GIFT OF 
 JANE Ko^ATHER 
 
£w^7 
 
THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
THE 
 
 GREEK ORATORS 
 
 BY 
 
 J. F. DOBSON, M.A. 
 
 TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 
 
 PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF BRISTOL 
 
 METHUEN & CO. LTD. 
 
 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. 
 
 LONDON 
 
First Published in igig 
 
 y-' 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 THE object of this book is to provide a reasonably 
 short account of the works of the Orators and to 
 give a general idea of the style of each. It seemed to 
 me at the outset that this object could be best attained, 
 not by applying methods of scientific analysis, but by 
 giving numerous quotations from the speeches to 
 emphasise the points which I wished to bring out. 
 I have therefore avoided as far as possible the techni- 
 caHties of criticism, and illustrated my remarks by 
 translations of characteristic passages, hoping thus to 
 make my work easily accessible not only to classical 
 students, but also to others who, while generally 
 interested in the Classics, have not the time or the 
 capacity to study them in the original. 
 
 I have no idea of superseding the standard works 
 on the subject, such as Jebb's Attic Orators and Blass' 
 Attische Beredsamkeit, which deal with the subject 
 more fully and from a somewhat different point of view. 
 No student of the Orators can afford to neglect the 
 works of these scholars, but though I have frequently 
 consulted them, I have by no means considered myself 
 bound by their opinions ; in fact, my chief claim to 
 consideration is that my own judgments are entirely 
 independent of authority, and are based directly 
 
 Y 
 
 44Geea 
 
vi THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 upon a first-hand study of the extant writings of the 
 Orators. 
 
 The chief work, in addition to the two above men- 
 tioned, to which I am indebted is Croiset's Histoire 
 dt la LitUrature Grecque. 
 
 I have to thank BalHol College and the Clarendon 
 
 Press for permission to print extracts from Jowett's 
 
 Plato. 
 
 J. F. DOBSON 
 
 Bristol, /u/y igig 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 
 II. ANTIPHON. .... 
 
 III. THRASYMACHUS — ANDOCIDES , 
 
 IV. LYSIAS 
 V. ISAEUS 
 
 VI. ISOCRATES 
 VII. MINOR RHETORICIANS 
 VIII. AESCHINES 
 IX. DEMOSTHENES . 
 X. PHOCION, DEMADES, PYTHEAS . 
 XL LYCURGUS, HYPERIDES, DINARCHUS 
 XII. THE DECLINE OF ORATORY 
 
 INDEX 
 
 PAGE 
 I 
 
 19 
 50 
 
 74 
 103 
 126 
 160 
 
 163 
 199 
 268 
 271 
 308 
 315 
 
 vU 
 
I 
 
• THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 
 
 §1 
 
 ORATORY is one of the earliest necessities of 
 society ; as soon as men were organised on 
 terms of equality for corporate action, there must 
 have been occasions when opinions might differ as to 
 the best course to be pursued, and, if there were no 
 inspired king whose unquestioned authority could 
 impose his will, the majority must decide whether to 
 flee or to fight, to kill or to keep ahve. Thus different 
 plans must be discussed, and, in cases where opinion 
 was evenly balanced, that side would prevail which 
 could state its views most convincingly ; and so the 
 need for deliberative oratory arose. 
 
 With the Greeks oratory was instinctive; in the 
 earliest serm-historical records that we possess, eloquence 
 is found to be~ a gift prized not less highly than valour 
 m battle ; the kings and princes are not only ' re- 
 nowned for their power,' but are * leaders of the people 
 by their counsels, . . . wise and eloquent in their 
 instructions ' ; strength and courage are the property 
 of all, .but the real leaders must be the counsellors, 
 pov\r)(f)opoi, avhpe^. Nesto r, who is alm ost „ past the 
 age for fightings Js honoured among the first for his_ 
 
,.,2.^ THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 , eloquence, dn'd' whereas Achilles shares with many 
 /' '. : f^jfiicr warriors the glories of the tUad, Odysseus, fertile 
 in counsel, is the chief subject of an entire poem. 
 >^ The speech of Phoenix in the ninth book of the Iliad 
 shows us"the~ Heals wlucli were aimed at in~tlie~educa- 
 tion of a prince. He tells how he trained the young 
 Achilles to be a ' speakerof words and a doer of deeds-~L 
 and Achilles, as we know him, well justified this train- 
 ing. The leading characters in the Homeric poems 
 are already fluent orators, able and ready to debate 
 inteUigently on any concrete subject, and, moreover, 
 to seek guidance from general principles. Nestor 
 makes frequent appeals to historical precedent ,* 
 Phoenix introduces allegorical illustration ; ^ many 
 speakers refer to the sanctity of law and custom ; 
 though the particular case is foremost in the mind, 
 generalisations of various kinds are by no means in- 
 r frequent. The Homeric counsellor can urge his own 
 ^ . I arguments and rebut those of his opponent with a 
 ^^^ / natural facility of speech and readiness of invective 
 ^K I which even a polished wielder of personahties like 
 [^ Demosthenes might envy. 
 
 From the spontaneous outpourings of Achilles and 
 his peers to the studied artifice of Lysias and Demo- 
 sthenes is a long journey through unknown country, 
 and it is obvious that no definite course of develop- 
 fment can be traced; Jbut__a xeieisiKe to Hoiner is of 
 I twofold importance. In the first place, it may indicate 
 c. / that Greek oratory was obviously of native growth, 
 \>^^/ since the germs of it are to be found in the earliest 
 ^ I £^nais ; secondly. Homer was studied with such 
 i devout reverence not only by the Athenian orators 
 
 1 Iliad, ix. 443. ^ Ihid., ix. 502 sqq. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 3 
 
 themselves butjby their immediate literary prede- 
 cessor^^ the cosmopolitan Sophists and the rhetoricians 
 of Sicily, that his influence may have been greater than 
 would at first sight seem probaMe. 
 
 §2 
 The records of eloquence may be studied from various 
 points of view, which may be roughly classified under 
 the headings * literary ' and * practical,' though it is 
 not always easy to keep the elements distinct. A 
 stylistic study of the writings of the Athenian orators 
 must find a place in any systematic work on the de- 
 velopment of Attic prose, but in a work like the present, 
 which professes to deal with orators only, such a study 
 cannot be carried out with any attempt at complete- 
 ness ; thus, while it may be possible to discuss the 
 influence of Thucydides or Plato on Demosthenes, 
 there will be no room to consider how far the historian 
 himself may have been influenced directly by Antiphon, 
 or the philosopher by Gorgias, though a cursory in- 
 dication may be given that such influences were at 
 work. When, however, we regard rhetoric not for its 
 literary value but as a practical art, our task becomes 
 more feasible ; in literature there are many eddies 
 and cross-currents, but in oratory, especially of the 
 forensic type, there is more uniformity of flow. Anti- 
 phon and Demosthenes had, to a great extent, similar 
 ground to traverse, similar obstacles to overcome or 
 circumvent ; and a study of their different methods of 
 approaching like problems may give some reasonable 
 and interesting results which will be a contribution 
 to the history of the * Art of Persuasion.' Even here we 
 shall find diificulties, for one who is reckoned among 
 
4 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the greatest orators, Isocrates, is known not to have 
 been practical at all in the sense in which Demosthenes 
 was ; his so-called speeches were never meant to be 
 delivered, and depended for their efficacy far more on 
 their literary style than on their practical character- 
 istics. There is, perhaps, only one great factor which 
 is common to all orators alike ; they all give us, both 
 directly and indirectly, invaluable materials for the 
 study of Athenian history, information with regard 
 both to pubhc and private life and national character. 
 While the speeches before the assembly and in public 
 causes increase our historical knowledge in the wider 
 sense, the private speeches, often dealing with matters 
 of the utmost triviality, provide a miscellaneous store 
 of information on domestic matters only comparable 
 to that more recently recovered from the papyri of 
 Egypt. 
 
 §3 
 
 r It would _seem that constitutional liberty and_ a 
 
 ' strong civic feeling are indispensable as a basis for the 
 
 growth of oratory. Such a statement must bejnade 
 
 with caution, as iOeaves"out of accoxmt a thousand 
 
 ^(j^,^ influences which may have been operative ; but we 
 
 y^ \ have no records of oratory at Athens before the estab- 
 
 ^ I lishment of the democracy, and after the limitatfon 
 
 ! of Athenian influence diie to the spread of Hellenism 
 
 '( under Alexander, oratory very rapidly decHned. 
 
 The imagination of Herodotus gives us, in the de- 
 bates of the Persian court, some idea of what he 
 conceived the oratory of an earlier age to be; but as 
 he transferred the ideas of his own coimtry to another, 
 without any serious attempt at realism, such speeches 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 5 
 
 are of little value to us. Thucydides again inserted 
 speeches freely into his history, but these, he candidly 
 admits, are not authentic records but imaginary 
 reconstructions. Nevertheless, it is chiefly on Thucy- 
 dides that we must draw for information about the 
 eloquence of the early statesmen of the democracy. 
 
 Themistocles has left behind him some reputation as 
 a speaker. Herodotus indicates how he harangued the 
 Greeks before the battle of Salamis ; ^ Thucydides 
 commends him for ability in explaining his policy, ^ 
 and the author of the pseudo-Lysian Epitaphios names 
 him as ' equally capable in speech, decision, and action.' ^ 
 Beyond these meagre notices, and a reference to his 
 eloquence in Cicero,* we have nothing earlier than 
 Plutarch,^ who tells us that from early youth he took 
 an interest in the practice of speech-making, and that 
 he studied under a Sophist, Mnesiphilus, who apparently 
 t£|.ught him something of the science of statesmanship. 
 Plutarch records his answer to Eurybiadas, who had 
 taunted him in the council of alHes with being a man 
 without a city — since Athens was evacuated — and 
 therefore not entitled to the right of speech : 
 
 ' We, villain, have left our houses and our walls, disdain- 
 ing to be slaves for the sake of these lifeless things ; but 
 still we have a city — the greatest of Greek cities — ^in our 
 fleet of 200 triremes, which now are ready to help you if 
 you care to be saved by their aid ; but if you go away and 
 betray us a second time, the Greek world shall forthwith 
 learn that the Athenians possess a free city and a country 
 no worse than the one they have lost. * ^ 
 
 * Herod., viii. 83. * Thuc, i. 138. » § 42. 
 
 * Brutus, § 28. • Themistocles, ch. ii. " Ibid., ch. xi. 
 
6 THE GREEK ORATORS . 
 
 Another fragment is preserved by Plutarch, an ad- 
 dress to Xerxes in quite a different vein, containing 
 an elaborate metaphor which may have been thought 
 suited to the Oriental mind : 
 
 ' The speech of man is like to a piece of cunning em- 
 broidery, for both when unrolled display their patterns, 
 but when folded up conceal them.' ^ 
 
 Many others of his sayings are chronicled ; they are 
 more or less apocryphal, as his retort to the man af 
 Seriphos, who hinted that Themistocles owed his 
 greatness to the fact that his city was great. ' You, 
 Themistocles, would never have been famous if you 
 had been a Seriphian ' — ' Nor would you, if you had 
 been an Athenian.' ^ His interpretation of the oracle, 
 explaining ' wooden walls ' as ships, shows the man 
 ready at need like Odysseus ; and the impression that we 
 form of him from the very slight indications which we 
 possess, is of a man always clear and plausible in his 
 statements, never at a loss for an explanation, and 
 perhaps rather a good debater than an orator. 
 
 Of Pericles, who represents the following generation, 
 we have a clearer picture. We know more about his 
 private life and the associates who influenced his 
 opinions. His earliest instructors were the musicians 
 Damon and Pythoclides, of whom the former remained 
 his intimate friend through life,^ and, if we believe 
 Plutarch, was capable of giving him advice even on 
 questions of statesmanship.* The friendship of Anaxa- 
 
 ^ Ch. xxix. 2 Plato, Republic, i. 330 a. 
 
 ^ Plato, Alcihiades, i., 118 c. 
 
 * Plut., Pericles yCh. iv., who quotes Plato (comicus) : crv yap, Cos (f)a<n, 
 Xelpu}^ e^^dperpas Hepi/cX^a. 
 
*«'*Ti»>*^.**-' 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 7 
 
 goras was_dffiibtless__,a- powerfiil infliiP.nc£^.as_JElatdN^- 
 affirms in a well-knownjpassagejof th^^ Phaedrusj^ j 
 
 * All the arts require discussion and high speculation/*^ 
 about the truths of nature ; hence come loftiness of thought 
 and completeness of execution. And this, as I conceivel 
 was the quaUty which, in addition to his natural gifts, \ 
 Pericles acquired from his intercourse with Anaxagoras / 
 ... He was thus imbued with the higher philosophy . . .j 
 and apphed what suited his purpose to the art of speaking. '\ 
 
 He is saidjlso to Jiave _been„acq[Mi^^ of \ 
 
 Sea, an accomplished dialectician, and with the great j 
 Sophist Protagoras, 
 
 Plutarch represents him as amusing himself by dis- ; 
 cussing with Protagoras a question which is the theme j 
 of one of Antiphon's tetralogies — a man in a gym- / 
 nasium accidentally kills another with a javelin : who j 
 is to blame ? ^ In Xenophon's Memorabilia ^ we find -^ 
 him engaged in sophistical discussion with his young • 
 nephew Alcibiades, who, fresh from the rhetorical schools, 
 was apparently his superior in hair-splitting argument. 
 
 Thucydides puts three speeches into the mouth of 
 Pericles ; though the language is that of the historian, 
 some of the thoughts may be those of the statesman. / 
 We seem to recognise his high intelligence, developed I 
 by philosophical training, and the loftiness and effec- f 
 tiveness of which Plato speaks.* 
 
 The comic poet Eupolis gives us a picture from a 
 different point of view : v/' 
 
 A. ' Whenever at Council he rose in his place ^ 
 
 That powerful speaker — so hot was the pace — 
 Could give other runners three yards in the race.' / 
 
 * p. 270 A, Jowett's translation. 
 
 2 Antiphon, Tetral. ii. ^ j^ 2. 40. * Plato, I.e. 
 
8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 \ B. ' His speed I admit ; in addition to that 
 A mysterious spell on his lips ever sate : 
 He charmed ; and alone of the orators he 
 Left something behind, like the sting of a bee.' ^ 
 
 We know from Thucydides the extent of his influence 
 over the people. He was no demagogue in the vulgar 
 sense ; they knew him to be sincere and incorruptible. 
 He was never deterred by the unpopularity of his 
 i policy ; he would lead the people rather than submit 
 to be led by them ; he could abase their spirits when 
 they were unduly elated, or raise them to confidence 
 
 -4l when imseasonably disheartened. ^ At the height of 
 his career his eloquence was the more effective because 
 it was rarely displayed ; minor matters in the assembly 
 were transacted by his subordinates ; when Pericles 
 himself arose to speak it was a signal that a matter 
 of national importance was to be debated, and his ap- 
 pearance roused a confident expectation that the treat- 
 ment would be worthy of the subject.^ The epithet 
 ' Olympian,' applied to him originally in sarcasm, was 
 felt to be more truly applicable than its originator, 
 perhaps, intended. His eloquence was a noble ex- 
 
 n/ position of the fine intelligence and high character 
 which first claimed a hearing. 
 
 Though we have no verbal record of his speeches, a 
 few of his phrases stuck in the memory of chroniclers. 
 Aegina was to him ' the eye-sore of the Piraeus ' — it 
 spoiled the view from the Athenian harbour,^ The 
 Samians, who' submitted very reluctantly to the bless- 
 
 * Bothe, Comic Frag., i. 162. See also Aristophanes, Acharn. 530. 
 
 * Then Pericles the Olympian in his wrath 
 Lightened and thundered and confounded Greece.' 
 
 * Thuc, ii. 65. » Plut., Pericles, ch. vii. 
 
 * Arist., Rhet., iii. 10. 7 D. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 9 
 
 ings of Athenian civilization, are like * babies tha-t cry 
 when you give them their pap, but take it all the 
 same ' ; ^ and Boeotia, disintegrated by civil war, is 
 like an oak spHt by oaken wedges. ^ His finest simile 
 — ^not, perhaps, original, since Herodotus attributes 
 a similar phrase to Gelon, when Greece refused his 
 invaluable assistance — occurred, according to Aristotle, 
 in a ftmeral speech : 
 
 ' The city has lost its Youth ; it is as though the year 
 had lost its Spring.' ^ 
 
 §4 
 
 The eloquence of these earlier statesmen, though 
 significant of the tendency of the Attic genius, is an 
 isolated phenomenon. It has no bearing on the 
 development of Athenian oratory. We have now to 
 consider two direct influences, that of the Sophists 
 and that of the early rhetoricians of Sicily. 
 
 In the middle of the fifth century B.C., — when in 
 turn the unrestricted imagination of the Ionian phil^ 
 osophers had failed to explain the riddle of existence i 
 on physical grounds, the metaphysical Parmenides 
 had denied the possibihty of accurate knowledge, ajod 
 Zeno, the dialectician of Elea.^ had reduced himselfJto 
 dumbness by the conclusion that not only knowledge 
 is impossible but even grammatical predication isj 
 im justifiable, for you cannot say that one thing is/' 
 another, or like things unlike, — Philosophy fell somej 
 
 what into disrepute^j^ A spirit of scepticism sprea^ 
 
 .. ^^ 
 
 1 Thuc, i. 115-117 ; Arist., Rhet., iii. 4. 3. 
 * Arist., ibid. 
 
 ' Herod., vii. 162 ; Arist., Rhet., i. 7. 34. In a later age the 
 orator Demades borrowed it. (Athenaeus, iii. 99 d.) 
 
%r 
 
 10 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 over the Greek world, and the greatest thinkers, foiled 
 in tTi~eTfattenipts"fo~dis^covef the higher truths, turned 
 their attention to the practical side of education:: - In 
 various cities of Greater Greece there arose men of 
 high intellectual attainment, conveniently classed 
 together under the title of Sophists (educators), who, 
 neglecting abstract questions, undertook to prepare 
 men for the higher walks of civic life by instruction 
 of various kinds. The^reatest of these, Protagoras^ 
 of Abdera, expressed his contempt for philosophy in 
 the well-known dictum, ' Man is the measure of all 
 things — of what is, that it" is"; and~of what is not, 
 that it is not? He" th:efef6fe devoted himself to the 
 study of literature, and, in particular, of Homer. 
 He attained great popularity ; in the course of long 
 travels throughout the Greek world, he made several 
 visits to Athens, where he knew Pericles. Plato, in 
 the dialogue named after him, gives us some idea of 
 the fascination which his personality exercised over 
 the young men of Athens, and, indeed, * Sophistry ' 
 as a whole had a tremendous popularity. All young 
 men of good family and position, who aspired to 
 political life, flocked to hear the lectures of the Sophists. 
 Alcibiades, Critias, and others undoubtedly owed to 
 this movement much of their political ability. 
 
 The morality of sophistry has been much discussed. 
 The comic poets represent it as the chief instrument 
 for the destruction of the ancient ideals of conduct- 
 Plato, though he recognized its humanistic value and 
 spoke with appreciation of several individual teache s, 
 blamed their teaching as a whole. Certainly the claim 
 of Protagoras, that he could make the worse cause 
 appear the better, laid him particularly open to attack. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY ii 
 
 Protagoras made some elementary studies in grammar, 
 presumably as a basis for logic. His method of teach- 
 ing was apparently by example. In the dialogue of 
 Plato he gives a demonstration of how a given subject 
 should be discussed : his discourse consists first of a 
 * myth/ then a continuous speech, finally a criticism 
 on a poetical quotation. We may suppose that this "^ 
 is a reasonable imitation of his methods. His pupils 
 committed to memory such speeches, or summaries of J 
 them, on various -subjects, and were thus moderately 
 well equipped for purposes of general debate. 
 
 Prodicus of Ceos, who seems to have been many 
 years younger than Protagoras,^ was more concerned 
 with moral philosophy than with dialectical exercises. 
 He paid the greatest attention in all his teaching to 
 opOoeireLa, the correct use of words, i.e. the distinction -^ 
 of meaning between words which in the popular 
 language have come to be treated as synonymous.? 
 This precision may have been carried to the point of 
 pedantry, but as the correct use of terms is an important 
 element in prose style, his studies deserve consideration. 
 
 Hippias of Elis is of less importance. He was ready j-f 
 to discourse on any subject under the sim, and could 
 teach his pupils a similar glibness ; abundance of words 
 was made to conceal a lack of ideas. 
 
 §5 
 Cicero has preserved, from Aristotle, a statement 
 that forensic rhetoric came to its birth at Syracuse, 
 when, after the expulsion of the tyrants in 465 B.C., 
 
 1 Plato, Protag., 317 c. 
 
 2 Plato, Protag., 337 a-c, where Plato parodies his style. 
 
12 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 many families, whose property had been confiscated 
 by them, tried to re-estabhsh their claims.^ Certainly 
 Corax, the founder of rhetoric, was teaching about the 
 year 466 B.C., and composed a ri^^^vr), or handbook„of 
 rhetorical principles. ^ He was followed by his pupil 
 TiStas,^^ who also wrote a treatise which Aristotle 
 pronounced to be better than his master's, and was 
 in turn soon superseded by a better one.^ Both Corax 
 and Tisias attached great importance to et/co? (pro- 
 bability) as a means of convincing a jury. A sample 
 of the use of this argument from the work of Corax is 
 the case of the man charged with assault, who denies 
 the charge and says, ' It is obvious to you that I am 
 weak in body, while he is strong ; it is therefore 
 inherently improbable that I should have dared to 
 attack him.' The argument can of course be turned 
 the other way by the prosecutor — * the defendant is 
 weak in body, and thought that on that accoimt no 
 one would suspect him of violence.' We shall find 
 ^ that this argument from eUora is very characteristic 
 of the orator Antiphon ; it occurs in his court speeches 
 as well as in his tetralogies, which are model exercises. 
 It seems, indeed, that he almost preferred this kind of 
 argument to actual proof, even when evidence was 
 available.^ Tisias improved on the theme of Corax ; 
 supposing that a feeble but brave man has attacked a 
 strong one who is a coward, he suggests that both 
 should tell lies in court. The coward will not like to 
 admit his cowardice, and will say that he was attacked 
 by more than one man. The culprit will prove this 
 to be a lie, and will then fall back on the argument of 
 
 1 Cicero, Brutus, § 46. 2 Arist., Rhet, ii. 24. 11. 
 
 * Soph. Elench.y 183 p. 28 sqq. * Vide infra, p. 36. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 13 
 
 Corax, ' I am weak and he is strong ; I could not have 
 assaulted or robbed him/ — and so on.^ 
 
 An anecdote of these two rhetoricians further in- 
 dicates the slipperiness of the groimd on which they 
 walked.^ Tisias took lessons from Corax on condition 
 that he should pay the fee only if he won his first case 
 in court. After some lapse of time Corax grew im- 
 patient for his money, and finally brought an action — 
 the first case, as it happened, on which Tisias was ever 
 engaged. Corax asserted, ' If I win the case, I get 
 my money by the verdict ; if I lose it, I claim payment 
 by our contract.' * No,' said Tisias, * if I win, I don't 
 pay, and if I lose I don't pay.' The court dismissed 
 the case with the remark, * A bad crow lays bad eggs ' ; ^ ^1 ,^~-- 
 and this was obviously to the advantage of the younger 
 man, who had nine points of the law on his side. 
 
 Though no writings of either are preserved, we can 
 form an idea of their methods. They were wholly 
 immoral or non-moral, and perversely sophistical.^ 
 The^^;glausible was_ preferred to the true, and the one 
 object was to win the case. Their method of teaching 
 was, according to Aristotle, ' quick but unscientific,' * 
 and consisted of making the pupil learn by heart a ^ 
 large number of ' commonplace ' topics and standard 
 * arguments suitable to all kinds of legal processes . They 
 do not appear to have paid any attention to style on 
 the literary side. 
 
 §6 
 Gorgias of Leontini, a contemporary of Protagoras, 
 started out, like the Sophist, from the position that 
 
 1 Quoted by Plato, Phaedrus, 273 b-c. 
 
 * Schol. on Hennogenes; also Sext. Empir. adv. Mathem,, ii. 96. . ; ^ 
 
 ' KdKQxi KbpuKot KaKo. (}}d. * Soph. Blench., 184 a. i. ,^i' \* 
 
14 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 nothing can be known, and the pursuit of philosophy 
 is a ploughing of the sand. He is said to have been a 
 pupil of Tisias, and occupies a place between the early 
 rhetoricians and the Sophists usually so-called. Like 
 the former, he studied and taught orator y, but whereas 
 they we re only concerned with the struggle lor mas tery 
 iiT (TeBale^ he entertained, likeT^otagoras, a broad"view 
 of education, and, while continuing to regard rhetoric 
 as the art of persuasion,^ attached more attentioril:o 
 the artistic side than any other educator had done. 
 He became the first conscious artist in prose style. 
 
 Like the other Sophists he travelled from town to 
 town giving displays of his art, and gained riches 
 which he spent freely. ^ In 427 B.C. he came to Athens 
 as an ambassador from his native city,^ and produced 
 a remarkable impression on his hearers, not only the 
 multitude before whom he spoke, but the highly 
 educated class who could appreciate his technique. 
 Thucydides owed something to him, and the poet 
 Antiphon showed traces of his influence.* We hear 
 of his sojourn at Larissa, where the Thessalians, in 
 ^5 admiration, coined from his name the word which 
 */ Philostratus uses to express his exuberant style. ^ 
 
 His first work is said to have been a sceptical treatise 
 on Nature, or the Non-existent.^ This was followed by a 
 
 1 Cf. Plato, Gorgias, 453 a ; Phaedr., 259 e. 
 
 2 Isocr., Antid., § 155. 
 
 3 If it is true, as Philostratus, Ep. ix. says, that Aspasia ' sharpened 
 the tongue of Pericles ' in Gorgian style, he must have visited 
 Athens in a private capacity at an earlier date, unless his Olym- 
 piac and other speeches were widely circulated and read. 
 
 * IloXXaxoO rG}v id/x^up yopycd^ei, Philost., Lives of the Sophists, ix. 
 
 493- 
 
 ^ Plato, Meno, 70 b ; Philost., Epist. ix. 364. 
 
 ^ irepl (piLxrem ij rod fir] 6vtos, Sext. Emp., vii. 65. Cicero {Brut., § 46) 
 mentions also a collection of communes loci made for instructional 
 purposes. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 15 
 
 certain number of speeches, the most famous of which 
 was the Olympiac, in which, Uke Isocrates at a later-^'" 
 date, he urged on the Greeks the necessity of union. ' 
 The Funeral Oration, to which we shall recur, is sup- 
 posed to have been delivered at Athens, but this can 
 hardly have been the case, as such speeches were 
 regularly delivered by prominent Athenian statesmen, 
 and there would be no occasion for calling in a foreigner. 
 A Pythian speech and various Encomia are recorded ; 
 some on mythical characters, which may be regarded 
 as mere exercises, some on real people, as the Eleans.^ 
 He seems not to have written speeches for the law- 
 courts ; his tendency, as in his personal habits, so in 
 his speech, was towards display, and so he originated ' 
 the style of oratory known as epideictic, which Isocrates ^ 
 in a subsequent age was destined to bring to perfection. 
 Though an Ionian by birth, he instinctively recognized 
 the great possibilities of the Attic dialect, and chose" 
 it as his medium of expression ; it was not, however, 
 the Attic of everyday life, but a language enriched by 
 the exuberance of a poetical imagination. We possess 
 of his actual work only one noteworthy extract from 
 the Funeral Speech ; but from this, joined to a few 
 isolated criticisms and phrases preserved by com- 
 mentators, as well as from the language ascribed by 
 Plato to his imitator Agathon,^ we can form some idea 
 of his pompous exaggerations. 
 
 He was much addicted to the substitution of rare 
 expressions — yXcoTrat, as the Greek critics called them 
 — for the ordinary forms of speech. His language 
 
 1 Arist., Rhet., iii. 14. 12. 
 
 2 Symposium, 194 e, sqq., 197 d ; the latter contains some excel- 
 lent examples : Trpa^TTjTa fi^p iroplj^wp, dypidrrp-a 8' i^opi^uw <pi\68<apos 
 evfieyeias, Aduiftos dvafxevelai, etc. 
 
i6 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 abounded in archaic and poetical words, striking 
 metaphors and unusual compounds. He frequently 
 employed neuter adjectives and participles in pre- 
 ference to the corresponding abstract nouns ; he liked 
 to use a verbal noun accompanied by an auxiliary 
 in places where a simple verb would be naturally 
 employed. Finally, though he could not aspire to 
 composition in elaborate periods like Isocrates or 
 Demosthenes, he developed the use of antithesis, word 
 answering to word and clause to clause, pointing his 
 antithetical style not only by the frequent use of fikv 
 and Bi, but by the use of assonance at the ends of 
 
 ^ clauses, corresponding forms of verbs in similar 
 positions, and by some attention to rhythm and 
 equahty of syllabic value in contrasted clauses. 
 
 His chief fault was excess ; he was a pioneer in 
 expression, and did very valuable work ; but he lacked 
 a sense of proportion. The result is that the page of 
 his genuine work which we possess reads like a parody 
 
 . of style, as every characteristic is carried to extreme. 
 But the teacher must indulge in exaggeration, or the 
 pupil will not grasp his points, and the work of Gorgias 
 has a considerable value. It was the first attempt to 
 form a style, and his followers learned partly by imi- 
 tation, partly by avoiding the faults which were too 
 prominent. The very fact that the fragment pre- 
 served is possibly not in his best style makes it the 
 easier to observe his influence on his successors — 
 Antiphon, Thucydides, and many subsequent writers 
 of artistic prose. 
 
 In addition to the speeches already mentioned we 
 possess two encomia on Helen and Palamedes, which 
 are attributed to him. Their authenticity is very 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 17 
 
 doubtful, but Blass, who discussed the question very 
 thoroughly in his Attic Orators without coming to a 
 conviction, has since decided in favour of their genuine- 
 ness.^ This is entirely a matter of personal opinion ; 
 but, even if not genuine, they are probably able imita- 
 tions of the Gorgian style and method. 
 
 The fragment from the Epitaphios can hardly be 
 translated in a way that will give a proper idea of 
 its affectations, but as some notion of its most striking 
 faults may be formed from an English version, some 
 extracts are added. In the Greek in some places 
 there seems to be very little sense, and what there is 
 has been entirely subordinated to the sound : 
 
 ' What quality was there absent in these men which 
 ought in men to be present ? And what was there present 
 that should not be present ? May I have the power to 
 speak as I would, and the will to speak as I should, avoiding 
 the jealousy of gods and escaping the envy of men. For 
 these were divine in their valour, though human in their 
 mortality ; often preferring mild equity to stern justice, 
 and often the uprightness of reasoning to the strictness of 
 the laws, considering that the most divine and universal 
 law is this — to speak, to omit, and to do the proper thing 
 at the proper time. Two duties above all they practised, 
 strength of mind and strength of body ; the one in delibera- 
 tion, the other in execution ; tenders of those who by in- 
 justice were unfortunate, punishers of those who by in- 
 justice were fortunate. . . . And accordingly, though they 
 have died, our yearning died not with them, but immortal 
 over these bodies not immortal it lives when they live no 
 more.' 
 
 Contrast and parallelism are rampant throughout 
 this incredible piece of bombast, which in addition to 
 
 ' Introduction to the Teubner edition of Antiphon (1908), p. xxviii. 
 B 
 
i8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the curious jingles produced by such words as yvwfirjv 
 Koi p(Ofir]v ; BvarvxovvTcovt cvtv^ovvtcov, shows a poetical 
 vocabulary in such phrases as IfK^yro? "A/dt??, 'the Mars 
 that is bom in them/ ivoirXio^ ept?, ' embattled strife/ 
 and (fitXoicaXo^ eiprjvr}, * peace that loves the arts/ 
 Antiphon and Thucydides suffered severely from the 
 contagion of this style, and a conscious imitator, the 
 author of the pseudo-Lysian Epitaphios, has repro- 
 duced its florid monotony. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 ANTIPHON 
 
 §1 
 
 ANTIPHON is said to have been almost contem- 
 JLx. porary with Gorgias, but a little younger.^ He 
 was bom about 480 b.c. He took no part in public 
 life, perhaps disdaining to serve the democracy owing 
 to his strong aristocratic prejudices. He wrote many 
 speeches for others, but himself never spoke in the 
 assembly and very rarely in the pubhc courts. Most 
 of his speeches were written for private individuals, 
 but we have a record on one ' about the tribute of 
 Samothrace,' apparently composed on behalf of that 
 community when appealing against their assessment. 
 Having lived in comparative obscurity all his life, he 
 stepped suddenly into brilliant light in 411 B.C., the 
 year of the revolution of the Four Hundred. According 
 to Thucydides his was the brain which had planned 
 all the details of this anti-democratic conspiracy. The 
 historian pays a striking tribute to his ability as an 
 organiser : 
 
 ' It was Pisander who proposed this motion and in 
 general took the most active steps for the subversion 
 of the democracy ; but the one who contrived the whole 
 plot and the details of its working and who had given 
 his attention to it longest was Antiphon, a man who 
 
 * Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Orators, Antiplion, § 9. 
 
 1» 
 
20 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 must be placed in the first rank for his character, his 
 ingenuity, and his powers of expression. He never 
 put himself forward in the assembly, nor appeared, 
 from choice, at any trial in the courts, but lay under 
 the people's suspicion owing to a reputation for 
 cleverness. He was, however, more capable than 
 any other man of giving assistance to anybody who 
 consulted him with regard to a case either in the courts 
 or the assembly. Eventually, when the Four Hundred 
 suffered reverse and were being harshly treated by 
 the democracy, he was himself brought to trial, for 
 participation in the revolution, and is known to have 
 ' made the finest defence ever on record as having been 
 delivered by a man on trial for his life.' ^ 
 
 During the short rule of the Four Hundred he seems 
 to have been one of the leaders of the extreme party, 
 as opposed to the followers of Theramenes, who advo- 
 cated measures of conciliation. He went, with Phry- 
 nichus and eight other envoys, to negotiate peace with 
 Sparta in the hope of thus securing the oligarchical 
 government. Shortly after the failure of this embassy 
 came the murder of Phrynichus and the fall of the Four 
 Hundred, and the democracy was ready for revenge. 
 Most of the ringleaders fled to Deceleia ; Antiphon and 
 Archeptolemus remained, were prosecuted for treason to 
 the people, condemned and executed. Their property 
 was confiscated, their houses razed to the ground, their 
 descendants disfranchised for all time, and their bodies 
 refused burial in the soil of Athens or any of her 
 sallies. 
 
 On the occasion of his trial the orator, who had spent 
 the best years of his Ufe in pleading by the lips of others 
 
 1 Thuc, viii. 68. 
 
ANTIPHON 21 
 
 in causes which did not interest him, justified his 
 renown and far surpassed all expectation, delivering 
 what was, in Thucydides' opinion, the finest speech of 
 its kind ever heard up to that time. Aristotle pre- 
 serves an anecdote telling how the poet Agathon 
 congratulated the condemned man on his brilHant 
 effort, and Antiphon repHed that * he would rather have 
 satisfied one man of taste than any number of common- 
 people' — ol Tvyxavovrefi, a fine aristocratic term for 
 great Athenian people.^ 
 
 At the time when Antiphon composed his speeches, 
 Attic prose had not settled down into any fixed forms. 
 The first of the orators was therefore an explorer in" 
 language ; he was not hampered by traditions, and 
 this freedom was an advantage ; but on the other hand, 
 the insufficiency of models threw him back entirely 
 on his own resources. 
 
 Of his predecessors in prose-writing, the early his- 
 torians were of no account as stylists. Herodotus 
 wrote in a foreign dialect and a discursive colloquial 
 manner which was unsuited to the needs of oratory ; 
 Gorgias, indeed, used the Attic dialect, but had hin- 
 dered the growth of prose by a too copious use of 
 florid poetical expression. Antiphon, therefore, had 
 little to guide him, and we should expect to find in his 
 work the imperfections which are natural in the ex- 
 perimental stage of any art. 
 
 So few of his works remain that we cannot trace any 
 development in his style ; it is only possible to guess 
 
 ^ Eth. Eudem.y iii. 1232 b. 7. 
 
X 
 
 22 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 at certain influences which may have helped to 
 form it. 
 
 He must have been familiar with the methods of the 
 best speakers in the assembly and the law-courts of 
 the Periclean age ; without great experience of pro- 
 cedure in both he could not have hoped for any success 
 as a speech- writer. He must have been versed in the 
 theories of the great Sophists, such as Protagoras and, 
 more particularly, Gorgias ; and the model discourses 
 which they and others composed for their pupils' 
 instruction were, no doubt, accessible to him. The 
 general influence of Sophistry is, however, to be traced 
 more in the nature of his arguments than in his style. ^ 
 
 §3 
 As regards vocabulary, we are struck at once by the 
 fact that Antiphon uses many words which, apart from 
 their occurrence in these speeches, would be classed as 
 rare or poetical ; words, that is, which a maturer 
 prose-style was inclined to reject. This was partly 
 the result of circumstances ; as has been noted, there 
 was no canon of style and vocabulary, and the influence 
 of Gorgias had been rather to confuse than to dis- 
 tinguish the dictions of prose and poetry, while the 
 great importance attached to poetry in the sophistical 
 education of the time increased the difficulties for any 
 experimental writer who was imwilling to resort to 
 the colloquial language. In many cases, however, we 
 may give Antiphon credit for intention in the deliberate 
 use of poetical words : the * austere ' style ' is wont to 
 
 * The Sophistical element is very prominent, especially in the 
 tetralogies. Like Tisias he makes great use of arguments from 
 probability. 
 
ANTIPHON 23 
 
 expand itself/ says Dionysius, ' by means of big 
 spacious words ' ; ^ and a store of such words is to be 
 found in the poets, notably Aeschylus. ^ 
 
 Antiphon is not singular among prose writers in 
 introducing poetical words ; Plato, the greatest master 
 of Attic prose, is in some cases more poetical than the 
 poets themselves, though his genius is sufficient to 
 obviate any sense of harshness or incongruity. But 
 to an orator such harshness might on occasion be a 
 positive advantage for producing a particular effect ; 
 an unusual word must, at the worst, attract attention ; 
 at the best it lends dignity to an otherwise pedestrian 
 sentence. Dionysius classed Antiphon and Aeschylus-- 
 together as masters of the ' austere ' style, and some 
 of the orator's words and phrases, quite apart from his 
 treatment of his subjects, have a certain touch of 
 Aeschylean majesty. 
 
 Besides poetical words — ^words which may, as we see, 
 have been used intentionally, in preference to their 
 ordinary equivalents in everyday speech — he employs, 
 for the same reasons, a certain number of unusual 
 words and forms not necessarily poetical. Every 
 conscious stylist makes experiments : some of his 
 innovations may become current coin ; others may 
 never pass into general circulation, but remain unused 
 until, perhaps, after many generations an archaeologist 
 discovers and uses the hoard. ^ A few famihar words 
 
 * De comp. verborum, ch. 22. 
 
 ' Such words are, for instance, dvarpoirevs ; fi-nvi/xa and dXirnpios, 
 separately, as fiifjPifjia aKicaadai, deipoi/i dXiT'rjpiovs 'il^ofxev, or together, 
 fiijvifia Tuy iXirrjpiujv Trpoffrplrl/o/xai ; dcla KrjXis, yeyuvelv^ inrTiip^ 
 delfAvrjaros. 
 
 ' Rare but not poetical words are, e.g. inrijpKTo, xw/)o0t\erv, 
 KaraSoxOeis, iirldo^oi, and, from lost speeches, fiOipoXoyx^iv, rpifiuveC- 
 eo-flat, dffTopyia, and many others quoted by lexicographers for their 
 pecuUarity. 
 
24 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 occur in unusual forms which are generally regarded as 
 un -Attic ; unless they are to be removed by emendation, 
 we must suppose that they were used intentionally to 
 give an archaic tone.^ 
 
 Another noticeable characteristic of Antiphon's 
 •language is the frequent employment of circumlocu- 
 tions both for verbs and nouns ; a neuter participle 
 or adjective h\ combination with the definite article 
 does duty as a substantive, while a verbal noun joined 
 to an auxiliary takes the place of a verb. Thus, by 
 an artifice which becomes very common in later writers, 
 ' the beautiful ' is used as a synonym for the abstract 
 noun ' beauty,' and to ' be judges of the truth ' is 
 substituted for ' judge the truth/ These artificialities 
 are often to be noticed in Thucydides, especially in 
 the speeches, and are probably derived from Gorgias, 
 who seems to have instituted the fashion. ^ 
 
 §4 
 Aristotle and subsequent critics distinguish, in prose, 
 the running style {elpofievrj Xeft?) and the periodic 
 (irepLoScKr}). The characteristic of the former is that 
 a sentence consists of a succession of clauses loosely 
 strung together (etpo)), like a row of beads ; generally 
 by re, Be and other copulae ; the sentence begins and 
 ends with no definite plan, and may be of any length. 
 In the word period (circuit) the metaphor is rather that 
 of a hoop ; the sentence does not stretch out inde- 
 finitely in a straight line, but after a certain time 
 
 1 E.g. otda/jLcu, ^5etj, and the remarkable elKbrepov. 
 
 2 Vide supra, p. i6. A striking example of the verbal peri- 
 phrasis is in Antiphon, Herodes, § 94 : vvv ixkv o^v yvupiaral ylvtade 
 T^s 5//C17S, T&re d^ SiKaa-ral tuv fiaprvpuv pOp p.kp do^acrral, t6t€ d^ Kpirai 
 TIJ^V dXT^dwp. 
 
ANTIPHON 25 
 
 bends back on itself so that the end is joined to the 
 beginning. It must, according to Aristotle,^ be of 
 hmited length, not longer than can be taken in at a 
 glance or uttered in one breath, and have a definitely 
 marked beginning and end.^ 
 
 Aristotle finds the loose, running style tedious, 
 because it has no artistic limit of length, and never 
 gets to an end until it has finished what it has to say. 
 To us it seems to have this slight advantage, that it 
 can always stop when it has said what it me-ans, and 
 has no temptation to plunge itself into antithesis or 
 lose its way at the cross-roads of chiasmus before it 
 arrives at its destination ; for though, in the periodic 
 style, the end of the sense should ideally coincide with 
 the end of the period, there are in practice many 
 instances where the sense is fully expressed and the 
 sentence might end before the ' circuit ' is artistically 
 complete. 
 
 The baldest examples of the ' strung together ' style 
 must be sought in the fragments of the early historians ; 
 but Herodotus is sufficiently near to them to provide 
 us with an object-lesson. 
 
 Take, for instance, the following : 
 
 ' When Ardys had reigned forty-nine years, Sadyattes 
 his son succeeded him, and he reigned twelve years, and 
 Alyattes succeeded Sadyattes. And he made war on 
 Cyaxares, the descendant of Deioces, and the Medes, and 
 drove the Cimmerians out of Asia and took Smyrna, a 
 colony of Colophon, and attacked Clazomenae. Here he 
 had not the success he desired, but met with grave disaster. 
 
 * RheU, iii. 9. 1-2. 
 
 * Rhet.y iii. 9. 3 : \i^u> ^xov<^^^ ^PXh^ '^'^^ reKevrijv avrijv Ka6* airriju 
 Kal fiiyedoi tva^uovrToi'. Ibid., 5 : evapdiry^varos. 
 
26 y THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 And during his reign he did other noteworthy deeds, as 
 follows. He fought with the Milesians . . .' etc., etc.^ 
 
 Yet even Herodotus, the most obvious exponent of 
 ^ the loose style, shows a tendency towards the greater 
 compression of periodic writing ; this tendency is at 
 times strongly marked, e.g. in the speeches of the 
 Persian nobles in debate. ^ Here there is a continual 
 movement towards the balance of clauses ; it is very 
 far from the harmonious structure of Isocrates, and is 
 perhaps unconscious, but the elements of the periodic 
 style are there. 
 
 The particular faculty of this latter st3de is that it 
 can be more emphatic and precise than the other. It 
 must be concentrated (KaTearTpafifievrj) ^ if the sentence 
 is to be of moderate length ; it tries, as Dionysius says, 
 * to pack the thoughts close together, and bring them 
 out compactly/ * 
 
 These qualities, concentration of thought and pre- 
 ciseness of expression, are essential for a pleader in the 
 courts, and so it was not unnatural that the develop- 
 ment of the periodic style should coincide at Athens 
 with the rise of forensic oratory. Antiphon, the first 
 practical pleader on scientific lines, is also the earHest 
 of extant writers known to have been a careful student 
 of periodic expression. 
 
 It must not be supposed that all his work consisted 
 of periods carefully balanced : on the one hand, perfec- 
 tion could not be attained at the first onset ; many of 
 the sentences are crude ; in some cases there is a 
 
 ^ Herod., i. 16-17. ' ^^j "i- 80-81. 
 
 ^ Arist., Rhet.y iii. 9. 3. 
 
 * Dion., de Lysia, 6 : -q avarpiipovaa rd vo'/jfiara /cat arpoyyTjXws 
 iK<pipovaa X^^is. 
 
ANTIPHON 27 
 
 weakness of emphasis due to imperfect mastery of the 
 form ; on the other hand, there are cases where the 
 style is freer and more analogous to the simple fluency 
 of the elpofjuevT} Xef 49. The plain fact is that the method 
 of Herodotus is the most appropriate for telling a 
 straightforward narrative from one point of view only ; 
 while the periodic style comes spontaneously into being 
 for purposes of criticism, or where we contrast what is 
 with what might have been ; or of debate, where we 
 put up alternatives side by side with the object of 
 choosing between them. 
 
 The first object of history, to the mind of Herodotus, 
 is to tell a story ; and Herodotus mostly keeps this 
 end in view. Thucydides in some parts of his narrative 
 does the same, but whereas he has a greater tendency 
 to consider each event not by itself but in relation to 
 other circumstances, such as the motives for the action, 
 its effects and influences, he is often periodic even in 
 narrative. He is still more so in speeches. The object 
 of a deliberative speech is not usually to tell a plain 
 story but to produce a highly-coloured one ; it mentions 
 facts chiefly with the object of criticizing them and 
 drawing an inference or a moral. 
 
 If this is true of the speeches in Thucydides, it must 
 be still more applicable to those of a forensic orator. 
 In Antiphon we find short passages in the simple- 
 narrative style — for instance, in the statement of facts 
 in the Herodes case ; but a short section of this nature 
 is followed by criticism and argument expressed in the 
 more artificial period. This is inevitable ; there is no 
 time to spend on long narratives. 
 
