft now quoted, that it will be null and void. But you will never bs able to find that any fuch Right of Kings has the leaft Foundation in our Law. Since it is plain therfore, that the Power of Judicature was originally in the People themfelves, and that the People never did by any royal Law part with it to the King, (for the Kings of England neither ufe to judge any Man, nor can by the Law do it, otherwiie than according to Laws fettled and agreed to : Fleta, Book i. Cap. 17.) it follows, that this Power remains yet whole and en- tire in the People themfelves. For that it was either never committed to the Houfe of Peers, or if it were, that it may lawfully he taken from them again, you your felf will not deny. But, It is in the King's power, you fiy, to make a Village into a Borough, and that into a City ; and confequently, the King does in ef- fect create thofe that conftitute the Commons Houfe of Parlament. But, I fay, that even Towns and Boroughs are more ancient than Kings ; and that the People is the People, tho' they mould live in the open Fields. And now we are extreme- ly well pleafed with your Anglicifms, COUNTT COURT, THE TURNE, HUNT) RED A: You have quickly learnt to count your hundred Jacobufj'es in EnglifJj. guts expedivit Salmafw fuam HUNDRED AM? Picamque docuit verba noftra conari? Magijter art is venter, & Jacobai Centum, cxulantis vifcera marfupii Regis. Quod fi dolofi fpes refuljerit nummi, Ipfe Antichrifli mo do qui Primatum Pap^e Minattis uno eft difj'vpare fiifflatu, Cantabit ultrb Cardinalitium mclos. Who taught Salmafms, that French chatt'ring Pye, To aim at Engliflo, and HUND R E DA cry ? The ftarving Rafcal, fiufh'd with juft a Hundred Englifi JacobufTes, HUND R EDA blunder'd. An out-law'd King's lafl: ftock.— A hundred more, Would make him pimp for th' Antichriftian Whore » And in Rome's praife employ his poifon'd Breath, Who threaten'd once to ftink the Pope to death. The next thing you do is to trouble us with a long Difcourfe of the Earls and the Barons, to fhow that the King made them all •, which we readily grant, and for that reafon they were mod commonly at the King's beck •, and therfore we have done well to take care, that for the future they fhall not be Judges of a Free People. You affirm, that the Power of calling Parlaments as often as hcpleafes, and of dijfolving them when he pleafes, has belonged to theKing time out of mind. Whe- ther fuch a vile, mercenary Foreigner as you, who tranferibe what fome Fugitives dictate to you, or the exprefs Letter of our own Laws are more to be credited iu this matter, we fhall enquire hereafter. But fay you, there is another Argument, and an invincible o»e, to prove the Power of the Kings of Kngland fitperior to that of the Parlamcnt ; the King's Power is perpetual and ofcourfe, wherby be adminifters the Government fingly without the Parlament ; that of the Par lament is extraordinary, cr out ofcourfe, and limited to particulars only, nor can they enaff any thing fo as to be binding in Law, without the King. Where does the great force of this Argument lie? In the words of courfe and perpetual? Why, many inferior Magiflrates have an ordinary and perpetual Power, thofe whom we call Juftices of Peace. Have they therfore the Supreme Power ? And I have faid already, that the King's Vol. I. X x x 2 Power c 24 A Defence of the People of England, Power is committed to him, to take care, by interpofing his Authority, that nothing be done contrary to Law, and that he may fee to the due obfervation of our Laws, not to top his own upon us : and confequently that the King has no Power out of his Courts ; nay, all the ordinary power is rather the Peoples* ■who determine all Controverfies themfelves by Juries of twelve Men. And hence it is that when a Malefactor is afked at his arraignment, Hcjo will you be tried? he anfwers always, according to Law and Cuftom, by God and my Country ; not by God and the King, or the King's Deputy. But the Authority of the Par- lament, which indeed and in truth is the Supreme Power of the People com- mitted to that Senate, if it maybe called extraordinary, it mud be by reafon of its Eminence and Superiority ; elfe it is known they are called Ordines, and ther- fore cannot properly be faid to be extra ordinem, out of order ; and if not actually, as they fay, yet virtually they have a perpetual Power and Authority over all Courts and ordinary Magiftrates, and that without the King. And now it feems our barbarous terms grate upon your critical Ears, forfooth! wheras, if I had leifure, or that if it were worth my while, I could reckon up fo many Barbarisms of yours in this one Book, as if you were to be chaftiz'd for them as you deferve, all the School-boys Ferula's in Chriftendom would be broken upon you ; nor would you receive fo many pieces of Gold as that wretched Poet did of old, but a great many more Boxes o'th ear. You fay, 'Tis a Prodigy more monjirous than all the mo t abfurd Opinions in the -world put together, that the Bedlams Jhould make a diftintli- on bet'xixt the King's Pozver and his Perfon. I will not quote what every Author has faid upon this Subject ; but it by the words Personam Regis, you mean wh.it we call in Englifl:, the Perfon of the King ; Cbryfoflom, who was no Bedlam, might have taught you, that it is no abfurd thing to make a diftindion betwixt that and his Power ; for that Father explains the Apoftle's command of being fub'ect. to the higher Powers, to be meant of the thing, the Power it ielf, and not of the Perfons of the Magiftrates. And why may not I fay that a King, who acts any thing contrary to Law, acts fo far forth as a private Perfon, or a Tyrant, and not in the Capacity of a King inverted with a legal Authority ? If you do not know that there may be in one and the lame Man more Perfons or Capacities than one, and thatthofe Capacities. may in thought and conception be fever'd from the man himfelf, you are altogether ignorant both of Latin and common Senfe. But this you fay to abfoive Kings irom all fin and guilt -, and that you may make us believe that you are gotten into the Chair your felf, which you have pull'd the Pope out of. The King, you fay, is fuppofed not capable of commit ting any crime, becaufe nopunifhment is confequential upon any crime of his. Whoever therfore is not punihVd, offends not ; it is not the theft, but the punilhment that makes the Thief. Salmafius the Grammarian commits no Sclcecifms now, becaufe he is from under the Ferula-, when you have overthrown the Pope, let thefe, for God's fake, be the Canons of your Pontificate, or at leaf!: your Indigencies, whether you ihallchufe to be called the High-Prieft St. Tyranny, or St. Slavery. I pafs by the reproachful Language which towards the latter end of the Chapter you give the State of the Commonwealth, and the Church of England ; 'tis common to f-jch as you are, you contemptible Varlet, to rail at thole things moll, that r.re moft praife-worthy. But that I may not feem to have afferted any thing rafhly concerning the Right of the Kings of England, or rather concerning the People's Right with refpect. to their Princes ; I will now alledge out of our ancient Hiftories a few things indeed of many, but fuch as will make it evident • the Englifh lately tried their King according to the fettled Laws of the Realm, and the Cuftoms of their Ancefiors. After the Romans quitted this Ifland, the Britain* for about forty years wtrtfui juris, and without any Kings at all. Of whom thofe they fir ft fet up, fome they put to death. And for that,, Gildas reprehends them, not as you do, for killing their Kings, but for killing them uncondemned, and (to ufe his own words,) Ken pro vert examinaticne, without enquiring into the matter of Fact. Vortigern was for his inceftuous Marriage with his own Daughter condemn'd (as Nennius informs us, the meft ancient of all our Hiftorians next to Gildas) by St. German, and a General Council of the Britains, and his Son Vortimer fet up in his ftead. This came to pafs not long after St. Augufine's death, which is enough to difcover how tutilous you are, to lay, as you have cone, that it was a Pope, and Zachary by name, who firft held the lawfulnefs of judging Kings. About the ] in anfwer to Salmafius'i Defence of the King. 525 year of our Lord 600, Morcantius, who then reign'd in Wales, was by Oudece- us Bifhop of Landaff, condemn'd to Exile, for the murder of his Uncle, though he got the Sentence off by beftowing fome Lands upon the Church. Come we now to the Saxons, whofe Laws we have, and therfore I ihall quote none of their Precedents. Remember that the Saxons were of a German extract, who neither inverted their Kings with any abfolute, unlimited power, and conlulted in a Body of the more weighty affairs of Government -, whence we may perceive that in the time of our Saxon Anceftors Parlaments (the name it felf only ex- cepted) had the Supreme Authority. The name they gave them, was Councils of 'Wife-men ; and this in the Reign of Ethelbert, of whom Bede fays, that be made Laws in imitation of the Roman Laws, cum concilio fapientum ; by the ad- vice, or in a Council of his Wife-men. So Edwin, King of Northumberland; and Ina King of the Weft-Saxons, having confulted with their Wife-men, and the Elders of the People, made new Laws. Other Laws K. Alfred made, by the advice in like manner of Am Wife-men ; and he fays him felf, that it was by the confent of them ell, that they were commanded to be obferved. From thefe and many other like places, it is as clear as the Sun, that choien Men even from amongft the common People, were Members of the Supreme Councils, unlefs we muft believe that no Men are wife, but the Nobility. We have likewife a very ancient Book, cal- led the Mirror of Jujlices, in which we are told, that the Saxons, when thev firft fubdued the Britains, and chofe themfelves Kings, required an Oath of them, to i'ubmit to the Judgment of the Law, as much as any of their Subjects, Cap. 1. Seel. 2. In the fame place 'tis faid, that it is but juft that the King have his Peers in Parlament, to take cognizance of wrongs done by the Kino-, or the Queen •, and that there was a Law made in King Alfred's time, that Parla- ments ihould be holden twice a year at London, or oftner, if need were: Which Law, when through neglect it grew into difufe, was revived bv two Statutes in King Edward the Third's time. And in another ancient Manufcript, called Modus tenendi Parlament a, we read thus, ' If the King difTolve the Parlament * before they have difpatch d the bufinefs, for which the Council was fummon'd, ' he is guilty of Perjury ; and mail be reputed to have broken his Coronation ■ Oath.' For how can he be laid to grant thole good Laws, which the People chufe, as he is iworn to do, if he hinders the People from chufing them, ei- ther by fummoning Parlaments feldomer, or by difToIving them foonerthan the Public Affairs require, or admit ? And that Oath, which the Kings of Eng- land take at their Coronation, has always been looked upon by our Lawyers, as a mofr facred Law. And what remedy can be found to obviate the great Dangers of the whole State (which is the very end of fummoning Parlaments) if that Great and Auguft Affembly may be diflblved at the pleafure many times of a filly, head-ftrong King ? To abfent himfelf from them, is certainly lefs than to difTolve them ; and yet by our Laws, as that Modus lays them down, the King neither can, nor ought to abfent himfelf from his Parlament, unlefs he be really indifpofed in Health ; nor then neither, till twelve of the Peers have been with him to infpect his Body, and give the Parlament an account of his Indifpofition. Is this like the Carriage of Servants to a Mafter ? On the other hand, the Houfe of Commons, without whom there can be no Parlamenc held, tho' fummoned by the King, may withdraw, and having made a Seceffion, expoftulate with the King concerning Male-adminiftration, as the fame Book has it. But, which is the greateft thing of all, amongft the Laws of King Edward, commonly called the Ccnfeffor, there is one very excellent, relating to ; ■ kingly Office ; which Office, if the King do not diicharge as he ought, then, fays the Law, He fiall not retain fo much as the Name of a King. And fcft thefe words fhould not be fufficiently underftood, the Example of Chilperic King of France is fubjoin'd, whom the People for that Caufe depofed. And that by this Law a wicked King is liable to Punifhment, that Sword of King Edward, called Curt ana, denotes to us, which the Earl of Chefter ufed to carry in the folemn Proceffion at a Coronation ; A token, lays Matthew Paris, that he has Authority by Law to pinifh theKing, if he will not do his Duty: and the Sword i^ hardly ever made ule of but in capital Puniihments. This fame Law, to- gether with other Laws of that good King Edward, did William the Conque- ror ratify in the fourth Year of his Reign, and in a very full Council held at Verukm, confirm'd it with a moll folemn Oath: And by fo doing, he not only 4 526 A Defence of the People of England, only extinguifh'd his Right of Conqueft, if he ever had any over us, but fub- iec~ted himfelf to be judged according to the Tenor of this very Law. And his Son Henry fwore to the obfervance of King Edward's Laws, and of this a- mono-ft the reft •, and upon thole only terms it was, that he was chofen King, whilft his Elder Brother Robert was alive. The fame Oath was taken by all fuc- ceedin°- Kings, before they were crowned. Hence our ancient and famous Lawyer BraBon, in his firft Book, Chap. 8. There is no King in the cafe, fays he, where Will rules the roaft, and Law does not take place. And in his third Book, Chap. 9. A King is a Kingfo long as he rules well -, he becomes a Tyrant when he op- preffes the People committed to his Charge. And in the fame Chapter, The King ought to ufe the Power of Law and Right, as God's Minifter and Vice-gcrent ; the Power of wrong is the Devil's, and not God's ; when theKing turns afide to do Injujlice, he is the Minifter of the Devil. The very fame words almoit another ancient Lawyer has, who was the Author of the Book, called Fleta; both of them re- member'd that truly Royal Law of King Edward, that fundamental Maxim in our Law, which I have formerly mentioned, by which nothing is to be account- ed a Law, that is contrary to the Laws of God, or of Reafon ; no more than a Tyrant can be faid to be a King, or a Minifter of the Devil a Minifter of God. Since therfore the Law is chiefly right Reafon, if we are bound to obey a King, and a Minifter of God ; by the very fame Reafon, and the very fame Law, we ou°ftt to refift a Tyrant, and a Minifter of the Devil. And becaufe Controver- sies' arife oftner about Names than Things, the fame Authors tell us, that a Kino- of England, tho* he have not loft the Name of a King, yet is as liable to be judged, and ought fo to be, as any of the common People. Braclon, Book I. Chap. 8. Fleta, Book 1. Chap. 17. No Man ought to be greater than theKing in theAdminiflration cfjuftice ; but he himfelf ought to be as little as the leaf, in re- ceiving Juftice, fi peccat, if he offend. Others read it, fi pel at. Since our Kings therforc are liable to be judged, whether by the Name of Tyrants, or of Kings, it mult not be difficult to affign their legal Judges. Nor will it be amifs to co;;- fult the fame Authors upon that point. Brailcn, Book 1. Chap. 16. Fleta, Book 1. Chap. 17. The King has his Superiors in the Government ; the Law, by which he is made King-, and his Court, to wit, the Earls, and the Barons: Comites (Earls) are as much as to fay, Companions ; and he that has a Companion, has a Maflcr \ and tkerfore, if the King will be without a Bridle, that is, not govern by Law, they ought to bridle him. That the Commons are comprehended in the word Barons, has been fhown already •, nay, and in the Books of our ancient Laws they are frequently faid to have been called Peers of Parlament : and efpecially in the Modus tenendi, &c. There JJjall be chofen (fays that Book) out of all tbs Peers of the Realm, five and twenty Perfons, of whom five fo all be Knights, five Citi- zens, and five Burgeffes ; and iwo Knights of a County, have a greater Vote in grant- ing andrejecling than the great 'eft Earl in England. And it is but reafonable they fliould, lor they vote for a whole County, &V. the Earls for themfelves only. And who can but perceive that thofe Patent Earls, whom you call Earls made by Writ (fince we have now none that hold their Earldoms by Tenure) are very unfit Perfons to try the King, who conferr'd their Honours upon them ? Since therfore by our Law, as appears by that old Book, call'd the Mirror, the King has his Peers, who in Parlament have cognizance of wrongs done by the King to any of his People •, and fince it is notorioufly known, that the meaneft Man in the Kingdom may even in inferior Courts have the benefit of the Law againft the King himfelf in cafe of any Injury, or Wrong fuftained ; how much more confo- nant to Juftice, how much more neceffary is it, that in cafe the King opprefsall his People, there fhould be fuch as have authority not only toreftrain him, and keep him within bounds, but to judge and punifh him : For that Government muft needs be very ill, and moil ridiculoufly conftituted, in which remedy is provided in cafe of little Injuries, done by the Prince to private Perfons, and no remedy, no redrefs for greater, no care taken for the fafety of the whole ; no provilion made to the contrary, but that the King may without any Law ruin all his Subjects, when at the fame time he cannot by Law fo much as hurt anyone of them. And fmce I have fhown that it is neither good manners, nor expedient, that the Lords fhould be the King's Judges ; it follows, that the Power of Judi- cature in that cafe does wholly, and by very good Right, belong to the Com- mons, who are both Peers of the Realm, and Barons, and have the Power and Authority in anfwer to Salmafms 9 i Defence of the King. 52,7 Authority of all the People committed to them. For fince (as we find it exprefly in our written Law, which I have already cited) the Commons together with the King make a good Parlament without either Lords or Bifhops, 1>ecaufe be- fore either Lords or Bifhops had a being, Kings held Parlaments with their Commons only ; by the very fame reafon the Commons apart mufthave the So- vereign Power without the King, and a Power of judging the King himfelf; be- caufe before there ever was a King, they in the Name of the whole Body of the Nation held Councils and Parlaments, had the Power of Judicature, made Laws and made the Kings themfelves, not to lord it over the People, but toadmini- fter their public Affairs. Whom if the King, inftead of fo doing, fhall endea- vour to injure and opprefs, our Law pronounces him from time forward notfo much as to retain the Name of a King, to be no fuch thing as a King ; and if he be no King, what need we trouble our felves to find out Peers for him ? For being then by all good Men adjudged to be a Tyrant, there are none but who are Peers good enough for him, and proper enough to pronounce Sentence of Death upon him judicially. Thefe things being fo, I think I have fufficiently proved what I undertook, by many Authorities, and written Laws ; to wit, that fince the Commons have Authority by very good Right to try the Kin», and fince they have actually tried him, and put him to death, for the mifchief he had done both in Church and State, and without all hope of amendment, they have done nothing therin but what was juft and regular, for the Intereft of the State, in discharging of their Truft, becoming their Dignity, and according to the Laws of the Land. And I cannot upon this occafion, but congratulate my felf with the Honour of having had fuch Anceftors, who founded this Govern- ment with no lefs Prudence, and in as much Liberty as themofl worthy of the ancient Romans or Grecians ever founded any of theirs : and they muft needs if they have any knowledge of our Affairs, rejoice over their Pofterity, who when they were almoft reduced to Slavery, yet with fo much Wifdorrj and Courage vindicated and afferted the State, which thev fo wifely founded upon fo much, Liberty, from the unruly Government of a King. CHAP. IX. I Think by this time 'us fufficiently evident that Kings of England nay be judg- ed even by the Laws of England; and that they have their proper Judges, which was the thing to be proved. What do you do farther ? (for wheras you repeat many things that you have faid before, I do not intend to repeat the an- fwers that I have given them) "Tis an eafy thing to demonftrate even from the na- ture of the things for which Parlaments arefummon'd, that the King is above the Parlament. The Parlament, you fay, is wont to be affembled upon weighty affairs , fuch as wherin the fafety of the Kingdom and of the People is concerned. If ther- fore the King call Parlaments together, not for his own concerns, but thofe of the Nation, nor to fettle thofe neither, but by their own confent, at their own difcrction, what is he more than a Minifter, and as it were an Agent for the Peo- ple? fi;ioe without their Suffrages that are chofen by the People, he cannot enaft the leaft thing whatfoever, either with relation to himfelf, or any body elfe ? Which proves likewife that 'tis the King's duty to call Parlaments whenever the People defirc it ; lince the People's and not theKing's concerns are to be treat- ed of by that Afilmbly, and to be ordered as they fee caufe. For although the King's affent be required for fafhion fake, which in leffer matters, that concern- ed the welfare of private perfons only, he might refufe, and ufe that form, the King will aclvifi ; yet in thofe greater affairs that concern'd the public fafety, and liberty of the Peojve in general, he had no negative voice : for it would have been againfl his Coronation-Oath to deny his affent in fuch cafes, which was as binding to him as any Law could be,and againfl the chief Article of Mag- na Charta, Cap. 29. ' We will not deny to any man, nor will we delay toren- ' der to every man Right and Juftice.' Shall it not be in the King's power to de- ny Juliice, and fhall it be in his power to deny the enacting of juft Laws ? Could he not deny Juftice to any particular perfon, and could he to all his Peo- ple 'i Could lie not do it in inferior Courts, and could he in the fupreme Court of S28 A Defence of the People of England, of all ? Or, can any King be fo arrogant as to pretend to know what's juft and profitable better than the whole body of the People ? Especially, fince ' he is * created and chofen for this very end and purpofe, to do Juftice to all, as Br ac- ton fays, Lib. 3. C. p. 9. that is, to do Juftice according to fuch Laws as the People agree upon. Hence is what we find in our Records, 7 H. 4. Rott. Pari, num. 59. The King has no Prerogative that derogates from Juftice and Equity. And formerly when Kings have refufed to confirm Acts of Parlament, to wit, Ma<rna Charta and fome others, our Anceftors have brought them to it by force of Anns. And yet our Lawyers never were of opinion that thofe Laws were lefs valid, or lefs binding, fince the King was forced to afTent to no more than what he ought in Juftice to have afiented to voluntarily, and without conftraint. Whilft you go about to prove that Kings of other Nations have been as much under the power of their Senates or Councils, as our Kings were, you do not ar<me us into Slavery, but them into Liberty. In which you do but that over ao-ain, that you have from the very beginning of your Difcourfe, and which fome filly Leguleians now and then do, to argue unawares, againft their own Clients. But you fay, Weconfefs that the King wherever he be, yet is fufpofedflid to beprefent in his Parlament by virtue of his power ; infomuch that whatever is tranf- atled there, is fuppofed to be done by the King himfelf : and then as if you had got fome petty bribe or frhall morfel, and tickled with the remembrance of your Purfe of Gold, We take, fay you, what they give us- y and take a Halter then, for I'm fure you deferve it. But we do not give it for granted, which is the thing you thought would follow from thence. That therfore that Court a8s only by virtue of a delegated Power from the King. For when we fay that the Regal Power, be it what it will, cannot be abfent from the Parlament, do we ther- by acknowledge that Power to be Supreme ? Does not the King's Authority feem rather to be transferred to the Parlament, and, as being the lefTer of the two, to be comprifeu in the greater ? Certainly if the Parlament may refcind the King's Acts whether he will or no, and revoke Privileges granted by him, to whomsoever they be granted: If they may fet bounds to his Prerogative, as they feecaufe, if they may regulate his yearly Revenue, and the Expences of his Court, his Retinue, and generally all the Concerns of his Houfhold ; if they may remove his moft intimate Friends and Counfellors, and as it were pluck them out of his bofom, and bring them to condign punifhment : Finally, if any Subject may by Law appeal from the King to the Parlament (all which things, that they may lawfully be done, and have been frequently practifed, both our Hiftories and Records, and the moft eminent of our Lawyers aflure us) I fup- pofe no man in his right wits will deny the Authority of the Parlament to be iuperior to that of the King. For even in an Interregnum the Authority of the Parlament is in being, and (than which nothing is more common in our Hifto- ries) they have often made a tree Choice of a SuccefTor, without any regard to a Hereditary defcent. In fhort, the Parlament is the Supreme Council of the Nation, conftituted and appointed by a moft free People, and armed with ample Power and Authority, for this end and purpofe; viz. to confult together upon the moft weighty affairs of the Kingdom ■, the King was created to put their Laws in execution. Which thing atter the Parlament themfelves had de- clared in a public Edict (for fuch is the Juftice of their Proceedings, that of their own accord they have been willing to give an account of their actions to o- ther Nations) is it not prodigious, that fuch a pitiful fellow as you are, a man of no authority, of no credit, of no figure in the world, a meer Burgundian flave, fhould have the impudence to accufe the Parlament of England, afierting by a public Inftrument their own and their Country's Right, of a detefable and horrid Jmpifture? Your Country may be afhamed, youRafcal, to have brought forth a little inconfiderable fellow of fuch profligate impudence. But perhaps you have fomevhat to tell us that may be for our good : Go on, we'll hear you. What Laws, fay you, can a Parlament enatl, in which the Bifhops are not prefeni? Did you then, ye Mad-man, expel the Order ol Bifhops out of the Church to introduce them into the State ? O wicked Wretch, who ought to Be delivered over to Satan, whom the Church ought to forbid her Communion, as being a 1 Ivpocrite, and an Atheift, and no civil Society of men to acknowledge as a mem- ber, being a public Enemy, and a Plague-fore to the common Libertv of Man- kind •, wTio, where the Gofpel fails you, endeavour to prove out of Arifto'.h\ Halicv- in anfwer to Salmafius'j Defence of the King. 529 Halicarnajpeufi and then from fome Popifh Authorities of the moft corrupt a°-es, that the King of England is the head of the Church of England, to the end that you may, as far as in you lies, bring in the Bifhops again, his Intimates and Ta- ble-Companions, grown fo of late, to rob and tyrannize in the Church of God, whom God himfelf has depofed and degraded, whofe very Order you had heretofore afferted in Print that it ought to be rooted out of the world, as deftructive of and pernicious to the Chriftian Religion. What Apoftate did e- verfo mamefully and wickedly defertas this man hasdone,I do not fav his own which indeed never was any, but the Chriftian Doctrine which he had formerly afferted ? The Bifljops being put down, who under the King, and by his permiflion held Pleaof Ecclefiajiical Caufes, upon whom, lay you, will that 'fur if Uclion devolve? Villain, have fome regard at lead to your own Confcience ; Remember be- fore it be too late, if at lead this admonition of mine come not too late re- member that this mocking the Holy Spirit of God is an inexpiable crime, and v. ill not be left unpunifh'd. Stop at lad, and fct bounds to your fury, left the Wrath of God lay hold upon ycu fuddenly, for endeavouring to deliver the flock of God, his Anointed ones that are not to be touched, to Enemies and cruel Tyrants, to be cruih'd and trampled on again, from whom himfelf by a high and ftretched-out arm had i'o lately delivered them ; and from whom you your felf maintained that they ought to be delivered, I know not whether fur a- ny good of theirs, or in order to the hardening of your own heart, and to fur- ther your own damnation. If the Bifhops have no right to lord it over the Church, certainly much lefs have Kings, whatever the Laws of Men may be to the contrary. For they that know any thing of the Gofpel know thus much, that the Government or" the Church is altogether Divine and Spiritual, and no Civil Conftitution. Wheras you fay, that in fecular /iffairs, the Kings of Eno-Jand • always bad the Sovereign Power ; our Laws do abundantly declare that to be fake. Our Courts of Juftice are erected and'fuppreffed, not by the Kino's Authority, but that of the Parlament -, and yet in any of them, the meaneft Subject might go to Law with the King : nor is it a rare thing for the Judges to give Judgment againft him, which if the King mould endeavour to obftruct by any Prohibition, Mandate, or Letters, the Judges were bound by Law, and by their Oaths not to obey him, but to reject fuch Inhibitions as null and void in Law. The King could not imprifon any Man, or feize his Eftate as forfeited; he could not punifh any Man, not fummoned to appear in Court, where not the King, but the ordinary Judges gave Sentence ; which they frequently did, as I have laid, againft the King. Llence our Brailon, lib. 3. cap. 9. The Regal Pcwa\ fays he, is according to Law ; he has no power to do any wrong; nor can the. King do any thing but what the Law warrants. Thofe Lav/yers that you have confulted Men that have lately fled their Country, may teil you another tale, and acquaint you with fome Statutes, not very ancient neither, but made in King Edward 4th's, King Henry 6th's, and King Edward 6th's days; but they did not confi- de-, that what power foever thole Statutes gave the King, was conferred up- on him by Authority of Parlament, fo that he was beholden to them for it; and the fame power that conferral it, might at pleafure relume it. Plow comes it to pals that fo acute a difputant as you, mould fuffer your felf to be impofed upon to that degree, as to make ufe of that very Argument to prove the King's Power to be Abfolute and Supreme, than which nothing proves more clearly, that it is fuhordinate to that of the Parlament? Our Rxcords of the greateft Authority with us, declare, that our Kings owe all their Power, not to any Right of Inheritance, of Ccnqueft, or Succeffion, but to the People. So in the Parlament Rolls of King Hen. 4. numb. 108. we read, that the kingly Office and Power was granted by the Commons to King Henry the 4th, and before him, to his Predeceffor King Richard the. 2d, juft as Kings ufe to grant Commiffo- rters Places, and Lieutenantihips to their Deputies, by Edicts and Patents. Thus the Houfe of Commons ordered exprefly to be entred upon record, ' That 4 they hudgranled to A^Richard to ufe the fame good Liberty that theKings of Eno-- 1 land before him had vfed:' Which becaufe that Kingabufed to the fubverfion of the T ,aws, and contrary to his Oath at his Coronation, the fame perfons that ^rant- ed him that power, took it back again, and depofed him. The fame Men, as ap- pears by the fame Record, declared in open Parlament, « That having confidence 1 in the Prudence and Moderation of King Henry the \th, they will and enact, • That he enjoy the fame Royal Authority that his Anceftors enjoyed. Which Vol. I. Yyy , if 4 e 3 o ^ Defence of the People of England, if it had been any other than in the nature of a Truft, as this was, either thole Houfes of Parlament were foolifh and vain, to give what was none of their own, or thofe Kings that were willing to receive as from them, what was already theirs, were too injurious both to themfclves and their Pofterity •, neither of which is likely. A third fart of the Regal Power, fay you, is ccnverfant about the Militia; this the Kings c/England have ufed to order and govern, without Fellow or Competitor. This is as falfe as all the reft that you have taken upon the credit of Fugitives i For in the firft place, both our own Hiftories, and thofe of Fo- reigners, that have been any whit exact in the relation of our Affairs, declare, that the making of Peace and War, always did belong to the Parlament. And the Laws of St. Edward, which our Kings were bound to fwear that they would maintain, make this appear beyond all exception, in the Chapter Be Heretochiis, viz. ' That there were certain Officers appointed in every Province and Coun- « ty throughout the Kingdom, that were called Heretochs, in Latin Duces, Com- 1 manders of Armies, that were to command the Forces of the feveral Counties,' not for the Honour of the Crown only, ' but for the good of the Realm. And ' they were chofen by the General Council, and in the feveral Counties at pub- * lie Affemblies of the Inhabitants, as Sheriffs ought to be chofen.' Whence it is evident, That the Forces of the Kingdom, and the Commanders of thofe Forces, were anciently, and ought to be ft ill, not at the King's Command, but at the People's ; and that this moil reafonable and juft Law obtained in this Kingdom of ours, no lefs than heretofore it did in the Commonwealth of the Romans. Concerning which, it will not be amifs to hear what Cicero lays, Philip. i. ' All the Leo-ions, all the Forces of the Commonwealth, whereibever they ' are are the People of Rome's ; nor are thofe Legions that defcrted the Con- ' ful Antonius, laid to have been Antony's, but the Commonwealth's Legions.* This very Law of St. Edward, together with the reft, did William the Con- queror, at the defire and inftance of the People, confirm by Oath, and added o- ver and above, cap. .^6. ' That all Cities, Boroughs, Caftles, lhould be fowatch- * ed every night, as the Sheriffs, the Aldermen, and other Magiftrater, fhould ' think meet for the fafety of the Kingdom. And in the 6th Law, ' Caftles, ' Boroughs, and Cities, were firft built for the Defence of the People, and ' thcrfore ought to be maintained free and entire, by all ways and means.* What then ? "Shall Towns and Places of Strength in times of Peace be guarded asainft Thieves and Robbers by Common Councils of the feveral Places ; and fhall they not be defended in dangerous times of War, againft both domeftic and foreign Hoftility, by the Common Council of the whole Nation ? If this be not crranted, there can be no Freedom, no Integrity, no Rcajon in the guarding of them -, nor lhall we obtain any of thofe ends, for which the Law it felf tells us, that Towns and Fortreffes were at firft founded. Indeed our Anceftors were willing to put any thing into the King's power, rather than their Arms, and the Garifons of their Towns; conceiving that to be neither better nor worfe, than betraying their Liberty to the Fury and Exorbitancy of their Princes. Of which there are lb very many inftances in our Hiftories, and thole fo generally known, that it would be fuperrluous to mention any of them here. But the King owespro- tetlion to his SubjeSis \ and how can he protett them, unlefs he have Men and Arms at Command? But, fay I, he bad all this for the good of the Kingdom, as has been faid, not for the deftruttion ol his People, and the ruin of the Kingdom : Which in King Henry the 3^'s time, one Leonard, a Learned Man in thole days, in an Affembly of Bifhops, told Rujlandus, the Pope's Nuncio and the King's Procurator, in thefe words; ' All Churches are the Pope's, as all temporal ' things are faid to be the King's, for Defence and Protection, not his in Propric- ' ty and Ownerfhip, as we lay ; they are his to defend, not to deftroy.' The aforementioned Law of St. Edward, is to the fame purpoie ; and what does this import more than a Truit ? Does this look like abfolute power? Such a kind of Power a Commander of an Army always has, that is, a delegated Power ; and yet both at home and abroad he is never the lels able to defend the People that chufe him. Our Parlaments would anciently have contended with- our Kings a- bout their Liberty and the Laws of St. Edward, to very little purpofe ; and 'twould have been an unequal match betwixt the Kings and them, if they had been of opinion, that the Power of the Sword belonged to him alone : for how unjuft Laws foever their Kings would haveimpoled upon them, their Charter, tho' never fo great, would have been a weak Defence againft Force. But far in anfwer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 53* fay you, What would the Par lament be the better for the Militia ', fmce without the King's affentthey cannot raife the leaf Farthing from the People towards the main- taining it ? Take you no thought for that : For in the firlt place you go upon a falfe iuppofition, that Parlaments cann t impofe Taxes with-ut the King's AJfent, upon the People that fend them, and whofe concerns they undertake. In the next place, you that are fo officious an enquirer into other mens matters, can- not but have heard, that the People of their own accord, by brin°-in°- in their Plate to be melted down, raifed a great Sum of Money towards the carrying on of this War againft the King. Then you mention the largenefs of our Kino's Revenue: You mention over and over again Five Hundred and Forty Thoufands : That thofe of our Kings that have been eminent for their Bounty and Liberality, have tifi'd to give large Boons out of their own Patrimony. This you were glad to hear; 'twas by this Charm, that thofe Traytors to their Country alluded you, as Ba- laam the Prophet was enticed of old, to curfe the People of God, and exclaim againft the judicial Diipenfations of his Providence. You Fool! what was that uhjuft and violent King the better for fuch abundance of Wealth? What are you the better for it ? Who have been no partaker of any part of it, that I can hear of (how great hopes foever you may have conceiv'd of being vaftly enriched by it) but only of a hundred pieces of Gold, in a Purfe wrought with beads. Take that reward of thine Iniquity, Balaam, which thou haft loved, and enjoy it. You go on to play the fool ; The fetting up of a Standard is a Prerogative that belongs to the King only. How fo ? Why becaufe Virgil tells us in his Mneis, ' That Turnus fet up a Standard on the top of the Tower at Laurentum, for an ' Enfign of War.' And do not you know, Grammarian, that every General of an Army does the fame thing? But, fays Ariflotle, The King muft always be pro- vided of a Military Pouer, that he may be able to defend the Laws; and therfore the King muff be flronger than the whole body of the People. This man makes Confe- quences juft as CEnUsdocs Ropes in Hell ; which are of noufe but to be eaten by Affes. For a number of Soldiers given to the King by the Peop'e, is one thing ; and the fole power of the Militia is quite another thing ; the latter, Ariflotle does not allow that Kings ought to be Mafters of, and that in this very place which you have quoted : He ought, fays he, to havefo many firmed men about him, as to make him ftronger than any one man, than many men got together; but he -muft ■not be flronger than all the People, Polit. lib. 3. cap. 4. Elie inltead of protecting them, it would be in his power to fubjeff. both People and Laws to himfelf. For this is the difference betwixt a King and a Tyrant : A King, by confent of the Senate and People, has about him fo many armed men, as to enable him to refift Enemies, and fupprefs Seditions. A Tyrant, againft the Will both of Senate and People, gets as great a number as he can, either of Enemies, or pro- fligate Subjects, to fide with him againft the Senate and the People. The Parla- ment therfore allowed the King, as they did whatever he had befides, the fet- ting up of a Standard; not to wage War againft his own People, but to defend them againft fuch as the Parlament fhould declare Enemies to the State : If he acted otherwife, himfelf was to be accounted an Enemy ; fince according to the very Law of St. Edivard, or according to a more facred Law than that, the Law of Nature it lelf, he loft the name of a King, and was no longer fuch. Whence Cicero in his Philip. ' He forfeits his Command in the Army, and In- * tereft in his Government, that employs them againft the State.' Neither could the King compel thofe that held of him by Knight-Service, to ferve him in any other War, than fuch as was made by confent of Parlament •, which is evident by many Statutes. So for Cuftoms and other Subfidies for the maintenance of the Navy, the King could not exact them without an Act of Parlament ; as was refolved about twelve years ago, by the ableft of our Lawyers, when the King's Authority was at the height. And long before them, Fortefcue, an Eminent Lawyer, and Chancellor to King Henry the 6th, ' The King of E> gland, fays he, ' can neither alter the Laws, nor exact Subfidies without the People's confent.' Nor can any Teftimonies be brought from Antiquity, to prove the Kingdom of England to have been merely Regal. ' The King, fays Braclon, has a Jurifdic- ' tion over all his Subjects ;' that is, in his Courts of Juftice, where Juftice is admini^red in the Kind's name indeed, but according to our own Laws. * All 4 are fubject to the King-,' that is, every particular man is-, and fo Braclon ex- plains himfelf in the places that I have cited. What follows is but turning the fame ftone over and over again -, (at which fport I believe you are able to tire Si- Vol. I, X y y z fiphui $$i A Defence of the People of England, fipbas himfelf) and is fufficiently anfwered by what has been faid already. For the reft, if pur Parlaments have fometimes complimented good Kings with fubmiffive expreflions, tho' neither favouring of Flattery nor Slavery, thole are not to be accounted due to Tyrants, nor ought to prejudice the People's Right : wood manners and civility do not infringe Liberty. Wheras you cite out of Sir Edw. Coke and others, ' That the Kingdom of England is an abfolute Kingdom ,' that is faid with refpect to any Foreign Prince, or the Emperor ; becaufe as Cam- den fays, * It is net under the Patronage of the Emperor : but both of them * affirm that the Government of England refidesnot in the King alone, but in a * Body Politic' Whence Fortefcue in his Book de Laud. Leg. Ang. cap. 9. ' The « King of England, fays he, governs his People, not by a meerly Regal, but a 1 Political Power •, for the Englijh are govern'd by Laws of their own making.* Foreign Authors were not ignorant of this : Hence Philip de Comities, a Grave Author, in the Fifth Book of his Commentaries, ' Of all the Kingdoms of the * Earth, fays he, that I have any knowledge of, there is none in my opinion, * where the Government is more moderate, where the King has lefs power of 1 hurting his People, than in England' Finally, 'Tis ridiculous, lay you, for them to affirm that Kingdoms were ancient er than Kings ; which is as much as if they foould fay, that there was Light before the Sun was created. But with your good leave, Sir, we do not fay that Kingdoms, but that the People were before Kings. In the mean time, who can be more ridiculous than you, who deny there was Light before the Sun had a being ? You pretend to a curiofity in other mens matters, and have forgot the very firft tilings that were taught you. You wonder how they that have feen the King fit upon his Throne, ataSeffion of P arlament (fubau- reo & ferico Coelo,ttnder a golden and Jilken Heaven) under a Canopy of State, fhould fo much as make a queftion whether the Majejly refided in him, or in the P arlament ? They are certainly hard of belief, whom fo lucid an Argument coming down from Heaven, cannot convince. Which golden Heaven, you, like a Stoic, have fo devoutly and ferioufly gaz'd upon, that you feem to have forgot what kind of Heaven Mofes and Arifiotle deicribe to us ; for you deny that there was any Light in Mofes's Heaven before the Sun ; and in Arijlctle's you make three tem- perate Zones. How many Zones you oblerved in that Golden and Silken Hea- ven of the King's, I know not ; but I know you got one Zone (a Purfe) well tempered with a Hundred Golden Stars by your Aflronomy. CHAP. X. SINCE this whole Controverfy, whether concerning the Right of Kings in general, or that of the King oi England in particular, is rendred difficult and intricate, rather by the obftinacy of Parties, than by the nature of the thing ic felf ; I hope they that prefer Truth before the Intereft of a Faction, will be fa- tisfied with what I have alledged out of the Law of God, the Laws of Nations, and the Municipal Laws of my own Country, that a King of England may be brought to Trial, and put to death. As for thole whole minds are either blind- ed with Superftition, or fo dazled with the Splendor and Grandeur of a Court, that Magnanimity and true Liberty do not appear fo glorious to them, as they are in themfelves, it will be in vain to contend with them, either by Reafon and Arguments, or Examples. But you, Salmafms, feem very abfurd, as in every other part of your Book, fo particularly in this, who tho' you rail perpetually at the Independents, and revile them with all the terms of Reproach imaginable, yet aflert to the higheft degree that can be, the Independency of a King, whom you defend ; and will not allow him to owe his Sovereignty to the People, but to his De- fcent. And wheras in the beginning of your Book you complain'd that he was put to plead for his Life, here you complain, that he per if) Sd without being heard t a J peak for himfelf. But if you have a mind to look into the Hiftory of his Trial, which is very faithfully publifh'd in French, it may be you'll be of another opinion. Wheras he had liberty given him for ibme days together, to fay What he could for himlclf, he made ufe of it not to clear himfelf of the Crimes laid to his charge, but to difprove the Authority of his Judges, and the Judicature that he was cal- led before. And whenever a Criminal is either mute, or fays nothing to the purpofc, there is no Injullice in condemning hini without hearing him, if his Crimes in anfooer to SalmafiusV Defence of the King. 533 Crimes are notorious, and publicly known. If you fay that Charles died as he lived, I agree with you : It you fay that he died pioully, holily, andateafe, you may remember that his Grandmother Mary, Queen of Scots, an infamous Wo- man, died on a Scaffold with as much outward appearance of Piety, Sanctity* and Conftancy, as he did. And left you ihould afcribe too much to that prefence of mind which fome common Malefactors have fo great a meafure of at their death ; many times defpair, and a hardned heart puts on as it were a Vizor of Courage; and Stupidity, a mew of Quiet and Tranquillity of Mind: Sometimes the word of Men defire to appear good, undaunted, innocent, and now and then religious, not only in their life, but at their death; and in fullering death for their Villanies, ufe to ad the Iaft part of their Hypocrify and Cheats, "with all the mow imaginable; and like bad Poets or Stage-players, are very ambitious of be- ing clapp'd at the end of the Play. Now, you fay, yon are come to enquire who they chiefly were, that gave Sentence again It the King. Wheras it ou^ht firft to be enquired into, how you, a Foreigner, and a French Vagabond* came to have any- thing to do to raife a queftion about our Affairs, to which you are lb much a Stranger? And what Reward induced you to it? But we know enough of that, and who fatisfied your curiofity in theft matters of ours; even thofe Fugitives, «ind Traitors to their Country, that could eafily hire fuch a vain Fellow as you, to fpeak ill of us. Then an account in writing, of the ftate of our Affairs, was put into you hands by fome hair-brain'd, half Proteftant, half Papift Chaplain or other, or by fome fneaking Courtier, and you were put to tranflate it into Latin ; out of that you took thefe Narratives, which, if you pleafe, we'll exa- mine a little : Not the hundred thoufandtb part of the People confented to this Sen- tence of Condemnation. What were the reft of the People then that fuffer'd fo great a thing to be tranfacted againft their will ? Were they Stocks and Stones, were they mere Trunks of Men only, or fuch Images of Britain*, as Virgil de- fcribes to have been wrought in Tapeftry ? Purpurea intexti tollunt aulea Britanni. And Britains interwove held up the purple Hangings. For you defcribe no true Britains, but painted ones, or rather Needle-wrought Men inftead of them. Since therfore it is a thing fo incredible that a warlfke Nation ffiould be fubdued by fo few, and thofe of the dregs of the People (which is the firft thing that occurs in your Narrative) that appears in the very nature of the thing it felf to be moll falfe. The Bifloops were turn'd out of the Houfe of Lords by the Parlamcnt it felf. The more deplorable is your Madnefs (for are not you yet fenlible that you rave) to complain of their being turn'd out of the Parlament, whom you your felf in a large Book endeavour to prove ou°ht to be turn'd out of the Church. One of the States of Parlament, to wit , the Houfe of Lords, conftfting of Dukes, Earls, andVifcounts, was removed. And defer- vedly were they removed ; for they were not deputed to fit there by any Town or County, but rcprefented themfelves only ; they had no Right over the Peo- ple, but (as if they had been ordained for that very purpofe) ufed frequently to oppofe their Rights and Liberties. They were created by the King, they were his Companions, his Servants, and as it were, Shadows of him. He beinp- re- moved, it was neceffary they ffiould be reduced to the fame Level with the Body of the People, from amongft whom they took their rife. One part of the Parla- ment, iind that the worjt of all, ought not to have ajjum'd that Power of judging and condemning the King. But I have told you already, that the Floufe of Commons was not only the chief part of our Parlament, while we had Kings, but was a perfect and entire Parlament of it felf, without the temporal Lords, much more without the Bifhops. But, The -is. hole Houfe of Commons themfelves were not admitted to have to do with the Trial of the King, To wit, that part of them was not admitted, that openly revolted to him in their Minds and Counfels ; whom, fho* they ftiled him their King, yet they had fo often acted againft, as an Enemy. The Parlament of England, and the Deputies lent from the Parlament of Scot- land, on the 13th of January, 164.5, wrote to the King, in anfwer to a Letter of his, by which he defired a deceitful Truce, and that he might treat with them at London -, that they could not admit him into that City, till he had made Satisfac- tion to the State for the civil War that he had railed in the diree Kingdoms, and for the Deaths of fo many of his Subjects llain by his Order ; and till he had agreed to a true and firm Peace upon fuch Terms as the Parlaments of both Kingdoms ^.34 J Defence of the People of England, Kingdoms had offered him fo often already, and fhould offer him again. He on the other hand cither refuted to hear, or by ambiguous Anfwers eluded their juft and equal Proposals, tho' molt humbly prefented to him feven times over. The Parlament at iaft, after fo many years patience, left the King mould overturn the State by his Wiles and Delays, when in Prifon, which he could not fubdue in the Field, and left the vanquilh'd Enemy, pleafed with our Divifions, fhould recover himfelf, and triumph unexpectedly over his Conquerors, vote that for the future they would have no regard to him, that they would fend him no more Propofals, nor receive any from him : After which Vote, there were found even fome Members of Parlament, who out of the hatred they bore that invincible Army, whole Glory they envied, and which they would have had difbanded, and fent home with difgrace, after they had deferved fo well of their Nation, and out of a fervile compliance with fome Seditious Minifters, finding their op- portunity, when many, whom they knew to be otherwife minded than them- felves havino- been lent by the Houfe it felf to fupprefs the Presbyterians, who be CT an already to be turbulent, were abfent in the feveral Counties, with a ftrange Levity, not to fay Perfidioufnefs, vote that that inveterate Enemy of the State, who had nothing of a King but the Name, without giving any Satisfaction or Security, fhould be brought back to London, and reftored to his Dignity and Go- vernment, as if he had deferved well of the Nation by what he had done. So that they preferr'd the King before their Religion, their Liberty, and that very celebrated Covenant of theirs. What did they do in the mean time, who were found themfelves, and law fuch pernicious Councils on foot ? Ought they ther- fore to have been wanting to the Nation, and not provide for its fafety, becaufe the Infection had fpread it felf even in their own Houfe ? But, who fecluded thole ill-affected Members? The Englijh Array, you fay : So that it was not an Army of Foreigners, but of moft valiant, and faithful, honeft Natives, whole Officers for the moft part were Members of Parlament ; and whom thofe good fe- cluded Members would have fecluded their Country, and banifhed into Ireland; while in the mean time the Scots, whole Alliance began to be doubtful, had very confiderable Forces in four of our Northern Counties, and kept Garifons in the beft Towns of thofe Parts, and had the King himfelf in Cuftody ; whilft they likewife encouraged the tumultuating of thofe of their own Faction, who . did more than threaten the Parlament, both in City and Country, and through whole means not only a Civil, but a War with Scotland too fhortly after brake out. If it has been always accounted praife-worthy in private Men to affift the State, and promote the public Good, whether by Advice or Action ; our Army lure was in no fault, who being ordered by the Parlament to come to Town, obey'd and came, and when they were come, quell'd with eafe the Faction and Uproar of the King's Party, who fometimes threaten'd the Houfe it felf. For things were brought to that pais, that of neceffity either we mult be run down by them, or they by us. They had on their fide moft of the Shopkeepers and Handicrafts-men of London, and generally thofe of the Minilters, that were moft factious. On our fide was the Army, whofe Fidelity, Moderation, and Courage were fufficientlv known. It being in our power by their means to retain our Li- berty, our State, our common Safety, do you think we had not been Fools to have loft all by our negligence and folly? They who had had places of Com- mand in the King's Army, after their Party were fubdued, had laid down their Arms indeed againft their wills, but continued Enemies to us in their Hearts; and they flock'd to Town, and were here watching all opportunities of renew- ing the War. With thefe Men, tho' they were the greateft Enemies they had in the world, and thirfied after their Blood, did the Presbyterians, becaufe they were not permitted to exercife a Civil, as well as an Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction over all others, hold fecret Correfpondence, and took meaiures very unworthy of what they had formerly both laid and done; and they came to that Spleen at lalt, that they would rather enthral themfelves to the King again, than admit their own Brethren to fhare in their Liberty, which they likewife had purcha- fed at the price of their own Blood ; they chofe rather to be lorded over once more by a Tyrant, polluted with Lhe Blood of fo many of his own Subjects, and who was enraged, and breath'd out nothing but revenge againft thofe of them that were left, than endure their Brethren and Friends to be upon the fquare with them. The Independents, as they are called, were the only men, that from fir ft to Lift kept to their point, and knew what ufe to make of their Victory. Thev in anfboer to Salmafms'j- Defence of the King. 535 They refus'd (and wifely, in my opinion) to make him King again, being then an Enemy ; who when he was their King, had made himfelf their Enemy : Nor were they ever the Jefs averfe to a Peace, but they very prudently dreaded a new War, or a perpetual Slavery under the name of a Peace. To load our Army with the more reproaches, you begin a filly con fu fed Narrative of our Affairs j in which tho' I find many things falfe, many things frivolous, many things laid to our charge, for which we rather merit ; yet I think it will be to no purpofe for me to write a