 Closely connected with the desire for a periodic style 
 is the tendency to frequent use of verbal antithesis,-' 
 
28 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 an artistic figure which provides a happy means of 
 completing the period and the sense. It is useful 
 because the second part of the antithesis supplies the 
 reader or hearer with something which he is already 
 expecting. It is the application in practice of a 
 familiar psychological law of association by contrary 
 ideas. Such contrast is emphasized in Greek by the 
 common use of the particles ^lev and Se, and is of 
 unnecessarily frequent occurrence in Athenian writers. 
 All readers of Thucydides will remember that author's 
 
 ^craving for the contrast between * word and deed.' 
 In judicial rhetoric this kind of opposition must in- 
 evitably occur very often. From the nature of things 
 each speaker will want to insist on his own honesty 
 and the dishonesty of his opponents ; the truth which 
 he is telling as opposed to their hes, and to contrast 
 the appearances, which seem so black against him, 
 with the transparent whiteness of his character as 
 revealed by a true account of the case. But Antiphon, 
 like the speakers in Thucydides, carries this use of 
 
 "^ antithesis too far, for a sentence which contains too 
 many contrasted ideas is difficult to follow, and so 
 loses force. 
 
 A fair example may be taken from the third speech 
 of the second tetralogy : 
 
 ' I, who have done nothing wrong, but have suffered 
 grievously and cruelly already, and now suffer still more 
 cruelly not from the words but the acts of my adversary, 
 throw myself upon your mercy, Gentlemen — ^you who are 
 avengers of impiety but discriminators of piety — and im- 
 plore you, in view of plain facts, not to be over-persuaded 
 by a malicious precision of speech, and so consider the true 
 explanation of the deed to be false ; for his statement has 
 
ANTIPHON 29 
 
 been made with more plausibility than truth ; mine will 
 be made without guile, though at the same time without 
 force. ' 
 
 This outburst is part of a sentence in which the pro- 
 secutor expresses his indignation that the opponent 
 whom he has accused of murder has had the audacity 
 to defend himself at some length. 
 
 One more example — from the speech on the charge 
 of poisoning — is almost ridiculous. 
 
 ' Those whose duty it was to play the part of avengers 
 of the dead and my helpers, have played the part of mur- 
 derers of the dead, and established themselves as my 
 adversaries.' 
 
 §5 
 
 All speakers must consider the sound of their 
 sentences as well as their grammatical structure, 
 and among all careful writers we find that attention 
 is paid to the balance of clauses. Some orators go 
 further than this ; they emphasize contrasts or 
 parallels by the repetition of similar sounds and even 
 show a preference for certain rhythms, it being a 
 maxim of late rhetoricians that prose, though not 
 strictly metrical in the same way as verse, should 
 possess a characteristic rhythm of its own. 
 
 Some authors go so far as to change the natural 
 order of words for the purpose of escaping hiatus of 
 open vowels, which are necessarily awkward to pro- 
 nounce in rapid speech. This is familiar from the 
 pages of Demosthenes, and what the later writers did 
 systematically, Antiphon, and even Thucydides, seem 
 to have done at times instinctively. 
 
30 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 As regards the balance of clauses, a good example 
 may be foimd in the opening of the Herodes speech : 
 
 rov fx€v TrtTTCLpafiai irkpa rov TrpoarrJKovTOS, 
 Tov 8' evSerj'S iifxi fiaiWov tov crv/A<^6/30VT0S, 
 
 where the correspondence of the two clauses in equal 
 numbers of syllables is noticeable. The next sentence 
 shows the same sort of correspondence, though not 
 quite so precise ; but here the structure is more 
 elaborate, since we have two clauses, each of two 
 parts, contrasted both in whole and part : 
 
 A. ov fX€V yap /a' eSci KaKOTra$€tv Tq> (nafiari, fi€Ta rrj^ 
 
 atTtas T^s ov irpocT'qKO'va'rjSf 
 a. ivravOot ovSiv jjl ij)<l>€\r)(r€v 17 ifitreipia, 
 
 B. o5 Sc fxt Set <T(j>dYJvaL /xera Tr)s dkyjOeias tlrrovra to. 
 
 y€v6fi€va, 
 ft. iv TovTip fi€ ftXdirrn, yj tov Xkytiv dSvvafxia. 
 
 Though there is no rhythmical correspondence here, 
 and the syllabic lengths only correspond roughly, the 
 * an tis trophic ' structure is obvious. 
 
 Gorgias, if we may condemn him on the evidence of 
 a single short fragment, seems to have affected rhyme 
 — at any rate his collocation of yvoyfirjv and pco/nrjv can- 
 not have been accidental — and the similar sound of the 
 endings of the two clauses in the first passage quoted 
 above proves that Antiphon at any rate took no 
 pains to avoid such natural assonance. In an in- 
 flexional language, where there is always a strong 
 probabihty that a rhjnne will occur wherever we have 
 to use an adjective agreeing with a noun, or two 
 verbs in the same tense and person, some ingenuity 
 has to be employed at times to avoid a rhyme, and 
 
ANTIPHON 31 
 
 Antiphon here, at any rate, did not choose lo avoid it. 
 The use of rhyme in verse seems to have been offensive^"^ 
 to the Greek ear ; ^ perhaps for that very reason it 
 may have been at times desirable in prose, its harshness 
 producing the same kind of effect which Antiphon else- 
 where attains by the use of uncommon words. 
 
 Hiatus is of fairly common occurrence in Antiphon, 
 and I cannot point to any certain instance of an attempt 
 to avoid it by a change from the natural order of words. 
 
 Antiphon draws little from common speech ; perhaps ^ 
 his dignity prevented him from enforcing a point by 
 the use of those r^v&iJbai — ^proverbial maxims — ^which 
 Aristotle recommends ; and he seldom has recourse 
 to colloquiaHsms. We are inchned, however, to put 
 in this class such a phrase as TrepiiTrea-ev oh ov/c rjdeXep 
 — 'he got what he didn't want' — ^used of an im- 
 fortunate who has been accidentally killed through 
 his own neghgence. 
 
 Metaphors are rare, but teUing when they do occur, as --^ 
 SUrj Kv^€pvf]<r€ie — ' May justice steer my course ' ; 
 ?GjvT69 KaTopoDpvy/jueda — ' I am buried in a hving tomb,' 
 used by a man who lost his only son ; or, again, the 
 appeal of the prisoner to the jury not to condemn him 
 to death — avlaTo<; yap rf fierdvoLa t&v toiovtcov iariv — 
 * Repentance for such a deed can never cure it.' 
 
 Some exaggeration of language is permitted to an 
 orator. The defendant in the first tetralogy thus 
 appeals for pity — ' An old man, an exile and an out- 
 cast, I shall beg my bread in a foreign land.' 
 
 The so-called * figures of thought ' (a-'^ij/jLaTa htavoia^) u 
 such as irony and rhetorical questions, so frequent in 
 
 * See Verrall, Rhyme and Reason, in The Bacchants of Euripides. 
 
32 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Demosthenes, are scarcely used by Antiphon. There 
 is no instance either of the hypocritical reticence 
 ^^ {irapoKei'^Ls:), also common in later orators, which by a 
 pretence of passing over certain matters in silence 
 hints at more than it could prove. 
 
 Greek oratory was much bound by conventions 
 from which even the greatest speakers could not 
 altogether escape. To some extent this may be 
 attributed to the evil influence of the teachers of 
 rhetoric, but by far the greater part of the blame must 
 rest upon the Athenian audiences. 
 
 The dicasts, with a curious inconsistency, seem to 
 r- have demanded a finished style of speaking, and yet 
 to have been suspicious of any speaker who displayed 
 too much cleverness. It was, in fact, the possession of 
 this quality which made Antiphon himself unpopular. ^ 
 A pleader, therefore, who felt himself in danger of 
 incurring such suspicion, must apologize to his audience 
 in advance, stating that any strength which his case 
 might seem to possess was due to its own inherent 
 justice, not to his own powers of presenting it. He 
 must compUment the jury on their well-known im- 
 \ partiality, and express a deep respect for the sanctity 
 "^^ of the laws. The early rhetoricians made collections 
 of such * topics ' or ' commonplaces,' and instructed 
 their pupils how to use them. The process became 
 merely mechanical ; any speaker could obtain from 
 the rhetorical handbooks specimens of sentences 
 dealing with all such requirements, but only a man of 
 rare genius could, by originaHty of treatment, make 
 them sound at all convincing. Aristotle at a later date 
 . made a practically exhaustive collection of such topics.^ 
 
 1 Supra, p. 20. • Arist., Rhet., i. 
 
ANTIPHON 33 
 
 Antiphon, in his Tetralogies, showed by example 
 how some of these commonplaces might be employed. 
 In his real speeches he uses them freely, and with so 
 httle care that he repeats his own actual words even/ 
 within the limits of the few extant speeches. ^ 
 
 In the introduction of these devices, however, he 
 shows some skill. The speech on the murder of Herodes 
 is quite subtle in places. CompUments are paid to 
 the jury, but the flattery is not too open. It is some- 
 times achieved rather by suggestion than by statement. 
 ' Not that I wished to avoid a trial by your democracy,' 
 says the defendant ; and again, ' Of course I could 
 trust you quite without considering the oath you have 
 taken ' ; or once more, in parenthesis, * On the sup- 
 position that I had no objection to quitting this land 
 for ever, I might have left the country.' Here, and 
 in other cases, there is little more than a hint which 
 an intelligent juror may grasp. 
 
 The most prominent of all the topics used by Anti- 
 phon is the appeal to the divine law by which guile 
 meets with punishment ; the murdered man, if 
 unavenged by human justice, will find divine champions 
 who wiU not only bring the homicide to book, but will 
 punish the guilty city which has become polluted 
 by harbouring him. So much stress is laid upon this ; 
 conception of divine justice that some writers have ; 
 believed that Antiphon held firm reUgious views 
 which he thus expressed. This opinion may reason- 
 ably be held, but it must not be pressed. We know 
 from external sources that Antiphon was not in 
 
 * E.g., on the laws, Herodes, § 14, and Choreutes, § 2, where the 
 same passage of about eight lines occurs with only the alteration of 
 two or three unimportant words. 
 C 
 
34 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 sympathy with the existing government, yet the 
 speakers of his orations express or imply admiration 
 for the democracy ; the speech-writer, in fact, wrote 
 what he thought would be acceptable to the judges 
 rather than what he himself believed. Arguing, in 
 Antiphon's own way, from probabilities, we may say it 
 is more likely that a highly educated contemporary of 
 Anaxagoras and Pericles should in private life profess 
 a moderate scepticism than an unquestioning belief in 
 the sort of curse that destroyed the house of Atreus, 
 even though Antiphon may be Aeschylean in style. 
 
 The argument of the defendant in the Herodes, 
 ' Those who have sailed with me have made excellent 
 voyages, and sacrifices at which I have assisted have 
 been most favourably performed, and this is a strong 
 argument for my innocence,' does not appeal to us, 
 who do not believe in the accidental blood-guiltiness 
 of the community which imknowingly harbours a 
 guilty individual. It may or may not have had some 
 weight with Antiphon himself, but it certainly would 
 have some influence on the common people of Athens, 
 who believed that the whole city was polluted by the 
 sacrilege of the mutilation of the Hermae. The fact 
 that it must impress the jury was a good reason for 
 inserting it, whether Antiphon had any religious 
 feeling or not.^ 
 
 §6 
 
 It remains to consider Antiphon's manner in the 
 treatment of his subjects. 
 
 1 Jebb {Attic Orators, vol. i. pp. 40-41) insists that the prominence 
 given to this kind of argument points to a deep rehgious feeUng in 
 the orator's heart. However, we meet with the same type of 
 aargument in Aeschines, to whom no such depth of feehng is usually 
 imputed. 
 
ANTIPHON 35 
 
 His personal dignity is as remarkable in his manner 
 as in the formalities of style. As we turn back to him ^ 
 from Demosthenes or Aeschines, who lowered the tone \ 
 of forensic pleading to suit contemporary taste, we 
 are surprised to find that he hardly ever condescends 
 to ridicule, never to scurrilous invective. His judicial 
 adversaries are not necessarily persons of discreditable 
 parentage, immoral character, and infamous occupa- 
 tion. They may perhaps be liars, for one's own state- 
 ment of the case must be assumed to contain the whole 
 truth, and consequently the other side must depend 
 on falsehood ; but even here the orator is prepared 
 to admit, with almost un-Attic generosity, that his 
 adversaries have been misled and are not acting up 
 to their true character. Take the opening of Tet- 
 ralogy II. 3 : 
 
 ' The behaviour of my adversary shows, better than any 
 theory could, that necessity constrains men to speak and 
 act contrary to their better nature. 
 
 Up to the present he has never spoken shamelessly or 
 acted desperately ; but now his misfortunes have con- 
 strained him to use language which, knowing him, I should 
 never have expected him to utter.' 
 
 Antiphon's method of constructing his speeches is 
 simple : a conventional preface, of the kind which "i.. 
 every rhetorician kept in stock, ^ is followed by an 
 introduction describing and criticizing the circum- 
 stances under which the action has been brought. ^ ^ 
 The facts, or a selection of facts of the case, are then ,:^ 
 narrated, 3 and are followed by arguments and proofs.* J 
 The evidence of witnesses may be interspersed through 
 
 * Cf. the Demosthenic collection of irpoolfjua. 
 ' xpOKaTa<rK€V7j. ^ Sn^yrjffis. * vlffTen. 
 
36 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the narrative, taken point by point ; or, if the narra- 
 tive is short and simple, all the testimony may be 
 reserved for the end. A peroration,^ reviewing the 
 situation and containing a final appeal to the court, 
 normally ends the speech. 
 
 The speeches in the Tetralogies, which are only 
 blank forms composed for practice or as specimens 
 for study, contain only preface, argument, and perora- 
 tion ; there being no actual facts to deal with, there is 
 no introduction or narrative. 
 
 It is a pecuHar weakness of the extant speeches that 
 they rely so much more on arguments from general 
 ^^ probability {elKora) than on real pleading on the basis 
 of evidence. 2 
 
 Thus the defendant in the Herodes mentions quite 
 casually that he never left the ship on the night 
 when the murder was committed on shore, but he 
 produces no evidence for the alibi and treats it as of 
 quite secondary importance.^ He insists more on 
 the point that the slave who gave evidence against 
 him was probably induced to bear false witness by 
 the prosecutors. Another piece of evidence against 
 him is the assertion that he wrote a letter to Lycinus, 
 stating that he had committed the murder. * Why,' 
 he asks, ' should I have written a letter, when my 
 messenger would know all the facts ? ' 
 
 It may be, in this instance, that the defendant's case 
 was a very weak one, and that he was obliged to rely 
 on generahties : but the First Tetralogy affords an in- 
 teresting parallel. There the defendant, in his second 
 
 ^ iTriXoyos. 
 
 2 This is another characteristic of the earher rhetoricians ; vide 
 supra, p. 12. 
 » Herodes, § 26. 
 
ANTIPHON 37 
 
 speech, the last speech of the trial, affirms, what he pf- 
 has apparently forgotten to mention before, that he 
 never left his house on the night of the murder. 
 
 The most serious artistic defect in the extant speeches 
 is the lack of that realism which the Greeks called rjOo^, ^1 
 characterization. The language of the defendants in 
 the Herodes and the Choreutes is very similar, though 
 the former is a young Lesbian and the latter a middle- 
 aged Athenian. Moreover, the young Lesbian apolo- 
 gizes for his inexperience and lack of capacity for t^^y^ 
 speaking, and does so in polished periods elaborated 
 with all the devices of rhetorical art — antithesis of 
 words and ideas, careful balance of the length of 
 clauses, and judicious employment of assonance. 
 
 A perusal of Antiphon's introduction to the speech 
 de Caede Herodts will help, better than any detailed 
 criticism, to an understanding of his methods of com- 
 position. We must note the disproportionate length 
 of this introduction, to which the pleader evidently 
 attaches more importance than to the disproof of the 
 charge itself. ^ A study of it leads us to believe that 
 the guilt or innocence of the party would have little; " 
 to do with the verdict if he had once succeeded in J^, 
 impressing the jury favourably. He apologizes in 
 artistic periods for his incapacity in public speaking, 
 and enlarges on the commonplace that truth has often 
 been stifled through lacking the power of expression. 
 
 He makes no appeal for impartiality, since he can 
 trust the jury — another brazen commonplace (§§ 1-7). 
 
 The procedure of his adversaries is as shameless as 
 it is unjust (§§ 8-9) ; it is even sacrilegious (§§ 10-12), 
 so that they merit indignation, while the defendant, 
 
 * The Introduction amounts to one-fifth of the whole speech. 
 
38 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 who respects the laws of God and man as he loves 
 his country, deserves every indulgence (§§ 13-15). The 
 prosecutors' brutality can be explained by their dis- 
 trust in the justice of their case and the uprightness 
 of the jury (§§ 16-17). Finally, they have had ample 
 time to work up their case, while the victim of their 
 intrigues is called upon at a moment's notice to answer 
 the most serious charges (§§ 18-19). 
 
 ' I. I could wish. Gentlemen, that I possessed a capacity 
 for speaking and an experience of the world on a scale 
 corresponding to the misfortune and sufferings that have 
 befallen me ; as it is, my experience in the latter is as 
 much beyond my deserts as my deficiency in the former 
 falls short of my requirements. 
 
 ' 2. When I had to suffer in my own person under an 
 undeserved charge, I had no experience to help me on ; 
 now, when my salvation lies in a plain statement of the 
 facts as they occurred, I am thwarted by my incapacity 
 in speaking. 
 
 * 3. In many instances men with no capacity in speak, 
 ing have been disbeUeved because they only told the truth, 
 and have owed their ruin to the fact that they could not 
 demonstrate the truth ; many, on the other hand, who 
 possess the capacity for speaking, have been believed on 
 account of their lies, and owed their salvation to the fact 
 that they lied well. So one who has not the necessary ex- 
 perience of procedure in the courts must inevitably be at 
 the mercy of the speeches of the prosecution ; he cannot 
 rest secure upon a true statement of the facts of the case. 
 
 * 4. Now, most parties in such causes as this make a 
 request for a fair hearing — implying a mistrust of them- 
 selves and a conviction that you are not impartial. I 
 shall make no such request, for it is only reasonable that 
 honest men should grant a hearing to the defendant, even 
 though he has not asked for it, just as the prosecutor has 
 been granted a hearing without cisking. 
 
ANTIPHON 39 
 
 ' 5. But my prayer is, firstly, that if my tongue leads me 
 into error, you will be merciful, and consider that my error 
 is due to inexperience rather than guilt ; and secondly, 
 that if I should in any point express myself well, you will 
 attribute such expression not to any cleverness of mine 
 but to the inherent power of truth ; for justice demands that 
 a man guilty in his actions should not win salvation by his 
 speech, and, equally, that one righteous in his actions 
 should not for his speech be brought to ruin ; for an error 
 in speech is the tongue's fault — ^an error in action is a fault 
 of the heart. 
 
 * 6. A man who reaUzes that his personal safety is en- 
 dangered is bound to err sometimes ; he has to think not 
 only of the defence he is making, but of its possible results ; 
 for the issue of all matters yet undecided depends on chance 
 rather than on forethought. 
 
 ' 7. Such considerations cannot fail to cause anxiety to 
 one whose life is in danger ; indeed, I observe that people 
 ,who have a thorough experience of the courts fail to do 
 justice to their powers when in danger themselves, but are 
 far more successful in cases which involve no personal 
 danger. Thus, Gentlemen, my request is both lawful and 
 righteous ; it is as just for you to grant as for me to prefer 
 it ; and I now proceed to answer in detail the charges which 
 have been brought against me. 
 
 * 8. First, I would draw attention to the illegahty of the 
 methods by which I have been forced into this trial, not 
 that I wish to avoid judgment by this democratic court — 
 for even if you had taken no oath, and were bound by no 
 law, I should be ready to leave in your hands the decision 
 about my life, confident as I am that I have done no wrong 
 in this matter, and that your verdict will be a just one — 
 but in order that my enemies' violent and illegal action 
 against me in this case may help you to realize their con- 
 duct towards me on other occasions, 
 
 * 9. My first point is this : Contrary to all precedent at 
 Athens, though I am on trial for murder, I was indicted 
 
40 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 for " criminal violence." Now my enemies themselves 
 have testified that I neither belong to the class of " violent 
 criminals," nor am subject to the law which covers such 
 cases. It applies to such offences as steahng and highway 
 robbery, and they have shown that no such charge can 
 attach to me. 
 
 ' Thus their conduct in the matter of my summary 
 arrest has made it in the highest degree legal and just for 
 you to acquit me. 
 
 ' 10. They say, indeed, that the taking of life is in itself 
 an aggravated form of " criminal violence." I admit that 
 it is a most serious kind, and so is sacrilege or treason ; 
 but you have laws which deal with each of these charges 
 specifically. 
 
 * And, to begin with, they have brought me to trial in 
 the Agora, the very place which a defendant in a charge 
 of murder is ordinarily warned to avoid ; secondly, they 
 have proposed a penalty of their own choosing, whereas 
 the law ordains that the man who has taken another's life 
 shall lose his own in return. 
 
 * This they have done, not for my benefit, but for their 
 own convenience, and herein they have failed in that respect 
 for the dead which the law prescribes. 
 
 * II. Again, as I imagine you all know, all the courts 
 concerned with murder trials sit in the open air, with this 
 particular object, that the jurors may not have to enter 
 the same building with those who have blood on their 
 hands, and that the prosecutor in a trial for murder may 
 not find himself under the same*roof with him who com- 
 mitted the act. 
 
 ' But you. Sir, have acted contrary to all precedent in 
 transgressing this law ; and not only this : It was incum- 
 bent on you to take the most solemn and binding oath, to 
 invoke destruction upon yourself and your family and 
 your house if you failed in its conditions, namely, that you 
 would not bring any charges against me except such as 
 referred to the murder and my complicity in it. 
 
ANTIPHON 41 
 
 ' Had this obligation been observed, however great 
 crimes I had committed I could not be found guilty except 
 in view of the one fact of blood-guiltiness, and on the other 
 hand, however many good deeds I had to my credit, these 
 good deeds could not save me. 
 
 * 12. All this regular procedure you have violated ; you 
 have invented laws for your own use ; you who prosecute 
 me have taken no oath ; your witnesses who bear witness 
 against me have taken none, though they ought first to take 
 the same oath as yourself ; they should lay their hands 
 upon the sacrifice while they are bearing witness against 
 me. 
 
 * Further, you ask the court to dispense with the oath ; 
 to give credence to your witnesses and bring in a verdict 
 of Guilty, though you yourself have made them disinclined 
 to credit you by transgressing the estabhshed laws, and 
 by imagining that your own illegal conduct should in their 
 consideration have precedence over law itself. 
 
 * 13. You say, however, that if I had been set at liberty 
 I should not have remained here, but should have gone 
 away and disappeared — as if you had compelled me against 
 my will to enter the country. I answer that, on your sup- 
 position that I should not have minded saying farewell to 
 Athens, it was open to me either not to appear in obedience 
 to the summons, and so incur judgment by default, or to 
 go away after replying to the opening speech of the prose- 
 cution ; for this privilege is open to all. But you, by legis- 
 lating in your own interest, are trying to withhold in my 
 case alone this privilege which belongs to all of Greek race. 
 
 ' 14. Yet I think we must all agree that the laws which 
 govern such procedure are the best laws in the world, and 
 most in accordance with divine sanction. They have a 
 double claim to respect ; they are the most ancient laws 
 in this land, and they are unchangeable as the offences with 
 which they deal ; and this is the strongest indication that 
 a law is well framed ; for time and experience teach man- 
 kind to recognize what is not well done. 
 
42 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ' So you do not require to leam from the speeches of 
 the prosecution whether the laws were well framed or not, 
 as he implies ; but you do require to learn by the aid of 
 the laws whether the speeches of the prosecution are urging 
 a righteous and lawful action, or the reverse — as I assert. 
 
 ' 15. The laws, then, which relate to the charge of murder, 
 are excellently framed, inasmuch as no one has ever ven- 
 tured to disturb them ; you alone have ventured to legis- 
 late anew, and for the worse. You would set aside justice 
 as you have transgressed law in your attempt to bring me 
 to ruin. But your illegal procedure is in itself the strongest 
 evidence in my favour ; for you knew well enough that 
 nobody who had taken that solemn oath would have borne 
 witness against me. 
 
 ' 16. Again, you did not rely on the facts sufficiently 
 to allow the question of facts to be settled indisputably 
 by a single trial ; you reserved for yourself the right to 
 dispute the judgment, and reopen the case, implying a dis- 
 trust in the verdict of the present court. The result is 
 that even if I am acquitted I am no better off, since it is 
 open to you to say that I was acquitted on the charge of 
 criminal violence but not on the charge of murder ; whereas, 
 .if you secure my condemnation you will demand my 
 death on the ground that I have been found guilty of 
 murder. 
 
 ' What can surpass the cruelty of such a device by which 
 you, if you can once convince the jury, have attained your 
 object ; while I, if I escape your clutches once, find the 
 same danger awaiting me again ? 
 
 ' 17. Again, my imprisonment was a monstrous illegality. 
 I consented to produce three sureties as required by law, 
 but they contrived that I should not be allowed to do so. 
 There is no other instance on record of the imprisonment 
 of a non- Athenian who consented to produce sureties. 
 
 ' Yet the officers who have custody of criminals are sub- 
 ject to this same law, so that this is another privilege 
 common to all men which was withheld from me alone. 
 
ANTIPHON 43 
 
 * i8. Of course, it suited my accusers, firstly, that I should 
 be as unprepared as possible, through being unable to attend 
 to my own business in person, secondly, that I should suffer 
 personal ill-usage, and in consequence of this personal ill- 
 usage find my own friends more ready to bear false witness 
 in support of my accusers than true witness in my support. 
 And so they inflicted a life-long disgrace on me and my 
 family. 
 
 * 19. Thus I have been brought to trial handicapped in 
 many ways in relation to your laws and to justice ; but 
 even with these disadvantages I shall try to demonstrate 
 my innocence. 
 
 * But it is a hard task to refute at a moment's notice a 
 number of deliberate falsehoods long-prepared; for it is 
 impossible to be forearmed against unexpected attacks.* 
 
 After this long preamble, the speaker at last dis- 
 cusses the accusation (§§ 19 sqq.), and to some extent 
 deals satisfactorily with the evidence — entirely cir- 
 cumstantial — which has been brought against him. 
 It has already been noticed that, though he casually!' 
 leaves it to be inferred that he could prove an alibi J 
 he lays no stress on the assertion, and is far more 
 concerned with showing that it is * improbable ' that 
 he should be a murderer. The final and, apparently, 
 the most important argument is drawn from the 
 absence of divine signs which might have pointed 
 to the speaker's guilt. He makes no attempt, like 
 the defendant in the First Tetralogy, to suggest 
 other explanations of the crime ; many crimes, 
 he says, have before now baffled investigation, and 
 he is only concerned with denying the charge against 
 himself. 
 
44 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 §7 
 
 In the Life of Antiphon, falsely ascribed to Plutarch, ^ 
 wfe read that sixty speeches were extant under the 
 orator's name, but of these twenty-five were con- 
 sidered spurious by the critic Caecilius of Calacte. 
 We have now fifteen, viz. the three Tetralogies, or sets 
 of four speeches ; the speeches on the Murder of 
 Herodes, the Death of the Choreutes, and the Charge 
 of Poisoning. All of these deal with homicide, the 
 department in which Antiphon, presumably, showed 
 especial skill. Blass has collected besides the titles 
 of twenty-three other speeches on miscellaneous 
 subjects. 2 
 
 The Tetralogies, each consisting of four short speeches 
 on the same imaginary case — two for the prosecution, 
 and two for the defence — have this peculiar interest, 
 that they stand on the border-line between theory 
 and practice. They differ from the exercises composed 
 by other early rhetoricians and from the declamations 
 of the Roman Empire in that they are not concerned 
 with historical or mythological personages in possible 
 or imaginary positions, but treat cases which, although 
 fictitious, are of the kind which might arise in every- 
 day life at Athens. Thus these skeleton-speeches give 
 a clear idea of the lines on which either side might 
 plead its case in an actual trial. The professioi^l 
 advocate must be ready to plead on either side in 
 any cause, and here we find Antiphon composing 
 speeches in turn suitable for both sides. As has been 
 noted, there is very little detail given. No narrative 
 
 1 Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators. 
 
 2 Attische Beredsamkeit, vol. i. pp. 104-105. 
 
ANTIPHON 45 
 
 of facts occurs ; the actual circumstances presupposed 
 can only be gathered from the arguments employed ; 
 and the result is that the outlines of the speeches 
 both in accusation and defence are very clearly marked. 
 
 The argument of the First Tetralogy is as follows : — 
 A certain citizen has been murdered on his way home 
 from a dinner party. His slave, who was mortally 
 wounded at the same time, deposed that one of the 
 murderers was a certain enemy of his master, against 
 whom the latter was on the point of bringing a serious 
 law-suit. The case comes before the Areopagus. 
 
 a. The accuser argues that the deceased cannot 
 have been murdered by robbers, since he was not 
 plundered ; nor in a drunken brawl, which was im- 
 possible considering the time and place. Therefore 
 the crime was premeditated, and the motive was 
 revenge or fear. The accused had both these motives, 
 and moreover the slave identified him. 
 
 y8. The defendant argues that the murder may have 
 been done by robbers who were scared away before they 
 had robbed the corpse, or by some criminal who feared 
 the dead man's testimony, or by some other enemy, 
 who felt secure because he knew suspicion would fall 
 on the accused. The slave may have been mistaken 
 or perhaps suborned. If probability is to decide the 
 case, it is more probable that the defendant would 
 have employed some one else to do the murder than 
 that the slave would be certain of having recognized 
 the criminal. The danger of losing a law-suit could 
 not have seemed so serious as the present danger of 
 losing his life. 
 
 7. The accuser in his second speech ingeniously 
 meets the arguments of /3 point by point ; and 
 
46 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 8. The defendant criticizes and disposes of the argu- 
 ments of 7, and incidentally mentions that he could 
 prove an alibi — though he does not seem to lay any 
 stress on this. 
 
 With the exception of the evidence of the slave, 
 now dead, the whole case rests on a discussion of 
 probabilities. 
 
 The Second Tetralogy deals with the death of a boy 
 accidentally killed by a javelin with which another 
 youth was practising in the gjnnnasium. The question 
 to decide was, who was to blame — the accuser main- 
 tained that it was a case of homicide, the defendant 
 suggested unintentional suicide ! ^ 
 
 The Third Tetralogy supposes that an old man has 
 been brutally beaten by a young man, and died of his 
 injuries a few days later. The defendant attempts to 
 put the blame first on the dead man, since he struck 
 the first blow, secondly on the surgeon ; and, finding 
 this not plausible enough, goes into exile : the second 
 speech for the defence is spoken by a friend of the 
 accused. 
 
 The extant speeches composed for real cases may 
 be taken in the order of their importance. 
 
 On the Murder of Her odes. — Herodes, an Athenian 
 citizen who had settled at Mitylene, made a voyage 
 to Aenus in Thrace to receive the ransom of some 
 Thracian captives. He sailed with the accused, a 
 Mitylenean whose father lived at Aenus. They were 
 driven by a storm to shelter at Methymna, and there 
 exchanged from their open boat into a decked vessel. 
 
 1 In the similar case discussed by Pericles and Protagoras, the 
 third possibility was considered — the guilt of the javelin. (Plut., 
 Pericles, ch. 36.) 
 
ANTIPHON 47 
 
 They fell to drinking to pass the time, and Herodes, 
 going ashore one night, was never heard of again. 
 His companion continued the voyage, and on returning 
 to Mitylene was charged with murder. It was asserted 
 that a slave had confessed to having assisted in the 
 murder, and that a letter had been discovered from 
 the defendant to one Lycinus, supposed to be the in- 
 stigator of the crime. 
 
 By the laws of the Athenian League such a trial 
 must take place at Athens ; ordinarily a case of murder 
 would come before the Areopagus, but actually the 
 accused was indicted as a * malefactor,' ^ was arrested 
 and brought before an ordinary court. He contends 
 that this is a grievance, for if the prosecution fails he 
 may still be brought before the Areopagus. Further, 
 he was kept in prison, all bail being refused. This 
 was, apparently, illegal. 
 
 The trial took place probably about 417 or 416 B.C. 
 The introduction to the speech has been quoted. ^ 
 The narrative gives first the facts up to the defendant's 
 arrival at Athens (§§ 19-24), and shows that probabihty 
 is against the prosecution (§§ 25-28) ; next, the return 
 of one of the ships to Mitylene, and the confession of 
 the slave imder torture (§§ 29-30). The slave's evidence 
 is proved to be worthless (§§ 31-41). The alleged letter 
 to Lycinus is discussed, and the defendant proves that 
 he himself had no motive for the murder, and cannot 
 be expected to know who is the real culprit (§§ 42-73). 
 Odium has been unjustly stirred against him by the 
 assertion of his father's disloyalty (§§ 74-80). The 
 absence of signs of divine anger is a further proof of 
 his innocence (§§ 81-84) • Finally, he appeals for another 
 
 * iv8ei^ii KaKovpyias. ' Supra, p. 38 sqq. 
 
'•\ 
 
 48 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 chance at least, since, if acquitted now, he may be 
 tried again by the Areopagus (§§ 85-95). 
 
 The speech On the Choreutes refers to the death of 
 a boy Diodotus, who was being trained to sing in a 
 choir at the Thargeha, and was accidentally poisoned 
 by a drug given him to improve his voice. The 
 choregus or choir-master was accused of poisoning 
 before the Areopagus. 
 
 The extant speech is the second for the defence ; 
 the date is probably about 412 B.C. The speaker 
 comments on the disingenuous action of his adversaries, 
 who refused to have slaves examined, and introduced 
 much irrelevant matter. He contrasts the openness 
 of his own conduct. The epilogue is lost. 
 
 The speech Against a Stepmother on a Charge of 
 Poisoning is sometimes regarded as a mere exercise, 
 but, in striking contrast to the Tetralogies, this speech 
 contains full and detailed narrative. Its authenticity 
 has been further questioned, but we have so httle 
 material for judging of the style of Antiphon that it 
 is impossible to pronounce definitely against the sup- 
 position that this speech was composed by him. It 
 may be that it was an early work ; it is certainly less 
 powerful than the other two genuine speeches. 
 
 The Argument. — A young man accuses his stepmother 
 of having poisoned his father by the help of another 
 woman, a slave. The father was dining with Philoneos, 
 a former lover of this woman, and she was persuaded 
 to administer a love-philtre to the two. Both men 
 died, the woman was put to death, and the prosecutor 
 now urges that his stepmother, who instigated the 
 crime, should be punished for her guilt. 
 
ANTIPHON 49 
 
 Of the speeches known to us only by name or by 
 short fragments, it is probable that some at any rate 
 were the work of Antiphon the Sophist, with whom 
 the orator is often confused. A work on rhetoric 
 and a collection of proemia and epilogues were also 
 current imder the orator's name. 
 
A 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THRASYMACHUS— ANDOCIDES 
 
 §1 
 NEW period begins with Thrasymachus of Chalce- 
 don, who adopted Athens as his home. He is 
 placed by Aristotle between Tisias, one of the founders 
 of rhetoric, and Theodorus of Byzantium, ^ who was a 
 contemporary of Lysias. According to the chronology 
 of Plato's Phaedrus, he was already at the height of 
 his powers when Isocrates was only a youth of pro- 
 mise. ^ The dramatic date of the dialogue being 410 
 B.C., we may suppose him to have been bom between 
 460 and 450 B.C., though there is no clear indication. 
 
 He seems to have followed the lines of his prede- 
 cessors. He composed a rixvv or handbook of rhetoric, 
 and composed or compiled a collection of passages to 
 serve as models for his pupils, called by Suidas dipopfial 
 pr)ropLKab (oratorical resources) . This probably included 
 the exordia and epilogues mentioned by Athenaeus.^ 
 Aristotle mentions a work called^EXeot [appeals to pity),^ 
 and a book with the mysterious title v7r€pl3dWopT6<: 
 completed his educational output. ^ He composed also 
 
 1 Soph. Elench., 183 b. 32. ^ 267 c. 
 
 » X. 416 A. * Rhet., in. i. 7. 
 
 ' The word seems to mean powerful or convincing ; whether r^irot 
 (commonplaces or passages) or \6yoi {arguments) is the word to be 
 supplied, we cannot even conjecture. 
 50 
 
THRASYMACHUS 51 
 
 some epideictic speeches, which, as Suidas calls them 
 irair^/vLa, were probably of the mythological type, of 
 which we possess examples in the Helen and Palamedes 
 of Gorgias. Dionysius says that he left no deliberative 
 or forensic speeches, and this statement agrees with 
 the known fact that he was an ahen, and therefore 
 could not appear in the courts or the assembly. ^ On 
 the other hand, Suidas mentions public speeches, and 
 Dionysius has himself preserved a fragment of what 
 appears to be a deliberative speech. ^ The probability 
 is that this was composed only as a model for his 
 pupils, and it is, in fact, of a vagueness which would 
 be appropriate to almost any circumstances. 
 
 He excelled in the * pathetic ' style : * For the- 
 ** sorrows of a poor old man," ' says Socrates, * or any^ 
 other pathetic case, no one is better than the Chalce- 
 donian giant ; he can put a whole company of people 
 into a passion and out of one again by his mighty 
 magic, and is first-rate at inventing or disposing of 
 any sort of calumny on any grounds or none.' ^ These 
 gifts seem to have been the natural expression of his 
 impetuous and passionate character represented in the 
 Republic.^ 
 
 The loss of his works is much to be regretted, since 
 he was the inventor of a style — the tempered style, 
 as it was called by Dionysius — ^which, standing be- 
 tween the austerity of Antiphon and Thucydides, and 
 the elaborate simpHcity perfected by Lysias, combined 
 the best quahties of both. He was thus a forenmner 
 of Isocrates. In the fragment which is preserved, we 
 find no trace of rare or poetical words or audacious 
 
 * de Isaeo, ch. xx. * de Demosthevie, ch. iii. 
 
 » Phaedrus, 267 c (Jowett). * Book i., 336B. 
 
V. 
 
 53 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 compounds such as Gorgias used ; none of the compli- 
 cated sentences of Thucydides, and no forced antithesis ; 
 the diction is flowing, and the expression clear. He 
 seems to have been the first writer to make a careful 
 study of metrical effect, and is mentioned for his fre- 
 quent use of the paeon by Aristotle, who apparently 
 classed him with those writers to whom diction is 
 more important than ideas.^ 
 
 The fragment already mentioned purports to be the 
 exordium of a political speech : 
 
 ' I could have wished, men of Athens, that my lot had 
 been cast amid those ancient times and conditions when the 
 younger men were content to be silent, since circumstances 
 did not force them to speak in public, and their elders were 
 able administrators of the state. . . .' 
 
 This is a conventional opening ; a similar phrase 
 of regret (i^ovXofivv) begins the speech of Antiphon on 
 the murder of Herodes,^ and Aeschines has elaborated 
 the same theme of the superiority of political Hfe in 
 the time of Solon in a way which leads us to suspect 
 that he had the prooemium of Thrasymachus in mind.^ 
 
 Of the works of Theodorus of Byzantium not a 
 sentence remains. A contemporary of Lysias, he 
 taught rhetoric and composed certain works on the 
 subject.^ He concerned himself with the proper 
 divisions of a speech, adding a section of * further 
 narrative' {iirihuri^rja-L^) to the usual narrative, and 
 * further proof ' (iiriTrla-Tcoa-t^) to proof.^ It is for 
 
 ^ Rhet., iii. 8. 4 ; iii. i. 7. The paeon =^ — ■^^^ot^^^s^—. 
 
 2 Cf. Aristoph., Frogs, 866 : e^ovKbixriv fikv ovk ipi^eiv ivddSe, 
 
 3 Aesch. in Ctes.^ § 2. 
 
 * The reference by Arist., Rhet., ii. 23. 28 to i) irpbrepov Qeoddtpov 
 rixfr) — the earlier treatise of T. — ^implies others. 
 
 * Cf. Arist., Rhet., iii. 13. 4 : dii^yriaiSf hriSi-fiyrjais, irpodi'^Tjais ; 
 IXryxos, iire^iXeyxos. 
 
ANDOCIDES 53 
 
 this over-subtlety that Plato ridicules the ' cunning ' 
 artificer of speeches ' from Byzantium. ^ 
 
 §2 
 
 Andocides was bom about 440 B.C., a member of a 
 family which had been distinguished for three genera- 
 tions. 
 
 His great-grandfather, as he tells us, fought against 
 the Pisistratidae ; his grandfather Andocides was one 
 of the envoys for the peace with Sparta in 445, and was 
 twice subsequently a strategus ; his father, Leogoras, 
 is mentioned by Aristophanes as rearing pheasants. ^ 
 The orator himself was a member of a eraipela or club 
 — ^probably a social rather than a poHtical club, as 
 the only meeting mentioned was purely for convivial 
 purposes. 
 
 In 415, on the eve of the saiHng of the Sicilian ex- 
 pedition, Athens was startled and horrified by a re- 
 markable act of sacrilege. The images of Hermes 
 which stood everywhere in the town were, all but one, 
 mutilated and defaced in a single night. The super- 
 stitious citizens, with a deep feeUng that the whole 
 community must suffer for the guilty action of some 
 of its members, considered this an evil omen for the 
 fortunes of the Syracusan expedition, and, less reason- 
 ably, took it as an indication of impending revolution 
 and an attempt to subvert the democracy. Their 
 anxiety was increased by rumours that a profane ^? 
 parody of the Eleusinian mysteries was being cele- 
 brated in certain private houses. Such acts of impiety 
 were hkely to bring upon Athens the wrath of the gods 
 who had hitherto protected her. 
 
 1 Phaedrus, 266 c, \oyodal8a\os. 2 Aristoph., Clouds, 109. 
 
r 
 
 54 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 It will be remembered how Alcibiades, one of the 
 leaders of the expedition, was accused of compHcity 
 in the plot, and how this accusation brought about 
 his recall from Sicily and his estrangement from his 
 native city, which led to the utter failure of the great 
 enterprise of conquest, and ultimately, through the 
 total loss of her best armies and fleets, to the downfall 
 of Athens herself. 
 
 Andocides was accused of comphcity both in the 
 profanation of the mysteries and the mutilation of 
 the Hermae. Of the former charge he apparently 
 succeeded in clearing himself, but he confesses to a 
 knowledge of the affair of the Hermae. 
 
 A certain Teucrus denounced eighteen persons as 
 guilty of the mutilation of the busts. Of these some 
 were put to death, the rest went into exile. The list 
 included some members of the club to which Andocides 
 belonged. Another informer, Dioclides, came forward 
 with a tale that about three hundred persons were 
 implicated, and he named forty-two of them, including 
 Andocides and twelve of his near relations. Athens 
 was in a panic, and eager for instant vengeance. The 
 informers' victims were at once imprisoned, and their 
 situation was grave indeed. Andocides describes how, 
 to save his father and other innocent persons, he at 
 last resolved to tell what he knew. He gave his 
 information under a promise of immunity from punish- 
 ment, but in accordance with the terms of a subsequent 
 decree he suffered ' atimia,' comprising exclusion from 
 the market-place and the temples ; and being thus 
 debarred from a public career he decided to go abroad. 
 
 In the de Reditu, delivered in 410 B.C., five years 
 after the outrage, Andocides implies that he was him- 
 
ANDOCIDES 55 
 
 self concerned in the deed, and asks pardon for his 
 'youthful folly' (§ 7). The language of Thucydides^ 
 and others also implies that he accused himself along 
 with others. The language of the de Reditu is not, 
 however, explicit, and does not necessarily disagree 
 with the statement made twelve years later in the 
 de Mysteriis. 
 
 Andocides there affirms that he knew of the plot 
 and opposed its execution, but it was carried out 
 without his knowledge. In proof of this he points out 
 that the Hermes opposite his own house was the only 
 one not mutilated. 
 
 ' So I told the Council that I knew the culprits, and I 
 declared the facts — namely that Euphiletus suggested the 
 plot while we were drinking, and I spoke against it, and for 
 the moment prevented it. Some time later I was riding a 
 colt I had in Cynosarges, and had a fall, and broke my 
 collar-bone and cut my head, and was carried home on a 
 stretcher. Euphiletus, hearing of my condition, told the 
 others that I had been persuaded to join them, and had 
 agreed to take a hand in the work and mutilate the Hermes 
 beside the shrine of Phorbas. In this statement he de- 
 ceived them, and this is the reason why the Hermes which 
 you all see in front of our house, the one erected by the 
 Aegeid tribe, was the only Hermes in Athens not to be 
 mutilated, because it was supposed that I would do it, as 
 Euphiletus said. The conspirators, when they heard of it, 
 were highly indignant, considering that I knew of the 
 affair, but had taken no part in it. On the next day Meletus 
 and Euphiletus came to me and said : 
 
 ' " We have done it, Andocides, and it 's all over. If you 
 care to keep quiet and hold your tongue, you will find that 
 we are as good friends to you as ever ; if not, our enmity 
 
 * Thuc, vi. 60. 
 
56 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 will count much more than any friendship you could fonn 
 by betraying us." 
 
 ' I answered that, from what had occurred, I considered 
 Euphiletus a scoundrel ; but that they had much more 
 to fear from the fact of their guilt than from my know- 
 ledge of it.' ^ 
 
 This story is at least a plausible one. The only 
 suspicious detail is the orator's own candid admission 
 that all of those whom he accused — with the exception 
 of four — ^had already been named by Teucrus and 
 punished, some by death, the rest by exile, so that 
 his ' confession ' could do them no further harm. The 
 four others whom he included were not yet in prison, 
 though they were known to be associates of those 
 who had already paid the penalty. They had time 
 to escape into exile (§ 68). We may suspect that they 
 ^ received from the informer due notice of his intentions. 
 Thus, at the expense of driving four men, who were 
 probably guilty, into exile, Andocides imdoubtedly 
 saved the lives of himself, his father, his brother-in- 
 law, and the rest of the forty-two prisoners. The 
 f informer Dioclides now recanted, and said that he 
 'had been compelled by Alcibiades and Amiantus 
 to lay false information. He was brought to trial 
 and put to death (§ 66). Andocides, suffering from 
 ^^ partial disfranchisement, was for many years away 
 (j' from Athens. He engaged in commerce in many 
 V '» countries, and made money, sometimes by discredit- 
 able means. He had dealings with Sicily, Italy, the 
 Peloponnese, Thessaly, Ionia, the Hellespont, and 
 finally, Cyprus, where Evagoras, King of Salamis, 
 bestowed a valuable property on him.^ 
 
 ' de MysU, §§ 6i sqq. « Ihid., § 4. 
 
 ^) 
 
ANDOCIDES 57 
 
 In 411 B.C. he made an attempt to recover his rights. 
 He procured oars for the Athenian fleet at Samos, 
 and returned to Athens to plead his cause. Un- 
 fortunately the Four Hundred had then just usurped 
 the government, and they rejected his plea on the 
 ground that he had helped their enemies. Later, in 
 410 or 408 B.C., he made another attempt, and de- 
 livered the speech de Reditu, but was again imsuccessful. 
 It was only after the anmesty of Thrasybulus (403 B.C.) 
 that he resumed his full citizenship, and henceforward 
 took an active part in public life, figuring now as an 
 ardent democrat, speaking in the assembly and per- 
 forming liturgies. In 399 B.C. old enmities burst into 
 flame, and he was accused of impiety on two counts — 
 as having taken part in the Eleusinian mysteries at 
 a time when he was legally disquahfied from doing so, 
 and as having deposited a supphant's branch on the 
 altar at Eleusis during the time of the mysteries — 
 which was a profanation. The penalty for either 
 offence was death, and the de Mysteriis is his successful 
 answer to these charges. 
 
 In 391 B.C., as one of the envoys delegated to bring 
 about a peace with Sparta, he delivered the de Pace. 
 The peace was not concluded. This is the last mention 
 of this interesting adventurer, though the pseudo- 
 Plutarch affirms that he went into exile again. If 
 that is true, we know that he had comfortable places 
 to retire to, in Cyprus and elsewhere. 
 
 §3 
 Ancient critics dealt severely with Andocides. 
 Though Alexandrine criticism included him in the list 
 of the ten standard orators, Dionysius barely mentions 
 
58 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 him ; ^ Quintilian disparages his work,^ and Herodes 
 Atticus modestly hopes that he himself is at least 
 superior to Andocides ; ^ Hermogenes sums up his 
 defects as an orator as follows : 
 
 * He aims at being a statesman, but does not quite suc- 
 ceed. He lacks proper articulation and distinctness in his 
 "figures/' he lacks order in connecting his sentences and 
 rounding them off, losing distinctness by the use of paren- 
 theses, so that he strikes some as ineffectual and needlessly 
 
 V . obscure. He has very little finish or arrangement and 
 little vigour. He has a small, but very small, portion of 
 cleverness in systematic argument, but practically none of 
 any other kind. ' * 
 
 It is with some hesitation that I give this tentative 
 translation of a difficult passage. It seems to mean 
 that Andocides, though he uses ' figures,' such as 
 antithesis, rhetorical question and irony, does not 
 attain ' precision ' or make them distinct enough. 
 His sentences are sometimes deformed because a 
 parenthesis overpowers the main clause. His diction 
 ^ is unpolished and unconvincing. The only credit 
 \ which he deserves is for his fiedoho^ — his system of 
 stating his case ; wherein Hermogenes was perhaps 
 thinking of the way in which the orator arranges his 
 material, giving only part of the narrative at a time, 
 and criticizing it as he goes along, rather than keeping 
 narrative and arguments quite separate. Later and 
 more practised orators have been commended for this 
 method. By general cleverness, Hermogenes probably 
 
 ^ Dion., de Lysta, ch. 2. 2 Quint., xii. 10, 21. 
 
 ^ Philostratus, vita Her. Att., ii. i, § 14. 
 
 * Hermogenes, irepi iSeCop, ch. xi. p. 416. Spengel [Rhetores 
 Graeci). 
 
ANDOCIDES 59 
 
 means skill in the use of the usual sophistries of the 
 rhetorician. 
 The Pseudo-Plutarch is less severe on the orator : 
 
 * He is simple and inartificial in his narratives, straight- 
 forward and free from " figures." ' ^ 
 
 It must at once be granted that many of the criticisms 
 aimed at Andocides hit their mark ; but it is open to 
 doubt whether they can penetrate deep enough to deal 
 a vital blow at his reputation. The ancient critics 
 were academic and tended to lose sight of practical 
 details. They were, as a rule, more concerned with 
 the impressions that a speech produced on the reader 
 than with its effect on the hearers ; they laid great 
 emphasis on the artistic side, and in examining a 
 speech looked carefully to see how closely the orator 
 had followed the artificial rules of the rhetorician. 
 But this kind of estimate may lead to injustice, for 
 not only must the critic refer to an artificial standard 
 established by convention, a standard which might not 
 have been recognized by the orator's contemporaries, 
 but, even granting that certain rules of rhetoric should 
 generally be followed, we may maintain that particu- 
 lar circumstances justify a speaker in departing from 
 them. Rhetoric is a practical art, whose object, as 
 Plato tells us, is persuasion ; and though most people 
 who practise it will do best to move on the accustomed 
 lines, there may be some who can succeed without 
 following the beaten track. 
 
 Andocides is not to be compared to his predecessor 
 Antiphon in the points which are the latter's chief 
 characteristics — dignity of manner, balance of clauses 
 
 * Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators. 
 
6o THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and verbal antithesis ; but, on the other hand, he 
 has command of a fairly lucid style, and a gift for 
 telling a straightforward narrative of events, two 
 matters in which the older orator was not conspicuously 
 successful. Again, Andocides starts with one signal 
 advantage. If we read the tetralogies of Antiphon, 
 excellent as they may be in showing the writer's grasp 
 of the technique of his trade, and turn from them to 
 one of the real speeches, the Herodes, for instance, 
 we feel at once how great a gain it is to have the human 
 interest before us. A speech in which real persons 
 are concerned must always have this advantage over 
 a declamatory exercise. But we still feel that the 
 personal element is not so prominent as it might be, 
 simply because the orator is not giving voice to his 
 own thoughts on an occasion where his own interests 
 are deeply concerned, but stringing together sentences 
 which an obscure young man from Mitylene may 
 clumsily stumble through without, perhaps, in the 
 least comprehending their cleverness. But Andocides 
 V [is a real live man speaking in his own person and in 
 ' his own defence on a most serious charge. He is 
 in grave danger, and must exert himself to the utmost ; 
 he must rise to the great occasion, or expect to pay 
 the penalty — perhaps with his life. This is an occasion, 
 if there ever can be one, when style may be completely 
 put in the background, where matter is of more im- 
 portance than method, where the means are of no 
 account imless the end can be attained ; for epigram 
 cannot temper the hemlock-cup, and the laws of Athens 
 are stronger than the rules of oratory. 
 
 It was natural to Antiphon to pay attention to 
 ^details of style, and his style is of a rather archaic 
 
ANDOCIDES 6i 
 
 tone. Andocides, on the other hand, was not a trained 
 orator, except in so far as every Athenian was trained 
 in youth in the elements of speaking. He was not 
 either a professional pleader or a frequent speaker in 
 public — indeed, from the fact that he lived long in 
 exile he cannot have had many opportunities of 
 appearing either in the law-courts or the assembly. 
 Possessing a convenient fluency of speech and a^ 
 thorough command of the language of daily life, he 
 finds in it a satisfactory means of expression. In 
 most cases he seems to have by nature what Lysias 
 obtained by art — a clear and direct way of expressing 
 his thoughts, a simplicity of language in which nothing 
 strained or unfamiliar strikes the ear. On the other 
 hand, there are inconsistencies in his style ; there are 
 times when, apparently without premeditation, he 
 does use words or phrases slightly foreign to the speech 
 of common life. We have a feeling that this was done 
 without affectation ; that in the course of his fluent 
 and rapid utterance he used just those words which 
 naturally occurred to him as appropriate. ^ In this 
 he differs from Lysias, who took the common speech 
 and perfected it into a literary form, attaining by study 
 a refined simplicity and purity which only careful 
 practice could produce. 
 
 ^ The following is a list of some of the poetical or unusual words 
 and phrases occurring in the speeches — de Myst. : § 29 ravra rd. 
 Setvd Kal (ppiKibdr) dvcopdla^op. § 67 wicTLV . . . dTrta-rordrT/j'. § 68 opuffi 
 rod 17M0U TO (pws. § 99 iiriTpLTTTOv dyados. § 130 KXTjdup. § 146 {yivo^) 
 ol'xeTtti TcLv Trpbppi^ov. 
 
 de Pace: § 7 rbv Bij/xov . . . v\p7]\bv '^pe. § 8 and in three other 
 passages KaT-qpydaaro [secure, bring about, cf. Eur. Her., 646 TroXet 
 ffUT7)piav Karepyda-affdai). § 18 KpanaTiveiv. § 31 iKTcTvai. rbv dvfxby, 
 dpX^v -KoKKdv KaKuiy. 
 
 The de Face is noticeable for the recurrence of two grammatical 
 forms which do not occur in the other speeches, the use of tovto 
 
62 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 On the whole, Andocides is most effective when he 
 is most simple ; when he uses common v/ords and makes 
 no attempt at the rhetorical artifices which do not 
 come natural to him. The following narrative will 
 emphasize my point : 
 
 * When we had all been taken to prison, and it was night 
 and the prison gates were shut, and one man's mother had 
 come, and another's sister, and another's wife and children, 
 and sounds of lamentation were heard as they wept and 
 bewailed our miserable state, Charmides spoke to me — ^he 
 was a cousin of mine, of the same age as myself, and he had 
 been brought up in our home from childhood. 
 
 ' ** Andocides," he said, ** you see what serious trouble 
 we are in ; and though I did not want to say anything, or 
 to annoy you at all before, I am now forced to do so on 
 account of the misfortune we are come to. 
 
 * ** Your other friends and associates, apart from us 
 who are your relations, have some of them already been 
 executed for the charges on which we are being done to 
 death, while others have admitted their guilt by fleeing 
 from the country. 
 
 ' " If you have heard anything about this affair, tell the 
 
 truth, and by doing so save both yourself, and your father, 
 
 who must be very dear to you, and your brother-in-law, 
 
 who is married to your only sister, and finally, all the rest 
 
 of your family and friends, not to mention me — ^for in all 
 
 my life I have never caused you annoyance, but am devoted 
 
 to you and ready to do anything I can to help you." ' ^ 
 
 fiiu, TovTo 8^ after the manner of Herodotus for the simple fx^y 
 and 8^ ; and the repetition of 5^ with a resumptive force, as, e.g., 
 § 27 A 5^ irpbs TouTovs fidvovs iKeTvoi avvidevTO, ravra 5' oiSerrtJoiroT* airovi 
 (paat, TrapcL^rjva.i. 
 
 The illogical use of the plural of oi)5efs in the same sense as the 
 singular [de Myst., § 23 ovSiras, § 147 ovSiva) is perhaps colloquial. 
 There are many instances of the use of this plural in the later 
 orators, a point which Liddell and Scott did not observe, or, at 
 any rate, failed to make clear. Another phrase which may be 
 colloquial is r^^yvib/jL-jj Kal raiv x^po^y toxv ifxavTov {de Mysf., § 144)- 
 
 1 de My si., §§ 48-50. 
 
ANDOCIDES 63 
 
 His exposure of Dioclides is simple and effective ; 
 he repeats the informer's statement, and with a very 
 few words of comment makes it appear ridiculous : 
 
 ' Encouraged by his country's misfortunes Dioclides laid 
 information before the Council. He asserted that he knew 
 the persons who had mutilated the Hermae, and that there 
 were about three hundred of them. He proceeded to relate 
 how he had come across the matter. 
 
 ' He said that he had a slave working at Laureion, and had 
 to go there to get the man's wages. He rose very early, 
 having mistaken the time, and started on his way. The 
 full moon was shining, and as he passed the gateway of 
 Dionysus, he saw a number of men coming down from the 
 Odeum into the Orchestra. He was afraid of them, and 
 so went into the shadow and sat down between the pillar 
 and the pedestal on which the bronze statue of the General 
 stands. 
 
 ' He estimated the number of the men he saw at about 
 three hundred, and they were standing round in groups of 
 five or ten, or, in some cases, twenty. He could recognize 
 most of them, as he saw the moonlight shining on their 
 faces. 
 
 ' Now he made this monstrous statement in the first 
 place in order that it might be in his power to say that 
 any citizen he liked was or was not a member of that 
 company. 
 
 ' After seeing all this, he said, he went on to Laureion, and 
 on the next day heard of the mutilation of the Hermae. 
 So he knew at once that it was the work of the men whom 
 he had seen.^ 
 
 The opening of the speech shows a reasonable use 
 of the sort of commonplaces which custom demanded 
 as a preface to argument — the mahgnity and ingenuity 
 of the speaker's enemies and the perplexity caused 
 
 1 de My St., §§ 37-39- 
 
64 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 by the number of their accusations which makes it 
 difficult to know where to begin. 
 
 .^ ' Nearly all of you know, Gentlemen, with what per- 
 sistency my enemies have contrived to harm me in every 
 possible way, by fair means or foul, from the time when I 
 first came to Athens, and there is no need for me to dwell 
 upon the subject ; but I shall ask you only for just treat- 
 ment, a favour which is as easy for you to grant as it is 
 important for me to gain. 
 
 ' First, I would have you bear in mind that I have now 
 appeared before you without having been in any way 
 forced to await my trial ; I have neither surrendered to 
 bail, nor have I suffered the constraint of imprisonment. 
 I appear because I have put my trust above all in the 
 justice of my cause, and secondly, in your character ; feel- 
 ing as I do that you will give a just decision, and not allow 
 me through a perversion of justice to be ruined by my 
 enemies, but that you will much rather save me by allow- 
 ing justice to take its course in accordance with the laws 
 of the city, and the oaths which you have sworn as a pre- 
 liminary to the verdict which you are about to record. 
 
 * It is reasonable. Gentlemen, that, in the case of men 
 who voluntarily face the danger of a trial, you should take 
 the same view of them as they do of themselves. Those 
 who refuse to await their trial practically stand self- 
 condemned, so that you may reasonably pass on them the 
 sentence which they have passed on themselves ; but as 
 for those who wait to stand their trial in the confidence 
 that they have done no wrong, you have a right to hold the 
 same opinion about them which they have held about 
 themselves, and not decide, without a hearing, that they 
 are in the wrong. . . . 
 
 ' I am considering, therefore, from which point I ought 
 to begin my defence. Shall I begin with the last- mentioned 
 plea, that my indictment was illegal ? or with the fact that 
 the decree of Isotimides is not valid ? or shall I appeal to 
 
ANDOCIDES 65 
 
 the laws and the oaths which you have taken ? or, lastly, 
 shall I start by relating the facts from the beginning ? 
 
 ' My greatest difficulty is that the various counts of the 
 indictment do not stir you all equally to resentment, but 
 each of you has some point which he would like me to 
 answer first. It is impossible to deal with them all at once, 
 and so it seems to me the best course to relate the whole 
 story from the beginning, omitting nothing ; for if you 
 thoroughly realize what actually occurred, you will easily 
 recognize the lies which my accusers have told to my 
 discredit.' ^ 
 
 The peroratibn is simple and vigorous in its direct- 
 ness : 
 
 * Do not deprive yourselves of your hopes of my help, 
 nor deprive me of my hopes of helping you. I now request 
 those who have already given proof of the highest nobility 
 of feeling towards the democracy to mount the platform 
 and advise you in accordance with what they know of my 
 character. Come forward, Anytus and Cephalus, and you 
 members of my tribe who have been chosen to plead for 
 me — Thrasyllus and the rest.' ^ 
 
 Reference has already been made to the vitality of 
 his speech. Compared with his life-like vigour, the 
 * austerity ' of Antiphon becomes dull and pompous. 
 The most striking feature of his work is the ease with 
 which, in reporting conversations or explaining motives, 
 he breaks into direct quotation, recalling his own words 
 or putting words into the mouths of others to express 
 what they said or thought. We recognize in this 
 something of a Homeric quality ; it is comparable 
 to the Epic use of wSe Se rt? elVeo-^e and Kal irori rt? 
 
 The following extract shows how the main thread 
 
 1 de My St., §§ 1-3 and 8. a Ibid., § 150. 
 
66 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 of the sentence may be lost in a tangle of such paren- 
 thetical quotations : 
 
 * From the first, though many people informed me that 
 my enemies were saying that I should never await my 
 trial — " For what could induce Andocides to await his trial, 
 when he may leave the city and still be well off ? If he 
 sails to Cyprus, where he comes from, there is waiting for 
 him a large and flourishing farm of which he has the free- 
 hold ; will he prefer to put his neck into a halter ? With 
 what end in view ? Cannot he see which way the wind 
 blows here ? " I, Gentlemen, disagree entirely with this 
 view. I would not live and enjoy the utmost prosperity 
 somewhere else at the price of losing my fatherland ; and 
 even if the wind did blow here as my enemies say it does, 
 I would rather be a citizen of Athens than of any other 
 city ; prosperous, for the present, as such other cities may 
 seem to me to be. Holding such views as these I have 
 committed to you the decision about my life. ' ^ 
 
 It has been noted that Andocides is not addicted 
 to the use of verbal antithesis such as Thucydides and 
 Antiphon have made too familiar. We do not find 
 him playing upon the contrasts between ' word and 
 deed,' ' being and seeming ' with such recurrent 
 monotony. 
 
 There is, however, one kind of antithesis to which he 
 is somewhat partial — an antithesis of thought rather 
 than language. He is fond of explaining a difficulty 
 of choice by putting it in the form of a dilemma. 
 
 As far as his own personal conduct was concerned, 
 he must often have had to face dilemmas. From the 
 part which he had played in the sacrilege, and the 
 awkward positions in which consequently he foimd 
 himself placed, it must often have been equally difficult 
 
 1 de Myst., §§ 4, 5. 
 
ANDOCIDES 67 
 
 and dangerous for him to lie and to speak the truth. 
 So it is not unnatural that we should often find sen- 
 tences like the following : 
 
 * How would each of you have acted, Gentlemen, if you 
 had had to choose either to die nobly, or to owe your life 
 to a disgraceful action ? 
 
 ' Some may say that what I did was base, but many 
 would have chosen as I did.'^ 
 
 This appeal to the individual feelings, especially the 
 request by which it is prefaced, that they will judge 
 * by human standards ' (avOpayrrivoys:), is effective in 
 its boldness. The speaker must have felt sure of 
 his audience before he ventured to appeal to the lower 
 nature which every one would like to repudiate. 
 
 In marked contrast to the dignity of Antiphon, 
 Andocides from time to time lapses into scurrility, 
 dragging into his speech discreditable anecdotes relating 
 to his opponents which are quite irrelevant to his proper 
 subject and merely serve to raise a laugh at the moment. 
 Thus the long recital about the domestic affairs of 
 Callias (§§ 123-130) has no bearing at all on the trial. 
 A man whose father has been three times imhappily 
 married may still be a trustworthy witness. The 
 introduction of the irrelevant story is then quite 
 unjustifiable, but,^ since such examples of bad taste 
 were freely tolerated at Athens, it was worth while 
 to make a score by such foul hitting, especially if one 
 could deUver the blows as neatly as in the following 
 passage : 
 
 ' At the mother's request, the relations took the child 
 to the altar at the time of the Apaturia. They brought 
 
 1 de Myst, § 57. 
 
68 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 a victim, and requested Callias to perform the sacrij&ce. 
 He asked who was the father of the child. " CaUias, the 
 son of Hipponicus." — "But I'm CaUias." — " Yes, and it's 
 your child." ' ^ 
 
 There is more to be said in justification of the attack 
 on Epichares. To prove, or to assert violently, that 
 his accuser was an enemy of the democracy and a 
 person of vile character formed a presumption in 
 favour of the defendant. Demosthenes himself made 
 a custom of such practices, and was not less un- 
 scrupulous or less irrelevant than Andocides : 
 
 ' But Epichares, who is the worst of them all, and wants 
 to keep up his reputation, and so acts vindictively against 
 himself — ^for he was a member of the Council in the time 
 of the Thirty ; and what is the provision in the law which 
 is inscribed on the pillar in front of the Council room ? 
 " Whosoever shall hold office in the city when the demo- 
 cracy has been overthrown, may be slain without penalty, 
 and his slayer shall be free from blood-guiltiness, and shall 
 possess the property of the slain." Surely then, Epichares, 
 any one who slays you now will have clean hands, according 
 to Solon's law ? Let me have the law on the pillar read 
 aloud ? ' 2 
 
 But Andocides in such cases certainly violates the 
 laws of good taste, and in the matter of this personal 
 abuse, though less fertile in vocabulary, is a worthy 
 forerunner of the great orators. His scurrility is 
 hardly excused by the ingenuity of its epigrammatic 
 form : 
 
 * You jackal, you common informer ! . . . are you 
 allowed to live and prowl about the city ? Little do you 
 deserve it ; under the democracy you lived by the informer's 
 
 1 dt Myst, § 126. " Ibid.y § 95. 
 
ANDOCIDES 69 
 
 trade ; under the oligarchy, for fear of being forced to give 
 up the money you had made by informing, you were a 
 menial of the Thirty. . . .' ^ 
 
 and again : 
 
 * One result of your decision to observe the present laws 
 is that he has been restored from exile to citizenship, and 
 from legal disability to the free exercise of the informer's 
 trade/ » 
 
 The use of parenthesis is sometimes carried by '^ 
 Andocides to extremes. An instance has been quoted 
 in which the grammatical construction breaks down 
 because the writer introduces an imaginary conver- 
 sation into the middle of it.^ The style is sometimes 
 so loose and discursive that not only is the construc- 
 tion difficult to follow, but the argument is obscure. 
 The writer suffers from an inability to keep to the 
 point, or rather, he tries to explain several things at 
 once, and so makes nothing clear. An extreme 
 instance is to be found in §§ 57 sqq. of the de Mysteriis. 
 His thoughts run too fast for his tongue, and he has 
 not the technical skill to guide them on their proper 
 courses. Such sentences afford a practical comment 
 on the introduction to the same speech, in which he 
 states that he does not know where to begin.* 
 
 On the other hand, passages may be found in which 
 a series of short sentences, loosely combined, and 
 disturbed by anacoluthon, are really effective, since >!( 
 they simulate the broken utterance of passion. Of 
 such is the following : 
 
 * Then the herald inquired who had deposited the sup- 
 pHant's branch, and no one answered. Now we were 
 
 1 (S <TVK6<f>aPTa Kai iTriTpnTTov KivaSos, k.t.X., de Myst., § 99. 
 " Ibid., § 93. » Supra, p. 66. * § 8. 
 
X 
 
 70 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 standing close by, and Callias could see me. When nobody 
 answered, he retired into the temple. Eucles, stepping 
 forward — oblige me by calling him up — Now then, Eucles, 
 first of all give evidence whether I am speaking the truth.* ^ 
 
 §4 
 
 I have dealt hitherto chiefly with the speech de 
 My sterns, the best of Andocides' work. The other 
 speeches now demand a short mention. The de Reditu 
 differs remarkably from the later speech, de Mysteriis, 
 but it is chiefly a difference of tone. The verbal 
 style is much the same, though there is rather more 
 tendency to antithetical structure. The language is 
 simple, the sentences are less hampered with par- 
 entheses. But here Andocides is humble ; he appears 
 as a young man without friends speaking before a 
 critical and hostile assembly ; he is moderate in his 
 language, apologetic in tone, careful not to give offence 
 by any sarcastic or ill-considered utterance. In 
 the de Mysteriis he is speaking with the conscious- 
 ness not of a better cause but of increased powers 
 and an assured position in the State. He is confident, 
 almost arrogant at times ; he is bitter and violent in 
 his attacks on his enemies. 
 
 The de Pace bears a general resemblance in style to 
 the other speeches, except for certain grammatical 
 peculiarities. Dionysius declared it to be spurious, 
 but modem critics mostly regard it as genuine. 
 
 The chief groimds for suspicion are the inaccuracies 
 of the historical narrative (§§ 3-9) and the curious fact 
 that a very similar passage occurs in Aeschines {de 
 F. L., §§ 172-176), where even certain peculiarities 
 
 1 de Myst.y § 112. 
 
ANDOCIDES 71 
 
 of phraseology^ are reproduced. As to history, the 
 orators were often inaccurate about the past history '" 
 of their own country. Careless statements occur even 
 in the de My stents. Demosthenes is an untrustworthy- 
 authority even for events almost contemporary. As 
 to the other matter, there is good reason for the behef 
 that Aeschines plagiarized Andocides in the fact that 
 a reference to Andocides, the grandfather of the orator, 
 which occurs in both speeches, is in place in a speech 
 of Andocides, while there is no particular reason why 
 Aeschines, if he were composing the passage, should 
 have mentioned him. In some minor points, as Jebb 
 has shown, Andocides is more accurate than Aeschines. 
 The suggestion that the de Pace is a spurious speech, 
 composed by a later rhetor who plagiarized from 
 Aeschines, is therefore hardly tenable. There remains 
 a third possibility, that both Aeschines and Andocides 
 borrowed from the same semi-historical compilation, 
 perhaps a lost rhetorical exercise. 
 
 The de Pace and the de Reditu are not enlivened by 
 excursions into anecdote or the consequent direct 
 quotations of speech which characterize the deMysteriis. 
 The historical argument already mentioned is dull in 
 itself, but the tedium of the de Pace is some- 
 what relieved by a not infrequent use of rhetorical 
 question. 
 
 ' What is there left for us to discuss ? The subject of 
 Corinth and the invitation of Argos. First, I should hke 
 to b3 informed about Corinth : if the Boeotians do not join 
 us in the war but make peace with Sparta, what will Corinth 
 be worth to us ? Remember the day, men of Athens, 
 
 ^ E.g., the poetical v\p'r]'^6v ripe. Andoc, § 7 ; Aesch., § 174. Cf. 
 Euripides, Supp., 555, and Her. 323. 
 
n THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 when we made our alliance with the Boeotians ; what was 
 our feeUng in that transaction ? Was it not that we and 
 Boeotia in combination were strong enough to stand against 
 all the world ? But now our question is, if the Boeotians 
 make peace, how shall we be able, without Boeotian 
 help, to fight against Sparta ? We can do it, say some 
 people, if we protect Corinth, and have an alliance with 
 Argos. 
 
 ' But when the Spartans attack Argos, are we going to 
 help Argos or not ? We must definitely choose one course 
 or the other.' ^ 
 
 An appeal for peace does not give such opportunities 
 for oratory as a call to arms ; nevertheless, a greater 
 orator might have made more of the subject. 
 
 TYi^^'^^^oh Against Alcihiades is undoubtedly spurious 
 and belongs to a much later date. 
 
 It is based upon a complete misconception of the 
 nature of the law about ostracism. The speaker is 
 represented as discussing the question whether he 
 himself or Nicias or Alcibiades should be ostracized — 
 a quite impossible position. The speech is little more 
 than a collection of some of the stock anecdotes about 
 Alcibiades, such as occur in Plutarch. 
 
 The names of four lost speeches are preserved : — 
 TT/oo? €TaLpov<i, (TVfiffovXevTiKOf;, irepl rrj<; eVSeifew? 
 and aTToXoyta tt/oo? ^aluKa. Fragments — a few lines 
 in each case — remain of two imnamed speeches. One 
 of these refers to Hyperbolus cLS still in Athens, 
 and so must be placed not later than 417 B.C., 
 the year when Hyperbolus was ostracized. It de- 
 serves quotation as being typical of the snobbish- 
 
 1 de Pace, §§ 24-26. 
 
ANDOCIDES 73 
 
 ness of the young aristocrat, not yet disciplined by 
 misfortune. 
 
 ' I am ashamed to mention the name of Hyperbolas ; 
 his father is a branded slave, who up to the present day 
 works in the public mint ; he himself is a foreigner, a bar- 
 barian, and a lampmaker.' ^ 
 
 I Frag. 5 (Blass) 
 
T 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 LYSIAS 
 
 §1 
 
 HOUGH we attempt a chronological arrangement 
 of the orators, such a treatment is apt to be 
 misleading, for their lives and the periods of their 
 activity overlap considerably. About the year 390 B.C. 
 Andocides was still composing speeches, Lysias was 
 yet in his prime ; Isocrates had already made himself 
 a reputation, and Isaeus had at least begun to be 
 known. It would be rash therefore to attempt to 
 trace in the work of any one the influence of any of 
 the others. Speaking and writing as contemporaries 
 all may have had something to teach and something 
 to learn, but we can hardly say that one is in the 
 \ fullest sense the Hterary predecessor or the disciple 
 of another. 
 
 Lysias was by descent a Syracusan ; his father 
 Cephalus, of whom Plato gives us a charming picture 
 in the opening chapters of the Republic, was induced 
 by Pericles to settle in Athens, and there Lysias was 
 bom. The Pseudo-Plutarch gives the date as 459 B.C., 
 and Dionysius gives the same year ; but this is founded 
 on an assumption. He was known to have gone to 
 Thurii at the age of fifteen, and Thurii was founded in 
 
 443 B.C. But there is no proof that Lysias went to 
 
 74 
 
LYSIAS - 75 
 
 Thurii in the year of its foundation ; we only know 
 that he cannot have been bom eariier than 459 B.C. 
 Tradition, however, made him Hve to the age of eighty 
 or eighty-three, and his latest known speech is dated, 
 probably, in 380 B.C., so that if we assume his death 
 to have occurred shortly after 380 B.C., we shall be 
 consistent. 1 The modem view, supported by Blass, 
 that Lysias was bom not earHer than 444 B.C., has little 
 evidence to support it. It is based chiefly on the 
 statement of the Pseudo-Plutarch that Lysias did not 
 go to Thurii till after his father's death, and the belief 
 that Cephalus was alive in 430 B.C., the date in which 
 the scene of the Republtc is supposed to be laid. But 
 Blass has himself collected instances of Plato's un- 
 trustworthiness about dates, and the biographer by 
 himself is a poor authority. 
 
 Lysias, then, went to Thurii with his brothers 
 Polemarchus and Euthydemus. He is said to have 
 studied under the Syracusan rhetorician Tisias. 
 After the loss of the Athenian armies in Sicily, 413 B.C., 
 Lysias and his brothers were among three hundred 
 persons accused of * Atticizing,' and were expelled 
 from Thurii. They retumed to Athens in 412 B.C. 
 From this year till 404 B.C., the brothers lived in 
 prosperity and happiness, making a considerable 
 fortune as proprietors of a shield-factory, where they 
 employed 120 slaves. 
 
 They had many friends ; they belonged to the 
 highest class of aliens — the isoteleis — and the evidence 
 of Plato and Dionysius makes it clear that they mixed 
 
 1 Two lost speeches for Iphicrates, 371 B.C. and 354 b.c, were 
 pronounced spurious by Dionysius ; but, as he accepted the date of 
 Lysias' birth as 459 B.C., he was bound to conclude that these 
 speeches were not by him. 
 
76 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 with the most cultivated society. They took pride 
 in the performance of all public services which fell 
 to their share. 
 
 Fortune changed for the sons of Cephalus when in 
 404 B.C. a successful revolution brought the Thirty 
 into power ; the orator himself gives a graphic de- 
 scription of the way in which their ruin was brought 
 about. 
 
 The Thirty, he tells us, * avowed that they must purge 
 the city of wrongdoers, and turn the rest of the citizens 
 towards virtue and j us tice . * Two of the leaders pointed 
 out that some of the metoeci were discontented with 
 the new constitution ; these metoeci were rich, so that 
 their execution was not only a moral duty but a sound 
 financial move. They easily prevailed on their col- 
 leagues, who, as Lysias neatly puts it, ' thought nothing 
 of taking hfe but thought a lot of making money.' 
 The orator's name was on the list, and he was arrested 
 at a dinner-party in his own house. He describes 
 what followed : 
 
 ' I asked Piso whether he would save my life for money ; 
 he said he would, if it was a large sum. So I said I was 
 ready to pay a talent, and he agreed to the terms. I knew 
 well enough that he regarded neither god nor man, but I 
 thought my only chance lay in trusting him. So when he 
 had sworn by his own and his children's hope of salvation 
 that he would save me if he got a talent for it, I went into 
 my strong-room and opened the chest. ' 
 
 The sight of its contents, amounting to about six 
 
 talents' worth of gold and silver as well as a quantity 
 
 of plate, was too much for Piso's honesty. * I begged 
 
 • him to allow me enough for my journey, but he said 
 
 I ought to be well satisfied if I saved my skin.' 
 
LYSIAS 77 
 
 The prisoner was handed over by Piso to the keeping 
 of Damnippus and Theognis in the former's house, 
 and Damnippus, who seems to have been softer- 
 hearted than the rest, agreed to speak with Theognis 
 on Lysias' behalf. He knew his man, and * thought 
 he would do anything for money.' While they were 
 bargaining, Lysias managed to sUp away unnoticed 
 through the back-door, and on the following day 
 escaped on ship-board to Megara ; his brother Pole- 
 marchus was arrested by Eratosthenes and put to 
 death.i 
 
 During his exile, which lasted something less than 
 a year, Lysias showed himself a time friend of the 
 democracy. He gave two hundred shields to the 
 army and obtained recruits and gifts of money. When 
 the oligarchy fell in 403 B.C. the ecclesia, on the motion 
 of Thrasybulus, passed a vote conferring the citizen- 
 ship on Lysias ; but owing to some informality the 
 decree was declared illegal, and he lost his privilege 
 immediately. From this time till about 380 B.C. he 
 was actively employed in writing speeches, very few 
 of which he delivered himself. His industry must 
 have been considerable, since Dionysius attributed to 
 him not less than two hundred forensic speeches. 
 
 The prosecution of Eratosthenes in 403 B.C. marks, 
 so far as we know, his only personal contact with 
 Athenian politics. The occasion of the Olympiacus 
 shows us Lysias appealing to a far wider audience 
 at the Olympic festival of 388 B.C. He died, according 
 to the computation of the ancients, soon after 380 B.C., 
 at the age of about eighty years. 
 
 1 Against Eratosthenes, §§ 5-17. 
 
rr: 
 
 78 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 §2 
 In literature as in politics we grow tired of hearing 
 Aris tides called the Just, and so perfect writers are 
 less admired than they should be. In Latin Terence, 
 praised by all for the purity of his style, is less read 
 than the ruder Plautus, and in Greek Lysias, accounted 
 by ancient critics the standard writer of Attic prose,i 
 is less appreciated than Demosthenes. * 
 
 Using the everyday language as a literary medium, 
 Lysias, by his exceptional skill and mastery over its 
 idiom, exalted it to a simplicity and accuracy of ex- 
 pression never surpassed by other writers. This 
 simphcity is deceptive : 
 
 * ut sibi quivis 
 Speret idem, sudet multum frustraque laboret 
 Ausus idem. * 
 
 ; It is not till we analyse a passage or try to imitate the 
 I style that we realize how great a part has been played 
 by art in this structure which seems so natural. 
 
 The smoothness strikes us, after a time, as mono- 
 tonous, and many readers will turn with rehef from 
 Lysias* polish to the more telUng ruggedness of Anti- 
 phon, or the varied magnificence of Plato. Lysias, 
 in fact, provides us with an excellent example of the 
 purest prose, but the comparative coarseness of the 
 average taste prefers something less refined, less care- 
 fully purged of the natural impurities which prevent 
 insipidity, less free from the colouring matter which 
 gives character. 
 
 So far I have considered only the broad impression 
 produced by the language, apart from more personal 
 elements in style. 
 
 ^ Dion., de Lysia, ch. 2 : r^s 'ArriKJJt yXdrTrii dpurrot Kayiiv. 
 
LYSIAS ' 79 
 
 As an orator, Lysias is, on first acquaintance, dis- 
 appointing. He seems to lack fire, and to subordinate 
 vigour to precision. 
 
 For this apparent weakness we must make certain 
 allowances. We must remember that he has to be 
 judged chiefly by speeches written for others, and 
 speeches deahng with cases which in their very nature 
 are often unimportant, and in their details have Httle 
 interest. 
 
 It would be unreasonable to ask for any other 
 qualities than clear statement of fact in a speech for 
 the prosecution relating to embezzlement by a trustee 
 for a will (Against Diogiton), or in the indictment of 
 Nicomachus, a magistrate who has not rendered his 
 accounts in due course. Such speeches are of con- 
 siderable importance indirectly : to the jurist, as bear- 
 ing upon the peculiarities of Attic Law ; to the general 
 reader, because they help to fill in details of the picture 
 of pubHc and private life at Athens. We should not 
 pass a hasty judgment on the writer because, considered 
 as examples of oratory, they are less attractive and 
 impressive than some of the more famous models. 
 
 I will reserve for future consideration the only 
 speech in which the personal feelings of Lysias are 
 deeply involved — the accusation of Eratosthenes. Of 
 the other speeches there is none which, taken as a whole, 
 is comparable to the finest of the pubhc speeches or 
 the harangues of Demosthenes. Though Lysias had 
 often to deal with trials of public men, these trials 
 were never really of public importance. It was not 
 his business to lay down a definite line of pohcy for 
 his city to follow ; it was not for him to awake an 
 apathetic nation to the need of instant and decisive 
 
8o THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 action. We cannot believe that any of his speeches 
 would appeal, or were meant to appeal, to Athens as 
 a whole. 
 
 Even when he is dealing with events that took place 
 during the tyranny of the Thirty, though no doubt 
 feeling still ran high, we have the impression that only 
 that part of the community which had been directly 
 concerned in promoting or thwarting the Revolution 
 would be keenly interested in the process of punishing 
 or rewarding those who had played minor parts : 
 ^ the majority had acquiesced, with greater or less un- 
 willingness, at the time of the changes, and now that 
 the trouble was past, were eager to make the best of 
 the present ; political memory at Athens was short. 
 
 The position of Demosthenes was very different ; 
 his chief activity was not after a crisis, but during a 
 time of national danger. He foimd great opportunities 
 and he rose to them. 
 
 A great enthusiasm is required to produce really 
 great men, whether orators or statesmen. A gifted 
 man under the influence of a great constructive idea 
 may, with exceptional opportunities, become a Pericles ; 
 an extraordinarily favourable combination of such 
 circumstances may give birth to an Alexander. 
 
 In modern times the greatest eloquence is usually 
 V on the side of the opposition, and in all ages a losing 
 cause has tended to produce more conspicuous men. 
 
 Demosthenes owes his great reputation partly to his 
 exceptional ability, but in very large part also to his 
 opportunities, to the fact that he was fighting against 
 national apathy and foreign aggression for a noble 
 ideal — ^his conception of Athenian Liberty. A lesser 
 intellect might have shone under such circumstances ; 
 
LYSIAS 8i 
 
 and on the other hand Demosthenes, if he had had no 
 opportunity for the speeches against Philip, might 
 have been ranked almost in the same class with such 
 orators as Lysias. 
 
 §3 
 
 Lysias is no less simple in the arrangement of his 
 subject-matter than in his language. Practically 
 every speech which has come down to us in entirety 
 may be analysed into four elements — preface, narrative, 
 proof, and epilogue. The preface or epilogue may be 
 very slight ; the narrative may be so self-evident that 
 proof is practically unnecessary, or on the other hand, 
 there may be hardly any facts to narrate, so that 
 beyond the words of the indictment only an accumula- 
 tion of proofs is required ; but the order of the parts 
 seems to be invariable. We have seen that Andocides 
 instinctively divided up his narrative, where there was 
 a long story to tell, and interspersed the parts with 
 proofs of the details. Isocrates, who states the 
 necessity of the divisions which Lysias tacitly adopted, 
 himself departs from his own rules at times, while 
 Isaeus, by a judicious subdivision and shifting of the 
 parts, contrives, as Dionysius says, to * outmanoeuvre ' 
 the judges."^ 
 
 Within these Hmits Lysias aimed at elasticity;- 
 though the form of the speech was to be settled pre- 
 cisely, his artistic sense demanded a variety in the 
 details. It is remarked by Dionysius that, though 
 he composed two hundred speeches, he never used! 
 the same preface twice. Some orators were in the 
 habit of using over again the opening sentences which 
 had already served as introduction to an old speech, 
 
82 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and even borrowing such proems whole from the 
 speeches of their predecessors or from rhetorical hand- 
 books. 
 
 Lysias, with a truer instinct for what was appro- 
 priate, composed for every speech a proem adapted 
 to its requirements. His versatihty in this small 
 matter is much to be admired. It is to be noticed 
 also that there is considerable variety in his ways 
 of ending his speeches ; though many of his epilogues 
 practically say the same thing in different words, 
 they nearly all succeed in saying it in a way more 
 appropriate to the particular speech than to any 
 other. 
 
 As there is diversity in these forms, so there is great 
 variety in the details of expression. There are very 
 few formal mannerisms on which we could seize if we 
 wished to produce a parody of the style. There are 
 indeed one or two common necessary phrases which 
 he employed frequently, but even these are presented 
 in different shape from time to time.^ 
 
 §4 
 Lysias varies greatly in the structure of his sentences, 
 at one time producing periods neatly turned, with 
 clauses carefully balanced, at another time writing in 
 a style by no means periodic ; again varying his form 
 by mingling the two methods, inserting in the middle 
 of the period a parenthesis or relative clause which 
 keeps us in suspense, or attaching to the end of the 
 period an extra limb which, from a technical point 
 of view, spoils its symmetry. It is impossible without 
 
 ^ E.g. Setvby S^ fioi 8okci elvai. el vvv fxev . . . rdre 8i, etc., and d^iov 
 b' evdvixTjdijvai 6ti . . . 
 
LYSIAS 83 
 
 quoting a large number of examples to prove these 
 statements in detail, but we may state broadly that in 
 speeches dealing with serious matters of pubHc interest 
 the style is more periodic ; in some of the private 
 speeches on comparatively trivial subjects the style is 
 simpler and more straightforward. 
 
 But there is often much variety within the limits 
 of the same speech ; as Blass and others have pointed 
 out, the narrative is usually told in a simple style, ^ 
 while for arguments and proofs the greater elaboration 
 of the period is employed. As I have pointed out in 
 a previous chapter, ^ narrative and argument seem 
 naturally to evoke different styles, and it may be sup- 
 posed further that the juries trying the more serious 
 cases looked for a more finished style of speech than 
 the colloquial simplicity which would be admissible 
 in minor police-court cases. But even in the unim- 
 portant private speeches Lysias has not one method 
 only, and we feel that he varied his style of sentence- 
 construction to suit the character of the speaker for 
 whom he wrote. Thus the youth Mantitheus is 
 nearly as simple in speech as he is ingenuous in thought, 
 while the cripple, whom we feel to be a plausible 
 rascal, glibly produces strings of neat antitheses, such 
 as the following : 
 
 ' The rich with their money can buy exemption from 
 danger, the poor are compelled by their indigence to 
 practise moderation. The young claim indulgence from 
 their elders, but both young and old are equally severe on 
 the faults of the others. 
 
 * Examples are numerous : e.g. the speech of Polyaenus [Foy the 
 Soldier, §§ 4-5) shows a simplicity in narrative which Herodotus 
 could not have surpassed. 
 
 ' Ch. ii. pp. 26-7. 
 
^M 
 
 84 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ' The strong have the opportunity, without risk to them- 
 f' selves, of ill-treating whom they will ; the weak can neither 
 defend themselves against an aggressor when they are ill- 
 treated, nor overpower their intended victims when they 
 wish to ill-treat others.' ^ 
 
 X 
 
 §5 
 
 The variation of sentence -construction is a minor 
 help towards the delineation of character — a necessary 
 part of the business of a professional speech-writer 
 who tries to be realistic. But, in order that the speech 
 may seem appropriate to the speaker, it is necessary 
 that not only his words and phrases but his sentiments 
 should be consonant with his character. This effect 
 Lysias attempted to produce, and he is credited with 
 having attained great success. 
 
 We may to some extent discover from the speeches 
 what was the nature of the speakers, but not altogether, 
 for we have no indication as to tone or manner of 
 delivery. 
 
 However, from data of various kinds, we can form 
 conceptions of many of the speakers. Thus the de- 
 fendant on a charge of receiving bribes (Or. xxi.) 
 gives a long and prosy catalogue of his services to the 
 State, with an accoimt of the moneys that he has spent 
 on liturgies (§§ i-io) ; all this leads up to his conclusion 
 that he, who desired little for himself and expended 
 all his fortune for his country's good, had no induce- 
 ment to take bribes to injure her. 
 
 From the Mantitheus we get quite a vivid and 
 
 ^ pleasing picture of a young Athenian of good birth 
 
 and breeding, who ingenuously admits to having 
 
 1 For the Cripple, § 7. 
 
LYSIAS 85 
 
 some fashionable affectations and owns to an over- 
 powering ambition to distinguish himself as a speaker 
 in the ecclesia, as he has already done good service 
 in the field. 
 
 The speech throughout is frank and self-confident, 
 but not by any means boastful : 
 
 * From such records as these you ought to judge a man 
 who in his public life is guided by ambition combined with 
 moderation ; you ought not to detest a man because he 
 does his hair in the fashionable way : such habits hurt 
 nobody personally, and do no harm to the community ; 
 while all of you alike are benefited by those who willingly 
 face your enemies. So it is not fair either to love or to 
 hate any one on account of his looks ; you should judge 
 by his actions. Many people who talk Httle and dress 
 quietly have been the authors of great harm, while others 
 who do not affect such deportment have done you great 
 services. . . . 
 
 ' I have observed, too, that some people are offended 
 with me because I have ventured to speak in public when 
 I am in their opinion too young : but in the first place I 
 have been forced to speak publicly about matters which 
 concern me, and besides, I think I am by nature somewhat 
 excessively ambitious. 
 
 * I reflect that my ancestors have never ceased to serve 
 the State, and — to be candid — I observe that you think 
 that such people alone deserve your notice. 
 
 ' Seeing that such is your opinion, who would not be en- 
 couraged to act and speak on the State's behalf ? And 
 why should you be displeased with those who do so ? No 
 one else has a right to judge them ; it is for you alone.' ^ 
 
 A very different picture is that of the cripple (Ora- 
 tion xxiv.) who defends himself on a charge of. 
 receiving a State pension under false pretences. He 
 
 1 For Mantitheus, §§ 18-21. 
 
\ 
 
 86 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 seems to protest too much about his infirmity, his 
 poverty, and his general helplessness, while he keeps 
 a sneering tone throughout, and hardly troubles to 
 conceal a malicious temper : 
 
 * I am almost grateful to the prosecutor for instituting 
 this trial. Hitherto I have had no pretext for giving 
 you an account of my life : now I have obtained one — 
 through him. In my speech I shall attempt to show that 
 he is a liar, and that up to the present day my life has been 
 one that should win praise rather than be exposed to 
 jealousy, for I cannot think that he has brought me to trial 
 from any other motive than jealousy. But if a man feels 
 jealousy towards one whom all others pity, what baseness 
 will he not sink to, do you suppose ? 
 
 * It is not to gain money that he has laid this infor- 
 mation, and he is not trying to punish an enemy ; he is a 
 bad character, with whom I have had no dealings either 
 friendly or hostile. So it is clear, Gentlemen, that he is 
 jealous of me because, though thus afflicted, I am a better 
 citizen than he is. For I think that one should compensate 
 for bodily misfortunes by good habits of mind ; and if I 
 show a disposition of mind to match my unfortunate body, 
 and fashion my Ufe accordingly, I shall be as bad as he 
 is. . . .'1 
 
 ' As to my riding, which he has had the audacity to men- 
 tion, having no fear of fortune or respect for you, there is 
 not much to say. I know that all who labour under any 
 incapacity seek some such relief, and speculate how best 
 they may alleviate their suffering. I am one of this class, 
 and, being afflicted as you see, have found riding a great 
 comfort for a journey of any length. . . . 
 