true relation, in anfwer to your falfe one. For you and I are ar- guing, not writing Hiftories, and both fides will believe our reafons, but not our narrative ; and indeed the nature of the things themfelves is fuch, that they cannot be related as they ought to be, but in a fet Hiftory •, {o that I think it better, as Salujl faid of Carthage, rather to fay nothing at all, than to fay but a little of things of this weight and importance. Nay, and I fcorn fo much as to mention the praifes of great Men, and of Almighty God himfelf (who in fo wonderful a courfe of Affairs ought to be frequently acknowledged) amongft your Slanders and Reproaches. I'll therfore only pick out fuch things as feem to have any colour of argument. You fay, the English and Scotch promifed by a fclemn Covenant, to preferve the Majefty of the King. But you omit upon what terms they promifed it ; to wit, if it might confilt with the fafety of their Re- ligion and their Liberty. To both which, Religion and Liberty, that King was fo averfe to his laft breath, and watch'd all opportunities of gaining advantages upon them, that it was evident that his Life was dangerous to their Religion, and the certain ruin of their Liberty. But then you fall upon the King's Judges a- gain : Ifive confider the thing aright, the conclufwn of this abominable aclion muft be imputed to the Independents, yet fo as the Prefbyterians mayjuftly challenge the glory of its beginning and progrefs. Hark, ye Presbyterians, what good has it done you ? How is your Innocence and Loyalty the more cleared by your feeming fo much to abhor the putting the King to death? You yourfelves in the opinion of this everlafting talkative Advocate of the King, youvAccufir, went more than half- way towards it -, you were feen ailing the fourth Ail and more, in this Tragedy ;you may jufily be charged with the King's death, Jince youfhew'd the way to it ; 'twas you and only you that laid his head upon the Block. Wo be to you in the firft place, if ever Charles his Pofterity recover the Crown of England ; afiure your felves, you are like to be put in the black Lift. But pay your Vows to Gdd, and love your Brethren who have delivered you, who have prevented that Calamity from fal- ling upon you, who have favedyou from inevitable ruin, tho' againit your own wills. You are accufed likewile lor that fome years ago you endeavour'd by fundry Petitions to leffen the King's authority, that you publiflSc I fome fcar.dalous Exprejfwns of the King himfelf in the Papers you prefented him with in the name of the Par lament ; to wit, in that Declaration of the Lords and Commons of the 26th o/May 164.2,3011 declared openly in fome mad Pofitions that breath' d nothing but Rebellion, what your thoughts were of the King's authority : Hotham by order of Parlament fhut the gates 0/TI11II againft the King; you had a mind to make a trial by this firft acl of Rebellion how much the King would bear. What could this Man fay more, if it were his de- fign to reconcile the minds of all Englifhmen to one another, and alienate them wholly from the King? for he gives them here to understand, that if ever the King be brought back,they mult not only expect to be punifh'd for his Father's death, but for the Petitions they made long ago, and fome Acts that paft in full Pai lament, concerning the putting down the Common- Prayer and Biihops, and that of the triennial Parlament, and feveral other things that were enacted with the greateft confent and applaufe of all the People that could be; all which will be look'd upon as the Seditions and mad Pofitions of the Presbyterians, But this vain fellow changes his mind all of a fudden ; and what but of late, when he eonfideredit aright, he thought was to be imputed wholly to the Presbyterians, now that he confiders the fame thing from firft. to laft, he thinks the Independents were the fole Actors of it. But even now he told us, the Prefbyterians look up Arms againit the King, that by them he was beaten, taken captive, and put inprifon: Now he fays, this zvhole Doctrine of 'Rebellion is the Independents Principle. O! the faithfulnefsof this Man's Narrative ! How confiftent he is with himfelf! What need is there of a Counter-Narrative to this of his, that cuts its own throat ? But if any man fiiould queftion whether you are an honeft Man or a Knave, let him read thele following lines of yours: It is time to explain whence and at what i.ixe this Seel of Enemies to KingJ/.ip firft began. Why truly thefe rare Puritans began in A. 536 A Defence of the People of England, in Queen Elizabeth'* time to crawl out of Hell, anddijturi not only the Church, but the State likewife; for they are no lefs plagues to the latter than to the former. Now your very fpeech bewrays you to be a right Balaam ; for where you defigned to ink out the moft bitter Poifon you could, there unwittingly and againft your will you have pronoune'd a Blefling. For it's notorioufly known all over England, that if any endeavoured to follow the example of thole Churches, whether in France or Germany, which they accounted beft reformed, and to exercife the public Worlhip of God in a more pure manner, which our Bifhops had almofb univerfally corrupted with their Ceremonies and Superftitions •, or if any feemed either in point of Religion or Morality to be better than others, fuch perfons were by the Favourers of Epifcopacy termed Puritans. Thefe are they whole Principles you fay are fo oppofite to Kingfhip. Nor are they the only perfons, moft of the reformed Religion, that have not fucked in the reft of their principles, yet feem to have approved of thoft that flrike at kingly Government. So that while you inveigh bitterly againft the Independents, and endeavour to feparate them from Chrift's flock, with the fame breath you praife them ; and thofe Principles which almoft every where you affirm to be peculiar to the Independents, here you con- fefs have been approved of by moft of the reformed Religion. Nay, you are arrived to that degree of impudence, impiety and apoftacy, that though for- merly you maintained Bilhops ought to be extirpated out of the Churchy root and branch, as fo many pefts and limbs of Antichrift, here you fay the Kino- ought to protect them, for the faving of his Coronation-Oath. You cannot fhow your felf a more infamous Villain than you have done already, but by ab- juring the Protcftant Reformed Religion, to which you are a fcandal. Where- as you tax us with giving a Toleration of all Set! s and Herefies, you ought not to find fault with us for that; fince the Church bears with fuch a profligate Wretch as you your felf, fuch a vain Fellow, fuch a Lyar, fuch a Mercenary Slanderer, fuch an Apoftate, one who has the impudence to affirm, that the beft and molt pious of Chriftians, and even moft of thofe who profefs the reformed Religi- on, are crept out of Hell, becaufe they differ in opinion from you. I had beft pais by the Calumni s that fill up the reft of this Chapter, and thofe prodigious Tenets that you afcribe to the Independents, to render them odious; for neither do they at all concern the Caufe you have in hand, and they are fuch for the molt part as deferve to be laugh'd at, and defpifed, rather than receive a ferious Anfwer. CHAP. xr. YO U feem to begin this eleventh Chapter, Salmajius, though with no mo- deity, yet with fome fenfe of yourweaknefs and trifling in this Difcourfe. For wheras you propofed to your leli to enquire in this place, by what autho- rity fentence was given againft the King? you add immediately, which no bo- dy expected from you, that 'lis in vain to make any fuch enquiry ; to wit, becaufe the quality of the perfons that did it, leaves hardly any room for fuch a quefliott. And therfore as you have been found guilty of a great deal of Impudence and Saucinefs in the undertaking of this Caufe, lb fince you feem here confeious of your own impertinence, I fhall give you the fhorter Anfwer. To your queftion then ; by what authority the Houfe of Commons either condemn'd the King themfelves, or delegated that Power to others ; I anfwer, they did it by virtue of the fupreme Authority on Earth. How they come to have the Supreme Pow- er,you may learn by what I have laid already, when I have refuted your Imperti- nencies upon that Subject. If you believed your felf that you could ever lay e- nough upon any Subject, you would not be fo tedious in repeating the fame things fo many times over. And the Houfe of Commons might delegate their Judici- al Power by the famereafon, by which you fay the King may delegate his, who received all he had from the People. Hence in that folemn League and Cove- nant that you object to us, the Parlaments of England and Scotland folcmnly protcft and engage to each other, to punifh the Traitors in fuch manner as the v me, Judicial Authority in both Nations, or fuch as fliould have a delegated Power from item, fhould think fit. Now you hear the Parlaments of both Nations pro- tcft with one voice, that they may delegate their Judicial Power, which they call the in anfwer to Salmafius'i Defence of the Kim. 537 the Supreme ; fo that you move a vain and frivolous Controverfy about dele<*atino- this power. But, lay you, there were added to thefe Judges that were madTchoiTe of oh! of ihe Houfe of Commons, feme Officers of the Army, and it never -was known thai Soldiers had any right to try a Subject for his life. I'll filence you in a very few words : You may remember that we are not now difcourfing of a Subject, but of an Enemy ■, whom if a General of an Army, after he has taken him Prifoner, refolds to dilpatch, would he be thought to proceed otherwife than according to Cuftom and Martial Law, if he himfelf with fome of his Officers fhould fit upon him, and try and condemn him ? An Enemy to a Srate made a Prifoner of War, cannot be lookt upon to be lb much as a Member, much lefs a Kino- in that State. This is declared by that Sacred Law of St. Edward, which denies that a bad King is a King at all, or ought to be call'd fo. Wheras you fay, it was not the whole, but a part of the Houfe of Commons that try'd and condemned the King, I give you this anfwer : The number of them, who gave their Votes for putting the King to death,, was far greater than is neceffary, according to the cuftom of our Parlaments, to tranfact the greatefl Affairs of the Kingdom, in the abfence. of the re!l ; who fince they were abfent through their own fault (for to revolt to the common Enemy in their hearts, is theworft fort of abfence) their abfence ought not to hinder the reft who continued faithful to the caufe, from pivferving the State ; which when it was in a tottering condition, and al- molt quite reduced to Slavery and utter Ruin, the whole body of the People had at fii ft committed to their fidelity, prudence and courage. And they acted their parts like men-, they fct themfelves in oppofition to the unruly wilfulnefs, the rage, the fecret defigns of an inveterate and exafperated King ; they prefer'd the common Liberty and Safety before their own ; they out-did all former Par- laments, they out-did all their Anceftors in Conduct, Magnanimity and Sted- dinefs to their caufe. Yet thefe very men did a great part of the People ungrate- fully defert in the midft of their undertaking, tho' they had promifed them all fidelity, all the help and affiftance they could afford them. Thefe were for Sla- very and Peace, with (loth and luxury, upon any terms : Others demanded their Liberty, nor would accept or a Peace that was not fure and honourable. What fhould the Parlament do in this cafe ? Ought they to have defended this part of the People, that was found, and continued faithful to them and their Country, or to have fitted with thofe that deferted both ? I know what you will fay they ou°-hc to have done. You are not Eury'ochus, but Elpenor, a miferable enchanted Beaft, a filthy Swine, accullom'd to a fordid Slavery even under a Woman j fo that you have not the lead relifh of true Magnanimity, nor confequently of Liberty which is the effeift of it : You would have all other men Slaves, becaufe you find in your felf no generous, ingenuous inclinations ; you fay nothing, you breathe rothing but what's mean and fervile. You raife another fcruple, to wit, That be was the King <?/" Scotland too, whom we condemn' 'd; as if he might therfore do what he would in England. But that you may conclude this Chapter, which of ail others is the moft weak and infipid, at leaft with fome witty querk, There are two little words, fay you, that are made up of the fame number of Letters, and differ enly in ihe placing of them, but whofefignijications are wide afunder, to wit, Vis and Jus, (Might and Right.) 'Tis no great wonder that fuch a three-letter'd man as you, {Fur a Thief) fhould make fuch a Witticifm upon three Letters : 'Tis the greater wonder (which yet you afiert throughout your Book) that two things fo direftly oppolite to one another as thofe two are, mould yet meet and become one and the fame thing in Kings. For what violence was ever acted by Kings, which you do not affirm to be their Right ? Thefe are al! the pafiages that I could pick out of nine long Pages, that I thought deferved an anfwer. The reft con- lifts cither of repetitions of things that have been anfwered more than once, or fuch as have no relation to the matter in hand. So that my being more brief in this Chapter than in the reft, is not to be imputed to want of diligence in me, which, how irkfomc foever you are to me, I have not flackned, but to your te- dious impertinence, fo void of matter and fenfe, CHAP. XII. IWifh, Sahncfius, that you had left out this part of your Difcourfe concern- ing the King's crimes, which it had been more advifable for your felf and ycur party to have done •, for I'm afraid left in giving you an anfwer to it, I fhould appear too fharp andfevetoupon him, now he his dsad, and hath recei- Y o l . f . Z z z. ved 4 5 3 8 ^ Defence of the People of England, ved his punifhment. But fince you chofe rather to difcourfe confidently and a!, lar^e upon that Subject, I'll make you fenfible, that you could not have done a more inconfidcrate 'thing, than to referve the word part of your cauie to th« laft to wit, that of ripping up and enquiring into the King's Crimes ; wh when I (hall have proved them to have been true and moft exorbitant, they will render his memory unpleafant and odious to all good men, and imprint now in the clofe of the Controverfy, a juft hatred of you, who undertake his defence, on the Readers minds. Say you,' His acatfation may be divided into two pans, ate _ fpent in Banquetin 5 , for what can there be in Luxury and Excefs, worth relating ? And what would thofe things have been to us, if he had been a private perfon ? But fince he would be a Kinp° as he could not live a private Life, fo neither could his Vices be like thofe 'of a private Perfon. For in the firft place, he did a great deal of mif- chief by his Example : In the fecond place, all that time that he fpent upon his luft, and his fports, which was a great part of his time, he ftole from the State, the 'Government of which he had undertaken. Thirdly and laftly, he fquan- dered away vaft Sums of Money, which were not his own, but the public Re- venue of the Nation, in his domeftic Luxury and Extravagance. So thatin his private life at home he firlt began to be an ill King. But let us rather pais over to thofe Crimes that be is charged with on the account of mi (government. Here you lament his being condemned as a Tyrant, a Traitor, and a Murderer. That he had no wrong done him, fhall now be made appear. But firft let us define a Ty- rant, not according to vulgar conceits, but the judgment of Ariftotle, and of all Learned Men. He is a Tyrant who regards his own welfare and profit only, and not that of the People. So Ariftolle defines one in the Tenth Book of his E- thics, and elfewhere, and fo do very many others. Whether G&flr/« regarded his ■own or the People's good, thefe fewthings of many that I fhall but touch upon, will evince. When his Rents and other public Revenues of the Crown would not de- fray the Expences of the Court, he laid moft heavy Taxes upon the People ; and when they were fquandred away, he invented new ones; not for the benefit, ho- nour, or defence of the State, but that he might hoard up, or lavifh out in one Houfe, the Riches and Wealth, not of one, but of three Nations. When at this rate he broke loofe, and acted without any colour of Law to warrant his proceed- ing's, knowing that the Parlament was the only thing that could give him check, he endeavoured either wholly to lay afide the very calling of Parlaments, or cal- ling them juft as often, and no oftner, than to ferve his own turn, to make them en- tirely at his devotion. Which Bridle when he had caft off himfelf, he put another Bridle upon the People •, he put Gariibns of GermanYxortc and Irijh Foot in many Towns and Cities, and that in time of Peace. Do you think he does not begin to look like a Tyrant ? In which very thing, as in many other Particulars, which you have formerly given me occafion to inftance (tho' you fcornto have Charles compared with fo cruel aTyrant as, Nero) he refembled him extremely much. For Nero likewife often threatned to take away the Senate. Befides, he bore extreme hard upon the Confciences of good men, and compelled them to the ufe of Ce- remonies and Superftitious Worfhip, borrowed from Popery, and by him re- introduced into the Church. They that would not conform, were imprifoned or banifii'd. He made War upon the Scots twice for no other caufe than that. By all thefe actions he has furely deferved the name of a Tyrant once over at leaft. Now I'll tell you why the word Traitor was put into his Indictment : When he allured his Parlament by Promifes, by Proclamations, by Imprecations, that he had no defign againft the State, at that very time did he lift Papifts in Ireland, he fent a private Embafiy to the King of Denmark to beg afiiftance from him of Arms, Horfes and Men, exprefiy againft the Parlament •, and was endeavour- ing to raife an Army firft in England, and then in Scotland. To the Engli/h he promifed the Plunder of the City of London ; to the Scots, that the four Northern Counties fhould be added to Scot/and, if they would but help him-to get rid of the Parlament, by what means foever. Thefe Projects not fucceeding, he fent over one Dillon a Traitor, into Ireland with private Inftructions to the Natives, to fall luddenly upon all the Englijh that inhabited there. Thefe are the moft remarka- ble ih&mces of his Treafons, not taken up upon hear-fay and idle reports, but >.ii!'covercd by Letters under his own Hand and Seal. And finally I fuppofe no man in anfwer to Salmafius'j 1 Defence of the Kim. 539 man will deny that he was a Murderer, by whofe order the Irijh took Arms, and put to death with moll exquifite Torments, above a hundred thotihnd Englift/, who lived peaceably by them, and without any apprehenfion of danger 5 and who raif- ed fo great a Civil War in the other two Kingdoms. Add to all this, that at the Treaty in the Ifle of Wight, the King openly took upon himfelf the guilt of the War, and clear'd the Parlament in the Confeffion he made there, which is pub- licly known. Thus you have in fhort why King Charles was adjudged zTyrant, a Traitor, and a Murderer. But, fay you, why was he not declared fo before, neither in that Solemn League and Covenant, nor afterwards when he was deliver d to them ei- ther by the Prefbyterians or the Independents, but on the other hand was received as a King ought to be, with all reverence ? This very thing is fufficient to perfuade any rational man, that the Parlament entred not into any Councils of quite depofing the King, but as their laft refuge, after they had differed and undergone all 1h.1t pofiibly they could, and had attempted all other ways and means. You alone endeavour malicioufly to lay that to their charge, which to all good men cannot but evidence their great Patience, Moderation, and perhaps a too lon°- forbearino- with the King's Pride and Arrogance. But in the month of Auguft, before the King fuffered, the Houfe of Commons, which then bore the only fway, and was govern* d by the Independents, wrote Letters to the Scots, in which they acquainted them that they never intended to alter the Form of Government that had obtain' d fo long in Enp-1 and under King, Lords, and Commons. You may fee from hence, how little reafon there is to afcribe the depofmg of the King, to the principles of the Independents. They, that never ufed to diffemble and conceal their Tenets, even then, when they had the fole management of affairs, profefs, That they never intended to alter the Govern- ment. But it afterwards a thing came into their minds, which at firfl they intended not, why might they not take fuch a courfe, tho' before not intended, asappear'd moll advifablc, and mod for the Nation's Intereft ? Efpecially when they found that the King could not poffibly be intreated or induced to affent to thofe jud de- mands that they had made from time to time, and which were always the fame from firft to laft. He perfifled in thofe perverfe fentiments with refpec~l to Re- ligion and his own Right, which he had all along efpoufed, and which were fo dedruftive to us ; not in the lead altered from the man that he was, when in Peace and War, he did us all fo much mifchief. If he affented to any thins, he gave no obfcure hints that he did it againft his will, and that whenever he fhould come intopower again, he would look upon fuch his afTent as null and void. The fame thing his Son declar'd by writing under his hand, when in thofe days he run away with part of the Fleet, and fo did the King himfelf by Letters to fome of his own party in London. In the mean time, againft the avowed fenfe of the Parla- ment, he ftruck up a private Peace with the drift, the moll barbarous Enemies imaginable to England, upon bafedifhonourable terms •, but whenever he invited the Englifh to Treaties of Peace, at thofe very times with all the power he had, and interell he could make, he was preparing for War. In this cafe, what mould thev do, who were intruded with the care of the Government ? Ought they to have betrayed the fafety of us all to our moft bitter Adverfary ? Or would you have had them left us to undergo the Calamities of another feven years War, not to fay worfe ? God put a better mind into them, of preferring, purfuant to that very folemn League and Covenant, their Religion, and Liberties, before thofe thoughts they once had, of not rejecling the King ; for they had not gone fo far as to vote it •, all which they faw at laft (tho' indeed later than they might have done) could not poffibly fubfift, as long as the King continued King. The Par- lament ought and muft of neceffity be entirely free, and at liberty to provide for the good of the Nation, as occafion requires ; nor ought they fo to be wedded to their firft Sentiments, as to fcruple the altering their minds, for their own, or the Nation's good, if God put an opportunity into their hands of procuring it. But the Scots were of another opinion ; for they, in aLettertoChxdes, the King's Son, call his Father a moft Sacred Prince, and the putting him to death, a moft execrable Villany. Do not you talk of the Scots, whom you know not ; v/e know them well enough, and know the time, when they called that fame King, a moll execrable Perfon, a Murderer, and Traitor ; and the, putting a Tyrant to death a. mojl facred action. Then you pick holes in the King's Charge, as not being properly penn'd •, and you ask why we needed to call him a Traitor and a Murderer, after we hadftiledhim a Ty- rant ; fince thewordTyrant includes all the Crimes that 'maybe : And then you ex- plain to us grammatically and critically, what a Tyrant is. Away with thofe Vol. I, Zzz 2 Trifles, 54° A Defence of the People of England. Trifles, you Pedagogue, which that one definition of Jriflotle's, that has lately been cited will utterly confound •, and teach liich a Doctor as you, That the word Tyrant (for all your concern is barely to have fomeunderftanding of words) may be applied to one, who is neither a Traitor nor a Murderer. But the Law's of England do not make it Treafon in the King toftir up Sedition againft himfelf or the People. Nor do they fay* That the Parlament can be guilty of Treafon by de- pofing a bad King, nor that any Parlament ever was fo, tho' they have often doneTf, but our Laws plainly and clearly declare, that a King may violate, diminiih, nay, and wholly lofe his Royalty. For that expreffion in the Law of St. Edward, oilojing the name of a King, fignifies neither more nor lefs, than being de- prived of the Kingly Office and Dignity ; which befel Chilperic King of France^ whofe example, for illuftration fake, is taken notice of in the Law it felf. There is not a Lawyer amongft us that Can deny, but that the higheft Treafon may be committed againft the Kingdom as well as againfi: the King. I appeal toGlanviie himfelf, whom you cite, ' If any man attempt to put the King to death, or raife * Sedition in the Realm, it is High Treafon.' So that Attempt of fome Papifls to blow up the Parlament-Houfe, and the Lords and Commons there with Gunpow- der, was by King James himfelf, and both Houfes of Parlament, declar'd to be High Treafon, not againft the King only, but againft the Parlament and the whole Kingdom. 'Twould be to no purpofe to quote more of our Statutes, to prove fo clear a Truth ; which yet I could eafily do. For the thing it felf is ridiculous, and abfurd to imagine, That High Treafon may be committed againft the King, and not againft the People, for whofe good, nay, and by whole leave, as I may fay* the King is what he is; So that you babble over lb many Statutes of ours, to no purpofe •, you toil and wallow in our Ancient Law-Books, to no purpofe ; for the Laws themfelves ftand or fall by Authority of Parlament, who always had power to confirm or repeal them ; and the Parlament is the fole Judge of what is Rebel- lion, what Pligh Treafon (Lefa Majeftas) and what not. Majefty never was vefted to that degree in the Perfon of the King, as not to be more confpicuous, and more auguft in Parlament, as I have often fhown : But who can endure to hear fuch a fenfelefs Fellow, fuch a French Mountebank as you, declare what our Laws are? And, youEngliJh Fugitives, fo many Bifhops, Doctors, Lawyers, who pre- tend that all Learning and Ingenuous Literature is fled out of England with your felves, was there not one of you that could defend the King's Caufe and your own, and that in good Latin alfo, to be fubmitted to the judgment of other Nations, but that this brain-fick, beggarly Frenchman, mult be hired to undertake the De- fence of a poor indigent King, furrounded with fo many Infant-Priefts and Doc- tors ? This very thing, I affure you, will be a great imputation to you amonglt Foreigners •, and you will be thought defervedly to have loft that Caufe you were fo far from being able to defend by Force of Arms, as that you cannot fo much as write in behalf of it. But now I come to you again, Good-man Goofecap, who fcribble fo finely ; if at leaft you are come to your felf again ; for I find you here towards the latter end of your Book, in a deep fleep, and dreaming of fome voluntary Death or other, that's nothing to the purpofe. Then you deny that 'tis foffible for a King in his right wits to embroil his People in Seditions, to betray his cwn Forces to bejlaughter'd by Enemies, and raife Faclions againfi himfelf. All which things having been done by many Kings, and particularly by Charles the late King of England, you will no longer doubt, I hope, efpecially being addicted to Stc- icifm, but that all Tyrants, as well as profligate Villains, are downright mad. Hear what Horace fays, ' Whoever through a fenfelefs Stupidity, or any other * caufe whatfoever, hath his Underftanding fo blinded, as not to difcern truth, * the Stoics account of him as of a mad man : And fuch are whole Nations, fuch ' are Kings and Princes, fuch are all Mankind ; except thofe very few that are * Wife.' So that if you would clear King Charles from the Imputation of acting like a Mad-man, you muft firft vindicate his integrity, and {how that he never act- ed like an ill man. But a King, you fay, cannot commit Treafon againfi his own Sub- jeSls and Vaffals. In the firft place, fince we are as free as any People under Hea- ven, we will not be impofed upon by any Barbarous Cuftom of any other Nation whatfoever. In the iecond place, fuppofe we had been the King's Vafials ; that Relation would not have obliged us to endure a Tyrant to reign and lord it over us. All Subjection to Magiftrates, as our own Laws declare, is circumfcri- bed, and confined within the bounds ofHonefty, and the Public Good. Read Leg. Hen. i. Cap. $5, The obligation betwixt a Lord and his Tenants, is mutual, and remains in anfwer to SalmafmsV Defence of the King. &a\ remains fo long as the Lord protects his Tenant ; (this all our Lawyers tell us) but if the Lord be too fevere and cruel to his Tenant, and do him fome heinous Injury, The whole Relation betwixt them, and whatever Obligation the Tenant is under by having done Homage to his Lord, is utterly diffolv'd and extinguiftfd. Thefe are the very words of Bract on and Fleta. So that in fome Cafe, the Law it felf warrants even a Slave, or a VafTal to oppofe his Lord; and allows the Slave to kill him, if he vanquifh him in Battle. If a City, or a whole Nation may not lawfully take this courfe with a Tyrant, the Condition of Freemen will be worfc than that of Slaves. Then you go about to excufe King Charles's fhedding of innocent Blood, partly by Murders committed by other Kings, and partly by fome Inftances of Men put to death by them lawfully. For the matter of the Irtjh Maffacre, you re- fer the Reader to 'Eixuv BxtnXiw ; and I refer you to Eiconoclafles. The Town of Rochel being taken, and the Townfmenbetray'd, afliftance fhown, but not afford- ed them, you will not have laid at Charles's door ; nor have I any thing to fay, whether he was faulty in that bufinefs or not ; he did mifchief enough at home; we need not enquire into what Mifdemeanors he was guilty of abroad. But you in the meantime would make all the Proteftant Churches, that have at any time defended themfelves by force of Arms againft Princes, who were profefs'd Ene- mies of their Religion, to have been guilty of Rebellion. Let them confider how much it concerns them for the maintaining their Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, and af- ferting their own Integrity, not to pals by fo great an Indignity offer'd them by aPerfon bred up by and amongft themfelves. That which troubles us moft; is, that the Englifi likewife were betray'd in that Expedition. He, who had defign'd long ago to convert the Government of England into a Tyranny^ thought he could not bring it to pafs, till the Flower and Strength of the Military Power of the Nation were cutoff. Another of his Crimes was, the caufmg fome words to be ftruck out of the ufual Coronation-Oath, before he himfelf would take it. Un- worthy and abominable Aciion ! The Act was wicked in it felf; what fha.ll be faid of him that undertakes to juftify it ? For, by the Eternal God, what greater breach of Faith, and Violation of allLaws, can pofiibly be imagin'd ? What ought to be more facred to him, next to the Holy Sacraments themfelves, than that Oath ? Which of the two do you think the more flagitious Perfon, him that of- fends againft the Law, or him that endeavours to make the Law equally guilty with himfelf? Or rather him who fubverts the Law it felf, that he may not feem to offend againft it? For thus, that King violated that Oath which he ought moft religioufly to have fworn to ; but that he might not feem openly and pub- licly to violate it, he craftily adulterated and corrupted it ; and left he himfelf fhould be accounted perjur'd, he turn'd the very Oath into a Perjury. What other could be expected, than that his Reign would be full of Injuftice, Craft, and Misfortune, who began it with fo deteftable an Injury to his People ? And who durft pervert and adulterate that Law which he thought the only Obftacle that flood in his way, and hindred him from perverting all the reft of the Laws : But that Oath (thus you juftify him) lays no other Obligation upon Kings, than the Laws themfelves do ; and Kings pretend that they will be bound and limited by Laws, tho' indeed they are altogether from under the Power of Laws. Is it not prodigious, that a Man fhould dare to exprefs himfelf fo facrilegioufly, and fo fenfelefly, as to affert that an Oath facredly fworn upon the Holy Evangelifts, may be difpenfed with, and fet afide as a little infignificant thing, without any Caufe whatsoever ! Charles himfelf refutes you, you Prodigy of Impiety! who thinking that Oath no light matter, chofe rather by a Subterfuge to avoid the force of it, or by a Fallacy to elude it, than openly to violate it; and would rather fallify and corrupt the Oath, than manifeftly forfwear himfelf after he had taken it. But, The King in- deed fwears to his People, as the People do 10 him ; but the People fwear Fidelity to theKing, not the King to them. Pretty Invention ! Does not he that promifes, and binds himfelf by an Oath to do any thing to, or for another, oblige his Fidelity to them that require the Oath of him ? Of a truth, every King fwears Fidelity, and Service, and Obedience to the People, with refpect to the performance of whatever he promifes upon Oath to do. Then you run back to William the Con- queror, who was forced more than once to fwear to perform, not what he him- felf would, but what the People, and the great Men of the Realm requir'd of him. If many Kings are crown 'd without the ufual Solemnity, and reign without taking any Oath, the fame thing may be faid of the People •, a great many of whom ne- ver took the Oath of Allegiance. If the King by not taking an Oath be at li- berty, m 2 A Defence of the People of England, berty, the People are fo too. And chat parr of the People that has i'worn, fvv ore not to the King only, but to the Realm, and the Laws, by which the King came to his Crown ;°and no otherwife to the King, than whilft he mould act according to thofe Laws, that the Common People, that is, the Houle of" Commons, JJjould chile ; (quas Valgus elegerit.) For it were folly to alter the Phraie of our Law, and turn it into more genuine Latin. This Claufe (quas Vulgus elegerit) Which the Commons fcall chufe, Charles before he was crown'd, procured to be razed out. But, fay you, without the King's ajfent the People can chafe no Laws -, and for this you cite two Statutes, viz. Anno 37 H. 6. Cap. 15. and 13 Edw. 4. Cap. 8. but thefe two Statutes are fo far from appearing in our Scatute-Books, that in the years you mention, neither of thofe Kings enacted any Laws at all. Go now and complain, that thofe Fugitives who pretended to furnifh you with matter out of our Statutes, impofed upon you in it -, and let other People in the mean time ftand aftonifh'd at your Impudence and Vanity, who are not afham'd to pretend to be throughly vers'd in fuch Books, as it is fo evident you have never look'd into, nor fo much as feen. And that Claufe in the Coronation-Oath, which fuch a brazen-fac'd Brawler as you call fictitious, The King's Friends, you fay your felf, acknowledge that it may pcjfibly be extant in fame Ancient Copies, but that it grew intodifufe, be- caufe it had no convenient fignificaiion. But for that very reafon, did our Anceflors infert it in the Oath, that the Oath might have fuch a fignification as would not be for a Tyrant's conveniency. If it had really grown into difufe, which yet is moft falfe, there was the greater need of reviving it ; but even that would have been to no purpofe, according to your Doctrine : For that Cv.jlom of taking an Oath, as Kings now-a- days generally ufe it, is no r,.orc, you fay, than a bare Ceremony, And yet the King, when the Biihops were to be put down, pretended that he could not do it by reafon of that Oath. And confequently, that reverend and facred Oath, as it ferves for the King's turn, cr not, mult be folemn and bind- ing, or an empty Ceremony : Which I earneftly entreat my Country-men to take notice of, and to confider what manner of a King they are like to have, if he ever come back. For it would never have entered into the thoughts of this Rafcally foreign Grammarian to write a Dilcourfe of the Rights of the Crown of England, unlefs both Charles Stuart now in Banifhment, and tainted with his Father's Prin- ciples, and thofe Profligate Tutors that he has along with him, had induftrioufly fuggefted to him what they would have writ. They dictated to him, That the lilrole Parlament were liable to be proceeded againfi as Traitors, becaufe they decla- red without the King's Affent all them to be Traitors, who had taken up Arms againfi the Parlament of England ; and that Parlament s were but the King* sVaffals : That the Oath which our Kings take at their Coronation, is but a Ceremony : And why not that a Vaflal too ? So that no reverence of Laws, no facrednefs of an Oath, will be fufficient to protect your Lives and Fortunes, either from the Exorbitance of a furious, or the Revenge of an exafperated Prince, who has been fo inftruc- ted from his Cradle, as to think Laws, Religion, nay, and Oaths themfelves, ought to be fubject to his Will and Pleafure. How much better is it, and more becoming your felves, if you defire Riches, Liberty, Peace and Empire, to ob- tain them afiuredly by your own Virtue, Induftry, Prudence and Valour, than to long after, and hope for them in vain under the Rule of a King ? They, who are of opinion that thefe things cannot be compafs'd but under a King, and a Lord ; it cannot well be exprelled how mean, how bafe, I do not lay, how- unworthy thoughts they have of themfelves -, for in effect, what do they other than confefs, that they themfelves are lazy, weak, fenfelefs, filly Perfons, and fram'd for Slavery both in Body and Mind ? And indeed all manner of Slavery is fcandalous and difgraceful to a freeborn ingenious Perfon •, but for you, after you have recovered your loft Liberty, by God's Afliftance, and your own Arms •, after the performance of fo many valiant Exploits, and the making fo remarkable an Example of a moft Potent King, to defire to return again into a Condition of Bondage and Slavery, will not only be fcandalous and difgraceful, but an impious and wicked thing ; and equal to that of the Ifraelites, who for de- firing to return to the Egyptian Slavery, were fo feverely punifhed for that for- did, flavifh Temper of mind, and fo many of them deftroy'd by that God, who had been their Deliverer. But what fay you now, who would perfuade us to become Slaves ? The King, fay you, had a Power of pardoning fuch as were guilty of 1 reafon, and other Crimes ; which evinces fit fficiently that the King him f If was under Law. The King might indeed pardon T reafon, not againft the Kingdom, but againfi in anfwer to Salmaiius'j- Defence of the King. 543 againfl. himfelf ; and fo may any body elfe pardon wrongs done to themfelves ; and he might, perhaps, pardon fome other Offences, tho' not always. But does it .follow, becaufe in iome Cafes he had the Right of faving a Malefactor's life, that therlore he muft have a Right todeftroy all good Men ? If the King be implead- ed in an inferior Court, he is not obliged to anfwer* but by his Attorney : Does it therfore follow, that when he is fummoned by all his Subjects to appear in Par- lament, he may chufe whether he will appear or no, and refufe to anfwer in Per- fon ? -You fay, 'That we endeavour to juftify what we have done by the Hollanders Example ; and upon this occafion, fearing the lofs of that Stipend with which the Hollanders feed fuch a Murrain and Peft as you are, if by reviling the Englifh, you mould confequentially reflect upon them that maintain you, you endeavour to dcmonftrate how unlike their ABims and ours are. The Comparifon that you make betwixt them, I refolve to omit (tho' many things in it are moft falfe, and o- ther things flattery all over, which yet you thought your felf obliged to put down, to d ' our Penfion.) For the Engtijh think they need not alledge the Exam- ples of Foreigners for their Juftification. They have Municipal Laws of their ov :,, by which they have acted ; Laws with relation to the matter in hand, the t in the World : They have the Examples of their Anceftors, great and gal- lant Men, for their imitation, who never gave way to the Exorbitant Power of Princes, and who have put many of them to death, when their Government be- came infupportable. They were born free, they ftand in need of no other Na- tion, they can make what Laws they pleafe for their own good Government. One Law in particular they have a great veneration for, and a very Ancient one it is, enacted by Nature it felf, That all Human Laws, all Civil Right and Go- vernment mull have a refpect to the fafety and welfare of good Men, and not be fubject to the Lufts of Princes. From hence to the end of your Book, I find nothing but Rubbifh and Trifles, pick'd out of the former Chapters ; of which you have here raifed fo great a heap* that I cannot imagine what other defign you could have in ir, than to prefage the ruin of your whole Fabric. At lafl^ after an infinite deal of tittle-tattle you make an end, calling God to witnefs, that you undertook the defence of this Caufe, not only becaufe you were defired fo to do, but becaufe your own Confcience told you, that you could not foffibly undertake the Defence rr. Is it fit for you to intermeddle with our matters, with which you have nothing to do, becaufe you were defired, when we our felves did not defire you? to reproach with contumelious and opprobrious Language, and in a Printed Book, the Supreme Magistracy of the Englifh Nation, when accord- ing to the authority and power that they are intrufced with, they do but their duty within their own Jurifdiction, and all this without the lead injury or pro- vocation from them ? Tor they did not fo mucii as know that there was fuch a man in the world as you.) And I pray by whom were you defired ? By your Wife, I fuppofe, who, they fay, exercifes a Kingly Right and Jurifdiction over you -, and whenever Ike has a mind to it (as Fulvia is made to fpeak in that ob- fcene Epigram, that you collected lome Centoes out of, Pag. 320.) cries, Either i ... „.''/; That made you write perhaps, left theSignal fhould be given. Or were you asked by Charles the Younger, and that profligate Gang of Vaga- bond Courtiers, and like a fecond Balaam call'd upon by another Balak to reftore a defperate Caufe by ill writing, diat was loft by ill fighting ? That may be ; but there's this difference, for he was a wife underftanding man, and rid upon an Afs that could fpeak, to curfe the People of God : Thou art a very talkative Afs thy felf, and rid by a Woman, and being furrounded with the healed heads of the Bi- fhops that heretofore thou hadft wounded, thou feemeft to reprefentthatBeaft in the Revelation. But they fay that a little alter you had written this Book, you re- pented of what you had done. 'Tis well if it be fo •, and to make your Repentance public, I think the beft courfe that you can take will be, for this long Book that you have writ, to take a Halter, and make one long Letter of your felf. So Judas Ifcariot repented, to whom you are like •, and that young Charles knew, which made him fend you the Purfe, Judas his Badge; for he had heard before, and found afterward by experience, that you were an Apoftate and a Devil. Ju- das betray'd Chrijl himfelf, and you betray his Church ; you have taught here- tofore that Bifhops were Antichriftian, and you are now revolted to their Par- ty. You now undertake the Defence of their Caufe, whom formerly you damn'd to the pit of Hell. Chrijl delivered all men from Bondage, and you endeavour to enflave all Mankind. Never queftion, fince you have been fuch a ;44 A Defence of the People of England. a Villain to God himfelf, his Church, and all Mankind in genera!, b the fame fate attends you that betel your equal, out of defpair rather thaa repentance, to be weary of your life, and hang your fejf, and burft sriunder as he did; and to fend before-hand that mithlcfs and treacherous Confcicr.cc of yours, 'that railing Confcience at good and holy men, to that place of torment that's prepared for you. And now I think, through God's afiiftance, I have finifhed the Work I undertook, to wit, the defence of the Noble Actions ci my Country-men at home and abroad, againft the raging and envious madnefs of this diftrafted Sophifter ; and the afferting of the common Rights of the People againft the unjuft domination of Kings, not out of any hatred to Kings, but Ty- rants : Nor have I purpoiely left unanswered any one argument alledged by my adverfary, nor any one example or authority quoted by him, that fcem'd to have any force in it, or the leaft colour of an argument. Perhaps I have been guilty rather of the other extreme, of replying to i'ome of his fooleries and trifles, as if they werefolid arguments, and therby may feem to have attributed more to them than they deferved. One thing yet remains to be done, which perhaps is ol" the crreatcft concern of all, and that is, That you, my Countrymen, refute this ad- verfary of yours yourfelves, which I do not fee any other means ot your effect- ing, than by a conftant endeavour to out-do all men's bad words by your own o-ood deeds. When you laboured under more forts of oppreffion than one, you betook your felves to God for refuge, and he was gracioufly pleafed to hear your mod earned Prayers and Defires. He has glorioufly delivered you the firft of Nations, from the two greated mifchiefs of this life, and mod pernicious to Vir- tue, Tyranny and Superflition ; he has endued you with greatnefs of mind to be the firft of Mankind, who after having conquered their own King, and ha- ving had him delivered into their hands, have not fcrupled to condemn him ju- dicially, and purfuant to that Sentence of Condemnation, to put him to death. After the performing lb glorious an Action as this, you ought to do nothing that's mean and little, not fo much as to think of, much lefs to do any thing but what is great and fublime. Which to attain to, this is your only way ; as you have fubdued your Enemies in the Field, fo to make appear, that unarmed, and in the higheft outward Peace and Tranquillity, you of all Mankind are bed able to fubdue Ambition, Avarice, the Love of Riches, andean bed avoid the corrupti- ons that Profperity is apt to introduce, (which generally fubdue and triumph over other Nations) to fhew as great Juftice, Temperance and Moderation in the maintaining your Liberty, as you have fhown Courage in freeing your felves from Slavery. Thefe are the only Arguments by which you will be able to evince that you are not fuch Perfons as this Fellow reprefents you, 'Traitors, Robbers, Mur- derers, Parricides, Madmen ; that you did not put your King to death out of any ambitious defign, or a defire of invading the Rights of others, not out of any fe- ditious Principles or finider Ends ; that it was not an aft of Fury or Madnefs ; but that it was wholly out of love to your Liberty, your Religion, to Judice, Vertuc, and your Country, that you punifhed a Tyrant. But if it fhould fall out otherwife (which God forbid) if as you have been valiant in War, you fhould grow debauch'd in Peace, you that have had fuch vifible demondrations of the Goodnefs of God to your felves, and his Wrath againd your Enemies -, and that you fhould not have learned by fo eminent, fo remarkable an Example: before your Eyes, to fear God, and work Righteoufnefs ; lor my part, I fhall eafily grant and confefs (for I cannot deny it) whatever ill men may fpeak or think of you, to be very true. And you will find in a little time, that God's Dif- pleafure againd you, will be greater than it has been againd your Adverfaries, greater than his Grace and Favour has been to your felves, which you have had larger experience of, than any other Nation under Heaven. 545 TREATISE O F Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes : SHEWING, That it is not Lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion. To the Parlament of the Cotmnonwealth of England, with the Dominions t her of. I Have prepar'd, fupreme Council* againft the much-expected time of your fitting, this Treatife •, which, though to all Chriftian Magiftrates equally belonging, and therfore to have been written in the common Language of Chriftendom, natural Duty and Affection hath confin'd, and dedicated firft to my own Nation ; and in a feafon wherin the timely reading therof, to the eafier accomplifhment of your great work, may fave you much labour and interruption : of two parts ufually propos'd, Civil and Ecclefiaftical, recommending Civil only to your proper care, Ecclefiaftcal to them only from whom it takes both that Name and Nature. Yet not for this caufe only do I require or truft to find acceptance, but in a twofold re- fpect befides : firft, as bringing clear Evidence of Scripture and Proteftant Maxims to the Parlament of England, who in all their late Acts, upon occa- fion, have profefs'd to affert only the true Proteftant Chriftian Religion, as it is contain'd in the holy Scriptures : next, in regard that your Power being but for a time, and having in yourfelves a Chriftian Liberty of your own, which at one time or other may be opprefs'd, therof truly fenfible, it will concern you while you are in Power, fo to regard other Mens Confciences, as you would your own fhould be regarded in the power of others ; and to confi- der that any Law againft Confcience is alike in force againft any Confcience, and fo may one way or other juftly redound upon your felves. One advan- tage I make no doubt of, that I fhall write to many eminent Perfons of your number, already perfect and refolv'd in this important Article of Chriftiani- ty. Some of whom I remember to have heard often for feveral Years, at a Council next in Authority to your own, fo well joining Religion with civil Prudence, and yet fo well diftinguifhing the different Power of either •, and this not only voting, but frequently reafoning why it fhould be fo, that if any there prefent had been before of an opinion contrary, he might doubtleis have departed thence a Convert in that point, and have confefs'd, that then both Commonwealth and Religion will at length, if ever, flourifh in Chriftendom, when either they who govern difcern between Civil and Religious, or they only who fo difcern fhall be admitted to govern. Till then, nothing but Trou- bles, Perfections, Commotions can be expected, the inward decay of true Religion among ourfelves, and the utter overthrow at laft by a common Ene- my. Of Civil Liberty I have written heretofore by the appointment, and not without the approbation of Civil Power : of Chriftian Liberty I write now, which others long fince having done with all freedom under Heathen Em- Yol. I. A a a a perors, ^5 Of Civil Power, perors, I fliall do wrong tofufpect, that I now fliall with lefs, under Chriftian Governors, and fuch efpecially as profefs openly their defence of Chriftian Liberty ; although I write this, not otherwise appointed or induced, than by an inward perfuafion of the Chriftian Duty, which I may ufefully difcharge herin to the common Lord and Mafterof us all, and the certain hope of "his approbation, firft and chiefeit to be fought : In the hand of whofe Providence I remain, praying all fuccefs and good event on your public Councils, to the defence of true Religion and our Civil Rights. A ^treatife of Civil Power in ILcclefiaftical Caufes. TWO things there be which have been ever found working much Mif- chief to the Church of God, and the Advancement of Truth •, Force on one fide reftraining, and Hire on the other fide corrup- ting the Teachers thereof. Few Ages have been fince the Afcenfion of our Saviour, wherin the one of thefe two, or both together have not prevail'd. It can be at no time therfore unfeafonable to fpeak of thefe things ; fince by them the Church is either in continual Detriment and Oppreffion, or in continual danger. The former fhall be at this time my Argument ; the latter as I fliall find God diipofing me, and opportunity inviting. What I argue, lhall be drawn from the Scripture only •, and therin from true fundamental Principles of the Gofpel, to knowing Chriftians undeniable. And if the Governors of this Commonwealth fince the rooting out of Prelates have made lead ufe of Force in Religion, and mod have favour'd Chriftian Liberty of any in this Ifland before them fince the firft preaching of the Gofpel, for which we are not to forget our Thanks to God, and their due Praife ; they may, I doubt not, in this Treatife find that which not only wi'l confirm them to defend ftill the Chriftian Liberty which we enjoy, but will incite them a!fo to enlarge it, if in aught they yet ftraiten it. To them who perhaps here- after, leis experiene'd in Religion, may come to govern or give us Laws, this or other fuch, if they pleafe, may be a timely inftruction : however, to the Truth it will be at all times no unneedful Teftimony •, at leaft fome dif- charge of that general Duty which no Chriftian but according to what he hath receiv'd, knows is requir'd of him, if he have aught more conducing to the advancement of Religion than what is ufually endeavour'd, freely to impart it. It will require no great labour of Expofition to unfold what is here meant by matters of Religion •, being as foon apprehended as defin'd, fuch things as belong chiefly to the Knowledge and Service of God : and are either above the reach and light of Nature without Revelation from above, and therfore liable to be varioufly underftood by human Reafon, or fuch things as are en- join'd or forbidden by divine Precept, which elfe by the Light of Reafon would feem indifferent to be done or not done ; and fo likewife muft needs ap- pear to every Man as the Divine Precept is underftood. Whence I here mean by Confcience or Religion, that full perfuafion wherby we are aflur'd that our Belief and Practice, as far as we are able to apprehend and probably make appear, is according to the Will of God and his holy Spirit within us, which we ought to follow much rather than any Law of Man, as not only his Word every where bids us, but the very Dictate of Reafon tells us. Ails 4. 19. Whether it be right in the fight of God, to hearken to you more than to God y judge ye. That for Belief or Practice in Religion according to this confeien- cious Perfuafion, no Man ought to be punifh'd or molefted by any outward Force on Earth whatfoever, I diftruft nor, through God's implor'd Afliftance, to make plain by thefe following Arguments. Firft, it cannot be deny'd, being the main Foundation of our Proteftant Religion, that we of thefe Ages, having no other divine Rule or Authority from without us, warrantable to one another as a common ground, but the holy Scripcqre, and no other within us but the Illumination of the holy Spirit fo inter- in Rcclejiaftical Caufes. rj.7 interpreting that Scripture as warrantable only to our felves, and to fiich whole Confciences we can fo perfuade, can have no other ground in matters of Religion but only from the Scriptures. And thefe being not poffible to be underftood without this Divine Illumination, which no Man can know at all times to be in himfelf, much lefs to be at any time for certain in any other, it follows clearly, that no Man or body of Men in thefe times can be the infallible Judges or Determiners in matters of Religion to any other Mens Confciences but their own. And therfore thofe Bereans are commended, Jtls 17. 11. who after the preaching even of S. Paid, fearch'd the Scriptures daily, whether thofe things were fo. Nor did they more than what God himfelf in many places commands us by the fame Apoftle, to fearch, totiy, to judge of thele things our felves: And gives us reafon alfo, Gal. 6. 4, 5. Let every Man prove his own Work, and thenfhall he have rejoicing in himfelf alone, and not in another : for every Manfljall bear his own burden. If then we count it fo ig- norant and irreligious in the Papift to think himfelf difcharg'd in God's ac- count, believing only as the Church believes, how much greater Condemna- tion will it be to the Proteftant his Condemner, to think himfelf juftifkd, believing only as the State believes ? With good caufe therfore it is the gene- ral confent of all found Proteftant Writers, that neither Traditions, Coun- cils nor Canons of any vifible Church, much lefs Edicts of any Magiftrate or Civil Sefnon, but the Scripture only, can be the final Judge or Rule in matters of Religicn, and that only in the Confcience of every Chriftian to himfelf. Which Proteftation made by the firft public Reformers of our Religion againft the Imperial Edicts of Charles the fifth, impofing Church-Traditions without Scripture, gave firft beginning to the name of Proteftant ; and with that name hath ever been receiv'd this Doctrine, which prefers the Scripture before the Church, and acknowledges none but the Scripture fole Interpreter of it felf to the Confcience. For if the Church be not fuificient to be im- plicity belie v'd, as we hold it is not, what can there elfe be nam'd of more Authority than the Church but the Confcience, than which God only is greater, 1 Job. 3. 