 ' If I had the means, I would ride in comfort on a mule, 
 instead of a borrowed horse ; but as I cannot afford a beast 
 of my own, I am compelled often to use a borrowed horse. 
 ... I am surprised that he does not make it a ground for 
 
 1 For the Cripple, §§ 1-3. 
 
LYSIAS ?^7 
 
 accusation that I walk with two sticks, while others use 
 one — on the plea that only the affluent can afford two. ' ^ 
 
 * Again, he says that I associate with numerous bad ^ 
 characters who have spent all their own money, and are 
 plotting against those who want to keep what belongs to 
 them. But reflect that this accusation does not hit me 
 more than anybody else who practises a trade ; nor does 
 it apply to my visitors more than those of the rest of the 
 working-class. Every one of you pays visits to the per- 
 fumer, the barber, the shoemaker, or any tradesman, and 
 most people go to the establishments nearest the market- 
 place, and fewest to those farthest away. So if you con- 
 demn my visitors as scoundrels, it is clear that you must 
 equally condemn those who spend their time in other 
 people's shops ; and if they are guilty, all the inhabitants 
 of Athens must be ; for you are all in the habit of paying 
 visits and spending your time somewhere or other.' ^ 
 
 Another good example of this realism in depicting 
 character is the speech de Caede Eratosthenis. Lysias ~f^ 
 seems to have given us just the kind of speech that 
 is appropriate to a rather stupid man of the lower 
 middle classes who, by his own showing, is no better 
 than his neighbours, though no worse. Incidentally, 
 the whole speech is an important contribution to our 
 knowledge of domestic arrangements in an Athenian 
 home : 
 
 ' So things went on, till one day I returned unexpectedly 
 from the country. After dinner the baby was crying and 
 fidgeting — ^the servant had been teasing it on purpose, to 
 make it cry, for Eratosthenes was in the house : I heard 
 all about that afterwards. — I told my wife to go and feed 
 the baby, to stop it crying. She refused at first, pretending 
 to be glad to have me back after so long ; but when I grew 
 annoyed and told her again to go, " Yes," said she," and 
 
 1 For the Cripple, parts of §§ 10-12, * Ibid., §§ 19-20. 
 
88 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 leave you and the servant alone up here ; I know how you 
 behaved one night when you were drunk." I laughed, but 
 she got up and went away and shut the door, treating it as 
 a joke, and drew the bolt outside. I thought nothing of it, 
 and had no suspicion, and was glad to go to sleep after my 
 day's work in the country. Early in the morning she came 
 back and opened the door, and when I asked why the doors 
 had banged in the night, she told me that the lamp beside 
 the child's bed had gone out, and she had fetched a light 
 from a neighbour. I made no remark, supposing that this 
 was the truth. I had an idea that her face was powdered, 
 although her brother had died less than a month ago ; but 
 for all that I said nothing more about it, and left the house 
 and went on my business without comment.' ^ 
 
 §6 
 
 Though Lysias shows dramatic instinct in the 
 representation of character, he seldom employs 
 theatrical effects for the purpose of overpowering the 
 feelings of the court. He trusts more to logic than 
 to the elements of pity and terror, and shows a modera- 
 tion of language comparable to the self-restraint 
 which characterizes his style in general. He avoids 
 exaggeration of every kind ; even the story of his own 
 arrest is told in a dispassionate, almost impersonal 
 style. 2 There can be no doubt that Lysias thus gains 
 greatly in dignity. The prison scene described by 
 Andocides ^ may appeal more to our feelings, but 
 certainly more impressive is the solemnity of a similar 
 scene in Lysias : 
 
 * When they were condemned to death, and their end 
 was near, they sent for various kinswomen — sister, mother, 
 wife, as the case might be — to visit them in prison, in order 
 
 * de Caede Eratosthenis, §§ 11-14. 
 
 * Supra, p. 76. ' Supra, p. 62, 
 
LYSIAS 89 
 
 that they might, before they died, bid them a last farewell. 
 Dionysodorus sent for my sister, who was his wife. Re- 
 , ceiving the message, she came dressed in mourning as a fit 
 tribute to her husband's condition.' ^ 
 
 The prisoner then disposed of his property, and 
 ' solemnly warned his wife, if she should bear a son, 
 to tell the child that Agoratus had killed his father, 
 and bid him take vengeance on the murderer.' 
 
 There is no hint here of such weeping and wailing 
 as Andocides describes ; nothing but the quiet pathos 
 of the story itself to work upon the feelings. To a 
 certain class of audience this style would appeal more 
 truly than any extravagance of grief, and passages of 
 this kind should be enough to refute the common 
 charge against Lysias that he lacks pathos. 
 
 §7 
 
 Lysias was not without a sense of humour, and 
 sometimes employed sarcasm which could be delicate 
 • and playful or bitter to the point of brutality according 
 to circumstances ; thus in the Epitaphios he remarks 
 how the Persians thought that their best chance of 
 success would be to invade Greece * while Greece was 
 still quarrelling as to the best means of defence against 
 invasion.' 2 
 
 Other sentences may be found in the speech 
 For the Cripple.'^ Sometimes a sarcastic reference 
 is introduced by a play on words — as Bovkeveiv — 
 BovXevecv in Philo, § 26 — ' He desires the position of 
 a public servant ; that of a public slave is what he 
 deserves.' Out of several instances in the Nicomachus 
 
 1 Agoratus, §§ 39-40. 
 
 2 Vide infra, p. 92, on the question of authenticity. 
 ? Supra, pp. 83 sqq. 
 
90 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 one may be quoted, in comparison with a rather similar 
 passage in Andocides : ' He has now become a citizen 
 instead of a slave, a rich man instead of a poor man, 
 a legislator instead of an under-clerk/ 
 
 This is far less effective than the unexpected turn 
 which Andocides gives to a similar passage. ^ 
 
 Finally, the fragment of the speech against Aeschines 
 the Socratic contains a long humorous passage. 
 Aeschines has a mania for borrowing money which 
 he never repays. ' His neighbours are so badly treated 
 by him that they all move as soon as they can and 
 take houses at a distance. . . . The crowd of creditors 
 round his doors at daybreak makes people think they 
 are assembling for a funeral,' and so on, in a comic 
 vein, till the speaker ends with a spiteful remark 
 about Aeschines' mistress, that ' you could count her 
 teeth more easily than the fingers of her hand.' 
 
 §8 
 
 Lysias composed an extraordinary number of 
 speeches ; of the 425 attributed to him, Dionysius 
 pronounced 233 to be genuine. 2 There are now 
 T^ extant thirty-four, either complete or, in some cases, 
 with portions missing. A hundred and twenty-seven 
 speeches are known by the preservation of their titles 
 or of small fragments. 
 
 As we cannot trace with any certainty a chronological 
 development in style, the most convenient classification 
 of the speeches is according to their subject-matter. 
 
 * Lysias, Nicomachus, § 27 ; Andocides, de Myst., § 93, quoted 
 inffa, p. 96. 
 
 * Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators ; Dion,, de Lys,, ch. 17, diaxofflvy 
 ovK iXdffaovs diKayiKovs ypd\f/as \6yovs. 
 
LYSIAS 91 
 
 Epideictic Speeches 
 
 The fragment of the * Ol5mipiac ' speech, which is X 
 undoubtedly genuine, is an interesting specimen of 
 compositions of this class. 
 
 The Sophists had early realized the opportunities 
 which the great assembly of all Greek States gave for 
 an expression of national feehng, and though perhaps 
 the speech-making was instituted chiefly for the 
 display of oratory, the custom had grown up of making 
 it an occasion for discussing broad political questions. 
 Thus Gorgias had preached the necessity of union 
 among Greeks, and in later time Isocrates in his 
 Panegyric was to urge again the need of putting aside 
 petty disputes among cities for the good of the Greek 
 nation. 
 
 In 388 B.C. Dionysius of Syracuse had sent a - , 
 magnificent embassy to the Olympic festival. Lysias, 
 realizing that this despot of the West, who had reduced 
 important cities of Sicily, had defeated Carthage, and 
 was now threatening the towns of Magna Graecia, ; ^' 
 might become, especially if allied with Persia, a serious . C^;**^ 
 menace to the independence of the cities of Greece * 
 proper, urged them to sink their private animosities 
 for the good of all, and as a foretaste of their enmity 
 he called upon them to tear down the royal pavilion 
 at Olympia and scatter its treasures. 
 
 In the extant fragment the speaker warns his hearers 
 that much of the Greek world is in the hands of tyrants, 
 and much under barbarian sway. This is owing to the 
 weakness caused by internal discord. Empire depends 
 on command of the seas, and Dionysius and Artaxerxes 
 are both strong in ships. 
 
92 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ' You ought therefore to lay aside your war with each 
 other, and by harmonious action make a bid for safety ; 
 you should view the past with shame and the future with 
 apprehension. ' 
 
 He invites Sparta to take the lead. The substance 
 of the end of the speech is known to us only from the 
 * argument/ but the fragment is long enough to be 
 judged as a simple yet dignified composition. 
 
 The Epitaphios or Funeral Speech purports to relate 
 to the Athenians who fell in the Corinthian war^ 
 c. 394 B.C., though it is impossible to determine the 
 year precisely. 
 
 Such speeches were habitually delivered at Athens, 
 a speaker of estabUshed reputation being generally 
 chosen to perform the service. Now Lysias, not being 
 a citizen, could not be so chosen, and, if the speech 
 was really delivered, he can hardly have composed 
 it ; for a practised public speaker would probably not 
 require the services of a professional logographos.^ 
 
 An extract from the peroration will give a general 
 idea of the style : 
 
 * And so we may deem these men most happy, in that 
 they faced and met their end on behalf of all that is great 
 and noble, not committing themselves to chance, nor await- 
 ing the death that comes in nature's course, but choosing 
 the noblest way of dying. 
 
 ' For their memory is ageless, and their honour is envied 
 of all men ; we mourn for them as mortal in their nature, 
 but we celebrate them as immortal for their valour. They 
 are receiving a pubhc funeral, and in their honour we in- 
 stitute displays of strength and wisdom and wealth, hold- 
 ing them who have died in battle worthy to be honoured 
 
 ^ However, Socrates, in Plato's Menexenus, 236 b, suggests that 
 Pericles' famous Funeral Speech was composed for him by Apasia. 
 
LYSIAS 93 
 
 with the same honour as the immortals. So I call them 
 happy in their death, and envy them therefor, and think 
 it should be said that life was worth the possessing only 
 for those men who, endowed with mortal bodies, have left 
 behind them through their valour a memorial that is im- 
 mortal. Still, we must follow ancient custom, and, obeying 
 the law of our fathers, make lamentation for those whom 
 we are burying to-day. ' ^ 
 
 There is nothing striking or original in this perora- 
 tion, which recalls the fragment of the funeral speech of 
 Gorgias, especially in the forced and repeated contrasts 
 between ' mortal ' and * immortal.' In manner and 
 in substance it is infinitely inferior to the famous 
 speech of Pericles, which, with all its extravagances of 
 style, has a note of true feeling. The Epitaphios of ? | 
 Lysias rings hollow ; it is feeble in imagery, it contains 
 very little reference to the dead, and holds out no hope 
 of comfort to the living. The allusions to the Persian 
 war are part of the rhetorical paraphernalia such as 
 stirred the bile of Aristophanes, while the historical 
 references to the supposed circumstances of the speech 
 are so vague as not to be appropriate to any particular 
 occasion. 
 
 On internal evidence, therefore, we may well believe 
 that it is not a real speech, but a declamatory exercise. 
 
 There is the further question, whether it was com- 
 posed by Lysias or not. 
 
 The composer of a * declamatio * may allow himself 
 liberties which he would not take in a real speech ; 
 yet it is hard to believe that Lysias would have com- 
 mitted such faults of taste as to drag the wars of the 
 Amazons into discussion or to indulge in the exaggera- 
 tions of the opening sections : ' All time would not 
 
 1 EpU., §§ 79-Si. 
 
 -^x 
 
94 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 be enough for all men to prepare a speech adequate 
 to such deeds ! ' and again, ' Everywhere and among 
 all men do those who mourn for their own sorrows 
 proclaim the valour of these dead ! ' 
 
 This is not appropriate to the Corinthian war nor 
 to any war in the lifetime of Lysias, and Lysias did 
 not elsewhere say things so inappropriate. ^ 
 
 The speech is probably an exercise composed by a 
 writer who had before him the speech of Pericles and 
 other such compositions. It is actually quoted by 
 Aristotle, who, however, does not assign it to Lysias.^ 
 The general lack of restraint in tone is suspicious, and 
 is, on the whole, the strongest argument against 
 authenticity. 
 
 Only one fragment (Or. xxxiv.) remains of a 
 speech composed for the ecclesia. According to its 
 title, it was delivered in opposition to some proposals 
 to abolish or limit the ancient constitution after the 
 fall of the Thirty (403^ B.C.). Dionysius doubts whether 
 it was actually deHvered, but considers it to be written 
 in a style suitable for debate. ^ It is significant his- 
 torically that the speaker dares to compare the position 
 of Athens in relation to Sparta with that of Argos and 
 Mantineia. The Athenians must have been broken 
 in spirit to tolerate such a reference. 
 
 Public Causes 
 
 These ypa(f>aL fall under various heads ; they deal 
 with all offences against the State, directly compris- 
 ing treason, sacrilege, embezzlement, unconstitutional 
 
 1 The reference to the Amazons and the general vagueness of the 
 historical setting are closely paralleled by the Funeral Speech in 
 Plato's Menexenus, which is generally regarded as a parody. 
 
 * Rhet., III. 10. 7. ^ de Lys., ch. 32. 
 
LYSIAS 95 
 
 procedure, evasion of military service, wrongful claims 
 for admission to office ; or against the State in the 
 person of an individual, e.g. charges of murder or 
 attempted murder. 
 
 They range in importance from high treason (e.g. 
 Ergocles) and dehberate murder [e.g. Eratosthenes) to 
 the attempt of the Cripple (Or. xxiv.) to obtain an 
 insignificant pension by alleged false pretences. 
 
 For Polystratus (Or. xx.), 411-405 B.C. This speech 
 is entitled ' For Polystratus ; defence on a charge of 
 attempting to subvert the democracy.' 
 
 Polystratus had held office imder the Four Hundred, 
 and had even been a member of that body. The 
 nature of the charge brought against him is uncertain, 
 but as the penalty proposed was only a fine, it cannot 
 have been so serious as the title implies. Modem 
 critics decide that the speech is spurious, entirely on 
 grounds of style and method. The arrangement is 
 at times confused, the argument obscure, and the 
 style weak. 
 
 This kind of argument against genuineness must 
 always be a subjective one ; it is hard to prove the case. 
 The speech Against Theomnestus [see below, p. 100) has 
 faults imworthy of Lysias, and yet, according to the 
 same critics, it is undoubtedly genuine. 
 
 It should be remembered that the present speech is 
 earlier by some years {c. 407 B.C.) than any of the 
 orations accepted as genuine, and perhaps in the case 
 of an orator's earlier efforts we should look for less 
 precision and finish. 
 
 Or. xxi., on a charge of taking bribes, is only the 
 second half of the speech. The first part, dealing with 
 
.vV 
 
 96 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 specific charges, is lost. The defendant points to his 
 distinguished pubhc services as a proof that he is not 
 the sort of man to be bribed to betray his country. 
 The date is probably 402 B.C. 
 
 Against Ergocles (Or. xxviii.). Against Eptcrates 
 (Or. xxvii.), and Against Philocrates (Or. xxix.) may 
 be taken together as speeches delivered by a public 
 prosecutor, all in the year 389 B.C. ; they assume that 
 the previous speakers have gone fully into the charges, 
 so that they themselves need only recapitulate them. 
 The speakers are vigorous and concise, but impersonal. 
 There was no need in such formal orations for the kind 
 of adaptation to the speaker's character which we find 
 elsewhere. Ergocles was prosecuted and put to death 
 for betraying Greek cities in Asia and enriching himself 
 by embezzlement. Philocrates had been his subor- 
 dinate and confederate. Epicrates was also accused 
 of embezzling pubhc money when in a position of 
 trust. 
 
 Against Nicomachus (Or. xxx.), date probably 
 399 B.C. — The only charges against Nicomachus are 
 that, having been appointed to revise certain laws, he 
 was dilatory in his work and did not finish it within 
 the appointed time, and has caused an excessive ex- 
 penditure of public money — ^not, be it noted, for his 
 own advantage. Though Nicomachus at the worst 
 was unbusinesshke and indiscreet, the accuser thinks 
 fit to shower abuse on him, chiefly in connection with 
 his humble origin, for his father was a freedman.^ 
 
 Against the Corn-dealers (Or. xxii.) is a plain, unpre- 
 tentious speech arising out of the laws relating to the 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 90. 
 
LYSIAS 97 
 
 com supply ; the dealers were not allowed to make 
 a profit of more than one obol a bushel, and monopoly 
 was strictly guarded against. The date is imcertain ; 
 possibly about 390 B.C. 
 
 On the Confiscation of the Property of the Brother of 
 Nicias (Or. xviii.), about 396-385 B.C. — Nicias' brother 
 Eucrates was put to death by the Thirty in 404 B.C., 
 and at some time later a decree was passed for the 
 confiscation of his estate. The sons and nephew of 
 Eucrates plead against the enforcement of this sen- 
 tence. Of the fragment which remains the greater 
 part consists of an appeal to pity, which is very un- 
 usual in the speeches of Lysias. 
 
 For the Soldier (Or. ix.), 394-387 B.C. ; a defence of 
 Polyaenus, who is prosecuted for non-payment of a 
 fine, is of doubtful authenticity, though the arguments 
 concerning it are not conclusive. 
 
 On the Property of Aristophanes (Or. xix.), 387 B.C., 
 is another case dealing with confiscation. The speech 
 is very carefully constructed to meet what was evidently 
 a difficult case. 
 
 Against Evandrus (Or. xxvi.), 382 B.C. — This is a 
 considerable fragment of a speech relating to a scrutiny 
 (SoKifiaala). Leodamas, the first man to be elected 
 as archon for the year 381 B.C., having been rejected 
 as unfit, the second choice, Evandrus, becomes archon 
 if he can pass the scrutiny ; but his enemies refer to 
 his actions in the time of the oligarchy, and, while 
 admitting that he has been blameless since the Re- 
 storation, refuse him all credit for this. The bitterness 
 
98 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 '^ and injustice of this speech are unusual in Lysias, but 
 its genuineness is not suspected. 
 
 For Mantitheus (Or. xvi.),^ about 392 B.C. ; Against 
 Philo (Or. xxxi.), 405-395 B.C. ; and the wrongly 
 entitled Defence on a charge of subversion of the demo- 
 cracy (Or. XXV.), 402-400 B.C., are all concerned with 
 SoKCfiaa-la. There is more bitterness in the Kara 
 ^lX(ovo<i than in the speech against Evandrus, but with 
 more justification, for Philo, if the stories told of him 
 are true, must have been a very objectionable scoundrel. 
 
 The speech For the Cripple (Or. xxiv.), about 400 B.C., 
 V' is also concerned with a EoKifiaarla, though of a different 
 kind. A pension was given by the State to certain 
 persons who could not, on account of bodily infirmity, 
 support themselves, and had no other means of Hving. 
 The defendant in this case is accused of claiming the 
 pension, whereas he is comparatively well off.^ 
 
 Against Eratosthenes (Or. xii.), 403 B.C. — This, the 
 ^ most famous of Lysias' speeches, has been to some 
 extent dealt with already.^ It is generally classed as 
 a speech in a prosecution for murder, but it seems 
 more probable that it was delivered on the occasion 
 of the evSvva of Eratosthenes ; for the amnesty 
 passed after the expulsion of the Thirty specially 
 provided that any of them who chose to give an 
 account of their actions should receive a fair trial."* 
 Eratosthenes and Pheidon were the only two who 
 embraced this opportunity. 
 
 The latter view finds some support in the fact that 
 only the first part of the speech (§§ 1-37) deals with 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 85. ^ Vide sttpra, pp. 85-6. 
 
 » Supra, pp. 76-7. * Andoc, de Myst., § 90. 
 
LYSIAS 99 
 
 the murder of Polemarchus ; the longer portion 
 (§§ 37-100) deals more generally with the character 
 of Eratosthenes and the crimes of the Thirty in general. 
 
 Against Agoratus (Or. xiii.), 400-398 B.C. — Agoratus, 
 an informer, is prosecuted for having caused the death 
 of the speaker's cousin, Dionysodorus. There is much 
 historical matter in the speech, but the accuser keeps 
 definitely to the charge of murder, touching on political 
 matters only incidentally. 
 
 On the Murder of Eratosthenes (Or. i.), date uncertain, 
 is of interest chiefly as illustrating domestic life among 
 the middle class at Athens. ^ 
 
 Defence against Simon (Or. iii.), after 394 B.C. ; 
 and On wounding with intent (Or. iv.), date uncertain, 
 are both speeches in defence on the charge of wounding 
 with intent to kill {rpavfiarof; i/c 7rpovola<;). The de- 
 fendant in the latter, wishing to prove that he was 
 formerly on good terms with the prosecutor, tells an Cv 
 extraordinary story of corruption. The prosecutor 
 was nominated by the defendant as judge at the 
 Dionysia, on the understanding that, if elected, he 
 should award the prize to the latter' s tribe. He left 
 a written note of this agreement ; but unfortunately 
 he was not elected, so that the prize went to a chorus 
 which either sang better or organized its corrupt 
 practices with more skill. ^ 
 
 For Callias (Or. v.), date uncertain, is a defence, 
 apparently, on a charge of sacrilege. The precise 
 charge is unknown. 
 
 On the Sacred Olive (Or. vii.), about 395 B.C., is in 
 defence of a man charged with uprooting the stump of 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 87. * § 3« 
 
100 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 a sacred olive — a sacrilege punishable by banishment 
 and confiscation of property. 
 
 Against Alcihiades, I. and II. (Or. xiv. and Or. xv.), 
 about 395 B.C. — The first is on a charge of desertion, 
 the second of avoiding mihtary service — two different 
 aspects of the same offence. The defendant, a son 
 
 ^ of the great Alcibiades, had presumed to serve in the 
 cavalry when he was only entitled to be a hopUte. 
 The yoimg Alcibiades evidently paid for the sins of 
 
 f his father, to whom half of the present indictment is 
 devoted. On this point we may compare the subject- 
 matter of the speech of Isocrates in defence of Alci- 
 biades,^ and the speech against him which is attributed 
 to Andocides, but is probably a later work.^ 
 
 Private Speeches 
 
 Against Theomnestus (Or. x.), 384-383 B.C., is a speech 
 for the prosecution in an action for defamation. The 
 speaker deals at quite disproportionate length with a 
 verbal quibble by which the defendant has tried to 
 escape justice. The argument is ingenious, but owing 
 to the slightness of the subject-matter the speech has 
 no interest except to students of method.^ 
 
 Against Diogiton (Or. xxxii.), 400 B.C., is a truly 
 ■-: excellent statement of the case against a dishonest 
 guardian. In addition to the skilful handling of 
 financial details, there is much dramatic skill in de- 
 scription and suggestion of character. 
 
 On the Property of Eraton (Or. xvii.), 397 B.C. — This 
 speech occurred in a BiaBcKaa-U between an individual 
 
 1 Vide infra, p. 150. - Vide supra, p. 72. 
 
 ^ The second speech with the same title is only an epitome of 
 the first. 
 
LYSIAS ([ ,-, \ ;;>'Oi;i^>/: 
 
 and the State. The speaker asserts a claim to the 
 property of Eraton (which has been confiscated), for 
 the repayment of a debt. 
 
 Against Pancleon (Or. xxiii.), date uncertadn. — 
 Pancleon, accused on some unknown charge, and sup- 
 posed by the prosecutor to be a metoecus, has put in 
 a plea that he is a Plataean citizen and therefore not 
 amenable to the law under which he was indicted. 
 He turns out after all to be a runaway slave. 
 
 These last two speeches consist almost entirely of 
 narrative. 
 
 Spurious or Doubtful Speeches 
 
 Against Andocides (Or. vi.), 399 B.C. — It is generally 
 beheved that this speech is not by Lysias, the most - '' 
 serious argument being that the writer of it is a 
 blunderer. As J ebb points out, he makes at least 
 three damaging admissions calculated seriously to 
 injure his own case. It may, however, reaUy be a 
 speech dehvered against Andocides. It contains some 
 statements which do not agree with Andocides' own 
 admissions, but, as we have seen, it cannot be proved 
 that Andocides was always veracious. On the groimd 
 of general agreement with Andocides' statements we 
 may believe that it was composed by some contempo- 
 rary orator, and not, as has been sometimes asserted, 
 by a late Sophist. It may have been actually de- 
 livered at the trial of Andocides in 399 B.C. 
 
 Eroticus. — Phaedrus, in the dialogue of Plato which 
 bears his name, reads aloud a speech of Lysias which -)^ 
 Socrates criticizes. 
 
 If Plato could be taken literally, we should believe 
 
^■-s^ 
 
 \ ro^ ; n J^HE (rREEK ORATORS 
 
 that what is read was the authentic work of Lysias ) 
 but Plato is if anything too emphatic in his attempts 
 to produce this illusion, and most readers will pro- 
 bably be left with the impression that Plato is follow- 
 ing his usual custom ; he tries to give his myths the 
 solemnity of fact, and what he produces here is an 
 imitation too close to be called a parody. We may 
 compare Plato's reproduction of Aspasia's oration in 
 the Menexenus. 
 
 The speech To his Companions (Or. viii.) cannot 
 reasonably be attributed to Lysias, and indeed is so 
 trivial that it can hardly be the work of any self- 
 respecting forger. It is probably to be regarded as a 
 declamatory exercise. 
 
 The speaker complains that his friends have slandered 
 
 . him by asserting that he forced his company on them ; 
 
 -'^ '^^ they have sold him an unsound horse, and accused 
 
 him of inducing others to slander them. He therefore 
 
 abjures their friendship. 
 
 Extracts from six lost speeches are preserved by 
 quotation in various writers : 
 
 Against Cinesias (Athenaeus, xiii. 551 d) ; Against 
 Tisis (Dion., de Demos., ch. xi.) ; For Pherenicus (Dion., 
 de Isaeo, ch. vi.) ; Against the Sons of Hippocrates 
 (ibid.) ; Against Archehiades (ibid., ch. x.) ; Against 
 AescMnes (Athenaeus, xiii., 611 E-612 c).^ 
 
 The fragments of other speeches, in Suidas, Harpocra- 
 tion, and others, are negligible. 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 90. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 ISAEUS 
 
 §1 
 
 DIONYSIUS could find, in the authorities whom 
 he consulted, no definite information about the 
 hfe of Isaeus. The dates of his birth and death are 
 unknown ; we cannot, as Dionysius observes, say 
 what were his political opinions, or even whether he 
 had any at all.^ We are even in doubt as to his birth- 
 place ; some authorities called him an Athenian, 
 others a Chalcidian. The suggestion that he may have 
 been the descendant of an Athenian who settled in 
 Chalcis as a cleruch is plausible, but without any 
 authority. 2 The inference, from the fact that he took 
 no part in public life, that he was probably an aHen, is 
 not justifiable. The fact that, whether an Athenian or 
 not, he never spoke at any of the great national 
 assemblies, where rhetoricians from all Greek countries 
 gave displays, seems to argue that he had no ambition 
 for personal distinction as an orator, but was content 
 to be a professional writer of speeches. 
 
 There is a legend that the young Demosthenes,- 
 impressed by the effectiveness of Isaeus' oratory, 
 induced the latter to live in his house and train him 
 thoroughly in all the arts of the forensic speech- 
 writer ; it is even said that the earliest speech of 
 
 1 Dion., de Isaeo, ch. i. * Jebb, vol. ii. p. 265. 
 
104 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Demosthenes, against Aphobus, was in reality composed 
 by his master. The authority for these tales is quite 
 insignificant, but the influence of Isaeus on Demo- 
 sthenes was nevertheless considerable, whether or not 
 they came much into personal contact. 
 
 Dionysius records, on the authority of Hermippus, 
 that Isaeus ' was a pupil of Isocrates and a teacher of 
 Demosthenes, and came into close contact with the 
 \best of the philosophers.' ^ 
 
 There is no evidence that he was ever a companion 
 of Socrates, since his name is not anywhere mentioned 
 by Plato. 
 
 His earliest speech (On the Estate of Dicaeogenes) is 
 assigned with some probability to the year 390 B.C., 
 and his latest (On the Estate of Apollodorus) to 353 B.C. 
 
 If the date 390 B.C. is correct, the period of his study 
 imder Isocrates may reasonably be placed during the 
 period 393-390 B.C., when that orator was starting 
 his school, and on this assumption we might place the 
 birth of Isaeus approximately at 420 B.C. But the 
 chronology rests entirely on internal evidence which 
 in this case is ambiguous ; a later date for the speech 
 is equally possible, and in that case the earliest speech 
 is that On the Estate of Aristarchus, 377-371 B.C. 
 Isaeus, then, need not have been bom before 400 B.C. 
 There is more certainty in the dating of, the last ex- 
 tant speech about 353 B.C., but we have no means of 
 knowing whether or not the orator lived long after its 
 composition. He may have spent many years in 
 retirement. Isocrates was writing up to the moment 
 of his death, but he had great thoughts to express ; 
 Isaeus, with no interest in politics, may, when he re- 
 
 ^ de Isaeo, ch. i. 
 
ISAEUS 105 
 
 tired from the monotonous task of writmg speeches 
 for others, have been glad to find no further necessity 
 for composition. However, the approximate dates 420- 
 350 B.C. will give a reasonable duration for such a life. 
 
 Isaeus is perhaps the only one of the orators for-^ 
 whom we cannot feel any enthusiasm. If we had, 
 from external sources, the slightest clue to his real 
 feelings, we might be able to collect from his speeches 
 some hints that would help us to form an image of 
 his personality. He is known to us only from speeches 
 which he wrote for others, all of them, with the ex-" 
 ception of one fragment, dealing with testamentary 
 cases, which are not the most interesting province of 
 law. He was not personally interested in any of these 
 trials, unless we can believe the more than doubtful 
 assertion of the Greek argument to the fourth oration, 
 that he himself spoke in support of Hagnon and 
 Hagnotheus, being their kinsman. 
 
 We may contrast his case with that of Antiphon, 
 who similarly is known to us chiefly from speeches in 
 one department of law — trials for homicide ; but in 
 Antiphon's case we are fortunate in having a short 
 but illuminating notice of his life by Thucydides, 
 which forms the outline of the picture ; and in addition 
 we have the tetralogies which to some extent help 
 to fill in the details. Of Isaeus as a man we know 
 less, almost, than we do of Homer. We gather only 
 an impression of his wonderful efficiency in dealing 
 with subjects of a particular class — his exhaustive J 
 knowledge of the intricacies of testamentary law, and' 
 his dexterity in applying that knowledge to the best 
 purpose ; a kind of efficiency which is admirable,, 
 but dull. 
 
V 
 
 io6 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Isaeus is our chief authority for the Attic Laws of 
 inheritance.^ These laws were often arbitrary, and 
 though they were to some extent simpHfied by the 
 fact that a man who had sons could not legally will 
 his property away from them, the intricacies of tables 
 of consanguinity were so complex that only a specialist 
 could be expected to have a complete mastery of them. 
 There was no class of professional lawyers at Athens ; 
 the Attic Laws were very largely framed by amateurs, 
 of which we have evidence in the number of recorded 
 cases in which the proposers of laws were prosecuted 
 for illegahty, i.e. for enacting laws contrary to laws 
 already established ; and as the framing of them was 
 a matter of haphazard improvisation, so their inter- 
 pretation was often a question of the temper of the 
 jury for the moment. No doubt some record of ver- 
 dicts was kept, but the Athenians had no great respect 
 for precedent, or at any rate could not make full use 
 of it in the lack of professional judges who should be 
 experts in such matters. Thus there were great 
 opportunities for a man like Isaeus, who combined a 
 minute knowledge of law and procedure with skill in 
 applying his knowledge ; who could quote at will either 
 the law or precedent for departing from its letter, and, 
 where the wording of the law left any room for am- 
 biguous interpretation, could twist the meaning to 
 one side or the other to suit his case. 
 
 The particular branch of law which Isaeus chose 
 as his special province was important owing to the 
 large number of cases dealing with inheritances which 
 seem to have come before the Athenian Courts, and 
 
 * He is by far the most important ; in some cases we can supple- 
 ment him from Demosthenes, but other authorities are negUgibie. 
 
ISAEUS 107 
 
 these cases were often in themselves important owing 
 to the religious significance of the fact of inheritance. 
 An Athenian desired to leave behind him a male heir 
 not only that his property might remain in the family, 
 but that the family might have a representative who 
 should carry on the private worship of the household 
 gods, and in particular should duly perform the funeral 
 rites of the testator and offer all the proper sacrifices 
 at his grave. Heirship, therefore, carried with it 
 certain definite rehgious duties, and a man who had 
 no child living usually ensured the continuity of the 
 family worship by adopting a son either in his hfetime 
 or by will. 
 
 The skill of Isaeus in deahng with compHcated cases ^ 
 is well shown by a consideration of the argimients of 
 any of the remaining speeches ; for instance. Oration v. 
 {On the Estate of Dicaeogenes) is concerned with the 
 claims of a certain man's nephew as against his cousin, 
 who inherited a third portion under a will subsequently 
 proved to be false, and eventually succeeded to the 
 whole under a second will which the claimants proved 
 false. Two wills and the results of two previous trials 
 have to be kept in mind, as well as the rather compli- 
 cated relationship of the parties ; but Isaeus makes 
 the case substantially clear. Again, in Oration xi. 
 {On the Estate of Hagnias) twenty-three members of 
 the family are referred to by name, and it is necessary 
 to trace the family's ramifications through a large 
 number of second cousins whose nearness of consan- 
 guinity is in some cases affected by the intermarriage 
 of first cousins. The facts of the case are not easy to 
 follow even on paper, and it appears that the judges on 
 this occasion were puzzled into giving a wrong verdict. 
 
io8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 The orator's methods may, howfever, be studied 
 more conveniently in a simpler speech, On the Estate 
 of Ciron (Or. viii.). The essential facts of the case 
 are as follows : — Ciron by his first marriage had one 
 daughter, the mother of the two claimants. Ciron 
 married a second wife, the sister of Diodes. The son 
 of Ciron's brother, instigated by Diodes, made a 
 counter-claim on the grounds that (i) Ciron's daughter 
 was illegitimate and consequently her sons were 
 illegitimate ; (2) a brother's son in any case has a 
 better claim than a daughter's son. The speaker, 
 the elder of the claimants, first estabhshes his mother's 
 legitimacy, proving that Ciron always treated her as 
 his daughter and twice gave her a dowry, and regarded 
 her sons as his natural heirs. 
 
 * Our grandfather Ciron died, not without issue, but 
 leaving as issue my brother and myself, the sons of his 
 legitimate daughter ; but the plaintiffs claim the inheri- 
 tance on the assumption that they are the next of kin, and 
 insult us by the insinuation that we are not sons of Ciron's 
 daughter, and that he never had a daughter at all. This 
 is due to the claimants' covetousness and the great amount 
 of Ciron's estate, which they have seized, and now control. 
 They have the impudence to say that he left nothing, and in 
 the same breath to lay a claim to the inheritance. 
 
 ' Now your judgment ought not, in my opinion, to have 
 reference to the man who has urged the claim, but to 
 Diodes of Phlya, known as Orestes, who has incited him 
 to annoy us, endeavouring to withhold the property which 
 Ciron left at his death, and to endanger our interests, so 
 that he may not have to part with any of it, if you are misled 
 by the assertions of the claimant. Since they are working 
 for these ends it is right that you should be informed of all 
 the facts, in order that no detail may escape you, and that 
 
ISAEUS 109 
 
 you may have a full knowledge of all that has occurred, 
 before you give your verdict. So I ask you to consult the 
 interests of justice by giving to this case as serious con- 
 sideration as you have given to any other case before. 
 This is only just. Recall the numerous cases that have 
 come before you, and you will find that no plaintiffs have 
 ever made a more shameless or barefaced claim to property 
 that does not belong to them than these two. 
 
 * Now it is a hard task, Gentlemen, for one entirely in- 
 experienced in the procedure of the courts to hold his own 
 in a trial for such an important issue against concerted 
 speeches and witnesses who give false evidence ; but I 
 have a confident hope that I shall obtain justice from you, 
 and that my own speech will be satisfactory to the point, 
 at least, of stating a just cause, unless I am thwarted by 
 some obstacle of the kind which I apprehend. I therefore 
 urge you. Gentlemen, to give me a courteous hearing, and 
 if you consider that I have been wronged, to support the 
 justice of my claim. 
 
 * First, I shall convince you that my mother was the 
 legitimate daughter of Ciron. For events long past I shall 
 rely on reported statements and evidence, for those within 
 our memory I shall adduce witnesses who know the facts, as 
 well as proofs which are stronger than depositions ; and when 
 I have laid this all before you I shall prove that I have a 
 better right than the claimant to inherit the estate of 
 Ciron. 
 
 * I shall start from the point at which my opponents 
 began, and from thence onwards instruct you in the facts. 
 
 * My grandfather Ciron, Gentlemen, married my grand- 
 mother, who was his own first cousin, being the daughter 
 of a sister of his own mother. After the marriage she in 
 due course gave birth to my mother, and four years later 
 she died. 
 
 * My grandfather, having only this one daughter, married 
 his second wife, the sister of Diodes, who bore him two sons. 
 He brought up my mother in the house with his wife and 
 
no THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 children, and during the lifetime of the latter, when his 
 daughter was of marriageable age, he bestowed her on 
 Nausimenes of Cholarge, giving her a dowry of clothing 
 and gold ornaments, as well as twenty-five minae. Three 
 or four years after this, Nausimenes fell ill and died, before 
 my mother had borne him any children. My grandfather 
 took her back to his house, but owing to the disorder of 
 her husband's affairs he did not recover all the dowry he 
 had given with her ; he then married her a second time 
 to my father, with a dowry of looo drachmae. 
 
 ' In face of the charges now brought by the plaintiffs, 
 how can my statements be proved ? I sought and found 
 the way. 
 
 * Ciron's domestic slaves, male and female, must know 
 whether my mother was or was not his daughter ; whether 
 she lived in his house ; whether he did or did not on two 
 occasions give feasts in honour of her marriage ; what 
 dowry each of her husbands received. Wishing to examine 
 them under torture by way of supporting the evidence 
 already in my hands, in order that you might put more 
 confidence in their evidence when they had submitted to 
 the examination than you would if they were only appre- 
 hending it, I requested the plaintiffs to surrender their 
 slaves of both sexes to be examined on the above points 
 and all others of which they have knowledge. But this 
 man, who will shortly request you to believe his own wit- 
 nesses, shrank from submitting to such an examination. 
 But if I can prove that he refused, how can we avoid the 
 presumption that his witnesses are now giving false evidence 
 since he has shrunk from a test so searching ? 
 
 * To prove the truth of my assertion, take first this 
 deposition and read it.^ 
 
 [The deposition.] 
 
 'Now you hold the opinion, both personally and officially, 
 that torture is the surest test ; and whenever slaves and 
 
ISAEUS III 
 
 freemen come forward as witnesses and you have to arrive^! 
 at facts, you do not rely on the evidence of the freemen, r 
 but torture the slaves and seek thus to discover the truth. 
 You are right in your preference ; for you know that 
 whereas some witnesses have been suspected of giving 
 false evidence, no slaves have ever been proved to have 
 made untrue statements in consequence of the torture to 
 which they were submitted.^ 
 
 * Who may be expected to know the early facts ? Obvi- 
 ously those who were acquainted with my grandfather, 
 and they have told us what they heard. Who must know 
 about my mother's marriage ? The parties to the marriage 
 contracts, and their witnesses. On this point the relations 
 of Nausimenes and of my father have given evidence. 
 And who knew that my mother was brought up in Ciron's 
 house, and was his legitimate daughter ? The present 
 claimants give clear evidence that this is true, by their 
 action in refusing the torture. Surely, then, it would not 
 be reasonable for you to discredit my witnesses, while you 
 can hardly fail to disbelieve those of the other side. 
 
 * Besides these, we can bring other proofs by which you 
 shall know that we are sons of Ciron's daughter. He 
 treated us as he naturally would treat his daughter's sons ; 
 he never conducted a sacrifice without our presence, but 
 whether the sacrifice were small or great, we were always 
 there and joined in it. Not only were we summoned for 
 such occasions, but he always used to take us to the rural 
 Dionysia, and we used to see the show with him, sitting 
 by his side ; and we came to his house to keep every feast- 
 day. And when he sacrificed to Zeus Ktesios, a sacrifice 
 to which he attached the utmost importance, never allow- 
 ing slaves or even freemen, outside the family, to participate, 
 but doing everything by himself, we used to share in the 
 sacrifice ; we helped him to handle the offerings, we helped 
 
 ^ § 12. I have translated this section, though not relevant to the 
 matter under discussion, because it gives a good indication of 
 Athenian feeling on the subject of the torture of slaves. 
 
112 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 him to place them on the altar, we helped him in every- 
 thing, and, as our grandfather, he would pray the God 
 to give us health and wealth. But if he had not considered 
 us as his daughter's sons, and seen in us the only descend- 
 ants left to him, he would never have done anything of the 
 kind, but would have kept by his side this man who now 
 claims to be his nephew. The truth of this is known best 
 of all by my grandfather's servants, whom the plaintiff 
 refused to surrender to torture ; but it is known accurately 
 enough by some of my grandfather's friends, whose evidence 
 I shall produce ' (§§ 14-17). 
 
 The speaker continues that he and his brother were 
 enrolled by Ciron in the phratria, and were allowed 
 to conduct the funeral by Diodes, who thus tacitly 
 admitted their claim. 
 
 He next proves by legal argument that direct de- 
 scendants have a better claim than collateral relations. 
 By way of epilogue he gives an account of the property 
 and the machinations of Diodes, whose personal char- 
 acter he attacks, and at the end produces evidence that 
 Diodes has been proved guilty of adultery. 
 
 § 2. Literary Characteristics 
 
 N. Isaeus studied imder Isocrates, and it is therefore 
 reasonable to follow the chronological order and take 
 the master first ; but as the master survived the 
 pupil by several years, and was actively engaged in 
 literature down to the day of his death, ordinary 
 considerations of seniority do not apply in this case. 
 It is more satisfactory to study Isaeus in relation, 
 not to Isocrates, but to the earlier speech- writers, 
 Antiphon and Lysias. He is more closely connected 
 with them in his subject-matter, since he is, like them, 
 
ISAEUS 113 
 
 essentially a practical writer, and his businesslike 
 style has more affinity to the terse condensation of 
 Lysias than to the florid * epideictic ' diction of the 
 author of the Panegyric. 
 
 In language there is not very much difference between 
 Lysias and Isaeus ; both use the current vocabulary, 
 making a literary medium out of the popular speech 
 of their day. A search through the latter's speeches 
 re-discovers a certain number of words which, so far 
 as our knowledge goes, have a poetical tinge ; but 
 practically all these may be foimd in other orators 
 and prose-writers.^ 
 
 Again, there are a few noteworthy metaphors, such 
 as iKKoiTTtiv, to * knock out ' or ' knock on the head ' 
 — this is used again by Dinarchus — and KaQinriroTpo^^lv, 
 ' to race away one's money,' i.e. squander it on a 
 stable. We know little of the idioms of the language 
 spoken in the streets of Athens in the fourth century, 
 but we do know that popular speech has always 
 a tendency to the employment of rough meta- 
 phors, and where we come into contact with the 
 spoken word we expect to find expressions of this 
 kind. 2 A study of the private letters contained 
 among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri will give many ex- 
 amples to the point. ^ Lastly, a few words recall the — 
 language of comedy.* 
 
 We may readily beheve that, in admitting these 
 few blemishes to the purity of his Atticism, the orator 
 
 1 Jebb, Attic Orators, \o\. ii. p. 277'. 
 
 2 Cleisthenes [Herod., vi. 129), in a moment of extreme excitement, 
 remarked to Hippoclides d7rajpx'^<''*o t^" y^iJ-ov — ' You have danced 
 away your chances of marriage.' 
 
 • Cf., jtoo, the use of viroitnd^fa in the New Testament. 
 
 * E^. ypv^ai. 
 
 H 
 
114 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 was indulging in a realism of which we find very few 
 traces, as a rule, in hterary prose. ^ 
 
 His grammar, according to strict Attic rule, is 
 occasionally at fault, ^ and the MSS. exhibit a certain 
 number of word-forms which are supposed to be un- 
 Attic.3 
 
 Whether we should emend these passages to suit 
 the supposed standard, or make the standard more 
 liberal to admit such passages, is a matter for contro- 
 versy. The MSS. of Thucydides exhibit a wealth of 
 ingenious perversity in the way of grammar, and in 
 that case, though many critics have spent their in- 
 genuity on reducing the text to order and decency, 
 an opposite school of criticism maintains that the 
 historian may have chosen to write as he Hked. The 
 greatest artists are above the laws of their art, and 
 Isaeus may have condescended to a level which he 
 knew not to be the highest. 
 
 With regard, then, to the purity of language, Isaeus, 
 though surpassed by Lysias and Isocrates, is not far 
 behind them. He is on a level with Lysias also in 
 clearness and accuracy of thought, and in what 
 Dionysius calls ivdpyeta, vividness of presentation. 
 But in the structure of sentences some differences 
 between these two must be noted. Lysias, as has 
 already been stated, varied his structure considerably 
 according to the subjects of his speeches, the succes- 
 sion of periods being broken by the introduction of 
 
 * It has been already remarked that the speech-writers are, cis 
 a rule, ridiculously unsuccessful in their attempt to make their 
 cUents speak in the way that is natural to them {vide supra, p. 37). 
 
 • E.g. Or. V. 23, 7]yo}jfi€voL ovk Slv airbv ^e^aiibaeiv, k.t.X. Or. v. 31, 
 d}lj.o\oy^ffafi€v ififiepeiv oTs tv yvoiev. Or. v. 43, dairavrjdels (in middle 
 sense) . 
 
 ' E.g, KaBiffrdveLV, \l/ri<pi(re<r6e, Afavres. 
 
ISAEUS 115 
 
 a freer style ; but at the same time he had a love of 
 antithesis to which sacrifices had sometimes to be 
 made. 
 
 Isaeus is free from this straining after antithesis, - 
 and is hardly bound at all by scholastic rules. We ''^ '^^ 
 cannot truly say that his style is non-periodic, for 
 formal periods are to be met with ; but a marked 
 characteristic of his style is his skill in the use of short 
 sentences, often abrupt, nearly always vigorous. In 
 argumentative passages especially, he uses the form 
 of imaginary question and answer ; in narrative he 
 sometimes gives us a series of short sentences, con- 
 nected in thought, but not formally bound together. 
 He has the appearance of composing negligently, but 
 from his effectiveness we conclude that the negHgence 
 was studied. The following passages illustrate these 
 styles : 
 
 ' Eupolis, Thrasyllus, and Mneson were brothers from 
 the same two parents. Their father left them a con- 
 siderable property, so that they were eligible for the per- 
 formance of public services. This the three divided 
 amongst them. Of these brothers, two died about the 
 same time,' etc.^ 
 
 The speech about Ciron's inheritance contains the 
 best example of argument by question and answer : 
 
 * On what ground should a statement be believed ? %^^, 
 Should we not say, on the ground of the evidence ? I - ' 
 fancy so. And on what ground should we beUeve wit- 
 nesses ? From the fact that they have been tortured ? 
 Naturally. And on what grounds should we disbeUeve 
 the statements of the plaintiffs ? Because they shrink 
 from this test ? Most certainly.' 2 
 
 1 The Estate of Apollodorus (Or. vii.), § 5. 
 « Ciron (Or. viii.), § 28. 
 
V 
 
 ii6 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 A third quotation gives a good example of the 
 "^.purely ornamental use of the rhetorical question ; it is 
 precious as showing us that Isaeus was on occasion 
 capable of applying a Hghter touch. He is so coldly 
 logical as a rule that we turn with relief to any exhibi- 
 tion of ordinary feeling : 
 
 * Who was there who omitted to cut his hair short when 
 the two talents arrived ? Who was there who failed to 
 wear black, hoping that his mourning would give him a 
 claim to the inheritance ? Or how many relatives and 
 sons laid claim, by deed of gift, to the estate of Nicostratus ? 
 Demosthenes said he was his nephew, but when the present 
 claimants disproved his statement, he retired. Telephus 
 said that Nicostratus had given him all his property. He 
 too soon ceased to be a claimant. Ameiniades came before 
 the archon and produced a son for Nicostratus — a child 
 less than three years old, though Nicostratus had not been 
 in Athens for eleven years past. Pyrrhus of Lamptra said 
 that the money had been dedicated by Nicostratus to 
 Athena, but given by Nicostratus to himself. Ctesias of 
 Besaea and Cranaus first said that judgment had beei|^ 
 given in their favour against Nicostratus for a talent, and 
 when they could not prove it, asserted that he was their 
 freedman. They, like the rest, failed to estabUsh their 
 statement. 
 
 ' These were the parties who in the first instance pounced 
 at once upon the property of Nicostratus. Chariades made 
 no claim at the time.' ^ 
 
 Dionysius, a very keen critic on the literary side, 
 misses in Isaeus the grace and charm of Lysias, but 
 allows him more cleverness. ^ * 
 
 This * charm,' by which Dionysius could distinguish 
 a genuine speech of Lysias, is incapable of definition 
 and too elusive for our blunter wits to apprehend; 
 
 * Nicostratus (Or. iv.), §§ 7-10. ■ de Isaeo, ch. 3. 
 
ISAEUS 117 
 
 but we can form a general impression that the diction 
 of Lysias has something in it more pleasing than that 
 of Isaeus. Perhaps there is something in the illustra- 
 tion which the ancient critic applies, when he compares 
 the speeches of the former to a clearly drawn picture 
 of simple colour and design ; those of the latter to a 
 more elaborate and ingenious composition, where there 
 is more play of light and shade and the depth and 
 brilliance of the colouring in some cases obscures the 
 lines — ^with a suggestion that the drawing may be 
 faulty.^ This simile, however, applies more truly to 
 the structure of the speeches than to the diction. 
 Dionysius recurs to the style, ^ and quotes parallel 
 extracts from the introductions to speeches by the 
 two writers to demonstrate the simplicity of Lysias 
 and the artificiality of Isaeus. The demonstration 
 is not overpowering. The first specimen from Lysias 
 is indeed simple and clear, but the extract from Isaeus, 
 though the language is a little more elaborate, seems 
 equally suitable for its purpose. 
 Lysias wrote as follows : 
 
 * I feel, Gentlemen, that I must tell you about my friend- 
 ship with Pherenicus, so that none of you may be surprised 
 that I, who have never before pleaded for any one else, 
 am now pleading for him. I had a friend in his father 
 Cephisodotus, and when our party was exiled to Thebes I 
 stayed with him, as did any other Athenian who wished to. 
 
 ' He did us many kind services, both officially and pri- 
 vately, before we were restored to our homes. So when his 
 family met with the same misfortune, and came in exile to 
 Athens, I felt that I owed them the greatest possible grati- 
 tude, and received them in such intimate fashion that nobody 
 who came to the house, and did not know, could tell which of 
 1 de Isaeo, ch. 4. " Ibid., ch. 5. 
 
\, 
 
 ii8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 us was the owner of it. Now Pherenicus knows that there 
 are many who are cleverer speakers than I, and have more 
 experience of such business ; but he thinks that he can 
 rely absolutely on my friendship. So I should think it 
 disgraceful, when he asks me and urges me to support his 
 claims, to allow him to lose Androclides' gift, if I can do 
 anything to prevent it.' ^ 
 
 The following is the parallel extract from Isaeus : 
 
 * Before now I have been of service to Eumathes, as 
 indeed he has deserved ; and now, so far as in me lies, I 
 shall try to help you to save him. Now listen to me for 
 a short time, lest any of you suppose that I through reck- 
 lessness or any other unjust motive have approached the 
 case of Eumathes. 
 
 ' When I was a trierarch in the archonship of Cephiso- 
 dorus, and a report was carried to my relatives that I had 
 been killed in the sea-fight, whereas I had some moneys 
 deposited with Eumathes, Eumathes sent for my relative 
 and friends, and declared the amount of the money which 
 was in his hands, and justly and honestly made payment 
 in full. 
 
 * In consequence of this I, when I got home in safety, 
 treated him as a still closer friend, and when he was starting 
 business as a banker I provided him with money. After 
 this, when Dionysius claimed him as a slave, I vindicated 
 his liberty, knowing that he had been manumitted by 
 Epigenes before the court. But I shall say no more on 
 this subject.' ^ 
 
 Dionysius thus criticizes them : 
 
 * What is the difference between these proemia ? In 
 Lysias the introduction of the subject is pleasing for this 
 one reason, that it is stated naturally and simply. 
 
 ' " I feel. Gentlemen, that I must begin by telling you 
 about my friendship with Pherenicus " ' — 
 
 1 Lysias, fr. 46. ' Isaeus, fr. 15. 
 
ISAEUS 119 
 
 What follows has no appearance of premeditation, 
 but is put just as an amateur might express it : 
 
 "* so that none of you may be surprised that I, who 
 have never before pleaded for any one else, am now 
 pleading for him." But in Isaeus what seems so 
 simple is really premeditated, and we see at once that it is 
 rhetorical : " Before now I have been of service to 
 Eumathes, as indeed he has deserved ; and now, so far 
 as in me Ues, I shall try to help you in saving him." This 
 is more exalted and less simple than the other ; still more 
 is this true of the next sentence : ** Now listen to me for 
 a short time, lest any of you suppose that I through reck- 
 lessness or any other unjust motive have approached the 
 case of Eumathes." ' 
 
 Dionysius finds that the expressions here used, 
 TrpoTrereca, dSiKiay 7rpb<i to, 'Fjv/iia6ov<i TTpdy/jiaTa TrpoarjX- 
 Oov, sound to him artificial rather than spon- 
 taneous. In this he may be right ; but we feel 
 him to be hypercritical when he blames the next 
 sentence for lack of simplicity, and tries, by a few 
 verbal alterations, to show how it might have been 
 improved. He would re-write the sentence thus : — 
 * When I was trierarch, and it was reported at home 
 that I had been killed, Eumathes, having some money 
 of mine on deposit,' etc. Here he has certainly 
 succeeded in omitting once the name Eumathes, 
 which occurs twice in Isaeus ; but the other changes 
 consist purely in the substitution of two temporal 
 clauses introduced by ore (when) for two participial 
 clauses in the genitive absolute — a construction which 
 is, surely, common enough in all Greek writers to escape 
 the censure of being * rhetorical.' 
 
120 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 § 3. Structure of Speeches 
 
 The exceptional power of Isaeus does not, then, 
 depend upon any charm of language or any oratorical 
 
 ^ gift ; it lies in his exhaustive legal knowledge and his 
 remarkable skill in argument. He has an almost 
 imique gift for circumstantial statement and proof 
 of the facts bearing on his case. This is the cleverness 
 
 v\ (BeivoTTj^;) to which Dionysius so often refers with 
 grudging admiration. 
 
 His speeches are not arranged according to a single 
 
 '^ plan, but, on the contrary, exhibit great variety of 
 structure. Lysias keeps practically to one form — 
 exordium, narrative, proof, epilogue. Isaeus, when 
 the narrative is too long or complicated to be grasped 
 all at once, does not set it out as a whole, but breaks 
 it up into sections, each of which is accompanied by 
 its evidence and argument.^ ' The orator is afraid,' 
 thinks Dioiiysius, ' that the argument may be hard 
 to follow, on account of the number of its sections, 
 and that the proofs of the various points, if all collected 
 together, being so numerous as they must be, dealing 
 with matters so numerous, may be detrimental to 
 clearness.' The critic is referring particularly to the 
 speech For Euphiletus (Or. xii.), a large fragment of 
 which his quotations have preserved for us ; but an 
 analysis of any of the extant speeches will show that 
 they are constructed skilfully on varying plans, un- 
 hampered by technical rule, with an art that adapts 
 its material according to the requirements of the case. 
 This skill, which aims at success rather than literary 
 
 ^ finish, shows that Isaeus was above all a competent 
 
 * Cf. de Isaeo, ch. 14. 
 
ISAEUS 121 
 
 tactician — such a master of argument that, * whereas 
 we should be ready to believe Lysias even when he 
 tells a lie, we can hardly regard Isaeus without sus- 
 picion even when he tells the truth.' ^ 
 
 Dionysius is no doubt led rather far away by his 
 desire for a contrast ; he has given Isaeus a bad name 
 and is seeking means to justify his condemnation of the 
 man who ' takes a mean advantage of his adversary 
 and outmanoeuvres the judges.' ^ 
 
 This Greek of a late Hellenistic age thoroughly 
 grasped the Athenian spirit, which demanded artistic 
 composition and was yet suspicious of any man who 
 was too obviously clever, a spirit against which we 
 find Antiphon, the earliest of the orators, contending, 
 when he makes his characters protest their own in- 
 experience and insinuate that their opponents seem 
 strong only because they have that same discreditable 
 skill to make the worse cause appear the better.^ 
 
 Isaeus sometimes reiterates his arguments ; he will 
 even quote the same document twice. This is in- 
 artistic, but it pays. A notable advance on his pre- 
 decessors is found in the form of some of his epi- 
 logues. The earlier orators were generally content, 
 after stating the case, to finish with a general appeal 
 to justice or pity. Isaeus on occasion makes a more 
 practical use of his closing periods ; he recapitulates 
 the case, pointing out that he has proved what he set 
 out to prove ; * or gives a short summary of the 
 narrative which he regards as now established, or of 
 the claims urged by himself and his opponent. In 
 one speech^ he has actually reached the end and 
 
 1 de Isaeo, ch. i6. * Ibid., ch. 3. ' Cf. supra, p. 38. 
 
 * E.g. Orr. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9. ^ Or. 8 {Ciron), § 46. 
 
122 
 
 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 "^v. 
 
 summarized his results, when the very last words 
 surprise us by an unexpected attack on his adversary's 
 character : 
 
 ' I do not know that there is any need for me to say 
 more, for I think there is no point on which you have not 
 full knowledge ; but I will ask the clerk to take the last 
 remaining deposition, showing how the claimant was con- 
 victed of adultery, and read it to the court.' 
 
 Some of the earlier speech-writers made an attempt 
 at character-drawing, and tried to suit their speeches 
 to the character (77^09) of their clients. In Isaeus this 
 illusion is not maintained ; his style varies somewhat 
 according to the subject, but every speech bears, as 
 Dionysius observes, the stamp of the professional 
 writer, which must have betrayed it to the acute 
 perceptions of an Athenian jury.^ Probably the ac- 
 cumulated experience of the orators had proved that 
 such attempts at deception were on the whole useless ; 
 for a certain class of client it would be necessary either 
 to write a bad speech or let it be evident that the 
 speaker was only a mouthpiece for an advocate cleverer 
 than himself, and as success in the case was of more 
 importance than artistic illusion, the proper choice 
 was obvious. The ethos in Isaeus consists not in 
 making the characters speak as they naturally would 
 have spoken, but in putting their arguments for them 
 in the way most likely to appeal to the reason and 
 Ithe feelings of the judges. Experience had further 
 shown that though, from the lips of a real orator, 
 appeals to sentiment and passion may have a great 
 effect, such appeals by themselves, unsupported by 
 
 ^ de Isaeo, ch. i6. 
 
ISAEUS 123 
 
 argument, or made at an inauspicious moment, may 
 do more harm than good. An appeal to the reason 
 is always stronger, provided only that the speaker 
 must avoid giving offence by a too presumptuous 
 bearing. 
 
 When the court is already convinced by an argued 
 demonstration of the justice of the case, an appeal to 
 pity or indignation may be overpowering ; without 
 such preparation it is nothing but a last resort of 
 weakness. 
 
 Isaeus, though he uses such appeals, as indeed he 
 wields every weapon of the orator's armoury, uses 
 them with moderation and discernment, showing in 
 this, as in all his tactics, a sound knowledge of practical 
 utility. 
 
 § 4. Speeches 
 
 The ' Life ' by the Pseudo-Plutarch tells us that sixty- 
 four speeches were attributed to Isaeus, of which fifty 
 were considered genuine. He also composed an Art 
 of Rhetoric. We now possess eleven and a consider- 
 able fragment of a twelfth, and know the titles of 
 forty-two others. The eleven speeches which are 
 extant all deal directly or indirectly with inheritances. 
 Six of these are connected with 8caBi,Kd<nai — trials to 
 decide who is the righteous claimant — and their titles 
 are as follows : — On the Estate of Cleonymus (Or. i.), 
 date 360-353 B.C. ; On the Estate of Nicostratus (Or. iv.), 
 the date is uncertain — the author of the * argument ' 
 asserts, with no plausibility, that Isaeus delivered the 
 speech in his own person ; On the Estate of Apollodorus 
 (Or. vii.), about 353 B.C. ; On the Estate of Ciron 
 (Or. viii.) [see above, pp. T08-10), date uncertain, per- 
 
124 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 haps circa 375 B.C. ; On the Estate of Astyphilus (Or. ix.), 
 date perhaps about 369 B.C. ; On the Estate of Aris- 
 tarchus, date probably between 377 and 371 B.C. 
 
 Three speeches deal with prosecutions for false 
 witness in connection with testamentary cases, viz. 
 On the Estate of Menecles (Or. ii.), date about 354 B.C. ; 
 On the Estate of Pyrrhus (Or. iii.), of imcertain date ; 
 On the Estate of Philoctemon (Or. vi.), — the date of this 
 speech can be fixed with certainty at 364-363 B.C., 
 as we learn from § 14 that it is now fifty-two years 
 since the Athenian expedition sailed to Sicily. 
 
 Oration v.. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes, is in an 
 eyyvrffi BUt), an action to compel Leochares, who was 
 surety for Dicaeogenes in an agreement connected 
 with the will of the latter's cousin, also named Dicaeo- 
 genes, to carry out the contract, since Dicaeogenes, 
 the principal, is a defaulter. The date can only be 
 fixed by the references to the death of the testator, 
 who was killed in battle at Cnidos. There are two 
 engagements which might be referred to, the first in 
 412 B.C., the second in 394 B.C. Twenty-two years 
 have elapsed between that event and the present trial, 
 so the date is either 390 B.C. — many years earlier than 
 that of any other speech of Isaeus — or 372 B.C. 
 
 On the Estate of Hagnias (Or. xi.) is in a prosecution 
 of a guardian for ill-treatment of his ward under a will. 
 
 For Euphiletus (Or. xii.), a considerable fragment 
 preserved by Dionysius, is the only specimen that we 
 possess of a speech not connected with a will-case. 
 It refers to an appeal by Euphiletus to a law-court 
 against the decision of his fellow demes-men, who have 
 struck him off the roll. 
 
 The remaining fragments are hardly important 
 
ISAEUS 125 
 
 except in so far as they provide us with the names of 
 several lost speeches. One of them (frag. 23) contains 
 several sentences repeated verbally from Or. viii. 
 (Ciron), § 28. 
 
 The fragment of the speech For Eumathes, preserved 
 by Dionysius, has been referred to above (p. 118). 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 ISOCRATES 
 
 § I. Life 
 
 ISOCRATES was born in 436 B.C., and lived to 
 the remarkable age of ninety-seven in full pos- 
 session of his faculties. His childhood and youth were 
 passed amid the horrors of the Peloponnesian War ; 
 he was already of age when the failure of the Sicilian 
 expedition turned the scale against Athens. In 
 mature manhood he saw the ruin of his city by the 
 capitulation to Lysander. He lived through the 
 Spartan supremacy, saw the foimdation of the new 
 Athenian League in 378 B.C., and the rise and fall of 
 the power of Thebes. At the time when Philip obtained 
 the throne of Macedon he was already, by ordinary 
 reckoning, an old man, but the laws of mortality were 
 suspended in the case of this Athenian Nestor. Some 
 of his most important works were composed after his 
 V eightieth year ; the Philippus, which he wrote at the 
 age of ninety, shows no diminution of his powers ; 
 4 he produced one of his longest works, the Panathenaicus, 
 ^ in his ninety-seventh year, and Hved to congratulate 
 Philip on his victory at Chaeronea in 338 B.C. 
 
 In a Hfe of such extent and such remarkable variety 
 of experience we should expect to find many changes 
 of outlook and modifications, from time to time, of 
 earlier views. But Isocrates was a man of singularly 
 
 126 
 
ISOCRATES 127 
 
 fixed ideas. With regard to education, he formulated 
 in the discourse against the Sophists (391 B.C.) views 
 which are practically identical with what he expressed 
 nearly forty years later in the Antidosis, views which 
 he maintains in his last work of all, the Panathenaicus 
 (339 B.C.). With regard to Greek poHtics, he held 
 till the close of his life the opinions propounded in the 
 Panegyricus of 380 B.C. His aims were unchanged, 
 though of necessity he modified the means by which 
 he hoped to carry them out. 
 
 We have little information about the orator's early 
 life. He tells us himself that his patrimony was 
 dissipated by the Peloponnesian War,i so that he was 
 forced to adopt a profession to make a living. 
 
 The story contained in the ' Life,' that he endea- 
 voured to save Theramenes when condemned by 
 the Thirty, has no other authority but the Pseudo- 
 Plutarch. It appears from Plato's Phaedrus ^ that he 
 was intimate with Socrates, that Socrates had a high 
 opinion of him, and considered that the young man 
 might distinguish himself either in oratory or in 
 philosophy. Tradition names the Sophists Prodicus, 
 Protagoras, and Gorgias among his early teachers. 
 He is beUeved to have visited Gorgias in Thessaly. 
 
 Plutarch asserts that Isocrates at one time opened a 
 school of rhetoric, with nine pupils, in Chios ; and 
 that while there he interfered in politics and helped 
 to institute a democracy. ^ The story may be accepted 
 with reservations. Isocrates himself never refers to 
 
 1 Antid., § 161. 
 
 2 Phaedr.f pp. 278-9. 
 
 ^ Kai dpxo-s 5i [/cai] (raj ?) nepl rrjv Kiov Kariarrjae Kal t^p ai>TT}v rp irarpiSi 
 ToXlTfiap. Ps.-Plut., 837 B. 
 
 ■■'¥ 
 
128 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 # 
 
 it, and in Ep. vi. § 2 (to the children of Jason) excuses 
 himself from visiting Thessaly on the ground that 
 people would comment tmfavourably on a man who 
 had ' kept quiet ' all his Hfe if he began traveUing in 
 his old age.i Jebb assumes a short stay in Chios in 
 404-403 B.C. 
 
 Between 403 and 393 B.C. Isocrates composed a 
 
 certain number of speeches for the law-courts, in which, 
 
 however, he never appeared as a pleader, for natural 
 
 ■ disabilities — lack of voice and nervousness, to which 
 
 i he refers with regret — made him unfitted for such 
 
 work. 
 
 About 392 B.C. he opened a school at Athens, and 
 
 ^^ in 391 B.C. pubhshed, in the discourse Against the 
 
 -■^ Sophists, his views on education. His pupils were 
 
 mostly Athenians, many of them afterwards being 
 
 men of distinction. 2 
 
 It was probably between 378 and 376 B.C. that 
 Isocrates went on several voyages with Conon's son, 
 Timotheus, who was engaged in organizing the new 
 maritime league. From this time down to 351 B.C. 
 he had many distinguished pupils from far countries — 
 Sicily and Pontus as well as all parts of Greece — and 
 amassed, as he tells us, a reasonable competence, 
 though not a large fortune. 
 
 In the year 351 B.C., when a great contest of eloquence 
 was held by Artemisia, widow of Mausolus of Caria, 
 \ in honour of her husband, it is reported that all the 
 competitors were pupils of Isocrates. 
 
 In the last period of his Hfe, 351-338 B.C., Isocrates 
 
 * However, if we pressed this passage, we must regard the journey 
 with Timotheus as unhistorical. All the evidence is to be found in 
 Blass, Att. Ber., vol. ii. pp. 16-17. 
 
 2 Antid., §§ 159 sqq. 
 
ISOCRATES 129 
 
 still continued to teach, and was also busily occupied 
 in writing. He published the Philippus, which is one 
 of his most important works, and one of the greatest 
 in historical interest, in 346 B.C. ; in 342 B.C. he began 
 the lengthy Panathenaicus, which he had half finished 
 when he was attacked by an illness, which made the 
 work drag on for three years. It was finished in 339 
 B.C. In the following year, a few days after the 
 battle of Chaeronea, he died. A report was current 
 in antiquity that he committed suicide, by starving 
 himself, in consequence of the news of this downfall 
 of Greek liberty ; the story is quite incredible when 
 we consider that the result of the battle gave a possi- 
 bility of the fulfilment of the hopes which Isocrates 
 had been cherishing for half his life, the end to which 
 he had been labouring for over forty years — the con- 
 centration of all power into the hands of one man, 
 who might redeem Greece by giving her union and 
 leading her to conquest in the East. 
 
 His last letter, in fact, written after the battle of 
 Chaeronea, congratulates Philip on his victory; and 
 even if this letter is spurious, the probability, to judge 
 from the tone of his earlier works, is that he would 
 have hailed the Macedonian success as a victory for 
 his imperial ideas. 
 
 § 2. Style 
 
 Though Isocrates composed, in his youth, a few 
 forensic speeches, it is not by such compositions that 
 he must be judged ; indeed he himself, far from claim- 
 ing credit for his activity in that direction, in later 
 life adopted an apologetic tone when speaking of his 
 earher work. As a teacher of rhetoric he won great 
 
130 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ^^ \^. renown, numbering, as he boasts, even kings among 
 his pupils ; and he had a complete mastery of all the 
 technique of the rhetorical art. 
 
 He was also a master of style, having theories of 
 
 composition which he exemplified in practice with 
 
 such skill that he must occupy a prominent place in 
 
 any treatise on the development of Greek prose. 
 
 But his highest claim to consideration is as a political 
 
 "^ thinker. His bold and startling theories of Greek 
 
 poUtics were expressed indeed in finished prose, and 
 
 in rhetorical shape ; but the artistic form is only an 
 
 added ornament ; if Isocrates had written in the 
 
 baldest style he must have made a name by his treatises 
 
 on political science, and by the fact that he took a 
 
 broader and more liberal view of Hellenism than any 
 
 Athenian before or after. Thus he, who perhaps 
 
 never delivered a public speech, is of more importance 
 
 than any of the other orators ; and though no pohtician 
 
 in the narrow sense, he exerted a wider influence 
 
 than any, not excepting Demosthenes, who devoted 
 
 , their lives to political activity, for he originated and 
 
 ^. promulgated ideas which completely changed the 
 
 ^, course of Greek civilization. It was probably he who 
 
 ^ was the first to instigate Philip to attempt the conquest 
 
 ^ of Asia, as he had before urged Dionysius and others 
 
 to make the attempt — all for the sake of the union of 
 
 Greek States and the spread of Hellenism ; certainly 
 
 he encouraged the Macedonian in his project, and 
 
 perhaps it may be said to be due to him that on 
 
 Philip's death Alexander found the way prepared. 
 
 Isocrates could not fully foresee the results of 
 Alexander's conquests ; Alexander himself modified 
 and expanded his ambitions as he advanced ; but 
 
ISOCRATES 131 
 
 undoubtedly Isocrates urged the general desirability 
 of the undertaking and saw clearly, up to a certain 
 point, the lines on which it ought to be carried out. 
 The petty law-suits which occupied Lysias and Ando- 
 cides seem trivial and unimportant, even the patriotic 
 utterances of Demosthenes seem of secondary weight, 
 compared with these literary harangues of Isocrates, 
 in cases where civilization and barbarism, unity and 
 discord, are the litigants, and the court is the world. 
 
 Isocrates is named by Dionysius as an example of 
 the smooth (or florid) style of composition, which 
 resembles closely woven stuffs, or pictures in which 
 the lights melt insensibly into the shadows.^ 
 
 It is clear that to aim consciously at producing such 
 effects as these is to exalt mere expression to supreme 
 heights, and to risk the loss of clearness and emphasis. 
 We may gather the opinions of Isocrates on the 
 structure of prose partly from his own statements, 
 partly from the criticisms of Dionysius, and partly 
 from a study of his compositions. The subject has 
 been very fully and carefully dealt with by Blass, and 
 in the present work only a summary of the chief 
 results can be attempted. 
 
 The most noticeable feature of the style is the care 
 taken to avoid hiatus. This is particularly remarked 
 by Dionysius, who, after quoting from the Areopagiticus 
 a long passage which he particularly admires, notes, 
 ' You cannot find any dissonance of vowels, at any 
 rate in the passage which I have quoted, nor any, 
 I think, in the whole speech, unless some instance 
 has escaped my observation.' ^ 
 
 ^ de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii. 
 
 2 de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii. He quotes Areop., §§ 1-5. 
 
 ^, 
 
132 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 We should expect to find that, to produce this 
 effect, it was necessary to depart frequently from 
 natural forms of expression, either by changing the 
 usual order, or by inserting unnecessary words. It 
 is probable that Isocrates resorted to both these 
 devices ; but such is the skill with which he handles 
 his materials that careful reading is necessary to 
 detect the distortions.* 
 ^ Dionysius further notes that dissonance or clashing 
 of consonants is rare, and herein Isocrates seems to 
 have been at pains to follow the rules of euphony laid 
 down in his own Tixvv- In a fragment preserved by 
 Hermogenes he tells his readers to avoid the repetition 
 of the same syllable in consecutive words — as riXiKa 
 KaXd, evda %a\rj<;^ The ingenuity of Blass has dis- 
 covered passages in which the natural form of a phrase 
 has been altered to avoid such juxtaposition of similar 
 syllables.' Certain combinations of consonants, too, 
 
 '^ are hard to pronounce, and must therefore be avoided. 
 There is, in truth, much justice in the remark of 
 Dionysius that in reading Isocrates it is not the separate 
 words but the sentence as a whole that we must take 
 into account. 
 
 '^^ The third characteristic of Isocrates* style is his 
 attention to rhythm. 
 
 The extravagance of Gorgias had hindered the 
 development of the language by introducing into prose 
 the rhythms and language of poetry ; Thrasjnnachus, 
 
 1 Isocrates allows elisions of certain short vowels, but he is more 
 sparing than most poets in the use of it. In the epideictic speeches 
 the commonest elision is of enclitics or semi-enclitics {re, 5i, etc.) 
 and of personal pronouns. Crasis, except of Kai &v, is rare. In the 
 forensic speeches (his early work) eUsion is much less restricted. 
 
 2 Maxim. Planud. ad Hermog., v. 469. ' Vol. ii. p. 144. 
 
ISOCRATES 133 
 
 as we know from Aristotle's Rhetoric, had studied the 
 effect of the foot * paeonius ' ( — ^^ ^ v^ or ^ s^ ^ — ) at f 
 the beginning and end of periods. ^ Isocrates, while 
 deprecating the use of poetical metres in any strict 
 sense, asserted that oratorical prose should have 
 rhythms of its own, and favoured combinations of the 
 trochee and the iambus. In this he differed from 
 Aristotle, who disapproved of the iambic rhythm as 
 being too similar to the natural course of ordinary 
 speech, and of the trochaic, as being too light and 
 tripping — in contrast to the hexameter, which he 
 classed as too solemn for spoken language. ^ 
 
 The periods of Isocrates are remarkable for their 
 elaboration . The analyses of Blass show us a compHca- 
 tion of structure in some of the longer sentences which 
 may almost be compared to that of a Pindaric ode.-| 
 Never, perhaps, has there been a writer who attained 
 such luxuriant complexity in his composition of 
 sentences. But Isocrates is too much the slave of 
 his own virtues ; his periods are so long, so complete, 
 so imiformly artistic, that their everlasting procession ? ■ 
 is monotonous. Lysias, less perfect in form, has in 
 consequence more variety ; Demosthenes, who could 
 compose long periods, did not confine himself to them, 
 but enlivened his style by contrast. 
 
 The structure of the period lends itself naturally 
 to antithetical forms of expression. We observed in 
 Antiphon the frequency of verbal antitheses of various 
 kinds — the \6ya) and epyo), the fikv and Bi, and 
 others. Isocrates, having before him the examples 
 of his predecessors and the precepts of rhetoricians, 
 and having theories of his own on sentence-construc- 
 
 1 Rhet., Book iii. 8. 4. « Ibid. 
 
\ 
 
 134 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 tion, developed very fully a scheme of parallelism 
 in word, sense, and somid. 
 
 Thus a period will consist, as we have seen, of a 
 succession of /cwXa or limbs, each one corresponding 
 to another in size, and pairs of corresponding KSiKa 
 will contain pairs of words parallel in sense, form or 
 sound. So the whole period is bound closely together. 
 
 Vocabulary. Schemata 
 
 His vocabulary avoids excess ; he is, in the judgment 
 of Dionysius, the purest of Atticists, with the exception 
 of Lysias. But if we compare the two we find much 
 more tendency to fine writing in Isocrates. Using 
 ordinary words he can produce notable effects, and he 
 is always consciously striving after a certain poni- 
 posity of diction. This is most noticeable in the 
 exhibition-writings, such as the Helen and Busiris, 
 where grandiloquent compound words are not in- 
 frequent, and metaphors are commoner and more strik- 
 ing than in the speeches on real subjects. 
 
 One of his affectations, copied by nearly all subse- 
 quent orators, is the unnecessary piling up of words 
 almost synonymous to express one idea.^ On the other 
 hand we sometimes find synonyms apparently con- 
 trasted in different parts of the sentence ; such con- 
 trast is only verbal, and is made for the purpose of 
 rounding the period ; in either case we must note that 
 the writer departs from simplicity in order to improve 
 the sound of his words, but does not add much to the 
 sense. 2 
 
 ^ dav/xd^eiv Kal ^rj\ovy, iiraiV€T}' Kal rifxav, etc. 
 
 * E.g. Paneg., § 5, 6Tav H) rd vpAy/xara Xd^y r^Xos . . . i) t6v \6yoy 
 tdri Tis itx^vTo. vipaiy where t^Xoj and nipat, two words for end or 
 
ISOCRATES 135 
 
 Another characteristic is the use of the plural of 
 abstract nouns, in much the same sense as the singular.^ Vt 
 All these details — the partiality for compounds, for the 
 accumulation of synonyms and for the use of the plural 
 instead of the singular, may be classed together under 
 the head of exaggerations of expression, and recorded .; ^^ 
 as characteristics of the epideictic style. ■ 
 
 In general, the tone is heightened, and Isocrates tends 
 to appear florid when compared with Lysias ; if, on 
 the other hand, we take Gorgias as a standard, we 
 see how far Isocrates, who imdoubtedly imitated the 
 Sicilian style, has surpassed his model in the direction 
 of refinement. . 
 
 § 3. On Education 
 
 Prevented by natural disabilities from exercising his 
 talents in public, but urged on by the necessity of earn- 
 ing a living, since the Peloponnesian War had dissi- 
 pated his fortune, Isocrates turned to a profession for .f'^^ 
 which he was well fitted, that of an educator. During i 
 many years he was, like Gorgias, a teacher of rhetoric, 
 and like Gorgias he may be classed as a Sophist. This 
 title is misleading. In itself it means nothing more v 
 than an educator, or teacher of wisdom, and early < 
 writers use it in a laudatory sense ; Herodotus applies 
 it to the Seven Sages. In the fourth century it was 
 debased, partly by the comic poets, as representing the 
 
 completion, are not really distinguishable, or, at any rate, the dis- 
 tinction is very sUght. So in Evagoras, § 11, evXayelu and iyKWfu- 
 d^eiv are used antithetically (to praise — to eulogise). 
 
 ^ E.g. Evagoras, § 10, ai/Tois rats eipvOfxiais koI rats avfifierplais 
 \l>vx<iyuyov(n rods dKo6ovTas. Elsewhere we find fierpidTirreSy Xa/iirpi- 
 TTfT€i, av9d5€i.ai, dpyiai, etc. 
 
136 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 popular habit of sneering at anything which the mob 
 cannot understand, but more honestly and systemati- 
 cally by Plato, who, though he admitted that some of 
 the Sophists, such as Protagoras, were men worthy of 
 the highest respect, took many opportunities of dis- 
 vparaging Sophists as a class, and Sophistry as a pro- 
 fession. 
 
 There can be no doubt that he was quite sincere, for 
 he takes great pains to bring out the distinction between 
 the educators and his own master Socrates, whom 
 Aristophanes had already marked as one of the crowd.^ 
 
 To us it seems that the marked distinction cannot 
 be maintained ; apart from Socrates' peculiarity of 
 refusing to take fees from his pupils, he is distinguished 
 ^- ~ * only by possessing a higher moral tone than the rest 
 of the Sophists. Like them he was a sceptic as far as 
 philosophy was concerned, and like them he was an 
 1 educator. 
 
 We have, however, accepted the word at the value 
 which Plato chose to put upon it ; but we must not 
 suppose that this was the value at which it was usually 
 current. This is clear from the fact that Isocrates can 
 use the word without any idea of disparagement. 
 
 Though he wrote a speech Against the Sophists, it 
 is directed not against the profession as a whole, but 
 against certain classes, whom he calls the ayeXacov 
 ao(f>La'Tal — ' Sophists of the baser sort.' 
 
 Isocrates' earliest work on education, the speech or 
 
 ~X tract Against the Sophists (Or. xiii.), dates from the 
 
 beginning of his professional career, perhaps about the 
 
 year 390 B.C. We possess only part, perhaps less than 
 
 half, of the speech. What remains is purely destruc- 
 
 * Aristoph., Clouds^ passim. 
 
ISOCRATES 137 
 
 tive criticism which, as is clear from the concluding 
 words, was meant to lead up to an exposition of the 
 writer's own principles and theory. The loss is to be 
 regretted, but is not irreparable, since the speech On the 
 Antidosis, composed thirty-five years later, supple- 
 ments it by a full constructive statement. 
 
 The introduction on the Sophists is sweeping in its 
 severity : ^ 
 
 * If all our professional educators would be content to 
 tell the truth and not promise more than they ever intend 
 to perform, they would not have a bad reputation among 
 laymen. As it is, their reckless effrontery has encouraged 
 the opinion that a Hfe of incurious idleness is better than 
 one devoted to philosophy. ' 
 
 He proceeds to criticize various classes : 
 
 ' We cannot help hating and despising the professors of 
 contentious argument (eristic), who, while claiming to seek 
 for Truth, introduce falsehood at the very beginning of their 
 pretensions. They profess in a way to read the future, a 
 power which Homer denied even to the gods ; for they 
 prophesy for their pupils a full knowledge of right conduct, 
 and promise them happiness in consequence. This in- 
 valuable commodity they offer for sale at the ridiculous 
 price of three or four minae. They affect, indeed, to de- 
 spise money — mere dross of silver or gold as they call it — 
 yet, for the sake of this small profit they will raise their 
 pupils almost to a level with the immortals. They profess 
 to teach all virtue ; but it is notable that pupils, before 
 they are admitted to the course, have to give security for 
 the payment of their fees.' 
 
 The general tone of this censure recalls the attacks 
 of the Platonic Socrates on the * eristic ' Sophists ; but 
 
 * Cf. Isocrates' reference to this passage in Antid., § 193. 
 
138 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 it is certain that the * eristics/ whom Isocrates here 
 attacks, are some of the lesser Socratics. This is made 
 obvious by the reference in § 3 to the knowledge 
 (iTrco-TrjfjLrj) which, according to these teachers, will lead 
 to right conduct or virtue, and so to happiness. The 
 Socratic view that knowledge is the basis of virtue, and 
 virtue of happiness, is well known. Socrates himself 
 did not profess to teach virtue for a fee ; but the 
 Megarians, the followers of his pupil EucHdes, did, and 
 at them the sarcasm of Isocrates seems to be directed. 
 Elsewhere, indeed, Isocrates refers definitely to the 
 Platonic school as belonging to the eristic class. ^ 
 
 The teachers of * Political Discourse ' fall next under 
 ban, that is, the teachers of practical rhetoric, whether 
 forensic or deliberative. ^ ' They care nothing for 
 truth ' — whereas the eristics, at any rate, professed to 
 seek it — * they consider that their profession is to 
 attract as many pupils as possible by the smallness of 
 their fees and the greatness of their promises. They 
 are so dull, and think others so dull, that though the 
 speeches which they write are worse than many non- 
 professionals can improvise, they undertake to make 
 of their pupils orators equal to any emergency. They 
 say that they can teach oratory as easily as the alpha- 
 bet, which is a subject fixed by unchangeable rules, 
 whereas the conditions for a speaker are never quite 
 the same on two occasions. A speech, to be successful, 
 must be appropriate to the subject, to the occasion, 
 and to the speaker ; and in some degree original. 
 Instruction can give us technical skill ; but cannot call 
 
 * Hel. (Or. X.), § I, ol 8i S(,e^i6vT€s ws iySpla Kal <ro<f)la Kal diKaioa^vij 
 Tavrhv iffTc. 
 « §§ 9 sqq. 
 
ISOCRATES 139 
 
 into existence the oratorical faculty, which a good 
 speaker must have innate in him.' 
 
 No doubt Isocrates himself professed to give a prac- 
 tical training for public life ; but he states here what 
 he repeats with more emphasis in a later writing : ^ 
 
 * For distinction either in speech or in action, or in any 
 other work, there are three requisites : natural apti- 
 tude, theoretical training, and practical experience. . . . 
 Of these the first is indispensable, and by far the most 
 important.' The Sophists claimed to dispense with 
 the first, and this is the ground of the philosopher's 
 quarrel with them. 
 
 The third section of the speech, following naturally 
 on the second, deals with writers of technical guides to 
 rhetoric (rexvai). 
 
 * They profess to teach litigation, choosing for themselves 
 this offensive title which would be more appropriate in the 
 mouths of their detractors. They are worse than those who 
 wallow in the mire of " eristic," for they at least pretend to 
 be concerned with virtue and moderation, while those whom 
 we are considering now undertake only to teach men to be 
 busy-bodies from motives of base covetousness. ' ^ 
 
 Here again Isocrates, who himself composed an 
 
 * Art ' of rhetoric, does not condemn all who may try 
 to teach the subject ; his complaint is that the majority 
 of such teachers have confined themselves to the ignoble 
 branch of the profession. This criticism is obviously 
 a vahd one, and is echoed by Aristotle, who declares 
 that speaking before a public assembly is less knavish 
 (Ka/covpyov) than speaking in a law-court.^ , 
 
 The speech entitled On the Antidosis is really^' 
 Isocrates' defence of his life and profession. In 
 
 1 Antid.y §§ 187-189. - §§ 19 sqq. * Rhet., i. i. 10. 
 
140 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 355 B.C. he was challenged by one Megacleides to 
 undertake the trierarchy, or else to accept an antidosis, 
 or exchange of properties. The matter was the subject 
 of a trial, in consequence of which Isocrates performed 
 the trierarchy. Some time — perhaps two years — ^later, 
 he wrote this speech, which is of no historical im- 
 portance, since even the name of the plaintiff, Lysi- 
 machus, is fictitious. The introduction (§§ 1-13) makes 
 it clear that the law-suit is only introduced for the sake 
 of local colour. The speech itself begins with a sem- 
 blance of forensic form in § 14, but the pretence is very 
 soon dropped. The cloak is resumed in the Epilogue 
 (§§ 320-323) ; but the greatest part of the speech has 
 nothing to do with any trial, real or imaginary. 
 
 The treatise, as we may call it, falls into two parts : 
 in §§ 14-166 the writer defends his own character ; in 
 §§ 167-319 he defends his system of education. 
 
 The indictment against which he pleads is that he is 
 in the habit of corrupting the younger generation by 
 teaching them habits of litigation. He has little diffi- 
 culty in showing that his chief work has lain in a far 
 nobler field than that of forensic rhetoric. While 
 others have been engaged in the paltry contentions of 
 the law-courts he has composed speeches bearing upon 
 the politics of all Greece. This he proves by reciting 
 long extracts from his most famous works : the Pane- 
 gyric (§ 59) ; On the Peace (§ 66) ; Nicocles (§ 72). 
 
 The second half of the speech contains, as has been 
 noted, a statement and defence of Isocrates' theory. 
 
 ' Philosophy,' he says, ' is for the soul what Gymnastic 
 is for the body.' 
 
 This analogy he elaborates. 
 
ISOCRATES 141 
 
 ' The gymnastic trainer teaches his pupils first to per- 
 form the separate movements, then to combine them. The 
 educator follows the same order, and both insist on long 
 and diligent practice ; but the trainer of the body cannot 
 always make a man an athlete, nor can the trainer of the 
 mind make everybody an orator. There are three essen- 
 tials requisite for success-^natural aptitude, ^proper teach- 
 ing, and long practice ; and moreover there must be a will 
 on the part of both teacher and pupil to persevere. The 
 natural ability is by far the most important element. 
 Training, however complete, may break down utterly if 
 the speaker lacks nerve. ^ 
 
 ' Some people expect a marked improvement after a few 
 days of study with a Sophist, and demand a complete train- 
 ing in a year. This is ridiculous ; no class of education 
 could produce such results ; and there is no need to dis- 
 parage us as a class because we cannot do more than we 
 profess. We cannot make all men orators, but we can give 
 them culture. 
 
 * Others assert that our philosophy has an immoral 
 tendency. I shall not defend all who claim to be educators, 
 but only those who have a right to the name. We have 
 nothing to gain by making men immoral ; on the contrary 
 the greatest satisfaction for a Sophist is that his pupils 
 should become wise and honourable men, respected by their 
 fellows. Our pupils come from Sicily, from Pontus, and 
 from other distant regions ; do they com.e so far to be 
 instructed in wickedness ? Surely not ; they could find 
 plenty of teaching at home. They incur the trouble and 
 expense because they think that Athens can give them the 
 best education in the world. 
 
 ' Again, power in debate is not in itself a demoralizing 
 thing. The greatest statesmen of this and earlier genera- 
 tions studied and practised oratory — Solon, who was called 
 one of the Seven Sophists, Themistocles, Pericles. You 
 blame the Thebans for lacking culture ; why blame us who 
 
 ^ t6 ToXfidy, § 192. 
 
142 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 try to impart it ? Athens honours with a yearly sacrifice 
 the Goddess Persuasion ; our enemies attack us for seeking 
 the faculty which this goddess personifies. 
 
 ' We are even attacked by the " Eristics " : ^ far from re- 
 torting, I am ready to admit that there is good to be got 
 even from eristic disputation, from astronomy, ^ and from 
 geometry : they are useful as a preliminary to higher 
 studies. 
 
 ' My own view of philosophy is a simple one. It is 
 impossible to attain absolute knowledge of what we ought 
 or ought not to do ; but the wise man is he who can make 
 a successful guess as a general rule, and philosophers are 
 those who study to attain this practical wisdom. There is 
 not, and never has been, a science which could impart 
 justice and virtue to those who are not by nature incHned 
 towards these quaUties ; but a man who is desirous of 
 speaking or writing well, and of persuading others, will 
 incidentally become more just and virtuous, for it is char- 
 acter that tells more than anything. 
 
 ' Thoughtful speaking leads to careful action. Your 
 superior culture raises you above the rest of Greece, just as 
 mankind is superior to the lower animals and Greeks to 
 barbarians : do not, then, punish those who would give 
 you this culture. ' ^ 
 
 These two treatises taken together, and supplemented 
 by a few passages from other speeches, give us a fair 
 idea of Isocrates' system. His ' Philosophy ' is to be 
 distinguished from all merely theoretical speculation, 
 such as the physical theories of the lonians, or the 
 logic of Parmenides ; from ' eristic ' — the art of arguing 
 for argument's sake — from geometry and astronomy; 
 from literary work which has no practical use ; from 
 the rhetoric of the law-courts. Boys at school may 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 137. ' Or astrology ? 
 
 ' Antid., Summary oi §§ 181-303. 
 
ISOCRATES 143 
 
 profitably study grammar and poetry ; at a later age 
 the applied mathematics, and even * eristic/ are good 
 mental training ; but it must be recognized that they 
 are only a preparation for the Isocratean ' philosophy/ 
 which is for the soul what gymnastic is for the body. 
 
 As the gymnastic-master teaches first the various 
 thrusts and parries, so to speak, the teacher of philo- 
 sophy makes his pupils learn first all the styles of prose 
 composition.^ He then makes them combine (crwelpeiv) 
 the things which they have learnt. The subjects for 
 such exercises must be properly chosen— they must be 
 practical and must deal with wide interests. 
 
 Practice on these lines will prepare a man, as far as 
 his nature allows, for speaking and acting in a pubHc 
 capacity ; so that what Isocrates calls his ' philo- 
 sophy ' is really a science of practical politics. 
 
 Isocrates seems to have been thorough in all things ; 
 himself a hard worker who took extraordinary care over 
 his compositions, he expected his pupils to work hard. 
 He was not content, like some Sophists, with making them 
 learn his own ' fair copies ' by heart ; they must do 
 the work for themselves. He scoffs at those teachers 
 who claim to ' finish ' their pupils in a year ; his pre- 
 tensions are more modest, but even so he requires a 
 course of three or four years. He believed in in- 
 dividual attention rather than class-teaching, if we 
 may regard an anecdote of the Pseudo-Plutarch, who 
 recounts that three pupils once came to him together, 
 but he admitted only two, telling the third to come 
 next day. He endeavoured to impart to his students 
 something of that broadness of view, so prominent in 
 his own speeches, which enabled him to look beyond 
 
 ' Antid., § II, i54ai. 
 
144 THE GREEK ORx\TORS 
 
 the trials of the law-courts, beyond the interests of 
 party or even of individual state, and lift his eyes to a 
 conception of national unity ; and something of that 
 loftiness of spirit which, in an age of selfish and scurri- 
 lous orators, enabled him to pursue his course towards 
 the truth, unbiased by personal considerations, and 
 never descending to invective or abuse. 
 