20 ? But if any Man fhall pretend, that the Scripture judges to his Confcience for other Men, he makes himfelf greater not only than the Church, but alio than the Scripture, than the Confciences of other Men : a Prefumption too high for any Mortal, fince every true Chriftian, able to give a reafon of his Faith, hath the word of God before him, the promis'd Holy Spirit, and the Mind of Chrift within him, 1 Cor. 2. 16. a much better and iafcr guide of Confcience, which as far as concerns himfelf he may far more certainly know than any outward Rule impos'd upon him by others whom he inwardly neither knows nor can know ; at leaft knows nothing of them more hire than this one thing, that they cannot be his Judges in Religion. 1 Cor. 2. 15. The fpiriiual Man judgeth all things, but he himfelf is judged of no Man. Chiefly for this caufe do all true Proteftants account the Pope Antichrift, for that lie affumes to himfelf this Infallibility over both the Confcience and the Scripture •, fitting in the Temple of God, as it were oppofite to God, and ex- ,..-.'... u himfelf above all that is called God, or is werfhipped, 2 Theff. 2. 4. That is to fay, not only above all Judges and Magiftrates, who though they be call'J Gods, are far beneath infallible ; but alfo above God himfelf, by giving Law both to the Scripture, to the Confcience, and to the Spirit it felf of God within us. Whenas we find, James 4. 12. There is one Lawgiver, who is able to fave and to deftroy : Who art thou that judgeft another ? That Chrift is the only Lawgiver of his Church, and that it is here meant in religious matters, no well-grounded Chriftian will deny. Thus alfo S. Paul, Rom. 14. 4. Who art thou that judgeft the Servant of another ? to his own Lord he ftandeth or falleth : but he fhall fiand ; for God is able to make him ft and. As therfore of one beyond expreifton bold and prefumptuous, both thefe Apoftles. demand, Who art thou, that prefum'ft to impofe other Law or Judgment in Religion than the only Lawgiver and Judge Chrift, who only can fave and deftroy, gives to the Confcience ? And the forecited place to the Thejfalonians by compar'd Effefls refolves us, that be he or they who or wherever they be or can be, they are of Jar lefs Authority than the Church, whom in thefe things as Proteftants th?y receive not, and yet no lefs Antichrift in this main point of Antichriftia- nifm, no lefs a Pope or Popedom than he at Rome, if not much more, by Vol. I. Aaaaa fetting - ,g Of Civil Power ) fetting up fupreme Interpreters of Scripture either thofe Doctors whom they follow, or which is far worfe, themfelves as a civil Papacy afiuming un- accountable Supremacy to themfelves, not in Civil only, but in Ecclefiaftical Caufes. Seeing then that in matters of Religion, as hath been proved, none can iuoVe or determine here on Earth, no not Church-Governors themfelves againft the°Confciences of other Believers, my Inference is, or rather not mine but our Saviour's own, that in thofe matters they neither can command norufe Conftraint, left they run rafhly on a pernicious Confequene, forewarn'd in that Parable, Mat. 13. from the 26th to the 31ft Verfe : Left while ye gather up the Tares, ye root up alfo the Wheat with them. Let both grow together until the Harveft : and in the time of Harveft I will fay to the Reapers, Gather ye together firft the Tares, Sec. Whereby he declares that this work neither his own Mi- nifters nor any elfe can difcerningly enough or judgingly perform without his own immediate direction, in his own fit feafon, and that they ought till then not to attempt it. Which is further confirm'd 2 Cor. 1. 24. Not that we have dominion over your Faith, but are helpers of your Joy. If Apoftles had no Do- minion or conftraining Power over Faith or Confcience, much lefs have ordi- nary Minifters, 1 Pet. 5. 2, 3. Feed the Flock of God, not by conftraint, Sec. nei- ther as being Lords over God's Heritage. But fome will object, that this overthrows all Church-difcipline, all Cenfure of Errors, if no Man can determine. My Anfwer is, that what they hear is plain Scripture, which forbids not Church- fentence or determining, but as it ends in violence upon the Confcience un- convinced. Let whofo will interpret or determine, fo it be according to true Church-difcipline, which is exercis'd on them only who have willingly join'd themfelves in that Covenant of Union, and proceeds only to a feparation from the reft, proceeds never to any corporal inforcement or forfeiture of Money, which in all ipiritual things are the two Arms of Antichrift, not of the true Church ; the one being an Inquifnion, the other no better than a tem- poral indulgence of Sin for Money, whether by the Church exacted or by thS Magiftrate 5 both the one and the other a temporal Satisfaction for what Chrift hath fatisfied eternally ; a popifn commuting of Penalty, corporal for fpiri- tual : a fatisfaction to Man, elpecially to the Magiftrate, for what and to whom we owe none: thefe and more are the Injuftices of force and fining in Religion, befides what I moil infift on, the violation of God's exprefs Com- mandment in the Gofpel, as hath been fhewn. Thus then if Church-Gover- nors cannot ufe Force in Religion, though but for this reafon, becaufe they cannot infallibly determine to the Confcience without convincement, much lefs have Civil Magiftrates authority to ufe Force where they can much lefs judge, unlefs they mean only to be the civil Executioners of them who have no Civil Power to give them fuch Commiffion, no nor yet Ecclefiaftical, to any force or violence in Religion. To fum up all in brief, if we muff, believe as the Ma- giftrate appoints, why not rather as the Church ? If not as either without Convincement, how can Force be lawful ? But fome are ready to cry out, what fhall then be done to Blafphemy ? Them I would firft exhort not thus to terrify and pofe the People with a Greek word ; but to teach them better what it is, being a mod ufual and common word in that Language to fignify any flander, any malicious or evil fpeaking, whether againft God or Man, or any thing to good belonging : Blafphemy or evil fpeaking againft God mali- cioufly, is far from Confcience in Religion, according to that of Mar. 9. 39. There is none who doth a powerful work in my name, and can likely fpeak evil of me. If this fuffice not, I refer them to that prudent and well-deliberated Act, Auguft 9. 1650. where the Parlament defines Blafphemy againft God, as far as it is a Crime belonging to civil Judicature, plcnius ac melius Chryfippo & Crantore -, in plain Englijh, more warily, more judicioufly, more orthodoxally than twice their number of Divines have done in many a prolix Volume : al- though in all likelihood they whole whole ftudy and profeffion thefe things are, fhould be moft intelligent and authentic therin, as they are for the moft part, yet neither they nor thefe unerring always, or infallible. But we fhal! not carry it thus •, another Greek Apparition ftands in our way, Herefy and Heretic ; in like manner alfo rail'd at to the People as in a Tongue unknown. They fhould firft interpret to them, that Herefy by what it fignifies in that Language, is no word of evil note, meaning only the choice or following of ani In Rcclefiaflical Caufes. ~. any opinion good or bad in Religion, or any other Learning : and thus not on- ly in Heathen Authors, but in the New Teftament it felf without cenfure or blame •, Acts 1 5. 5. Certain of the Herefy of the Pharifees which believ'd ; and 26. 5. After the exacleft Herefy of our Religion I liv'd a Pharifee. In which fenfe Prefbyterian or Independent may without reproach becall'd a Herefy. Where it is mention'd with blame, it feems to differ little from Schifm ; 1 Cor. n. 18, 19. I hear that there be Schifms among you, &c. for there muft alfo Hereftes be among you, &c. Though fome who write of Herefy after their own heads, would make it far worfe than Schifm ; whenas on the contrary, Schifm horri- fies divifion, and in the worfe fenfe ; Herefy, choice only of one Opinion -be- fore another, which may be without Difcord. In Apoftolic times therfore, ere the Scripture was written, Herefy was a Doctrine maintain'd againft the Doc- trine by them deliver'd •, which in thefe times can be no otherwife defin'd than a Doctrine maintain'd againft the Light, which we now only have of the Scripture. Seeing therfore that no Man, no Synod, no Seffion of men, though call'd the Church, can judge definitively the fenfe of Scripture to another man's Con- fcience, which is well known to be a general maxim of the Proteftant Religion ; it follows plainly, that he who holds in Religion that belief, or thofe opinions which to his Confcience and utmoft Underftanding appear with mod evidence or probability in the Scripture, though to others he feem erroneous, can no more be juftly cenfur'd for a Heretic than his cenfurers ; who do but the fame thing themfelves while they cenfure him for fo doing. For afk them, or any Proteftant, which hath moft Authority, the Church or the Scripture ? They will anfwer, doubtlefs, that the Scripture : and what hath moft Authority, that no doubt but they will confefs is to be follow'd. He then, who to his beft apprehenfion follows the Scripture, though againft any point of Doctrine by the whole Church receiv'd, is not the Heretic •, but he who follows the Church againft his Conlcience and Perfuafion grounded on the Scripture. To make this yet more undeniable, I fhall only borrow a plain fimile, the fame which our own Writers, when they would demonftrate plaineft, that we rightly prefer the Scripture before the Church, ufe frequently againft the Papift in this manner. As the Samaritans believ'd Chrift, firft for the Wo- man's Word, but next and much rather for his own, fo we the Scripture : firft on the Church's Word, but afterwards and much more for its own, as the Word of God; yea, the Church it felf we believe then for the Scripture. The inference of it felf follows : it by the Proteftant Doctrine we believe the Scripture, not for the Church's faying, but for its own as the Word of God, then ought we to believe what in our Confcience we apprehend the Scripture to fay, tho' the Vifible Church, with all her Doctors, gainfay : and being taught to believe them only for the Scripture, they who fo do are not Heretics, but the beft Proteftants : and by their opinions, whatever they be, can hurt no Pro- teftant, whofe Rule is not to receive them but from the Scripture, which to interpret convincingly to his own Confcience, none is able but himfelf gui- ded by the Holy Spirit •, and not fo guided, none than he to himfelf can be a worie Deceiver. To Proteftants therfore, whofe common Rule and Touch- ftone is the Scripture, nothing can with more Confcience, more Equity, no- thing more Proteftantly can be permitted, than a free and lawful Debate at all times by Writing, Conference, or Dilputation of what Opinion foever, difputable by Scripture : concluding, that no man in Religion is properly a Heretic at this day, but he who maintains Traditions or Opinions not probable by Scripture, who, for aught I know, is the Papift only ; he the only Heretic, who counts all Heretics but himfelf. Such as thefe, indeed, were capitally punifh'd by the Law of Mofes, as the only true Heretics, Idolaters, plain and open deferters of God and his known Law : but in the Gofpel fuch are punifhed by Excommunion only. Tit. 3. 10. An Heretic, after the firft and fecond Admonition, rejecl. But they who think not this heavy enough, and under- ftand not that dreadful Awe and fpiritual Efficacy which the Apoltle hath ex- prefs'd fo highly to be in Church-difcipline, 2 Cor. 10. of which anon, and think weakly that the Church of God cannot long fubfift but in a bodily fear, for want of other proof will needs wreft that place of S. Paul, Rom. 13. to let up civil Inquifition, and give Power to the Magistrate both of civil Judgment, and punifhment in caufes Ecclefiaftical. But let us fee with what ftrength t^i-o Of Civil Power i ftrength of Argument -, Let every Soul be fubje El to the higher Powers. Firft, how prove they that the Apoftle means other Powers than fuch as they to whom he writes were then under ; who meddled not at all in Ecclefiaftical Caufes, unlefs as Tyrants and Perfecuters ? And from them, I hope, they will not de- rive either the right of Magiftrates to judge in Spiritual things, or the duty of fuch our Obedience. How prove they next, that he intrtles them here to fpi- ritual Caufes, from whom he withheld, as much as in him lay, the judging of Civil? i Cor. 6.1, &c. If he himfelf appeal'd to Cafar, it was to judge his Innocence, not his Religion. For Rulers are not a Terror to good Works, but to the evil: then are they not a terror to Confcience, which is the rule or judge of good Works grounded on the Scripture. But Herefy, they fay, is rcckon'd among evil Works, Gal. 5. 20. as if all evil Works were to be punifh'd by the Magiftrate •, wherof this place, their own Citation, reckons up befzdes Herefy a fufficient number to confute them ; Uncleannefs, Wantonnefs, Enmity, Strife, Emulations, Animofities, Contentions, Envyings ; all which are far more manifeft to be judg'd by him than Herefy, as they define it •, and yet I fuppofe they will not fubject thefe evil Works, nor many more fuch-like, to his cogni- zance and puniihment. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the Power ? Do that which is good, and thoufhalt havepraife of the fame. This fhews that Religious matters are not here meant ; wherin, from the Power here fpoken of, they could have no praife : For he is the Minifier of God to thee for good : True •, but in that office, and to that end, by thofe means which in this place muft be clear- ly found, if from this place they intend to argue. And how, for thy good by- forcing, opprefiing, and infnaring thy Confcience ? Many are the Minifters of God, and their Offices no lefs different than many : none more different than State and Church-Government. Who feeks to govern both, muft needs be worfe than any Lord Prelate, or Church- Plural ill: ; for lie in his own Faculty and Profefiion, the other not in his own, and for the moll part not thoroughly underftood, makes himfelf fupreme Lord or Pope of the Church, as far as his Civil Jurisdiction ftretches; and all the Minifters of God therin, his Minifters, or his Curates rather in the Function only, not in the Government ; while he himfelf affumes to rule by Civil Power things to be rul'd only by Spiritual : whenas this very Chapter Ver. 6. appointing him his peculiar Office, which re- quires utmoft attendance, forbids him this worfe than Church-plurality from that full and weighty Charge, wherin alone he is the Minifier of God, attending continually on this very thing. To little purpofe will they here inftance Mofes, who did all by immediate divine direction; no nor yet Afa, Jehofaphat, or Jcfia, who both might, when they pleas'd, receive anfwer from God, and had a Commonwealth by him deliver'dthem, incorporated with a National Church, exercis'd more in bodily, than in fpiritual Worfhip •, fo as that the Church might be oall'd a Commonwealth, and the whole Commonweal.h a Church : nothing of which can be faid of Chriftianity, deliver'd without the help of Magiftrates, yea, in the midft of their oppofrtion; how little then with any reference to them, or mention of them, fave only of our Obedience to their Civil Laws, as they countenance Good, and deter Evil ? which is the proper work of the Magiftrate following in the fame Verfe, and fhews dlftinctly ■ wherin he is the Minifier of God, a revenger to execute Wrath onhim that doth evil. But we muft firft know who it is that doth Evil ; the Heretic they fay among the firft. Let it be known then certainly who is a Heretic •, and that he who holds opinions in Religion profefTedly from Tradition, or his own Inventions, and not from Scripture, but rather againft it, is the only Heretic : and yet though fuch, not always punifhable by the Magiftrate, unlefs he do evil a- gainlla Civil Law, properly focall'd, hath been already prov'd without need of Repetition. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid. To do by Scripture and the Gofpel, according to Confcience, is not to do evil ; if we therof ought not to be afraid, he ought not by his judging to give caufe : caufes therfore of Religion are not here meant ; For he beareth not the Sword in vain. Yes, alto- gether in vain, if it finite he knows not what; if that for Herefy, which not tiie Church it fell, much lefs he can determine abfolutely to be fo ; if Truth for Error, being himfelf fo often fallible, he bears the Sword not in vain only, but unjuilly and to evil. Be fubjecl not only for Wrath, but for Confcience fake - How tor Confcience fake, againft Confcience ? By all thefe reafons it appear s plainly in Kc cleft aflical Caufes* qa plainly that the Apoftle irx this place gives no judgment or coercive Power to Magiftrates, neither to thofe then, nor thefe now, in matters of Religi- on ; and exhorts us no otherwife than he exhorted thofe Romans. It hath now twice befallen me to affert, through God's Afliftance, this moll wrefted and vex'd Place of Scripture ; heretofore againft Salmajius, and regal Tyranny- over the State •, now againft Erajlus, and State-tyranny over the Church. If from fuch uncertain, or rather fuch improbable Grounds as thefe, they endue Magiftracy with fpiritual Judgment, they may as well inveft him in the fame fpiritual kind with power of utmoft Punifhment, Excommunication ; and then turn Spiritual into Corporal, as no worfe Authors did than Chryfoftom, Jerome and slujlin, whom Erafmus and others in their notes on the New Teftament have cited, to interpret that cutting of which S. Paul wifh'd to them who had brought back the Galatians to Circumcifion, no lefs than the amercement of their whole Virility : and Grotius adds, that this concifing punifhment of Cir- cumcifers, became a Penal Law therupon among the Vifigoths : a dangerous example of beginning in the Spirit to end fo in the Flefh ; wheras that cutting off much like'ier feems meant a cutting off from the Church, not unufually fo term'd in Scripture, and a zealous imprecation, not a command. But I have mention'd this Paffage, to fhew how abfurd they often prove, who have not Icarn'd to diftinguifh rightly between Civil Power and Ecclefiaftical. How many Perfecutions then, Imprifonments, Banifhments, Penalties, and Stripes -, how much bloodfhed have the forcers of Confcience to anfwer for, and Pro- teftants rather than Papifts ! For the Papift, judging by his Principles, punifh- es them who believe not as the Church believes, though againft the Scripture ; but the Proteftant, teaching every one to believe the Scripture, though againft : the Church, counts Heretical, and perfecutes againft his own Principles, them who in any particular fo believe as he in general teaches them ; them who moft honour and believe divine Scripture, but not againft it any human Interpre- tation though univerfal •, them who interpret Scripture only to themfelves, which by his own pofition, none but they to themfelves can interpret : them who ufe the Scripture no otherwife by his own Doctrine to their Edification, than he himfelf ules it to their punifhing ; and fo whom his Doctrine acknowledges a true Believer, his Difcipline perfecutes as a Heretic. The Papift exacts our belief as to the Church due above Scripture ; and by the Church, which is the whole People of God, underftands the Pope, the general Councils, prelatical only, and the furnam'd Fathers : but the forcing Proteftant, though he deny fuch belief to any Church whatfoever, yet takes it to himfelf and his Teachers, of far lefs Authority than to be call'd the Church, and above Scripture be- liev'd ; which renders his practice both contrary to his Belief, and far worfe than that Belief which he condemns in the Papift. By all which well con- fider'd, the more he profeffes to be a true Proteftant, the more he hath to an- fwer for his perfecuting than a Papift. No Proteftant theifore, of what Se<ft foever, fol'owing Scripture only, which is the common Sect wherin they all agree, and the granted rule of every man's Confcience to himfelf,. ought, by the common D >ctrine of Proteftants, to be fore'd or molefted for Religion. But as lor Popery and Idolatry, why they alio may not hence plead to be to- lerate 1, I have much lefs to fay. Their Religion the more confider'd, the lefs can be acknowledg'd a Religion ; but a Roman Principality rather, en- deavouring to keep up her old univerfil Dominion under a new name, and meer fhadow of a Catholic Religion ; being indeed more rightly nam'd a Catholic Herefy againft the Scripture, fupported mainly by a civil, and ex - in Rome, by a foreign Power : juftly therfore to be fufpected, not tolera- ted by the Magiftrate of another Country. Befides, of an implicit Faith which they profefs, the Confcience alfo becomes implicit, and fo by voluntary fervitude to man's Law, forfeits her Chriftian Liberty. Who then can plead for fuch a Conlcience, as being implicitly enthral'd to maninftead of God, almoft becomes no Confcience, as the Will not free, becomes no Will ? Never- thclefs, if they ought not to be tolerated, it is for juft reafon of State, more than for Religion •, which they who force, though profeffing to be Proteftants, deferve as little to be tolerated themfelves, being no lefs guilty of Popery, in : moft Popifh Point. Laftly, for Idolatry, who knows it not to be evi- dently againft all Scripture, both of the Old and New Teftament, and ther- fore C2, Of Civil Power ) fore a true Herefy, or rather an Impiety, wherin a right Conference can l;a;e nought to do ; and the Works therof fo manifeft, that a Magiftrate can hardly err in prohibiting and quite removing at leaft the public and fcandalous Ufe therof? From the riddance of thefe Objections, I proceed yet to another Reafon why it is unlawful for the Civil Magiftrate to ufe Force in Matters of Reli- gion -, which is, becaufe to judge in thofe things, though we fhould grant him able, which is prov'd he is not, yet as a Civil Magiftrate he hath no right. Chrift hath a Government of his own, fufficient of it felf to all his Ends and Purpofes in governing his Church, but much different from that of the Civil Magiftrate -, and the difference in this very thing principally confifts, that it governs not by outward Force ; and that for two Reafons. Firft, Becaufe it deals only with the inward Man and his Actions, which are all Spiritual, and to outward Forcemot liable. 2dly, Tofhew us the Divine Excellence of his Spiritual Kingdom, able, without worldly Force, tofubdueall the Powers and Kingdoms of this World, which are upheld by outward Force only. That the inward Man is nothing elfe but the inward part of Man, his Underftanding and his Will •, and that his Actions thence proceeding, yet not fimply thence, but from the Work of Divine Grace upon them, are the whole Matter of Re!j- gion under the Gofpel, will appear plainly by confidering what that Religion is ; whence we fhall perceive yet more plainly that it cannot be fore'd. ~\ Evangelic Religion is, is told in two words, Faith and Charity, or Belief and Praclice. That both thefe flow, either, the one from the Underftanding, the other from the Will, or both jointly from both ; once indeed naturally free, but now only as they are regenerate and wrought on by Divine Grace, is in part evident to common Senfe and Principles unqueftioned, the reft by Scrip- ture : Concerning our Belief, Mat. 16. 17. Flefi and Blood bath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father which is in Heaven. Concerning our practice, as it is religious, and not meerlycivil, Gal. 5. 22, 23. and other places, declare it to be the Fruit of the Spirit only. Nay, our whole praftical Duty in Reli- gion iscontain'd in Charity, or the Love of God and our Neighbour, no way to be fore'd, yet the fulfilling of the whole Law-, that is to fay, our whole practice in Religion. If then both our Belief and Practice, which comprehend our whole Religion, flow from Faculties of the inward Man, free and un- conftrainable of themfelves by Nature, and our Practice not only from Fa- culties endu'd with freedom, but from Love and Charity befides, incapable of Force, and all thefe things by Tranfgreflion loft, but renewed and regenerated in us by the Power and Gift of God alone ; how can fuch Religion as this ad- mit of Force from Man, or Force be any way apply'd to fuch Religion, efpe- cially under the free Offer of Grace in the Gofpel, but it muft forthwith ffuftrate and make of no effect, both the Religion and the Gofpel ? And that to compel outward Profeffion, which they will fay perhaps ought to be com- pell'd, though inward Religion cannot, is to compel Hypocrify, not to ad- vance Religion, fhall yet, though of it felf clear enough, be ere the conclu- fion further manifeft. The other reafon why Chrift rejects outward Force in the Government of his Church, is, as I laid before, to fhew us the Divine Fxcellence of his Spiritual Kingdom, able without worldly Force to fubdue all the Powers and Kingdoms of this World, which are upheld by outward Force only: By which to uphold Religion otherwife than to defend the Reli- gious from outward Violence, is no Service to Chrift or his Kingdom, but ra- ' ther a Difparagement, and degrades it from a Divine and Spiritual Kingdom, to a Kingdom of this World : which he denies it to be, becaufe it needs not Force to confirm it: Joh. 18. 36. If my Kingdom were of this World, then 'would my Servants fight, that IJhould not be delivered to the Jews. This proves the Kingdom of Chrift notgovern'd by outward Force, as being none of this World, whole Kingdoms are maintain'd all by Force only : and yet difproves not that a Chriftian Commonwealth may defend it felf againft outward Force, in the Caufe of Religion as well as in any other-, though Chrift himfdf coming purpofely to die for us, would not be fo defended. 1 Cor. 1. 27. God hath cho- fen the weak things of the World, to confound the things winch are mighty. Then liirely he hath not chofen the Force of thisWorld to fubdue Confidence, and con- scientious Mui, who in this World are counted weakeft ; but rather Con- nce. in RcclefaflkalCaufes. 55^ fcience, as being weakeft, to fubdue and regulate Force, his Adverfary, not his Aid or Inftrumjnt in governingthe Church : 2 Cor. 10. 3, 4, 5, 6. For though •we walk in the Flejh, we do not war after the Flejh : For the Weapons of our War- fare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the fulling down of Strong-holds, cajl- ing down Imaginations, and every high thing that exalts itfelf againfi the knozv- ledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Chrifl : And having in a readinefs to avenge all difobedience. It is evident by the firft and fecond Veri'es of this Chapter, and the Apoftle here fpeaks of that Spi- ritual Power by which Chrift governs his Church, how all-fufficient it is, how powerful to reach the Confcience, and the inward Man with whom it chiefly deals, and whom no Power elfe can deal with. In comparifon of which, as it is here thus magnificently defcrib'd, how uneffeftual and weak is outward Force with all her boifterous Tools, to the fhame of thofe Chriftians, and e- ipecially thofe Churchmen, who to the exercifwg of Church-Difcipline, ne- ver ceafe calling on the Civil Magiftrate to interpoie his flefhly Force ? An Ar- gument that all true minifterial and fpiritual Power is dead within them ; who think the Gofpel, which both began and fpread over the whole World for above three hundred Years, under heathen and perfecuting Emperors, cannot ftand or continue, fupported by the fame Divine Prefence and Pro- tection, to the World's end, much eafier under the defenfive favour only of a Chriftian Magiftrate, unlefs it be enacted and fettled, as they call it, by the State, a Statute or State-Religion ; and underftand not that the Church it- felf cannot, much lefs the State, fettle or impofe one tittle of Religion upon our Obedience implicit, but can only recommend or propound it to our free andconfeientious examination : unlefs they mean to fet the State higher than the Church in Religion, and with a grots Contradiction give to the State in their fettling Petition, that command of our implicit Belief, which they de- ny in their fettled Confeffion, both to the State and to the Church. Let them ceafe then to importune and interrupt the Magiftrate from attending to his own charge in Civil and Moral things, the fettling of things Juft, things Honeft, the defence of things Religious, fettled by the Churches within themfelves ; and the repreffing of their Contraries, determinable by the com- mon Light of Nature ; which is not to conftrain or to reprefs Religion proba- ble by Scripture, but the Violaters and Perfecutors therof: Of all which things he hath enough and more than enough to do, left yet undone ; for which the Land groans, and Juftice goes to wrack the while. Let him alfo forbear Force where he hath no right to judge, for the Confcience is not his Province, left a worfe Woe arrive him, for worfe offending than was denoune'd by our Saviour, Matth. 23. 23. againft the Pharifees : Ye have fore'd the Con- fcience, which was not to be fore'd -, but Judgment and Mercy ye have not executed ', this ye Ihould have done, and the other let alone. And fince it is the Counfel and fet Purpofe of God in the Gofpel, by fpiritual Means which are counted weak, to overcome all Power which refifts him •, let them not go about to do that by worldly ftrength, which he hath decreed to do by thole means which the World counts Weaknefs, left they be again obnoxious to that Saving which in another place is alfo written of the Pharifees, Luke 7. 30. that they frufirated the Counfel of God. The main Plea is, and urg'd with much vehemence to their imitation, that the Kings oijudah, as I touch'd be- fore, and t^QcaWy J ofiah, both judg'd and us'd Force in Religion : 2 Chron. 34. 33. He made all that wereprefent in Ifrael to ferve the Lord their God: an Argu- ment, if it be well weigh'd, worfe than that us'd by the falfe Prophet She- maia to the High Prieft, that in imitation of Jehoiada, he ought to put Jere- miah in the Stocks, Jer. 29. 24, 26, &c. for which he receiv'd his due De- nouncement from God. But to this befides I return a three-fold Anfwer : Firft, That the State of Religion under the Gofpel is far differing from what it was under the Law ; then was the State of Rigour, Childhood, Bondage and Works, to all which Force was not unbefitting ; now is the State of Grace, Manhood, Freedom and Faith, to all which belongs Willingnefsand Reafon, not Force : the Law was then written on Tables of Stone, and to be perform'd according to the Letter, willingly or unwillingly ; the Gofpel, our new Covenant, upon the Heart of every Believer, to be interpreted on- ly by the fenfe of Charity and inward Perfwafion : The Law had no diftinift Vol. I. Bbbb Govern- -„j. Of Civil Power, Government or Governors of Church and Commonwealth, but the Priefts and Levites judg'd in all Caufes, not Ecclefiaftical only, but Civil, Dent. 17. 8 &?f. which under the Gofpel is forbidden to all Church-Minifters, as a thine which Chrift their Matter in his Miniftry difclaim'd, Luke 12. 14. as a thine beneath them, 1 Cor. 6. 4. and by many other Statutes, as to them who°have a peculiar and far differing Government of their own. If not. why different the Governors ? Why not Church-Minifters in State-Affairs, as well as State-Minifters in Church-Affairs ? If Church and State (hall be mack- one Flefh again as under the Law, let it be withal confider'd, that God who then join'd them, hath now fever'd them ; that which, he fo ordaining, was then a lawful Conj.undt.ion, to fuch on either fide as join again what he hath fever'd, would be nothing now but their own prefumptuous Fornication. Secondly, The Kings of Judah, and thofe Magiftrates under the Law might have recourfe, as I laid before, to Divine Infpiration •, which our Magiftrates under the Gofpel have not, more than to the fame Spirit, which thofe whom they force have oft-times in greater meafure than themfelves r and fo, in- ftead of forcing the Chriftian, they force the Holy Ghoft ; and, againft that ■wife forewarning of Gamaliel, fight againft God, Thirdly, Thofe Kings, and Magiftrates us'd Force in fuch things only as were undoubtedly known and forbidden in the Law of Mofes, Idolatry and direct Apoftacy from that national and ftrict enjoin'd Worfhip of God ; wherof the corporal Punifh- ment was by himfelf exprefly fet down : But Magiftrates under the Gofpel, our free, elective and rational Worlhip, are moft commonly bufieft to force thofe things which in the Gofpel are either left free, nay, fometimes abolifh'd when by them compell'd, or elfe controverted equally by Writers on both fides, and ibinetimes with odds on that fide which is againft them. By which means they either pumfh that which they ought to favour and protect, or that with corporal Punifhment, and of their own inventing, which not they, but the Church hath receiv'd Command to chaftife with a fpiritual Rod only. Yet fome are fo eager in their Zeal of Forcing, that they refufe not to defend at length to the utmolt fhift of that parabolical Proof, Luke 14. 16, &c. Compel them to come in : Therfore Magiftrates may compel in Religion. As if a Parable were to be ftrain'd through every Word or Phrafe, and not ex- pounded by the general fcope therof ; which is no other here than the earneft expreffion of God's Difpleafure on thofe Recufant Jews, and his purpofe to prefer the Gentiles on any terms before them ; exprefs'd here by the word Compel. But how compels he ? Doubtlefs no other way than he draws, with- out which no Man can come to him, John 6. 44. and that is by the inward per- fwafive Motions of his Spirit, and by his Minifters •, not by the outward com - pulfions of a Magistrate or his Officers. The true People of Chrift, as is foretold, Pfal. 110. 3. are a willing People in the day of his Power ; then much more now when he rules all things by outward weaknefs, that both his in- ward Power and their Sincerity may the more appear. God loveth a cheerful Giver : then certainly is not pleas'd with an uncheerful Worfhipper ; as the very Words declare of his Evangelical Invitations, Efa. 55. 1 . Ho, every one that thirfteth, come. John 7. 37. If any Manthirjieth. Rev. 3. iS. I courfel thee . And 22. 17. JVhofoever will, let him take the Water of Life freely. And in that grand Commifiion of Preaching, to invite all Nations, Mark 16. 16. as the Reward of them who come, fo the Penalty of them who come not, is only Spiritual. But they bring now fome Reafon with their Force, which muft not pais unanfwer'd, that the Church of Thyatira was blam'd, Rev. 2. 20. for fuffering the falfe Prophetefs to teach and to feduce. I anfwer, That Seduce - ment is to be hinder'd by fit and proper means ordain'd in Church-difcipline, by inftant and powerful Demonitration to the contrary ; by oppofing Truth to Error, no unequal match ; Truth the ftrong, to Error the weak, though fly and ihifting. Force is no honeft Confutation, but uneffectual, and for the moft part unfuccefsful, oft-times fatal to them who ufe it : Sound Doctrine, diligently and duly taught, is of herfelf both fufficient, and of herfelf (if fome ilcret Judgment of God hinder not) always prevalent againft Seducers. This the Tlyatiriar.s had negleited, fuffering, againft Church-difcipline, that Woman to teach and feduce among them : Civil Force they had not then in their power, being the Chriftian part only of that City, and then efpecially a under in Ecclefiaflical Caufes. r r under one of thofe ten great Perfections, wherof this the fecond was rais'd by Domitian: Force therfore in thefe Matters could not be requir'd of them, who were under Force themfelves. I have (hewn that the Civil Power hath neither right, nor can do right, by forcing religious things : I will now mew the wrong it doth, by violating ths fundamental Privilege of the Gofpel, the new Birth-right of every tru° Be- liever, Chriftian Liberty : 2 Cor. 3. 17. Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is Liberty. Gal. 4. 26. Jerufalem, which is above, is free ; which is the Mother of us all. And v. 31. We are not Children of the Bond-woman, but of the free. Ic will be fufficient in this Place to fay no more of Chriftian Liberty, than that it fets us free not only from the Bondage of thofe Ceremonies, but alfo from the forcible impofition of thofe Circumftances, Place and Time, in the Worfhip of God : which though by him commanded in the old Law, yet in refpect of that Verity and Freedom which is Evangelical, St. Paul comprehends both kinds alike, that is to fay, both Ceremony and Circumftance, under one and the fame contemptuous name of weak and beggarly Rudiments, Gal. 4. 3, 9, 10. Col. 2. 8, with 16. conformable to what our Saviour himfelf taught, John 4. 21, 23. Neither in this Mountain, nor yet at Jerufalem. /;; Spirit and in Truth ■, for the Father feeketb fuch to worftnp him : that is to fay, not only fincere of Heart, for fuch he fought ever ; but alfo, as the words here chiefly import, not compell'd to Place, and by the fame reafon, not to any fet Time * as his Apoftle by the lame Spirit hath taught us, Rom. 14. 6, &c. One Man cfteemetb one day above another; another, &c. Gal. 4. 10. Te obferve Days and Months, &c. Col. 2. 16. Thefe and other fuch Places in Scripture the beft and learnedeft reformed Writers have thought evident enough to inftrucf us in our Freedom, not only from Ceremonies, but from thofe Circumftances alfo, though im- pos'd with a confident Perfwafion of Morality in them, which they hold im- poffible to be in place or time. By what warrant then our Opinions and Prac- tices herin are of late turn'd quite againft all other Proteftants, and that which is to them Orthodoxal, to us becomes fcandalous and punifhable by Sta- tute, I wifh were once again better confider'd ; if we mean not to proclaim a Schifm in this point from the beft and moft reformed Churches abroad. They who would feem more knowing, confefs that thefe things are indifferent, but for that very caufe by the Magiftrate may be commanded. As if God of his fpecial Grace in the Gofpel had to this end freed us from his own Command- ments in thefe things, that our Freedom mould fubjecl us to a more grievous Yoke, the Commandments of Men. As well may the Magiftrate call that common or unclean which God hath cleans'd, forbidden to St. Peter, Acts 10. 15. as well may he loofen that which God hath ftreighten'd, or ftreighten that which God hath loofen'd, as he may injoin thofe things in Religion which God hath left free, and lay on that Yoke which God hath taken off. For he hath not only given us this Gift as a fpecial Privilege and Excellence of the free Gofpel above the fervile Law, but ftriclly alfo hath commanded us to keep it and enjoy it. Gal. 5. 13. You are call'd to Liberty. 1 Cor. 7. 23. Be not made the Servants of Men. Gal. 5. 14. Stand fajl therfore in the Liberty wherewith Chrift hath made us free ; and be not int angled again with the Yoke of Bondage. Neither is this a meer Command, but tor the moft part in thefe forecited Places, accompanied with the very weightieft and inmoft Reafons of Chriftian Re igion : Rom. 14. 9, iu. For to this end Chrift both died, androfe, and reviv'd, that he might be Lord both of the dead and living. But why deft thou judge thy Bro- ther ? &c. How prefumeft thou to be his Lord, to be whole only Lord, at leaft in thefe things, Chrift both died, and rofe, and liv'd again ? We ftiall all ftand before the 'Judgment -feat of Chrift. Why then doft thou not only judge, but perfecute in thefe things for which we are to be accountable to the Tribu- nal of Chrift only, our Lord and Law-giver? 1 Cor. 7. 23. Ye are bought with a price; be not made the Servants of Men. Some trivial price belike, and for ibme frivolous pretences paid in their opinion, if bought and by him redeem'd who is God from what was once the Service of God, we fhall be enthrall'd again, and fore'd by Men to what now is but the Service of Men. Gal. 4. 31. with 5. 1. We are not Children of the Bond-woman, &c. ftand fajl therfore, &c. Col. 2.8. Beware left any Man fpoilyou, &c. after the Rudiments of the World, and not after Chrift. Solid Reafons wherof are continu'd through the whole Vol. I. Bbbb 2 Chap- - g Of Civil Power i Chapter. Ver. 10. X? are compleat in him, which is the bead of all Principality and Power: Not compleated therfore or made the more religious by thofe Ordi- nances of Civil Power, from which Chrift their Head hath difcharged us j blotting out the hand- writing of Ordinances that was againjl us, which was contrary to us J and took it out of the way, nailing it to his Crofs, ver. 14. blotting out Or- dinances written by God himfelf, much more thofe lb boldly written over again by Men : Ordinances which were againft us, that is, againft our Frailty, much more thofe which are againft our Confcience. Let no Man therfore judge youinrefpetl of, &c. v. 16. Gal. 4. 3. &>. Even fo we, when we were Children* were in bondage under the Rudiments of the World : But when thefulnefs of Time was come, God fent forth his Son, &c. to redeem them that were uuder the Law, that we wight receive the Adoption of Sons, &c. Wberfore thou art no more a Servant, but a Son &c. But now, &c. how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly Rudiments, wheruntoye defire again to be in Bondage ? Te obferve days, Sec. Hence it plainly appears, that if we be not free, we are not Sons, but ftill Servants unadopted ; and if we turn again to thofe weak and beggarly Rudiments, we are not free j yea though willingly, and with a mifguided Confcience, we defire to be in bondage to them ; how much more then if unwillingly and againft our Con- fcience'? Ill was our Condition, chang'd from Legal to Evangelical, and fmall Advantage rotten by the Gofpel, if for the Spirit of Adoption to Freedom promis'd us, we receive again the Spirit of Bondage to Fear ; if our Fear, which was then fervile towards God only, muff, be now fervile in Religion to- wards Men : Strange alfo and prepofterous Fear, if when and wherin it hath attain'd by the Redemption of our Saviour to be filial only towards God, it muft be now fervile towards the Magiftrate. Who by fubjecting us to his Pu- nifhment in thefe things, brings back into Religion that Law of Terror and Satisfaction belonging now only to civil Crimes •, and therby in effect abo- Iifhes the Gofpel, by eftablifhing again the Law to a far worie Yoke of Servi- tude upon us than before. It will therfore not mifbecome the meaneft Chrif- tian to put in mind Chriftian Magiftrates, and l'o much the more freely by how much the more they defire to be thought Chriftian, (for they will be therby, as they ought to be in thefe things, the more our Brethren and the lets our Lords) that they meddle not rafhly with Chriftian Liberty, the ' Birth-right and outward Teftimony of our Adoption : left while they little think it, nay, think they do God fervice, they themfelves, like the Sons of that Bond-Woman, be found perfecuting them who are free-born of the Spi- rit •, and by a Sacrilege of not the leaft aggravation, bereaving them of that facred Liberty which our Saviour with his own Blood purchas'd for them. A fourth Reafon why the Magiftrate ought not to ufe Force in Religion, I brino- from the Conlideration of all thofe ends which he can likely pretend to the interpofing of his Force therin : and thofe hardly can be other than firft the Glory of God ; next, either the fpiritual Good of them whom he forces, or the temporal Punifhment of their Scandal to others. As for the promoting of God's Glory, none, I think, will fay that his Glory ought to be promoted in religious things by unwarrantable means, much lefs by means contrary to what he hath commanded. That outward Force is fuch, and that God's Glo- ry in the whole Adminiftration of the Gofpel according to his own Will and Counfel ought to be fulfill'd by Weaknefs, at leaft fo refuted, not by Force ; or if by Force inward and fpiritual, not outward and corporeal, is already prov'd at large. That outward Force cannot tend to the Good of him who is fore'd in Religion, is unqueftionable. For in Religion, whatever we do •under the Gofpel, we ought to be therof perfwaded without fcruple ; and are juftihed by the Faith we have, not by the Work we do : Rom. 14. 5. Let every Man be fully perfwaded in his own Mind. The other Reafon which follows neceffarily is obvious, Gal. 2.16. and in many other places of St. Paul, as the Ground-work and Foundation of the whole Gofpel, that we are juflified by the Faith of Chrifi, and not by the Works of the Law. If not by the Works of • God's Law, how then by the Injunctions of Man's Law ? Surely Force cannot work Perfwafion, which is Faith ; cannot therfore juftify nor pacify the Con- fcience ; and that which juftifies not in the Gofpel, condemns ; is not only not good, but finful to do: Rom. 14. 23. Whatfoever is not of Faith, is Sin. It Concerhs the Magiftrate then to take heed how he forces in Religion confeien- tious 4 in Ecckfiaftical Caufes. zzj tious Men: left by compelling them to do that wherofthey cannot be per- fwaded, that wherin they cannot find themfelves juftified, but by their own Confciences condemn'd, inftead of aiming at their fpiritual Good, he forces them to do Evil-, and while he thinks himfelf^j Jcfah, Nehemiah, he be found Jeroboam, who caus'd Ifrael to fin ; and therby draw upon his own head all thofe Sins and Ship-wracks of implicit Faith and Conformity, which he hath forc'd, and all the Wounds given to thofe little ones, whom to offend he will find worfe one day than that violent drowning mentioned Mat. 18. 6. Laftly, as a Preface to force, it is the ufual pretence, That although tender Confciences fhall be tolerated, yet Scandals therby given lhall not be unpu- nifh'd, prophane and licentious Men fhall not be encourag'd to neglect the Performance of religious and holy Duties by colour of any Law giving Liberty to tender Confciences. By which contrivance the way lies ready open to them herafter who may be fo minded, to take away by little and little that Liber- ty which Chrift and his Gofpel, not any Magiftrate, hath right to give : though this kind of his giving be but to give with one hand, and take away with the other, which is a deluding, not a giving. As for Scandals, if any Man be offended at the confeientious Liberty of another, it is a taken Scan- dal, not a given. To heal one Confcience, we muft not wound another : and Men muft be exhorted to beware of Scandals in Chriftian Liberty, not forc'd by the Magiftrate ? left while he goes about to take away the Scandal, which is uncertain whether given or taken, he take away our Liberty, which is the certain and the facred Gift of God, neither to be touch'd by him, nor to be parted with by us. None more cautious of giving Scandal than St. Paul. Yet while he made himfelf Servant to all, that he might gain the more, he made himfelf fo of his own accord, was not made fo by outward Force, teftifying at the fame time that he was free from all Men, i Cor. 9. 19. and therafter ex- horts us alfo, Gal. 5. 1 3. Ye were called to Liberty, Sic. but by Love ferve one ano- ther: then not by Force. As for that Fear, left prophane and licentious Men fhould be encourag'd to omit the Performance of religious and holy Duties, how can that care belong to the Civil Magiftrate, efpecially to his Force ? For if prophane and licentious Perlbns muft not neglect the Performance of religious and holy Duties, it implies, that fuch Duties they can perform, which no Proteftant will affirm. They who mean the outward Performance, may fo explain it •, and it will then appear yet more plainly, that fuch Per- formance of religious and holy Duties, efpecial!y by prophane and licentious Perfons, is a diihonouring rather than a worfhipping of God ; and not only by him not requir'd, but detefted : Prov. 21. 27. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an Abomination ; how much more when he bringeth it with a wicked Mind? To compel therfore the prophane to things holy in his Prophanenefs, is all one under the Gofpel, as to have compell'd the unclean to facrifke in his Uncleannefs under the Law. And I add withal, that to compel the licentious in his Licentiouf- nefs, and the confeiencious againft his Confcience, comes all to one ; tends not to the Honour of God, but to the multiplying and the aggravating of Sin to them both. We read not that Chrift ever exercis'd Force but once •, and that was to drive prophane ones out of his Temple, not to force them in : and if their being there was an Offence, we find by many other Scriptures that their praying there was an Abomination : and yet to the Jewijh Law that Nation, as a Servant, was oblig'd ; but to the Gofpel each Perfon is left voluntary, call'd only, as a Son, by the preaching of the Word; not to be driven in by Edicts and Force of Arms. For if by the Apoftle, Rom. 12. 1. we are befeech'd as Brethren by the Mercies of God to prefent our Bodies a living Sa- crifice, holy, acceptable to God, which is our reafonable Service or Worfhip, then is no Man to be forc'd by the compulfive Laws of Men to prefent his Body a dead Sacrifice ; and fo under the Gofpel moft unholy and unacceptable, be- caufe it is his unreafonable Service, that is to fay, not only unwilling but un- confcionable. But if prophane and licentious Perfons may not omit the Per- formance of holy Duties, why may they not partake of holy things? Why are they prohibited the Lord's Supper, fince both the one and the other Acti- on may be outward ; and outward Performance of Duty may attain at leaft an outward Participation of Benefit ? The Church denying them that Commu- nion of Grace and Thankfgiving, as it jurtly doth, why doth the Magiftrate compel rc$ Of Civil Power ) compel them to the Union of performing that which they neither truly can, being themfelves unholy, and to do feemingly is both hateful to God, and perhaps no lefs dangerous to perform holy Duties irreligioufly, than to re- ceive holy Signs or Sacraments unworthily ? All prophane and licentious Men," fo known, can be confider'd but either lb without the Church as never yet within it, or departed thence of their own accord, or excommunicate : I; never yet within the Church, whom the Apoftle, and fo confequently the Church, have nought to do to judge, as he profefles, i Cor. 5. 12. then by w hat Authority doth the Magiftrate judge ; or, which is worfe, compel in re- lation to the Church? If departed of his own accord, like that loft Sheep, Luke 15. 4, &c. the true Church either with her own or any borrow'd Force worries him not in again, but rather in all charitable manner fends after him ; and if fhe find him, lays him gently on her Shoulders ; bears him, yea bears his Burdens, his Errors, his Infirmities any way tolerable, fo fulfilling the Law of Chriftf Gal. 6. 2. If excommunicate, whom the Church hath bid go out, in whofe name doth the Magiftrate compel to go in ? The Church indeed hinders none from hearing in her public Congregation, for the doors are open to all : nor excommunicates to deftruction ; but, as much as in her lies, to a final faving. Her meaning therfore muft needs be, that as her driving out brings on no outward Penalty, fo no outward Force or Penalty of an im- proper and only a deftructive Power fhould drive in again her infectious Sheep ; therfore fent out becaufe infectious, and not driven in but with the danger not only of the whole and found, but alfo of his own utter perifhing. Since Force neither inftructs in Religion, nor begets Repentance or Amendment o; Life, but on the contrary, Hardnefs of Heart, Formality, Hypocrify, and, as I faid before, every way increafe of Sin, more and more alienates the Mind from a violent Religion, expelling out and compelling in, and reduces it to a condition like that which the Britain* compiain of in our Story, driven to and fro between the Picls and the Sea. If after Excommunion he be found in- tractable, incurable, and will not hear the Church, he becomes as one never yet within her Pale, a Heathen or a Publican, Mat. 18. 17. not further to be judg'd, no not by the Magiftrate, unlefs for civil Caufes ; but left to the final Sentence of that Judge, whofe coming ihall be in flames of Fire - y that Maran- atha, 1 Cof. 16. 22. than which to him fo left nothing can be more dreadful, and oft-times to him particularly nothing more fpeedy, that is to fay, the Lord cometh, in the mean while deliver'd up to Satan, 1 Cor. 5. 5. 1 Tim. 1. 20. that is, from the Fold of Chrift and Kingdom of Grace to the World again, which is the Kingdom of Satan ; and as he was receiv'd from Darknefs to Light, and from the Power of Satan to Cod, Acts 26. 18. fo now deliver'd up again from Light to Darknefs, and from God to the Power of Satan ; yet lo- as is in both Places manifefted, to the intent of faving him, brought fooner to Contrition by fpiritual than by any corporal Severity. But grant it belong- ing any way to the Magiftrate, that prophane and licentious Perfons omit not the performance of holy Duties, which in them were odious to God even un- cler the Law, much more now under the Gofpel •, yet ought his care both as a Magiftrate and a Chriftian, to be much more that Confcience be not inwardly violated, than that Licence in thefe things be made outwardly conformable : fince his part is undoubtedly as a Chriftian, which puts him upon this Office much more than as a Magiftrate, in all refpects to have more care of the con- fcientious than of the prophane ; and not for their fakes to take away (while they pretend to give) or to diminifh the rightful Liberty of religious Con- fciences. On thefe four fcriptural Reafons, as on a firm Square, this Truth, the Right of Chriftian and Evangelic Liberty, will ftand immoveable againft all thole pretended Confequences of Licence and Confufion, which for the moft part Men moft licentious and confus'd themfelves, or fuch as whofe Severity would be wifer than Divine Wifdom, are ever apteft to object againft the ways of God: as if God without them, when he gave us this Liberty, knew not of the worft which thefe Men in their Arrogance pretend will follow : yet know-, ing all their worft, he gave us this Liberty as by him judg'd beft. As to thofe Magiitrates who think it their work to fettle Religion, and thofe Mini- fters or others, who lb oft call upon them to do fo, I truft, that having well con in Rcclefiaflical Caufes. t- r g confuler'd what Rath been here argu'd, neither they will continue in that in- tention, nor thefe in th.it expectation from them : when they mall find that the Settlement of Religion belongs only to each particular Church by per- fwafive and fpiritual means within itlelf", and that the- Defence only of the Church belongs to the Magiftrate. Had he once learnt not further to concern himfelf with Church-Affairs, half his Labour might be fpar'd, and the Com- monwealth better tended. To which end, that which I premis'd in the be- ginning, and in due place treated of more at large, I defire now concluding, that they would confider ferioufly what Religion is: and they will find it to be, in fum, both our Belief and our Practice depending upon God only. That there can be no place then left for the Magiftrate or his Force in the Settlement of Religion, by appointing either what we fhall believe in divine things, or pracfife in Religious, (neither of which things are in the power of Man either to perform himfelf, or to enable others) I perfwade me in the Chriftian Ingenuity of all religious Men, the more they examine ferioufly, the more they will find clearly to be true : and find how falfe and deceivable that common faying is, which is lb much rely'd upon, that the Chriftian Magiftrate is Cuftos utriufque Tabula, Keeper of both Tables, unlefs is meant by Keeper the Defender only : neither can that Maxim be maintain'd by any Proof or Argument which hath not in this Difcourfe firft or laft been refuted. For the two Tables, or ten Commandments, teach our Duty to God and our Neigh- bour from -the Love of both ; give Magiftrates no Authority to force either : they feek that from the judicial Law, though on falfe grounds, efpecially in the firft Table, as I have fhewn ; and both in firft and fecond execute that Authority for the moft part, not according to God's judicial Laws but their own. As for civil Crimes, and of the outward Man, which all are not, no not of thofe againft the fecond Table, as that of coveting ; in them what Power they have, they had from the beginning, long before Mofes or the two Tables were in being. And whether they be not now as little in being to be kept by any Chriftian as they are two legal Tables, remains yet as undecided, as it is fure they never were yet deliver'd to the keeping of any Chriftian Ma- giftrate. But of thefe things perhaps more fome other time ; what may ferve the prefent hath been above difcours'd fufficiently out of the Scriptures : and to thofe produe'd, might be added Teftimonies, Examples, Experiences of all f ucceeding Ages to thefe times, afferting this Doctrine : but having herin the Scripture fo copious and fo plain, we have all that can be properly call'd true Strength and Nerve ; the reft would be but Pomp and Incumbrance. Pomp and Oftentation of reading is admir'd among the Vulgar : but doubtlefs in Matters of Religion he is learnedeft who is plaineft. The brevity I ufe, not exceeding a fmall Manual, will not therfore, I fuppofe, be thought the lefs confiderable, unlefs with them perhaps who think that great Books only can determine great Matters. I rather chofe the common Rule, not to make much ado where lefs may ferve. Which in Controversies, .and thofe efpecially of Religion, would make them lefs tedious, and by confequence read oftner b*y many more, and with more Benefit. CON- s 6o CONSIDERATIONS Touching the Likelieft Means to remove HIRELINGS OUT OF THE CHURGH. "Wherin is alfo difcours'd f Tithes^ Of < Church-Fees-, t Church-Revenues ; And whether any Maintenance of Minifters can be fettled by Law. To the P arla?ne?it of the Commonwealth <?/" England, with the Dominions t her of OWing to your Protection, fupreme Senate, this liberty of wri- ting which I have us'd thefe eighteen Years on all occafions to afTert the juft Rights and Freedoms both of Church and State, and fo lar approv'd, as to have been trailed with die reprefcntment and defence ©f your Aftions to all Chriftendom againlt an Adverfary of no mean re- pute ; to whom mould Iaddrefswhat I Mill publifh on the fame Argu- ment, but to you, whofe magnanimous Councils firft open'd and unbound The Age from a double Bondage under Prelatical and Regal Tyranny • above ©ur own hopes heartning us to look up at laft like Men and Chriftians from the flavifh Dejeclion wherin from Father to Son we were bred up and taught; and therby deferving of thefe Nations, if they be not barb-rcufiy mgrateful, to be acknowledge, next under God, the Authors and belt Patrons or Religious and Civil Liberty, that ever thefe Wands brought forth ? The care and tuition of whofe Peace and Safety, altera fhort, but fcandalous night of Interruption, is now again by a new dawning of God's miraculous Provi- dence among us, revolv'd upon your ihoulders. And to whom more apper- tain thefe Confederations which I propound, than to yourfelves, and the De- bate before you, though I trull of no difficulty, yet at prefent of great ex" peftation, not whether ye will gratify, were it no more than fo, but whether ye will hearken to the juft Petition or many thoufands belt affected both to Re ligion and to this your Return, or whether ye will fatisfv, which you never can, the covetous Pretences and Demands of infatiable Hirelings, .whole Dif- jtffe&ion ye well know both to yourfelves and your Refoluttoiis"? Tint J though among many others in this common Concernment, interpofe to your Deliberations what my Thoughts alfo are, your own Judgment and theluc- cefstherof hath given me the conhder.ee: which requefts but this that if I have proiperoufly, Gud fo favouring me, defended the public Caufe of this <- »mmon- The like Heft Means to remove Hirelings, ^ 6 1 Commonwealth to Foreigners, ye would not think thereafon and ability, wher- on ye trailed once, and repent not, your whole Reputation to the World, ei- ther grown lei's by more maturity and longer fludy, or lcf's available in Evgliflj than in another Tongue : but that if it lliflic'd ibme years pad to convince and fatisfy the uningag'd or other Nations in the juftice of your doings, though then held paradoxal, it may as well fuffke now againft weaker oppofition in matters, except here in England with a fpirituality of Men devoted to their temporal Gain, of no Controverfy elfe among Proteftants. Neither do I doubt, feeing daily the acceptance which they find who in their Petitions venture to bring advice alio, and new models of a Commonwealth, but that you will in- terpret it much more the duty of a Chriftian to offer what his Confcience per- fwades him may be of moment to the freedom and better conftituting of the Church : fince it is a deed of higheft charity to help undeceive the People, and a work worthieft your Authority, in all things elfe Authors, Affertors and now Recoverers of our Liberty, to deliver us, the only People of all Proteftants left ftill undeliver'd from the Opprefiions of a fimonious decimating Clergy, who fhame not, againft the judgment and practice or all other Churches re- form'd, to maintain, though very weakly, their Popifli and oft refuted Pofi- tions; not in a point of Confcience, wherin they might be blamelefs, but in a point of jpovetoulnefs and unjuft claim to other Men's Goods ; a Contention foul and odious ;:i any Man, but molt of all in Miniiters of the Gofpel, in whom Contention, though for their own right, fcarce is allowable. Till which Grievances be remov*d, and Religion let free from the monopoly of Hirelings, I dare affirm, that no Model whatfoever of a Commonwealth will prove fuccefsful or undifturb'd ; and lb per/waded, implore Divine Affiftance on your pious Counfels and Proceedings to unanimity in this and all other Truth. Vo L. I. Cccc CON- 5« 2 CONSIDER A TIONS TOUCHI NG tfhe Ukelieft Means to remove Hirelings out of the C H U R C H. TH E former Treatife, which leads in this, began with two things ever found working much mifchief to the Church of God, and the advancement of Truth; Force on the one fide reftraining, and Hire on the other fide corrupting the Teachers therof. The latter of thefe is by much the more dangerous : for under Force, though no thank to the Forcers, true Religion oft-times bell thrives and flourifhes ; but the Corrup- tion of Teachers, moll commonly the effect of Hire, is the very bane of Truth in them who are fo corrupted. Of Force not to be us'd in matters of Religion, I have already fpoken ; and fo ftated matters of Confcience and Religion in Faith and Divine Worfhip, and lb fever'd them from Blafphemy and Herefy, the one being fuch properly as is defpiteful, the other Inch as Hands not to the Rule of Scripture, and i'o both of them not matters of Re- ligion, but rather againfl it, that to them who will yet ufe Force, this only choice can be left, whether they will force them to believe, to whom it is not «iven from above, being not fore'd therto by any Principle of the Gof- pel," which is now the only Difpenfation of God to all Men ; or whether be- ing Protectants, they will punifh in thole things wherin the Proteftant Reli- gion denies them to be Judges, either in themlelves infallible, or to the Con- iciences of other Men; or whether, laflly, they think fit to punifh Error, fuppofing they can be infallible that it is fo, being not wilful, but confcien r tious, and, according to the bell light of him who errs, grounded on Scrip- ture: which kind of Error all Men religious, or but only reafonable, have thought worthier of pardon, and the growth therof to be prevented by ipiritual Means and Church-Difcipline, not by civil Laws and outward Force, fince it is God only who gives us well to believe aright, as to believe at all ; and by thofe means which he ordain'd fufficiently in his Church to the full exe- cution of his divine Purpofe in the Gofpel. It remains now to fpeak of Hire, the other evil fo mifchievous in Religion : wherof I promis'd then to fpeak further, when I fhould find God difpofing me, and opportunity inviting. Op- portunity I find now inviting ; and apprehend therin the concurrence of God difpofing ; fince the Maintenance of Church-Minifters, a thing not pro- perly belonging to the Magiftrate, and yet with fuch importunity call'd for, and expected from him, is at prefent under public debate. Wherin left any thing may happen to be determin'd and eftablifh'd prejudicial to the right and freedom of Church, or advantagious to fuch as may be found Hire- lings therin, it will be now mofl fealbnable, and in thefe matters wherin every Chriltian hath his free Suffrage, no way mifbecoming Chriftian Meeknefs to offer freely, without difparagement to the wifefl, fuch Advice as God lhall incline him and enable him to propound : Since hertolore in Commonwealths of mofl fame for Governmenr, Civil Laws were not efta- blifh'd till they had been firft for certain days publifh'd to the view of all Men, that whofo pleas'd might fpeak freely his Opinion therof, and give in his Exceptions, e'er the Law could pafs to a full eftablifhment. And wheie ought this Equity to have more place, than in the liberty which is infeparable from Chriftian Religion? This, I am not ignorant, will be a work unpleafing to fome : but what Truth is not hateful to fome or other, as this, in likeli- hood, will be to none but Hirelings. And if there be among them who hold it their duty to fpeak impartial Truth, as the work of their Miniftry, though not perform'd without Money, let them not envy others who think the fame no lefs their duty by the general office of Chriltianity, to fpeak truth, as in reafonmay be thought, more impartially and unfufpectedly without Money. Hire Hirelings out of the Church, <-<5 Hireofitfelf is neither a thing unlawful, nor a word of any evil note, fig- ni.'ying no more than a due Recompence or Reward; as when our Saviour lakh, the Labourer is worthy of his Hire. That which makes it fo dangerous in the Church, and properly makes the Hireling, a word always of evil Signifi- cation, is either the excels therof, or the undue manner of giving and taking it. What harm the excefs therof brought to the Church, perhaps was not found by experience till the days of Cofijiantine ; who out of his zeal thinking he could be never too liberally a nurling Father of the Church, might be not ^unfitly faid to have either over-laid it or choak'd it in the Nurfin^. Which was toretold, as is recorded in Ecclefiaftical Traditions, by a Voice heard from Heaven, on the very day that thofe great Donations and Church Revenues were given, crying aloud, This day is Poifon pour'd into the Church. Which the event loon after verify'd, as appears by another no lefs antient Obfervation, That Religion brought forth Wealth, and the Daughter devour' d the Mother. But lon^ e'er Wea.th came into the Church, fo loon as any Gain appear'd in Religion, Hirelings were apparent ; drawn in long before by the very fcent therof. Judas therfore, the firft Hireling, for want of prefent Hire anfwerable to his coveting, from the fmall number of the meannefs of fuch as then were the Religious, fold the Religion itfelf with the Founder therof, his Mailer. Si- mon Magus the next, in hope only that preaching and the Gilts of the Holy Ghoft would prove gainful, offer'd beforehand a Sum of Money to obtain them. Not long after, as the Apoftle foretold, Hirelings like Wolves came in by Herds •, Acts 20. 29. For I know this, that after my departing fiall grievous Wolves enter in among you, not fparing the Flock. Tit. 1. 11. Teaching things which they ought not , for filthy lucre' s fake . 2 Pet. 2. 3. And through Covetoufnefs flail they with feign' d words make Merchandife of you. Yet they taught not falfe Doctrine only, but feeming Piety •, iTim. 6. 5. Suppojing that Gain is Godlinefs. Neither came they in ofthemfelvesonly, but invited oft-times by a corrupt Audience : 2 Tim. 4. 3. For the time will come, when they will not endure found Dotlrine, but after their own Lufls they will heap to themfelves Teachers having itching Ears: and they on the other fide, as fail heaping to themfelves Difciples, Acts 20. 30. doubtlefs had as itching Palms : 2 Pet. 2.15. Following the way of Balaam, the Son of Bofor, who lov'd the wages of unrighteoufnefs . Jude 1 1 . They ran greedily after the error of 'Balaam for reward. Thus we iee that not only the excefs of Hire in wealthier! times, but alio the undue and vicious taking or giving it, though but fmall or mean, as in the Primitive Times, gave to Hirelings occa- fion, though not intended, yet fufficient to creep at firft into the Church. Which argues alio the difficulty, or rather the impoffibility, to remove them quite, unlefs every Minifter were, as St. Paul, contented to teach gratis ■, but few fuch are to be found. As therfore we cannot juilly take away all Hire in the Church, becaufe we cannot otherwise quite remove all Hirelings, foare we not for the impoffibility of removing them all, to ufe therfore no endea- vour that feweft may come in ; but rather, in regard the Evil, do what we can, will always be incumbent and unavoidable, to ufe our utmoll diligence how it may be leaft dangerous : which will be likelieft effected, if we coniider, firft, what recompence God hath ordain'd fhould be given to Minifters of the Church ; (for that a recompence ought to be given them, and may by them juftly be received, our Saviour himfelf from the very light of Reafon and of Equity hath declar'd, Luke 10. 7. The Labourer is worthy of his Hire) ; next, by whom ; and laftly, in what manner. What Recompence ought be given to Church-Minifters, God hath anfwer- ably ordain'd according to that difference which he hath manifeftly put be- tween thofe his two great Difpenfations, the Law and the Goipel. Under the Law, he gave them Tithes ; under the Goipel, having left all things in his Church, to Charity and Chriftian Freedom, he hath given them only what is juftiy given them. That, as well under the Goipel, as under the Law, fay our Enghfn Divines, and they only of all Proteftants, is Tithes ; and they fay true, if any Man be fo minded to give them of his own the tenth or twentieth j but that the Law therfore of Tithes is in force under the Goipel, all otln r Proteftant Divines, though equally concern'd, yet conilantly deny. For al- though Hire to the Labourer be of moral and perpetual Right, yet that fpe- cial kind of Hire, the tenth, can be of no Right or Necclfity, but to ti Vol. I. C c cc 2 fpecial ^ ^54 The likelieft Means to remove fpecial Labour For which God ordain'd it. That fpecial Labour was the Levi- tical and Ceremonial Service of the Tabernacle, Numb. 18.21,31. which is now abolifh'd : the right therfore of that fpecial Hire muft needs be withal a- boliih'd, as being alfo Ceremonial. That Tithes were Ceremonial, is plain, not bein'o- given to the Levites till they had been firft offer'd a Heave*Oftering to the Lord, Ver. 24, 28. He then who by that Law brings Tithes into the Gopel, ofneceffity brings in withal a Sacrifice, and an Altar ; without which Tithes' by that Law were unfanctify'd and polluted, Ver. 32. and therfore ne- ver thought on in the firft Chriltian times, till Ceremonies, Altars, and Ob- lations, by an ancienter Corruption were brought back long before. And yet the Jews, ever fince their Temple was deftroy'd, though they have Rabbies and Teachers of their Law, yet pay no Tithes, as having no Levites to whom, no Temple where to pay them, no Altar wheron to hallow them : which ar- gues that the Jews themfelves never thought Tithes Moral, but Ceremonial only. That Chriftians therfore mould take them up, when Jews have laid them down, muft needs be very abfurd and prepofterous. Next, it is as clear in the fame Chapter, that the Priefts and Levites had not Tithes for their labour only in the Tabernacle, but in regard they were to have no other Part nor Inheritance in the Land, Ver. 20, 24. and by that means for a Tenth, loft a Twelfth. But our Levites undergoing no fuch Law of Deprivemenr, can have no right to any fuch Compenfation : nay, if by this Law they will have Tithes, can have no Inheritance of Land, but forfeit what they have. Befides this, Tithes were of two forts, thofe of every Year, and thofe of every third Year: of the former, every one that brought his Tithes, was to eat his fhare •, Deut. 14. 23. Thoufialt eat before the Lord thy God, in the place which he fhall chufe to place his name there, the Tithe of thy Corn, of thy Wine, and of thine Oil, &c. Nay, though he could not bring his Tithe in kind, by rea- fon of his diftant dwelling from the Taberpacle or Temple, but was therby fore'd to turn it into Money, he was to beftow that Money on whatfoever pleas'd him, Oxen, Sheep, Wine, or ftrong Drink ; and to eat and drink tberof there before the Lord, both he and his Houfhold, Ver. 24,25,26. As for the Tithes of every third Year, they were not given only to the Levite, but to the Stranger, the Fatherlefs, and the Widow, Ver, 28, 29. and Chap. 26. 12, 13. So that ours, if they will have Tithes, muft admit of thefe fharers with them. Nay, thefe Tithes were not paid in at all to the Levite, but the Levite himfelf was to come with thole his Fellow-Guefts, and eat his fhare of them only at his Houfe who provided them ; and this not in regard of his mi- nifterial Office, but becaufe he had no Part nor Inheritance in the Land. Laftly, the Priefts and Levites, a Tribe, were of a far different Conftitution from this of our Minifters under the Gofpel : in them were Orders and Degrees both by Family, Dignity, and Office, mainly diftinguifh'd •, the High Prieft, his Brethren, and his Sons, to whom the Levites themfelves paid Tithes, and of the bell, were eminently fuperior, Numb. 18. 28,29. No Proteftant, I fuppofe, will liken one of our Minifters to a High Prieft, but rather to a com- mon Levite. Unlefs then, to keep their Tithes, they mean to bring back again Bifhops, Archbifliops, and the whole gang of Prelatry, to whom will they themfelves pay Tithes, as by that Law it was a Sin to them if they did not ? 1 er. 32. Certainly this muft needs put them to a deep demur, while the defire of holding faft their Tithes without fin, may tempt them to bring back again Bifhops, as the likenefs of that Hierarchy that fhould receive Tithes from them ■, and the defire to pay none, may advife them to keep out of the Church all Orders above them. But if we have to do at prefent, as I fuppofe we have, with true reformed Proteftants, not with Papifts or Prelates, it will not be deny'd that in the Gofpel there be but two minifterial Degrees, Prefbyters and Deacons : which if they contend to have any fucceffion, reference, or conformi- ty with thofe two degrees under the Law, Priefts and Levites, it muft needs be Inch wlurby our Prefbyters or Minifters may be anfwerable to Priefts, and our Deacons to Levites •, by which Rule of Proportion it will follow, that we muft pay our Tithes to the Deacons only, and they only to the Minifters. But if it be truer yet, that the Priefthood of Aaron typify'd a better reality, 1 Pet. 2. 5. fignifying the Chriftian true and holy Priefthood, to offer up fpirittial Sacrifice ; it follows hence, that we are now juftly exempt from paying Tithes to any who Hirelings out of the Church. r6r who claim From Aaron, fince that Priefthood is in us now real, which in him was but a fliadow. Seeing then by all this which hath been (hewn, that the Law of Tithes is partly Ceremonial, as the work was for which they were given, partly judicial, not of common, but of particular right to the Tribe oi' Levi, nor to them alone, but to the Owner alio and his Houfhold, at the time of their Offering, and every three year to the Stranger, the Fatherlefs, and the Widow, their appointed Sharers, and that they were a Tribe of Priefts and Deacons improperly compar'd to the Conftitution of our Miniftry ; and the Tithes given by that People to thofe Deacons only ; it follows that our Minifters at this day, being neither Priefts nor Levites, nor fitly anfwerin<^ to either of them, can have no juft title or pretence to Tithes, by any con- fequence drawn from the Law of Mofes. But they think they have yet a bet- ter Plea in the example of Melchifedec, who took Tithes of Abraham ere the Law was given ; whence they would infer Tithes to be of Moral rio-ht. But they ought to know, or to remember, that not examples, but exprefs Commands oblige our obedience to God or Man : next, that whatfoever was done in Religion before the Law written, is not prefently to be counted Mo- ral, whenas lb many things were then done both Ceremonial and Judaically judicial, that we need not doubt to conclude all times before Chrift, more or lefs under the Ceremonial Law. To what end ferv'd elfe thole Altars and Sa- crifices, that diftinclion of clean and unclean entering into the Ark, Circum- cifion, and the railing up of Seed to the elder Brother? Gen. 38. 8. If thefe dungs be not Moral, though before the Law, how are Tithes, though in the example of Abraham and Melchifedec ? But this inftance is lb far from being the juft ground of a Law, that after all Circumftances duly weigh'd both from Gen. 14. and Heb. 7. it will not be allow'd them lb much as an ex- ample. Melchifedec, befules his Prieftiy Benediction, brought with him Bread and Wine fufficient to reirefh Abraham and his whole Army ; incited to do lb, firft, by* the fecret Providence of God, intending him for a Type of Chrift. and his Priefthood •, next, by his due thankfulnefs and honour to Abraham, who had freed his borders of Salem from a potent Enemy : Abraham on the other fide honours him with the tenth of all, that is to lay (for he took not fure his whole Eftate with him to that War) of the Spoils, Heb. 7. 4. Incited here alfo by the fame fecret Providence, to fignify as Grandfather of Levi, that the Levkical Priefthood was excell'd by the Priefthood of Chrift. For the giving of a Tenth declar'd, it leems, in thofe Countries and Times, him the greater who receiv'd it. That which next incited him, was partly his gratitude to requite the Prefent, partly his Reverence to the Perfon and his Benediction : to his Perfon, as a King and Prieft, greater therfore than Abraham ; who was a Priell alfo, but not a King. And who unhir'd will be lb hardy as to fay, that Abraham-it any other time ever paid him Tithes, either before or after ; or had then, but for this accidental meeting and obligement •, or that elfe Melchifedec had demanded or exacted them, or took them otherwife than as the voluntary gift of Abraham ? But our Miniftcrs, though neither Priefts nor Kings more than any other Chriftian, greater in their own efteem than Abraham and all his Seed, for the verbal labour of a feventh day's Preachment, not bringing, like Melchifedec, Bread or Wine at their own coft, would not take only at the wil- ling hand of Liberality or Gratitude, but require and exact as due, the tenth, not of Spoils, but of our whole Lftates and Labours ; nor once, but yearly. We then it feems, by the example of Abraham, muff, pay Tithes to thefe Mel- chifedecs : but what if the Perfon of Abraham can neither no way reprefent us, or will oblige the Miniftersto pay Tithes no lefsthan other Men ? Abraham had not only a Prieft in his Loins, but was himfelf a Prieft, and gave Tithes to Melchifedec either as Grandfather of Levi, or as Father of the faithful. If as Grandfather (though he underftood it not) ol Levi, he oblig'd not us, but Levi only, the inferior Pritft, by that Homage (as the Apoftle of the Hebrews clear- ly enough explains) to acknowledge the greater. And they who by Melchi- fedec claim from Abraham as Levi's Grandfather, have none tofeek their Tithes of but the Levites, where they can rind them. If Abraham, as Father of the Faithful, paid Tithes to Melchifedec, then certainly the Minifters alio, if they be of that number, paid in him equally with the reft. Which may induce us to believe, that as both Abraham and Melchifedec, lb Tithes alfo in that Action Typical The likelieft Means to remove Typical and Ceremonial, fignify'd nothing elie but that fubjedtion which all the Faithful both Minifters and People, owe to Chrift, our High Pneft and King. In any literal Senfe, from this Example, they never will be able to extort that the People in thofe days paid Tithes to Priefts, but this only, that one Prieft once in his Life, of Spoils only, and in requital partly of a liberal Pre- fent partly of a Benediction, gave voluntary Tithes, not to a greater Pried than himfelf, as far as Abraham could then iinderftarid, but rather to a Prieft and King joi'n'd in one Perfon. They will reply, perhaps, that if one Prieft paid Tidies to another, it muft needs be underltood that the People did no Ids to the Prieft. But I fhall eafily remove that Neceffity, by remembring them that in thofe days was no Prieft, but the Father, or the firft-born of each Family ; and by confequence no People to pay him Tithes, but his own Children and Servants, who had not wherwithal to pay him, but of his own. Yet °rant that the People then paid Tithes, there will not yet be the like reafon to enjoin us -, they being then under Ceremonies, a meer Laity, we now under Chrift, a Royal Priefthood, 1 Pet. 2. 9. as we are Coheirs, Kings and Priefts with him, a Prieft for ever after the order or manner ox Melchi- fedec. As therfore Abraham paid Tithes to Melchifedec becaufe Levi v. as in him ' fo we ou^ht to pay none becaufe the true Melchifedec is in us, and we in him' who can pay to none greater, and hath freed us, by our Union with him- felf from all compulfive Tributes and Taxes in his Church. Neither doth the' collateral place, Heb. 7. make other ufe of this Story, than to prove Chrift, perfonated by Melchifedec, a greater Prieft than Aaron : Verf. 4. Now confider bow great this Man was, &c. and proves not in the leaft manner that Tithes be or any right to Minifters, but the contrary : firft, the Levites had a Commandment to take Tithes of the People according to the Law, that :s, of their Brethren, though they come out of 'the Loins of Abraham , Ver. 5. The Com- mandment then was, it feems, to take Tithes of the Jews only, and accord- ing to the Law. That Law changing of neceffity with the Priefthood, no other fort of Minifters, as they muft needs be another fort under another Priefthood, can receive that Tribute of Tithes which fell with that Law, un- lefs renew'd by another exprefs Command, and according to another Law ; no fuch Law is extant. Next, Melchifedec not as a Miniiler, but as Chrift himfelf in Perfon, blefs'd Abraham who had the Promifes, Ver. 6. and in him blefs'd all both Minifters and People, both of the Law and Gofpel : That Bleffing declar'd him greater and better than whom he blefs'd, Ver. 7. receiving Tithes from them all, not as a Maintenance, which Melchifedec needed not, but as a fto-n of Homage and Subjection to their King and Prieft : wheras Minifters bear not the Perfon of Chrift in his Priefthood or Kingfhip, blefs not as he bleffcs, are not by their Bleffing greater than Abraham ; and all the Faithful with them- felves included in him, cannot both give and take Tithes in Abraham, cannot claim to themfelves that fign of our Allegiance due only to our Eternal King and Prieft, cannot therfore derive Tithes from Melchifedec. Laftly, The eighth Verfe hath thus ; Here Men that die receive Tithes : There he received them, of whom it is witneffed that he liveth. Which words intimate, that as he oft'er'd himfelf once for us, fo he received once of us in Abraham, and in that place the typical acknowledgment of our Redemption : which had it been a perpetual annuity to Chrift, by him claim'd as his due, Levi muft have paid it yearly, as well as then, Ver. 9. and our Minifters ought ftill, to fome Melchifedec or other, as well now as they did in Abraham. But that Chrift ne- ver claim'd any fuch Tenth as his annual Due, much lefs refign'd it to the Mi- nifters, his fo officious Receivers, without exprefs Commiffion or Affignment, will be yet clearer as we proceed. Thus much may at length affure us, that this Example of Abraham and Melchifedec, though I fee of late they build moft upon it, can fo littie be the ground of any Law to us, that it will not fo much avail them as to the Authority of an Example. Of like imperti- nence is that Example of Jacob, Gen. 28. 22. who of his free choice, not en- join'd by any Law, vow'd the Tenth of all that God mould give him : which, for aught appears to the contrary, he vow'd as a thing no lefs indifferent be- fore his Vow, than the foregoing part therof : That the Stone which he had fet there for a Pillar, fhould be God's Houfe. And to whom vow'd he this Tenth, but to God ? Not to any Prieft, for we read of none to him greater than Hirelings out of the Church, r&j than himfclf : and to God, no doubt, but he paid what he vow'd, both in the building of that Bethel, with other Altars elfewhere, and the expence of his con- tinual Sacrifices, which none but he had a right to offer. However therfore he paid his Tenth, it could in no likelihood, unlefs by fuch an occafion as befcl his Grand- father, be to any Prieft. But, lay they, All the Tithe of the Land, whether of the Seed of the Land, or of the Fruit of the Tree, is the Lord's, holy unto the Lord, Lev. 27. 30. And this before it was given to the Levites ; therfore fince they ceas'd. No queftion <, For the whole Earth is the Lord's, and the Fulnefs therof, Pfal. 24. 1 . and the Light of Nature fhews us no lefs : But that the Tenth is his more than the reft, how know I, but as he lb declares it ? He declares it fo here, of the Land of Canaan only, as by all Circumftance appears, and paffes, by Peed of Gift, this Tenth to the Levite ; yet lb as offer'd to him firft a Heave- offering, and confecrated on his Altar, Numb. 18. all which I had as little known, but by that Evidence. The Levites are ceas'd, the Gift returns to the Giver. How then can we know that he hath given it to any other ? Or how can thefe Men prefurne to take it unoffer'd firft to God, unconfecrated. without another clear and exprefs Donation, wherof they ihew no Evidence or Writing ? Befides, he hath now alienated that holy Land ; who can war- rantably affirm, that he hath fince hallow'd the Tenth of this Land, which none but God hath Power to do or can warrant ? Their laft Proof they cite out of the Gofpel, which makes as little for them, Mat. 23. 23. where our Saviour de- nouncing Woe to the Scribes and Phariiees, who paid Tithe fo exactly, and omitted weightier Matters, tells them, that thefe they ought to have done, that is, to have paid Tithes. For our Saviour fpake then to thofe who ob- ferv'd the Law of Mofes, which was yet not fully abrogated, till the deftruc- tion of the Temple. And by the way here we may obferve, out of their own proof, that the Scribes and Phariiees, though then chief Teachers of the People, fuch at leaft as were not Levites, did not take Tithes, but paid them : So much lefs covetous were the Scribes and Phariiees in thofe worft times than ours at this day. This is lo apparent to the Reformed Divines of other Countries, that when any one of ours hath attempted in Latin to main- tain this Argument of Tithes, though a Man would think they might fuffer him without oppofition, in a point equally tending to the advantage of all Minillers, yet they forbear not to oppofe him, as in a Doctrine not fit to pals unoppos'd under the Gofpel. Which fhews the Modefty, the Contentednefs of thofe Foreign Paftors, with the Maintenance given them, their Sincerity alfo in the Truth, though lefs gainful, and the Avarice of ours ; who through the love of their old Papiftical Tithes, confider not the weak Arguments, or rather Conjectures and Surmifes which they bring to defend them. On the other fide, although it be fufficient to have prov'd in general the abolifhino- of Tithes, as part of the Judaical or Ceremonial Lav/, which is abolifh'd all, as well that before, as that after Mofes ; yet I mall further prove them abro- gated by an exprefs Ordinance of the Gofpel, founded not on any Type, or that Municipal Law of Mofes, but on moral and general Equity, given us in ftead : x Cor. 9. 13, 14. Know ye not, that they who minifies about holy things, live of the things of the Temple ; and they which wait at the Altar, are partakers with the Altar ? So alfo the Lord bath ordain' d, that they who preach the Gofpel, jhould live of the Gofpel. He faith not, lhould live on things which were of the Temple, or of the Altar, of which were Tithes, for that had given them a clear Title: but abrogating that former Law of Mofes, which determin'd what and how much, by a later Ordinance of Chrift, which leaves the what and how much indefinite and free, fo it be fufficient to live on : he faith, The Lord hath fo ordain' d, that they who preach the Gofpel, fJoould live of the Gofpel ; which hath neither Temple, Altar, nor Sacrifice : Heb. 7. 13. For he of whom thefe things arefpoken, pertaineth to another Tribe, of which no Man gave attendance at the Altar : His Minifters therfore cannot thence have Tithes. And where the Lord hath fo ordain'd, we may find eafily in more than one Evangelift : Luke 10. 7,8. In the fame houfe remain, eating and drinking fuch things as they give : For the Labourer is worthy of bis hire, &c. And into whatsoever City you enter, and they receive y oh, eat fuch things as are ft before you. To which Ordinance of Chrift it may feem likelieft, that the Apoftk refers us both here, and. r Tim, 5. 18, where he cites thisastheSaving of out Saviour, That the Labourer is worthy of 5 6g Tfe like Heft Means to remove cf his hire. And both by this place of L«fc, and that of Mat, 10. 9, 10, 11. it evi- dently appears that our Saviour ordain'd no certain Maintenance for his Apo- ftlesorMinifters, publicly or privately, in HouieorCity receiv'd; but that,- what- ever it were, which might fuffice to live on: and this not commanded or propor- tion^ by Abraham or by Mofes, whom he might eafily have here cited, as his manner was, but declar'd only by a Rule of common Equity, which proportions the Hire as well to the Ability of him who gives, as to the labour of him who receives, and recommends him only as worthy, not inverts him with a legal Ricrht. And mark wheron he grounds this his Ordinance ; not on a perpe- tual Right of Tithes from Melchifedec, as Hirelings pretend, which he nevei- claim'd, either for himfelf, or for his Minifters, but on the plain and com- mon equity of rewarding the Labourer ; worthy fometimes of fingle, fometimes of double Honour, not proportionable by Tithes. And the Apoftle in this forecited Chapter to the Corinthians, Ver. 11. affirms it to be no great Recompence, if carnal things be reap'd for fpiritual fown ; but to mention Tithes, negkfts here the fitted occafion that could be offer'd him, and leaves the reft free and undetermin'd. Certainly if Chrift or his Apoftles had ap- prov'd of Tithes, they would have, either by Writing or Tradition, recom- mended them to the Church ; and that foon would have appear'd in the prac- tice of thofe primitive and the next Ages. But for the firft three hundred Years and more, in all the Ecclefiaftical Story, I find no fuch Doftrine or Ex- ample: though Error by that time had brought back again Priefts, Altars and Oblations •, and in many other Points of Religion had rhiferably judaiz'd the Church. So that the Defenders of Tithes, altera long pomp, and tedious preparation out of Heathen Authors, telling us that Tithes were paid to Hercules and Apollo, which perhaps was imitated from the Jews, and as it were befpeaking our Expectation, that they will abound much more with Authorities out of Chriftian Story, have nothing of general Approbation to begin with from the firft three or four Ages, but that which abundantly ferves to the Confutation of their Tithes-, while they confers that Churchmen in thofe Ages liv'd meerly upon free-will Offerings. Neither can they fay, that Tithes were not then paid for want of a civil Magiftrate to ordain them, for Chriftians had then alfo Lands, and might give out of them what they pleas'd -, and yet of Tithes then given we find no mention. And the firft Chriftian Emperors, who did all things as Bifhops advis'd them, fupply'd what was wanting to the Clergy not out of Tithes, which were never motion'd, but out of their own imperial Revenues •, as is manifeft in Eufebius, Theodore t t and Sozomen, from Conftantine to Arcadius. Hence thofe ancienteft reformed Churches of the Waldenfes, if they rather continu'd not pure fince the Apo- ftles, deny'd that Tithes were to be given, or that they were ever given in the primitive Church, as appears by an ancient Tractate inferted in the Bohe- mian Hirtory. Thus far hath the Church been always, whether in her prime or in her ancienteft Reformation, from the approving of Tithes : nor without Reafon ; for they might eafily perceive that Tithes were fitted to the Jews only, a national Church of many incompleat Synagogues, uniting the Ac- complifliment of divine Worfhip in one Temple •, and the Levites there had their Tithes paid where they did their bodily Work ; to which a particular Tribe was fet apart by divine Appointment, not by the People's Election : but the Chriftian Church is univerfal; not ty'd to Nation, Diocefs, or Parifh, but confifting of many particular Churches compleat in themfelves, gather'd not by Compulfion, or the accident of dwelling nigh together, but by free Con- fent, chuling both their particular Church and their Church-Officers. Where- as if Tithes be fet up, all thefe Chriftian Privileges will be difturb'd and foon loft, and with them Chriftian Liberty. The firft Authority which our Adverfaries bring, after thofe fiibulous Apo- ftolic Canons, which they dare not infill upon, is a provincial Council held at Cullen, where they voted Tithes to be God's Kent, in the Year three hundred fifty fix •, at the fame time perhaps when the three Kings reign'd there, and of like Authority. For to what purpofe do they bring thefe trivial Teftimo- nies, by which they might as well prove Altars, Candles at noon, and the greatelt part of thofe Superftitions fetch'd from Paganifnt or Jewifm, which the Papift, inveigled by this fond Argument of Antiquitv, retains to this day ? To Hirelings out of the Church. $ 69 To what purpofe thofe Decrees of I know not what Bifhops, to a Parlament and People who have thrown out both Bifliops and Altars, and promis'd all Reformation by the Word of God ? And that Altars brought Tithes hither, as one Corruption begot another, is evident by one of thofe Queftions which the Monk Aujlin propounded to the Pope, concerning thofe things, which by Of- ferings of the faithful came to the Altar ; as Beda writes, /. I.e. 27. If then by thefe Teftimonies we muft have Tithes continu'd, we mufl: again have Altars. Of Fathers, by cuftom fo call'd, they quote Ambroje, Augujlin, and fome other ceremonial Doctors of the fame Leven : whofe AfTertion, without pertinent Scripture, no reformed Church can admit •, and what they vouch is founded on the Law of Mofes, with which, every where pitifully miftaken, they again incorporate the Gofpel ; as did the reft alio of thofe titular Fa- thers, perhaps an Age or two before them, by many Rites and Ceremonies, both Jewifh and Heathenijh, introdue'd •, wherby thinking to gain all, they loft all : and inftead of winning Jews and Pagans to be Chrijlians, by too much condefcending they turn'd Chrijlians into Jews, and Pagans. To heap fuch unconvincing Citations as theie in Religion, wherof the Scripture only is our Rule, argues not much Learning nor Judgment, but the loft Labour of much unprofitable reading. And yet a late hot Querift for Tithes, whom p n „ ne% ye may know by his Wit's lying ever befide him in the Margin, to be ever be- fide his Wits in the Text, a fierce Reformer once, now rankled with a con- trary heat, would fend us back, very reformed ly indeed, to learn Reforma- tion from Tyndarus and Rebuffus, two canonical Promoters. They produce next the ancient Conititutions of this Land, Saxcn Laws, Edicts of Kings, and their Councils, from Athelftan, in the year nine hundred twenty eight, that Tithes by Statute were paid : and might produce from Ina, above two hundred years before, that Romefcot or Peter's Penny, was by as good Sta- tute Law paid to the Pope ; from feven hundred twenty five, and almoft as long continu'd. And who knows not that this Law of Tithes was enacted by thofe Kings and Barons upon the opinion they had of their divine Right ? as the very Words import of Edward the Confefibr, in the clofe of that Law : For fo bleffed Auftin preach'd and taught ; meaning the Monk, who firft brought the Romifh Religion in England from Gregory the Pope. And by the way I add,, that by thefe Laws, imitating the Law of Mofes, the third part of Tithes only was the Priefl's due ; the other two were appointed for the Poor, and to adorn or repair Churches ; as the Canons of Ecbert and Elfric witnefs : Con.eU. Brit. If then thefe Laws were founded upon the Opinion of divine Authority, and that Authority be found miftaken and erroneous, as hath 'been fully manifefted, it follows, that thefe Laws fall of themfelves with their falfe Foundation. But with what Face or Confcience can they alledge Mofes, or theie Laws for Tithes, as they now enjoy or exact them ? wherof Mofes ordains the Owner, as we heard before, the Stranger, the Fatherlefs, and the Widow, Partakers with the Levite and thefe Fathers which they cite, and thefe though Romifo rather than Englijh Laws, allotted both to Prieft and Biihop the third part only. But thefe our Proteftant, thefe our new reformed Englijh Prefbyterian Divines, againft their own cited Authors, and to the iname of their pretended Reformation, would engrofs to themfelves all Tithes by Statute •, and fupported more by their wilful Obftinacy and Defire of filthy Lucre, than by thefe both infufficient, and impertinent Authorities, would perluade a Chriftian Magiftracy and Parlament, whom we truft God hath reltor'd for a happier Reformation, to impofe upon us a Judaical Cere- monial Law, and yet from that Law to be more irregular and unwarrantable, more complying with a covetous Clergy, than any of thofe Popifh Kings and Parlaments alledg'd. Another fhift they have to plead, that Tithes may be moral as well as the Sabbath, a tenth of Fruits as well as a feventh of Days : I anfwer, that the Prelates who urge this Argument have leaft reafon to it, denying Morality in the Sabbath, and therin better agreeing with Reformed Churches abroad than the reft of our Divines. As therfore the feventh day is not moral, but a convenient Recourfe of Worfhip in fit feafon, whe;her fe- venth or other number •, fo neither is the tenth of our Goods, but only a con- venient Subfiftence, morally due to Minifters. The laft and Ioweft fort of their Arguments, that Men purchas'd not their Tithe with their Land, and fuch Vol. I. D d dd like 1 70 *Ihe likelieft Me am to remove like Pettifoggery, I omit; as refuted fufficiently by others: I omit alfo then violent and irreligious Exactions, related no lefs credibly •, their feizing of Pots and Pans from the Poor, who have as good right to Tithes as they -. from fome, the very Beds -, their fuing and imprifoning •, worfe than when the Canon Law was in force ; worie than when thofe wicked Sons of Eli were Priefts, whofe manner was thus to feize their pretended prieftly Due by force ; 1 Sam. 2. 12, &c. Whereby Men abhorr'd the Offering of the Lord. And it may be fear'd that many will as much abhor the Gofpel, if fuch Violence as this be fuffer'd in her Minifters, and in that which they alfo pretend to be the Offering of the Lord. For thofe Sons of Belial within fome Limits made feizure of what they knew was their own by an undoubted Law ; but thefe, from whom there is no Sanctuary, feize out of Mens Grounds, out of Mens Houfes, their other Goods of double, fometimes of trebk value, for that which, did not Covetoufnefs and Rapine blind them, they know to be not their own by the Gofpel which they preach. Of fome more tolerable than thefe, thus feverely God hath fpoken ; Ifa. 46. 10, &c. they are greedy dogs ; they all look to their own way, every one for his gain, from his quarter. With what Anger then will he judge them who ftand not looking, but under colour of a divine Right, fetch by Force that which is not their own, taking his Name not in vain, but in violence ? Nor content, as Cehazi was, to make a cunning, but a conftrain'd Advantage of what their Matter bids them give freely, how can they but return fmitten, worfe than that marking Minifter, with a fpiritual Leprofy ? And yet they cry out Sacrilege, that Men will not be gull'd and baffl'd the tenth of their eftates, by giving credit to frivolous Pretences of di- vine Right. Where did God ever clearly declare to all Nations, orinali Lands, (and none but Fools part with their Eftates without cleareft Evidence, on bare Suppofals and Prefumptions of them who are the Gainers therby) that he requir'd the tenth as due to him or his Son perpetually and in all places? Where did he demand it, that we might certainly know, as in all claims of temporal Right is juft and reafonable ? or if demanded, where did he aflign it, or by what evident conveyance to Minifters ? Unlefs they can de- monftrate this by more than Conjectures, their Title can be no better to Tithes than the Title of Gehazi was to thofe things which by abuling his Mafter's name he rook'd from Naaman. Much lefs where did he command that Tithes ihould be fetch'd by force, where left not under the Gofpel, what- ever his Right was, to the Freewill-offerings of Men ? Which is the greater Sacrilege, to belye divine Authority, to make the name of Chrift acceftbry to Violence, and robbing him of the very Honour which he aim'd at in beftowing freely the Gofpel, to commit Simony and Rapine, both fecular and ecclefiafti- cal ; or on the other fide, not to give up the tenth of Civil Right and Proprie- ty to the Tricks and Impoftures of Clergy-men, contriv'd with all the Art and Argument that their Bellies can invent or fuggeft ; yet fo ridiculous and prefuming on the People's Dulnefs and Superftition, as to think they prove the divine Right of their Maintenance by Abraham paying Tithes to Melchifedec, whenas Melchifedec in that pafTage rather gave Maintenance to Abraham ; m whom all, both Priefts and Minifters as well as Lay-men, paid Tithes, not receiv'd them. And becaufe I affirm'd above, beginning this firft part of my Difcourfe, that God hath given to Minifters of the Gofpel that Maintenance only which is juftly given them, let us fee a little what hath been thought of that other Maintenance befides Tithes, which of all Proteftants our Engli/h Divines either only or moft apparently both require and take. Thofe are Fees for Chriftenings, Marriages, and Burials : which, though whofo will may give freely, yet being not of Right, but of free Gift, if they be exact- ed or eftablifh'd, they become unjuft to them who are otherwife maintain'd ; and of fuch evil note, that even the Council of Trent, I. 2. p. 246. makes them liable to the Laws againft Simony, who take or demand Fees for the adminiftring of any Sacrament : Che la finodo volendo levare gli abufi intro- dotti, &c. And in the next Page, with like Severity, condemns the giving or taking for a Benefice, and the celebrating of Marriages, Chriftenings, and Burials, for Fees exacted or demanded : nor counts it lefs Simony to fell the Ground or Place of Burial. And in a State-Aifembly at Orleans, 1561, it was decreed, Che nonfi potejfe cjfigcr cofa alcuna, &c. p. 429. That nothing jlmild A- Hirelings out of the Church. eyi be exafiedfor the adminiftring of Sacraments, Burials, or any other fpiritual FunElion. Thus much that Council, of all others the moil Popifl}, and this Afiembly of Papifts, though, by their own Principles, in bondage to the Clergy, were induc'd, either by their own reafon and ihame, or by the light of Reforma- tion then mining in upon them, or rather by the known Canons of many Councils and Synods long before, to condemn of Simony fpiritual Fees de- manded. For if the Minifter be maintained for his whole Miniflxy, why Jhould he be twice paid for any part thereof? Why fhould he, like a Ser- vant, feek Vails over and above his Wages ? As for Chriftnings, either they themfelves call Men to Baptifm, or Men of themfelves come : if Mini- sters invite, how ill had it become John the Baptiil to demand Fees for his baptizing, or Chrift for his chriftnings ? Far lefs becomes it thefe now, with a greedinels lower than that of Tradeimen calling PafTengers to their Shop, and yet paid beforehand, to afk again for doing that which thofe their Founders did freely. If Men of themfelves come to be baptized, they are either brought by fuch as already pay the Minifter, or come to be one of his Difci- ples and Maintainers : of whom to alk a Fee as it were for entrance, is a piece of paultry craft or caution, befitting none but beggarly Artifts. Burials and Marriages are fo little to be any part of their Gain, that they who confider well, may find them to be no part of their Function. At Burials their attendance they alledge on the Corps ; all the Guefts do as much unhir'd. But their Prayers at the Grave, fuperftitioufly requir'd: yet if requir'd, their laft performance to the deceas'd of their own Flock. But the Funeral Sermon, at their choice, or if not, an occafion offer'd them to preach out of feafon, which is one part of their Office. But fomething muft be fpoken in praife ; if due, their duty -, if undue, their corruption : a peculiar Simony of our Di- vines in England only. But the ground is broken, and efpecially their un- righteous PofTeffion, the Chancel. To fell that, will not only raifeup in judg- ment the Council of Trent againft them, but will lofe them the beft Champion of Tithes, their zealous Antiquary, Sir Henry Spelman, who in a Book written to that purpofe, by many cited Canons, and fome even of times corrupteft in the Church, proves that Fees exacted or demanded for Sacraments, Marriages, Burials, and efpecially for interring, are wicked, accurfed, fimoniacal and abominable : Yet thus is the Church, for all this noife of Reformation, left ftill unreform'd, by the ceniure of their own Synods, their own Favourers, a den of Thieves and Robbers. As for Marriages, that Minifters fhould meddle with them, as not fanctify'd or legitimate, without their Celebration, I find no ground in Scripture either of Precept or Example. Likelieft it is ( which our Selden hath well obferv'd, /. 2. c. 28. Ux. Eb. ) that in imitation of Heathen Priefts who were wont at Nuptials to ufe many Rites and Ceremonies, and efpecially, judging it would be profitable, and the in- creafe of their Authority, not to be Spectators only in bufinefs of fuch con- cernment to the Life of Man, they infinuated that Marriage was not holy without their Benediction, and for the better colour, made it a Sacrament j being of it felf a Civil Ordinance, a houfhold Contract, a thing indifferent and free to the whole race of Mankind, not as religious, but as Men : beft, indeed, undertaken to religious ends, and as the Apoftle faith, 1 Cor. 7. in the Lord. Yet not therfore invalid or unholy without a Minifter and his pretended neceffary hallowing, more than any other Act, Enterprize or Con- tract of civil Life, which ought all to be done alio in the Lord and to his Glory : All which, no lefs than Marriage, were by the cunning of Priefts here- tofore, as material to their Profit, tranfacted at the Altar. Our Divines de- ny it to be a Sacrament ; yet retain'd the Celebration, till prudently a late Parlamcnt recover'd the Civil Liberty of Marriage from their incroachment, and transferr'd the ratifying and regiftring therof from the Canonical Shop to the proper cognizance of Civil Magiftrates. Seeing then, that God hath given to Minifters under the Gofpel, that only which is juftly given them, that is to fay, a due and moderate Livelihood, the hire of their labour, and that the Heave-offering of Tithes is abolifh'd with the Altar •, yea, though not abolifh'd, yet lawlefs, as they enjoy them ; their Melchifedechian Right alfo trivial and groundlefs, and both Tithes and Fees, if exacted or eliablifh'd, unjuft and fcandaldus ; we may hope, with Vol. I. Dddd2 them ejz ¥he likeliefl Means to remove them remov'd* to remove Hirelings in fome good meafure, whom thefe temp- ting Baits, by Law efpecially to be recover'd, allure into the Church. The next thing to be confider'd in the maintenanance of Minifters, is by whom it fhould be given. Wherin though the Light of Reafon might fuffi- ciently inform us, it will be belt, to confult the Scripture: Gal. 6. 6. Let him that is taught in the word, communicate to him that teacheth, in till good things .- that is to fay, in all manner of Gratitude, to his ability, i Cor. 9. 11. 7/ we have fown unto you fpiritual things, is it a great matter if we reap your carnal things? To whom therfore hath not been fown, from him wherfore mould be reap'd ? 1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well, be counted worthy of double honour ; efpecially they who labour in word and doclrine. By thefe places we fee, that Recompence was given either by every one in particular who had been in- ftructed, or by them all in common, brought into the Church-Treafury, and diftributed to the Minifters according to their feveral labours : and that was judg'd either by fome extraordinary Perfon, as Timothy, who by the Apoftle was then left Evangelift at Ephefus, 2 Tim. 4. 5. or by fome to whom the Church deputed that care. This is fo agreeable to reafon, and fo clear, that any one may perceive what Iniquity and Violence hath prevail'd fince in the Church, wherby it hath been fo order'd that they alfo fhall be compell'd to recompence the Parochial Minifter, who neither chofe him for their Teacher, nor have receiv'd Inftruftion from him, as being either inefficient, or not refident, or inferior to whom they follow •, wherin to bar them their Choice, is to violate Chriftian Liberty. Our Law- books teftify, that before the Cctmcii of Lateran, in the year 1179, and the fifth of our Henry 2. or rather before a decretal Epiftle of Pope Innocent the Third, about 1200, and the firft of King 'John, any Man might have given Tithes to what fpiritual Perfon he would : and as the Lord Coke notes on that place, Inftit. part 2. that this decretal hound not the Subjeils of this Realm, but as it fcem'd jufl and rcafonable. The Pope took his reafon rightly from the above-cited place, 1 Cor. 9. if. but falfly fuppos'd every one to be inftrudted by his Parifh-Prieft. Whether this were then firft fo decreed, or rather long before, as may fetm by the Laws of Edgcr and Canute, that Tithes were to be paid, not to whom he would that paid them, but to the Cathedral Church or the Parifh Prieft, it imports not; fince the reafon which they themfelves bring, built on falfe fuppofition, be- comes alike infirm and abfurd, that he fhould reap from me, who fows not tome, be the caufe either his defect, or my free choice. But here it will be readily objected, What if they who are to be inftructed be not able to main- tain a Minifter, as in many Villages ? I anfwer, that the Scripture fhews in many places what ought to be done herein. Firft I offer it to the reafon of any Man, whether he think the knowledge of Chriftian Religion harder than any other Art or Science to attain. I fuppofe he will grant that it is far eafier, both of it lelf, and in regard of God's affifting Spirit, not particularly pro- mis'd us to the attainment of any other Knowledge, but of this only : fince it was preach'd as well to the Shepherds of Bethlehem by Angels, as to the Eaftern Wifemen by that Star : and our Saviour declares himfelf anointed to preach the Gofpel to the poor, Luke 4. 18. then furely to their Capacity. They who after him firft taught it, were otherwife unlearned Men : they who before Hus and Luther firft reform'd it, were for the meannefs of their condition call'd, the poor Men of Lions : and in Flanders at this day, les gacus, which is to fay, Beggars. Therefore are the Scriptures translated into every vulgar Tongue, as being held in main matters of Belief and Salvation, plain jind eafy to the pooreft : and fuch no lefs than their Teachers have the Spirit to guide them in all Truth, Job. 14. 26. and 16. 13. Hence we may con- clude, if Men be not all their life-time under a Teacher to learn Logic, na- tural Phi lofophy, Ethics or Mathematics, which are more difficult, that cer- tainly it is not neceflary to the attainment of Chriftian Knowledge that Men fhould fit all their life long at the feet of a pulpited Divine ; while he, a Lollard indeed over his elbow-cufhion, in almoft the feventh part of forty or fifty years teaches them fcarce half the Principles of Religion-, and his Sheep oft- times fit the while to as little purpofe of benefiting as theSheep in their Pews at Smithfield ; and for the moft part by fome Simony or other, bought and fold like them : or if this Comparifon be too low, llkethofe Women, 1 Tim. 3- 7- Hirelings out of the Church. 5 7 3. 