 § 4. Patriotism 
 
 Isocrates was no less a patriot than Demosthenes, 
 though he differed very widely in his political views 
 from the later orator. What these views were may be 
 gathered from a series of speeches on national subjects 
 extending over a period of more than forty years. 
 4 The Panegyricus, the first of these, was probably 
 composed for publication at one of the great national 
 assemblies, perhaps the Ol5anpic festival, about 380 
 B.C. This was certainly a time when the long-con- 
 tinued dissensions of the city-states had brought the 
 affairs of Greece to a crisis. There seemed to Isocrates 
 to be no solution of the difficulties, no chance of estab- 
 lished peace or contentment, unless some enterprise 
 r' could be found which should imite the sympathies of 
 the rival cities, induce them to put their own quarrels 
 aside, and throw them whole-heartedly into a cause 
 which concerned Hellas as a nation. 
 
 The only motive which had ever been able to unite 
 the Greeks, even temporarily, was hatred of the bar- 
 barians, and Isocrates works upon this feeling. He 
 draws a vivid picture of the miserable state to which 
 the Greek world has been reduced by civil war, and 
 shows how the influence of Persia, besides keeping this 
 war alive, has in other ways worked towards the ruin 
 
ISOCRATES 145 
 
 of Greece. Having discussed with outspoken candour 
 the claims of Sparta and Athens to leadership, he sug- 
 gests that they should agree by a compromise, and 
 urges that they and all other States should unite in a 
 racial war against the Persians. 
 
 This speech had no practical effect. The rise of 
 Thebes shortly after this date changed the balance of 
 power, and on the whole did not improve conditions. 
 Despairing of originating any joint action within 
 Greece itself, Isocrates looked farther for a leader, and 
 in or about 368 B.C. we find him writing to Dionysius of " 
 Syracuse, who at the time held an empire far more 
 powerful than that of any State of Greece proper, and 
 suggesting that he should come forward as the cham- 
 pion of the Greek national spirit.^ 
 
 In 356 B.C. Isocrates turned again towards Sparta, 
 this time writing to Archidamus, who had recently 
 succeeded his father Agesilaus in the kingship, and 
 urging him to take steps which will ' put an end to 
 civil war in Greece, curb the insolence of the barbarians, 
 and deprive them of part of their ill-gotten gains.' 
 Archidamus, if he could be as vigorous as his father and 
 more unselfish, might well seem to be a suitable leader 
 for the crusade on which Isocrates had set his heart. 
 
 At this time Philip of Macedon, though he was 
 beginning to attain notoriety, was probably regarded 
 by the majority of Greeks as a pauper prince, sitting 
 insecurely on a throne which he had usurped, and from 
 which he might at any time be removed by rebellion 
 or assassination. But in this year he obtained pos- 
 session of the gold mines of Pangaeum, and it was soon 
 
 ^ Ep. I, § 87. This letter is referred to in Philippus, § 81 ; the text .>•<. 
 of the letter remaining to us is incomplete. *-^ 
 
146 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 realized that Macedon was to play a leading part in 
 Greek politics. 
 
 In 346 B.C. Isocrates addressed Philip as one capable 
 of taking the lead, first in combining the Greek States 
 into a union, and secondly, in leading them to conquer 
 the barbarian. 1 The ten years of desultory hostilities 
 between Philip and Athens had now been ended by the 
 peace of Philocrates, and Isocrates, thinking that 
 Amphipolis, for which they had been fighting, was an 
 undesirable possession for either party, imagined and 
 hoped that the peace might be made permanent. 
 
 Though the Panegyric and the addresses to Dionysius 
 and Archidamus had failed, Isocrates hoped that an 
 appeal to Philip might be more successful. 
 
 * I decided,' he writes, ' to broach the subject to you, not 
 as a special compliment, though I should be glad if my 
 w6rds could find favour with you, but from the following 
 motive. I saw that all other men of distinction have to 
 obey their cities and their laws, and may do nothing 
 beyond what they are told ; and moreover none of them 
 are capable of dealing with the matter I now intend to 
 discuss. 
 
 ' You alone have had given you by fortune a full authority 
 to send embassies to whom you will, and receive them from 
 where you choose, and to say whatever you think ex- 
 pedient. Besides, you possess wealth and power beyond 
 any other Greek — ^the two things which are the most potent 
 either to persuade or to compel : and you will find per- 
 suasion useful for the Greeks and compulsion for the 
 barbarians.' '^ 
 
 A summary of a few extracts will indicate the tenor 
 of the speech. 
 
 * It is your duty to try to reconcile the four great cities 
 
 1 Philippus, 346 B.C. * Ibid. (Or. v.), §§ 14-17. 
 
ISOCRATES 147 
 
 — ^Argos, Sparta, Thebes, and Athens ; bring these four to 
 their right mind, and you will have no difficulty with the 
 rest, which all depend on them (§§ 30-31). Your an- 
 cestors are Argive by descent, and these cities should never 
 have been at enmity with you or each other. All must 
 make allowances, as all have been at fault (§§ 33-38). 
 If Athens or Sparta were now, as once, predominant, 
 nothing could be done ; but all the great cities are now 
 practically on a level. No enmities are so deep-seated 
 that they cannot be overcome : Athens has at different 
 times been allied with both Thebes and Sparta. Sparta, 
 Argos, and Thebes all desire peace ; Athens has come to 
 her senses before the others, and already made peace. 
 She will be ready to give you her active sympathy ' 
 
 (§§ 39-56). 
 
 * History provides many instances of men who, with 
 few advantages, even with disabilities, have achieved great 
 tasks : you, with all your resources, should find the present 
 task easy ' (§§ 57-67). 
 
 * Success in such a cause would be magnificent ; even 
 failure would be noble : your slanderers impute to you the 
 design of subjugating Greece ; you will convince them of 
 their error' (§§ 68-80). 
 
 ' So much for your duty to Greece ; now turn to the 
 conquest of Asia. Agesilaus failed because he stirred up 
 political animosities. 
 
 * The Greeks under Cyrus defeated the Persian army, 
 and though left leaderless they made good their retreat. 
 All conditions are favourable for you. The Greeks of Asia 
 were hostile to Cyrus, but will welcome you. The present 
 King of Persia is less of a man than his predecessor, against 
 whom Cyrus fought ; and Persia is divided against itself. 
 Cyprus, Cilicia, and Phoenicia, which provided the king 
 with ships, will do so no longer ' (§§ 83-104). 
 
 ' You may aim at conquering the whole Persian Empire ; 
 failing of that you might win all that is west of a line drawn 
 from Cihcia to Sinope. Even this would be an enormous 
 
148 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 advantage. You could found cities for the hordes of 
 mercenaries who are driven by destitution to wander and 
 prey upon the settled inhabitants — a growing menace to 
 Greeks and Persians alike. You would thus render these 
 nomads a great service, and at the same time establish 
 them as a permanent guard of your own frontiers. If this 
 proved too much for you, at the very least you could free 
 the Greek cities of Asia. However great or little is your 
 success, you will at least win great renown for having led 
 a united expedition from all Greece ' (§§ 1 19-126). 
 
 * No other state or individual will undertake the task ; 
 you are free from restrictions, as all Hellas is your native 
 land. You will fight, I know, not for power or wealth, but 
 for glory. Your mission, then, is this : — ^To be the bene- 
 factor of Greece, the king of Macedon, the governor of 
 Asia' (§§127-155). 
 
 It may be said that Isocrates overrated the purity of 
 Philip's motives. On the other hand, it may be con- 
 ceived that Philip would have greatly preferred to 
 march to Asia as the general of a Greek force willingly 
 united. He, whom Isocrates reckons as a Greek of 
 royal or semi-divine descent, whom Demosthenes 
 stigmatized as a barbarian of the lowest type, had much 
 more of the Greek than the barbarian in his nature. 
 To Athens at least he always showed extraordinary 
 clemency, treating her with a respect far beyond her 
 merits, and honouring her for her ancient greatness. 
 He did all that was possible to conciliate her, and this 
 policy he handed on to his son. But he could not start 
 for the East, leaving so many irreconcilable enemies 
 behind him ; and the refusal of the States to accept his 
 hegemony made Chaeronea inevitable. 
 
 Those who read, not this short summary, but the 
 essay as a whole, must be struck by the firm grasp which 
 
ISOCRATES 149 
 
 the writer has on contemporary history, and by his 
 insight into the forces at work. He under-estimated 
 the conservatism of the city-states, wrongly imagining 
 that the majority could be as broad-minded as himself. 
 
 The chapters on Asia show considerable knowledge 
 both of the conditions and the requirements. His 
 advice about the founding of cities was followed liter- 
 ally by Alexander, who, immediately after his first 
 victory, initiated this pohcy for securing his conquests. 
 
 In 342 B.C. Isocrates wrote again to Philip, reproach- 
 ing him for his recklessness in exposing his own life in 
 battle. He repeated some of the arguments of the 
 first essay, and summarized his advice as follows : 
 ' It is far nobler to capture a city's good-will than its 
 walls.' After Chaeronea, in the year 338 B.C., he wrote 
 once more, recalling his former advice, and reflecting 
 with satisfaction that the dreams of his youth were 
 some of them already fulfilled, and others on the point 
 of fulfilment. 
 
 § 5. Remaining Works 
 
 The general contents of the Panegyricus have already 
 been discussed, but only a careful study of the speech 
 will reveal the skill with which one topic is made to 
 lead up to another, the nice proportion of the parts, and 
 the adroitness displayed in gathering and binding 
 together the various threads of the argument. Numer- 
 ous paragraphs which seem at first to be almost digres- 
 sions are foimd, when we take the speech as a whole, 
 to be essential to its unity, and though in its course 
 a large number of topics is handled, the main subject 
 is never left out of view. The level of style is high 
 throughout, and no extracts can properly represent it. 
 
150 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 A short analysis may, however, serve to indicate the 
 coherence of the arguments : ^ 
 
 ' I am here to offer advice about the necessity of war with 
 Persia and unity among the Greeks. Others have handled 
 the same theme, but the fact of their failure renders any 
 excuse for a fresh attempt superfluous, and the subject 
 admits of being treated better than it has been ' (§§ 1-14). 
 
 * My predecessors have missed an important point ; that 
 nothing can be done until the leaders — ^Athens and Sparta 
 — are reconciled, and persuaded to share the leadership. 
 
 ' Sparta has accepted a false tradition, that leadership 
 is hers by ancestral right. I shall try to prove that the 
 leadership really belongs to Athens ; Sparta then should 
 consent to a joint command ' (§§ 15-20). 
 
 ' Athens first possessed maritime empire, and her 
 civilization is the oldest in Greece (§§ 21-25). Her claims 
 to hegemony are as follows : — 
 
 'A. (a) Tradition, which has never been refuted, records 
 that Athens first provided the necessities of life. Demeter 
 taught in Attica the cultivation of corn and instituted the 
 Mysteries. 
 
 ' (b) Athens undoubtedly led the way in colonization, thus 
 enlarging the boundaries of Greek land, and driving back 
 the barbarians (§§ 28-37). 
 
 ' (c) Athens had the earliest laws, and the earUest con- 
 stitution. She established the Piraeus, the centre of Greek 
 trade. She provides in herself a perpetual festival, at 
 which the arts are encouraged. Practical philosophy and 
 oratory are so highly honoured at Athens that the name 
 " Greek " is applied properly not by claim of blood but by 
 virtue of the possession of Athenian culture (§§ 38-50). 
 
 ' B. {a) From heroic times downwards Athens has shown 
 herself the helper of the oppressed. Even Sparta grew 
 great through her support {§§ 57-65). 
 
 * Isocrates is said to have spent ten years over the composition 
 of the Panegyricus ; it was probably pubUshed in 380 B.C. 
 
ISOCRATES 151 
 
 ' (6) Athens in the earhest times and in the Persian Wars 
 distinguished herself against the barbarians (§§ 66-74). 
 
 ' In old days the rivalries between opposite political 
 parties and between Athens and Sparta were noble ones, 
 and the honourable competition of the two cities shamed 
 the other Greeks into taking arms against Xerxes. Athens, 
 however, furnished more ships than all the rest put to- 
 gether. Her claim to leadership, up to the end of the 
 Persian War, is therefore established ' (§§ 75-79). 
 
 * It is true that Athens treated her revolted allies — 
 Melos and Scione— severely : rebels must expect punish- 
 ment. On the other hand, our loyal subjects enjoyed for 
 seventy years freedom from tyranny, immunity from 
 barbarian attacks, settled government, and peace with all 
 the world ' (§§ 100-106). 
 
 ' Sparta and her partisans inflicted more harm in a few 
 months than Athens in the whole duration of her empire ' 
 (§§ 110-114). 
 
 'Our rule was preferable to the so-called "peace and 
 independence " which Sparta has given the cities. The 
 seas are overrun by pirates, and more cities are raided now 
 than before the peace was made. Tyrants and harmosts 
 make life in the cities intolerable. The Great King, whom 
 Athens confined within stated limits, has raided the 
 Peloponnese (§§ 115- 119) ; Sparta has abandoned the lonians 
 to slavery, and herself caused devastation in Greece, and 
 burdened the islanders with taxation. It is monstrous that 
 we Greeks, owing to our petty quarrels, should devastate 
 our own country, when we might reap a golden harvest 
 from Asia ' §§ (120-132). 
 
 ' We have allowed the Great King to attain unheard of 
 power — simply through our quarrels, for he is not really 
 strong. 
 
 ' Numerous instances from history betray the inferiority 
 of the Persian leaders and organization. They have often 
 been defeated on the coast of Asia ; when they invaded 
 Greece we made an example of them ; finally, they cut a 
 
-^ 
 
 152 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ridiculous figure before the walls of their own palaces ' ^ 
 
 (§§ 133-149) • 
 
 * This is what we might expect from their manner of 
 life ; the mass of the people are more fit to be slaves than 
 soldiers ; the nobles are by turns insolent and servile, and 
 being permanently corrupted by luxury they are weak and 
 treacherous. They deserve our hatred, and, in fact, our 
 enmity can never be reconciled. One of the reasons even 
 of Homer's popularity is that he tells of a great war against 
 Asia ' (§§ 150-159)- 
 
 ' The time is favourable for attack ; Phoenicia and Syria 
 are devastated ; Tyre is captured ; Cilicia is mostly in our 
 favour ; Egypt and Cyprus are in revolt. The Greeks are 
 ready to rise ; we must make haste, and not let the history 
 of the Ionic revolt repeat itself. The present suffering in 
 Greece passes all records, and for this the present generation 
 deserves some recompense — another reason for haste. The 
 leading men in the cities are callously indifferent, so we who 
 stand outside politics must take the lead, as I am doing ' 
 (§§ 160-174). 
 
 * The treaty of Antalcidas need not stand in our way ; 
 it has been broken already in spirit. We only observe the 
 provisions which are to our own shame, i.e. those by which 
 our allies are given over to the Persians. It was never a 
 fair covenant — ^we submitted to terms dictated by the king. 
 
 ' Honour and expediency ahke demand that we should 
 combine to undertake this war, whose fame will be greater 
 than that of the Trojan war ' (§§ 175-189). 
 
 We may now consider the group of speeches which 
 deals with the internal affairs of Greece. 
 
 Plataicus (Or. xiv.). Plataea, destroyed in 427 B.C., 
 was restored by Sparta in 386 B.C. as a menace to 
 Thebes, but was forced into the Boeotian Confederacy 
 in 376 B.C. In 373 B.C. it was surprised by a Theban 
 army and again destroyed. The inhabitants escaped 
 
 1 I.e. the victory of the 10,000 at Cunaxa. 
 
ISOCRATES 153 
 
 to Athens, and their case was discussed in the ecclesia, 
 and also at the congress of allies. The present speech 
 is professedly deUvered by a Plataean before the 
 Athenian ecclesia. It consists chiefly of an appeal to 
 sentiment through history ; the speaker recalls the 
 ancient relations of Plataea and Athens, and thence 
 infers the present duty of Athens. The speech is in a 
 form suitable for dehvery before the assembly, and 
 may have been so delivered. 
 
 On the Peace (Or. viii.), on the other hand, is a political 
 treatise. It dates from 355 B.C., when the Social War 
 was near its end. The main theme of the speech is 
 the necessity of peace between Athens and all the 
 world, but the urging of this policy naturally brings in 
 a criticism of the war-party, and a severe indictment 
 not only of present politics but of the conditions of the 
 old empire of Athens. The speech is remarkable from 
 the fact that for once Isocrates abandons his even 
 and temperate language, and allows indignation and 
 even bitterness to give colour to his criticisms. 
 
 * The acquisition of empire,' he says, * over unwilling 
 subjects, is both unjust and impolitic. Ambition is like the 
 bait which entices a wild beast into a trap. Our adminis- . 
 tration is rotten ; our citizens have lost faith in personal 
 effort, and we employ mercenaries to fight our battles. 
 Our politicians are our worst citizens, and we appoint as 
 generals incompetent men who are not fitted for any 
 position of trust. We hold our own, but only because our 
 rivals are as weak as we are. The follies of our assembly 
 win allies for Thebes ; their follies in turn are our salvation. 
 It would pay either State to bribe the assembly of the other 
 to meet more often. 
 
 ' Our hope lies in abandoning our empire ; it is unjust, 
 and moreover, we could not maintain it when we were rich. 
 
154 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and now we are poor. The statesmen of imperial Athens 
 did all that they could to make their city's policy un- 
 popular. They displayed the tribute extorted from the 
 allies, thus reminding all the world of their tjnranny ; and 
 paraded the children of those who had fallen in wars in 
 various parts of the world — ^the victims of national cove- 
 tousness. Far different was the position of Athens under 
 Themistocles and Aristides. National life is demoralized 
 by Empire. The history of Sparta's supremacy is another 
 case to the point. Pericles was a demagogue, and led the 
 city on a disastrous career, but he at least enriched the 
 treasury, not himself. Our modern demagogues are merely 
 self-seeking, and their covetousness reduces not only the 
 state but the citizens to penury. 
 
 ' Peace, at the price I have indicated, is the only remedy. 
 We must deliver Greece, not despoil her. Athens should 
 hold among Greek States the position that the kings 
 occupy in Sparta ; they are not tyrants ; they have a 
 higher standard of conduct than any private person, and are 
 held in such respect that any man who would not throw 
 away his Ufe for them in the field is reckoned meaner than 
 a deserter. ' 
 
 There is much truth in the invectives aimed at the 
 old empire ; Isocrates could see behind the glowing 
 colours in which the glories of the Periclean age are 
 sometimes painted, and equally with Demosthenes he 
 realized, and did not shrink from noticing, the weakness 
 of Athens in his own days. But his advice, though 
 noble, is unpractical. He failed, in spite of his know- 
 ledge of history, to fathom the depth of Greek selfish- 
 ness. No State that relied solely or chiefly on moral 
 worth could have a voice in the council of Greece, far 
 less dominiate its policy, 
 ^V^' The Areopagiticus (Or. vii.), perhaps composed in 
 ^ the same year, in many points supplements the de Pace. 
 
ISOCRATES 155 
 
 It is chiefly devoted to a contrast between the old days 
 of dignified government under the constitutions of 
 Solon and Cleisthenes, and the unsatisfactory con- 
 ditions of hfe in the orator's time. The description of 
 the old constitution is, perhaps, a fancy picture, but 
 the contrast serves to bring out the evils at which 
 Isocrates is aiming in the modern State. The speech 
 deals with the inner life of Athens rather than with her 
 foreign policy, and the chief credit for good govern- 
 ment and good life in the old days is given to the 
 Council of the Areopagus, that majestic body which 
 even now * has so strong an influence that the worst 
 men of modem times, if promoted to membership of it, 
 are pervaded by its spirit, and, losing the meanness of 
 their own hearts, think and act in accordance with the 
 Council's high traditions.' 
 
 The Archidamus (Or. vi.) is put into the mouth of 
 the Spartan king of that name, for whom, as we know 
 from a letter, Isocrates had a deep respect. It professes 
 to be part of a debate in 366 B.C., on the proposal of the 
 Thebans to grant peace on condition that Sparta re- 
 cognized the independence of Messenia. It probably 
 contains a fair representation of the feelings of the 
 Spartans at the time when it was proposed to make 
 an independent and permanently hostile state of the 
 Messenians, whom for generations they had regarded 
 as their slaves. 
 
 There still remain works of three classes — the ' horta- 
 tory letters/ the * displays,' and forensic speeches. 
 
 Hortatory Letters 
 To Demonicus (Or. i.), 372 B.C. (?). This letter, ad- 
 dressed to a young monarch, of whom nothing else is 
 known, is destined to be a * storehouse ' (ra/jLielov) 
 
> 156 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 of moral maxims, comprising duty to the gods, duty to 
 men, and duty to oneself. It contains a vast number 
 of maxims, mostly of a practical or semi-practical 
 nature — ' We test gold by fire, friends by misfortune.' 
 * Never swear by the gods where money is concerned ; 
 some will think you a perjurer, others a covetous man.' 
 Occasionally the moral tone is higher — ' If you do 
 wrong, nevecihope to be undiscovered ; if others dis- 
 cover you not, your own conscience will discover you 
 to yourself.' 
 
 To Nicocles (Or. ii.), 374 B.C., addressed to Nicocles, 
 fl who became king of Salamis in Cyprus in 374 B.C., deals 
 with the duties and responsibilities of a king. * Re- 
 member your high position, and be careful that you 
 never do anything unworthy of it.' 
 
 Nicocles, or the Cyprians (Or. iii.), 372 B.C., is a com- 
 plement to Or. ii. In it the king himself is represented 
 as discoursing on the duties of subjects towards their 
 king. ' Do to your king as you would wish your own 
 subjects to do to you.' 
 
 Epideictic Speeches 
 
 Many of the Sophists wrote imaginary speeches on 
 legendary themes, and Isocrates, though this art was 
 outside his province, strayed into it as a critic. The 
 --s^ Busiris (Or. xi.), 391 B.C., addressed to a Sophist Poly- 
 crates, contains first a criticism of a speech composed 
 by Poly crates on that subject, and secondly an ex- 
 position of how Isocrates himself would treat such 
 a theme. Incidentally, Isocrates accepts the early 
 legends as true on the whole, while rejecting certain 
 parts of them as unbecoming. 
 
 The Encomium of Helen (Or. x.), 370 B.C., begins 
 with criticism of a certain encomium which is generally 
 
ISOCRATES 157 
 
 believed to be the extant one attributed to Gorgias. 
 The previous writer has written not an encomium but 
 an apology ; Isocrates himself will write a real en- 
 comium, omitting all the topics which have been used 
 by others. 
 
 The Evagoras (Or. ix.), 365 B.C. (?), was composed for 
 a festival celebrated by Nicocles in memory of his 
 father, Evagoras of Salamis, who died 374 B.C. It con- 
 tains a laudatory account of the king's career, and an 
 encouragement to the son to emulate his father's 
 virtues. 
 
 The Panathenaicus was begun when Isocrates was ^^z" 
 94 years old, i.e. in 342 B.C. Owing to an illness, he 
 was not able to finish it for three years. It contains 
 much of the material which had already been used in 
 the Areopagiticus. Its main topic is the greatness of 
 Athens, considered historically, and not with refeience 
 to contemporary politics. But it contains long digres- 
 sions — a defence of his own system against the attacks 
 of certain baser Sophists (§§ 5-34) ; a discourse on 
 Agamemnon (§§ 62-73) ; a personal explanation (§§ 99 
 sqq.), in which the author explains that the speech would 
 naturally end at this point, and details the conver- 
 sations and discussions which led him to continue it. 
 He was blamed for being too harsh against Sparta, and 
 though he silenced his critics, he had some misgivings. 
 The result is to increase the length of the speech by 
 one third, and completely to spoil the balance and 
 destroy whatever unity it possessed. 
 
 Forensic Speeches 
 Six forensic speeches have come down to us ; they 
 belong to the early days of Isocrates, who in later 
 years regretted that he had ever been concerned 
 
158 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 with such an art ; they may be dismissed in a few 
 words : 
 
 Against Lochites (Or. xx.), 394 B.C., is an action for 
 assault ; Aegineticus (Or. xix.), 394 B.C., a claim to an in- 
 heritance; Against Euthynus (Or. xxi.), 403 B.C., an 
 action to recover a deposit ; Trapeziticus (Or. xvii.), 
 394 B.C., a similar action, against the famous banker 
 Pasion ; irepl rov feu^ou? (Or. xvi.), 397 B.C., spoken 
 by the younger Alcibiades against a man Tisias, who 
 asserts that the elder Alcibiades, father of the speaker, 
 robbed him of a team of four horses. This is an action 
 for damages amounting to five talents. Against Calli- 
 machus, 399 B.C., a irapaypa^TJ or special plea entered 
 by the defendant, who contends that an action for 
 damages brought against him cannot be maintained. 
 
 Letters 
 
 Reference has already been made to certain letters, 
 to Dionysius, 368 B.C., Archidamus, 365 B.C., Philip and 
 Alexander, 342 B.C. Others extant are addressed to 
 ,the children of Jason (Ep. vi.), 359 B.C. — i.e. Thebe 
 and her half-brothers, children of the tyrant of Pherae, 
 who was murdered in 370 B.C. ; to Timotheus (Ep. vii.), 
 345 B.C. — a king of Heraclea on the Euxine ; to the 
 Rulers of Mitylene {Ep. viii.), 350 B.C. — the oligarchs 
 who had recently overthrown the democracy ; to 
 Antipater {Ep. iv.), 340 B.C., at the time, appar- 
 ently, regent of Macedonia during Philip's absence 
 in Thrace. This list of the correspondents of Iso- 
 crates, with some of whom at least he is on terms of 
 familiarity, may serve to indicate his importance in 
 the Greek world. 
 
ISOCRATES 159 
 
 Isocrates is also credited with the composition of a 
 rix^rj or treatise on the art of rhetoric, now lost, except 
 for a single quotation ; and the editions of the text 
 contain a number of apophthegms attributed to him. 
 None are important. 
 
V 
 
 v.^ 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 MINOR RHETORICIANS 
 
 THE contemporaries of Isocrates are over- 
 shadowed by his genius ; nevertheless there 
 were in his time other speakers and teachers of ability. 
 The only one of them who deserves serious considera- 
 
 ^ tion is Alcidamas, a pupil of Gorgias or of his school, 
 who, though a rival of Isocrates, had come imder the 
 influence of the latter's style. We possess under his 
 name a sophistical exercise, the Accusation ofPalamedes 
 by Odysseus, which is of no importance, and may be 
 spurious, and a declamation On the Sophists, which is 
 
 - probably genuine ; at least we may say that it is the 
 work of an able critic and a graceful writer. His other 
 works included two rhetorical exercises, the Praise of 
 Death and the Praise of Nais, and a Messenian Oration, 
 which was apparently a counterblast to the Archidamus 
 of Isocrates. 
 
 \' The Sophists is really an attack on the methods of 
 Isocrates, and is directed against the practice of labori- 
 ously composing written speeches, which are no real 
 help to a man who wishes to be an orator, whether 
 in the assembly or the law-courts. Certain so-called 
 Sophists, he contends, who, while quite incapable of 
 speaking, have practised writing, pride themselves on 
 this accomplishment, and though they can call only 
 
 160 
 
MINOR RHETORICIANS i6i 
 
 one small department of rhetoric their own, claim to 
 be masters of the complete science. He would not dis- 
 parage the art of writing, but he considers it of second- 
 ary importance, while other accompHshments deserve 
 far more attention. Any man of abihty, given the 
 time, can learn to write moderately well ; but in order 
 to speak well you must apply a careful training to the 
 development of certain special gifts. To be able to 
 speak extemporaneously is a very important gift ; a 
 man who possesses it can adapt himself to the mood of 
 his audience, while one who relies on prepared orations 
 must often miss a great opportunity, for it is beyond 
 human powers to learn by heart enough speeches to be 
 ready at a moment's notice to speak on any subject 
 and to any kind of audience. A man accustomed to the 
 use of written speeches, when forced to speak ex tempore, 
 will not maintain his proper level of performance.^ 
 Many arguments, of more or less value, are adduced ; 
 in all of them there is a certain cleverness. 
 
 Dionysius thought the style of Alcidamas coarse 
 and trivial ; ^ Aristotle says that he used his epithets 
 ' not as seasoning but as meat.' ^ These strictures do 
 not apply to the one surviving work. He seems to 
 have been raised above the dead level of rhetoricians 
 by possessing ideas ; in the speech advocating the 
 freedom of the Messenians occurred the sentence, * God 
 has made all men free ; nature has made no man a 
 slave ' ; and his description of the Odyssey as * a noble 
 mirror of human life,' is a fine expression in itself, 
 though Aristotle objects that such ornaments detract 
 
 ^ The truth of this maxim is illustrated by our records of the 
 impromptu performances of Demosthenes, vide infra, p. 190. 
 ' de Isaeo, ch. xix., TraxOrepoy tvra t^v \4^iv Kal Koivdrepov. 
 « Rhet., iii. 3. 3. 
 
i62 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 from the value of a speech, as giving the impression of 
 over-preparation . ^ 
 
 Poly crates, a rhetorician of the same period, is known 
 to have composed a fictitious Accusation of Socrates, 
 to which Isocrates refers.^ His Encomium of Busiris, 
 the cannibal king of Egypt, stirred Isocrates to write 
 his own Busiris, in order to show how such a theme 
 ought to be treated. Dionysius found his style inane, 
 frigid, and vulgar.^ Lycophron, an imitator of Gorgias, 
 is quoted several times by Aristotle ; and Cephisodorus, 
 the best known rhetorician of the school of Isocrates, 
 wrote an admirable defence of his master against the 
 attacks of Aristotle.* 
 
 These minor teachers, who are mentioned only as 
 offshoots from the prominent schools, had no perman- 
 ent influence on the growth either of rhetoric or of 
 oratory. 
 
 1 Arist., Rhet.^ iii. 3. 4. 
 
 2 Busiris, §§ 5-6. He endeavoured to make Socrates responsible 
 for the misdeeds of Alcibiades. 
 
 3 de Isaeo, ch. xx. 
 
 * Dion., de Isocrate, ch. xviii. : Tr\v itrokoyiav t^p irdvv davixaar^v iv 
 Tats ir/>6j ^ApiffTOT^Xr) &vTiypa<paU iiroi.'fiao.To. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 AESCHINES 
 
 § I. Life 
 
 AESCHINES was for twenty years a bitter enemy 
 jlV of Demosthenes. This enmity was perhaps 
 the chief interest in his life ; at any rate it is the 
 dominant motive of his extant speeches. Demo- 
 sthenes on his side could not afford to despise an enemy 
 whose biting wit and real gift of eloquence assured him 
 an attentive hearing, whether in the courts or before 
 the ecclesia, and thus gave him an influence which the 
 vagueness of his political views and the instabihty of 
 his personal character could never entirely dissipate. 
 Aeschines had no constructive policy, but he had just 
 the talents which are requisite for the leader of a cap- 
 tious and mahcious opposition. To the fact of the 
 long-maintained hostility between these two men we 
 owe a good deal of first-hand information about each of 
 them, both as regards public and private life. It is 
 true that we cannot accept without reservation the 
 statements and criticisms made by either speaker about 
 his rival ; but in many cases they agree about facts, 
 though they put different interpretations on them, 
 and so, with care, we may arrive at a substratimi of 
 truth. 
 
 108 
 
i64 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Aeschines was bom about 390 b.c.^ His father 
 Atrometus, an Athenian citizen of pure descent, ^ was 
 exiled by the Thirty, and fied to Corinth, with his wife. 
 Jo/ He served for some time as a mercenary soldier in Asia, 
 and finally returned to Athens, where he kept a school. 
 His wife, Glaucothea, filled some minor rehgious office, 
 initiating the neophytes in certain mysteries, appar- 
 ently connected with Orphism. Aeschines seems to 
 have helped both his parents in their work, if we may 
 suppose that there is a grain of truth mixed with the 
 mahce of Demosthenes : 
 
 ' You used to fill the ink-pots, sponge the benches, and 
 sweep the schoolroom, like a slave, not like a gentleman's 
 son. When you grew up you helped your mother in her 
 initiations, reciting the formulas, and making yourself 
 generally useful. All night long you were wrapping the 
 celebrants in fawn-skins, preparing their drink-offerings, 
 smearing them with clay and bran,' etc.^ 
 
 The whole of the description from which the fore- 
 going passage is taken is an obvious caricature, and its 
 chief value is to show that Demosthenes, if circum- 
 stances had not made him a statesman, might have 
 "^^ been a successful writer of mediocre comedy ; but it 
 seems to point to the fact that Aeschines' parents were 
 in humble circumstances, that he himself had a hard 
 life as a boy, and did not enjoy the usual opportunities 
 of obtaining the kind of education desirable for a states- 
 
 ^ See Timarchus, § 49, where Aeschines states, in 346 B.C., that 
 he is rather over forty -five years old. 
 
 * Aesch., de Leg., § 147. Dem. {de Cor., 129 sqq.) asserts that he 
 was originally a slave named Tromes {Coward), but changed his 
 name to Atrometus (Dauntless). 
 
 8 D«m., de Cor., §§ 258-259. Se« further infra, p. 249. 
 
AESCHINES 165 
 
 man.^ After this, at an age when other aspirants to 
 public life would have been studying under teachers 
 of rhetoric, he was forced to earn his hving. He was 
 first clerk to some minor officials, then an actor — 
 according to Demosthenes he played small parts in an 
 inferior company, and lived chiefly on the figs and 
 ohves with which the spectators pelted him.^ He also 
 served as a hoplite, and, by his own account, distin- 
 guished himself at Man tinea and Tamynae. In 357 
 B.C. he obtained political employment, first under 
 Aristophon of Azenia, then under Eubulus, and later 
 we find him acting as clerk of the ecclesia. 
 
 He married into a respectable family about 350 B.C., 
 and in 348 B.C. he first appears in a position of pubUc 
 trust, being appointed a member of the embassy to 
 Megadopolis in Arcadia. On this occasion he went out 
 admittedly as an opponent of PhiHp, but came back a 
 partisan of peace. The reasons for this change of view 
 will be discussed later. His own explanation, that he 
 realized war to be impracticable, is reasonable in itself.^ 
 Two years later he was associated with Demosthenes 
 in the famous embassies to Philip, which, after serious 
 delays, resulted in the imsatisfactory peace of Philo- 
 crates. The peace was pronounced by Demosthenes 
 to be unworthy of Athens,* though he urged that, good 
 or bad, it must be upheld ; and besides uttering in- 
 sinuations against the conduct of Aeschines as an am- 
 bassador, he prepared to prosecute him for betraying 
 
 * However, his elder brother, Philocrates, was elected general 
 three times in succession, and his younger brother, Aphobetus, was 
 sent as an ambassador to the Great King. — Aesch., de Leg., § 149. 
 
 * de Cor., § 262, vide infra, p. 249. 
 ' de Leg., § 79 ; vide infra, p. 168. 
 
 * See de Pace {passim) delivered in the same year. 
 
V. 
 
 V 
 
 i66 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 his trust by taking bribes from Philip. He associated 
 with himself as a prosecutor one Timarchus. Aeschines 
 prepared a counter-stroke. He prosecuted Timarchus 
 on the ground that he was a person of notorious im- 
 morality, and, as such, debarred from speaking in 
 public. Timarchus appears to have been found guilty. 
 In 343 B.C. Demosthenes brought the action in which 
 his speech de Falsa Legatione and that of Aeschines bear- 
 ing the same title were delivered, and Aeschines was 
 acquitted by the rather small majority of thirty votes. 
 In the next year Aeschines prepared for reprisals, but 
 when on the point of impeaching Demosthenes he in 
 his turn was thwarted by a counter-move on his rival's 
 part.i 
 
 In 339 B.C. Aeschines was a pylagorus at the Amphic- 
 tyonic Council, and an inflammatory speech which he 
 made there led to the outbreak of the Sacred War. 
 
 In 337 B.C., the year after the battle of Chaeronea, 
 the proposal of Ctesiphon to confer a crown on Demo- 
 sthenes for his services to Athens gave Aeschines a new 
 weapon with which to strike at his enemy. He im- 
 peached Ctesiphon for illegahty. The case was not 
 actually tried till 330 B.C., when Aeschines, failing to 
 obtain a fifth of the votes, was fined a thousand 
 drachmae, and, being unable or unwilling to pay, went 
 into exile. He retired to Asia Minor, and lived either 
 in Ephesus or Rhodes. He is said by Plutarch to have 
 spent the rest of his life as a professional Sophist, that 
 is to say, no doubt, as a teacher of rhetoric ; ^ but 
 we have no further information about his life or the 
 manner or date of his death. 
 
 1 Aesch., Ctes., §§ 222-225. 
 
 • Dent., ch. 24, irepl'FoSou kuI ^lojviav (ro<picrTevo}u KareliiuxTev. 
 
AESCHINES 167 
 
 § 2. Public Character 
 
 Aeschines cannot be considered as a statesman, since 
 he had no definite poHcy. He was, as he admitted 
 himself, an opportunist. ' Both individual and state,' 
 he says, ' must shift their groimd according to change 
 of circumstances, and aim at what is best for the time ' ; ^ 
 and though he claims to be ' the adviser of the greatest 
 of all cities,' 2 he never had in public matters any higher 
 principle than this following of the line of least re- 
 sistance. 
 
 It is necessary, however, to consider whether he was 
 actually the corrupt politician that Demosthenes makes 
 him out to be. 
 
 Athenian opinion with regard to corrupt practices 
 was less strict than ours ; Hyperides admits that there 
 are various degrees of guiltiness in the matter of receiv- 
 ing bribes ; the worst offence is to receive bribes from 
 improper quarters, i.e. from an enemy of the State, and 
 to the detriment of the State. ^ 
 
 This principle implies a corollary that to receive 
 bribes for doing one's duty and acting in the best in- 
 terests of one's country is a venial offence, if indeed it 
 is an offence at all ; in which case a man's guilt or 
 innocence may be a matter for his individual conscience 
 to determine. 
 
 Demosthenes definitely accused Aeschines of chang- 
 ing his policy in consequence of bribes received from 
 Philip. It is known that at the beginning of his public 
 life he was an opponent of Macedon, and we have his 
 
 * de Leg., § l6, toIs yiip Kaipots dvdyKr) cv/j.irepKfy^peffdai irph% rh 
 KpdriaTov Kai rdv AvSpa Kal t^v irSXiv. 
 
 ^ Ibid., § 157, 6 T^j fieyia-TTjs avfi^ovXoi 7r6Xfajy. 
 ' Hyper., adv. Dem., xxiv. 
 
i68 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 own account of his conversion on the occasion of the 
 embassy to Megalopolis : 
 
 * You reproach me for the speech which I made, as an 
 envoy, before ten thousand people in Arcadia ; you say 
 that I have changed sides, you abject creature, who were 
 nearly branded as a deserter. The truth is that during the 
 war I tried to the best of my ability to unite the Arcadians 
 and the rest of the Greeks against Philip ; but when I 
 found that nobody would give help to Athens, but some 
 were waiting to see what happened and others were march- 
 ing against us, and the orators in the city were using the 
 war as a means of meeting their daily expenses, I admit 
 that I advised the people to come to terms with Philip, and 
 make the peace which you, who have never drawn a sword, 
 now say is disgraceful, though I say that it is far more 
 honourable than the war.' ^ 
 
 After the conclusion of the peace of Philocrates the 
 accusations were more definite. Demosthenes asserts 
 that Aeschines had private interviews with Phihp 
 when on the second embassy, and that for his services 
 he received certain lands in Boeotia ; ^ he recurs to this 
 charge in the de Corona, many years later. Aeschines 
 does not deny or even mention this charge either in 
 the speech On the Embassy or in the accusation of 
 Ctesiphon. Demosthenes, having, apparently, little 
 direct evidence, tries to estabhsh his case by emphasiz- 
 ing the relations of Aeschines with the traitor Philo- 
 crates ; but this is a weak argument, for though 
 Aeschines at one time boasted of these relations, on a 
 later occasion he repudiated them, and even ventured 
 to rank Demosthenes himself with Philocrates.^ Per- 
 
 1 de Leg., § 79. 
 
 ' Dem., de Falsa Leg., §§ 145, 166-177 '> ^^ Cor., § 41. 
 
 ' Timarchus, § 174 ; Ctes., § ^S. 
 
AESCHINES 169 
 
 haps we should attach more importance to the other 
 fact urged by Demosthenes, that Aeschines from time 
 to time urged the city to accept Phihp's vague promises 
 of goodwill ; but before we condemn him on this 
 ground we must recollect that Isocrates, a man of far 
 greater intelligence than Aeschines, and of undoubted 
 honesty, had come so completely under the spell of 
 Phihp's personality as to place a thorough belief in the 
 sincerity of his professions.^ Aeschines may have been 
 duped in the same manner. 
 
 But the most severe condemnation of Aeschines* 
 policy is contained in his own speeches. 
 
 During a visit to the Macedonian army in Phocis 
 he was guilty of a gross piece of bad taste by joining r '^ 
 with Philip in dancing the paean to celebrate the 
 defeat of Phocis. He admits the charge, and main- 
 tains that it was even a proper thing to do.^ His 
 conduct at the Amphictyonic Council was far more 
 serious.^ He was invited to make a speech, and as 
 he began, was rudely interrupted by a Locrian of 
 Amphissa. In revenge it ' occurred to him ' * to recall 
 the impiety of the Amphissians in occupying the 
 Cirrhaean plain. He caused to be read aloud the 
 curse pronounced after the first Sacred War, and by 
 recalling the forgotten events of past generations 
 worked up his audience to such a pitch of excitement 
 that on the following morning — for it was too late to 
 take action that night — the whole population of- f 
 Delphi marched down to Cirrha, destroyed the har- T 
 hour buildings, and set fire to the town. Though this 
 
 1 Supra, p. 148. ' de Leg., § 163. 
 
 * Vide supra, p. 166. 
 
 * iirri\ei fxoi, Aesch., Ctes., § 118, where A. complacently relates 
 the whole incident. 
 
170 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 action undoubtedly plunged Greece into an Amphic- 
 tyonic War, Aeschines, quite regardless of the awful 
 ^^ consequences, can only dwell upon the remarkable 
 effects of his own oratory. 
 
 § 3. Personality 
 Something of the personal characteristics of Aeschines 
 may be gathered from his own writings and those of 
 Demosthenes. He must have been a man of dignified 
 presence, for even if he only played minor parts, as 
 Demosthenes so frequently asserts, he acted, on 
 occasion, in good company, as his enemy, in an un- 
 guarded moment, admitted. The conditions under 
 which Greek tragedy was performed required a majestic 
 ^ bearing even in a tritagonist, and the taunt of Demo- 
 sthenes, who calls him ' a noble statue,' makes it certain 
 that Aeschines did not fall short of these requirements. ^ 
 The words of Demosthenes probably imply that the 
 ^ dignity was overdone, that the statuesque pose of the 
 ex-actor appeared pompous and exaggerated in a law- 
 court. Aeschines himself condemned the use of excited 
 gestures by orators. He urged the necessity of re- 
 ^ straint, and often insisted that an orator should, while 
 speaking, hold his hand within his robe.^ This de- 
 clared prejudice on his part gave Demosthenes his 
 opportunity for a neat retort — ' You should keep your 
 hand there, not when you are speaking, but when you 
 go on an embassy.' ^ On this occaision Demosthenes 
 scored a point, but where wit and repartee were in 
 7/ question, the honours generally rested with Aeschines. 
 
 1 de Cor., §§ 129, 262, etc. Further, de Falsa Leg., § 246. A 
 tritagonist would ordinarily have to play the parts of kings and 
 tyrants, who must as a rule be majestic characters (cf. 6 Kpicov 
 Aitrxivrfs, de Falsa Leg., § 247). 
 
 ' Timarch., § 25. ' Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 252. 
 
AESCHINES 171 
 
 Another striking characteristic of Aeschines was his 
 magnificent voice, which he used with practised skill ; 
 Demosthenes, who had serious natural disabiHties as a 
 speaker, envied him bitterly, and in consequence was 
 always trying to ridicule his delivery.^ Conscious, no 
 doubt, of his natural advantages, to which Demo- 
 sthenes had once paid a more or less sincere tribute,^ 
 Aeschines was apparently unmoved by these taunts ; 
 but he seems to have been deeply injured when Demo- 
 sthenes compared him to the Sirens, whose voices 
 charm men to their destruction. His indignation can 
 find no repartee ; he can only expostulate that the 
 charge is indecent, and even if it were true, Demo- 
 sthenes is not a fit man to bring it ; only a man of deeds 
 would be a worthy accuser ; his rival is nothing but 
 a bundle of words. Here, recovering himself a Uttle, 
 he delivers himself of the idea that Demosthenes is as 
 empty as a flute — ^no good for anything if you take 
 away the mouthpiece.^ 
 
 In the case of other orators I have laid but little 
 stress on personal characteristics, because as a rule the 
 orator must be judged apart from his qualities as a 
 man. In considering Isaeus, for instance — an extreme 
 case, certainly — personal qualities and pecuHarities are 
 of no importance at all. But so many personal traits 
 appear in the writings of Aeschines that we cannot 
 afford to neglect them ; they form important data for 
 our estimate of him, both as a speaker and a public 
 character. There is some excuse, then, for dealing at 
 
 * Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 255, aeixvoKoyel . . . (puivaa Krja as y etc.; de 
 Cor., § 133, atfivoXbyov ; and numerous references to rpiTayuviffrvs. 
 
 2 Aesch., de Leg., § 41, ttjv (pv<Tiv /jlov fiaKapij^uVf etc. (of the 
 behaviour of Demosthenes during the first embassy). 
 
 * Cies., §§ 228-229, ^^ ovofidrtav ffvyKfi/xevos, etc. 
 
172 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 greater length with his personality than with that of 
 any other of the Attic orators. The question of his 
 pubhc morahty has already to some extent been dis- 
 cussed ; ^ an examination of his more private qualities 
 may possibly throw further light on the question of 
 his culpability. 
 
 He was, as we saw, to some extent a self-made man ; 
 he had at least risen far above the station in which he 
 was bom. All through his speeches we find traces of 
 \; his pride in the position and the culture which he has 
 attained — his vanitS de parvenu, as M. Croiset styles it. 
 He is proud of his education, and boasts of it to excess, 
 not realizing that he thus lays himself open to the 
 charge of having missed the best that education can 
 give. Demosthenes is just, though on the side of 
 severity : 
 
 ' What right have you,* he asks, * to speak of education ? 
 No man who really had received a liberal education would 
 ever talk about himself in such a tone as you do ; he would 
 have the modesty to blush if any one else said such things 
 about him ; but people who have missed a proper education, 
 as you have, and are stupid enough to pretend that they 
 possess it, only succeed in offending their hearers when they 
 talk about it, and fail completely to produce the desired 
 impression.' ^ 
 
 Aeschines considered aTracBevo-la, want of education, 
 almost as a cardinal sin, and could never conceive that 
 he himself was guilty of it.^ He displays his learning 
 by quotations from the poets, which are sometimes, it 
 must be admitted, very appropriate to his argument, 
 
 1 Supra, pp. 167-170. ' Dem., de Cor., § 128. 
 
 ' References to himself as ireiraidevfi^vos, to his adversaries as 
 diralSevToi, to their iwaidevffla, t6 d/xad^s, etc., are very common 
 in the speeches against Timarchus and on the embassy. 
 