7. Ever learning and never attaining ; yet not fo much through their own fault, as through the unfkilful and unmethodical teaching of their Pallor, teaching here and there at random out of this or that Text, as his eafe or fancy, and oft-times as his Health guides him. Seeing then that Chriftian Religion may be fo eafily attain'd, and by meaneft Capacities, it cannot be much difficult to find ways, both how the poor, yea all Men may be foon taught what is to be known of Chriftianity, and they who teach them, recompenc'd. Firft, if Minifters of their own accord, who pretend that they are call'd and fent to preach the Gofpel, thofe efpecially who have no particular Flock, would imitate our Saviour and his Difciples who went preaching through the Villa- ges, not only through the Cities, Mattb, 9. 35. Mark 6. 6. Luke 13. 22. A5ls 8. 25. and there preach'd to the poor as well as to the rich, looking for no recompence but in Heaven : John 4. 35, 36. Look on the fields, for they are white already to Harveft : and he that reapeth, receiveth wages, and gather eth fruit unto Life eternal. This was their Wages. But they will foon reply, we our felves have not wherwithal ; who fha.ll bear the Charges of our Journey ? To whom it may as foon be anfwer'd, that in likelihood rhey are not poorer than they who did thus ; and if they have not the fame Faith which thofe Difciples had to truft in God and the Promife of Chriit for their Maintenance as they did, and yet intrude into the Miniftry without any livelihood of their own, they call themfelves into milerable hazard or temptation, and oft-times into a more milerable neceffity, either to ftarve, or to pleafe their Paymafters ra- ther than God •, and give Men juft caufe to fufpect, that they came neither call'd nor fent from above to preach the Word, but from below, by the in- ftinct of their own hunger, to feed upon the Church. Yet grant it needful to allow them both the Charges of their Journey and the Hire of their Labour, it will belong next to the Charity of richer Congregations, where mod com- monly they abound with Teachers, to fend fome of their number to the Vil- lages reund, as the Apoftles from Jerufalem fent Peter and John to the City and Villages of Samaria, Affs 8. 14, 25. or as the Church at Jerufalem fent Barnabas to Antioch, chap. n. 22. and other Churches joining lent Luke to travel with Paul, 2 Cor. 8. 19. though whether they had their Charges borne by the Church or no, it be not recorded. If it be objected that this itinerary preaching will not ferve to plant the Gofpel in thofe places, unlefs they who are fent, abide there fome competent time ; I anlwer, that if they flay there a year or two, which was the longeft time ufually (laid by the Apoftles in one place, it may fuffice to teach them, who will attend and learn, all the Points of Religion neceftary to Salvation •, then forting them into feveral Congrega- tions of a moderate number, out of the ableft and zealoufeft among them to create Elders, who, exercifing and requiring from themfelves what they have learn'd ( for no Learning is retain'd without conflant exercife and me- thodical repetition ) may teach and govern the reft : and fo exhorted to continue faithful and ftedfaft, they may fecurely be committed to the Provi- dence of God and the guidance of his holy Spirit, till God may offer fome opportunity to vilitthem again, and to confirm them : which when they have done, they have done as much as the Apoftles were wont to do in propagating the Gofpel, Ails 14. 23. And when they had ordain* d them Elders in every Churchy and had pray'd with fafiing, they commended them to the Lord, on whom they be- lieved. And in the fame Chapter, Verf. 21, 22. When they had preach 1 'd the Gofpel to that City, and had taught many, they returned again to Lyftra, and to Iconium and Antioch, confirming the Souls of the Difciples, and exhorting them to continue in the Faith. And Chap. 15.36. Let us go again, and vif;t our Bre- thren. And Verf. 41. He went thorow Syria and Cilicia, confirming the Churches. To thefe I might add other helps, which we enjoy now, to make more eafy the attainment of Chriftian Religion by the meaneft: the entire Scripture tranflated into Englifh with plenty of Notes •, and fomewhere or other, I truft, may be found fome wholefome body of Divinity, as they call it, with- out School Terms and Metaphyfical Notions, which have obfeur'd rather than explain'd our Religion, and made it feem difficult without caufe. Thus taught once for all, and thus now and then vifited and confirm'd, in the mod deftitute and pooreft places of the Land, under the Government of their own Elders performing all Minillerial Offices among them, they may be trufted to 1 1 74 *The Ukelieft Means to remove to meet and edify one another whether in Church or Chappel, or, to fave them the trudging of many miles thither, nearer home, though in a Houfe or Barn. For notwithftanding the gaudy Superftition of fome devoted Mill ignorantly to Temples, we may be well affur'd that he who difdain'd nos to be laid in a Manger, difdains not to be preach'd in a B.un •, and thai by fuch meetings as thefe, being indeed mod Apoftolical and Primitive, they will in a fhort time advance more in Chriftian Knowledge and Reformation of Life, than by the many years preaching of fuch an Incumbent, I may fay, fuch an Incubus oft-times, as will be meanly hir'd to abide long in thole places. They have this left perhaps to object further-, that to fend thus, and to maintain, though but for a year or two, Minifters and Teachers in feveral places, would prove chargeable to the Churches, though in Towns and Cities round about. To whom again I anfwer, that it was not thought fo by them who firft thus propagated the Gofpel, though but few in number to us, and much lefs able to fuftain the Expence. Yet this Expence would be much, lefs than to hire Incumbents, or rather Incumbrances, for life-time ; and a great means (which is the fubject of this Difcourfe) to diminilfi Hirelings. But be the Expence lefs or more, if it be found burdenfome to the Churches, they have in this Land an eafy remedy in their recourfe to the Civil Magi- ftrate •, who hath in his hands the difpofal of no final] Revenues, left per- haps anciently to fuperftitious, but meant undoubtedly to good and beft ufes -, and therfore, once made public, appliable by the prefent Magiftrate to fuch ufes as the Church, or folid Reafon from whomfoeyer, fhall con- vince him to think beft. And thofe ufes may be, no doubt, much rather than as Glebes and Augmentations are now beftow'd, to grant fuch requefts as thefe of the Churches; or to erect in greater number all over the Land . Schools, and competent Libraries to thofe Schools, where Languages and Arts may be taught free together^ without the needlefs, unprofitable and incon- venient removing to another place. So all the Land would be foon better civiliz'd, and they who are taught freely at the public Coft, might have their Education given them on this condition, that therewith content, they fliould not gad for Preferment out of their own Country, but continue there thank- ful tor what they receiv'd freely, bellowing it as freely on their Country, without foaring above the meannefs wherin they were born. But how they fhall live when they are thus bred and difmifs'd, will be ftill the fluggifh Ob- jection. To which is anfwer'd, that thofe public Foundations may be fo in- ftituted, as the Youth therin may be at once brought up to a competence of Learning and to an honeft Trade ; and the hours of teaching fo orderM, as their ftudy may be no hindrance to their labour or other calling. This was the breeding of St. Paul, though born of no mean Parents, a free Citizen of the Roman Empire : fo little did his Trade debafe him, that it rather enabled him to ufe that magnanimity of preaching the Gofpel through rfjia and Europe at his own charges. Thus thofe Preachers among the poor Waldenfes, the ancient ftock of our Reformation, without thefe helps which I fpeak of, bred up themfelves in Trades, and efpecially in Phyfic and Surgery, as well as in the ftudy of Scripture (which is the only true Theology) that they might be no burden to the Church ; and by the Example of Chrift, might cure both Soul and Body, through indultry joining that to the Minillry, which he join'd to his by gift of the Spirit. Thus relates Peter Gill.es in his Hiilory of the Walienfes in Piemont. But our Minifters think fcorn to ufe a Trade, and count it the reproach of this Age, that Tradefmen preach the Gofpel. It -were to be wifh'd they were all Tradefmen ; they would not then lo many of them, for want of another Trade, make a Trade of their preaching : and yet they clamour that Tradefmen preach ; and yet they preach, while they themfelves are the worft Tradefmen of all. As for Church-Endowments and PoffefTions, I meet with none confiderable before Conftantine, but the I loufes and Gardens where they met, and their places of burial : and I perfuade me, that from them the ancient Waldenfes, whom defervedly I cite fo .often, held, That to endow Churches is an evil thing ; and, that the Church then fell off and turn'd Whore, fitting on that Beaft in the Revelation, when under Pope Syl- vefttr ftie receiv'd thofe Temporal Donations. So the forecited Tractate of their Doctrine ttftifies. This alfo their own Traditions of that heavenly Voice witnefs'd, Hirelings out of the Church. 5 7 - witnefs'd, and Corns of the ancient Fathers then living forefaw and deplor'd. And indeed, how could thefe Endowments thrive better with the Church, being unjuftly taken by thofe Emperors, without fuffrage of the People, out of the Tributes and public Lands of each City, wherby the People became liable to be opprefs'd with other Taxes. Being therfore given for the moll part by Kings and other public Perfons, and lb likelieft out of the Public, and if without the People's confent, unjuftly, however to public ends of much concernment, to the good or evil ol a Common- wealth, and in that regard made public though given by private Perfons, or which is worfe, given, as the Clergy then perfuaded men, for their Souls Health, a pious Gilt-, but as the truth was, oft-times a bribe to God, or to Chrift lor Abfolution, as they were then taught, for Murders, Adulteries, and other heinous Crimes ; what fhall be found heretolore given by Kings or Princes out of the public, may juftly by the Magiftrate be recall'd and re-ap- propriated to the Civil Revenue : what by private or public Perfons out of their own, the price of Blood or Luft, or to fome fuch purgatorious and fuperftiti- ous Ufes, not only may, but ought to be taken off from Chrift, as a foul disho- nour laid upon him, or not impioufly given, nor in particular to any one, but in general to the Church's good, may be converted to that ufe which lhall be judg'd tending more diredtly to that general end. Thus did the Prin- ces and Cities oi Germany in the firft Reformation ; and defended their fo do- ing by many reafons, which are let down at large in Sleidan, Lib. 6. Anno 1526, and Lib. 11. Anno 1537, ;int ^ -^- I 3- Anno 1540. But that the Ma- giftrate either out of that Church-Revenue which remains yet in his hand, or eitablifhing any other Maintenance inltead of Tithe, Ihould take into his own power the ftipendiary maintenance of Church-Minifters, or compel it by Taw, can ftand neither with the People's Right, nor with Chriftian Liberty, but would fufpend the Church wholly upon the State, and turn her Minifters into State-Penfioners. And for the Magiftrate in Perfon of a nurling Father to make the Church his nicer Ward, as always in Minority, the Church, to whom he ought as a Magiftrate, Ifa. 49. 23. to bow down with his face toward the Earth, and lick up the dufi of her Feet ; her to lubject to his political Drifts or conceiv'd Opinions, by mattering her Revenue •, and by his examinanE Committees to circumfcribe her free election of Minifters, is neither juft nor pious-, no honour done to the Church, but a plain diihonour : and upon her whofe only Head is in Heaven, yea upon him, who is her only Head, lets ano- ther in effect, and which is molt monftrous, a human on a Heavenly, a carnal an a Spiritual, a political Head on an Ecclefiaftical Body ; which at length by fuch heterogeneal, fuch inceltuous conjunction, transforms her oft-times into a Beaft of many Heads and many Horns. For if the Church be of all Societies the holieft on Earth, and fo to be reverene'd by the Magiftrate, not to truft her with her own Belief and Integrity; and therfore not with the keeping, at leaft'with the difpofing of what Revenue fhall be found juftly and lawfully her own, is to count the Church not a Holy Congregation, but a pack of gid- dy or dilhoneft Perfons, to be ruled by Civil Power in Sacred Affairs. But to proceed further in the Truth yet more freely, feeing the Chriftian Church is not National, but confiding of many particular Congregations, fubject to ma- ny changes, as well through Civil Accidents, as through Schifm and various Opinions, not to be decided by any outward judge, being matters of Confci- ence, wherby thefe pretended Church-Revenues, as they have been ever, lb arc like to continue endlefs matter of DilTeniion both between the Church and Magiftrate, and the Churches among themfelves, there will be found no bet- ter remedy to thefe evils, otherwife incurable, than by the incorrupteft Coun- cil of thole JValdenfes, or firft Reformers, to remove them as a Peft, an Ap- ple of difcord in the Church, (for what elfe can be the effect of Riches, and the fnare of Money in Religion ? ) and to convert them to thofe more profi- table Ufes above exprefs'd, or other fuch as fhall be judg'd moft neceffary ; Gonfidering that the Church of Chrift was founded in Poverty rather than in Revenues, ftood pureft and profper'd belt without them, rcceiv'd them un- lawfully from them who both erroneouQy and unjuftly, fometimes impioufly, gave them, and fo juftly was enfnar'd and corrupted by them. And left it be thought that thefe Revenues withdrawn and better employ 'd, the Magi- ftrate c «5 5T5&* likelieft Means to remove Urate ought in ftead to fettle by Statute fome maintenance of Minifters, let this be confider'd firft, that it concerns every man's Confcience to what Religion he contributes -, and that the Civil Magiftrate is intrufted with Civil Rights only, not with Confcience, which can have no Deputy or Reprefenter of it felf, but one of the fiime Mind : next, that what each man gives to the Minifter, he givv either as to God, or as to his Teacher ; if as to God, no Civil Power can juftly confecrate to religious Ufes any part either of Civil Revenue, which is the. People's, and muft five them from other Taxes, or of any man's Propriety, but God by fpecial command, as he did by Mofes, or the owner himfelf by vo- luntary intention and the perfuafion of his giving it to God. Forc'd Confe- crations out of another man's Eftate are no better than forc'd Vows, hateful to God, who loves a cbearful giver ; but much more hateful, wrung out of mens Purles to maintain a difapprov'd Miniftry againft their Confcience ; however unholy, infamous, and dilhonourable to his Minifters, and the free Gofpel maintain'd in fuch unworthy manner as by Violence and Extortion. If he give it as to his Teacher, Juftice or Equity compels him to pay for learning that Religion which leaves freely to his choice, whether he will learn it or no, whether of this Teacher or another, and elpecially to pay for what he never learn'd, or approves not ; whereby, befides the wound of his Confcience, he becomes the lefs able to recompence his true Teacher? Thus far hath been en- quir'd by whom Church-minifters otfght to be maintain'd, and hath been prov'd moft natural, moft equal and agreeable with Scripture, to be by them who re- ceive their Teaching •, and by whom, if they be unable ? Which ways well ob- ferv'd, can dilcourage none but Hirelings, and will much leffen their number in the Church. It remains laftly to confider, in what manner God hath ordain'd that Re- compence be given to Minifters of the Gofpel ; and by all Scripture it will appear that he hath given it them not by Civil Law and Freehold, as they claim, but by the Benevolence and free Gratitude of fuch as receive them .* Luke 10. 7, 8. Eating and drinking fuch things as they give you. If they receive you, eat fuch things as are fet before you. Matth. 10. 7, 8. As ye go, preach, faying, The Kingdom of God is at hand, &c. Freely ye have received, freely give. If God have ordain'd Minifters to preach freely, whether they receive recom- pence or no, then certainly he hath forbid both them to compel it, and others to compel it for them. But freely given, he accounts it as given to himfelf : Philip. 4. 16, 17, 18. Tefent once and again to my necefjity : Not becaufe I dcfire a Gift ; but I defire Fruit that may abound to your account. Having receiv'd of Epaphroditus the things which were fent from you, an odour of fweet fmell, a fa- crifice acceptable, well pleafing to God : which cannot be from force or unwil- lingnefs. The ftme is faid of Alms, Heb. 13.16. To do good and to communi- cate, forget not ; for with fuch Sacrifices God is well pleas'd. Whence the Primi- tive Church thought it no fhame to receive all their maintenance as the Alms of their Auditors. Which they who defend Tithes, as if it made for their caule, whenas it utterly confutes them, omit not to fet down at large ; proving to our hands out of Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, and others, that the Clergy liv'd at firft upon the meer benevolence of their Hearers •, who gave what they gave, not to the Clergy, but to the Church -, out of which the Clergy had their Portions given them in Bafkets, and were thence call'd fportularii, basket- clerks : that their Portion was a very mean allowance, only for a bare liveli- hood ; according to thole Precepts of our Saviour, Matth. 10. 7, &c. the reft was diftributed to the Poor. They cite alio out of Profper, the difciple of St. Aufiin, that fuch of the Clergy as had means of their own, might not without fin partake of Church-maintenance ; not receiving thereby food which they abound with, but feeding on the fins of other men : that the Ho- ly Ghoft faith of fuch Clergymen, they eat the fins of my People •, and that a Council at Antioch, in the year 340, fuffer'd not either Prisft or Bifhop to live on Church-maintenance without NecelTity. Thus far Tithers themfelves have contributed to their own confutation, by confeffing that the Church liv'd pri- mitively on Alms. And I add, that about the year 359, Conftanti'us the Em- peror having fummon'd a general Council of Bifhops to Ariminum in Italy, and provided for their fubfiftence there, the Britijh and French Bifhops judging it not decent to live on the Public, chofe rather to be at their own charges. Three 4 Hirelings out of the Church. ryj Three only out of Britain conftrain'd through want, yet refuting offer'd af- fiftance from the reft, accepting the Emperor's Provifion ; judging it more convenient to fubfift by public than by private fuftenance. Whence we may conclude, that Bijhops then in this Illand had their livelihood only from bene- volence •, in which regard this relater Sulpitius Severus, a good Author of the fame time, highly praifes them. And the IValdenfes, our firft Reformers, both from the Scripture and thefe Primitive Examples, mainrain'd thofe among them who bore the Office of Minifters by Alms only. Take their very words from the Hiftory written of them in French, Part 3. Lib. 2. Chap. 2. La nourriture & ce de quoy nous famines converts, &c. Our Food and Cloathing is fufficiently adminifter'd and given to us by way of Gratuity and Alms, by the good People whom we teach. If then by Alms and Benevolence, not by le^al force, not by tenure of Freehold or Copyhold : for Alms, though juft, cannot be com pel I'd •, and Benevolence forc'd is Malevolence rather, violent and incon- fiftent with the Gofpel ; and declares him no true Minifter therof, but a rapa- cious Hireling rather, who by force receiving it, eats the bread of Violence and Exaction, no holy or juft livelihood, no not civilly counted honeft ; much Jefs befeeming fuch a fpiiitu.il Miniftry. But fay they, our Maintenance is our due, Tithes the right of Chrift, unfeparable from the Prieft, no where repeal'd •, if then, not otherwife to be had, by Law to be recover'd : for though Paul were pleas'd to forgo his due, and not to ufe his Power, 1 Cor. 9. 12. yet he had a Power, Ver. 4. and bound not others. I anfwer firft, be- caufe I fee them ftill fo loth to unlearn their decimal Arthmetic, and ftill grafp their Tithes as infeparable from a Prieft, that Minifters of the Gofpel are not Priefts •, and therfore feparated from Tithes by their own exclufion, be- ing neither call'd Priefts in the New Tejlament, nor of any Order known in Scripture ; not of Mckhifedec, proper to Chrift only ; not of Aaron, as they themfelves will confefs •, and the third Priefthood only remaining, is com- mon to the Faithful. But they are Minifters of our High Prieft. True, but not of his Priefthood, as the Levites were to Aaron ; for he performs that whole Office himfelf incommunicably. Yet Tithes remain, fay they, ftill iin- releas'd, the due of Chrift ; and to whom payable, but to his Minifters ? I lay again, that no man can lo underftand them, unlefs Chrift in fome place or other fo claim them. That example of Abraham argues nothing but his voluntary act ; honour once only done, but on what confideration, whether to a Prieft or to a King, whether due the honour, arbitrary that kind of ho- nour or not, will after all contending be left ftill in meer conjecture : which muft not be permitted in the claim of fuch a needy and futtle fpiritual Cor- poration, pretending by divine right to the Tenth of all other Mens Eftates ; nor can it be allow'd by wife Men or the verdict of common Law. And the tenth part, though once declar'd 'holy, is declared now to be no holier than the other nine, by that command to Peter, Acls 10. 15, 28. whereby all di- stinction of Holy and Unholy is remov'd from all things. Tithes therfore though claim'd, and holy under the Law, yet are now releas'd and quitted both by that command to Peter, and by this to all Minifters above-cited, Luke 10. eating and drinking fuch things as they give you : made Holy now by their free Gift only. And therfore St. Paul, 1 Cor. 9. 4. afTerts his Power indeed ; but of what ? not of Tithes, but, to eat and drink fuch things as are given in reference to this command •, which he calls not Holy things, or things of the Gofpel, as if the Gofpel had any confecrated things in anfwer to things of the Temple, Ver. 13. but he calls them your Carnal things, Ver. 11. without changing their property. And what Power had he? Not the Power of Force, but of Confcience only, wherby he might lawfully and with- out lcruple live on the Gofpel ; receiving what was given him, as the recom- pence of his Labour. For it Chrift the Malter hath profefs'd his Kingdom to be not of this World, it fuits not with that profeffion, either in him or his Minifters, to claim temporal Right from fpiritual Refpetts. He who refilled to be the divider of an Inheritance between two Brethren, cannot approve his Minifters, by pretended right from him, to be dividers of Tenths and Free- holds out of other Mens PofTeffions, making therby the Gofpel but a cloak of carnal Intereft, and, to the contradiction of their Mafter, turning his hea- venly Kingdom into a Kingdom of this World, a Kingdom of Force and Ra- Vo 1. I. Eee? pine: ryS 7%& Ukelkft Means to remove pine : To whom it will be one day thunder'd more terribly than to Cehazi, i-.y. thus difhonouring a far greater Mafter and his Gofpel •, is this a time tore Monev, and to receive Garments, and Olive-yards, end Vineyards, and 'Sheep an \ Oxen? The Leprofy of Naaman link'd with that Apoftolic curie of ferifltitig ■imprecated on Simon Magus, may be fear'd will cleave to fuch and to their feed ■forever. So that when all isdone, and Belly hath us'd in vain ail her cunning fhiffs, I doubt not but all true Minifters, considering the demonstration of what r been here prov'd, will be wife, and think it much more tolerable to hear thit r.o maintenance of Minifters, whether Tithes or any other, can be fettled by Statute, but muft be given by them who receive Instruction ; and freely given, as God hath ordain'd. And indeed what can be a more honourable Mainte- nance to them than fuch, whether Alms or willing Oblations, as ti. which being accounted both alike as given to God, the only acceptable Sacri- fices now remaining, muft needs reprefent him who receives them much in the care of God, and nearly related to him, when not by worldly force and conftraint, but with religious awe and reverence •, what is given to God, is given to him ; and what to him, accounted as given to God. This would be well enough, fay they, but how many will io give ? I ahfwer, as many, doubtlefs, as Shall be well taught, as many as God Shall So move. Why are ye fo diftruftful, both of your own Doctrine and of God's Promifes, fulrill'd in the experience of thofe Difciples firft Sent: Luke 22. 35. When I fent you ivithout Purfe, and Scrip, and Shoes, lacked ye any thing ? And they /aid, No- thing. How then came ours, or who Sent them thus destitute, thus poor and empty both of Purfe and Faith? "Who ftiie themfelves Embafladcrs of Jcfus 'Chrift, and Seem to be his Tithe-gatherers, though an Office of their own fetting up to his dishonour, his Exacters, his Publicans rather, not trufting that he will maintain them in theirembaSTy, unleis they bind him to his Prc- miie by a Statute-law, that we Shall maintain them. Lay down for fhame that magnific Title, while ye Seek Maintenance from the People : It is not the manner of Embafi'adors to afk Maintenance of them to whom they are ifcftf. But he who is Lord of all things, hath fo ordain'd : truft him then •, he doubt- lefs will command the People to make good his Prcmifes of Maintenance more honourably unafk'd, unrak'd for. This they know, this they preach, yet be- lieve not : but think it as importable, without a Statute-law, to live of the Gofpel, as if by thofe words they were bid go eat their Bibles, as Ezekiel and John did their Books •, and Such Doctrines as thefe are as bitter to their Bel- lies ; but will ferve So much the better to difcover Hirelings, who can have nothing, though but in appearance, juft and folid to anfwer lor themfelves a- gainft what hath been here Spoken, unleis perhaps this one remaining Pretence, which we Shall quickly fee to be either falfe or uningenuous. They pretend that their Education, either at School or Univerfity, hath been very chargeable, and therfore ought to be repair'd in future by a plentiful Maintenance: Whenas it is well known, that the better half of them, and oft-times poor and pitiful Boys, of no merit or promising hopes that might intitle them to the public Provision, but their Poverty and the unjuft Favour of Friends, have had the moft of their breeding, both at School and Univer- fity, by Scholarships, Exhibitions and Fellowships at the Public Coft, which might engage them the rather to give Sreely, as they have freely receiv'd. Or if they have miis'd of thefe helps at the latter place, they have after two or three Years left the courfe of their Studies there, if they ever well began them, and undertaken, though furnifh'd with little elfe but Ignorance, Eold- reSs and Ambition, if with no worfe Vices, a Chaplainfhip in Some Gentle- man's houfe, to the frequent imbafing ot his Sons with illiterate and narrow Principles. Or if they had liv'd thereupon their own, who knows not that feven years Charge of living there, to them who fly not from the Govern- ment of their Parents to the Licence ot a Univerfity, but come ferioufiy to ftu- dy, is no more than maybe well defray'd and reimburs'd by one year's Reve- nue of an ordinary good Benefice ? If they had means of Breeding from their Parents, 'tis likely they have more now ; and if they have, it needs mult be mechanic and uningenuous in them, to bring a Bill of Charges for the learning of thofe liberal Arts and Sciences, which they have learn'd (if they •have indeed learn'd them, as they feldom have) to their own benefit and ac- complish- Hirelings out of the Church. 5 ya, ccmplifhment. But they will lay, we had betaken us to fome other 'trade or Profeffion, had we not expected to find a better Livelihood by the Miniftry. This is that which I look'd for, to difcover them openly neither true Lovers of Learning, and fo very feldom guilty of it, nor true Minifters of the Gofpel. So long ago out of date is that old true faying, i Tim. 3. 1. If a Man defirs a Bifhopric, he defires a good work : for now commonly he wh:> defires to be a Minilter, looks not at the Work, but at the Wages •, and by that Lure or Loubell, may be toll'd from Parifh to Parifh all the Town over. But what can be plainer Simony, than thus to be at Charges beforehand, to no other end than to make their Miniftry doubly or trebly beneficial ? To whom it might be laid, as juftly as to that Simon, "Thy Money periftj with thee, becaufe thou, haft thought that the Gift of God may be purchased with Money ; thou haft neither part nor lot in this matter. Next, it is a fond Error, though too much believ'd a- mong us, to think that the Univerfity makes a Minifter of the Gofpel ; what it may conduce to other Arts and Sciences, I difpute not now: but that which makes fit a Minifter, the Scripture can beft inform us to be only from above, whence alfo we are bid to feek them •, Mat. 9. 38. Pray ye therfore to the Lord of the Harveft, that he will fend forth Labourers into his Harveft. Acts 20. 28. "The Flock, over which the Holy Ghoft hath made you Overfeers . Rom. 10. 15. How pall they preach, unlefs they be fent ? By whom lent ? by the U- niverfity, or the Magiftrate, or their Belly ? No furely, but fent from God only, and that God who is not their Belly. And whether he be fent from God, or from Simon Magus, the inward fenfe of his Calling and fpiritual A~ bhity will iulficiently tell him ; and that ftrong Obligation felt within him, which was felt by the Apoftle, will often exprefs from him the fame words : 1 Cor. 9. 16. Neceffity is laid upon me, yea, Wo is me if I preach not the Gof- pel. Not a beggarly Neceffity, and the Wo fear'd otherwifc of perpetual want, but fuch a Neceffity as made him willing to preach the Gofpel gratis, and to embrace Poverty, rather than as a Wo to fear it. 1 Cor. 12. 28. God hath fet fome in the Church, firft Apoftlcs, &c. Ephef. 4. n.-fcff. Hi gave fome Apoftles, &c. Far the perfetling of the Saints, for the work of the Miniftry \ for the edifying of the Body of Chrift, till we all come to the Unity of the Faith. Wherby we may know, that as he made them at firft, fo he makes them ftill, and to the World's end. 2 Cor. 3. 6 ; Who hath alfo made us fit or able Minifters of the New Teftament. 1 Tim. 4. 14. The Gift that is in thee, which was given thee by Prophecy, and the laying on of the Hands of the Pref- bytery. Thefe are all the means which we read of, requir'd in Scripture to the making of a Minifter. All this is granted, you will fay ; but yet that it is alfo requifite he fhould be train'd in other Learning •, which can be nowhere better had than at Univerfities. I anfwer, that what Learning, either Hu- man or Divine, can be neceflary to a Minifter, may as eafily and lefs charge- ably be had in any private hotife. How deficient elfe, and to how little pur- pole are all thofe piles of Sermons, Notes, and Comments on all parts of the Bible, Bodies and Marrows of Divinity, befides all other Sciences, in our Englijh Tongue ; many of the fame Books which in Latin they read at the Univerfity ? And the final! neceffity of going thither to learn Divinity, I prove firft from the molt part of themfelves, who feldom continue there till they have well got through Logic, their firft Rudiments •, though, to fay truth* Logic alfo may much better be wanting in Dilputes of Divinity, than in the fubtile Debate's of Lawyers, and Statcfmen, who yet feldom or never deal with Syllogil'ms. And thofe Theological Deputations there held by Profef- fors and Graduates, are fuch as tend leaft or all to the Edification orCapa- city of the People, but rather perplex and leven pure Doctrine with lchola- ftical TraiTi, than enable any Minifter to the better preaching of the Gofpel. Whence we may alfo compute, fince they come to reckonings, the charges of his needful Library : which, though fome flume not to value at 600 /. may be competently furnifh'd for 60 1. If any Man for his own curiofity or delight be in Books further expenfive, that is not to be reckon'd as necelTary to his minifterial, either Breeding or Function. But Papifts and other Adverfaries, cannot be confuted without Fathers and Councils, immenfe Volumes, and of vaft charges. I will fhew them therfore a ftiorrer and a better way of confu-j Dation : Tit. 1. 9. Holding feft the faithful Word, as behaih bin taught, that he v ' Vol. I. E e e e 2 maj 580 The likelieft Means to remove may be able by found Doclrine, both to exhort end to convince Gainfayers : who arc Confuted as foon as heard, bringing that which is either not in Scripture, or againft it. To purfue them further through she obfeure and intangled Wood of Antiquity, Fathers and Councils fighting one againft another, is needlefs, endlefs, not requifite in a Minifter, and refus'd by the firft Reformers of our Religion. And yet we may be confident, if thefe things be thought needful, let the State but eredf. in public good ftore of Libraries, and there will not want men in the Church, who of their own Inclinations will become able in this kind againft Papifts or any other Adverfary. I have thus at large exa- min'd the ufual Pretences of Hirelings, colour'd over mod common- ly with the caufe of Learning and Univerfities ; as if with Divines Learn- ing flood and fell, wherin for the moft part their Pittance is lb fmall : and, to fpeak freely, it were much better there were not one Divine in the Univerfi- ty, no School-divinity known, the idle Sophiftry of Monks, the Canker of Religion ; and that they who intended to be Minifters, were trained up in the Church only by the Scripture, and in the Original Languages thereof at School •, without fetching the compafs of other Arts and Sciences, more than what they can well learn at fecondary leifure, and at home. Neither fpeak I this in contempt of Learning, or the Miniftry, but hating the common cheats of both •, hating that they who have preach'd out Bifhops, Prelates, and Canonifts, fhould, in what ferves their own ends, retain their falfe Opinions, their Pharifaical Leven, their Avarice, and clofely, their Ambition, their Plu- ralities, their Non-refidences, their odious Fees, and ufe their Legal and Pepijk Arguments for Tithes: That Independents fhould take that Name, as they may juftly from the true freedom of Chriftian Doctrine and Church-difcipline fubjecl: to no fuperior Judge but God only, and feek to be Dependents on the Magiftrate for their Maintenance ; which two things, Independence and State- hire in Religion, can never confift long or certainly together. For Magi- strates at one time or other, not like thefe at prefent our Patrons of Chrifti- an Liberty, will pay none but fuch whom by their Committees of Examination, they find conformable to their Intereft and Opinions : And Hirelings will foon frame themfelves to that Intereft, and thofe Opinions which they fee beft pleafing to their Paymafters ; and to feem right themfelves, will force others as to the truth. But moft of all they are to be revil'd and fham'd, who cry out with the diftinc"t Voice of notorious Hirelings; that if ye fettle not our Maintenance by Law, farewel the Gofpel ; than which nothing can be ut- ter'd more falfe, more ignominious, and I may fay, more blafphemous a- gainft our Saviour •, who hath promis'd without this Condition, both his Ho- ly Spirit, and his own Prefence with his Church to the world's end : Nothing more falfe (unlefs with their own Mouths they condemn themfelves for the un- worthieft and moft mercenary of all other Minifters) by the experience of 300 Years after Chrift, and the Churches at this day in France, Auftria, Po- lonia, and other places, witneffing the contrary under an adverfe Magiftrate, not a favourable •, nothing more ignominious, levelling, or rather undervalu- ing Chrift beneath Mahomet. For if it muft be thus, how can any Chriftian object it to a 'Turk, that his Religion ftands by Force only -, and not niftly fear from him this Reply, yours both by Force and Money in the judgment of your own Preachers ? This is that which makes Athcifls in the Land, whom thy fo much complain of: not the want of Maintenance, or Preachers, as they alledge, but the many Hirelings and Cheaters that have the Gofpel in their hands-, hands that ftill crave, and are never fatisfy'd. Likely Minifters indeed, to proclaim the Faith, or to exhort our truft in God, when they them- felves will not truft him to provide for them in the Meflage wheron, they fay, he fent them ; but threaten, for want of temporal means, to defert it ; calling that want of means, which is nothing elfe but the want of their own Faith •, and would force us to pay the hire of building our Faith to their co- vetous Incredulity. Doubtlefs, if God only be he who gives Minifters to his Church till the World's end •, and through the whole Gofpel never fent us for Miniflers to the Schools of Philofophy, but rather bids us beware of fuch rain deceit, Col. 2.8. (which the Primitive Church, after two or three Ages not remembring, brought herfelf quickly to confufion) if all the Faithful be now a Holy and a Royal Priejlhood, 1 Pet. 2. 5, 9. not excluded from the Dif-. penfation. Hirel^j out of the Church. r g £ pei. »- ; on of things holieft, ai \ r ree election of the Church, and Impofition of hnds, there will not want M . ; ften elected out of all forts and orders of Men, for the Gofpel makes no difference from fhs " " ; rate himfelf to the meaneft Artificer, if God evident! avour him With Spiritual Gifts, as he can eafilv, and oft hath done, while thofe Batchelor Divines and Doctors of the Tippet have been pafs'd by. Heretofore iri the firft Evangelic Times,' (and it were happy for Chriftendom if it were fo again) Minifters of the Gofpel were by nothing elfe diftinguifh'd from other Chriitians, but by their fpiritual Knc \ edge and Sanctity of Life, for which the Church ele&e i them to be her Teachers and Overfeers, though not therby to feparate them from whatever Calling fhe then found them following befides ; as the Example of St. Paul declares, and the firft times of Chriftianity. When once they af- fected to be called a Clergy, and became as it were, a peculiar Tribe of Le- vites, a Party, a diftinct Order in the Commonwealth, bred up for Divines in babling Schools, and fed at the public Colt, good for nothing elfe but what was good for nothing, they foon grew idle : that Idlenefs, with fulnefs of Bread, begat pride and perpetual contention with their Feeders the defpis'd Laity, through all Ages ever finee •, to the perverting of Religion, and the difturbance of all Chriftendom. And we may confidently conclude, it never will be otherwife while they are thus upheld undepending on the Church, on which alone they anciently depended, and are by the Magiftrate publicly maintain'd a numerous Faction of indigent Perfons, crept for the moll part- out of extreme want and bad nurture, claiming by divine right and freehold the tenth of our Eftates, to monopolize the Miniftry as their peculiar, which is free and open to all able Chriftians, elected by any Church. Under this pretence exempt from all other Imployment, and inriching themfelves on the public, they laft of all prove common Incendiaries, and exalt their Horns a - gainft the Magiftrate himfelf that maintains them, as the Prieft of Rome did loon after againft his Benefactor the Emperor, and the Prefbyters of late in Scotland. Of which hireling Crew, together with all the Mifchiefs, Difien- fions, Troubles, Wars meerly of their kindling, Chriftendom might foon rid her felf and be happy, if Chriftians would but know their own Dignity, their Liberty, their Adoption, and let it not be wonder'd if I fay, their Ipiri- tual Priefthood, wherby they have, all equally accels to any minifterial Func- tion, whenever call'd by their own Abilities, and the Church, though they never came near Commencement or Univerfity. But while Proteftants, to avoid the due labour of underftanding their own Religion, are content to lodge it in the Breaft, or rather in the Books of a Clergyman, and to take it thence by fcraps and mammocks, as he difpenfes it in his Sunday's Dolei they will be always learning, and never knowing -, always Infants ; always either his Vaf- fals, as Lay-papifts are to their Priefts •, or at odds with him, as reformed Principles give them fome light to be not wholly conformable -, whence infinite difturbances in the State, as they do, muft needs follow. Thus much I had to fay ; and, I fuppofe, what may be enough to them who are no: avarici- oufly bent otherwife, touching the likelieft means to remove Hirelings out of the Church ; than which nothing can more conduce to Truth, to Peace and all Happinefs both in Church and State. If I be not heard nor believ'd, the Event will bear me witnefs to have fpoken Truth •, and I, in the mean while, have borne my Witnefs, not out of feafon, to the Church and to my Country. A S 8a A LETTER TO A FRIEND, Concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth. Publifh'd from the Manufcript. 5/7?, UPON the fad and ferious Difcourfe which we felt into Lift nighr, concerning thefe dangerous Ruptures of the Commonwealth, fcarct yet in her Infancy, which cannot be without fome inward flaw in her Bowels •, I began to confidtr more intenfiy theron than hi- therto I have been wonr, refigning my felf to the Wifdom and Care of thofe who had the Government •, and not finding that either God, or the Public requir'd more of me, than my Prayers for them that govern. And fince you have not only ilirr'd up my thoughts, by acquainting mc with the ftate of Affairs, more inwardly than I knew before ; but alio have defired me to fet down my Opinion therof, trufting to your Ingenuity, I (hall give you freely my apprehenfion, both of our prefent Evils, and what Expedients, if God in Mercy regard us, may remove them. I will begin with telling you how I was over-joy'd, when I heard that the Army, under the working of God's holy Spirit, as I thought, and ftill hope well, had been fo far wrought ro Chriftian Humility, and Self-denial, as to confefs in public their back- fliding from the Good Old Caufe, and to fhew the fruits of their Repentance, in the righteoufnefs of their reftoring the old famous Parlament, which they had without juft Authority difiblved : I call it the famous Parlament, tho' not the harmlefs, fince none well- affected, but will confefs, they have deferved much more of thefe Nations, than they have undeferved. And I perfuade me, that God was pleas'd with their Reftitution, figning it, as he did, with fuch a fignal Victory, when fo great a part of the Nation were defperate- ly confpir'd to call back again their Egyptian Bondage. So much the mere it row amazes me, that they, whofe Lips were yet fcarce clos'd from giving Thanks for that great Deliverance, fhould be now relapfing, and fo ibon again backfliding into the fame fault, which they confefs'd fo lately, and fo fo- lemnly to God and the World, and more lately punifh'd in thofe Cbeflira Rebels ; that they fhould now diffolve that Parliament, which they themfelvts re-eftablifh'd, and acknowledg'd for their Supreme Power in their other day's humble Reprefentation : and all this, for no apparent caufe of public Concernment to the Church or Commonwealth, but only for difcommiffioning nine great Officers in the Army •, which had not been done, as is reported, but upon notice of their Intentions againft the Parlament. I prefume not to give my Cenfure on this Action, not knowing, as yet I do not, the bottom ot ir. I fpeak only what it appears to us without doors, till better caufe be declar'd, and I am fure to all other Nations moll illegal and fcandalous, I fear me bar- barous, or rather fcarce to be exampl'd among any Barbarians, .that a paid Army fhould, for no other caufe, thus fubdue the Supreme Power that fee them up. This, I fay, other Nations will judge to the f;d difhonour of that Army, lately fo renown'd for the civilefl and beft-order'd in the World, and by us here at home, for the moft confeientious. Certainly, if the great Officers Concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth- 5 £ 3 Officers and Soldiers of the Holland, French, or Venetian Forces, fliould thus fit in Council, and write from Garifon to Garifon againft their Superiors, they might as eafily reduce the King of France, or Duke of Venice, and put the United Provinces in like Diforcfer and Confufion. Why do they not, being moft of them held ignorant of true Religion ? becaufe the Light of Nature, i" the Laws of Human Society, the Reverence of their Magilf rates, Covenants' Engagements, Loyalty, Allegiance, keeps them in awe. How grievous will it then be ? how infamous to the true Religion which we profels ? how dif- honourable to the Name of God, that his Fear and the Power of his Know- ledge in an Army profeffing to be his, mould not work that Obedience, that Fidelity to their Supreme Magiftrates, that levied them, and paid them, when the Light of Nature, the Laws of Human Society, Covenants, and Contracts, yea common Shame works in other Armies, amongft the worn them? Which will undoubtedly pull down the heavy Judgment of God among us, who cannot but avenge thefe Hypocrifies, Violations of Truth and Holinefs \ if they be indeed fo as they yet feem. For neither do I ipcak this in re ' proach to the Army, but as jealous of their Honour, inciting them to ma- nifeft and publifh, with all l'pced, iome better cauie of thJe their late Acti- ons, than hath hitherto appear'd, and to find out the Achan amongft them, whole clofe Ambition in all likelihood abufes their ho.ncft Natures againft their meaning to thefe Difordersj their readieft way to bring in again the common Enemy, and with him the Deftrudtion of true Religion, and civil Liberty. But, becaufe our Evils are now grown more dangerous and ex- treme, than to be remedied by Complaints, it concerns us now to find oat what Remedies may be likelieft to five us from approaching Ruin. Beina- now in Anarchy, without a counfelling and governing Power ; and the Army, I fuppofe, finding themfelves infufficieht to dilcharge at once both Military and Civil Affairs, the fir ft thing to be found out with all fpeed, with- out which no Commonwealth can fubfift, rnuft be a Senate, or General Council of State, in whom mult be the Power, firft, to preferve the public Peace; next, the Commerce with Foreign Nations ; and laftly, to raife Mo- neys for the Management of thefe Affairs : this muft either be the Parlament re-admitted to fit, or a Council of S:ate allow'd of by the Army, fince they only now have the Power. The Terms to be ftood on are, Liberty of Confcience to all profefling Scripture to be the Rule of their Faith and Worfhip ; and the Abjuration of a (ingle Perfon. If the Parlament be again thought on, to falve Honour on both fides, the well-affected Party of the City, and the congregated Churches, may be induced to mediate by public AddrelTes, and Brotherly Befeechings ; which, if there be that Saintfhip among us which is talk'd of, ought to be of higheft and undeniable Periuafion to Reconcilement. If the Parlament be thought well diflblv'd, as not complying fully to grant Liberty £»f Confcience, and the neceflary Confequence therof, the removal of a fored Maintenance from Minifters, then muft the Army forthwith choofe a Council of State, wherof as many to be of the Parlament, as are undoubted y affected to thefe two Conditions propos'd. That which I conceive- only ab'e to cement, and unite for ever the Army, either to the Parlament recall VI, or this chofen Council, muft be a mutual League and Oath, private or public, not to defert one another till Death: Thit is to lay, that the. Army be kept up, and all thefe Officers in their places during Lire, and fo likewife the Parlament, or Counfellors of State •, which will be no way un- juft, confidering their known Merits on either fide, in Council or in Field, un'efs any be found falfe to any of thefe two Principles, or otherwise perfo- nally criminous in the Judgment of both Parties. If fuch a Union as this be not accepted on the Army's part, be confident there is a fingle Perfon under-* neath. That the Army be upheld, the neceffity of our Affairs and Factions will conftrain long enough perhaps, to content the longeft Liver in the Ar- my. And whether the Civil Government be an annual Democracy, or a perpetual Ariftocracy, is not to me a confideration for the Extremities where- in we are, and the hazard of our Safety from our common Enemy, gaping at prefect to devour us. That it be not an Oligarchy, or the Faction of a lew, may be eafily prevented by the Numbers of their own choofing, who may be found infallibly conftant to thofe two Conditions forenam'd, full Liberty of 584 Concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth. of Confcience, and the Abjuration of Monarchy propos'd : and thewell-order'd Commitees of their faithfulleft Adherents in every County, may give this Go- vernment the refemblance and effects of a perfect Democracy. As for the Re- formation of Laws, and the places of Judicature, whether to be here, as at prefent, or in every County, as hath been long aim d at, and many fuch Propo- sals, tending no doubt to public good, they may be confider'd in due time, when we are paft thefe pernicious Pangs, in a hopeful way of Health, and firm Conftitution. But unlefs thefe things, which I have above propos'd, one way or other, be once fettled, in my fear, which God avert, we inrtantly ruin •„ or at beft become the Servants of one or other fingle Perfon, the fecret Author and Fomenter of thefe Difturbances. You have the fum of my prefent Thoughts, as much as I underftand of thefe Affairs freely imparted -, at your requeft, and the perfuafion you wrought in me, that I might chance hereby to be fome way ferviceable to the Commonwealth, in a time when all ought to In- endeavouring what good they can, whether much or but little. With th'is you may do what you pleafe, put out, put in, communicate or fupprefs r you offend not me, who only have obey'd your Opinion, that in doing what I have done, I might happen to offer fomething which might be of fome ule in this great time of need. However, I have not been wanting to the opportunity which you prefented before me, of mewing the readinefs which I have in the midft of my Unfitnefs, to whatever may be requir'd of me, as a public Duty. QEloher 20. 1659. rr ; E S*5 THE Prefent Means, and Brief Delineation O F A Free Commonwealth, Eafy to be put in Pra&ice, and without Delay. In a Letter to General Monk. Publijloed from the Manufcript. FIRST, all endeavours fpeedily to be us'd, that the enfuing Electi- on be of fuch as are already firm, or inclinable to conftitute a Free'" Commonwealth (according to the former qualifications decreed in Parlament, and not yet repeal'd, as I hear) without fingle Perfon, or Houfe of Lords. If thefe be not fuch, but the contrary, who forefees not, that our Liberties will be utterly loft in this next Parlament, without fome powerful courfe taken, of fpeedieft prevention ? The fpeedi- eft way will be to call up forthwith the chief Gentlemen out of every Coun- ty ; to lay before them (as your Excellency hath already.; both in your pub- lifh'd Letters to the Army, and your Declaration recited to the Members of Parlament) the Danger and Confufion of re-admitting Kingfhip in this Land •, efpecially againft the Rules of all Prudence and Example, in a Fami- ly once ejected, and therby not to be trufted with the power of Revenge : that you will not longer delay them with vain expectation, but will put in- to their hands forthwith the pofieffion of a Free Commonwealth •, if they will firft return immediately and ele6t them, by fuch at leaft of the People as are rightly qualify'd, a ftanding Council in every City, and great Town, which may then be dignified with the name of City, continually to confult the good and flourifhing ftate of that Place, with a competent Territory ad- join'd-, to a flu me the judicial Laws, cither thefe that are, or fuch as they themfelves mall new make feverally, in each Commonalty, and all Judica- tures, all Magiftracies, to the Administration of all Juitice between man and man* and all the Ornaments of public Civility, Academies, and fuch like, in their own hands. Matters appertaining to men of feveral Counties, or Territories, may be determin'd, as they are here at London, or in fome more convenient Place, under equal Judges. Next, That in every fuch capital Place, they will choofe them the ufual number of ableft Knights and Burgefles, engag'd for a Commonwealth, to make up the Parlament, or (as it will from henceforth be better called) the Grand or General Council of the Nation : whofe Office muft be, with due Caution, to difpofe of Forces, both by Sea and Land, under the conduct of your Excellency, for the prefcrvation of Peace, both at home and abroad ;• muft raife and manage the public Revenue, but with provided infpection of their Accompts -, mult adminifter all foreign Affairs, make all-General Laws, Peace, or War, but not without AiTent of the ftanding Council in each City, or fuch other general Afl'embiv as may be cill'd on luch occafion, from the Vol. Is Ffff whols r86 Delineation of a Free Commonwealth: Whole Territory, where they may, without much trouble, deliberate rn alt things fully, and fend up their Suffrages within a let time, by Deputies ap- pointed. Though this grand Council be perpetual (as in that Book I prov'd would be beft and moit conformable to belt examples) yet they will then, thus limited, have fo little matter in their hands, or Power to endanger our Liberty-, and the People fo much in theirs, to prevent them, having all Ju- dicial Laws in their own choice, and free Votes in all thole which concern generally the whole Commonwealth, that we lhall have little canfe to fear the perpetuity of our general Senate ; which will be then nothing elfe but a firm Foundation and Cuftody of our Public Liberty, Peace, and Union, through the whole Commonwealth, and the tranfaftors of our Affairs with foreign Nations. If this yet be not thought enough, the known Expedient may at length be us'd, of a partial Rotation. Laftly, if thefe Gentlemen convocated, refufe thefe fair and noble Offers of immediate Liberty, and happy Condition, no doubt there be enough in every County who will thankfully accept them-, your Excellency once more declaring publicly this to be your Mind, and having a faithful Veteran Army, fo ready, and glad to aflift you in the profecution therof. For the full and abfolure Admi- nistration of Law in every County, which is the difficulteft of thefe Propo'aL', hath bin of moft long defired ; and the not granting it, held a general Grie- vance. The reft when they mail fee the beginnings and proceedings of thefe Conftitutions propos'd, and the orderly, the decent, the civil, the file, the noble Effects therof, will be foon convine'd, and by degrees come in of their own accord, to be partakers of fo happy a Government. The 5 8 7 The ready and eafy Way to eftablifh a Free Commonwealth, And the Excellence therof, Compar'd with the Inconveniencies and Dangers of re-admitting Kinglhip in this Nation. -Et nos Conjilium dedimus Syllse, de?mis popido ?iunc> ALthough fmce the writing of this Treatife, the face of things hath had fome change, Writs for new Elections have bin recall'd, and the Members at firft chofen, re-admitted from exclufion ; yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar'd the Refolution of thofe who are in Power, tending to the eftablifhment of a Free Commonwealth, and to remove, if it be poffible, this noxious humour of returning to Bon- dage, inftill'd of late by fome Deceivers, and nourifh'd from bad Principles and falle Apprehenfions among too many of the People •, I thought bed not to iupprefs what I had written, hoping that it may now be of much more ufe and concernment to be freely publifh'd, in the midft of our Elections to a Free Parlament, or their fitting to confider freely of the Government; whom it behoves to have all things reprefented to them that may direcl: their Judgment therin ; and I never read of any State, fcarce of any Tyrant grown fo incu- rable, as to refufe Counfel from any in a time of public Deliberation, -much lefs to be offended. If their abfolute Determination be to enthral us, before fo long a Lent of Servitude, they may permit us a little Shroving-time firft, wherin to fpeak freely, and take our leaves of Liberty. And becaufe in the former Edition, through hafte, many Faults efcap'd, and many Books were fuddenly difperfcd, ere the Note to mend them could be fent, I took the op- portunity from this occafion to revile and fomewhat to enlarge the whole Dif- courfe, efpecially that part which argues for a perpetual Senate. The Treatife thus revis'd and enlarg'd, is as follows. The Parlament of Englahd, afTifted by a great number of the People who appear'd and ftuck to them fiithfulieft in defence of Religion and their Civil Liberties, judging Kingfhip by long experience a Government unnecefTary, burdenfome and dangerous, juftly and magnanimoufly aboli/h'd it, turning regal Bondage into a Free Commonwealth, to the Admiration and Terrour of our emulous Neighbours. They took themfelves not bound by the Light of Nature or Religion to any former Covenant, from which the King himfelf, by many Forfeitures of a latter date or difcovery, and our own longer confideratkn. theron, had more and more unbound us, both to himfelf and his pofterky ; as hath been ever the Juftice and the Prudence of all wife Nations that have ejected Tyranny. They covenanted to preferve the King's Perfon and Authority y in the preservation of the true Religion, and our Liberties ; not in his endeavour- ing to bring in upon our Consciences, a Popifh Religion -, upon our Liberties, Thraldom I upon our Lives, Deflruftion, by his occafioning, if not complot- ting, as was after difcovered, the Irijh Mafiacre ; his fomenting and arming Vol. I. Ffff2 tl.« egg The ready and eafy Way the Rebellion ; his covert leaguing with the Rebels againil us ; his refuting, more than feven times, Proportions moil juft and neceffary to the true Reli- gion and our Liberties, tender'd him by the Parlament both of England and Scotland. They made not their Covenant concerning him with no difference between a King and a God •, or promis'd him, as Job did to the Almighty, to trufi in him though he Jay us: They underftood that the iblemn Ingag«- tnent, wherin we all forfwore Kingfhip, was no more a breach of the Cove- nant, than the Covenant was of the Proteftation before, but a faithful and prudent going on both in words well weigh'd, and in the true fenfe of the Covenant, 'without refpett of Perfons, when we could not ferve two contra- ry Matters, God and the King, or the King and that more fipreme Law, fworn in the firft place to maintain our Safety and our Liberty. They krt the People of England to be a free People, themfelves the Reprefenters of that Freedom ; and although many were excluded, and as many rled To they pretended) from Tumults to Oxford, yet they were left a fufficient Number to act in Parlament, therfore not bound by any Statute of preceding Parla- ments, but by the Law of Nature only, which is the only Law of Laws truly and properly to all Mankind fundamental •, the beginning and the end of all Government ; to which no Parlament or People that will throughly reform, but may and muft have recourfe, as they had, and rhuft yet have, in Church- Reformation (if they throughly intend it) to Evangelic Rules ; not to Ec- clefiaftical Canons, though never fo ancient, fo ratify'd and eftablifh'd in the Land by Statutes, which for the molt part are meer pofitive Laws, neither natural nor moral •, and lb by any Parlament, for juft and ferious Conjfiidm- tions, without fcruple to beat any time repeal'd. If others of their Number in thefe things were under Force, they were not, but under free Confcier.ce ; if others were excluded by a Power which they could not refill, they were not therfore to leave the Helm of Government in no hands, todifcontime their care of the public Peace and Safety, to defert the People in Anarchy' ana Confulion, no more than when fo many of their Members left them, as made- up in outward Formality a more legal Parlament of three Eftates againil them. The beft-affecled alfo, and heft-principled of the People, ftood not numbering or computing, on which fide were moil Voices in Parlament, but on which fideappear'd to them moft Pveafon, mo ft Safety, when the Houfe divided up- on main Matters: What was well motion'd and advis'd, they examin'd noc whether Fear or Perfwafion carried it in the Vote, neither did they meafure Votes and Counfels by the Intentions of them that voted ; knowing that In- tentions either are but guefs'd at, or not foon enough known ; and although good, can neither make the Deed fuch, nor prevent the Confequence from being bad : Suppoie bad Intentions in things othervvife well done •, what v v well done, was by them who fo thought, not the lefs obey'd or follow M in ti.^ State -, fince in the Church, who had not rather follow Ifcarict or Simon the Magician, though to covetous Ends, preaching, than Saul, though in the' up- rightnefs of his Heart perfecuting the Gofpel ? Safer they therfore judg"d what they thought the better Counfels, though carried on by fome perhaps to bad Ends, than the worfe by others, though endeavour'd with belt Inten- tions : and yet they were not to learn that a greater Number might be cor- rupt within the Walls of a Parlament, as well as of a City ; wherof in Mat- ters- of neareft concernment all Men will be judges ; nor eafily permit, d the Odds of Voices in their greateft Council, mall more endanger them by corrupt or credulous Votes, than the Odds of Enemies by open Ail'uiks ; judging that moft Voices ought not always to prevail where main Matters are in queftion. If others hence will pretend to difturb all Counfels •, what is that to (Hem who pretend not, but are in real danger; not they only fo judging, but a great, tho' not the greateft Number of their chofen Patriots, who might be more in Weight than the others in Number •, there being in Number little Virtue, but by Weight and Meafure Wifdom working all things : and the Dangers on ei- ther fide they ferioufly thus weigh'd. From the Treaty, fhort Fruits of long La- bours, and 7 years War-, Security for 20 Years, if we can hold it , Reformation in the Church for three Years: then put to fhift again with our vanquifh'd Maj ier. His Juftice, his Honour, his Confcience declar'd quite contrary to our ■■: • hich would have furnifh'd him with many fuch Evafions, as in a Bo ■ ■ . 4 to eflablifh a Free Commonwealth. ^ $q entitled, An Inquijltion for Blood, foon after were not conceal'd : Blfhops not totally remov'd, but left, as it were, in Ambufh, a Referve, with Ordina- tion in their fole Power; their Lands already fold, not to be alienated, but ren- ted, and the fale of them call'd Sacrilege ; Delinquents, few of many brought to condign Punifhment; Acxefibries punifh'd ; the chief Author, above Par- don, though after utmoft Refiftance, vanquilh'd -, not to give, but to receive Laws; yet befought, treated with, and to be thank'd for his gracious Con- ceffions, to behonour'd, worfhipp*d, glorify'd. If this we fwore to do* with what Righteoufnefs in the fight of God, with what Aflurance that we brino- not by fuch an Oath, the whole Sea of Blood-guiltinefs upon our own Heads? It on the other fide we prefer a Free Government, though for the prefent not obtain'd, yet all thofe fu'ggefted Fears and Difficulties, as the Event will prove, eafily overcome, we remain finally fecufe from the exafperated Regal Power, and out of Snares ; fhall retain the beft part of our Liberty, which is our Religion, and the civil part will be from thefe who defer us, much more eafily recover'd, being neither fo futtle nor fo awful as a King re-inthron'd. Nor were their Actions lefs both at home and abroad, than mifdit become the hopes of a glorious rifing Commonwealth : Nor were the Expreffions both of Army and People, whether in their public Declarations, or feveral Writings, other than fuch as teftify'd a Spirit in this Nation, no lefs noble and Well fitted to the Liberty of a Commonwealth, than in the ancient Greeks or Romans. Nor was the heroic Cuife unfuccefsfully defended to all Chriften- dom, againft the Tongue of a famous and thought invincible Adveriary ; nor the Conltancy and Fortitude that fo nobly vindicated our Liberty, our Victory at once againft two the molt prevailing Ufurpers over Mankind, Su- perftition and Tyranny, unprais'd or uncelebrated in a written Monument, likely to outlive Detraction, as it hath hitherto convine'd or filene'd not a few of our Detractors, efpecially in parts abroad. After our Liberty and Religion thus profperoufly fought for, gain'd, and many Years polTefs'd, ex- cept in thofe unhappy Interruptions, which God hath remov'd ; now that nothing remains, but in all reafon the certain hopes of a fpeedy and imme- diate Settlement for ever in a firm and free Commonwealth, for this extoll'd •and magnify'd Nation, regardlefs both of Honour won, or Deliverances vouchfaf'd from Heaven, to fall back, or rather to creep back fo poorly, as it feems the multitude would, to their once abjur'd and detefted Thraldom of Kingfhip, to be our felves the flanderers of our own juft and religious Deeds, though done by fome to covetous and ambitious Ends, yet not therfore to be ftain'd with their Infamy, or they to afperfe the Integrity of others ; and yet thefe now by revolting from the Confcience of Deeds well done, both in Church and State, to throw away and forfake, or rather to betray a juft and noble Cauie for the mixture of bad Men who have ill manag'd and abus'd it, (which had our Fathers done heretofore, and on the fame pretence deferted true Religion, what had long ere this become of our Gofpel, and all Protef- tant Reformation fo much intermix! with the Avarice and Ambition of fome Reformers?) and by thus relapfing, to verify all the bitter Predictions of our triumphing Enemies, who will now think they wifely difcern'd and juftly cen- fur'd both us and all our Actions as ralh, rebellious, hypocritical and im- pious ; not only argues a ftrange degenerate Contagion fuddenly fpread among us, fitted and prepar'd for new Slavery, but will render us a Scorn and De- fifion to all our Neighbours. And what will they at beft fay of us, and of the whole Engli/I.i Name, but fcoffingly, as of that Foolifh Builder mention'd by our Saviour, who began to build a Tower, and was notable to finifh it? Where is this goodly Tower of a Commonwealth, which the Engliflo boafted they would build to overfhadow Kings, and be another Rome in the Weft ? The Foundation indeed they laid gallantly, but fell intoaworfe Confufion, not of Tongues, but of Factions, than thofe at the Tower of Babel ; and have left no Memorial of their Work behind them remaining, but in the common Laughter of Europe. Which muft needs redound the more to our fhame, if we but look on our Neighbours the United Provinces, to us inferior in all out- ward Advantages ; who notwithstanding, in the midft of greater Difficul- ties, couragioufly, wifely, constantly went through with the fame Work, and are qpo The ready and eafy Way are fettled in all the happy enjoyments of a potent and flourilhing Republic to this day. Befides this, if we return to Kingfhip, and foon repent, as undoubtedly we fhall when we be°dn to find the old encroachments coming on by little and little upon our Confciences, which mult necefiarily proceed from King and Bifhop united infeparably in one Intereft, we may be forc'd perhaps to fight over again all that we have fought, and fpend over again all that we have fpent, but are never like to attain thus far as we are now advane'd to the re- covery of our Freedom, never to have it in pofieflion as we now have it, ne- ver to be vouchfafed hereafter the like Mercies and fignal Alfiftances from Hea- ven in ourCaufe: If by our ingrateful backfliding we make thefe frui clefs, flying now to regal ConcefTions from his divine condefcenfions, and gracious anfwers to our once importuning Prayers againft the Tyranny which we then oroan'd under-, making vain and viler than dirt, the Blood of lb many thou- fand faithful and valiant Englifhmen, who left us in this Liberty, bought with their Lives •, lofing by a ftrange after-game of Foliy, all the Battels we have won together with all Scotland as to our Conqueft, hereby loll, which never any of our Kings could conquer, all the Treafure we have fpent, not that cor- ruptible Treafure only, but that far more precious of all our late miraculous Deliverances •, treading back again with loft labour, all our happy fteps in the progrels of Reformation, and moft pitifully depriving our felves the inftant fruition of that free Government which we have fo dearly purchas'd, a free Commonwealth, not only held by wifeft men in all Ages the nobleil, the man- Heft, the equalled, the jufteft Government, the moft agreeable to all due Liberty and proportion'd Equality, both Human, Civil, and Chriftian, moft cheriihing to Virtue and true Religion, but alfo (I may lay it with greateft probability) plainly commended, or rather enjoin'd by our Saviour himfelf, to all Chriftians, not without remarkable difaliowance, and the brand of Genti- lifm upon Kingfhip. God in much difpleafure gave a King to the Ifraelites, and imputed it a fin to them that they fought one: But Chrifi apparently forbids his Difciples to admit cf any fuch heathenifli Government ; The Kings of the Gentiles, faith he, exercife Lordflup over them ; and they that cxercife Au- thority upon them are call'd Benefactors : but ye JJoall not be fo ; but he that is greateft among you, let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief, as he that ih-veth. The occafion of thefe his words was the ambitious defire of Zebedee's two Sons, to be exalted above their Brethren in his Kingdom, which they thought was to be e'er lono- upon Earth. That he fpeaks of Civil Government, ismani- feft by the former part of the Comparifon, which infers the other part to be al- ways in the fame kind. And what Government comes nearer to this precept of Chrifi, than a free Commonwealth •, wherin they who are greateft, are perpe- tual Servants and Drudges to the public at their own coft and charges, neg- lect their own Affairs, yet are not elevated above their Brethren ; live foberly in their Families, walk the Street as other men, may be fpoken to freely, familiarly, friendly, without Adoration ? Wheras a King mull: be ador'd like a Demigod, with a diffolute and haughty Court about him, ofvaft ex- pence and luxury, Mafks and Revels, to the debauching of our prime Gentry both Male and Female •, not in their paftimes only, but in earned, by the loofe imployments of Court-fervice, which will be then thought honourable. There will be a Queen of no lefs charge ; in moft likelihood Outlandifh and a Papift, befides a Queen-mother fuch already ; together with both their Courts and numerous Train : then a Royal iffue, and e'er long feverally their fump- raous Courts •, to the multiplying of a fervile Crew, not of Servants only, but of Nobility and Gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of Public, but of Court-Offices, to be Stewards, Chamberlains, Ufiiers, Grooms, even of the Clofe-ftool •, and the lower their Minds debas'd with Court-opinions, contrary to all Virtue and Reformation, the haughtier will be their Pride and Profufe- nefs. We may well remember this not long fince at home ; nor need but look at prefent into the French Court, where Enticements and Preferments daily draw .away and pervert the Proteftant Nobility. As to the burden of expence, to Y,ur coft we fhall fcon know it ; for any good to us deferving to be term'd no better tlun the raft and lavifh price of cur fubjecliou, and their Debauchery, which to eftablijh a Free Commonwealth. rp r Which we are now fo greedily cheap'ning, and would fo fain be paying moft inconfiderately to a fingle Perfon ; who for any thing wherin the Public really needs him, will have little ell'e to do, but tobeftow the eating and drinking of exceffive Dainties, to let a pompous face upon the fuperficial actings of State, to pageant himfelf up and down in Progrefs among the perpetual bowings and cringings of an abject: People, on either fide deifying and adoring him for nothing done that can deferve it. For what can he more than another man ? who even in the expreffion of a late Court-poet, fits only like a great Cypher fet to no purpofe before a long row of other fignificant Figures. Nay, it is well and happy for the People if their King be but a Cypher, being oft-times a Mifchief, a Pelt, a Scourge of the Nation, and which is worfe, not to be re- mov'd, not to be controul'd, much lefs accus'd or brought to punifhmenti without the danger of a common ruin, without the fhaking and almoft fub- verfion of the whole Land: wheras in a free Commonwealth, any Governor or chief Counfellor offending, may be remov'd and punifh'd without the leafb Commotion. Certainly then that People muft needs be mad, or ftrano-ely in- fatuated, that build the chief hope ol their common happinels or fafety on a fingle Perfon ; who if he happen to be good, can do no more than another man ; if to be bad, hath in his hands to do more evil without check, than mi - lions of other men. The happincfs of a Nation muft needs be firmeft and certaineft in full and free Council of their own electing, where no fingle Per- fon, but Reafon only fways. And what madnefs is it for them who might ma- nage nobly their own Affairs themfelves, fluggifhly and weakly to devolve all en a fingle Perfon -, and more like Boys under Age than Men, to commit all to his patronage and dilpofal, who neither can perform what he undertakes, and yet for undertaking it, though royally paid, will not be their Servant, but their Lord ? How unmanly muft it needs be, to count fuch a one the breath of our Noftrils, to hang all our felicity on him, all our fafety, our well-being, for which if we were aught elfe but S'uggards or Babks, we need depend on none but God and our own Counfels, our own active Virtue and Induftry. Go to the Ant, then Sluggard, faith Solomon ; confider her ways, and be wife ; which havr,:& mo Prince, Ruler, or Lord, provides her meat in the Summer, and gathers her food- in the Har-vejh which evidently ihews us, that they who think the Nation un- done without a King, though they look grave or haughty, have not fo much true Spirit and Underftanding in them as a Pifmire: neither are thefe diligent Creatures hence concluded to live in lawlefs Anarchy, or that commended, but are fet the examples to imprudent and ungovern'd men, of a frugal and felf-governing Democraty or Commonwealth ; lafer and more thriving in the joint Providence and Counfel of many induftrious equals, than under the finale domination of one imperious Lord. It may be well wonder'd that any Nation ftiling themfelves free, can fuffer any man to pretend Hereditary Rioht; o- ver them as their Lord ; whenas by acknowledging that Right, they conclude themfelves his Servants and his Vaffals, and fo renounce their own freedom. Which how a People and their Leaders efpecially can do, who have fought fo glorioufly for Liberty ; how they can change their noble Words and Actions, heretofore fo becoming the majefty of a free People, into the bafe neceffity of Court- flatteries and Proftrations, is not only ftrange and admirable, but la- mentable to think on. That a Nation fhould be fo valorous and courageous to win their Liberty in 'the Field, and when they have won it, fhould be fo heartlefs and unwife in their Counfels, as not to know how to ufe it, value it, what to do with it, or with themfelves ; but after ten or twelve years pro - fperous War and conteftation with Tyranny, bafely and befottedly to run their necks again into the Yoke which they have broken, and proftrate all the fruits of their Victory for naught at the feet of the vanquifh'd, befides our lofs of Glory, and fuch an example as Kings or Tyrants never yet had the like to boaft of, will be an ignominy if it befall us, that never yet befel any Nation poffefs'd of their Liberty •, worthy indeed themfelves, whatlbever they be, to be for ever flaves ; but that part of the Nation which confents not with them, as I perlwade me, of a great number, far worthier than by their means to be brought into the fame Bondage. Confidering thefe things fo plain, fo rational, I cannot but yet further admire on the other fide, how any man who hath the true principles of Juftice and Religion in him, can prefume •r j-o2 The ready and eafy Way or take upon him to be a King and Lord over his Brethren, whom he cannot but know whether as Men or Chriftians, to be for the mod part every way equal or fuperior to himfelf: how he can tiifplay with fuch Vanity and Often- tation his regal fplendor fo fupereminently above other mortal Men ; or be- ing a Chriftian, can affume fuch extraordinary Honour and Worlhip to him- felf, while the Kingdom of Chrift our common King and Lord, is hid to this World, and fuch gentilijh imitation forbid in exprefs words by himfelf to ail his Difciples. All Proteftants hold that Chrift in his Church hath left no Vicegerent of his Power •, but himfelf without Deputy, is the only Head therof, o-overning it from Heaven : how then can any Chriftian man derive his Kingfhip from Chrift, but with woffe ufurpation than the Pope his hcadihip over the Church, fince Chrift not only hath not left the leaft fhadow of a command for any fuch Vicegerence from him in the State, as die Pope pre- tends for his in the Church, but hath exprefly declar'd, that fuch regal Do- minion is from the Gentiles, not from him, and hath ftrictly charg'd us not to imitate them therin ? I doubt not but all ingenuous and knowing men will eafdy agree with me, that a Free Commonwealth without fmgle Perfon, or Houfe of Lords, is by far die beft Government if it can be had ; but we have all this while, fay they, bin expecting it, and cannot yet attain it. 'Tis true indeed, when Monarchy was diffolv'd, the Form of a Commonwealth mould have forthwith bin iram'd, and the practice therof immediately begun ; that the People might have foon been fatisfy'd and delighted with me decent Order, Eafe, and Benefit therof: •we had bin then by this time firmly rooted paft fear of Commotions or Muta- tions, and now flourifhing : this care of timely fett.'ing a new Government in- ftead of die old, too much neglected, hath been our mifchief. Yet the cauie therof may be afcrib'd with moft realbn to the frequent disturbances* inter- ruptions, and diffolutions which the Parlament hath had, partly from the im- patient or difaffected People, partly from forne ambitious Leaders in the Ar- my ; much contrary, I believe, to the mind and approbation of the Army it felf and their other Commanders, once undtceiv'd, or in their own power. Now is the opportunity, now the very feafon wherin we may obtain a Free Commonwealth, and eftablifh it for ever in the Land, without difficulty or much delay. Writs are fent out for Elections, and which is wordi obferving in the name, not of any King, but of the keepers of our Liberty, to fummon a free Parlament ; which then only will indeed be free, and deferve the true honour of that fupream Title, if they preferve us a free People. Which never Parlament was more free to do ; being now call'd, not as heretofore, by the fummons of a King, but by the voice of Liberty : and if the People, laying afide prejudice and impatience, will ferioufly and calmly now conlider their own good, both Religious and Civil, their own Liberty and the only means therof, as fliall be here laid dowm before them, and will elect their Knights and Burgeffes able men, and according to the juft and neceffary Qualifi- cations (which, for aught I hear, remain yet in force unrepeal'd, as they were for- merly decreed in Parlament) men not addicted to a fingle Perfon or Houfe of Lords, the work is done-, at leaft the foundation firmly laid of a Free Common- wealth, and good part alio erected of the main Structure. For the ground and bafis of every juft and free Government (fince men have fmarted fo oft for committing all to one Perfon) is a general Council of ableft men, chofea by the People to confult of public Affairs from time to time for the common good. In this Grand Council mult the Sovereignty, not transferr'd, but dele- gated only, and as it were depofited, refide ; w ith this Caution they muft have the forces by Sea and Land committed to them for prefervation of the common Peace and Liberty ; muft raife and manage the public Revenue, at leaft with fome Infpectors deputed for fatisfaction of the People, how it is employ'd ; muft make or propofe, as more exprefly fhail be laid anon, Civil Laws, treat of Commerce, Peace, or War with foreign Nations, and for the carrying on fome particular Affairs with more fecrecy and expedition, muft cle6t, as they have already out of their own number and others, a Council of State. And although it may feem ftrange at firft hearing, by realbn that mens minds are prepoffcffed with the notion ©f fucceflive Parlaments, I affirm that 4 the to eftablijh a Free Commonwealth, ^93 the Grand or General Council being well chofen, fhould be perpetual : For fo their bufinefs is or may be, and oft-times urgent ; the opportunity of Affairs gain'd or loft in a moment. The day of Council cannot be fet as the day of a Feftival •, but muft be ready always to prevent or anfwer all occafions. By this continuance they will become every way fkilfuileft, beft provided of Intelligence from abroad, beft acquainted with the People at home, and the People with them. The Ship of the Commonwealth is always under fail; they fit at the Stern, and if they fteer well, what need is there to change them, it being rather dangerous ? Add to this, that the Grand Council is both Foundation and main Pillar of the whole State ; and to move Pillars and Foundations, not faulty, cannot be fafe for the Building. I fee not therfore, how we can be advantag'd by fucceffive and tranfitory Parlaments -, but that they are much likelier continually to unfettle rather than to fettle a free Government, to breed Commotions, Changes, Novelties and Uncer- tainties, to bring neglect upon prefent Affairs and Opportunities, while all Minds are in fufpenfe with expectation of a new Affemblv, and the Affembly for a good fpace taken up with the new fettling of it felf. After which, if they find no great work to do, they will make it, by altering or repealing former Ails, or making and multiplying new ; that they may feem to fee what their Predeceffors iaw not, and not to have affembled for nothing : till all Law be loft in the multitude of clafhing Statutes. But if the Ambition of fuch as think themfelves injur'd that they alfo partake not of the Govern- ment, and are impatient till they be chofen, cannot brook the perpetuity of others chofen before them •, or if it be fear'd that long continuance of Power may corrupt fincereft Men, the known Expedient is, and by fome lately propounded, that annually (or if the fpace be longer, fo' much perhaps the better) the third part of Senators may go out according to the precedence of their Election, and the like number be chofen in their places, to prevent their fettling of too abfolute a Power, if it fhould be perpetual: and this they call partial Rotation. But I could wifh that this wheel or partial wheel in State, if it be poffible, might be avoided, as having too much affinity with the wheel of Fortune. For it appears not how this can be done, without danger and mifchance of putting out a o-reat num- ber of the beft and ableft : in Whofe Head new Elections may bring in as many raw, unexperiene'd and otherwife affected, to the weakning and much altering for the worfe of public Tranfactions. Neither do I think a perpetual Senate, efpecially chofen and enrrufted by the People, much in this land to be fear'd, where the well -affected either in a flancling Army, or in a fetded Militia, have their Arms in their own hands. Safelt therfore to me it feems, and of leaft hazard or interruption to Affairs, that none of the Grand Council be mov'd, unlefs by Death or juft Conviction of fome Crime: for what can be expected firm or fled fall from a floating Foundation? however, I forejudge n >l any probable Expedient, any Temperament that can be found in things of this nature fo dilputable on either fide. Yet left this which I affirm, be thought my fingle Opinion, I fhall add fufficicnt Teftimony. Kingfhip it felf is therfore counted the more {Ac and durable, becaufe'the King, and for the molt part his Council, is not chang'd during Life : but a Commonwealth is held immortal, and th.rin firmeft, fafeft and molt above Fortune: for the Death of a King caufeth oft-times many dangerous Alterations ; but the Death now and then of a Senator is not felt, the main body of them ftill continuing permanent in grcateft and nobleft Commonwea'ths, and as it were eternal. Therfore among the Jews, the fupreme Council of Seventy, e.ul'd the Sanhedrim, founded by Mofes, in Athens that of Areopagus, in Sparta that of the Ancients, in Rome the Senate, confuted of Member* chofen ior term of Life ; and by that means remain'd as it were ftill the fame to Generations In Venice they change indeed ofter than every year fome par- ticular Council of State, as that of fix, or fuch other •, but the true Senate, which upholds and fuftains the Government, is the whole Ariftocracy im- moveable. So in the United Provinces, the States General, which are indeed but a Council of State deputed by the whole Union, are not ufually the fame Perfons for above three or fix Years •, but the States of every City in whom rfu Sovj reignty hath been p!ac\t time out of mind, area Handing Senate, with- Vol. 1. Gggg out i» 04 *The ready and eafy Way Out SuccelTion, and accounted chiefly in that regard the main prop of the:. Liberty. And why they fhould be fo in every well-order'd Commonwealth, they who write of Policy, give thefe Reafons ; " That to make the Senate " fucceffive, not only impairs the dignity and luftre of the Senate, but wta " kens the whole Commonwealth, and brings it into manifeft danger •, while " by this means the Secrets of State are frequently divulg'd, and matters of «' crreateft confequence committed to inexpert and novice Counfellors, ut- " terly to feek in the full and intimate knowledge of Affairs paft." I know not therfore what fhould be peculiar in England to make fucceffive Parlaments thought fafeft, or convenient here more than in other Nations, unlefs it be the ficklenefs which is attributed to us as we are Wanders: but good Education and acquifite Wifdom ought to correct the fluxible fault, if any fuch be, of out watry fituation. It will be objected, that in thofe places where they had perpetual Senates, they had alfo popular Remedies againft their growing too imperious : as m Athens, befides Areopagus, another Senate of four or five hundred ; in Sparta, the Ephori ; in Rome, the Tribunes of the People. But the Event tells us, that thefe Remedies either little avail the People, or brought them to fuch a licentious and unbridled Democraty, as in fine ruin'd themfelves with their own eXceffive power. So that the main reafon urg'd why popular AfTemblies are to be trufted with the People's Liberty, rather than a Senate of principal Men, becaufe great Men will be (till endeavouring to enlarge their Power, but the common fort will be contented to maintain their own Liberty, is by Experience found falfe -, none being more immoderate and ambitious to amplify their Power, than fuch Popularities, which were feen in the People of Rome; who at firit contented to have their Tribunes, at length contended with the Senate that one Conful, then both, foon after, that the Cenibrs and Praetors alfo fhould be created Plebeian, and the whole Empire put into their hands •, adoring laftly thofe, who meft were adverfe to the Senate, till Marias by fulfilling their inordinate Defires, quite loil them all the Power for which they had fo long bin ftriving, and left them under the Tyranny of Sylla : the ballance therfore mult be exactly fo fet, as to preferve and keep up due Authority on either fide, as well in the Senate as in the People. 'And this annual Rotation of a Senate to confilt of three hundred, as is lately propounded, requires alfo another popular AfTembly up- ward of a thoufand, with an anfwerable Rotation. Which, bsfides that it will be liable to all thofe Inconveniencies found in the forefaid Remedies, can- not but be troublefome and chargeable, both in their Motion and their Seffion, to the whole Land, unwieldy with their own bulk, unable in fo great a num- ber to mature their Confultations as they ought, if any be allotted them, and that they meet not from fo many parts remote to fit a whole year Lieger in one place, only now and then to hold up a foreft of Fingers, or to convey each Man his bean or ballot into the Box, without reafon fhewn or common deliberation •, incontinent of Secrets, if any be imparted to them, emulous and always jarring with the other Senate. The much better way doubtleis will be, in this wavering condition of our Affairs, to defer the changing or circumfcribing of our Seriate, more than may be done with eafe, til! the Common- wealth be throughly fettled in Peace and Safety, and they themfelves give us the occafion. Military Men hold it dangerous to change the form of Battel in view of an Enemy : neither did the People of Rami- bandy with their Senate while any of the Tarquins liv'd, the Enemies of their Liberty, nor fought by creating Tribunes to defend themfelves againft the fear of their Patricians, till fixteen years afrer the expulfion of their Kings, and in full fecurity of their State, they had or thought they had juft caule given them by the Senate. Another way will be, to well qualify and refine Elections : not committing all to the noife and fhouting of a rude Multitude, but permitting only thofe of them who are rightly qualify'd, to nominate as many as they will ; and out of that number others of a better breeding, to chufe a lefs number more judicioufly, till after a third or fourth fifting and refining of exacted choice, they only be left chofen who are the due number, and feem by moft voices the worthieft. To make the People fitteft to chufe, and the chofen fitteft to go- vern, will be to mend our corrupt and faulty Education, to teach the People Faith not without Virtue, Temperance, Modcity, Sobriety, Parfimony, Juftice, to eftabliflo a Free Commonwealth. cg~ Juilice ; not to admire Wealth or Honour •, to bate Turbulence and Ambi- tion ; to place every one his private Welfare and Happinefs in the public Peace, Liberty and Safety. They fhall not then need to be much miftruftful of their chofen Patriots in the Grand Council ; who will be then rightly call'd the true Keepers of our Liberty, though the moft of their bufinefs will be in foreign Affairs. But to prevent all Miftruft, the People then will have their feveral ordinary Affemblies (which will henceforth quite annihilate the odi- ous Power and Name of Committees) in the chief Towns of every County, without the Trouble, Charge, or time loft of fummoning and aftembling from far in fo great a number, and lo long refiding from their own Houfes, or amoving of their Families, to do as much at home in their feveral Shires, entire or fubdivided, toward the fecuring of their Liberty, as a numerous Aflembly of them all form'd and convenM on purpofe with the warier! Rotation. Wherof I fhall fpeak more ere the end of this Dilcourfe : for it may be re- ferr'd to time, fo we be frill going on by degrees to perfection. The People well weighing and performing thefe things, I fuppofe would have no caufe to fear, though the Parlament abolilhing that Name as originally fignifying but the Parly of our Lords and Commons with their Norman King when he pie is'd to call them, mould, with certain limitations of their Power, fit perpetual, if their ends be faithful and for a free Commonwealth, under the name of a Grand or General Council. Till this be done, I am in doubt whether our State v. ill be ever certainly and throughly fettled -, never likely tiil then to fee an end of our Troubles and continual Changes, or at leaft never the true Set- tlement and AfTurance of our Liberty. The Grand Council being thus firm- ly conftirnted to Perpetuity, and ftill, upon the Death or Default of any Member, fupply'd and kept in full number, there can be no caufe alledg'd why Peace, Juftice, plentiful Trade, and all Prosperity fhould not therupon en- fue throughout the whole Land ; with as much aflurance as can be of human things, that they fhall fo continue (if God favour us, and our wilful Sins not) even to the coming of our true and rightful, and only to be ex: I I King, only worthy as he is our only Saviour, the Meffiah, the drift, the only Heir of his eternal Father, the only by him anointed and or- dained fince the Work of our Redemption finifh'd, univerfal Lore! of all Man- kind. The way propounded is plain, eafy and open before us ; without In- tricacies, without the Introducement of new or abfolute Forms or Terms, or exotic Models ; Idea's that would effect nothing ; but with a number of new Injunftiops to manacle the native Liberty of Mankind; turning all Virtue in- to Prefcripfi >n, Servitude, and Necefiity, to the great impairing and fruftra- ting of Chriftian Liberty. I fay again, this way lies free and fmooth before us •, is not tangled with Inconveniencies ; invents no new Incumbrances-, re- quires no perilous, no injurious Alteration or Circumfcription of Mens Lands and Proprieties ; fecure, that in this Commonwealth, temporal and fpiritual Lords remov'd, no Man or number of Men can attain to fuch Wealth or vaft pofieflion, as will nee \ the hedge of an Agrarian Law (never fuccefsful, but the caufe rather of Sedition, lave only where it began feafonably with firft poffeiiion) to confine them from endangering our public Liberty. To conclude, it can have no confiderable Objection made againft it, that it is not practica- ble ; left it be faid hereafter, that we gave up our Liberty for want of a ready way or diftincT: Form propos'd of a free Commonwealth. And this Facility we fhall have above our next neighbouring Commonwealth (if we can keep us from the fond Conceit of fomething like a Duke of Venice, put lately into many Mens heads by fome one or other futtly driving on under that notion his - ml 'itious ends to lurch a Crown) that our Liberty fhall not be hamper'd or hover'd over 1 nent to fuch a potent Family as the Houfe of horn to ftand in perpetual Doubt and Sufpicion, but we fhall live the cleared and abfoluti tl I ration in the World. On the contrary, if there be a King, which the inconfklerate multitude are now fo mad upon, mark how far iliort we are like to come of all thole Happi- i ; , h in a free State we fhall immediately be poffefs'd of. Firft, the d Council, which, as I fhew'd before, fhould fit perpetually (unlefs their leifure give them now and then fome Intern iiflions or Vacations, eafily manage- able by the' Council of State left fitting) fhall be call'd, by the King's good Vol. I. Gggg 2 Will rg5 ¥he ready and eafy Way Will and utmoft Endeavour, as feldom as may be. For ir is only the Kir Ricrht he will fay, to call a Parlament; and this he will do moft commonly about'his own Affairs rather than the Kingdom's, as will appear plainly fo foon as they are call'd. For what will their bufinefs then be, and the chief Ex- pence of their time, but an endlefs tugging between Petition of Right and Royal Prerogative, efpecially about the negative Voice, Militia, orSubfidn demanded and oft-times extorted without reafonable caufe appearing to the Commons, who are the only true Reprefentatives of the People and their Li- berty, but will be then mingled with a Court-faction ; befides which, within their 'own Walls, the fincere part of them who ftand faithful to the People, will ao-ain have to deal with two troublefome counter-working Adverfarie.< from without, meer Creatures of the King, fpiritual, and the greater part, as is likelieft, of temporal Lords, nothing concern'd with the People's Liber- ty. If thefe prevail not in what they pleafe, though never fo much againit the People's Intereft, the Parlament fhall be foon diffolv'd, or fit and do no- thing ; not fuffer'd to remedy the leaft Grievance, or enact aught advanta- geous to the People. Next, the Council of State fhall not be chofen by the Parlament, but by the King, ftill his own Creatures, Courtiers and Favou- rites ; who will be fure in all their Counfels to fet their Matter's Grandure and abfolute Power, in what they are able, far above the People's Liberty. I de- ny not but that there may be fuch a King, who may regard the common Good before his own, may have no vicious Favourite, may hearken only to the wifeft -and incorrupteft of his Parlament: but this rarely happens in a Monarchy not elective-, and it behoves not a wife Nation to commit the mm of their well- "being, the whole ftate of their Safety to Fortune. What need they ; and how°abfurd would it be, whenas they themfelves to whom his chiet Vffti will be but to hearken, may with much better Management and Difpacch, with much more Commendation of their own "Worth and Magnanimity g vern without a Matter ? Can the Folly be parallel'd, to adore and be the Slaves cf a fincrle Perfon, for doing that which it is ten thoufand to one whether lie can or will do, and we without him might do more eafily, more effectually, more laudably, our felves ? Shall we never grow old enough to be wife, to make feafonable ufe of graveft Authorities, Experiences, Examples ? Is it fuch an unfpeakable Joy to ferve, fuch Felicity to wear a Yoke? to clink our Shac- kles, lock'd on by pretended Law of Subjection, more intolerable and hopelefs to be ever fhaken off, than thofe which are knock'd on by illegal Injury and Violence? Jrijiotle, our chief Inftructor in the Univeriities, Jeft this Doc- trine be thought Seflarian, as the Royalift would have it thought, tells us in the third of his Politics, that certain Men at firft, for the matchlefs Excel- lence of their Virtue above others, or fome great public Benefit, were created Kings by the People; in fmall Cities and Territories, and in the fcarcity of others to be found like them : but when they abus'd their Power, and Govern- ments grew larger, and the number of prudent Men increaAl, that then the People foon depofing their Tyrants, betook them, in all civilelt places, to the form of a free Commonwealth. And why fhould we thus dilparage and pre- judicate our own Nation, as to fear a fcarcity of able and worthy Men united in Counfel to govern us, if we will but ufe diligence and impartiality to rind them out and chute them, rather yoking our felves to a tingle Perfon, the na- tural Adverfary and Oppreffor of Liberty, though good, yet tar eafier cor- ruptible by the excefs of his lingular Power and Exaltation, or at belt, not comparably fufficient to bear the weight of Government, nor equally dif- pos'd to make us happy in the enjoyment of our Liberty under him. But admit, that Monarchy of it fell" may be convenient to fome Nations-, yet to us who have thrown it out, receiv'd back again, it cannot but prove perni- cious. For Kings to come, never forgetting their former Ejection, will be fure to fortify and arm themfelves fufficiently for the future againit all fuch At- tempts hereafter from the People: who fhall be then fo narrowly watch'd and kept fo low, that though they would never fo fain, and at the fame rate of their Blood and Treafure, they never fhall be able to regain what they now have purchas'd and may enjoy, or to free themfelves from any Yoke impos'J upon them : nor will they dare to go about it; utterly difhearten'd for the fu- ture, if thefe their higheft Attempts prove unfuccefsfiil ; which will be the a. Triumph to eflablijh a Free Commonwealth. 597 Triumph of all Tyrants hereafter over any People that fhall refill Opprcffion; and their Song will then be, to others, how fped the rebellious Englifl:? to our Pofterity, how fped the Rebels your Fathers ? This is not my Conjecture, but drawn from God's known Denouncement againft the gentilizing Ifrae- lites, who though they were govern'd in a Commonwealth of God's own or- daining, he only their King, they his peculiar People, yet affecting rather to referable Heathen, but pretending the Mifgovernment of Samuel's Sons, no more a rcafon to diflike their Commonwealth, than the Violence of Eli's Sons was imputable to that Priefthood or Religion, clamour'd for a Kincr. They had their longing, but with this Teftimony of God's Wrath; Te Jfjall cry out in that day, becaufe of your King whom ye Jh all have chofen, and the Lord will not hear you in that day. Us if he fhall hear now, how much lefs will he heat- when we cry hereafter, who once deliver'd by him from a King, and not with- out wondrous Acts of his Providence, infenfible and unworthy of thofe hio-h. Mercies, are returning precipitantly, if he withhold us not, back to the Cap- tivity from whence he freed us. Yet neither fhall we obtain or buy at an eafy rate this new gilded Yoke which thus tranfports us : a new Royal Revenue mull be found, a new Epifcopal •, for thofe are individual : both which beino- wholly diffipated or bought by private Perfons, or anlgn'd for Service done, and especially to the Army, cannot be recovered without a general Detriment and Confufion to Mens Eftates, or a heavy Impofition on all Mens Purfes ; Be- nefit to none, but to the worn: and ignobleft fort of Men, whofe hope is to be either .the Minifters of Court-Riot and Excefs, or the Gainers by it: But not to fpeak more of Lofies and extraordinary Levies on our Eitates, what will then be the Revenges and Offences remember'd and return'd, not only by the chief Perfon, but by all his Adherents ; Accounts and Reparations that will be requir'd, Suits, Inditements, Inquiries, Difcoveries, Complaints, Infor- mations, who knows againit whom or how many, though perhaps Neuters, if not to ut mod Infliction, yet to Imprisonment, Fines, Banifhment, or Mo- leftation? it not their, yet Disfavour, Difcountenance, Difregard and Contempt on all but the known Royalill or whom he favours, will be plenteous. Nor let the new royaliz'd Prefbyterians perfwade themfelves that their old doings, though now recanted, will be forgotten ; whatever Conditions be contriv'd or trufted on. Will they not believe this ; nor remember the Pacification how it was kept to the Scots ; how other folemn Promifes many a time to us? Let them but now read the diabolical forerunning Libels, the Faces, the Gef- tures that now appear foremoft and brifkeft in all public places, as the Harbingers of thofe that are in expectation to reign over us ; let them but hear the Infolencies, the Menaces, the Infultings of our newly animated com- mon Enemies crept lately out of their Holes, their Hell, I might fay, by the Language of their infernal Pamphlets, the Spue of every Drunkurd, every Ribald; namelefs, yet not for want of Licence, but for very fhame of their own vile Perfons, not daring to name themfelves, while they traduce others by name •, and give us to forefee, that they intend to fecond their wicked Words, if ever they have Power, with more wicked Deeds. Let our zea- lous Backfliders forethink now with themfelves, how their Necks yok'd with thefe Tygers of Bacchus, thefe new Fanatics of not the preaching but the fweating-tub, infpir'd with nothing holier than the Venereal Pox, can draw one way under Monarchy to the eflablifhing of Church-Difcipline with thefe new-difgorg'd Atheifms: yet fhall they not have the honour to yoke with thefe, but lhall be yok'd under them ; thefe fhall plow on their backs. And 'do they among them who are i'o forward to bring in the fingle Perfon, think to be by him milled or long regarded ? So trufted they fhall be and fo regard- ed, as by Kings are wont reconcil'd Enemies ; neglected, and foon after dif- carded, if not profecuted for old Traytors ; the firft Inciters, Beginners, and more than to the third part actors of all thr.t follow'd. It will be found alfo, that there mull be then as neceffarily as now (for the contrary part will be flill fearM) a (landing Army ; which for certain fliall not be this, but of the fiercefl Cavaliers, of no lefs expence, and perhaps again under Rupert. But let this Army be fure they fhall be foon difbanded, and likeliefl without Ar- rear or Pay •, and being difbanded, not be fure but they may as foon be quefli- lor being in Arms againft their King: the fame let them fear, who have con- 59 8 The ready and eafy Way contributed Money •, which will amount to no final] number that muff: then take their turn to be made Delinquents and Compounders. They who paft reafon and recovery are devoted to Kingfhip, perhaps will anfwer, that a oreater part by far of the Nation will have it fo, the reft therfor: mult yield. Not fo much to convince thefe, which I little hope, as to con- firm them who yield not, I reply ; that this greateft part have both in Re 1 fon, and the trial of juft Battel, loft the right of their Election what the Go ■vernment fhail be : of them who have not loft that right, whether they Kinglhip be the greater Number, who can certainly determine? Suppofe the ■ be, yet of freedom they partake all alike, one main End of Government : which if the greater part value not, but will degenerately forgo, is it juft or reafonable, that moft Voices againlt the main End of Government, fhoul enflave the lefs Number that would be Free? More juft it is, doubtlefs, if it come to force, that a lefs Number compel a greater to retain, which can be no wrong to them, their Liberty, than that a greater Number, for the pleafure of their baienefs, compel a lefs moft injurioufly to be their Fellow- Slaves. They who leek nothing but their own juft Liberty, have always r<- : to win it, and to keep it, whenever they have Power, be the Voices never ! numerous that oppofe it. And how much we above others are concern'd to de- fend it from Kingfhip, and from them who in puriuance therof fo perniciojfly would betray us and themfelves to moft certain Mifery and Thraldom, will be: needlefs to repeat. Having thus far fhewn with what eafe we may now obtain a Free Common- wealth, and by it with as much eafe all the Freedom, Pc.ce, Juftice, Plenty, that we can clefire •, on the other fide, the Difficulties, Troubles, Uncertain- ties, nay rather Impolfibilities to enjoy thefe things conftantly under a Mo- narch : I will now proceed to fhew more particularly wherin our Freedom and flourifhihg Condition will be more ample and fecure to us under a Free Com- monwealth, than under Kinglhip. The whole freedom of Man confills either in Spiritual or Civil Liberty. As for Spiritual, who can be at reft, who can enjoy any tiling in this World with contentment, who hath not liberty to ferve God, and to lave his Soul, according to the beft Light which God hath planted in him to that purpofe, by the reading of his revcai'd Will, and the guidance of his Holy Spirit ? That this is beft pleafing to God, and that the whole Proteftanr. Church allows no fupream Judge or Rule in Matters of Religion, but the Scriptures ; and thefe to be interpreted by the Scriptures themfelves, which necefiarily infers Liberty of Confcience ; I have heretofore prov'd at large in another Treatife ; and might yet further, by the public Declarations, Confel - fions and Admonitions of whole Churches and States, obvious in all Hiitorics fince the Reformation. This Liberty of Confcience, which above all other things ought to be to all Men deareft and moft precious, no Government more inclinable not to fa- vour only, but to protect, than a free Commonwealth •, as being moft mag- nanimous, moil fearlefs and confident of its own fair Proceedings. Wheras Kingfhip, though looking big, yet indeed moft pulilbnimous, full of I full of Jealoufies, ftartled at every Ombrage, as it hath been obferv'd of old to have ever fufpecled moft, and miftrufted them who were in moft efteem for Virtue and Generofity of Mind ; fo it is now known to have moft in doubt and fufpicion, them who are moft reputed to be religious. Queen EH- zabethi though her felf accounted fo good a Proteftant, fo moderate, fo con- fident of her Subjects Love, would never give way fo much as to Prefby- terian Reformation in this Land, though once and again befought, as Ca relates ; but imprifon'd, and perfecuted the very Propofers therof-, ailed it as her Mind and Maxim unalterable, that fuch Reformation would dimi- nifh Regal Authority. What Liberty of Confcience can we then expect of others, far worfe principled from the Cradle, train'd up and govern'd by Po- pijlj and Spanijh Counfels, and on fuch depending hitherto for fubfiftence ? i lly what can this laft Parlarncnt expect, who having reviv'd lately and publifh'd the Covenant, have re-engag'd themfelves, never to re-admit Epif- ■ ? Which no Son of Charles returning, but will moft certainly bring back with him, if he regard the laft and ftricteft Charge of his Father, to 4 to eftablifh a Free Commonwealth, 599 perfevere in, not the DocJrine only, but Government of the Church of England v not to negletl the fpeedy and effectual fuppr effing of Errors andSchifms ; among which he accounted Prefbytery one of die chief. Or if, notwithftanding that Charge of his Father, he fubmit to the Covenant, how will he keep Faidi to us, with Difobeciience to him ; or regard that Faith given, which muft be founded on the breach of that laft and folemneft paternal Charge, and the Reluctance, I may fay the Antipathy, which is in all Kings againft Prefbyterian and Inde- pendent Difcipline ? For they hear the Gofpel fpeaking much of Liberty ; a word which Monarchy and her Bifhops both fear and hate, but a Free Com- monwealth both favours and promotes ; and not the word only, but the thina; it felf. But let our Governors beware in time, left their hard meafure to Li- berty of Confcience be found the Rock wheron they fhipwrack themfelves as others have now done before them in the courfe wherin God was directing their Steerage to a Free Commonwealth ; and the abandoning of all thofe whom fhey call Sectaries, for the detected Falfhood and Ambition of fome, be a wilful rejection of their own chief Strength and Intereft in the freedom of all Proteftant Religion, under what abufive Name foever calumniated. The other part of our Freedom con fills in the Civil Rights and Advance- ments of every Perfon according to his Merit : the enjoyment of thofe ne- ver more certain, and the accefs to thefe never more open, than in a Free Commonwealth. Both which, in my Opinion, may be beft and fooneft ob- tain'd, if every County in the Land were made a kind of fubordinate Com- monalty or Commonwealth, and one chief Town or more, accordino as the Shire is in Circuit, made Cities, it they be not fo call'd already ; where the Nobility and chief Gentry, from a proportionable compafs of Territory an- nex'd to each City, may build Houfes or Palaces befitting their Quality, may bear part in the Government, make their own judicial Laws, or ufe thefe that are, and execute them by their own ele&ed Judicatures and Judges without Appeal, in all things of Civil Government between Man and Man : fo they fhall have Juftice in their own hands, Law executed fully and finally in their own Counties and Precincts, long wifh'd and fpoken of, but never yet ob- tain'd •, they fhall have none then to blame but themfelves, if ic be not well adminifter'd ; and fewer Laws to expect or fear from the fupreme Authority ; or to thole that fhall be made, of any great concernment to Public Liberty, they may, without much trouble in thefe Commonalties, or in more Gene- ral Affemblies call'd to their Cities from the whole Territory on fuch occafion, declare and publifh their affent or diffent by Deputies, within a time limited, fent to the Grand Council ; yet fo as this their Judgment declar'd, fhall fub- mit to the greater number of other Counties or Commonalties, and not a- vail them to any exemption of themfelves, or refufal of Agreement with the reft, as it may in any of the United Provinces, being Sovereign within it felf, oit-times to the great diiadvantage of that Union. In thefe Employ- ments they may much better than they do now, exercile and fit themfelves till their Lot fall to be chofen into the Grand Council, according as their Worth and Merit fhall be taken notice of by the People. As for Contro- verfies that fhall happen between Men of feveral Counties, they may repair, as they do now, to the Capital City, or any other more commodious, in- different Place, and equal Judges. And this I find to have been praclis'd in the old Athenian Commonwealth, reputed the firft and ancienteft place of Civility in -i\\ Greece: that they had in their feveral Cities, a peculiar ; in A- thens, a common Government ; and their Right, as it befel them, to the Ad- miniftration of both. They fhould have here alio Schools and Academies at their own choice, wherin their Children may be bred up in their own fight to all Learning and noble Education •, not in Grammar only, but in all Libe- ral Arts and Exercifes. This would foon fpread much more Knowledge and Civility, yea, Religion, through all parts of the Land, by communicating the natural heat of Government and Culture more diftributively to all extreme parts, which now lie numb and neglected, would foon make the whole Nation more induftrioas, more ingenuous at home ; more potent, more honourable abroad. To this a Free Commonwealth will eafily affent ; (nay, the Pai lament had 1 - had already fome fuch thing in defign) for of all Governments a Com- paonwealth aims moft to make the People fiouxifhing, virtuous, noble and 4 high- The ready and eafy Way high-fpirited. Monarchs will never permit •, whole Aim is to make the Peo- ple wealthy indeed perhaps, and well fieec'd, for their own fhearing, and the iupply of Regal Prodigality ; but otherwise fofteft, bafeft, vicioufeft, fervileft, eafieft to be kept under ; and not only in Fleece, but in Mind alio fheepifheft ; and will have all the Benches of Judicature annex'd to the Throne, as a Gift of Royal Grace, that we have Juftice done us : whenas nothing can be more effential to the Freedom of a People, than to have the adminiftration of Juftice, and all Public Ornaments, in their own Election, and within their own Bounds, without long travelling or depending on re- mote Places to obtain their Right, or any Civil Accomplifhment ; lb it be not fupreme, but fubordinate to the general Power and Union of the whole Republic. In which happy firmnefs, as in the Particular above-mention'd, we mail alio far exceed the United Provinces, by having, not as they (to the retarding and diffracting oft-times of their Counfels or urgentelt OccalionsJ many Sovereignties united in one Commonwealth, but many Commonwealths under one united and entrufted Sovereignty. And when we have our Forces by Sea and Land, either of a faithful Army, or a fettled Militia, in our own hands, to the firm eftablifhing of a Free Commonwealth, public Accounts under our own Inflection, general Laws and Taxes, with their Caufes, in cur own Domeftic Suffrages, Judicial Laws, Offices and Ornaments at home iri our own ordering and adminiftration, all diftinction of Lords and Commo- ners, that may any way divide or fever the Public Intereft, remov'd ; what can a perpetual Senate have then, wherin to grow corrupt, whenn to encroach upon us, orufurp? or if they do, wherin to be formidable? Yet if all this avail not to remove the Fear or Envy of a perpetual Sitting, it may be eafily provided, to change a third part of them yearly, or every two or three Years, as was above-mention'd ; or that it be at thofe times in the People's choice, whether they will change them, or renew their Power, as they fhall find cauie, I have no mere to fay at prefent: few words will fave us, well confi- dered ; few and eafy things, now feafonably dune. But if the People be io affected, as to proftitute Religion and Liberty to the vain and groundieis ap- preh-nfion, that nothing but Kingfhip can reftore Trade, net remembring the frequent Plagues and Peftilences that then wafted this City, fuch as through God's Mercy we never have felt finee ; and that Trade flourifhes no where more than in the Free Commonwealths of Italy, Germany, and the Low Countries, before their eyes at this day: yet if Trade be grown fo craving and importunate through the profufe living ofTradefmen, that nothing can iup- port it, but the luxurious Expences of a Nation upon Trifles or Superfluities ; io as if the People generally fhould betake themfelves to Frugality, it might prove a dangerous matter, left Tradefmen fhould mutiny for want of Tra- ding •, and that therfore we muft forgo and fet to fale Religion, Liberty, Ho- nour, Safety, all Concernments Divine or Human, to keep up Trading : If, laftly, after all this Light among us, the fame Reafon fhall pais for current, to put our Necks again under Kingfhip, as was made ufe of by the Jews to return back to Egypt, and to the Worihip of their Idol Queen, becauie they falfly imagin'd that they then liv'd in more plenty and profperity ; our Con- dition is not found but rotten, both in Religion and all Civil Prudence-, and will bring us foon, the way we are marching, to thofe Calamities which at- tend always and unavoidably on Luxury, all national Judgments under Foreign and Domeftic Slavery : So far we fhall be from mending our condition by mo- fiarchizing our Government, whatever new Conceit now poffeffes us. How- ever, with all hazard I have ventured what I thought my Duty to fpeak in fea- fon, and to forewarn my Country in time ; wherin I doubt not but there be many wife Men in all Places and Degrees, but am forry the Effects of Wif- dom are fo little ieeii among us. Many Circumftances and Particulars I could have added in thofe things wherof I have fpoken : but a few main-Matters now put fpeedily in execution, will fuffice to recover us, and let all right : And there will want at no time who are good at Circumftances ; but Men who fet their Minds on main Matters, and fufficiently urge them, in thefe moft dif- ficult times I find not many. What I have fpoken, is the Language of that which to e flab lift) a Free Commonwealth: 60 which is not call'd amifs The Good Old Caufe : if it feem flrangc to any, it will not feem more ftrange, I hope, than convincing to Back-fliders. Thus much I-fhould perhaps have faid, though I were fure I fliould have ipoken only to Trees and Stones ; and had none to cry to, but with the Prophet, O Earthy Earth, Earth! to tell the very Soil itfelf, what her perverfc Inhabitants are. deaf to. Nay, though what I have fpoke, ihould Jiappen (which Thou iV-tler not, who didft create Mankind free ; nor Thou next, who didft redeem us from being Servants of Men ! ) to be the laft words of our expiring Liberty. But I truft I fhall have fpoken Perfwafion to abundance of fenfible and inge- nuous Men ; to fome perhaps whom God may raife to thele Stones to become Children of reviving Liberty, and may reclaim, though they feem now chu- fing them a Captain back for Egypt, to bethink themfelves a little, and confi- der whither they are rufhing ; to exhort this Torrent alio of the People, not to be i'o impetuous, but to keep their due Channel ; and at length recovering and uniting their better Refolutions, now that they fee already how open ana unbounded the infolence and rage is of our common Enemies, to ftay thefe ruinous Proceedings, juftly and timely fearing to what a Precipice of D; - itruction the deluge of this epidemic Madnefs would hurry us, through the ge- neral defection of a milguided and abus'd Multitude. Vol. I. Hhhh Brief Brief NOTES upon a late S E R M O TITL'D, The Fear of GOD and the K i n g ; Preach'd, and fince publilh'd, By MATTHEW GRIFFITH, D. D. And Chaplain to the late KING. "Wherin many notorious Wreftings of Scripture, and other Falfities are obferv'd. IAffirm'd in the Preface of a late Difcourfe, entitl'd, The ready way to e- JlaMifo a free Commonwealth, and the dangers of readmitting Kingjhip in this Nation, that the humour of returning to our old Bondage, was inftill'd of la44 by fame Deceivers ; and to make good, that what I then affirm'd 3 v.