AESCHINES 173 
 
 and by references to mythology and legend, which are 
 sometimes frigid. His use of history betrays a rather 
 superficial knowledge of the subject ; it is hardly pro- 
 bable that he had studied Thucydides, for instance. 
 Still, he possessed a fair portion of learning ; what 
 leads him astray is really his lack of taste. He is at his 
 best in the use of quotation when he adduces the lines 
 of Hesiod on the man whose guilt involves a whole city 
 in his own ruin — the passage will be quoted later. ^ 
 The verses give a real sting to his denunciations, and 
 the opinion which he expresses on the educational in- 
 fluence of poetry is both solemn and sincere. But he 
 cannot keep to this level. His much boasted education 
 results generally in an affectation of a sort of artificial 
 propriety in action and language, and a profession of 
 prudery which is really foreign to his nature. He 
 professes an admiration for the self-restraint of pubHc 
 speakers in Solon's time, and during the greatness of 
 the repubhc, and speaks with disgust of Timarchus, 
 who * threw off his cloak and performed a pancration 
 naked in the assembly.' 2 In the opening of the same 
 speech he makes a strong claim to the merit of * modera- 
 tion ' ; in the prosecution of Timarchus his moderation 
 consists in hinting at certain abominable practices, 
 which he does not describe by name. 
 
 * I pray you. Gentlemen, to forgive me if, when forced to 
 speak of certain practices which are not honourable by 
 
 1 Infra, pp. 184, 187. 
 
 2 Timarch., § 26. Aeschines adds a characteristically Greek 
 touch — ' his body was so horribly out of condition through liis 
 drunkenness and other excesses that decent people covered their 
 eyes.' It was the neglect of the body, rather than thei*exposure 
 of the arms and legs, which is exaggerated into ' nakedness,' that 
 really shocked the spectators, in addition to the ' rough-and-tumble ' 
 gestures of the orator. 
 
V 
 
 174 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 nature, but are the established habits of the defendant, I 
 am led away into using any expression which resembles the 
 actions of Timarchus. . . . The blame should rest on him 
 rather than on me. It will be impossible to avoid all use 
 of such expressions, . . . but I shall try to avoid it as far 
 as possible. ' ^ 
 
 Notice again the hypocritical reticence or ' omission ' 
 (Paraleipsis) — a rhetorical device familiar to readers of 
 Cicero — ^which insinuates what it cannot prove : 
 
 * Mark, men of Athens, how moderate I intend to be in 
 my attack on Timarchus. I omit all the abuses of which 
 he was guilty as a boy. So far as I am concerned they may 
 be no more valid than, say, the actions of the Thirty, the 
 events before the archonship of Euclides, or any other 
 hmitation which may ever have been established.' ^ 
 
 ' I hear that this creature ' (an associate of Timarchus) 
 * has committed certain abominable offences, which, I 
 swear by Zeus of Olympus, I should never dare to mention 
 in your presence ; he was not ashamed of doing these things, 
 but I could not bear to live if I had even named them to 
 you explicitly.' ^ 
 
 In spite of the prosecutor's modesty, particular 
 references to the offences of Timarchus are frequent 
 enough throughout the speech ; the reticence is as- 
 sumed for the purpose of insinuating that only a tithe 
 of the offences are really named. The whole tone of 
 the speech, therefore, is disingenuous and dishonest. 
 
 » Timarch., §§ 37-38. 
 
 2 Timarch., § 39. "A-Kvpoi is used in a double sense ; the early 
 actions of Timarchus are unratified in the sense of not proved ; 
 the actions of the Thirty are not ratified by the succeeding govern- 
 ments. It is a looseness of expression which does not spoil the 
 general sense, and there is, perhaps, an implied reference to the 
 Amnesty, declared after the expulsion of the Thirty. Similarly 
 Aeschines declares an amnesty for all the offences of Timarchus 
 before a certain date. 
 
 » Ibid., § 55. In § 70 there is a further apology. Cf. also § 76. 
 
AESCHINES 175 
 
 On the other hand, the orator's tribute to the judges' 
 respectabihty is at times overdrawn. They are in- 
 formed that ' Timarchus used to spend his days in a 
 gambhng-house, where there is a pit in which cock- 
 fights are held, and games of chance are played — I 
 imagine there are some of you who have seen the 
 things I refer to, or if not, have heard of them.' ^ No 
 large assembly could ever take quita seriously such a 
 compliment to its innocence, and it must have been 
 meant as a lighter touch to reheve the dark hues 
 aroimd it. Such playful sallies are not infrequent, and, 
 like this one, are often quite inoffensive.^ 
 
 A far more serious arraignment of the character of 
 Aeschines is brought by Blass, who, having made a very 
 careful study of the speech against Timarchus, finds a 
 strong presumption, on chronological grounds, that the 
 majority of the charges are false. It is certainly re- 
 markable that the charges of immorahty rest almost 
 entirely on the statements of the prosecutor. He 
 expresses an apprehension that Misgolas, a most im- 
 portant witness, will either refuse to give evidence 
 altogether, or will not tell the truth. To meet trouble 
 half-way like this is a very serious confession of weak- 
 ness, which is confirmed by the orator's further com- 
 ment on the state of the case. He has, he says, other 
 witnesses, but * if the defendant and his supporters 
 persuade them also to refuse to give evidence — I think 
 they will not persuade them ; at any rate not all of 
 them — there is one thing which they never can do, and 
 that is to abolish the truth and the reputation which 
 Timarchus bears in the city, a reputation which I have 
 not secured for him ; he has earned it for himself. For 
 
 1 Timarch., § 53. * Cf. infra, p. 191. 
 
176 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the life of a respectable man should be so spotless as 
 not to admit even the suspicion of oifence/ ^ 
 
 Blass considers that the minor charges, directed 
 against the reckless extravagance with which Tim- 
 archus had dissipated his inherited property, are better 
 substantiated ; but these alone would have been hardly 
 enough to secure his condemnation. 
 
 Against Blass' theories we must set the little that 
 we know about the facts. Timarchus was certainly 
 condemned and disfranchised. ^ Now an Athenian 
 jury was not infallible, and whether in an ordinary 
 court of justice or, as for this case, in the high court of 
 the ecclesia, political convictions might triumph over 
 partiality ; nevertheless, a man who was innocent of 
 the charge specifically brought against him, especially 
 if he had not only committed no real ."r-olitical offence, 
 but had played no part in political affairs — a man, 
 moreover, who had the powerful influence of Demo- 
 sthenes behind him — might reasonably expect to have 
 a fair chance of being acquitted. Aeschines himself 
 was acquitted a few years later on a political charge, 
 though his political conduct required a good deal of 
 explanation, and he had all the weight of Demosthenes 
 not for him, but against him. 
 
 Aeschines might well feel a legitimate pride at the 
 high position to which he had cHmbed from a com- 
 paratively humble starting-point ; but to reiterate 
 the reasons for this pride is a display of vanity. He 
 likes to talk of himself as * the counsellor of this the 
 greatest of cities,' as the friend of Alexander and Phihp. 
 * Demosthenes,' he says, * brings up against me the fact 
 
 ^ Timarch.y § 48. 
 
 » Dem., de Falsa Leg., §§ 2, 257. 
 
AESCHINES 177 
 
 of my friendship with Alexander. ' ^ Demosthenes retorts 
 that he has done nothing of the sort. ' I reproach 
 you, you say, with Alexander's friendship ? How in 
 the world could you have gained it or deserved it ? I 
 should never be so mad as to call you the friend of 
 either Phihp or Alexander, unless we are to say that 
 our harvesters and hirelings of other sorts are " friends " 
 and " guests " of those who have hired their services.' ^ 
 
 And again — ' On what just or reasonable groimds 
 could Aeschines, the son of Glaucothea, the tambourine- 
 player, have as his host, or his friend, or his acquaint- 
 ance, Phihp ? ' ^ Demosthenes' estimate of the posi- 
 tion is probably the truer one ; Aeschines, with all 
 his cleverness, was not the man, as Isocrates was, to 
 meet princes on terms of equality. 
 
 His vanity about his speeches and the effect which 
 they produced is attested by the various occasions on 
 which he quotes them, or refers to them. He gives a 
 summary of a speech which he made as an envoy to 
 Phihp ; * a speech delivered before the ecclesia is 
 epitomized ; ^ a speech made before * thousands and 
 thousands of Arcadians ' is mentioned.^ The notorious 
 speech delivered to the Amphictyons is quoted at some 
 length,' and its disastrous effect described, the speaker's 
 delight in his own powers blinding him completely 
 to the serious and far-reaching consequences of his 
 criminal indiscretion. 
 
 His private hfe, in spite of some damaging admis- 
 sions in the Timarchus, seems to have been satisfactory 
 
 1 ^€vla, expressing the mutual relations of host and guest, cannot 
 be adequately translated into Enghsh. 
 
 2 de Cor., § 51. ' Ibid., § 284. 
 
 * Aesch., de Leg., §§ 25-33. ^ Ibid., §§ 75-78. 
 
 « Ibid., § 79. ' Ctes., §§ 119-121. 
 
 M 
 
178 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 according to Athenian standards. Demosthenes ac- 
 cused him of offering a gross insult to an Ol5mthian 
 lady. Whether or not the statement was an entire 
 fiction, we are not in a position to judge. Aeschines 
 indignantly denies the charge, and asserts that the 
 Athenian people, when it was made, refused to listen 
 to it, in view of their confirmed respect for his own 
 character : 
 
 ' Only consider the folly, the vulgarity of the man, who 
 has invented so monstrous a lie against me as the one 
 about the Olynthian woman. You hissed him down in the 
 middle of the story, for the slander was quite out of keeping 
 with my character, and you knew me well.' ^ 
 
 Whatever his origin may have been, he was not 
 ashamed of it. He more than once refers with affec- 
 tionate respect to his father. ^ His love for his wife and 
 children is on one occasion ingeniously introduced in 
 an eloquent passage to influence the feelings of his 
 hearers. This use of ' pathos ' was familiar enough 
 to Greek audiences, but Aeschines shows his originaHty 
 by the form in which he puts the appeal — aiming 
 directly at the feelings of individual hearers for their 
 own families, rather than asking the assembly collec- 
 tively to pity the victims of misfortune : 
 
 ' I have by my wife, the daughter of Philodemus and 
 sister of Philon and Echecrates, three children, a daughter 
 and two sons. I have brought them here with the rest of 
 my family in order that I may put one question and prove 
 one point to my judges ; and this I shall now proceed to do. 
 I ask you, men of Athens, whether you think it likely that, 
 
 » Aesch., de Leg., § 153. 
 
 ' E.g.y de Leg., § 147. His esteem for his mother is expressed, 
 ibid., § 148. 
 
AESCHINES 179 
 
 in addition to sacrificing my country and the companion- 
 ship of my friends and my right to a share in the worship 
 and the burial-place of my fathers, I could betray to Philip 
 these whom I love more than anything in the world, and 
 value his friendship higher than their safety ? Have I ever 
 become so far the slave of base pleasures ? Have I ever 
 yet done anything so base for the sake of money ? No ; 
 it is not Macedon that makes a man good or bad, but 
 nature ; and when we return from an embassy we are the 
 same men that we were when you sent us out.' ^ 
 
 Lastly, he could speak of himself with dignity, as in 
 the passage, quoted above, ^ where he rebuts a charge 
 against his private character, and in the following : 
 
 ' My silence, Demosthenes, is due to the moderation of 
 my life ; I am content with a little ; I have no base desire 
 for greatness ; and so my silence or my speech is due to 
 careful dehberation, not to necessity imposed by habits 
 of extravagance. You, I imagine, are habitually silent 
 when you have got what you want ; when you have spent 
 it, you raise your voice.' ^ 
 
 § 4. Style 
 
 The vocabulary of Aeschines consists mostly of words 
 in ordinary use which require no comment. Though he 
 was a great admirer of poetry, his ordinary writing 
 does not display more poetical or unusual words than 
 that of any other orator. 
 
 The difference between his style and that of a writer 
 such as Lysias is, essentially, a difference not of voca- 
 bulary but of tone ; the tones of Aeschines are raised. 
 He tends to use words which are stronger than they 
 need be, to be ' angry ' when only surprise is called for ; 
 to be * excessively indignant ' when a moderate resent- 
 
 » de Leg., § 152. » p. 178. « Ctes., § 218. 
 
\ 
 
 i8o THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ment would meet the caise, to ' detest ' when to dislike 
 would be enough.^ He makes unnecessary appeals to 
 the gods more frequently than any other orator except 
 Demosthenes. Exaggeration is part of the secret of 
 his splendor verborum, as the Roman critic described it ; 
 but by far the greatest part is his instinct for using 
 quite ordinary words in the most effective combina- 
 tions. His best passages, if analysed, contain hardly 
 any words which are at all out of the common, and yet 
 their vigour and dignity are unquestionable. ^ The 
 ancients, however, denied purity of diction to Aeschines, 
 perhaps on account of the characteristics just described. 
 
 He is, as Blass observes, occasionally obscure ; that 
 is, it is possible to find sentences which are not quite 
 easy to understand ; but on the whole these are very 
 rare. No writer, even a Lysias, can be at all times 
 perfectly lucid.^ As a rule Aeschines is as simple in 
 the construction of his sentences as he is in the arrange- 
 ment of his speeches, and he is much easier to under- 
 stand than, for instance, Demosthenes. 
 
 He has not the consummate grace and terseness 
 which critics admire as the chief beauties of Lysias ; 
 sometimes unnecessary repetitions of a word are to be 
 found, sometimes two S5nionyms are used where one 
 word would suffice ; but such repetitions often give us 
 lucidity, though at the expense of strict form, and the 
 accumulation of s5nion5niis increases the emphasis.* 
 Only the great artist, who is perfectly confident that 
 
 * Cf. ttie frequent use of Seivdi and Seiyws — Seivrj diratSeufffa, dyai<r- 
 X^ffia ; Seivws (rxcXidfcti', d(rx'»7/ioi'ca', Aypoeiv, etc., and compounds 
 such as vTrepayavaKrQ, vir€pai<rxiJ''Ofiai. 
 
 * E.g. the fine passage about Thebes, infra, p. i86. 
 
 ' The speech of Lysias against Eratosthenes, for instance, con- 
 ains many complicated sentences which are unnecessarily obscure. 
 
 * 6p(apT<i}v tppovoivTbiv p\eTr6vT(av v/xwv. Ctes., § 94. 
 
AESCHINES i8i 
 
 he has found the right word to express adequately his 
 whole meaning in exactly the right way, can afford to 
 do without all superfluous strokes. Aeschines is not a 
 perfect artist in language ; he aims not at artistic 
 beauty but effect, to which style is nothing but a subor- 
 dinate aid. The composition of artistic prose is, for 
 him, far from being an end in itself. 
 
 His speeches were designed not to be read by literary 
 experts, but to be delivered from the platform, and he 
 aimed, not at pleasing the critics' taste but at working 
 on the passions of the ordinary citizen. Some of his 
 most important orations were not written at all, though 
 he probably preserved notes of them,^ and the three 
 which he did write out in full were preserved not for 
 their literary beauty but for their subject-matter. 
 The time for the rhetoric of culture was past ; the 
 course of events required the kind of oratory that would 
 stir men to action. As to the effectiveness of his 
 speeches, there can be no doubt. We know — on his 
 own authority, certainly ; but it has never been dis- 
 puted — how his harangue moved the Amphictyons ; 
 and we know that, without any conspicuous moral 
 qualities, with no advantages from family influence 
 and no definite political principles, he became a power 
 in Athens solely by virtue of his eloquence. 
 
 Aeschines varies the length of his sentences very 
 considerably ; some of them are long, and consist of 
 strings of participial and relative clauses. These, how- 
 ever, occur mostly in narrative passages, where such 
 discursive style is excusable : for instance, the long 
 sentences in the de Legatione, §§ 26-27, §§ 75-77, and 
 § 115, contain reports of Aeschines' own earher speeches. 
 » Cf. his frequent references to his speeches, supra, p. 177. 
 
i82 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 The first of these (§§ 26-27) is monotonous owing to the 
 series of genitives absolute which compose an inordin- 
 ately long protasis, the main verb not occurring till 
 near the end of the sentence, and then being followed 
 by another genitive clause. 
 
 A long sentence early in the Ctesiphon gives a risumi 
 of the circumstances by which the orator is impelled 
 to speak ; the clauses are mostly connected by xaC, 
 though all depend on a relative at the beginning. No 
 skill is displayed in the structure of such sentences, and 
 their possible length is limited only by the amount of 
 water in the clepsydra. Up to a certain length, they 
 are forcible, but if the Hmit is exceeded, the effect is 
 lost, for the point which the orator wishes to make is 
 too long deferred, since the main clause, containing the 
 statement which the preceding relative clauses illustrate 
 or explain, is not reached until the heavy accumulation 
 of relative clauses has wearied the perception. 
 
 In general, however, Aeschines is moderate in 
 length ; his sentences, on the average, are shorter 
 .than those of Isocrates, and he tacitly adheres to the 
 rule that a period should not be so long that it cannot 
 be uttered in one breath. 
 
 Though not pedantic, he was far from being without 
 a taste for composition. In all the speeches we find 
 examples of the deliberate avoidance of hiatus, and in 
 the de Legatione he bestowed some care on the matter. 
 
 The avoidance may generally, though not always, 
 be traced in an unusual order of words. ^ Examples of 
 harsh hiatus are rare, though there are many unim- 
 
 ^ E.g. de Leg.y § 183, toi/j eh t6p /aAXovt' ai/ry XP^^o^ iyrepovPTas. 
 Blass, vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 232, notes that there is more consistent care 
 on this point in the de Legatione than in the other two speeches. 
 
AESCHINES 183 
 
 portant instances. Quite apart from theoretical rules, 
 a good orator will instinctively avoid awkward 
 combinations of letters, for euphony is necessary 
 for fluent speaking. Aeschines, secure in the pos- 
 session of a perfect delivery, might admit sounds 
 which Isocrates and other theorists considered 
 harsh ; it was with practical declamation that he 
 was concerned. 
 
 The use of the rhetorical ' figures ' is a prominent 
 characteristic of Aeschines. The verbal contrasts 
 which Gorgias and the Sophists affected, many of which 
 seem to us so frigid and tedious, have too much honour 
 from Aeschines ; for instance, the purely formal anti- 
 thesis — * He mentions the names of those whose bodies 
 he has never seen,' ^ where the sound of the jingle — 
 ovofiara, a-wfjiara — is more important than the 
 sense. The effect of such * hke endings ' [homoeote- 
 leute) cannot as a rule be reproduced, though some- 
 times a play upon words will indicate it : e.g. ov tov 
 TpoTTov dWa TOV TOTTOV jJLOPOv fjLeTrjWa^ev — * he has 
 changed, not his habits, but only his habitation.' ^ In 
 such assonance there is an undoubted aiming at comic 
 effect. A forcible repetition of words is found in such 
 sentences as the following : ' What I saw, I reported 
 to you as I saw it ; what I heard, as I heard it ; now 
 what was it that I saw and heard about Cersobleptes ? 
 I saw . . .' etc.^ Repetitions of this and similar kinds 
 seem to break at times from the speaker's control, and 
 pass all measure.* 
 
 1 Ctes., § 99. « Ibid., § 78. » de Leg., § 81. 
 
 * Cf. Ctes., § 198, ^crrts jxh oiv h t^ rifi'/iaci t^v \//7)<poy alrei, tt]i> 6py^u 
 T^v vfiCT^pav irapaiTc'iTai, 6<rTi5 5' ip r<p vpibrtp \6y<fi t-^v \pTJ(f>ov alrel SpKow 
 alreT, ydfiov alrcc, SrjfioKpaTlav alTe7, S}v oOtc alTrjffdi oiidiv Sffiov qPt' 
 OtlTiiQhTa hipif bovvai. 
 
 y^ 
 
i84 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Aeschines does not seem to have paid any attention 
 to rhythmical writing ; his style is too free to be bound 
 by unnecessary restrictions ; verses and metrical pas- 
 sages occur sporadically, but they are rare. He seems 
 to have fallen into them by accident, since they occur 
 in positions where no special point is marked by an 
 unusual rhythm. ^ 
 Direct quotations of poetry, for which he had a 
 
 ^ great liking, are, on the other hand, very frequent. 
 
 ^ No other orator, except Lycurgus, is comparable to 
 him in this respect, and Lycurgus uses his power of 
 quotation with much less force than Aeschines, who 
 often employs it aptly. He gives us the impression 
 that serious religious conviction is at the back of his 
 quotation from Hesiod : 
 
 ' Often the whole of a city must suffer for one man's 
 sin.' 2 
 
 In other cases the quotations are excessively long and, 
 like those of Lycurgus, have hardly any bearing on 
 the point. 
 
 His metaphors are sometimes vivid and well chosen 
 — dfi'TreXovp'yelv ttjv ttoKlv — * to strip the city like a 
 vineyard ' ; evavKov rjv iraaiv — ' it was dinned into 
 everybody's ears.' Some of the most forcible occur in 
 passages which purport to be quotations or para- 
 phrases of Demosthenes : e.g. iir lotto fiiaai, ' to bridle ' 
 the war-party ; aTToppd-^eiv to ^tXinrirov (TTofiay ' to 
 
 ^ E.g. iambics, Ctes.^ § 239, A <rw0poj'u;v 6 hrjjxos ovk ide^aro ; and de 
 Leg., § 66, /.dav 8^ viL/Kra 3taXt7rw»' ffvvrjybpovv, etc. ; anapaestic effect, 
 ibid., 223, ad rh irapbv \vfxaiv6fxevos, t6 5^ fx^Wov KaTeTayyeXXd/nevoi ; and 
 a curious combination, ibid., 91, ardfriap fxcTaax^^ ''"«»' Tdyuv rg iriXei, 
 
 * Ctes.,^ 135. 3 dg Lgg^^ §§ „o, 2T, 
 
AESCHINES 185 
 
 sew up Philip's mouth.' ^ These are probably carica- 
 tures of Demosthenes' daring phrases. 
 
 Turning now from the consideration of the materials 
 to the finished product, we find that Aeschines can 
 attain a high level of style. His denunciation of the 
 sharp practices prevailing in the course of his day is 
 impressive ; we know that he is speaking the truth, 
 and he does not make the mistake of exaggerating. 
 The seriousness is relieved, but not impaired, by the 
 light thread of sarcasm which runs through the whole 
 fabric : 
 
 ' The hearing of such cases, as my father used to tell me, 
 was conducted in a way very diEerent from ours. The 
 judges were much more severe with those who proposed 
 illegal measures than the prosecutor was, and they would 
 often interrupt the clerk and ask him to read over again the 
 laws and the decree ; and the proposers of illegal measures 
 were found guilty not if they had ridden over all the laws, 
 but if they had subverted one single clause. The present 
 procedure is ridiculous beyond words ; the clerk reads the 
 illegal decree, and the judges, as if they were listening to 
 an incantation or something that did not concern them, 
 keep their minds fixed on something else. And already, 
 through the devices of Demosthenes, you are admitting a 
 disgraceful practice ; you have allowed the course of justice 
 to be changed, for the prosecutor is on his defence, and the 
 defendant conducts his prosecution ; and the judges some- 
 times forget the matter of which they are called on to be 
 arbiters, and are compelled to vote on questions which 
 they ought not to be judging. The defendant, if he ever 
 refers to the facts at all, tells you, not that his proposal was 
 legal, but that somebody else has proposed similar measures 
 before his time, and has been acquitted.' ^ 
 
 * Ctes,, §§ 192-193. 
 
i86 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 The following passage has been many times pointed 
 out, and justly, as a fine example of the higher style of 
 Aeschines' rhetoric. Taken apart from its context, 
 and without any consideration of the truth of the in- 
 sinuations which it makes, it is a notable piece of 
 * pathetic ' pleading. The Romans, with a fondness 
 for epigrammatic contrast, attributed to Aeschines 
 more of sound and less of strength than to Demo- 
 sthenes. This is true if we regard their works as a 
 whole ; but in isolated passages like this, Aeschines 
 finds his level with the best of Attic orators : 
 
 * Thebes, our neighbour Thebes, in the course of a single 
 day has been torn from the midst of Greece ; justly, per- 
 haps, for in general she followed a mistaken policy ; yet it 
 was not human judgment but divine ordinance that led 
 her into error. And the poor Lacedaemonians, who only 
 interfered in this matter originally in connection with the 
 seizure of the sanctuary, they who once could claim to be 
 the leaders of the Greeks, must now be sent up to Alexander 
 to offer themselves as hostages and advertise their disaster ; 
 they and their country must submit to any treatment on 
 which he decides, and be judged by the clemency of the 
 conqueror who was the injured party. And our city, the 
 common asylum of all Greeks, to whom formerly embassies 
 used to come from Greece to obtain their safety from us, 
 city by city, is struggling now not for the leadership of the 
 Greeks but for the very soil of her fatherland. And this 
 has befallen us since Demosthenes took the direction of our 
 policy. A passage in Hesiod contains a solemn warning 
 appropriate to such a case. He speaks, l believe, with the 
 intention of educating the people, and advising the cities 
 not to take to themselves evil leaders. 
 
 * I shall quote the lines, for I conceive that we learn by 
 heart the maxims of the poets in childhood, so that in 
 manhood we may apply them : — 
 
AESCHINES 187 
 
 ' " Often the whole of a city must suffer for one man's sin, 
 Who plotteth infatuate counsel, and walketh in evil ways, 
 On such God sendeth destruction, by famine and wasting 
 
 plague, 
 And razeth their walls and armies, and shatters their 
 
 ships at sea." ' ^ 
 
 We know that Aeschines took education very 
 seriously — more seriously, in fact, than anything else — 
 and his reference here to the educative influence of the 
 poets gives proof of his earnestness, which may have 
 been a transient emotion, but was, for the moment, a 
 strong one. 
 
 Setting apart a few such serious passages, Aeschines 
 is at his best when he is directly accusing Demo- 
 sthenes. His attacks are nearly always characterized 
 by a humorous manner which does not make them 
 any the less forcible, and they generally contain just 
 enough truth to make their malice effective. The fact 
 that Aeschines himself had too deep a respect for the 
 truth to be prodigal in the use of it does not diminish 
 the virulence of his attack on his rival's veracity, while 
 any question as to the exactitude of his statements 
 would be drowned in the laugh that followed the 
 concluding paragraph : 
 
 * The fellow has one characteristic peculiarly his own 
 when other impostors tell a lie, they try to speak vaguely 
 and indefinitely, for fear of being convicted of falsehood ; 
 but when Demosthenes seeks to impose upon you, he first 
 of all enforces his He with an oath, invoking eternal ruin 
 on himself ; secondly, though he knows that a thing never 
 can happen at all, he dares to speak with a nice calculation 
 of the day when it is going to happen ; he utters the names 
 
 ' Ctes., §§ 133-136. 
 
i88 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 of people whose faces he has never seen, thus cheating you 
 into hearing him, and assuming an air of truthfulness ; and 
 so he thoroughly merits your detestation, since, being such 
 a scoundrel as he is, he discredits the usual proofs of 
 honesty. 
 
 ' After talking in this way he gives the clerk a decree to 
 read — something longer than the Iliad, and more empty 
 than the speeches he makes or the hfe he has led ; full of 
 hopes that can never be realized, and armies that will never 
 be mustered.' ^ 
 
 The pleasing custom followed by the orators of anti- 
 quity, whether Greek or Roman, of defiling the graves 
 of the ancestors of their political opponents, and de- 
 faming their private lives, can be as well exemplified 
 from Aeschines as from his rival. Aeschines shows no 
 great originality in particular terms of abuse — Din- 
 archus has a greater variety of offensive words — but 
 the following extract from his circumstantial fictions 
 about Demosthenes is more effective, because more 
 moderate in tone, than the incredible insults with 
 which the latter described the family circumstances 
 and the career of Aeschines : ^ . 
 
 ' So, on his grandfather's account, he must be an enemy 
 of the people, for you condemned his ancestors to death ; 
 but through his mother's family he is a Scythian, a bar- 
 barian, though he speaks Greek ; so that even his wicked- 
 ness is not of native growth. And what of his daily 
 life ? Once a trierarch, he appeared again as a speech- 
 writer, having in some ridiculous fashion thrown away his 
 patrimony ; but as in this profession he came under sus- 
 picion of disclosing the speeches to the other side, he 
 bounded up on to the tribunal ; and though he took great 
 sums of money from his administration, he saved very little 
 
 * CUs.y §§ 99-IOO. « Dem., de Cor., §§ 129, 259. 
 
AESCHINES 189 
 
 for himself. Now, however, the king's treasure has 
 drowned his extravagance — ^but even that will not be 
 enough ; for no conceivable wealth can survive evil habits. 
 * Worst of all, he makes a living not out of his private 
 sources of income, but out of your danger.' ^ 
 
 But he is really at his best where some slight slip 
 on the part of his opponent gives him the opportunity 
 of magnifying a trivial incident into importance. In 
 the following caricature the indecision of Demosthenes 
 is better expressed by the vacillating language thrust 
 into his mouth than it could have been by the most 
 eloquent description in the third person : 
 
 ' While I was in the middle of this speech, Demosthenes 
 shouted out at the top of his voice — all our fellow-envoys 
 can support my statement — for in addition to his other 
 vices he is a partisan of Boeotia. What he said was some- 
 thing to this purpose : — " This fellow is full of a spirit of 
 turbulence and recklessness ; I admit that I am made of 
 softer stuff, and fear dangers afar off. However, I would 
 forbid him to raise disturbances between the States, for I 
 think that the right course is for us ambassadors not to 
 meddle with anything. Philip is marching to Thermo- 
 pylae ; I cover my face. No man will judge me because 
 Philip takes up arms ; I shall be judged for any unnecessary 
 word that I utter, or for any action in which I exceed my 
 instructions." ' ^ 
 
 The failure of Demosthenes to rise to the occasion 
 when he had the opportunity of delivering an impres- 
 sive speech before Philip, during the first embassy, 
 forms the groundwork for excellent comedy on the 
 part of Aeschines. Demosthenes, by his rival's ac- 
 count, was usually so intolerable as a companion that 
 
 * CUs., §§ 172-173- * de Leg., §§ 106-107. 
 
V 
 
 190 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 his colleagues refused to stay in the same lodging with 
 him whenever another was obtainable ; but he had 
 found opportunity to impress them with his own sense 
 of his importance as an orator. These professions are 
 well indicated in a few words. The account of his 
 failure, of PhiUp's patronizing encouragement, of the 
 fiasco in which the whole proceedings terminated, are 
 sketched with a dehcate malice that must have 
 made any defence or explanation impossible ; indeed 
 Demosthenes seems to have attempted no reply : 
 
 ' When these and other speeches had been made, it was 
 Demosthenes' turn to play his part in the embassy, and 
 everybody was most attentive, expecting to hear a speech 
 of exceptional power ; for, as we gathered later, even Philip 
 and his companions had heard the report of his ambitious 
 promises. When everybody was thus prepared to listen to 
 him, the brute gave utterance to some sort of obscure 
 exordium, half-dead with nervousness, and having made 
 a Httle progress over the surface of the subject he suddenly 
 halted and hesitated, and at last completely lost his way. 
 Philip, seeing the state he was in, urged him to take courage, 
 and not to think he had failed because, like an actor, he had 
 forgotten his part ; but to try quietly and little by httle to 
 recollect himself and make the speech as he intended it. 
 But he, having once been flurried, and lost the thread of his 
 written speech, could not recover himself again ; he tried 
 once more, and failed in the same way. A silence followed, 
 after which the herald dismissed the embassy.' ^ 
 
 Aeschines not only excelled in this class of circum- 
 stantial caricature, but he could win a laugh by a 
 single phrase. It is well known that Midias, after 
 various discreditable quarrels, put the final touch to 
 his insolence by a public assault on Demosthenes, 
 
 1 de Leg., ^^3^-35. 
 
AESCHINES 191 
 
 whose face he slapped in the theatre. Demosthenes 
 on many occasions made capital out of this assault ; 
 which fact inspires the remark of Aeschines, * His face 
 is his fortime.' ^ Of his dexterity in repartee a single 
 instance may be quoted : Demosthenes, in an out- 
 burst of indignation, had suggested that the court 
 should refuse to be impressed by the oratory of a man 
 who was notoriously corrupt, but should rather be 
 prejudiced by it against him.^ Aeschines, catching at 
 the words, rather than the spirit, retorted, * Though 
 you, gentlemen, have taken a solemn oath to give an 
 impartial hearing to both parties, he has dared to urge 
 you not to listen to the voice of the defendant.' ^ 
 
 § 5. Treatment of subjects : general estimate 
 
 During his tenure of the office of r^pa^ifiarev^ — 
 clerk to the ecclesia — Aeschines must have gained a 
 thorough knowledge of the procedure of that assembly, 
 and of law. This comes out in his general treatment 
 of his subjects, and particularly in his legal arguments, 
 which are clear and convincing. In the speech against 
 Ctesiphon, where the irregularities of the proceedings 
 about Demosthenes' crown gave him a good subject for 
 argument, he makes out a very strong case. 
 
 In the structure of his speeches he follows a chrono- 
 logical order. He realized well that the style of his 
 eloquence lent itself naturally to bright and attractive 
 narrative. His versatihty saves him from becoming 
 tedious ; at one time he can speak with a noble solem- 
 
 * Ctes.f § 212, ov K€<t>a\T)v dWd irpbaobov KiKT7}Tac. The play upon 
 words is not easy to reproduce: /ce^X^, of course, suggests K€<p- 
 riXaioy, ' principal,' or ' capital,* while irpdaodoi is ' income ' or 
 ' revenue.' 
 
 • de Falsa Leg., § 339. * Aesch., de Leg., § i. 
 
192 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 nity which reminds M. Croiset of the eloquence of the 
 pulpit,^ at another, the hghtness of his touch almost 
 conceials the bitterness of his sentiments and the serious- 
 ness of his purpose. 2 He can speak of himself with 
 dignity, of his family with true feeling ; careful argu- 
 ment succeeds to lucid narrative ; crisp interrogation, 
 reinforced by powerful sarcasm, to masterly exposition. 
 He can awaken his hearers' interest by an indication 
 of the course which he intends to follow, and this 
 interest is sustained by all the resources of an eloquence 
 which, though at times sophistical, and though dis- 
 figured by occasional blemishes, has more of natural- 
 ness and shows less traces of scholastic elaboration, 
 than that of any other great orator. He is abler than 
 Andocides, more varied than Lysias, more ahve than 
 Isaeus. 
 
 His natural gifts place him above Lycurgus, though 
 our insight into the latter's high character gives him 
 a powerful claim to our consideration. Blass ranks 
 him below Hyperides, but a study of the lighter pas- 
 sages in Aeschines leads us to believe that, had he 
 turned his attention to private cases, he might have 
 equalled or surpassed that polished orator on his own 
 chosen ground. The unanimous judgment of ancient 
 and modern times places him far below Demosthenes, 
 who stands apart without a rival ; but in one quality, 
 at least, he surpasses the paragon. Demosthenes, 
 according to the opinion of Longinus, is apt to make his 
 hearers laugh not with him but at him ; ^ Aeschines 
 never turns the laugh against himself. 
 
 1 La Litt. Grecque, iv. 643, with reference particularly to Ctes., 
 § 133 (quoted above, p. 186) and §§ 152 sqq. 
 
 » E.g. on Demosthenes, quoted supra^ pp. 187-188. 
 
 ' de Sublim.f ch. xxiv., ov y^Xwra Kivti fidXXov fj KaraYcXaTai. 
 
AESCHINES 193 
 
 Afeschines is perhaps less read than he deserves ; he 
 has suffered from historical bias, and the prevalent 
 contempt for his quaUties as a statesman has led to an 
 undue disregard of his virtues as an orator. There is 
 nothing unfamiHar in this judgment ; other orators 
 have suffered in the same way at the hands of pre- 
 judiced historians. 1 
 
 It is interesting to read the account of Aeschines in 
 Blass' Attische Beredsamkeit ; the gifted scholar appar- 
 ently starts with a strong prejudice against his author, 
 and is almost too ready to insist on his faults ; but time 
 after time he is obliged to admit the existence of positive 
 merits, and in the end he seems, almost against his will, 
 to have been forced to modify his judgment ; while 
 the care and impartiahty with which he has detailed 
 all points, good and bad ahke, provides material for a 
 more favourable estimate such as that of Croiset. 
 
 § 6. Contents of Speeches 
 
 A short account of the subject-matter of the three 
 speeches may conclude this chapter. 
 
 I. Against Timarchus. 
 
 The speech begins (§§ 1-2) with a statement of the 
 prosecutor's motives ; § 3 states the position which he 
 intends to assume — that Timarchus, by breaking the 
 laws, has made the bringing of this action inevitable. 
 Laws relating to the matter are read and fully dis- 
 cussed (§§4-36). 
 
 1 Mommsen (Book v., ch. xii. pp. 609-610, Eng. ed. of 1887) 
 could write of Cicero : ' Cicero had no conviction and no passion ; 
 he was nothing but an advocate, and not a good one.' . . . ' If 
 there is anything wonderful in the case, it is in truth not the orations 
 but the admiration which they excited.' 
 
194 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 This preliminary legal statement, apart from the 
 particular case, puts the prosecution on a sounder 
 footing than if the speech had begun at once with the 
 narrative. 
 
 §§ 37-7^- ^^^ fi'^^^ charge (immorality). Narrative 
 of the private life of Timarchus, interspersed with 
 evidence and argument as to his political disabilities. 
 
 §§ 77-93- Examples of disability imposed on other 
 grounds. Precedents for a verdict in accordance 
 with general knowledge even when the evidence is 
 defective. 
 
 §§ 94-105. The second charge. Timarchus is a 
 spendthrift. Narrative and evidence about his pro- 
 digality. 
 
 §§ 106-115. The third charge. His corruptness in 
 public life. 
 
 § 116, recapitulation. §§ 1 17-176, anticipation of 
 the defence. 
 
 §§ 177-195. Epilogue, announced beforehand (§117) 
 as an * exhortation to a virtuous life.' § 196, a short 
 conclusion — ' I have instructed you in the laws, I have 
 examined the life of the defendant ; I now retire, 
 leaving the matter in your hands.' 
 
 2. On the Embassy. 
 
 -. Demosthenes had accused Aeschines of treason ; his 
 speech, it is to be noted, dealt really with the second 
 embassy only, and the events in Athens subsequent to 
 it, though he makes some reference to the third em- 
 bassy, and implies that Aeschines was corrupt even 
 before the second. He follows no chronological order, 
 so that his story is hard to follow. Aeschines, on the 
 other hand, has a great appearance of lucidity, treating 
 
AESCHINES 195 
 
 all events in chronological order ; but this is mis- 
 leading, for, in order to divert attention from the 
 period in which his conduct was questionable, he spends 
 a disproportionate time in describing the first embassy, 
 in connection with which no accusation is made by 
 Demosthenes. 
 
 The exordium (§§ i-ii) contains a strong appeal for 
 an impartial hearing. The events of the first embassy 
 to Philip are the subject of an amusing narrative at the 
 expense of Demosthenes (§§ 12-39) i the return of the 
 envoys and their reports, etc., occupy §§ 40-55. The 
 same clearness does not appear in the rest of the speech. 
 Aeschines has to make a defence on various charges 
 brought against himself, so a plain narrative is not 
 enough. The chief charges were that Aeschines was in 
 the pay of Phihp, and that he deceived the people as 
 to PhiHp's intentions, thus leading them into actions 
 which proved disastrous. The former charge could 
 not be proved by Demosthenes, however strong his 
 suspicions were ; the facts relating to the peace of 
 Philocrates and the delay in the ratification of the 
 agreement with Philip were matters of common know- 
 ledge ; it was only a question of intention. The 
 defence of Aeschines is that he deceived the people 
 because he was himself deceived — a confession of 
 creduhty and incompetence. The narrative is not con- 
 tinuous ; details about the embassy to Philip, the em- 
 bassy to the Arcadians, and the fate of Cersobleptes, 
 are to some extent mixed together. Reference is also 
 made to some specific charges, e.g. the case of the 
 Olynthian woman, the speech before the Amphictyons, 
 the singing of the paean, etc. In the two latter cases 
 there is no defence, but an attempt at justification 
 
\ 
 
 196 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 (§§ 55-170)' The epilogue begins with an historical 
 survey of Athenian affairs, which is stolen either from 
 Andocides or from some popular commonplace book, 
 and contains the usual appeal to the judges to save the 
 speaker from his adversaries' mahce. 
 
 He ends by calling on Eubulus and Phocion to speak 
 for him. (§§ 171-178.) 
 
 Stress has been laid in these pages on the somewhat 
 disjointed character of the sections dealing with the 
 principal charges, and it cannot be denied that the 
 defence is sometimes vague ; that Aeschines seems to 
 aim not at refuting but eluding the accusations. X^ese 
 imperfections come out on an analysis ; but the speech 
 taken as a whole is a very fine piece of advocacy, and 
 makes the acquittal of the speaker quite intelligible. 
 
 3. Against Ctesiphon. 
 
 The speech opens with an elaboration of a trite 
 commonplace, modelled on the style of Andocides, 
 about the vicious cleverness of the speaker's opponents 
 and his own simple trust in the laws. Aeschines pro- 
 poses to prove that the procedure of Ctesiphon was 
 illegal, his statements false, and his action harmful. 
 (§§ 1-8.) 
 
 First charge — ' The proposal to grant a crown to 
 Demosthenes was illegal, because Demosthenes was at 
 the time liable to evOwa (§§ 9-12). All statements 
 to the contrary notwithstanding, a consideration of 
 the laws proves conclusively that Demosthenes was so 
 liable.' (§§13-31.) 
 
 Second charge — ' It was illegal for the proclamation 
 of the crown to be made in the theatre.' (§§ 32-48.) 
 
 Third charge — ' The statements on which the pro- 
 
AESCHINES 197 
 
 posal was made, viz. that the pubHc counsel and public 
 actions of Demosthenes are for the best interests of the 
 people , are false . ' (§ 49 . ) 
 
 The first two charges are dealt with by means of legal 
 argument, in which Aeschines, as usual, displays con- 
 siderable ability. The third and longest section of the 
 speech (§§ 49-176) is less satisfactory. The orator 
 proposes to set aside the private life of his enemy, 
 though he hints that many incidents might be adduced 
 to prove its general worthlessness (§§ 51-53), and to 
 deal only with his public policy. This he does, in 
 chronological order and at great length. Numerous 
 occasions are described on which the policy of Demo- 
 sthenes was detrimental to Athens. The arguments 
 with which the narrative is interspersed are often of 
 a trivial nature, consisting sometimes of appeals to 
 superstition, as when he tells us that troops were sent to 
 Chaeronea, although the proper sacrifices had not been 
 performed ; and attempts to show that Demosthenes 
 is an a\LT7]pLo<;, for whose sin the whole city must suffer. 
 Taken in detail, some of these passages are impressive ; 
 but the weakness of the whole is that Aeschines him- 
 self does not declare any serious or systematic poHcy. 
 This section contains incidentally digressions, in the 
 taste of the day, about the family and character of 
 Demos thenes.i 
 
 §§ 177-190 contain some references to heroes of anti- 
 quity, by way of invidious comparison; §§ 191-202, the 
 deterioration of procedure in the courts. ^ 
 
 §§ 203-205, recapitulation ; §§ 206-212, further in- 
 crimination of Demosthenes, and §§ 213-214, of Ctesi- 
 
 1 E.g., in particular, §§ 171-176, partly quoted supra, p. 188. 
 • Quoted supra, p. 185. 
 
iqS THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 phon. §§ 215-229, chiefly refutation of charges against 
 Aeschines. §§ 230-259, further general discussion of 
 the illegahty of the measure and the unworthiness of 
 Demosthenes. The final appeal to the past — ' Think 
 yovL not that Themistocles and the heroes who fell at 
 Marathon and Plataea, and the very graves of our 
 ancestors, will groan aloud if a crown is to be granted to 
 one who concerts wdth the barbarians for the ruin of 
 Greece ? ' ends abruptly and grotesquely with an in- 
 vocation to * Earth and Sun and Virtue and InteUi- 
 gence and Education, through which we distinguish 
 between the noble and the base.' 
 
 It reminds us strangely of the invocations put into 
 the mouth of Euripides by Aristophanes. ^ 
 
 ^ Frogs, 892, aWrip, i/xdv ^6crK7j/jLa, kuI yXiirrrrjs aTpo<t>ly^, kuI ^ijveffi, 
 etc. 
 
T 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 DEMOSTHENES 
 
 §. I. Introduction 
 
 HE art of rhetoric could go no further after 
 Isocrates, who, in addition to possessing a 
 sjtyle which was as perfect as technical dexterity 
 could make it, had imparted to his numerous dis- 
 ciples the art of composing sonorous phrases and 
 linking them together in elaborate periods. Any 
 young aspirant to literary fame might now learn from 
 him to write fluent easy prose, which would have been 
 impossible to Thucydides or Antiphon. If the style 
 seems on some occasions to have been so over-elabor- 
 ated that the subject-matter takes a secondary place, 
 that was the fault not so much of the artist as of the 
 man. Isocrates never wrote at fever-heat ; his greatest 
 works come from the study ; he is too reflective and 
 dispassionate to be a really vital force. 
 
 With Demosthenes and his contemporaries it is 
 otherwise ; they are men actively engaged in politics, 
 actuated by strong party-feeling, and swayed by per- 
 sonal passion. This was the outcome of the political 
 situation : just as feeling was strong in the generation 
 immediately succeeding the reign of the oligarchical 
 Thirty at Athens, so now, when Athens and the whole 
 of Greece were fighting not against oligarchy but the 
 empire of a sovereign ruler, the depths were stirred. 
 
 199 
 
^-. 
 
 200 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ^ A new feature in this period is the publication of 
 ^ poHtical speeches. From the time of the earhest 
 orator — Antiphon — the professional logographoi had 
 preserved their speeches in writing. The majority of 
 these were delivered in minor cases of only personal 
 importance, though some orations by Lysias and others 
 have reference indirectly to political questions. 
 
 Another class of speeches which were usually pre- 
 served is the epideictic — orations prepared for delivery 
 at some great gathering, such as a religious festival or 
 a public funeral. Isocrates was an innovator to the 
 extent of writing in the form of speeches what were 
 really political treatises ; but these were only composed 
 for the reader, and were never intended to be delivered. 
 
 Among the contemporaries of Demosthenes we find 
 some diversity of practice. Some orators, such as 
 Demades and Phocion, never published any speeches, 
 and seem, indeed, hardly to have prepared them before 
 delivery. They relied upon their skill at improvisation. 
 