- as not with- out iuft ground, one of thofe Deceivers I prefent here to the People : and it I prove him not fuch, refufe not to be fo accounted in his ftead. He begins in his Epiitle to the General, and moves cunningly for a Licence to be admitted Phyfician both to Church and State •, then fets out his practice in Phyfical terms, anivholefome Eletliiary to be taken every Morning next our Hearts-., tells of the oppofition which he met with from the College of State- Phyiki- ans, then lays before you his Drugs and Ingredients •, Strong 'Purgatives in the Pulpit \ contemner'' d of the myrrh of Mortification, the aloes of ConfJJion and Contrition, the rubarb of Rejlitution and Satisfaction ; a pretty fantaftic dole of Divinity from a Pulpit-Mountebank, not unlike the Fox, that turning Pedlar, open'd his pack of Ware before the Kid •, though he now would feem to pcrfj- nate the good Samaritan, undertaking to defcribe the Rife and Progrefs of our ?;a~ tional Malady, and to prefcribe the only Remedy ; which how he performs, we fhall quickly fee. Firll, he would fuborn Saint Luke as his Spokefman to the General, pre- fumin^, it feems, to have had as perfeel under/landing of things from the firft, as the Evangelift had of his Gol'pel •, that the General who hath fo emi- nently borne his part in the whole Aftion, might kno-u the certainty of things better from him a partial Sequeftred Enemy ; for fo he prefently appears, though covertly and like the Tempter, commencing his Addrefs with an im- pudent Calumny and Affront to his Excellence, that he would be pleas'd to carry on what he had fo happily begun in the name and caufe not of God only, which we doubt not, but of his Anointed, meaning the late King's Son ; which is to charge him molt audacioully and falfly with the renouncing of his own public Promifes and Declarations, both to the Parlament and the Army, and we truft his Actions e'er long will deter fuch infinuating Slanderers from thus ap- proaching him for the future. But the General may well excule him; for tiie Comforter himfelf fcapes not his Prefumption, avouch'd as falfly, to have power'd to thofe defigns him and him only, who hath folemnly declar'd the con- trary. What Phanatic, againft whom he fo ottcn inveighs, could more pre- fumptuoufly affirm whom the Comforter hath impower'd, than this Anti-Fanati/ . as he wou'd be thought ? The Brief Notes on Dr. Griffith'^ Sermon. 603 The Text. Pro v. 24. 21. My Son, fear 'God and the King, and meddle not with than that be /editions, or dcfirous of change, Sec. Letting pafs matters not in Controverfy, I come to the main drift of your Sermon, the King ; which word here is either to fignify any fupreme Magi- strate, or elfe your latter Object of fear is not univerfal, belongs not at all to' many parts or Chriftendom, that have no King •, and in particular, not to us. That we have no King fince the putting down of Kinglhip in this Com- monwealth, is manifeft by this laft Parlament, who to the time of their Dif- folving, not only made no Addrefs at all to any King, but fummon'd this next to come by the Writ formerly appointed of a free Commonwealth, without Reftitution or the leaft mention of any Kingly Right or Power ; which could riot be, if there were at prefent any King of England. The main part ther- fore of your Sermon, if it mean a King in the ufual fenfe, is either imperti- nent and abfurd, exhorting your Auditory to fear that which is not ; or if King here be, as it is underftood, for any i'upreme Magiftrate, by your own Exhortation they are in the firlt place not to meddle with you, as being your- felf mod of all the feditious meant here, and the dejirous of change, in ltir- ring them up to fear a King, whom the prefent Government takes no notice of. You begin with a vain Vifion, God and the King at the firft btyjh (which will not be yuur laft blufh) fcaning to ftand in your Text like tbofe two Cherubims on the Mercy-feat, looking on each other. By this Similitude, your conceited Sanc- tuary, worfe than the Altar of Ahaz, pattern'd from Damafcus, degrades God to a Cherub, and raifes your King to be his collateral in place, notwith- standing the other differences you put ; which well agrees with the Court- Letters, lately publifh'd from this Lord to t'other Lord, that cry him up for nolefs than Angelical and Celellial. Your firft obfervation, fag. 8. is, That God and the King are coupled in the Text, and what the Holy Ghoft hath thus firmly combined, we may not, wc mufi not dare to pit a/under ; and yourfelf is the firlt Man who puts them afunder by the firft proof of your Dodtrine immediately following, Judg. y. 20. which couples the Sword of the Lord and Gideon, a man who not only was no King, but refus'd to be a King or Monarch, when it was offer'd him, in the very next Chapter, Ver. 22,23. I will not rule over you, neither fiall my Son rule over you; the Lord flail rule over you. Here we fee that this worthy Heroic Deliverer of his Country, thought it beft govern'd, if the Lord govern'd it in that Form of a free Commonwealth, which they then enjoy'd without a fingle Perlbn. And this is your firft Scripture, abus'd and molt impertinently cited, nay, a- gainft yourfelf, to prove that Kings at their Coronation have a Sword given them, which you interpret the Militia, the power of life and death put into their hands, a gain ft the declar'd judgment of our Parlaments, nay, of all our Laws, which referve to themfelves only the power of Life and Death, and render you in their juft refentment of this boldnefs, another Doctor Manwaring. Your next proof is as falfe and frivolous, The King, fay you, is God's Sword- bearer ; true, but not the King only : for Gideon, by whom you feek to prove this, neither was, nor would be a King; and as you yourfelf confefs, pag. 40. There be divers Forms of Government. He bears not the Sword in vain, Rom. 13.4. this alio is as true of any lawful Rulers, efpecially fupreme ; fo that Rulers, ver. 3. and therfore this prefent Government, without whofe Autho- rity you excite the People to a King, bear the Sword as well as Kings, and as little in vain. They fight againft God, who rcjift his Ordinance, and go about to wreft the Sword out of the hands of his Anointed. This is likewife granted: but who is his Anointed? Not every King, but they only who were Anointed or made Kings by his fpecial Command •, as Saul, David, and his Race, which ended in the Meffiah, (from whom no Kings at this day can derive their Title) Jehu, Cyrus, and if any other were by name appointed by him to fome par- ticular Service : as for the reft of Kings, all other fupreme Magiltrates are as much the Lord's Anointed as they •, and our Obedience commanded equally to them all 5 For there is no Power but of God, Rom, 13. 1. and we are exhorted in Vol. I. 4 Hhhh 2 the 6©4 Brief Notes on Dr. Griffith'* Sermon. the Gofpel to obey Kings, as other Magiftrates, not that they are call'd any ■where the Lord's Anointed, but as they are the Ordinance of Man, i Pet. 2. if. You therfore and other fuch falfe Doctors, preaching Kings to your Audi- tory, as the Lord's only Anointed, to withdraw People from the preient Government, by your own Text are felf-condemn'd, and not to be follow'ch not to be meddl'd with, but to be noted, as moft of all others the /editions and deferous of change. Your third Proof is no lefs againft yourfelf. Pfal. 105. 15. Touch ml mine Anointed. For this is not fpoken in behalf of Kings, but fpoken to reprove Kino-s, that they fhould not touch his anointed Saints and Servants, the Seed of Abraham, as the Verfe next before might have taught you: He reprov'd Kino-s for their fakes, faying, Touch not mine Anointed, and do my Prophets no harm; according to that, 2 Cor. 1. 2j. He who hath anointed us, is God. But how well you confirm one wrefted Scripture with another? 1 Sam. 8. 7. Tk < have not rejetled thee, but me: grofly miiapplying thefe words, which were not fpoken to any who had refi/led or rejected a King, but to them who much again ft the Will of God had fought a King, and rejected a Commonwealth, wherin they might have liv'd happily under the Reign ofGod only, their King. Let the words interpret themfelves -, ver. 6, 7. But the thing difpleafed Samuel, when they /aid, give us a King to judge us : and Samuel pray'd unto the Lcrd. And the Lord [aid unto Samuel, hearken unto the voice of the People in all that i hey fay unto thee ; for they have not rejetled thee, but they have rejetled me, that FJhe not reign over them. Hence you conclude, fo indiffohble is the Conjunction of God and the King. O notorious Abufe of Scripture ! whenas you mould have concluded, fo unwilling was God to give them a King, fo wide was the dis- junction of God from a King. Is this the Doctrine you boaft of, to be fd cleat in itfelf, and like a Mathematical Principle, that needs no farther Demon- /{ration ? Bad Logic, bad Mathematics (for Principles can have no Demon- ftration at all) but worfe Divinity. O People of an implicit Faith no better than Rcmifh, if thefe be thy prime Teachers, who to their credulous Audience dare thus juggle with Scripture, to alledge thofe places for the proof of their Doctrine, which are the plain Refutation : and this is all the Scripture which he brings to confirm his point. The reft of his Preachment is meer groundlefs Chat, fave here and there a few grains of Corn fcatter'd tointice the filly Fowl into his Net, interlacM here and there with fome human reading, tho' flight, and not without Geogra- phical and Hiftorical Miftakes : as pag. 29. Suevia the German Dukedom, for Suecia the Northern Kingdom : Philip of Macedon, who is generally under- ftood of the Great Alexander's Father only, made contemporary, page 31. with T. Quintus the Roman Commander, inftead of T. Qnintius, and the latter Philip : and pag. 44. Tully cited in his third Oration againft Verres, to lay of him, that he was a wicked Conful, who never was a Conlul : nor Trojan Sedition ever pcurtray'd by that V erfe of Virgil, which you cite pag. 47. as that of Trey "i School-boys could have told you, that there is nothing of Troy in that whole Pourtraiture, as you call it, of Sedition. Thefe grofs Miftakes may juftly bring in doubt your other loofe Citations, and that you take them up fome- where at the lecond or third hand rafhly, and without due confidcring. Nor are you happier in the relating or the moralizing your Fable. The Frogs (bCtUg OtlCC aftee Nation, faith the Fable) petition- 'd Jupiter for a King: he tumbled among them a Log : They found it infenfible ; they petition'- 'ii then for a King thatfjould be atlive : he fent them a Crane (a ^tOtftj faith the Fable) which ftr -aight fell to pecking them up. This you apply to the reproof of them who defire change : wheras indeed the true Moral fhews rather the folly ol thofe who being free feek a King •, which lor the moft part either as a Log lies heavy on his Subjects, without doing aught worthy of his Dignity and the Charge to maintain him, or as a Stork is ever pecking them up, and devouring them, But by our fundamental Laws, the King is the highefl Power, pag. 40. If we mull hear Mooting and Law-Lectures from the Pulpit, what ihame is it for a Doctor of Divinity, not firft to confider, that no Law can be fundamental but that which is grounded on the Light of Nature or right Reafon, com- monly call'd Moral Law: which no Form of Government was ever counted, bur Brief Notes on Dr. Griffith 'i Sermon. 60$ but arbitrary, and at all times in the choice of every free People, or their Reprefcnters ? This choice of Government is fo efTential to their Freedom, that longer than they have it, they are not free. In this Land not only the late King and his Pofterity, but Kingfhip itfelf hath been abrogated by a Law; which involves with as good reafon the Pofterity of a King forfeited to the People, as that Law hertofore of Treafon againft the King, attainted the Children with the Father. This Law againft both King and Kingfhip they who moft queftion, do not lefs queftion all enacted without the King and his Anti-Parlament at Oxford, though call'd Mungrel by himfelf. If no Law muft be held good, but what pafles in full Parlament, then furely in exaftnefs of Le- gality, no Member muft be miffing : for look how many are miffing, fo many Counties or Cities that fent them want their Reprefenters. But if being once chofen, they ferve for the whole Nation, then any number which is fumcient, is full, and moft of all in times of difcord, neceffity and danger. The King himfelf was bound by the old Mode of Parlaments, not to be abfent, but ia cafe of Sicknefs, or lb me extraordinary occafion, and then to leave his Sub- ftitute ; much lefs might any Member be allow'd to abfent himfelf. If the King then and many of the Members with him, without leaving any in his ftead, forfook the Parlament upon a meer panic fear, as was that time judg'd by moft Men, and to levy War againft them that fat, fhould they who were left fitting, break up, or not dare enaft aught of neareft and prelenteft con- cernment to public Safety, for the punctilio wanting of a full number, which no Law-book in fuch extraordinary cafes hath determin'd ? Certainly if it were lawful for them to fly from their Charge upon pretence of private Safety, it was much more lawful for thefe to fit and aft in their trult what was neceflary for the public. By a Law therfore of Parlament, and of a Par- lament that conquer'd both Ireland, Scotland, and all their Enemies in England, defended their Friends, were generally acknowledg'd for a Parlament both at home and abroad, Kingfhip was abolifh'd : This Law now of late hath been negatively repeal'd ; yet Kingfhip not pofitively reftor'd, and I fuppofe ne- ver was cftablifh'd by any certain Law in this Land, nor poffibly could be : for how could our Fore- fathers bind us to any certain Form of Government, more than we can bind our Pofterity ? If a People be put to war with their King for this Mifgovernment, and overcome him, the Power is then un- doubtedly in their own hands how they will be govern'd. The War was granted juft by the King himfelf at the begining of his laft Treaty, and ftill maintain'd to be fo by this laft Parlament, as appears by the Qualification prefcrib'd to the Members of this next enfuing, That none fhall be elefted, who have borne Arms againft the Parlament fince 1641. If the War were juft, the Conqueft was alio juft by the Law of Nations. And he who was the chief Enemy, in all right ceas'd to be the King, efpecially after Captivi- ty, by the deciding Verdift of War; and Royalty with all her Laws and Pretenfions, yet remains in the Viftor's power, together with the choice of our future Government. Free Commonwealths have been ever counted fitteft and propereft for civil, virtuous and induftrious Nations, abounding with prudent Men worthy to govern : Monarchy fitteft to curb degenerate, cor- rupt, idle, proud, luxurious People. If we defire to be of the former, no- thing better for us, nothing nobler than a Free Commonwealth : if we will needs condemn ourfelves to be of the latter, defpairing of our own Virtue, Induftry, and the Number of our able Men, we may then, confeious of our own unworthinefs to be govern'd better, fadly betake us to our befitting Thraldom : yet chufing out of our own number one who hath belt aided the People, and beft merited againft Tyranny, the fpace of a Reign or two we may chance to live happily enough, or tolerably. But that a victorious Peo- ple fhould give up themielves again to the vanquifh'd, was never yet heard of ; feems rather void of all Reafon and good Policy, and will in all probability lubjeft the Subduers to the Subdu'd, will expofe to Revenge, to Beggary, to Ruin and perpetual Bondage, the Viftors under the Vanquifh'd : than which what can be more unworthy ? From milinterpreting our Law, you return to do again the fame with Scripture, and would prove the Supremacy of Englijb Kings from 1 Pet. 2. 13. as if that were the Apoltle's work : wherin if he faith that the King is fn- j>reme t 6o6 Brief Notes on Dr. Griffiths Sermon. preme, he fpeaks fo of him but as an Ordinance of Man, and in refpect of thofe Governors that are fent by him, not in refpect of Parlaments, which by the Law of this Land are his Bridle; in vain his Bridle, if not a lib his Rider : and therfore hath not only Co-ordination with him, which you falfly call [editions, but hath Superiority above hiir, and that neither againft Religion, nor right Reafon : no nor againft common Law ; for our Kings reign*d only by Law. But the Pariament is above all pofitive Law, whether civil or common, makes or unmakes them both •, and ftill the latter Pariament above the former, above all the former Lawgivers, then certainly above all precedent Laws, entail'd the Crown on whom it pleas'd •, and, as a great Law- yer faith, is fo tranfcendent and abfolute, that it cannot be ccnfn'd either for Caufes or Perfons, within any bounds. But your cry is, no Pariament without a Kino-. If this be fo, we have never had lawful Kings, who have all been created Kings either by fuch Parlaments, or by Conqueft : if by fuch Parlaments, they are in your allowance none : if by Conqueft, that Conqueft we have now conquer'd. So that as well by your own Affertion as by ours, there can at prefent be no King. And how could that Perlbn be abfolute] y fupreme, wno reign'd, not under Law only, but under Oath of his good Demeanor, given to the People at his Coronation, e'er the People gave him his Crown ? And his principal Oath was to maintain thofe Laws which the People fhould entile. If then the Law itfelf, much more he who was but the Keeper and Minifcer of Law, was in their choice, and both he fubordinate to the per- formance of his Duty f.vorn, and our fworn Allegiance in order only to his performance. You fall next on the Confiflorian Schifmatics ; for fo you call Prefbyterians, fag. 40. and judge them to have enervated the King's Supremacy by their Opi- nions and Frafnce, differing in many things only in terms from Popery ; though fome of thofe Principles which you there cite concerning Kingfhip, are to be read in Jrijlctle's Politics, long e'er Popery was thought on. The Prefbyte- rians therfore it concerns to be well forewarn'd of you betimes ; and to them I leave you. As for your Examples of feditious Men, pag. 54, &c. Cora, Abfalom, Ziniri, Sheba, to thefe you might with much more reafon have added your own Name, xvhoblczv the Trumpet of Sedition from your Pulpit againft the prefent Govern- ment: in reward wherof they have lent you by this time, as I hear, to your own place, for preaching open Sedition, while you would feem to preach againft it. As for your Appendix annex'd of the Samaritan reviv'd, finding it fo foul a Libel againft all the well-affefted of this Land, fince the very time of Ship- money, againft the whole Pariament, both Lords and Commons, except thofe that fled to Oxford, againft the whole reform'd Church, not only in England and Scotland, but all over Europe (in companion wherof you and your Prela- tical Party are more truly Schifmatics and Sectarians, nay, more properly Fanatics in your Fanes and gilded Temples, than thofe whom you revile by thofe Names) and meeting with no more Scripture or folid Reafon in your amdriian wine and oil, than hath already been found fophifticated and adulte- rate, I leave your malignant Narrative, as needing no other Confutation, than the juftCenfure already pafs'd upon you by the Council of State. ACCE- ACCEDENCE Commenc'd GRAMMAR, Supply'd with fufficient RULES For the ufe of fuch as, Younger or Elder, are defirous, without more trouble than needs, to attain the Latin Tongue , the elder fort efpe- ciallv, with little teaching, and their own in- duftry. To the Re ad er. IT hath bin long a general complaint, not without caufe, in the bringing up of Touth, and ft ill is, that the tenth part of man's life, ordinarily extended, k taken up in learning, and that very fcarcely, the Latin Tongue. Which tar- dy proficience may be attributed to fever al caufes : in particular, the making two Labours of one, by learning firft the Accedence, then /fo Grammar in Latin, e'er the Language ofthofe Rules be underftood. 'The only remedy of this, was to join both Books into one, and in the Engliih Tongue •, wherby the long way ismuch abbreviated, and the labour of under/landing much more eafy : a work fuppos'd not to have been done formerly, or if done s not without fuch difference here in brevity and alteration* as may be found of moment. That of Grammar, touching Letters and Syllables, is emitted, as learnt before, and little different from the Engliih Spelling-book ; efpe- cially fince few will be pcrfwaded to pronounce Latin otherwife than their own Eng- liih. What will not come under Rule, by reafon of the much variety in Declenjion, Gender, or Conftruclion, is alfo here omitted, left the ccurfe and cleamefs of method be clogg'd with Catalogues injtead of Rules, or too much interruption between Rule and Rule : Which Linaker, fetting down the various Idioms of many Verbs, was fore'd to do by Alphabet ; and therfore though very learned, not thought fit to be read in Schools. But in fuch words, a Dictionary /cr'i with good Authorities will be found the readicft guide. Of fgurate Conftruclion, what is ufeful, is digefted into feveral Rules of Syntaxis : and Profody, after this Grammar well learn'd, will not need to be Englilh'd for him who hath a mind to read it. Account might be now given what addition or alteration from other Grammars hath bin here made, and for what reafon. But he who would be floor t in teaching, muft not be long in prefacing; The Book itf elf follows, and will declare fufficiently to them who candifcern. 6oy ACCE- 6o8 ACCEDENCE Commenc'd GRAMMA LATIN Grammar is the Art of right underft.inding, fpeak- ing, or writing Latin, ob- ferv'd from them who have fpoken or written it bed. i Crammer hath two Parts : right- wording, ufually call'd Etymology, and ricrht-joining of words, or Syntaxis. Etymology, or right-wording, teach- eth what belongs to every fingle word or part of Speech. Of Latin SPEECH Are eight General Parts: /] YroKOim \^UC- Verb ( clin'ci FartkipkX f Adverb j \ Conjunction / Unde- "\Vrepofitiou fclin'd. / Tnterjeft:on\ DEclin'dare tliofe words which have divers endings •, as Homo a man, Hominisoi a man •, Amo I love, amas thou lovell. Undeclin'd are thofe words which have but one ending, as bene well, cum when, turn then. Nouns, Pronouns, and Participles, are declin'd with Gender, Number, and Cafe ; Verbs, as hereafter in the Verb. Of Genders. GEnders are three, the Mafculin, Feminin, and Neuter. The Maf- culin may be declin'd with this Article Hie, as hie Vir a Man ; the Feminin with this Article, Hac, as bac Mulier a Woman ; the Neuter with this Article Hoc, as hoe Saxutn a Stone. Of the Mafculin are generally all Nouns belonging to the Male kind, as alfo the Names of Rivers, Months and ■Winds! Of the Feminin, all Nouns belong- ing to the Female kind, as alfo the Names of Countries, Cities, Trees, fome few of the two latter except- ed : Of Cities, as Agragas and $ul- mo, Mafculin ; Argos, Tibur, Pr<e- nejle, and fuch as end in urn, Neuter ; Anxur both. Of Trees, Oleajler and Spinits, Mafculin ■, but Oleajler is read alfo Feminin, Cic. verr. 4. Acer,filer t Juber, thus, robur, Neuter. And of the Neuter are all Nouns, not being proper Names, ending in urn, and many others. Some Nouns are of two Genders, as hie or hac dies a day •, and all fuch as may be fpoken both of Male and Fe- male, as hie or hxc Parens a Father or Mother : fome be of three, as hie h<ec and hoc Felix happy. Of Numbers. WOrds declin'd have two Num- bers, the Singular and the Plu- ral. The Singular fpeaketh but of one, as Lapis a Stone. The Plural of more than one, as Lapides Stones ■, yet foine- times but of one, as Athena the City Athens, Liter* an Epiftle, ades tedium a Houfe. Note, that fome Nouns have no fin- gular, and fome no plural, as the na- ture of their fignirication requires. Some arc of one Gender in the fingu- lar ; of another, or of two Genders in the plural, as reading will belt teach. Of Cafes. NOuns, Pronouns, and Partici- ples are declin'd with fix end- ings, which are call'd Cafes, both in the fingular and plural number. The Nominative, Genitive, Dative, Accu- fative, Vocative, and Ablative. The Nominative isthe firftCafe, arid properly nameth the thing, as Libera Book. The Genitive is englifh'd with this Sign of, as I.ibri of a Book. The Dative with this Sign to, or for, as Libro to or for a Book. The Accufatlve hath no Sign. The Vocative calleth or fpeaketh to, as O Liber O Book, and is.commonly like the Nominative. But in the Neuter Gender the No- minative, Accufative, and Vocative, are like in both Numbers, and in the Plural end always in a. The Accedence commencd Grammar, The Ablative is englijb'd with thefe Signs, /;/, with, of, for, from, by, and fuch like, as De Libro of or from the Book, pro Libro for the Book ; and the Ablative Plural is always like the Da- tive. Note, that fome Nouns have but one ending throughout all Cafes, as Frugi, nequqm, nihil ; and all words of num- ber from three to a hundred, as qua t nor four, quinque five, &c. Some have but one, fome two, fome three Cafes only, in the Angu- lar or plural, as Ufe will beft teach. Of a Noun. A Noun is the name of a thing, as Manns a Hand, Domus a Houfe, Bonus Good, Fulchcr Fair. Nouns be Subftantives or Adjectives. A Noun Subftantive is underftood by it felfj as homo a man, domus a houfe. An Adjective, to be well underftood, requireth a Subftantive to be join'd with it, as bonus good, parvus little, which cannot be well underftood unlefs fomethinggoodorlittlebeeithernam'd, as bonus vir a good man, parvus puer a little boy -, or by ufe underftood, as honeftum an honeft thing, boni good men. The Declining of Subftantives. NOuns Subftantives have five De- clenfions or forms of ending their Cafes, chiefly diftinguifh'd by the diffe- rent ending of their Genitive Singular. The firft Declenfion. THE firft is when the Genitive and Dative fingularend in a, &c. as in the Example following. Singular. ~\ r Plural. No.Voc. Abl. ?«/'_/# J \ Norn. Voc. tmtfa Gen. Dat. mufa Ace. mufam Gen. mufarum Dat. Abl. mufts Ace. mufas. This one word fatnilia join'd with pater, mater, films, or filia, endeth the Genitive in as, as pater familias, but fometimes familia. Dca, nulla, cnita, liberla, make the Dative and Ablative plural in abu$ ; filia and nata in is or abus. The firft Declenfion endeth always in a, unlefs in fome words deriv'd of the Greek : and is always of the Femi • mine Gender, except in names attribu- ted to men, according to the general Rule, or to Stars, as Cometa. Planeta. Vol. I. Nouns, and efpecially proper Names derived of the Greek, have here three endings, as, es, e, and are declin'd in fome of their Cafes after the Greek form. ASneas, ace. ALnean, voc. Mnea ; Anchifes, ace. Anchifen, voc. Ancbife or Anchifa, abl. Anchife. Pe- nelope, Penelopes, Penelopen, voc. abl. Penelope. Sometimes following the Latin, as Marfya, Philocleta, for as., and es ; Philotletam, Eriphylam, for an and en. Cic. The fecond Declenfion. THE fecond is when the Genitive Singular endeth in /, the Dative in o, (s?c. 609 Sing. Norn. Voc Gen. libri Dat. Abl. libro Ace. librum Libert Plur. Nom,Voc.Lifoi Gen. librarian iDat.AbU^rw _) (.A.CC. libros. Note that when the Nominative endeth in us, the Vocative fhall end in e, as Dominus Dsmine^ except Deus 6 Deus. And thefe following, Agnus, Incus, vulgus, populus, chorus, fluvius, e or us. When the Nominative endeth in jus, if it be the proper name of a man, the vocative fhall end in /, as Georgius 6 Georgi; hereto add films ofili, and ge- nius 6 gent. All Nouns of the Second Declenfion are of the Mafculine or Neuter Gender; ot the Mafculine, fuch as end in ir, or, or us, except fome few, humus, domus, alvus, and others deriv'd of the Greek, as methodus, antidotus, and the like, which are of the Feminine, and fome of them fometimes alio Mafculine, as ato- mus, phafelus ; to which add ficus the name of a difeafe, groffus, pampinus, and rubus. Thole of the Neuter, except virus, pelagus, and vulgus (which laft is fome- times Mafculine) end all in urn, and are declin'd as followeth : Sing. No.Ac.Vo.S/tf-/ Gcn.ftudii [dium ?* Dat. Abl. jtudio J Plur. No.Ac.Yoc.Studia I Gen. ftudiorum Dat. Abl. jludiis. Some Nouns in this Declenfion are of the firft Example Singular, of the fe- cond Plural, as Pergamus the City Trey, Plur. H(?c Pergama ; and fome names of Hills, as Minalus, Ifmarus, hoc If- tnara ; fo alio Tartarus, and the Lake Avernui; others are of both, asfibilus, jeetc, locu<, hi loci, or hac loca. Some I i i i are 6l6 Accedence commencd Grammar. are of the fecond example Singular, of the firft Plural, as Argos, Ccelum, Plur. hi Cceli ; others of both, as Ra- ft rum, Capiftrum, Filum, Franum; Plur. fra-ni or frana. Nundinum, & E- pulum, are of the firft Declenfion Plu- ral, Nundina, Epula; Balneum of both, balnea or balnea. Greek proper names have here three endings, os, on, and us long from a Greek Diphthong. H<cc Delos, banc Delon. Hoc llion. The reft regular, Hicpantbus, opantbu, Virg. The third Declenfion. TH E third is when the Genitive fingular endeth in is, the Dative in i, the Accufative in em, and fome- times in im, the Ablative in e, and fometimes in :' ; the Nom. Ace. Voc. Plural, in es, the Genitive in urn, and fometimes in turn, &c. Sing. )f Plur. No.Gen.Vo.P^-/SNom.Ac.Vo./awJ Dat. pant [swS^Gen. panum Ace. panem C ^Dat. Abl. panibm. Abl. pane. JC Sing. Plur- No.Voc.ParensJ\No.Ac.Vo.parentes Gen. parentis ( ^)Gen. parentum Vixt.parenti [ \Dat. Ab. parenti- Acc. parent em \/ [bus. Abl. parent e This third Declenfion, with many endings, hath all Genders, beft known by dividing all Nouns hereto belong- ing into fuch as either increafe one fyl- lable long or fhort in the Genitive, or increafe not at all. Such as increafe not in the Genitive are generally Feminine, as Nubesnubis, Caro carnis. Except fuch as end in er, as bic ven- ter ventris, and thefe in is following, natalis, aqualis, lienis, orbis, callis, cau- /i/ 4 collis, follis, men/is, enfis, fufiis, fu- nis, panis, penis, crinis, ignis, cajfis, fafcis, torris, pifcis, unguis, -vermis, veilis, pops, axis, and the Compounds of affis, as centufis. But Canalis, finis, clunis, reftis,fentU, amnis, corbis, linter, torquis, anguis, bic or hac : To thefe add vepres. Such as end in e are Neuters, as ma- re, rcte, and two Greek in es, as hippo- manes, caccethes. Nouns encreafing long. Nouns encreafing one fyllable long in the Genitive are generally Feminine, as b<ec pietas pietatis, virtus virtutis. Except fuch as end in ans Mafculin, as dodrans, quadrans, fextans •, in en<, as oriens, torren-., bidens, a pick-ax. In or, molt commonly deriv'd of Verbs, as pallor, clamor ; in o, nor thence deriv'd, as tcrnio, Jenio, ferm, temc, and the like. And thefe of one fyllable, fal, ft>' r rcn, fplen, as, bes, pes, mos, fios, rosj dens, mons, pom, fans, grex. And words deriv'd from the GrC'-k in en, as lichen ; in er, as crater ; in as, as adamas ; in es, as Ubes ; to thefe, hydrops, thorax, pbcenix. But fi robs, rudens, Jlirps, the body or root of a tree, and calx a heel, bic or hac. Neuter, thefe of one fyllable, met, fel, lac, far, ver, cor, a*s, vas vajls, os offis, os oris, rus, thus, jus, crus, pus. And of more fyllablcs in al and ar, as capital, laqttear, but halec hoc or hac. Nouns encreafing fiort. Nouns encreafing fhort in the Geni- tive are generally Mafculine, as bit fanguis fanguinis, lapis lapidis. Except, Feminine all words of many fyllables ending in do or go, ?.sdu!ce.:c, compago ; arbor, by ems, cujpis, pecus pe- cudis : Thefe in ex, forfex, carex, to- mex,fupe!lex: In ix, appendix, hijirix, coxe)idix,filix; Greek Nouns in as and is, as lampas, iafpis : To thefe add chlamis, bacchar, fyndon, icon. But margo, cinis, pulvis, adeps, for- ceps, pumex, ramex, imbrex, obex, Jllex, cortex, onyx and fardonyx, hie or hac. Neuters are all ending in a, zsproble- ma ; in en, except hie peilen -, in ar, as jubar ; in er thefe, verier, iter, uber, cadaver, zinziber, lafer, cicer, fifer, pi- per, papaver ; fometimes in ur, except bic furfur, in us, as onus, in ut, as ca- put ; to thefe marmor, aquor, ador. Greek proper names here end in as % an, is, and ens, and may be declin'd fome wholly after the Greek form, as Pallas, pallados, palladi,pallada% others in fome Cafes, as Atlas, ace. Atlanta, voc. Atla. Garamas, plur. garamantes, ace. garamantas. Pan, panos, pana. Phyllis, pbyllidos,voc.phylli,y\\ir.Pbylii- des, ace. phyllidas. Tetbys, tethyos, ace. tethyn, voc. tethy. Neapolis neapclics, ace. neapolin. Paris, paridos or parios, ace. parida or par in. Orpheus, crpheos, crphei, crphea, orpheu. But Names in eus borrow fometimes their Genitive of the fecond Declenfion, as Erechthepj, erechthei. Cic. Achilles or Achil/ctr. Achil- Accedence commence! Grammar. 611 Achillei ; and fometimes their A> tive in on or urn, as Orpheus Orpheon, Thefeus Thefeum, Perfeus Perfeum, which fometimes is form'd after Greek words of the firft Declenfion Latin, Perfeus i >r Perfes, Perfce Perfa Per/en Perfa Per/a. The fourth Dcclenfion. THE fourth is when the Genitive Singular endeth in us t the Dative Singular in ui, and fometimes in //, Plural in ibus, and fometimes in alia. Sing. -j r Plur. No.Ge.Vo.&w/w / \ No.Ac.Vo.fenfus Dat. fenfui \ ) Gen. fenfuum \.cc. fenfum \ J Dat. AbL fenjlbus. Ab\. fa: . )l The fourth Declenfion hath two end- ings, us and /.' ; us generally Mafculine, except fome few, as hac manns, fiats, the fruit of a tree, acus, portions, tri- hus , but penv.s and fpecus hie or hac. £7 of the Neuter, as gelu, genu, veru; but in the Singular molt part defective. Proper Names inland o long, per- taining to the fourth Declenfion Greek, may belong beft to the fourth in La' in, as Andrcgeos, Gen. Androgeo, Ac. An geon -, Hie Athos, hunc Atbo,~Virg. Hasc Sappho, Gen. Sapphus, Ace. Sappho. Bet- ter Authors follow the Latin form, as Dido Didonis Didoncm. But Jefus 'Jcfu Jefu Jejuni Jefu Jefu. The fifth Declenfion. THE fifth is when the Genitive and Dative Singular end in ei, &c. \r Plur. <No. Ac. Voc. res t-'Gcn. rerum at. Abl. rebus. Sing. t Norn. Voc. Res\ Gen. Dat. ret Ace. rem Abl. re All Nouns of the fifth Declenfion are of the Feminine Gender, except dies hie or hac, and his Compound t. dies hie only. Some Nouns are of more Dec'enfions than one, as vr.s vafis of the third in the Singular, of the fecond in the Plural vafa vaforum. Coins, la. . and fome others, of the fecond and fourth. Saturnalia, faturnaliv.m or fa- turnaliorum, faturnalibus, and fuch o- ther names of feafts. Poemata pot a- tum, pecmatis or poematibus, of the fe- cond and third Plural. Plebs of the third and fifth, plebis or plebei. The Declining of Adjectives. A Noun Adjective is declin'd with three Terminations, or with three Articles. An Adjective of three terminations is declin'd like the firft and fecond De- clenfion of Subftantives join'd together alter this manner. Sing. Nom. bonus bona bonttm ' Sen. boni borne boni Dat. bono honor bom mem bonam . voc bone bona bonum Abl. bono bona bono Plur. Nom. Vo. boni bin c bona Gen. bonorum bona- rum bonorum 'Dm. Abl. bonis • Ac. bonos bonas bona. In like manner thofe in er and ur, as facer facra facrum,fatur fatura faturum -, but ums, lotus, folus, alius, alter, ullus, uter, with their Compounds neuter, u- terque, and the like, make their Geni- tive Singular in ius, the Dative in i, ., Gen. unius. Dat. u- ni, in all the reft like bonus, lave that maketh in the Neuter Gender ali- ud, and in the Dative alii, and fome- times in the Genitive. Ambo and duo be thus declin'd in the plural only. Nom. Voc. Ambo ami* ambo Gen. aytiborum ambarum amborum. Dat. Ab ! .' ambobus ambabus ambobus Ace. ambos or ambo, ambas ambo. Adjectives of three Articles have in the Nominative either one ending, as hie, hac, & hoc felix ; or two, as hie & hac trifiis & hoc trifle • and are de- clin'd like the third Declenfion of Sub* ftantiyes, as followeth. Sing. Nom. hie bac & hoc Felix. Gen. felicis Dzt.fetki Ace. hunc isf hanefeli- cem, & hoc felix- Voc. 6 felix. Abl. fclice or fclici Plur. Nom. hi fcf ha felices, & hac filicia Gen. feltcium '),{ Dat. m.felicibus [ Ace. bos & has felices [ tf hac filicia \ Voc. o felices, & ofi- L Hcia. Sing. 1 No hie & hac trifiis \ & hoc trifle Gen./ Dat. Abl. trifti Ac. hunc & banc tri- em, Cif hoc trifle Voc. 6 trifiis tjf 6 Plur. Nom. hi y ha trifla C5f bare triflia , Gen. triftium >•< Dat. AU. trifiibus Ac. hos fjf has trifles, hac triflia Voc. o trifles, if 6 ti iflia. J I There be alfo another fort which in the Nominative Cafe three Terminations and three Articles, as hie acer, hie &? hac acris, hoc acre. In like manner be declined equejler, volu~ cer, and fome few others, being in all other cafes like the Examples before- going. I ii i Com- 12 Accedence commend 'a 7 Grammar. Comparifons of Nouns. ADjettive?, whofe fignification may increafe or be diminifh'd, may form Companion, wherof there be two decrees above the pofitive word it felf, The Comparative, and Superlative. The Pofitive fignifieth the thing it felf without comparing, as durus hard. The Comparative exceedeth his Po- fitive in fignification, compar'd with fome other, as durior harder ; and is form'd of the firft Cafe of his Pofitive that endeth in t, by putting therto or and us, as of dun, hie 13 h<sc durior, (3 bocdurius: of dulci, dulcior, dukius. The Superlative exceedeth his Pofi- tive in the higheft degree, as duriffimus hardeft •, and it is form'd of the firft Cafe of his Pofitive that endeth in is, by putting therto fimus, as of duris du- riffimus, dulcis dukiffmus. If the Pofitive end in er, the Super- lative is form'd of the nominative cafe by putting to rimus, as pulcher pulcher- rimus. Like to thefe zr&vetus veterri- mus, maturus maturimus; but dexter dexterrimus, and ftnijhr, fmiftericr, fi- fiijlerrimus. All thefe Nouns ending in lis make the Superlative by changing is into li- mits, as humilis, fwiilis, faeiiis, gracilis, agilis, docilis docillimus. All other Nouns ending in lis do fol- low the general Rule, as utilis utiliffimus. Of thefe Pofitives following are form'd a different fort of Superlatives ; offuperus, fupremus and fummus ; infe- rus, infimus and imus ; exterus, extimus and extremus ; pejierus poftremus. Some of thefe want the Pofitive, and are form'd from Adverbs •, of intra, interior intimus, ultra ulterior ultimus, citra literior citimus, pridem prior pri- mus, prope propiorproximus. Others from Pofitives without Cafe, as nequam, ncquior, ncquiffimits . Some alfo from no Pofitive, as ocier cciffmus. Some want the Comparative, ■^novusnoviffimus, inclytus inclytijfimus. Some the Superlative, as fenex fenior, juvenis junior, adolefcens adolefcentior. Some ending in us, frame their Com- parative as if they ended in ens, bene- z'olus, maledicus, magnificus magnificen- tior magnificentiffimus . Thefe following are without Rule, Bonus melior optimus, Mains pejor pefji- ttlttS, Magnus major maximus, Parvus minor minimus ; Mult us plurimus, mul- ta plurima, multum plus plurimum. If a Vowel come before its, it is compared with magis and maxt'tiie, as pius, magis pins, maxime pins ; idoneu i , magis and maxime idoneus. Yet fome of thefe follow the general Rule, as Afjiduus affiduiffanus, ftretiuus firenuior^ exiguits exiguiffimu!, tenuis tenuior , ifjimns Of a Pronoun. A Pronoun is a part of Speech that ftandeth for a Noun Subftantive, either at prefent or before fpoken of, as ille, he or that, hie this, qui who. There be ten Pronouns, Ego, tu, fui 9 ille, ipfe, ifte, hie, is, qui and quis, be- fides their Compounds, egomet, tute, hicce, idem, qui/nam, aliquis, and fuch others. The reft fo call'd, as meus % tuus, fuus, nefter, vefier, nostras, vef- tras, cujus and cujas, are not Pro- nouns, but Adjectives thence deriv'd. Of Pronouns fuch as fhew the thing prefent are called Demonjlratives, as ego, tu, hie ; and fuch us refer to a thing antecedent, or lpoken of before, are called Relatives, as qui who or which. ghfis, and often qui, becaufe they afk a queftion, are called Interroga- tives, with their Compounds cequis > numquis. Beclenfions of Pronouns are three. Ego, til, fu.i, be of the firft Declen- fion, and be thus declin'd. Sing. Nom. Ego Gen. met Dat. mihi Acc. Abl. me Voc caret. Sing. Nom. Vcc. Tu Gen. tui Dat. tibi Acc. Abl. u Plur. Nom. Acc. Nos Gen. noftrum or tioftri Dat. Abl. nobis Voc. caret. Plur. Mom. Acc. Voc. -jh Gen. tiejirum or. Dat. Abl. vobis. ing. IS lur. SI Sing PI Nom. Voc. caret Gen. fui "Dzt.fibi \ Acc. Abl. fe. From thefe three be deriv'd mens, tuus, fuus, nefter, vefier, nq/iras, vef- tras, (which are called PofTeffives) wherof the former five be declin'd like Adjectives of three Terminations, ex- cept that mens in the Vocative Cafe maketh mi, mea, meum; Noftras, Vef- tras, with three Articles, as hie & h<ec noftras, cjf hoc noftr as or nrftrate, veftra- te. In other Cafes according to rule. Thefe three, ille, ifte, ipfe, be of the fecondDeclenfion, making their Geni- tive Accedence commencd Grammar. tive Angular in im, their Dative in *'; and the former two be declin'd like the Adjective alius, and the third like units before fpoken of. f Norn. Hit ilia Hind, Gen. illiui, Dat. OIL Sing. < Nom. ijle ijla ijlud, Gen. ijlius, Dat. ijli. £ Nom. ipfe ipfa ipjum, Gen. ipfius, Dat. ipji. Thefe four, hie, is, qui and quis, be of the third Declenfion, making their Genitive fingular in jus, with j confo- nant, and be declin'd after this man- ner. Sing. Nom. hie h/ec hoc Gen. hujus Dat. huic Ace. hunc hanchoc | Voc. caret. Abl. hoc hac hoc. Plur. Nom. hi ha- hrvc ^Gen. horum harum rum | Dat. Abl. bit Ace. hoi has hecc ■ Voc. caret. Plur. Nom ii nt: ea JGen. eorum earum coram Dat. Abl. i/jor eii | Ace. cos eas ea Voc. caret. Of ijle and hie is compounded iftic, ., ijloc or iftuc . Ace. ijlunc, ifiane, iftoc or ^?«f. Abl. ijloc, iftac, ijloc, Plu. (/?<tff only. Sing. Nom. is ea id Gen ejus Dat. ti Ace. cum earn id Voc. caret Abl. f« f« £0. Sing. Nom. qui qua quod Gen. cujus Dat. «i Ace. quern quant quod VOC. flWrf Abl. quo qua quo or j/« In like manner, quivis, quilibet, and quicunque the Compounds. Sing. Nom. quis, qua or ^a^, quid, Gen. &c. like jraii, So quifquam, quif- nam, Compounds. Of Sjuis are made thefe Pronoun Adjectives, cujus cuja cujum, whole; and hie & heve cujas and hoc cujate i of what Nation. ^uifquis is defective, and thus de- clin'd, C Sls'ifqu'i ~) C 7 f Quoqua No. < V Ac. < Shiicquid \ Ab. < ^ueiqut [Shticquid} (_ J (^Sfuoqui Plur. Nom. <?«/' yw,^ yw^e Gen. quorum quarum quorum (queis Dat. Abl. quibus or Ace. y/'3* quas qu<£ •Voc. rartf. y«<2 Of a Verb. A Verb is a part of fpeech, that be- tokeneth being, zsfum I am, or g , as laudo I praife •, and is declin'd with Mood, Tenfe, Number and Perfon. Moods, The Indicative Mood JJjiweth or de- clarelh, as laudo I praife. The Imperative biddetb or exhortelh, as te/i'/o praife thou. The Potential or Subjunctive is eng- lijlfd with thefe Signs, may, can, mighty would, could, jhould: Or without them as the Indicative, if a Conjunction go before or follow ; as laudem, I may or can praife. Cumlaudarem when I praif- ed. Cav/jfem, f prxvidiffem, I had bewar'd if I had forefeen. The Infinitive is englijlfd with this fign to*, as laudare to praife. 613 T Tcnfes. IHere be three Tenfes which ex- prefs the time of doing : The Pre- fent, the Preterit or paft, and the Future. The Prefent Tenfe fpeaketh of the time that now is, as laudo I praife. The Preterit fpeaketh of the time paft, and is diftinguifh'd by three de- grees : the Preterim perfect, the Pre- terperfect, and the Preterpluperfect. The Preterimperfect fpeaketh of the time not perfectly pajl, as laudabam I praifed or did praife. The Preterperfect fpeaketh of the time perfectly pajl, as laudavi I have praifed. The Preterpluperfect fpeaketh of the time more than perfectly pajl, as lauda- verdm I had praifed. The Future Tenfe fpeaketh of the time to come, as laudabo I fhall or will praife. . Per/bns, THrough all Moods, except the In- finitive, there be three Perfons in both Numbers, as, Sing. Laudo I praife, laudas thou praifeft, laudat he praifeth ; Plur. Laudamus we praife, laudatis ye praife, laudant they praife. Except fome Verbs which are declin'd or form'd in the third Perfon only, and have before them this fign, it, as Tee del it irketh, oportet it behoveth, and are called Imperfonals. The Verb which betokeneth being, is properly the Vcrb/nm only, which is therfore call'd a Verb Subftantive, and formed after this manner. Indicative. THere be four Moods which exprefs ** j Su £™; eftj p , ur fumus> eftiS) fun[ the manner of doing; the lndica- p rct . 1 I was. tive, the Imperative, the Potential or imp. \ Eram,eras,erat, PI. eramuf,eratis,erans. Imperative, Subjunctive, and the Infinitive. Pret. 614 Accedence commenced Grammar. I have been. C Fui, fuifti, fuit, Tlur. fuimus, fuiftis, !. I fuerunt or fuere. / had been. C Fueram, fueras, fjerat, PI. fueramu3, I fueratis, fuerant. C IJhall or <wi!l be. \ Ero, eris, erit, PL eriraus, eritis, erunt. Imperative. Be thou, *>l Sis.es, I Sit, ?^$ Si- (Sitis,efte,lSint, i| i efto. I efto. S § I "™ s , I ellote - lunt0 Potential. Prtt. perfeB Pret. flap. Fu- ture. Pre/. $ f"'g- I I may or can be. Sim, fis, fit, PI. fimus, fitis, fint. / might or could be. Prefer- t Efl'em or forem, es, et, PI effemus, imperf. \ effetis, eflent or forent. Prefer- \ I might or could haw been. erfeB. \ Fuerim, ris, rit, PL rimus, rids, rint. If I had kcc n Fuiffcm, es, et, PL emus, etis, ent. perfect. \ Fuerim P refer flu p. C 1 'with a con-< Fu; junction Si £ Future. Si "if If; all be, or Jhall have been. Fuero, ris, rit, PL rimus, ritis, rint. Infinitive. Neuters, as glerior I bcaft: but arc form'd like Pafiives. Conjugations. VErbs both Active and Pal have four Conjugations, or forms of declining, known and diftin- guifh'd by their Infinitive Mood active, which always endeth in re. In the firft Conjugation, after a long, as laudare to praife. In the fecond, after e long, as ha- bere to have. In the third, after e fhorr, as legere to read. In the fourth, after i long, as au- dire to hear. In thefe four Conjugations, Verbs are declin'd or form'd by Mood, Tenfe, Number and Perfon, after thefe Examples. Indicative Mood. Prcfent Tenfe, P . and pretd to or had "J- C 1 [ Preter 7 Faille, a nd J EfTe, to be. L) ' '<' '\have ) f ) & t' rct Cbeen. np, rf. C J U !ll P er - J Future, \ Fore, to be hereafter. In like manner are form'd the Com- pounds ; Abfum adfum, defnm, objum, pr 'fum, profum, pojfum ; but pojfum ibmething varies after this manner. Indicat. Pref. Sing. Pojfum, poles, po- teft, Plur. pojfur,ius,potejiis,po/unt. The other are regular, poteram, potui, po- tueram, potero. Imperative it wants. Potent. Pref. Pojfum, &c. Preterim- perfeci, Pojfem. Infin. Pref. Pcjfe. Preterit. Petuijfe, Voices. IN Verbs that betoken doing are two Voices, the Atlive and the Pqffive. The Active fignifieth to do, and al- ways endeth in o, as doceo I teach. ThcPaffive fignifieth what is done to one by another, and always endeth in or, as doc e or I am taught. From thefe are to be excepted two ibrts of Verbs. The firft are cal- led Neuters, and cannot take or in the pafiive, as curro I run, fedeo I fit; yet fignii;, fometimes pafTivcly, as vapulo I am beaten. The fecond arc call'd Deponents, and fignify actively, asloquor Ifpeak; or Singular. —A.. Plural. Ye 1 Thou Be / 5 U praife. praifefi.praifeth.^ {praife. praife . praife Laudo, laudas, laudat, Habeo, habes, habet, Lego, legi?, legit, Auuic, audis, audit, laudamus.laudatis.laudan 1 habemu:, habetis, habent. legimus, legi.i , Itgunt. audimus, auditis, audiunt. Preter- Laudabam,"} / praitd or did praife. imperfect Habebam, Cbas, bat, Plur. bamus. tenf.fing. Legebam, C Audiebam, Prefer- Laudavj ' perfeB Habui tenf.fing. Legi Audivi bat: ■ banc. / hatie praiid. .ifti, it, Plur. imus, iftis, erunt or eie. Prefer- Laudaveram") I bad praii'J. pluperfeB Habueram C raS) rat , Plur. ramus, tenfe fing. Legeram Audiveram $ ratis, rant. Laudabopbis, bit, Plur. bimus, biti?. Future Habebo 5 bunt, tenf.fing. Legam 7 es, et, Plur. emus, eris, Audiam 5 ent - Imperative Mood. •5 1 Co Praife Let him Let us thou. praife. fro /Lauda, Laudet PL lau- laudato. laudato, demus. Habe, Habeat. PL babe habeto. habeto. L. J ege, guo. Legat legito. Audi, Audiat \audiio. audico. amut, PL Lega mus. PL audi- amiu. Praife ye. Laudate, laudatotc. Habete, habetote. Legite, leguute*. Audite, auditote. Let them praife. Laudent. laudanto. Ilabeant, hab'.-nto. Legant, legunto Audiant, audiur.io. Potential Accedence commend d Grammar* Potential Mood. Laudem, laudes, Iaudet, PL laudemus, Prefent Habeam, ^ laudetis, laudent- tenfe fing. Legam, Cas, at, PL araus, atis, ant. Audiam, 3 P>«w/m-Laudarem,'} I might ox could praife. perfect Haberem, (ra, ret, Plur. remus, tenfefing. Legerem, r retis, rent. Audirem, ) / might or could have praisd. Prefer- Laudaverim, ferj ten, ± 7/liV'Jl Ui LUUiU r,UVC f/fftl t*« , retcr- Laudaverim, "\ erfecl Habuerim, Qris, rit, Plur. rimus, ri- mf.fing. Legerim, r" tis, rint. Audiverim, j Preterplu. LaudaviffenO fing. <with HabuifTem, / a Conjunc- Legillem, f fiim, si AudiviiTem, J 'all praife, . vero,"} :ro, / ris, rit, PI. rimus, ri- o, j tis, rint. ero, J If I had praisd. l~es, fet, PI. femus, fetis, ient. If I /hall praife, or fhall haw praisd. Laudavero, Future Habuero, tenf.fi/ig. Legero, Si Audivero, Infinitive Mood. Prefent Laudare, ~\ and Pre- Habere, ( t crimper- Lege re, P* feci tenfe. Audire, J Preterper- Laudavifle, feci k Pre-HabailTe, terpluper- LegifTe, fed tenfe. Audivifie, Verbs of the third Conjugation irregular in fome Tenfes of the ASlive Voice. Indicative Mood. Prefent Tenfe fingular . "Volo, vis, vult, "1 f" Volumus, vultis, volunt. Nolo, ( ) I Nolumus,- -nolunc. The reft is <want ( J ing in this Tenfe. Malo, mavis, ma- I I Malumus, mavultis, ma- kult ] (_ lant. f Volui. it. i Nolui. I Malui. Preterit Volo and Malo want the Imperative Mood. Imperative. (Noli, ) SNoiite, Potential. Prefent Vclim, teiiffing. N M Nolitote, imus, uis, int. Pntcrim- Yellem pe/fei? N tcnf.fi/ig. M dim, ~h olim, >is, it, lalim, J ellem, ~i ollem, £es, et, PI. emus, etis, ent. allem, \ Prefent I Infinitive, Vellc, Nolle, Malle. Tndicat. Pref. Edo, edis or es, edit or eft ; Plur. Editis, or ejiis. Imper. Ede or es, edito or efto. Edat, edito or ejlo. Plur. Edite efte, editote eftote. Poten. PreterimperfecT: Tenfe, Ede- rem or ejfem. Infinit. Edere or effe. Verbs of the fourth Conjugation ir- regular •, inform Tenfes Active. EO, and queo with his Compound Nequco, make eunt and qiieunt in the Plural Indicative prefent, and in. their PreterimperfecL ibam and cqiiibam, their Future ; ibo and quibo. Imperat. I, ito. Eat, ito. Plur. Ea- mus, ite, itote. Eant, eunto. Potent. Earn, Iran. &c. The forming of the Pa five Voice. Indicative. / am praifed. £. Laudor, aris or are.atur, c5 Habeor, eris orere,etur, "j> Legor, eris or ere.itur, c, Audior, iris or ire,itur, amur.amini.antur. emur,emini,entur. imur.imini, untur. imur,imini,iuntur. Prcterim- Laudabar, ' per/eel Habebar, ( tenf.fing. Legebar, [ Audiebar, . I nuas praisd. ^baris or bare, batur, Plur. bamur, bamini, bantur, Note that the Paffive Voice hath no Preterperfed, nor the Tenfes deriv'd from thence in any Mood. I /ball or will be prats' d. Laudabor, } beris or bere, bitur, Plur. Future Habebor, J bimur, bimini, buntur. tenf.fing. Legar, ) eris or ere, etur, PL emur, Audiar, J emini, entur. Imperative. Be thou Let him be Let us be Be ye Let them be praisd. praisd. praisd. praisd. prais'd. Laudave, laudetur, P.lau-laudamini.laudentur , . laudator, laudator. demur, laudaminor. laudan- -S ( tor - ^Habere,habeatur,f7.habe-habemini,habeamur, J: habetor. habetor. amur. habeminor. habentor. ■g Legere, legator, PL lega- legimini, legantur. "g, legitor. legitor. mur. legiminor. leguntor. Audire,audiatur,P/.audi- audimini, audiantur, auditor, auditor, amur. audimuior. audiumor, Potential. 6*S 6i6 Accedence commenced Grammar. Prefent fi"Z- Potential. 1 may or can be fraud. Lauder, eris or ere, etur, Plur. emur, Habear, O emini, entur. Legar, Caris or are, atur, P!ur. amur, Audiar, S amini, amur. / might or fiould be prais'd. Prettrim- Laudarer, } terfecl Haberer, (reris or rere, retur. Put. jing. Legerer, £ remur, rernini, rentur. Audirer, 3 Infinitive. Prefent & Laudari ' Preterm- Haberi I perfeff. Legi _ | Audiri . Prats d. To be Verbs irregular in feme Tenfes Pajive. EDcr, editor, or efiur : The reft is Regular. The Verb Fio, is partly of the Third, and partly of the Fourth Conjugation, and hath only the Infinitive of the Paffive Form. Indicat. Pref. Sing. Fio, fis, fit, Plur. fimus, fitis, fiunt. Preterimper- feft, Fiebam. Preterperfeft it 'wants. Future Fiam, Sec. Imperat. Fi, fito. Plur. file, fitote, Fiant, fiunto. Poten. Pref. Fiam, &c. Preter- imperfedt. Fur em. Infinit. Fieri. Alfo this Verb Fero, is contracted or ftiorten'd in fome Tenfes, both Active and Paffive, as Fers, fert, for fieri s, ferit, &c. Indicat. Pref. Sing. Fero, fers, fert, Plu.— -/«"/«»— Preterperfeft. ftuli. Imperat, Fer ferto, Sec. Plur. Ferte fcrtote. Potent. Preterimperfeft, Ferrem, &c Infinit. Ferre. Paffive. Indie. Pref. Sing. Feror fierris or ferre, fertur. Sec. ' Imperat. Sing. Ferre, fiertor, Sec. Potent. Preterimperfeft, Ferror. Infinit. Ferri. Of Gerunds and Supines. THere be alfo belonging to the In- finitive Mood of all Verbs cer- tain Voices called Gerunds and Su- pines both of die Aftive and Paffive fignification. The firft Gerund endeth in di, as Laudandi of praifing or of being, prais'd. The fecond in do, as Lau- dando in praifing or in being prais'd. The third in dum, as Laudandtim to praifeor to be prais'd. Note that in the two latter Conju- gations, the Gerunds end fometimts in undi, do, dum, as dicendi or dicundi: But from Eo always eundi, except in the Compound Ambiendi. Supines are two. The firft figni- fieth Aftively, as laudatum to praife ; the latter Paffively, as laudatu to be praifed. Note that moft Neuters of the fecond Conjugation r and volo, nolo, malo, with many other Verbs, have no Supine. Verbs of the four Conjugations irre- gular in the Preterperfeft Tenje or Supines. V Erbs of the firft Conjugation form their Preterperfeft Tenie in avi, Supine in atum, as Laudo laudavi laudatum. Except Poto potavi pot atum or poium , ncco necavi necatum or tieSutn. Homo, tono, fiono, crepo, veto, citbo* form ui, itum, as cubiti cubitum j but jlcui feflum, fricui firitlum, micomicuiz yet fome of thefe are found Regular in the Preterperfeft Tenle or Supine, elpecially compounded, as increpavit y difcrepavit, dimicavit, fionatum, dimica- tum, intcnatum,. infiricatum, and the like. Plico and his Compounds form ui or avi, as explicui explicavi, explicitum or explication ; except fupplico, and luch as are compounded with a Noun, as Duplico Muliiplico in avi only. But Lavo lavi lautum latum or lava- turn, juvojuvi, adjuvo adjuvi adjutum. Do dedi datum, Sto fteti ft atum, in the Compounds, ftiti, Jlituni and fometimes Jlaliim, as Prajio frafiiti prteftitum and prajlatum. VErbs of the fecond Conjugation form their Preterperfeft Tenle in ui, their Supine in itum, as habeo habui habitum. Some are Regular in their Preterper- feft Tenfe, but not in their Supines, as doceo docui doclum, mificeo mifcui miftum, teneo tenui tentum, tsrreo tor- rui toftum, cenfeo cenfui cenfium, pateo patui paffium, careo carui cajfum and caritum. Others Accedence commend' d Grammar. Others are Irregular both in Preter- perfect Tenfe and Supines, as Jubeo juffi juffum, forbeo forbid forpfi forptum, raulceo mulfi mulfum, lucco luxi. Deo in di, as fedeo fedi fejfum, video vidi vifum, prandeo prandi pranfum. And fome in fi, as fuadeo fuafi fuafum, rideo rifi rifum, ardeo arfi arfum. Four double their firft Letters, as Pendeo pe- pendi penfum, mordeo momordi morfum, fpondeo jpopondi fponfum, tondeo totondi ionfum ; but not in their Compounds, as dependi depenfum. Geo mji, and fome in xi, as urgeo urfi, mulgeo mulfi mulxi mulclum, augeo av.xi autlum, indnlgeo indiilfi indultum, frigeo frixi, lugeoluxi. leo leo and neo nevi, vieo vievi vie- tum : But cieo cievi citum, deleo delevi dele turn, fieo fievi fie turn, compleo xom- plevi completion ; as alio the Com- pounds of oleo, except redoleo and fub- oleo; but adolevi adultum, neo nevi netum, but maneo manfi, torqueo torfi tortum, bureo baft. Veo in vi\ asferveofervi, but defer - "jeo defer bid, conniveo connivi and con- nixi, movi mot urn, vovi votum, cavi cautum, favi fautum. THE third Conjugation formeth the Preterperfect Tenfe, by changing O of the Prefent Tenfe into /•, the Supine without certain Rule, as lego legi letlum, bibo bibi bib it um, lambo Iambi, fcabo fcabi, ico ici iilum, mando mandi manfum, pando pandi pafiian, edo edi efum or efium, in like manner comedo, the other Compounds efum onl y ; rudo nidi, [alio fa Hi falfum, pfallo pfalli, emo emi emptum, vifo vifi vifum, verto verti verfum, foho folvi folutum, vclvo volvi volutum, exuo exui exutum, butr«0 ruiruitum, in Compound rutum, as derui derutum ; ingruo, metuo metui. Others are irregular both in Preter- perlecl: Tenfe and Supine. In bo, fcribo fcripfi fcriptum, nubo nupfi nuptum, cumbo cubui cubitum. In co, vinco vici viclum, dico dixi firepui fir epi turn, dicluni; in like manner duco, parco pe- In quo, linquo liqui, relinquo reliqui perci and parfi parfum and partition. reliilum, coquo coxi caelum. In do, t he fe three lofe n, findi fidi In Ro, verro verri and verfi verfum, jijfum, fclndo fcidi fciffum, fundo fudi fero to low fevi fatum, in compound, fufian. Theie following, vado, rado, fitum, as infer o infitum ; fero of another lado, ludo, divido, trudo, claudo, plait- lignification moft us'd in his com- do, rodo, fi and fum, as roft rsfum, but pounds, Jffero, ccnfero, defero, exero, cedo ccfii ceffum. The reft double their ferui, fertum, uro uffi ufium, gero geffi firft Letter in the PreterperfecT: Tenfe, gefium, qiuero quafivi quafitum, tero tri- but not compounded, as tundo tutudi vi tritum, curro excurro, prcecurro, cu~ tunfum, contundo contudi contufum, and curri ciirfum, the other comoounds fo in other Compounds. Pendo pepen- double not, as concurro concurn. Vol. I. Kkkk In di penfum, dependo dependi, tendo teten- di tenfum and tentum, ccntendo conten- di, pedo pepedi peditum, cado cecidi ca- fum, occido, recido recidi recafum. The other Compounds have no Supine. Cado cecidi aefum, occido occidi occifum. To thefe add all the compounds of do in this Conjugation, addc, credo, edo, dedo, reddo, perdo, abdo, obdo, condo, indo, trado, prodo, vendo vendidi ven- ditum, except the double Compound, obfeondo obfeondi. In go, ago egi ail urn, dego degi, fata- go fat eg i, frango fregi frail nm\ pango to join pegi paffum, pango to fing pan- xi, ango anxi, jungo junxi junftum\ but thefe five, fingo mingo pingo firin- go ringo lofe n in their Supines, as finxi ficlum, ningo ninxi,figo fixi fixum, ' rego rexi reilum ; dil/go, negligo, inielligo, lexi leclum, fpargo fparfi fparfum. Theli double their firft Letter, tango ta'dum, but not in his Compounds, as contingo contigi, pargo to bargain pe- pigi paclum, pungo and repimgo pupugi and punxi pimilum, the other Com- pounds punxi only. Ho in xi, traho traxi traelum, veho vexi veilum. In lo, vello velli and vulfi vulfum, cola cchd cultum -, excello, prcccello, cellui cel- jam ; alo add alitum altum. The reft, not compounded, double their firft Let- ter, Folio fefelli falfum, refello refelli, pellopepulipv.lfum, compello compuli, cello cecidi, per cello per culi perculjiperculfum. In mo, vo'mo vomui vomit urn, tremo tremui, premo preffi preffum, como, pre- mo, demo, fumo, after the fame man- ner, asfumpfi, fumptv.m. In No, fino fioi fitum, ficrno firavi firatum,fperno fprevi fpretum, lino levi lini and livi liturn, cerno crevi cretum, temno tempfi, contemno contempfi con- temptum, gigno genui genitum, pono,pc- fui pqfitum, cano cecini cantum, concino concinui concentum. ! In Po, rumpo rupi ruptum, fcalpo fcalpfi fcalptum ; the reft in «/, firepo 617 6 j § Accedence comment d Grammar. Info, accerfo, arcgo^inceffo, lacfo, as exclude excutio, elno. ivi itum, capefjo both i and ivi, pinjo pinfui pi/lum and pir.ftum. In fco, pafco favi pafium ; compefco, dfpefco, ui ; pofco popofci, difco did quinifco quexi, nojco novi notum, agnofco agnitum, cognofco cogntium. but Thefe following change their firft Vowel into i, but not in the Preter- perfeCt Tenfe, and lbmetimes a into e in the Supine, emo, fedeo, rego, frango, capio, jack, lacio, fpecio, premo, as comprimo comprejfi compreffum, conjicio In to*'fifto jliti* (latum" feilo flexi conjeti conjefium, pangs in two only, flexum, peho pexui pexi pexum and pec- cempingo, imptngo : Ago, m all but per- titum, neSo nexui next nexum, pletlo ego, fat ago, circumago dego and cogo plexi plexum,ftcrtoftertui, meto meffui coegi: Facto with a Prepofmon only, meffm, mitto wife nuffum, peio petivi not in other Compounds, tautfa* petitum. In vo, vivo vixi viclum. In xo, texo texui textum, nexo nexui nexum. In cis, facio feci fattum, jacio jca^ jatlum, lacio lent lettum, fpecio fp'exi fpeflum, with their Compounds, but elicio elicui elicit um. In dipt fodio fodi foffum. In gio, fugio fugi fugitum. ln'pio, capio cepi caplum, rapio'ra- pui rapt urn, cupio cupivi cupitum, fapio fapui fapivi fapitum. In rio, pario pepcri partum. In tio, quatio quaff quaffum, con cut io toncufft concuffum. In uo, pluo plui pluvi plutum, Jlruo ftruxi firuSum, fluo fluxi fluxum. TH E fourth Conjugation formeth the Preterperfecl Tenfe in hi, the Supine in Hum, Except, Venio veni venlum, com- perio, reperio reperi repertum, cambio campficampfum, fepio fepft feptum, far do farfi far turn, fulceo fulfi fultum, fintio ftnfi fenfum, haurio haufi haufium, fan-^ cio fanxi fantlum fanci'.um, vincio vinxi vinSutn, falio Jalui faltum, in Com- pound [ahum, as dejilip defilui defultum, amicio amicui cmclum, aperio, operio perui prrtu-.n, veneo venivi venuvt, fin- gultivlfmgultum, fepeiivi fcpultum. Of Verbs Compounded. THefe Verbs Compounded change a intoe throughout, Vamno,laSo^ facro,fallo, arceo, trat-lo, partio, farcio, carpo, palro, fcando, fpargo, as conjper- go confperji covfperfum. Thefe following change their firft Vowel into i, and fome of them their olfacio : Lego in thefe only, diligo, eli- go, intclligo, negligo, fiigo, in the reft not, zspralego, add tQ\XhtkfuperJvdeo 4 Of Verbs c Defoc7ne. VErbs called Inceptives ending in fco, borrow their Preterperlecc Tenfe from the Verb wherof they are deriv'd, as tepefco tepid from tepeo, in- gemifco ingemui from ingemo; as alfo thefe Verbs, cerno to ice, vidi from video, fido fedi from fedeo, ferotuli from titlo out of ute, in the Supine latum, tollo fufiuli fiibui'iim from fuffero. Thefe want the Preterperfccl: Tenfe. Verbs ending in afco, nspuerafco -, in ifco, as fat fco ; in urio, except parttir rio,. efurio : thefe alio, vergo, ambigo, ferio, fitro, polleo, nidco, have no Pre- terperfefl Tenfe. Contrary, thefe four, Odi, arpi, fiovi memini, are found in the Preter- perfecl Tenfe only, and the Tenfes thence deriv'd, as odi, oderam, oderim, odiffcm, odcro, odijjc, except memini, which hath memento mementote in the Imperative. Others are defective both in Tenfe and Perfon, as Aio, ais, ait, Plur. aiunt. The Preterimperfecb aiebam is intire. Imperative, ai. Potential, aias, aiat, Plur. aiamus, aiant. Aufim for aufus Jim, aujis, aiifit, Plur. an fin t. Salveo, falvebis, falvt falveto, faU i'ete falvetote, falvere. Ave aveto, avete avetote. Faxo, faxis, faxit, faxint. §{u£fo, Plur. quafumus. Infit, infant. Inquio or inquam, inqu'is inquit, Pluf , inqutunt. Inquibat, Cic. Topic, inqui- Sapines into e, habeo, latco, falio, Jla- Jli, inquit. Future, inquies, inqmet, Im- tno, cado, he do, cano, quaro, cado, o, egeo', ten'eo, tacco, fapio, rapio, placco, difpliceo, difplicui dfplicitum ; except, ccmplacco pcrplaceo pofihabeo. Scalpo, calco, falto, change a into u, as exculpo ; clau'do quatio lavo lofe a perat. Inque inquito. Potent, lnquiat. Dor the firft Perfon Paffive of do, and for before fapris ovfarre in the In- dicative, are not read, nor der or fer in the Potential. Of Accedence commenced Grammar. 619 Of a Tarticiple. A Participle is a part of Speech, par- taking with the Verb from whence it is deriv'd in Voice, Tenfe, and Signification, and with a Noun Adjective in manner of Declining. Participles are either of the Active or Paffive Voice. Of the Active Two. One of the Prefent Tenfe ending in ans, or ens, as laudans praifing, hakens, legem, audiens, and is declin'd like/^//.v, as hie hcec & hoc habens, Gen. habentis, Dat. haben- ti, &c. Docens decentis, &c. But from ■eo, euns, and in the compounds tens eun- tis, except ambiens ambient is. Note that fome. Verbs otherwife defective, have this Participle, as aiens, inquiens. The other of the Future Tenfe is moil commonly form'd of the firft Su- pine, by changing m into rus, as of laudatum laudaturus to praife or about to praife, habitants, letlurus, auditurus ; but fome are not regularly form'd, as of ' feclum fecaturus, oijutum juvaturus, fonitum foniturus, par turn par items', ar- gutum arguiturus, and inch like; of fum, futurus : This, as alio the other two Participles following are declin'd like bonus. . This Participle, with the Verb Sum, affordeth a fecond Future in the Active Voice, as laudaturus fum, es, eft, &c. as alio the Future of the Infinitive, as laudaturum efje to praife hereafter, fu- turum ejfe, &c. Participles of the Paffive Voice are alio two,one of the PreterperfedtTenfe, another of the Future. A Participle of the Preterperfect Tenfe, is form'd of the latter lupine, by putting thereto.?, as of laudatu lau- datus prais'd, of habitu habitus, leciu kilns, auditu auditus. This Participle join'd with the Verb Sunt, fupplieth the want of a Preter- perfect and Preterpluperfect Tenfe in the Indicative Mood paffive, and both them and the Future of the Potential ; as alio the Preterperfect and Preterplu- perfect of the Infinitive, and with ire or fore the Future ; as laudatus fum or fui I have been prais'd, Plur. laudati fumus or fui mus we have been prais'd, lauda- tus eram or fueram, &c. Potential, laudatus fum or fueri in, laudatus ejjem or fuijfem, laudatus cro or fuero. Infinit. laudatum ejfe or fuiffe to have or had been prais'd; laudatum ire or fare .to be prais'd hereafter. Nor only Paffives, but fome Actives alfo or Neuters, befides their own Pre- terperfect Tenfe borrow another from this Participle ; Cceno Ccenavi and Ctena- tus fum, Juravi and Juratus, Potavi and Pot us fum, Titubavi and titubatus, Careo carui caffusfum,Prandeoprandi-xno\pran - fus, Pateopalui and pajfus fum, Placeopla- cui placitus, Suefco fuevi fuetus fum, Libet libuit and libitum eft, Licet licuit licitum, Pudet puduit puditum, Piget piguit pigi- tum, T<edet taduit pertirfian eft, and this DeponentM?ra?r mcrui imdmeritusfum. Thefe Neuters following, like Paf- fives, have no other Preterperfect Tenfe, but by this Participle, Gaudeo gavifus fum, fidofifus, av.deo aufus, fio, f actus, fcleo folitus fum. Thefe Deponents alfo form this Pa; ticiple from Supines irregular; La bor lapfus, patior paffus, perpeliorperpef. fus,fateorfaffus, confiteor, diff.teor diffef- jus, gradior greffus, ingredior ingrefjus, fatifcor feffus, metior mer.fus, utor ufus, ordior to fpin orditus, to begin orfus, nitor nifus and nixus, ulcifcor ultus, ira- fcor iratus, reor rat us, oblivifcor oblitus, fruor f mil us or fruit us, mifefeormifsrtus, tuor and tueor tuitus, loquor locutus, fe- quor fecutus, experior expert us, pacifcor pailus, nancifccr nailus, apifcor aplus, adipifcor adeptus, queror quejhis, proficif cor profecJus, expergifcor experreilus, comminifcor commentus, nafcor natus^ morior mortuus, orior ortus fum. A Participle of the Future PaiTive is form'd of the Gerund in dum, by chang- ing m into s, as of laudandum laudandus tobe prais'd, of habendum habendus, &c. And likewife of this Participle with the Verb Sum, may be form'd the lame Tenfes in the Paffive, which were form'd with the Participle of the Preterper- fect Tenfes, as laudandus fum or fui, &c. Infinit. Laudandum ejfe or fore. Of Verbs Deponent come Participles both of the Active and Paffive form, as loquor loquens locutus locuturus loquendus ; wherof the Participle of the Prefer Tenfe fignifieth fometimes both Active- ly and Paffively, as dignatus, tejlatus t meditatus, and the like. Of an Adverb. AN Adverb is a part ofSpeech join'd with fome other to explain its fig- nification,as valde probus very honeft,£c- ne eft it is well, valde doilus very learn- ed, bene -mane early in the morning. Of Adverbs, fome be of Time, as hodie to day, eras to morrow, &c. K k k k .'. Spme 620 Accedence commenc d Grammar. Some be of Place, as Ubi where, ibi there, &c. And of many other forts needlefs to be here fet down. Certain Adverbs alfo are compar'd, as Docle learnedly, doclius docli£\mc, fortiter fortius fortijfime, Jape fa-pius fapijjime, and the like. Of a Conjunction. A Conjunction is a part of Speech that joineth Words and Senten- ces together. OfConjun&ionsfomebeCopulatives, as fe? and, quoque alfo, nee neither. Some be disjunctive, as aut or. Some be Caufal, as nam for, quia becaufe, and many fuch like. Adverbs when they govern Mood andTenfe, and join Sentences together, as cum, ubi, pojtquam, and the like, are rather to be call'd Conjunctions. Of a T rep oft ion. APrepofition is a part of Speech moft commonly, either fet before Nouns in Appofition, as adpatrem, or join'd with any other words in Com- pofition, as indollus. Thefe fix, di, dis, re, fe, am, con, are not read but in Compofition. As Adverbs having Cafes after them, may be call'd Prepofitions, fo Prepofi- tions having none, may be counted Adverbs. Of an Interjection. AN Interjection is a part of Speech, expreliing fome paffion of the mind. Some be of forrow, as beu, hei. as papce. as vah. Some of praifing, as euge. Some of exclaiming, as<?, proh, and fuch like. In the end, as Dicier for diet. Para- g°g e - Diminija'd In the beginning, as Ruit for Eruii. Apherifis. In the middle, as Audiit for Audi* -oit, Dixti for dixijli, Lamua for /«- mina. Syncope. In the end, as Confili for ccnfiUi ; fcin for fcifne. Apocope. The fecond Part of Grammar, commonly called Syntaxis, or ConJlruEiion. Some be of marvelling, Some of difdaining, Figures of Speech. WOrds arefometimes encreas'd or diminifli'd by a Letter or Syl- lable in the beginning, middle or ending, which are call'd Figures of Speech. Encreas'd In the beginning, as Gnatus for Na- tus, Tetuli for tuli. Prothefis. In the middle,as Rettulit for Retulit, Cintlutus for Cintlus. Epenthefis. 'Itherto the Eight Parts of Speech DecIinM and Unde- clin'd have been fpoken of fingle, and each one by it iell : Now followeth Syntaxts or Conjlruclion, which is the right joining of thefe parts together in a Sentence. Conftruction confifteth either in the agreement of words together in Num- ber, Gender, Cafe, and Perfon, which is call'd Concord ; or the go- verning of one the other in fuch Cafe or Mood as is to follow. Of the Concords. THere be Three Concords or A- greements. The Firji is of the Adjective with his Subftantive. The Second is of the Verb with his Nominative Cafe. The Third is of the Relative with his Antecedent. An Adjective (under which is com- prehended both Pronoun and Partici- ple) with his Subftantive or Subftah- tives, a Verb with his Nominative Cafe or Cafes, and a Relative with his An- tecedent or Antecedents, agree ail in number, and the two latter in perfon alfo: as Amicus certus. Viri docli. Pre- ceptor pr (elegit, vos vero negligitis. Xe- nophon fe? Plato fuere aqu&les. Vit fit- fit, qui pauca loquitur. Paler fe? Pre- ceptor veniunt. Yea though the Con • junction be disjunctive, as Quos neqtie de/idia v.eque luxuria vitiaverant. Celliis. Pater fe? Praceptor, quos quceriiis. But if a Verb lingular follow many Nomi- natives, it muff, be applied to each of them apart, as Nififoro fe? curia officium ac verecundia fua conftiterit . Val. Max. An Adjective with his Subftantive, and a Relative with his Antecedent agtee- Accedence commenced Grammar. 621 agree in Gender and Cafe ; but the Re- lative not in Cafe always, being oft- times govern'd by other conftruclions: as Amicus cert us in re incerta cernitur. Liber quern dedijli mihi. And if it be a Participle fcrvingthe Infinitive Mood future, it oft-times a- grees not with the Subftantive neither in Gender nor in Number, as Hancfibi rem prafidio fperat futurum. Cic. Audi- erat non datum ire filio Uxorem. Terent. Omnia potius aclum iri puto quam dc pro- vinciis. Cic. Bat when a Verb cometh between two Nominative Cafes not of the fame number, or a Relative between two Subftantives not of the fame Gender, the Verb in Number, and the Relative in Gender may agree with either of them ; as Amantium ira amoris inte- gratio eft. Quid enim nifivota fupcrfunt. Tuentur ilium globum qui terra dicitur. Animal plenum rationis, quern vocamus hominem. Lutetia eft quam nos Parifios dicimus. And if the Nominative Cafes be of feveral Perfons, or the Subftantives and Antecedents of feveral Genders, the Verb fhall agree with the fecond perfon before the third, and with the firft before either ; and fo fhall the Adjective or Relative in their Gender; as Ego & tu fumus in tuto. Tu £5" Pater periclitamini. Pater & Mater mortui funt. Prater if> Sorer quos vidifti. But in things that have not life, an Adjeclive or Relative of the Neuter Gender, may agree with Subft.intives or Antecedents,Mafculine or Feminine, or both together ; as Arms cs? calami funt bona. Arcus £5* calami qua frcgifti. Pulcritudinem, conftantiam, ordinem in Confiliis fablifque confervanda put at. Cic. Off. 1 . Ira ex? agritudo permifta funt . Sal. Note that the Infinitive Mood, or any part of a Sentence may be inftead of a Nominative Cafe to the Verb, or of a Subftantive to the Adjective, or of an Antecedent to the Relative, and then the Adjeclive or Relative lhall be of the Neuter Gender : And if there be more parts of a Sentence than one, the Verb fhall be in the plural number; Diluculo furgere faluberrimum eft. Vir- t ut em ftqiii, vita eft honeftijfima. Au- dito proconfulem in Ciliciam tenders. In tempore veni, quod omnium rerum eft pri- mum. Tu tnultum dormis & fepe potas, qiuc duo funt corpori inimica. Sometimes alfo an Adverb is put for the Nominative Cafe to a Verb, and for a Subftantive to an Adjeclive •, as Partim fgnorum funt combufta. Propecen- ties (y vicies erogatum eft. Cic. verr. 4. Sometimes alfo agreement, whether it be in Gender or Number, is ground- ed on the fenfe, not on the words ; as Ilium fenium for ilium fenem. Iftefcelus for iftefceleftus. Ter. Tranftulit in Eu- nuchumfuam, meaning Comcediam. Ter. Pars magna obligati, meaning Homines. Liv. Impliciti laqtieis nudus uterque for Ambo. Ov. Alter in alterius jaclantes lamina vultus. Ovid, that is, Alter & alter. Infperanti ipfi refers te nobis, for mihi. Catul. Difce cmnes. Virg. Mn. 2. for tu quifquis es. Dua import una prodi- gia, quos egeftas tribunoplebis conftritios addixerat. Cic. pro Seft. Pars merfi te- nuere ratem. Rhemus cum [rat re Quirino jura dabant. Virg. that is, Rhemus & frater §>uirintis. Divellimur inde Ipbitus &? Pelias mecum. Virs. ConJIrttBion of Subftantives. Hitherto of Concord or Agreement; the other part followeth, which is Governing, wherby one part of Speech is govern'd by another, that is to fay, is put in fuch Cafe or Mood as the word that governeth or goeth before in Construction requireth. When two Subitantives come toge- ther, betokening divers things, wher- of the former may be an Adjeclive in the Neuter Gender taken for a Subftan- tive, the latter (which alfo may be a Pronoun) fhall be in the Genitive Call ; as Facundia Ciceronis. Amator ftudio- rum. Ferimur per opaca locorum. Cor- ruptus vanis rerum. Hor. Defulerium tut Pater ejus. Sometimes the former Subftantive, as this word Ojficium or Mos, is under- ftood •, as Oratoris eft, It is the part of an Orator. Extreme eft dementia, It is the manner of extream madnefs. Ignavi eft, It is the quality of a flothful man. Uoi adDianc veneres ; Temphim is under- itood. Juftiticene prius mirer bclline h~ borum. Virg. Underftand Caufd. Ne- que illifepqfui C;cer':s,neque longa: invid.t avence. Hor. Supply partem. But if both the Subftantives be fpoken of one thing, which is cali'd appofition, they fhall be both of the lame Cafe ; as Pater mens vlr, amat me puerum. Words that fignify Quality, fol- lowing the Subftantive wherof they are fpoken, may be put in the Genitive or Ablative Cafe ; as Piter bonce indolis, or bona indole. Some have a Genitive on- ly ; as Ingen'is Refs noiuiris. Liv. De- cern 622 Accedence commend d Grammar. tern dnnorum puer. Hnjufmodi pax. Hit- jus generis animal. But genus is fome- timesin the Accufative: as Si hoc genus rebus non prqficitur. Varr. de re ruft. And the caufe or manner of a thing in the Ablative only ; as Sum tibi natv.ra parens, praceptor confiliis. Opus and Ufus when they fignify Need, require an Ablative ; as Opus eft mihi tuo jttdicio. Viginti minis ufus ejlfilio. But Opus is fometimes taken for an Adjective undeclin'd, and figni- fieth Needful : as Dux nobis 13 Author cpus eft. Alia qua opus funt para. • Confiruclion of Adjectives, govern- ing a Genitive. ADjeclives that fignify Defire, Knowledge, Ignorance,Remem- brance, Forgetfulnels, and fuch like ; as alfo certain others deriv'd from Verbs, and ending in ax, require a Ge- nitive ; as Cupidus auri. Peritus belli. Ignarus omnium. Memor prater iti. Re- us furti. Tenax propofiti, Tempus edax rerum. Adjectives call'd Nouns Partitive, becaufe they fignify part of fome whole quantity or number, govern the word that fignifieth the thing parted or di- vided, in the Genitive ; as Alquis no- strum. Primus omnium. Aurium mol- lior eft finiftra. Oratorum eloquentifftmus. And oft in the Neuter Gender; as Multum lucri. Id negotii. Hoc notlis. Sometimes, though feldom, a word fig- nifying the whole, is read in the fame Cafe with the Partitive, as Habet duos gladics quibus altera te occifurum minatur, altero vllicum, Plaut. for Quorum al- tera. Magnum opus habeo in manibus; quod jampridem ad hunc ipfum (me autem dicebat)quadam inftitui. Cic. Acad. i. Quod qucdam for cujus quadam. A Native. ADjedtives that betoken Profit or Difprofit, Likenefs or Unlike- neis, Fitnefs, Pleafure, Submitting, or belonging to any thing, require a Da- tive ; as Labor eft utilis corpori. Equalis Hetlori. Idoneus bello. J ucundus omnibus. Parentifupplex. Mihi proprium. But fuch as betoken Profit or Dif- profit have fometimes an Accufative with a Prepofition •, as Homo ad nullam partem utilis. Cic. Inter fe aquales. And fome Adjectives fignifyingLike- nefs,Unlikenefs, or Relation, may have a Genitive. Parhujus. Ejus culpa affines. Domini fimilis es. Commune animantbm eft covjunBionis appetitus. Alienum digni- tatis ejus. Cic. Fin. i. Fuit hoc quondam proprium populi Romani longe a donn bellare. But proprior and proximus ad- mit fometimes an Accufative ; as proxi- mus Pompeium fedebam. Cic. An Accufative. NOuns of Meafure are put after Adjectivesof like fignification in the Accufative, and fometimes in the Ablative ; as Turris alt a centum pedes. Arbor lata tres digitos. Liber craffus trcs pollices, or tribus poilicibus. Some- times in the Genitive; as Areas la! as pedum denum facito. Ail words exprefiing part or parts of a thing, may be put in the Accufative, or fometimes in the Ablative ; as Sau- cius front em or j 'route. Excepto quod non fimul effes cetera la-tus. Hor. Nuda pe- dem. Ov. Os humercfque d;o fimilis. Virg. Sometimes in the Genitive ; ;«s Dubius mentis. An Ablative. ADjectives of the Comparative de- gree englilh'd with this fign then or bv, as alfo Dignus, Indignus,Prdditus, Ccnten'.us, andthefe words or Price, Cd- rus,vilis, require an Ablative; as Fri- gidior glacie . Multo doilior. Uno pea: altior. Dignus honor e. Virtute pra-ditus, Sortefua contentus. Affe charum. But of Comparatives, plus, amplius, andininus, may govern a Genitive ; alio a Nominative, or an Accufative ; as Plus quinquaginta hominum. Amplius du- orum mi Ilium. Ne plus tertia pars exi- matur mellis . Varr o. Paulo plus quingen- tospaffus. Ut exfua cujufque parte ne mi- nus drmidium ad fratrem perveniret . Cic. Verr. 4. And Dignus, Indignns, have fometimes a Genitive after them ; as Militia eft operis altera digna tut. In- dignus avorum. Virg. Adjectives betokening Plenty or Want, will have an Ablative, and fometimes a Genitive ; as Vacuus ira, or ira. Nulla Epiftola inanis re aliqua. Di- tifjmus agri. Stultorum plena funt omnia. Integer vita, fcelerifque pur us. Expers omnium. Vobis immumbus hujus effe moli dabitur. "Words alfo betokening the caufe, or form, or manner of a thing, are put after Adjectives in the Ablative Cafe ; as Pallidus ira. Trepidus mcrtz fittura. Nomine Gramnaticus, re E> bar us. Of Accedence commenced Grammar. 623 Of Tronouns. PRonouns differ not in Conftruction from Nouns, except that Poffcf- fives, Mats, tuus, funs, nofter, vefler, by a certain manner of Speech, are fome- tlmes join'd to a Subitantive, Which governs their Primitive underftood with a Noun or Participle in a Genitive Cafe •, as Dico mea unius opera rempubli- cam ejfc liberatam, Cic. for Mei unius opera. In like manner Noftra duorum, iriuin, paucorum, omnium virtute, for noftrum duorum, &c. Mcum folius pecca- tum, Cic. Ex tuo ipfus animo, for Tui ipfins. Ex fur, 1 ujufque parte, Id. verr. 2. l\'e tua quidem retentidproximi Pi at oris ^iaperfequi polerat. Cic. verr. 4. Si 5 pr.vfentis preees nan put as profuiffe, id. Pro Plane. Nojtros vidijti flcv.iis ocellos. Ovid. Alfo a Relative, as qui or is, fdrrie- times anlwers to an Antecedent Noun or Pronoun Primitive underftood in the Pofleffive ; as Omnes laudare fortunes meas quifilium haberem tali ingenio pr<e- diium. Terent. V GonfkruElion of Verbs. Erbs for the raoft part govern ei- ther one cafe atter them, or more than one in a different manner of Conftruftion. Of the Verb Subftant'rce Sum, and fitch like, with a Nominative and other oblique Cafes. VErbs that fignify Being, as Sum, jfo, fio -, and certain Paffives, as dicor,vocor, falutor, appellor, babepr^ imor, videsr; alfo Verbs of motion or reft, as incedo, uifedo, fedeo, with fuch like, will have a Nominative Cafe after them, as they have before them, becaufe both Cafes belong to the lame perfon or thing, and the latter is rather in appofition with the former, than govern'd by the Verb ; as Temperantia eft virtus. Horatius, fa* iutatur Poeta. Aft ego qua di ... incedo reginat And if eft be an Imperfonal, it may fometimes govern a Genitive, as Ujhs Poeta, tit maris eft i Ucentia. Phaedrus 1. 4. Negavit maris ejfe Grcccorum ut &c. Cir. Verr. 2. But if the fallowing Noun be of ano- ther perfon, or not directly fpoken of the former, both after Sum and all his Compounds, except pojjum, it fhall be put in the Dative-, as Eft mibi Ami fa- ter. Mult a petentibus defunt mulu ' And if a thing be fpoken of, rela- ting to the perfon, ic may be alfo in the Dative •, as Sum tibi trxf.dio. Hcc res eft mibi voluptati. Quorum alteri Capi- toni cognomen fuit . Cic. Pafte Fauftulo fuiffe ferunt. Liv. Of Verbs Tratifttives'with an Accu- fative, and the Exceptions thereto.belo'iiging. VErbs Active or Deponent, cal ' I Tfanfitive, bee; ir action paffeth forth on fome j will have an Accufative after them of the perfon or thing to wham the aftiori is done ; asAmote. Vi uge. Dsum venerare. U 'us promptosfacit. Juvat me. Opart et te. Alfo Verbs call'd Neuters, may hive an Accufative of their own figni- fi cation •, as Bur am fqrvit fervit'uiem. Longam ire via,;?. £,. dormis. Paftillos Rufillus clct. Nee ■ .em fpnat. CumGlau.cum Paterc. Agit latum convivam. Horat. Hcc me, latet. But thefe Verbs, though Trar, fit ive, Mifereor and Miferefco, pals into a Genitive; as Mferere^mei. Sometimes into a Dative : lluie mifereor. Sen. Di- lige bonos, nvferefce malts. Boet. Remhufcor, Oblivijeor, Recorder, ana Memini, fometimes alio require a Geni- tive ; as Data fidei reminifcitur. Me- mini tui. Oblivifcor cerminis. Some- time retain the Accufative ; as Reccr- dor pueritiam. Omnia qua cur ant , meminerunt. Plant. Thefe Imperfonals alfo, intereft refert, fignifying to concern, r Genitive, except in thefe Ablatives Feminine, Mea, tua, fua, noft tra, cuja. And the meafure of con- cernment is often added in thefe Geni- tives, mqgni,parvi, tanti, quanti, with their Compounds j as Intersil omnium retle agere. Tua refert : nqffe. Veftra parvi ink . But Verbs of Profiting drDifprpfi- ting, Believing, PL-aiing, < Oppofing, or being angry with, pais into a Dative ; as nan poles mibi commo- dare nee incemmodarc, Plaeeo omnibus.' 'e mibi. Nitniutn ne crede color i. Pareo parent thus. Tibi refiigno. Adole- fcenti nihil eft quod fuccenfeat. But of the 624 Accedence commenced Grammar. the firft and third fort, Juvo, adjuvo, Udo, offendo, retain an Accusative. Laftly, thefe Tranfitives, fungor, fruor, utor, potior, and Verbs betoken- ing want, pafs direct into an Ablative. Fungitur officio. AUena frui infania. Were forte tua. But fungor, frit or, utor, had anciently an Accufative. Verbs of want, and potior, may have alio a Ge- nitive. Pecuniae indiget. Quofi tu hu- jus indigeas patris. Potior Urbe, or Urbis. Sometimes a phrafe of the fame Sig- nification with a fingle Verb, may have the Cafe of the Verb after it; as Id operam do, that is to fay, id ago. Idne eft is author esmihi ? for idfuadetis. Quid me vobis tatlio eft ? for tangitis. Plaut. Quid tibi banc curatio eft rem ? Id. The Accufative with a Genitive. Hitherto of Tranfitives governing their Accufative, or other Cafe, in fingle and direcl: Conftrucftion : Now of fueh as may have alter them more Cafes than one in Construction direct and oblique, that is to fay, with an Accufative, a Genitive, Dative, other Accufative, or Ablative. Verbs of efteeming, buying or fel- ling, befides their Accufative, will have a Genitive betokening the value ol price, flocci, nihili, pili, hujus; and the like after Verbs of efteeming : Tanti, quanti, pluris, minoris, and luch like, put without a Subftantive, after Verbs of buying or felling ; as Non hujus te eftimo. Ego ilium flocci pendo. ALqui boni hoc facio or confulo. Quanti merca- tus es hunc equum ? Pluris quam vettem. But the word of Value is fometimes in theAblative -, as Parvi or parvo tffti- mas probitatem. And the word of Price moft ufually ; as Teruncio eum non erne- rim. And particularly in thefe Adjec- tives, Vili, paulo, mimmo, magno, nimio, plurinw, duplo, put without a Subftan- tive, as Vili, vendo triticum. Redimite captum quam queas minimo. And fome- times minor e tor minoris. Nam a delio fropinqui minore ccnteffimis nummum movere non poffunt. Cic. Att. 1. 1. But Verbs Neuter or Paflive have only the oblique Cafes after them ; as Tanti e- ris aliis, quanti tibi fueris. Pudor parvi penditur. Which is alfo to be obferv'd in the following Rules. And this Neuter Valeo governeth the word of value in the Accufative ; as Denarii dicli quod denos arts valebant. Varr. Verbs of admonifhing, accufing, con- demning, acquitting, will have, befides their Accufative, a Genitive of the Crime, or Penalty, or Thing-, as Ad- monuit me err at i. Accufas me furti? Vatemfceleris damnai. Fur em dujii con- demnavit. And fometimes an Ablative with a Prepofition, or without ; as Condemnabo eodem ego te criming, Accu- fas furti, anftupri, an utroque ? De repe- lundis accufavit, or damnavit. Cic. Alfo thefe Imperfonals, ■ptsaitet^t/e- det, miferet, mijcrefcit, pttdet, fig'et 9 to their Accufative will have a Genitive, either of the pcrfon, or of ihs thing; as Noftri nofmet. pcenitct. Urbis me t.fdet. Miferet me tui. Pudci me ■'.egli- gentia. An Accufative with a TDath?. V Erbs of giving or reftoring, pro- mifing or paying, commanding or Shewing, milling or threat'ning, add to their Accufative a Dative ol theper- fon ; as Fcrtuna multis nintium dedit. H.-ec tibi prcmitto. /Es all en am mibi nu- meravit, Frumentum imperat civilati- bus. Quod C? cui dicas, videio. I Joe tibi fuadeo. 'Tibi or ad te fcribo. Pecuniatlt omnem tibi credo. Utrique mortem mina- tus eft. To thefe add Verbs Active com- pounded with thefe Prepofuions, pre, ad, ab, con, de, ex, ante, fib, poji, ob, in and inter ; as Pracipio hoc tibi. Admo- vit urbi exercitum. College fuo imperiam abrogavit. Sic parvis cotnponere ?,:agna folebam. Neuters have a Dative only -, r.s Meis major ibusvi r!:it e pr<sluxi. Butlomecom- pounded with/>r.-? and ante may have art Accufative; as P rcejl at ingenio alius ali- um. Multos- anteit fapientia. Others with a Prepofition ; as- Quee ad ventris viclum conducunt. In hac Jludia incum- bite. Cic. Alio all VerbsAdtive, betokening ac- quifition, likening or relation, com- monly engliftj'd with to or for, have to their Accufative a Dative of the per- fon ; as Magnam laudem fibi peperit. Huic habco non tibi. Se tills <equarunt. Expedi mibi hoc negotium : but mibi tibi fibi, fometimes are added for eiegar.ee, the fenfe not requiring ; as Sua tunc fibi jugulat gladio . Terent. Neuters 2 Dative only ; as Ncn omnibus dormio. Libet mibi. Tibi licet. SometimesaVerbTranfuivewillhave to his Accufative a double Dative, one of the perfon, another of the thing ; 45 Accedence commencd Grammar. as Do tiki veftem pignori. Verto hoc tibi vitio. Hoc tu tibi laudi ducts. A double Accufative. VErbs of asking, teaching, array- ing, and concealing, will have two Accufatives, one of the perfon, another of the thing •, as Rogo te pen ■ mam. Doceo te litems. §uod te jamdu- dum hortor. Induit fe calceos. Hoc me celabas. And being Paffives, they retain one Accufative of the thing, as Stunt unique recingitur anguem. Ovid. Met. 4. In- duitur togam. Mart. But Verbs of arraying fometimes change the one Accufative into an Ab- lative or Dative ; as In duo te tunica, or tibi tunicani. Inftravit equutn penttla, or equo penulam. An Accufative with an Ablative. VErbs Tranfitive may have to their Accufative an Ablative of the in- ftrument or caufe, matter, or manner of doing ; and Neuters the Ablative only-, as Ferit eum gladio. Taceometu. Malis gaudet alienis. Stunma eloquent ia caufam egit. Capitolium faxo quadrato fubftruclian eft. Tuo confilio nit or. Vef- cor pane. Affluis opibus. Amore abun- das. Sometimes with a Prepofition of the manner •, as Summa cum humanitate me tratlavit. Verbs of endowiug, imparting, de- priving, dicharging, filling, empty- ing, and the like, will have an Ablative, and fometimes a Genitive; as Denote hoc annulo. Plurima falute te impertit. Ali- quemfamiliaremfuofermoneparticipavit. Paternum fervum fui participavit confi- lii. Inter dico tibi aqua & igni. Libera te hoc metu. Implentur veteris Bacchi. Alio Verbs of comparing or ex- ceeding, will have an Ablative of the excefs ; as Pr.cfero hunc multis gradi- bus. Magna intervallo cum fuperat. Alter all manner of Verbs, the word fignifying any part of a thing, may be put in the Genitive, Accufative or Ablative ; as Abfurdefacis qui angas te animi. Pendct animi. Difcrucior ani- mi. Dcfipit mentis. Candet dentes. Rubet capillos. Mgrotat animo, magis quara corpcre. Nouns of Time and Place after Verbs. NOuns betokening part of time, be put after Verbs in the Ablative, and fometimes in the Accufative ; as Vol. I. Noble vigilas, luce dormis. Nullum par- tem noclis requiefcit. Cic. Abhinc trien- nium ex Aniiro commigrauit. Ter. Re- fpondit triduo ilium, ad fummum quatri- duo periturum. Cic. Or if continuance of time, in the Accufative, fometimes in the Ablative ; as Sexaginta annas na- tus. Hyemem totam Jlertis. Imperium deponere maluerunt, quani id tenere punc- tum temporis contra Religionem. Cic. Imperavit triennio, &f decern menjibus. Suet. Sometimes with a Prepofition ; as Fere in diebus paucis, quibus bac acla funt. Ter. Rarely with a Genitive ; as Temporis angufti man/it concordia dif- cors. Lucan. Alfo Nouns betokening fpace be- tween places are put in the Accufative, and fometimes in the Ablative; as Pe- dem bine ne difcejjeris. Abeft ab Urbe quingentis millibus pafjuum. 'terra man- que gen ti bus imperavit . Nouns that fignify Place, and alfo proper Names of greater Places, as Countries, be put after Verbs of mov- ing or remaining, with a Prepofition, fignifying to, from, in, or by, in iuch cafe as the Prepofition requireth ; as Proficifcor ab Urbe. Vivit in Anglia. Veni per Galliam in Ilaliam, But if it be the proper Name of a leffer place, as of a City, Town, or leffer Ifland, or any of thefe four, Hu- mus, Domus, Militia, Bcllum, with thefe figns, on, in, or at before them, being of the firft or fecond Declenfion, and lingular number, they fhall be put in the Genitive ; if of the third De- clenfion, or plural Number, or this word rus, in the Dative or Ablative ; as Vixit Roma, Londini. Ea habit abat Rhodi. Conon plurimumCypri vixit. Cor. Nep. Procumbit burnt bos. Domi belli- que ftmul viximus. Militavit Carthagini or Cartbagine. Studuit Athenis. Ruri or rure educatus eft* If the Verbof moving be to a place, it fhall be put in the Accufative ; as Ea Romam, Domum, Rus. If from a place, in the Ablative ; as Difceffit Londino. Abiit Domo. Rure eft reverfus. Sometimes with a Prepoficion ; as A Briindufio prof eclus eft. Cic. Manil. Ut ab Athenis in Bcsotiam hem. Sulpit. a- pud Cic. Fam. 1. 4. Cum te profetlum ab domo fcirem. Liv. 1. 8. OmfiruSlion of Paffives. A Verb Paflive will have after it an Ablative of the doer, with the Prepofition a or abbeforz it, fometimes without, and more often a Dative : as L 1 1 1 Virgil iu s 625 626 Accedence commenced Grammar. Virgilius legitur a me. Fortes creantur fortibus. Hor. Tibi fama petatur. And "Neutro-paffives, asFapulo, veneo, liceo, exulo, fio, may have the lame Con- {truction •, as ab hojie venire. Sometimes an Accufative of the thing is found after a Paffive ; as Coro- nari Olympia. Hor. Epift. i. Cyclopa movetur. Hor. i'or fait at or egit. Pur- gor bilem. Id. Conjlraclion of Gerunds Supines. ana GErunds and Supines will have fuch cafes as the Verb from whence they come ; as Qtium fcribendi Uterus. Eo audilum Poetas. Ad confu- Icndum tibi. A Gerund in di is commonly go- vern'd both of Subftantives and Ad- jeftives in manner of a Genitive; as Caufa videndi. Amor habendi. Cupi- dus vifendi. Cert us eundi. And fome- times governeth a Genitive Plural ; as illorum videndi gratia. Ter. Gerunds in do are us'd after Verbs in manner of an Ablative, according to former Rules, with or without a Pre- pofition •, as Defejjus fum ambulando. A difcendo facile deterretur. Cafar dan- do, fublevando, ignofcendo, gloriam adep- tus eft. In apparando confumunt diem. A Gerund in dum is us'd in manner of an Accufative after Prepofitions go- verning that cafe ; as Ad capiendum hoftes. Ante domandum ingentes tollent animos. Virg. Ob redimendum captivos. Inter ccenandum. Gerunds in fignification are oft- times us'd as Participles in^#.s-, Quorum conjiliorum, reprimendorum caufa. Cic. Orationem Lattnam legendis noftris ejfici- es pleniorem. Cic. Ad accufandos homi- nes pramio ducitur. A Gerund in dum join'd with the Imperfonal eft, and implying ibme ne- cellity or duty to do a thing, may have both the Active and Paffive Conftruc- tion of the Verb from whence it is de- riv'd ; as Utendum eft atate. Ov. Pa- tern 'Trojano a rege petendum. Virg. I- terandum eadem ifta mihi. Cic. Servien- dv.m eft inibi amicis. Plura dixi quam dicendum fuit. Cic. pro Sell. ConJlruEiion of Verb with Verb. WHen two Verbs come together without a Nominative Cafe between them, the latter ihall be in the Infinitive Mood ; as Cupio difcere. Or in the firft Supine after Verbs of mov- ing ; as Eo cubitum, fpeilatum. Or in the latter with an Adjective ; as Turpe eft diclu. Facile faclu, opusfcitu. But if a Cafe come between, not go- vern'd of the former Verb, it ihall al- ways be an Accufative before the In- finitive Mood •, as T'e rediijfe incolumem gaudeo. Malo me divitem ejfe, quam baberi. And this Infinitive ejfe, will have al- ways after it an Accufative, or the fame Cafe which the former Verb go- verns ; as Expedit bonos ejfe vobis. Quo mihi commiffo, non licet ejfepiam. But this Accufative agreeth with another unaerftood before the Infinitive ; as Expedit vobis vos efje bonos. Natura be- atis omnibus ejfe dedit. Nobis non licet ejfe tarn difertis. The lame Conftruc- tion may be us'd after other Infinitives Neuter or Paffive like to ejfe in fignifi- cation ; as Maximo tibipoftea 13 civi, 13 duel evadere contigit. Val. Max. 1. 6. Sometimes a Noun Adjective or Subftantive governs an Infinitive ; as audax omnia perpeti. Dignus dmari. Con/ilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere. Cx{. Minari diviforibus ratio non em . , Cic. verr. i. Sometimes the Infinitive is put ab- folute for the Preterimperfect or Pre- terperfect Tenfe •, as Egoilludjedulo ne- gare factum. Ter. Galba autem mult as Jlmilitudines afferre. Cic. Ille contra hxc omnia rucre, agere vitam. Ter. Conjii'uBion of Participles. Articiples govern fuch Cafes as the Verb from whence they come, according to their Active or Paffive fignification ; as Fruiturus amicis. Nunquam audita mihi. Diligendus ab om- nibus. Sate f anguine divum. 'Telamone creatus. Cor pore mortali cretus. Lucret. Nate dea. Edite regibus. Lcevo fufpenft loculos tabulafque lacerto. Hor. Cenfus equeftrem fummam. Id. Abeundum eft mihi. Venus orta mari. Exofus Bella. Virg. Exofus diis. Gell. Anna pero- fus. Ovid. But Pertafus hath an Ac- cufative otherwife than the Verb ; as Pertafus ignaviam. Semet ipfepertafus. Suet. To thefe add participal Adjec- tives ending in bills of the Paffive Sig- nification, and requiring like cafe after them i as Nulli penetrabilis aftro lucus erat. Participles chang'd into Adjectives have their Conftrudtion by the Rules of Adjectives ; as Appetens vini. Fugi- tans lilum. Fidms ammi. 4n Accedence commence! Grammar. An Ablative put abfolute. TWo Nouns together, ora Noun and Pronoun with a Participle expreft . or underftood, put abfoluteiy, that is to fay, neither governing nor governed of a Verb, mall be put in the Ablative ; as Authore S geritur. Me duce vinces. Cafare veniente hoftes fuge- runt.Sublato clamor epraliumcommittitur. Conftruciion of Adverbs, EN&ndecce willhavea Nominative, or an Acculative, and fometimes with a Dative j 1 is nofter. En alter Adverbs of quantity, time, and place require a Genitive; as Satis loqueniia, fa- pit ntia parum fatis. Alio compounded with a Verb •, as Is rerumfuarumfatagit. Tunc temporis ubique g( . Eoimpu- dentiaproceffit. Qi fieri potent. To thefe add Ergo Signifying the caufe ; as Illius ergo. Virg. Virtutis ergo. a atque formidinis ergo non abiturus. Liv. Others will have fuch cafes as the Nouns from whence they come ; as Minime gentium. Optime omnium. Venit Canit fimiliter buic. Alba- , Jive Falcrnum te magis oppofitis .. Hor. Adverbs are join'd in a Sentence to feveral Moods of Verbs. Of Time, Ubi, pojlquam, cum or q Hum, to an Indicative or Subjunctive; as Hac ubi dicta dedit . Ubi nos laverimus . Pojlquam excejfit ex Ephebis. Cum faci- amvitula. Virg. Cum canerem rei Id. Donee while, to an Indicative. Donee erisfalix. Donee until, to an Indicative or Subjunctive ; Cogere donee o-ves juffit. . ' t a aqua decoEtafit. Colum. Dum while, to an Indicative. D;:m apparatur Virgo. Dum until, to an Indi- . e or Subjunctive ; as Dum redeo. Tenia dum Latio regnantem viderit af- tas. Dum Tor dummodo fo as, or fo that, to a Subjunctive ; Dum prcfim tibi. Quoad while, to an Indicative. Quo- ad cxpectas coniubernalcm . QuoadnaxW, to a Subjunctive. Omnia integra fer-'ja- bo, quoad exercitus hue mittatur. Simulac, fimulatque to an Indicative or Subjunctive ; as Simulac belli pati- ens era}, fimulatque adoleverit atas. . Ut as, to the iame Moods. Utfaluta- lis, it a rej'alutaberis. Ut fementem fece> ris, it a & meios. Hor. Ut fo loon as, to an Indicative only : as Ut venium '■ I : Quafi, tanquam, perinde, acfi, to a Subjunctive only-, as Quafi non norimus nos inter nos. Tanquam feceris ipfe ali~ quid. Ne of forbidding, to an Imperative or Subjunctive ; as Nefievi. Ne metuas. Certain Adverbs of quantity, quali- ty or caufe ; as Quam, quoties, cur, qua- re, &c. Thence alfoqui, quis, quant us, qualis, and the like, coming in a Sen- tence after the principal Verb, govern the Verb following in a Subjunctive ; as Videte quam valdi mdlitia fua confi- dat. Cic. Quid ejl cur tu in ijlo locofede- as ? Cic. pro Cluent. Subjideo mihi di- ligentiam comparavi qua quanta Jit in- / non fctejt, nifi, &c. Cic. pro Quint. Nam quid hoc iniquius dicipotejt. Quam me qui caput alt erius fort unafque defendant, Priore loco dij cere. Ibid. Nul- lum ejl Off cium tarn fantlum atquefolenr.e, quod non avaritia violare foleai. Ibid. Non me fall it, ft ' confulamini quid Jit is re- fponfuri. Ibid. Dicivix potejt quammul- tajint qua refpondeatis ante fieri opor- tere. Ibid. Docui quo die bum fibi pro- tnijiffe dieat, eo die ne Roma quidem eum fuiffe. Ibid. Ccnturbatus dijeedit neque mirum cut hac optio tarn mifera daretur. Ibid. Narrat quo in loco viderit Quin- timn. Ibid. Reclemajores eum quifocium fefellifjet in virorum bonorum numero non putarunt haberi oportere. Cic. pro Rofc. Am. Qua concur fatio percontantium quid Prator edixijjet, ubi ccenaret, quid enuntiafjet. Cic. Agrar. i. Of Conjunctions. Conjunctions Copulative and Dis- junctive, and thefe four, Quam., nij(, praterquam, an, couple like cafes; as Socrates docuit Xenophontem & Pla- tonem. Aut dies eft, aut nox. Nefcio al- bus an aterfit. Ejl minor natu qudmtu. Nemini placet praterquam fibi. Except when fome particular con- flruction requireth otherwife; asStudui Roma & Athenis. Emifundum centum nummis £s? pluris. Accufas furti, an Jlu- pri, an tttroque ? They alio couple for the moft part like Moods and Tenfes, as Reclo Jlat corpore, defpicitque terras. But not al- ways like Tenfes; as Ni/i me laclajjes, & vana fpe produceres. Et habetur, &? refsretur tibi a me gratia. Of other Conjunctions, fome govern an Indicative, fome a Subjunctive, ac- cording to their feveral Significations. Etfi, tametfi, etiamfi, quanquam an Indicative ; quamvis and licet molt commonly 627 62! Accedence commenced Grammar. commonly a Subjunctive •, as Etfi nihil In, fignifying/u, towards, in to, or a- yiovi afferrebatur. Quanquam animus gainjl, requires an Aceufative; as Pif- vieminiffehorret. Quamvis Elyfws mire- ces emptos obolo in cenamfeni. Animus in tur Gracia campos. Ipfe licet venias. Teucros benignus. Verfa eft in cineres Tro- Ni, nifi,fi,fiquidem, quod, quia, poft- ja. bile committer e tantum quidTroespo- quam, pofteaquam,antcquam, priufquam, tuere? Laftly, when it fignifies future an Indicative or Subjunctive -, as Nifi vi time, or for ; as Bellum in trigefimum di- tnavis eripi. Ni facial, Cajiigo te, non cm indixerunt . TJeJignati confutes in an- qubd odeohebeam, fed quod amem. Ante- num fequentem. Aliipretiafaciunt infin- qiiam dicam. Si for quamvis a Subjunc- gv.la capita canum. Var. Otherwife in quam tive onl y . Redeam P Non ft me obfecret. Si alio conditional may fometimes crovern both Verbs of the fentence in a Subjunctive •, as Refpirarofi te videro. Cic. ad Attic. Quando, quandcquidem, quoniam an Indicative •, as Dicite quandoquidem in molli confedimus herba. guoniam conve- nimus ambo. Cum, feeing that, a Subjunctive ; as Cum/is officiis Gradive virilibus aptus. Ne, an, num, of doubting, a Sub- junctive ; as Nihil refer t, fecerifne, an perfuaferis. Fife num redierit. lnterrogatives alfo of difdain or re- proach underftood, govern a Subjunc- tive ; as tantum dem, quantum ille popof- cerit ? Cic. verr. 4. Sylvam tu Scantiam vendas? Cic. Agrar. Hunc iu non antes? Cic. ad Attic. Furem aliquem aut rapa- r.cm accufaris ? Vitanda femper erit omnis avaritiafufpicio. Cic. ver. 4. Some- times an Infinitive ; as Mine incept dejijiere viftdm ? Virg. Ut that, left not, or although, a Subjunctive-, as Te oro y ut redeat jam in mam. Metuo at fubftet hofpes. Ut omnia contingant qua volo. Of Prepofitions. OF Prepofitions, fome will have an Aceufative after them, fome an Ablative, fome both, according to their different fignification. An Aceufative thefe following, Ad, apud, ante, adverfus adverfum, cis citra, circum circa, circiter, contra, erga, ex- tra, inter, intra, infra, juxta, ob, pone, per, prope, propter, pojt, penes, prater, fecundum, fupra,fecus, trans, ultra, uf- que, vcrfus : But wr/aj is moll com- monly fet after the cafe it governs, as hondinum verfits. And for an Aceufative after ad, a Dative fometimes is us'd in Poets ; as It clamor ccelo. Virg. Cceloji gloria tol- lit Mneadum. Sil. for ad caelum. An Ablative thefe, A, ab, abs, abfque, cum, coram, de, e, ex,pro,pr<e,palam, fi- ne, tenus, which laft is alfo put after his Cafe, being moft ufually aGenitive, ifit be plural ; as Capulo tenus. Aurium tenus. Thefe, both Cafes, /;/, fab, fuper, fubtcr, clan, procul. will have an Ablative ; as In Urbe. In Terris, Sub, when it fignifies to, or in time, about, or a little before, requires an Ac- eufative ; asfub umbr am proper emus. Sub id tempus. Sub notlem. Otherwife an Ablative. Sub pedibus. Sub umbra. Super fignifying beyond, or frefent time, an Aceufative ; as Super Garaman- tas &? Indos. Super ccenam. Suet, at fup- per-time. O/or concerning an Ablative ; as Mult a fuper Priamo rogitans. Super hac re. Super, over or upon, may have either cafe ; as Super ripas Tiberis effufus. Sa- vafedens fuper arma. Fronde fuper viridi. So alfo may fubter ; as pug na turn eji fuper fubter que terras. • bter denfa .tef- tudine. Virg. Clam pairem or p. Procul muros. Liv. P atria procul. Prepofitions in compofition govern the fame cafes as before in appolition. Adibo hominem. Detrudunt naves fcopulo. And the Prepofition is fometimes re- peated \ as Detrahere de tua fatna nun- quam cogitavi. And fometimes under- ltood, governeth his ufual cafe ; as Ha- beo te loco parentis. Apparuit humanafpe- cie. Cumis erant oriundi. Liv. Liberis parentibus oriundis. Colum. Mutat quadrata rotundis. Hor. Pridie Compi- talia. Pridie nonas or calendas. Pcftridie Idus. Pcftridie ludos. Before which Accufative's ante or poft is to be under- ftood, Filii id atatis. Cic. Hoc noclis. Liv. Underftand Secundum. Or refer to part of time. Omnia Mercuric fimi- lis. Virg .Underftand per. Of Inter} edlions. CErtain Interjections have feverai Cafes after them. 0, a Nomina- tive, Aceufative or Vocative ; as O feftus dies bominis. O cgojavus. Hor„ O fortunatos. O formofe puer. Others a Nominative or an Aceufa- tive -, as Hen prifca fides ! H'euftirpem ;n- vifam ! Pr oh J an tie Jupiter ! Prol? deum atque hominum fidem ! Hem tibt Davum f Yea, though the Interjection be un- derftood ; as Ale miferum ! Me cecum, qui hac ante non viderim ! Others will have a Dative ; as He: mihi. F<e mifero mibi. Tercnt. The E?id of the First V olume. 4 D 000 015 961 6 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. B* f 0fO.tB^ RENBNM- ldurl WW v 1977 Form L9-Series 444 3 1158 01023 2063 5 •^r< *l>* ** KH Wr .» ««f "* •►."? V ». ^ ; * w*