 Others, for instance Aeschines, Lycurgus, and 
 Dinarchus, revised and published their judicial speeches, 
 especially those which had a political bearing. Hyper- 
 ides and Demosthenes, in addition to this, in some 
 cases gave to the world an amended version of their 
 public harangues. Demosthenes did not always pub- 
 lish such speeches ; there are considerable periods of 
 his political life which are not represented by any 
 written work ; but he seems to have wished to make a 
 permanent record of certain utterances containing an 
 explanation of his policy, in order that those who had 
 not heard him speak, or not fully grasped his import, 
 might have an opportunity for further study of his 
 views after the ephemeral effect of his eloquence had 
 
DEMOSTHENES 201 
 
 passed away. It is probable that most of the speeches 
 so pubhshed belong to times when his party was not 
 predominant in the State, and the opposition had to 
 reinforce its speech by writing. The result is of im- 
 portance in two ways, for the speeches are a serious 
 contribution to literature, of great value for the study 
 of the development of Greek prose ; and they are of 
 still greater historical value ; for, though untrust- 
 worthy in some details, they provide excellent material 
 for the understanding of the political situation, and the 
 aims and principles of the anti-Macedonian party. 
 
 § 2. Life, etc. 
 
 [-Demosthenes the orator was bom at Athens in 
 384 B.C. . His father, Demosthenes, of the deme of 
 Paeania, was a rich manufacturer of swords ; his 
 mother was a daughter of an Athenian named Gylon;] 
 who had left Athens, owing to a charge of treason, at 
 the end of the Peloponnesian War, settled in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Cimmerian Bosporus (Crimea),^ and 
 married a rich woman who was a native of that district. 
 We know nothing more of her except that Aeschines 
 describes her as a Scythian. She may have been of 
 Hellenic descent ; even Plutarch doubts the assertion 
 of Aeschines that she was a barbarian ; the suspicion, 
 however, was enough for Aeschines, who is able to call 
 his enemy a Greek-speaking Scythian. 
 
 fDemosthenes the elder died, leaving his son seven 
 years old and a daughter aged five. By his will two 
 nephews, Aphobos and Demophon, and a friend 
 
 * Aesch. {Ctes., § 171) says only dcpiKveTrai eis Bdairopov, which 
 is ambiguous, as there were several BSairopoi. The fact that he 
 calls the woman S/cv^i's seems to prove that he meant the Crimea. 
 
202 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Therippides, were appointed trustees, i The two former, 
 as nearest of kin, were, according to Attic custom, 
 to marry the widow and her daughter, but these pro- 
 visions were not carried out. ^During the years of 
 Demosthenes' minority his guardians ruined the sword 
 business by their mismanagement, and squandered the 
 accumulated profitSt^ 
 
 At the age of eighteen Demosthenes, who had been 
 brought up by his mother, laid claim to his father's 
 estate. The guardians by various devices attempted 
 to frustrate him, and three years were spent in at- 
 tempts at compromise and examinations before the 
 arbitrators. During this time Demosthenes was study- 
 ing rhetoric and judicial procedure under Isaeus, to 
 whose methods his early speeches are so deeply in- 
 debted that a contemporary remarked ' he had swal- 
 lowed Isaeus whole.' ^ At last,-when he was twenty- 
 one years old, he succeeded in bringing his wrongs 
 before a court ; thanks to the training of Isaeus he was 
 able to plead his own case, and he won it.^ The in- 
 genuity of his adversaries enabled them to involve 
 him in further legal proceedings which lasted perhaps 
 two years more. In the end he was victorious, -but by 
 the time he recovered his patrimony there was very 
 nttle of it left.- 
 
 |r Being forced to find a means of living he adopted 
 the profession of a speech-writer, which he followed 
 through the greater part of his life.^ He made speeches 
 
 ^ Pytheas, quoted by Dionysius. 
 
 * The last private speeches of which the genuineness is un- 
 doubted are dated about 346 and 345 B.C., but others, e.g. Against 
 Phormio, of which the authenticity was not questioned in ancient 
 times, go down to 326 b.c. or even later. The genuineness of the 
 Phormio is at least probable. 
 
DEMOSTHENES , 203 
 
 for others to use, as his father had made swords, and 
 he was as good a craftsman as his father. He succeeded 
 by this new trade in repairing his damaged fortunes. 
 '^ In addition to forging such weapons for the use | 
 of others, he instructed pupils in the art of rhetoric. -^| v-^ 
 This practice he seems to have abandoned soon after ■ 
 the year 345 B.C., when pubHc affairs began to have^i 
 the chief claim on his energies.^ - From that time for- 
 ward he wielded with distinction a sword of his own 
 manufacture. 
 
 It is said that as a youth barely of age he made an 
 attempt to speak in the ecclesia, and failed. His voice 
 was too weak, his dehvery imperfect, and his style un- 
 suitable. The failure only inspired him to practise 
 that he might overcome his natural defects. We are 
 famihar with the legends of his declaiming with pebbles 
 in his mouth and reciting speeches when running up 
 hill, of his studies in a cave by the sea-shore, where he--" 
 tried to make his voice heard above the thunder of the 
 waves. - 
 
 The training to which he subjected himself enabled 
 him to overcome to a great extent whatever disabihties 
 he may have suffered from, but he never had the ad- ^ '' 
 vantage of a voice and delivery such as those of 
 Aeschines. Legends current in the time of Plutarch 
 represent him as engrossed in the study of the best 
 prose-writers. He copied out the history of Thucy-.r 
 dides eight times, according to one tradition. This 
 we need not accept, but it may be taken as certain that 
 he studied the author's style carefully. He may not 
 
 1 Aesch. (in 345 b.c.) in the Timarchus, §§ 117, 170-175, refers to 
 him as a teacher. In the Embassy (343 b.c.) there is no reference 
 to this profession. 
 
204 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 have been a pupil of Isocrates or Plato, but from the 
 former he must have learnt much in the way of prose- 
 construction and rhythm, and the latter's works, 
 though he dissented from the great principle of Plato 
 that the wise man avoids the agora and the law-courts, 
 may well have inspired him with many of the generous 
 ideas which are the foundation of his policy. From 
 the study of such passages as the Melian controversy 
 and others in which the historian bases Justice upon 
 the right of the stronger, he may have turned with 
 relief to the nobler discussion of Justice in the Republic, 
 and indeed, in his view of what is right and good, 
 ^V^- Demosthenes approaches much nearer to the philo- 
 sopher than to the historian. 
 
 A professional speech-writer at Athens might make 
 a speciality of some particular kind of cases, and by 
 thus restricting his field become a real expert in one 
 department, as Isaeus, for instance, did in the probate 
 court ; or, on the other hand, he might engage in quite 
 general practice. A farmer might have a dispute with 
 his neighbours about his boundaries, or damage caused 
 by the overflow of surface water ; ^ a quiet citizen 
 might seek redress from the law in a case of assault 
 against which he was unable or unwilling to make re- 
 taliation in kind ; ^ an underwriter who had been 
 defrauded in some shady marine transaction might 
 wish to bring another knave to accoimt.^ But besides 
 these private cases, whether they are purely civil,* or 
 practically, if not technically, criminal actions, there 
 "-^ is other work of more importance for a logographos. 
 
 1 Against Callichs. ' Against Conon. 
 
 3 The speeches Against Zenothemis, Lacritus, Dionysodotus, and 
 Phormio. * E.g. Against Boeotus. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 205 
 
 The State may wish to prosecute an of&cial who has - 
 abused its trust. In times when honesty is rarer than 
 cleverness it may find the necessity of appointing a 
 prosecutor rather for his known integrity than for his 
 abihty in the law-courts. Such a prosecutor will need 
 professional assistance ; and this need evoked some of 
 the early poUtical speeches of Demosthenes, Against 
 AndroHon, Timocrates, and Aristocrates (355-352 B.c.).i 
 It is noticeable that we have no trace of his work 
 between the speeches dehvered against his guardians 
 and the first of this latter group. Probably he spent 
 these ten years partly in study and partly in the con- 
 duct of such cases as fell to the portion of a beginner. 
 In this time he must gradually have built up a repu- 
 tation, but he may not have wished to keep any record 
 of his first essays which, when he had arrived at his 
 maturity as a pleader, could not, perhaps, have seemed 
 to him worthy of his reputation. 
 V-It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of 
 these varied activities to the career of Demosthenes. 
 In the course of these early years he must have made 
 himself famiUar with many branches of the law ; he 
 was brought into intimate relations with individuals of 
 all classes, and all shades of political opinion. ^ In 
 order to be of use vicariously in poUtical cases he must 
 have made a careful study of poHtics. Such studies 
 were of great value in the education of a statesman, 
 and by means of the semi-pubHc cases in which he 
 was engaged, though not on his own account, and 
 perhaps not always in accordance with his convictions, 
 his own poUtical opinions must gradually have been 
 formed. 
 V-In 354 B.C., the year after the trial of Androtion, 
 
2o6 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Demosthenes appeared in person before the dicastery 
 on behalf of Ctesippus in an action against Leptines. 
 This was a case of some poUtical importance. A few 
 months later he came forward in the assembly to 
 deliver his speech On the Symmories, which was shortly 
 followed by another public harangue On behalf of the 
 people of Megapolis (353 B.C.). Two years later he 
 
 r came to the front not as a mere pleader, but a real 
 
 i counsellor of the people, and began the great series of 
 
 ^ Philippics. 
 |- His career from this point onward is divided natur- 
 ally into three periods. 
 
 hin the first, 351-340 B.C., he was in opposition to the 
 party in power at Athens. The beginning of it is 
 marked by some famous speeches, the First Philippic 
 and the first three Olynthiac orations (351-349 b.c.).-| 
 
 ^Till this time the Athenians had not realized the signi- 
 ficance of the growth of the Macedonian power. It 
 . was only eight years since Philip, on his accession to 
 the throne, had undertaken the great task of uniting 
 the constituent parts of his kingdom which had long 
 been torn by civil war, of fostering a national feeling, 
 and creating an army. He had won incredible successes 
 in a few years. n By a combination of force and deceit 
 he had made himself master of Amphipolis and Pydna 
 in 357 B.C. In the following year he obtained pos- 
 session of the gold mines of Mt. Pangaeus, which gave 
 him a source of inexhaustible wealth, and enabled him 
 to prepare more ambitious enterprises. This was an 
 important crisis in his career : the bribery for which 
 
 "* he was famous and in which he greatly trusted could 
 now be practised on a large scale. 
 
 In the early speeches of Demosthenes there is Httle 
 
DEMOSTHENES 207 
 
 reference to Philip ; he is certainly not regarded as a 
 dangerous rival of Athens. There is a passing mention 
 of him in the Leptines (384 B.C.) ; ^ in the Aristocrates 
 he plays a larger part, but is treated almost contemp- 
 tuously : ' You know, of course, whom I mean by this 
 Philip of Macedon * (care Stjttov ^iXiinrov tovtovl rov 
 MaKehova) is the form in which his name is intro- 
 duced (§111). He is considered as an enemy, but only 
 classed with other barbarian princes, such as Cerso- 
 bleptes of Thrace. 
 
 But Philip was not content with annexing towns 
 and districts in his own neighbourhood in whose in- 
 tegrity Athens was interested — Amphipolis, Pydna, 
 Potidaea, Methone, and part of Thrace. He interfered 
 in the affairs of Thessaly, which brought the trouble 
 nearer home to Athens (353 B.C.). In 352 B.C. he 
 proposed to pass through Thermopylae, and take part 
 in the Sacred War against Phocis, but here Athens 
 intervened for the first time and checked his pro- 
 gress. 
 
 After this one vigorous stroke the Athenians, in 
 spite of Philip's renewed activities in Thrace and 
 on the Propontis, relapsed into an apathetic indiffer- 
 ence, from which Demosthenes in vain tried to rouse 
 them. 
 
 — The language of the First Philippic shows that 
 Demosthenes fully recognized the seriousness of the 
 situation, and the imminent danger to which the com- 
 placency of his countrymen was exposing them ; he 
 wishes to make them feel that the case, though not yet 
 desperate, is likely to become so if they persist in doing 
 
 1 § 61. ' Pydna and Potidaea, which are subject to Phihp and 
 hostile to you.' Also § 63. 
 
2o8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 nothing, while a whole-hearted effort will bring them 
 into safety again :^ 
 
 § 2. ' Now, first of all, Gentlemen, we must not despair 
 about the present state of affairs, serious as it is ; for our 
 greatest weakness in the past will be our greatest strength 
 in the future. What do I mean ? I mean that you are 
 in difiiculties simply because you have never exerted your- 
 selves to do your duty. If things were as they are in spite 
 of serious effort on your part to act always as you should, 
 there would be no hope of improvement. Secondly, I 
 would have you reflect on what some of you can remember 
 and others have been told, of the great power possessed not 
 long ago by Sparta ; yet, in face of that power you acted 
 honourably and nobly, you in no wise detracted from your 
 country's dignity ; you faced the war unflinchingly in a 
 just cause. . . .' 
 
 § 4. * If any of you thinks that Phihp is invincible, 
 considering how great is the force at his disposal, and how 
 our city has lost all these places, he has grounds for his 
 belief ; but let him consider that we once possessed Pydna, 
 Potidaea, and Methone, and the whole of that district ; 
 and many of the tribes, now subject to him, were free and 
 independent and better disposed to us than to Macedon. 
 If Philip had felt as you do now, that it was a serious matter 
 to fight against Athens because she possessed so many 
 strongholds commanding his own country, while he was 
 destitute of aUies, he would never have won any of his 
 present successes, or acquired the mighty power which now 
 alarms you. But he saw clearly that these places were the 
 prizes of war offered in open competition ; that the pro- 
 perty of an absentee goes naturally to those who are on 
 the spot to claim it, and those who are willing to work 
 hard and take risks may supplant those who neglect their 
 chances. ' 
 
 § 8. 'Do not imagine that he is as a God, secure in 
 eternal possession. There are men who hate and fear and 
 
DEMOSTHENES 209 
 
 envy him, even among those who seem his closest associates. 
 These feelings are for the present kept under, because 
 through your slowness and your negligence they can find 
 no opening. These habits, I say, you must break with. ' 
 
 § 10. * When, I ask, when will you be roused to do your 
 duty? — ^When the time of need comes, you say. What 
 do you think of the present crisis ? I hold that a free nation 
 can never be in greater need than when their conduct is of 
 a kind to shame them. Tell me, do you want to parade 
 the streets asking each other, *' Is there any news to-day ? " 
 What graver news can there be than that a Macedonian 
 is crushing Athens and dictating the policy of Greece ? 
 " Philip is dead," says one. " Oh no, but he is ill," says 
 another. What difference does it make to you ? Even 
 if anything happens to him you will very soon call into 
 existence a second Philip if you attend to your interests 
 as carefully as you are doing now. For it is not so much 
 his own strength as your negligence that has raised him 
 to power.' 
 
 The orator proceeds to give detailed advice for the j 
 conduct of the war ; he asks for no * paper forces,' ^ 
 such as the assembly is in the habit of voting, irre- 
 spective of whether they can be obtained or not — ten 
 or twenty thousand of mercenaries or the like. He 
 requires a small but efficient expeditionary force, of 
 which the backbone is to be a contingent of citizen- * 
 hoplites, one quarter of the whole ; a small but efficient 
 fleet, and money to pay both army and navy — this was 
 a matter often overlooked by the assembly — and an 
 Athenian general in whom the host will have confid- 
 ence. The advice was moderate and sound in the 
 extreme. Demosthenes probably knew what he was 
 talking about when he said that two thousand hoplites, 
 
 1 iiriaroXi/JLalovs dvvdfxeii, § 19. 
 
210 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 two hundred cavalry, and fifty triremes were enough 
 for the present. A resolute attack on Philip by such a 
 force would probably have put fresh heart into the 
 many enemies whom he had not yet completely 
 subdued. 
 
 There is a further point which marks the difference 
 between the present advice and that of previous coim- 
 sellors. The army is not to be enlisted for a particular 
 expedition only ; it is to be maintained at its original 
 strength as long as may be necessary. ^ Soldiers will 
 serve for a certain Hmited time, and at the end of their 
 term will be replaced by fresh troops. ^ The army 
 which he suggests will not be enough to defeat Philip 
 unaided, but enough to produce a strong impression. 
 They might send a large force, but it would be un- 
 wieldy, and they could not maintain it.^ 
 
 The First Philippic failed to produce the effect 
 desired. The Olynthiac speeches which closely followed 
 it were also ineffectual. In 349 B.C. Philip seized a 
 pretext for making war on Olynthus, which appealed for 
 help to Athens. The alliance, which had been sought 
 in vain in 357 and 352 B.C., was now, apparently, 
 granted with little opposition, and Chares with two 
 thousand mercenaries sent to the help of the Olynthian 
 league. Demosthenes tries to emphasize the import- 
 ance of the situation^ the aid which has been voted is 
 not enough ; they ought to act at once, sending two 
 forces of citizens, not mercenaries ; the one to protect 
 Olynthus, the other to harass Philip elsewhere. Large 
 
 * § 19, Sivaixiv . . . '^ (ruvexws iro\einif)(Tei. . . . 
 
 * § 21, XP^^^^ TaKTbv a-rparevofi^povs, fir] fiuKpov rovrov, dW 6aov tv 
 doKTJ KoXQi ^X* "'» ^'f Siadoxrjs dXXiJXois. 
 
 ' § 23, 0^ Toipvv viripoyKov avT-f^v {oi> y^p (ari fxicrdbt 0^5^ Tpo<f>^), oid^ 
 waPTeXQs raveiv^v elvai 8eT, 
 
DEMOSTHENES 211 
 
 supplies of money are necessary, and he hints that the 
 Athenians have such supplies ready at hand. He 
 refers to the Festival Fund (decopiKov), but concern- 
 ing this he is in a delicate position. The ministry of 
 Eubulus was in power, and a law of Eubulus had 
 pronounced any attempt to tamper with the dempcKov 
 a criminal offence. Demosthenes, being one of a weak 
 minority, could only move cautiously, suggesting that 
 a change of administration was desirable, but not 
 proposing a definite motion. 
 
 V There is a marked difference in tone between the 
 first two speeches and the third. In the former 
 Demosthenes insists that everything is still to be done, 
 but he points out that there are many weak points in 
 Philip's armour, and a vigorous and united policy may 
 still defeat him. In the third he makes it clear that 
 the opportunity is past, and the lost ground can only 
 be recovered by desperate measures. He openly 
 advocates the conversion of the Festival Fund 
 into a military chest, and this is the main theme 
 of the oratjon, to which every argument in turn 
 leads up.i -\ 
 
 '• The efforts of Athens were dilatory and insufficient ; 
 Olynthus and the other cities of the Chalcidian League 
 fell in the following year (349 B.C.) ; they were de- 
 stroyed, and all the inhabitants made slaves. \ Attempts 
 to unite the Peloponnesian States against the common 
 enemy were futile, and negotiations were begun 
 between Philip and Athens. They were conducted at 
 first informally by private persons, but in 347 B.C., on 
 
 1 I have assumed the traditional order of the Olynthiac speeches 
 to be the correct one. The question is much disputed, and is 
 lucidly discussed by M. Weil in his introductions to the speeches 
 {Les Harangues de Wmosth^ne). 
 
212 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the proposal of Philocrates, an embassy was sent to 
 Philip. Philip's answer, received in 346 B.C., de- 
 manded that Phocis and Halus should be excluded 
 from the proposed treaty. Demosthenes contested 
 this point, but Aeschines carried it. A second em- 
 bassy was sent, and the discreditable Peace of Philo- 
 crates was signed. The result was the ruin of Phocis. 
 Although Demosthenes disapproved of the peace, later 
 in the year, in his speech On the Peace, he urged Athens 
 to keep its conditions, arguing that to break it would 
 bring upon them even greater disaster. 
 
 In consequence of the peace, Philip had been able to 
 convoke the Amphictyonic Council, and pass a vote 
 for the condemnation of Phocis. Twenty-two towns 
 were destroyed, and the Phocian votes in the Council 
 transferred to Philip, who was also made president of 
 the Pythian Games. Thus the barbarian of a few years 
 ago had received the highest religious sanction for*his 
 claim to be the leader of Greece. Athens alone, whose 
 precedence he had usurped, refused to recognize him, 
 and Demosthenes saw that to persist in a hostile atti- 
 tude might involve all the States in a new Amphictyonic 
 war. It was better to surrender their scruples, and 
 to regard the convention not, indeed, as a permanent 
 peace, but a truce during which fresh preparations might 
 be made. Six years of nominal peace ensued, during 
 which Philip extended his influence diplomatically. 
 Whether from principle or policy he treated Athens 
 with marked courtesy, and, through his agents, made 
 vague offers of the great services which he was prepared 
 to render. Many of the citizens believed in his sin- 
 cerity, notably Isocrates, who in 346 B.C. spoke of the 
 baseless suspicions caused by the assertions of mahcious 
 
DEMOSTHENES 213 
 
 persons, that Philip wished to destroy Greek freedom. ^ 
 Demosthenes was never duped by these professions. ^ 
 He was now a recognized leader, and was gathering to 
 his side a powerful body of patriotic orators such as 
 Lycurgus and Hyperides. Phihp, after organizing 
 the government of Thessaly and allying himself with 
 Thebes, interfered in the Peloponnese by supporting 
 Messene, Arcadia, and Argos against Sparta. 
 
 An Athenian embassy, led by Demosthenes, was 
 sent to these states to advise them of the danger which 
 they incurred by their new alliance. Some impression 
 was produced, and apparently an embassy was sent by 
 some of the states to Athens. In reply to their re- 
 presentations, of which no trace is preserved, Demo- "" 
 sthenes delivered the Second Philippic. In it he ex- -^ 
 poses the king's duphcity. ' The means used by 
 Athens to coimteract his manoeuvres are quite in- 
 adequate ; we talk, but he acts. We speak to the 
 point, but do nothing to the point. Each side is 
 superior in the line which it follows, but his is the more 
 effective line (§§ 1-5). Philip's assurances of goodwill 
 are accepted too readily. He realized that Thebes, in 
 consideration of favours received, would further his 
 designs. He is now showing favour to Messene and 
 Argos from the same motive. He has paid Athens the 
 high comphment of not offering her a disgraceful 
 bargain (§§ 6-12). His past actions betray him ; as he 
 made the Boeotian cities subject to Thebes, he is not 
 likely to free the Peloponnesian States from Sparta. 
 He knows that he is really aiming at you, and that you ,, . 
 are aware of it ; that is why he is ever on the alert, ' 
 and supports against you Thebans and Peloponnesians, 
 
 ^ Isocr,, Philippus, § 73-74. 
 
214 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 who, he thinks, are greedy enough to swallow his 
 present ofers, and too stupid to foresee the conse- 
 quences ' (§§ 12-19). The epilogue contains an in- 
 dictment of those whose policy is to blame for the 
 present troubles. In accordance with Demosthenes* 
 general practice Aeschines and Philocrates, at whom 
 he aims the charge, are not mentioned by name. 
 
 The anti-Macedonian party grew in strength in 
 343 B.C. Hyperides impeached Philocrates, who re- 
 tired into exile and was condemned to death. About 
 the same time Demosthenes himself brought into court 
 an action against Aeschines, which had been pending 
 for three years, for traitorous conduct in connexion 
 with the embassy to Philip. The position was a diffi- 
 cult one for two reasons : his own policy in that matter 
 could not be sharply distinguished from that of 
 Aeschines ; the accusation depended largely on dis- 
 crimination of motives, and he had practically no proof 
 of the guilt of Aeschines. Considering the technical 
 weakness of the prosecutor's case it is not surprising 
 that Aeschines escaped ; it is more remarkable that 
 he was acquitted only by a small majority. 
 
 In 342 B.C. Philip, whose influence in the Pelopon- 
 nese had sHghtly waned, began a fresh campaign in 
 Thrace, and in 341 B.C. had reached the Chersonese. 
 The possession of this district meant the control of the 
 Dardanelles, and, as Athens still depended largely on 
 the Black Sea trade for her com supply, his progress 
 was a menace to her existence. Diopeithes, an 
 Athenian mercenary captain, had in 343 B.C. taken 
 settlers to Cardia, a town in the Chersonese in nominal 
 alliance with Macedon. Cardia was unwilling to 
 receive them, and PhiHp sent help to the town. Dio- 
 
DEMOSTHENES 215 
 
 peithes, who, in accordance with the habit of the times, 
 in order to support his fleet, exacted ' benevolences ' 
 from friends and foes impartially, happened to plunder 
 some districts in Thrace which were subject to Mace- 
 don. Philip addressed a letter of remonstrance to 
 Athens, and his adherents in the city demanded the 
 recall of Diopeithes. Demosthenes in his speech On 
 4^ the Chersonese urged that the Chersonese should not be 
 abandoned at such a crisis : a permanent force must 
 be maintained there. He defends the actions of 
 Diopeithes by an appeal to necessity. The Athenians 
 were in the habit of voting armaments for foreign 
 service without voting them supplies ; consequently 
 the generals had to supply themselves. 
 
 ' All the generals who have ever sailed from Athens take 
 money from Chios, Erythrae, or from any other Asiatic 
 city they can. Those who have one or two ships take less ; 
 those with a larger force take more. Those who give, 
 whether in large or small amounts, are not so mad as to 
 give them for nothing ; they are purchasing protection for 
 merchants sailing from their ports, immunity from ravages, 
 safe convoy for their own ships and other such advantages. 
 They will tell you that they give '* Benevolences," which is 
 the term applied to these extortions. 
 
 ' Now in the present case, since Diopeithes has an army, 
 it is obvious that all these people will give him money. 
 Since he got nothing from you, and has no private means to 
 pay his soldiers with, where else do you imagine he can get 
 money to keep them ? Will it fall from the skies ? Un- 
 fortunately, no. He has to live from day to day on what 
 he can collect and beg and borrow. ' ^ 
 
 In addition to including a plan of campaign, the 
 speech contains, as many of the orations do, a frank 
 
 1 Chers., §§ 24-26. 
 
216 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 statement of the position of affairs, and the usual in- 
 vectives against Athenian apathy. The concluding 
 section, however, contains a more solemn warning than 
 is usual, showing that Demosthenes almost despairs of 
 success. 
 
 * If you grasp the situation as I have indicated, and 
 cease to make light of everything, it may be, it may be that 
 even now our affairs may take a favourable turn ; but if 
 you continue to sit still and confine your enthusiasm to 
 expressions of applause and votes of approval, but shirk 
 the issue when any action is required of you, I cannot 
 conceive of any eloquence which, without performance of 
 your duty, can guide our State to safety. ' ^ 
 
 ^ The Third Philippic was dehvered in the same year 
 (341 B.C.). The situation is in all essentials the same. 
 Demosthenes again demands that help should be sent 
 to the Chersonese and the safety of Byzantium assured ; 
 but he does not enlarge on these points, which have 
 been treated by previous speakers. ^ ' We must help 
 them, it is true, and take care that no harm befalls them ; 
 but our deliberations must be about the great danger 
 which now threatens the whole of Greece.' ^ It is 
 this breadth of view which distinguishes the Third 
 y^ V Philippic, and makes it the greatest of all the public 
 
 ' harangues. 
 
 In the Chersonese Demosthenes had suggested the 
 dispatch of numerous embassies ; he now enlarges on 
 this topic ; the interests of Athens must be identified 
 with those of all Greece, and all States must be made 
 
 I to realize this. Philip's designs are against Greek 
 liberty as a whole ; Athens must arm and put herself 
 at the head of a great league in the struggle for freedom. 
 
 M 77- ' § 19- ' § 20. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 217 
 
 ' I pass over Olynthus, Methone, and Apollonia, and 
 thirty-two cities in the Thracian district, all of which he has 
 so brutally destroyed that it is hard for a visitor to say 
 whether they were ever inhabited. I am silent about the 
 destruction of a great nation, the Phocians. But how fares 
 Thessaly ? Has he not deprived the cities of their govern- 
 ments, and established tetrarchies, in order that they may 
 be enslaved, not only city by city, but tribe by tribe ? 
 Are not the cities of Euboea now ruled by tyrants, though 
 that island is close on the borders of Thebes and Athens ? 
 Does he not expressly state in his letters " I am at peace 
 with those who will obey me " ? And his actions corro- 
 borate his words. He has started for the Hellespont ; 
 before that he visited Ambracia ; he holds in the Pelopon- 
 nese the important city of EUs ; only the other day he made 
 plots against Megara. Neither Greece nor the countries' 
 beyond it can contain his ambition.' ^ 
 
 This short extract is a fair example of Demosthenes* 
 vigorous use of historical argun^ent, but it can give 
 little idea of the speech as a whole. r It abounds, indeed, 
 in enumerations of recent events bearing on the case, 
 and in contrasts between the present and the past. 
 
 This running appeal to example to a great extent 
 takes the place of reasoned argument, but the effect of 
 the whole, with its combined appeals to feeling and 
 reason, is convincingly strong. H 
 
 The orator himself must have attached great im- 
 portance to this speech as an exposition of his policy, 
 for he appears to have published two recensions of itr^ 
 Both are preserved in different families of MSS. The 
 shorter text contained in S (Parisinus) and L {Lauren- 
 tianus) omits many phrases and even whole passages 
 which occur in the other group. It is beheved that the 
 
 1 §§ 26-27. 
 
2i8 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 shorter is the final form in which Demosthenes wished 
 to preserve the speech.* 
 )r The Fourth Philippic contains the suggestion that 
 
 • - I Athens should make overtures to the Persian king for 
 ' help against Phihp. The speech is probably a forgery, 
 but one of a peculiar kind. About a third of the text 
 consists of passages taken directly from the speech 
 On the Chersonese, and one division (§§ 35-45) is in 
 favour of a distribution of the Theoric Fund, which is 
 quite opposed to the policy of the Olynthiacs and the 
 Chersonese speech. On the other hand, some passages 
 are in a style and tone quite worthy of Demosthenes, 
 and consistent with his views. There can be little 
 doubt that we have here a compilation from actual 
 speeches of Demosthenes, expanded by a certain 
 amount of rhetorical invention. The * answer to 
 Phihp's letter ' and the speech irepl o-vvrd^eco^ are, 
 on the other hand, simple forgeries. This concludes 
 • the list of the Philippic speeches. 
 
 \- Y ^^^ record of Demosthenes' pubhc speeches ceases 
 with the Third Philippic, at the moment when his 
 eloquence had reached its greatest height. The great 
 speeches belong to the years of opposition ; now, after 
 
 1 The subject is admirably discussed by M. Weil {Les Harangues 
 de Ddmosihine (2nie 6d.), pp. 312-316). His axguments should be 
 carefully read by those interested in the subject. I quote only his 
 conclusions : ' Nous avons dej4 vu que plusieurs passages, qui 
 manquent dans S et L, ne pouvaient guere emaner que de Demo- 
 sth^ne lui-meme ' (p. 314). ' Le resultat de cet examen, c'est que 
 nous nous trouvons en presence de deux textes egalement autoris6s, 
 et que les additions et les modifications qui distinguent I'un de 
 I'autre doivent etre attribuees a I'orateur lui-meme . . .' (p. 315)- 
 These conclusions are adopted by Blass (Ati. Bered., 1893) and 
 Sandys (1900), who, however, considers that the shorter version 
 was the orator's first draft. Butcher {Demosthenes , 3rd ed., 191 1) 
 considers that the shorter text represents ' the maturer correction 
 of the orator.' 
 
DEMOSTHENES 219 
 
 eleven years of combat, he had estabhshed himself 
 as chief leader of the assembly. He spoke, no doubt, 
 frequently and impressively, but, engaged in im- 
 portant administrative work, he had no leisure or need^ 
 for writing. 
 
 The years 340-338 B.C. were a time of vigorous re- 
 vival for Athens. For a short but brilliant period it ^ 
 seemed that the city-state might emerge triumphant 
 from the struggle against monarchy. Enthusiasm 
 inspired the patriotic party to noble efforts. Euboea 
 was removed from Philip's influence, and Athens in- 
 augurated a new league, including Acarnania, Achaea, 
 Corcyra, Corinth, Euboea, and Megara. Philip himself 
 suffered a check before Byzantium, which had ap-. 
 pealed to Athens for help, and had not called in vain. }' 
 
 In internal affairs, a new trierarchic law not only 
 increased the efficiency of the fleet, but abolished a 
 great social grievance by making the burden of trier- 
 archy fall on all classes in just proportion to their 
 means, whereas hitherto the poorer citizens had 
 suffered unduly. A still greater reform was the exe- 
 cution of the project, so long cherished, for applying 
 the Theoric Fund to the expenses of war (339 B.C.). 
 In 338 B.C. Lycurgus was appointed to the Ministry of ^ 
 Finance, an office which he was to fill with exceptional 
 efficiency for twelve years to come. 
 
 But PhiHp held many strings, and was most dan- 
 gerous when he seemed to turn his back on his enemies. 
 Unsuccessful on the Hellespont, he withdrew his fleet 
 and undertook an expedition by land against a Scythian 
 prince who had offended him. This journey had no 
 direct relation to his greater designs, and Athens was 
 pleased to think that he might be defeated or even 
 
220 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 killed. He was, indeed, wounded, but he returned to 
 Macedonia in 339 B.C., having accomplished what was 
 probably his chief object, to restore the confidence of 
 his soldiers after their reverses in recent encounters 
 with the Greeks. 
 
 Meanwhile events in Greece, which perhaps were 
 partly directed by his influence, pursued a course 
 favourable to his plans. 
 
 In 340 B.C. two enemies of Demosthenes, Midias and 
 Aeschines, represented Athens as pylagorae at the 
 Amphictyonic Council. Aeschines describes how, ap- 
 parently from no political motive but for the satis- 
 faction of a personal grudge, he himself inflamed the 
 passions of the Amphictyons to the point of declaring 
 a sacred war against the Locrians of Amphissa. Any 
 war between Greeks was to PhiHp's advantage. The 
 Amphictyonic War was carried on in a dilatory way, 
 and in the autumn of 339 B.C. the Council, still under 
 the influence of Aeschines, nominated Philip to carry 
 the affair to a conclusion. The king had recovered 
 quickly from his wound, and eagerly embraced the 
 sacred mission which allowed him to pass through 
 Thessaly and Thermopylae unmolested. On reaching 
 Elatea, once the principal town of Phocis, but now 
 desolate, he halted and began to put the place in a 
 state of defence. The news was received at Athens 
 with great consternation, as Demosthenes vividly 
 describes.^ Aji assembly was hastily summoned, and 
 Demosthenes explained the full import of this action. 
 It was a threat to Athens and Thebes alike. All the 
 masterly eloquence of the great statesman was exerted 
 to the utmost of his powers to induce Athens to forget 
 
 1 de Cor., §§ 169-170. 
 
DEMOSTHENES z2T 
 
 long-standing enmities and offer to Thebes the help of --^ 
 her entire fighting force freely and unconditionally. It 
 was probably the greatest triumph of eloquence ever \ 
 known that Demosthenes was successful in his plea. J 
 War was inevitable sooner or later, and it is greatly 
 to his credit that he brought about the Theban alliance, 
 though it ended disastrously for all the Greeks con- 
 cerned in the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.). 
 
 Henceforward the influence of Athens on external 
 affairs was strictly limited, though she retained her 
 independence, for Philip was a generous foe.^ Demo- 
 sthenes busied himself with internal matters ; to him 
 was committed the repair of the fortifications, to the 
 expense of which he gave a contribution of 100 minae. 
 For this act Ctesiphon proposed in 337 B.C. that he 
 should be rewarded with a gold crown. Aeschines 
 indicted Ctesiphon for an illegal motion, and the famous 
 case of The Crown, which produced great speeches from ^\ 
 both the rivals, was the result. The case, however, 
 was not heard till six years later, 
 r In 336 B.C. Phihp was murdered. Demosthenes set 
 the example of rejoicing by appearing in public 
 crowned with flowers, though he was in mourning for "^ 
 his daughter at the time. The great hopes which the 
 city-states had entertained were dashed to the ground 
 by the energy of Alexander, who, though only twenty |^ 
 years old, proved himself an even greater general and 
 statesman than his father. 
 
 V Thebes was induced to revolt by Demosthenes, who 
 was supported by Persian gold, but Alexander crushed 
 
 ^ Philip seems to have had a genuine admiration for Athens, 
 and always treated her with extraordinary consideration. For a 
 full appreciation of this attitude see Hogarth, Philip and Alexander. 
 
222 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 "^^ and destroyed Thebes before help could reach it, and 
 
 sent an ultimatum to Athens. He demanded the 
 
 ^' surrender of Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and eight other 
 
 orators of their party. They were saved, it appears, 
 
 by the intervention of Demades.^ 
 
 Alexander departed for Asia, and Athenian states- 
 men were left to quarrel about the politics of their city. 
 It was now that the great case in which Demosthenes 
 and Aeschines were concerned came up for trial. 
 The matter nominally in dispute was only a pretext ; 
 it was really a question of reviewing and passing judg- 
 ment on the pohtical Hfe of the two great antagonists 
 for the last twenty years. 
 
 The charges of illegality brought against Ctesiphon 
 were three : (i) That the decree, falsely asserting that 
 Demosthenes had done good service to the State, in- 
 volved the insertion of a lie into the public records. 
 (2) That it was' illegal to crown an official who, like 
 Demosthenes, was still subject to audit. (3) That 
 proclamation of the crowning in the theatre was illegal. 
 
 On (2) and (3), the technical points, the prosecutor 
 had a strong case, but the first section was the only one 
 of real importance, since the process was really aimed 
 at Demosthenes. The main part of the speech of 
 Aeschines against Ctesiphon is accordingly devoted 
 ^"^ to an indictment of the public life of Demosthenes. 
 — " Four periods are taken : (i) From the war about 
 Amphipolis to the peace of Philocrates (357-346 B.C.). 
 (2) The years of peace (346-340 B.C.). (3) The 
 ministry of Demosthenes (340-33S B.C.). (4) The 
 years after Chaeronea (33^-33^ B.C.). 
 
 The reply of Demosthenes [de Corona) is mainly con- 
 
 1 Plut., Dem., ch. xxiii. 
 
DEMOSTHENES , 223 
 
 cemed with a defence of his own pohc}^ the technical 
 points on which the issue nominally depended being 
 kept very much in the background. It is remarkable 
 that in dealing with the early years he makes no 
 attempt to take credit for the great speeches by which 
 in that time he attempted to influence his country — 
 the First Philippic and the three Olynthiacs. He dis- 
 cusses chiefly, the peace negotiations. He speaks more 
 fully of the second period, and lays the greatest stress 
 on the third — the years during which he was the ac- 
 knowledged leader of the people, so that an eulogy of 
 the national policy must involve a tribute to his own 
 patriotism. Only short allusions are made to the last 
 period, the years since the battle of Chaeronea. 
 
 The order is not chronological, and the structure is 
 not apparently systematic ; nevertheless the de Corona 
 is the greatest of all Athenian speeches. 
 
 The speech cannot be represented by extracts ; it 
 must be read as a whole to be appreciated. All that a 
 summary can do is to draw attention to the peculiarities 
 of structure, which are possibly due in some measure 
 to the length of the speech and the variety of the sub- 
 jects which have to be treated : ^ 
 
 1. §§ 1-8. The conventional exordium, in this case 
 
 both introduced and finished by a solemn 
 prayer. 
 
 2. §§ 9-52. Refutation of the calumnies uttered by 
 
 Aeschines. This section consists chiefly of 
 Demosthenes' own version of the negotiations 
 for the peace of 346 B.C., showing that Aeschines 
 and his associates were really guilty of treason 
 in their dealings with Philip. 
 
 1 See also infra, p. 253, note i, and p. 254. 
 
224 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 3- §§ 53-125. Defence of Ctesiphon — Demosthenes 
 undertakes to prove (a) that he deserved to 
 receive a crown, (b) that on the legal point 
 Ctesiphon is not to blame, {a) He summarizes 
 the condition of Greece during the years of 
 peace, and immediately after it records his own 
 public services and justifies his policy, {b) He 
 examines the question of legality, and proves 
 that Ctesiphon is on the right side of the law. 
 
 4. §§ 126-159. Invective against Aeschines. This 
 
 might be called a pseudo-epilogue, but is really 
 only an interlude. It deals with (a) the birth 
 and life of his rival, and {b) in particular, his 
 action which kindled an Amphictyonic war. * 
 
 5. §§ 160-251. Demosthenes continues the dis- 
 
 cussion of his past policy, in regard to the 
 Theban alliance and the last war with Philip. 
 
 6. §§ 252-324. An epilogue of exceptional length, 
 
 mainly devoted to a comparison between 
 Demosthenes and Aeschines. The speaker 
 closely identifies himself with the city, whose 
 policy he has shaped; so that in attacking 
 him, Aeschines attacks Athens. The speech 
 ends, as it began, with a prayer. 
 
 §3 
 For the next few years Demosthenes probably spent 
 some of his time in composing private speeches for 
 others, though the extant speeches of this period are 
 mostly of doubtful authenticity. He also remained 
 as a prominent figure in Athenian pohtics. He had 
 not changed his views, but he seems to have been 
 deposed from the leadership of the patriotic party by 
 
DEMOSTHENES 225 
 
 others whose patriotism was of a more violent type than 
 his, so that he must be now counted as a moderate in 
 opinion. It may have been this position which brought 
 him into danger in 324 B.C. *^ 
 
 Harpalus, who had been left as Alexander's governor 
 at Babylon, on receipt of a rumour of his master's 
 death in India, made off with the royal treasure, and, 
 accompanied by a force of six thousand men, took ship 
 and sailed for Greece. He appeared off Piraeus, and 
 the fervid patriots proposed that Athens should wel- 
 come him and use his treasure and his men to help 
 them in a revolt. 
 
 Demosthenes opposed an open breach with Alex-, 
 ander, and on his motion admission was refused to 
 the flotilla. Harpalus came a second time without his 
 army, and was admitted. Close on his heels came 
 messengers from Alexander to demand his surrender, 
 but this was resisted by Demosthenes and Phocion. 
 On the motion of Demosthenes it was decided to tem- 
 porize ; Harpalus was to be treated as a prisoner, and 
 the treasure deposited in the Parthenon. The amount 
 of the treasure was declared by Harpalus as 720 
 talents, but it soon became known that only 350 
 talents had been lodged in the Acropolis. Harpalus 
 in the meantime had escaped from prison and dis- 
 appeared, and suspicion was roused against all who 
 had had any kind of dealings with him. To allay the 
 public excitement Demosthenes proposed that the 
 Council of the Areopagus should investigate the mystery 
 of the lost talents. Six months later the Council gave 
 its report, issuing a list of nine pubHc men whom it 
 declared guilty of receiving part of the lost money. 
 The name of Demosthenes himself headed the list ; he 
 p 
 
226 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 was charged with having received twenty talents for 
 helping Harpalus to escape. This declaration did not 
 constitute a judicial sentence, but in consequence of 
 it prosecutions were instituted, ten public prosecutors 
 "u were appointed, and Demosthenes was found guilty. 
 He was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, and 
 being imable to raise the money he was cast into 
 prison. He soon escaped, and fled first to Aegina and 
 then to Troezen, where, according to Plutarch, he sat 
 daily by the sea, watching with sad eyes the distant 
 shores of Attica. 
 
 The whole affair is obscure ; we do not know how 
 Demosthenes defended himself, but we possess two of 
 ^A the speeches for the prosecution, by Hyperides and 
 ■ Dinarchus. Neither is explicit. The report of the 
 Areopagus was held to have estabhshed the facts, so 
 that no further evidence was required ; it was the 
 business of the court only to interpret motives and 
 decide the degree of each defendant's guilt. 
 
 Hyperides ^ afiirms that Demosthenes began by ad- 
 mitting the receipt of the money ; but he afterwards 
 denied it, declaring that he was ready to suffer death 
 if it could be proved that he had received it.^ It was 
 certainly Demosthenes who proposed that the Areo- 
 pagus should investigate the affair. 
 
 Two details in the case give rise to perplexity : the 
 fine inflicted — two and a half times the amount in- 
 volved — was fight, considering that the law demanded 
 ten-fold restitution ; secondly, it is difficult to see 
 when Demosthenes can have received the money. 
 Harpalus could not pay him at the time of his escape, 
 
 * Hyp., Against Dem., fr. 3, col. xiii. 
 
 * Dinarchus, Against Dem., § i. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 227 
 
 or indeed at any time subsequent to his arrest, for he 
 did not take the money to prison with him. It seems 
 improbable that the money should have been paid 
 earlier, for Demosthenes was acting against Harpalus 
 all the time. Professor Butcher supposed that pay- 
 ment might have been made when Demosthenes re- 
 sisted the surrender of Harpalus to Alexander. ^ 
 
 Two theories have been proposed with a view to the 
 complete or partial exculpation of the orator — one, 
 that he was absolutely innocent, but became the victim 
 of a coinbination of his political enemies, the extreme 
 patriots, who were dissatisfied with his moderate policy, 
 and his ancient foes the Macedonian party. The other 
 view is that he received the money and spent it, or in- 
 tended to spend it, on secret service of the kind on 
 which every State spends money, though it is generally 
 impossible to give a detailed account of such expenses. 
 Even if he could not prove such a use, the offence of 
 receiving bribes was a venial one, as even his prosecutor 
 Hyperides admits, if they were not received against 
 the interests of the State. In Demosthenes' favour 
 we have the late evidence of Pausanias, who affirms 
 that an agent of Harpalus, when examined by Alex- 
 ander with regard to this affair, divulged a list of names 
 which did not contain that of Demosthenes. 
 
 A minor charge of briberj^ is brought by Dinarchus, 
 who asserts that Demosthenes received 300 talents 
 from the Great King to save Thebes in 335 B.C., but 
 sacrificed Thebes to his own avarice because he 
 wished to keep ten talents which had been pro- 
 mised to the Arcadians for their assistance. The story 
 is ridiculous. 
 
 1 Butcher, Dem., pp. 124-127. 
 
228 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 In 323 B.C. Alexander died ; the hope of freedom 
 
 ^revived, and Demosthenes started at once on a tour of 
 
 the Peloponnese to urge on the cities the need of joint 
 
 action. He was reconciled with the party of Hyperides 
 
 and recalled from exile. He was fetched home in a 
 
 X trireme, and a procession escorted him from the har- 
 bour to the city. By a straining of the law, the public 
 paid his fine. The Lamian war opened successfully 
 under Leosthenes, but at the battle of Crannon Anti- 
 pater crushed the Greek forces. Athens was forced 
 
 ^ to receive a Macedonian garrison, to lose her demo- 
 cratic constitution, and to give up her leaders to the 
 conqueror's vengeance. Demades carried a decree 
 for the death of Demosthenes and Hyperides. Demo- 
 sthenes had already escaped and taken sanctuary in the 
 temple of Posidon on the island of Calauria. Here he 
 was pursued by an agent of Antipater, one Archias, 
 known as the exile-hunter, who had been an actor. 
 This man tried to entice him forth by generous promises, 
 but Demosthenes answered, ' Your acting never carried 
 ' conviction, and your promises are equally uncon- 
 vincing.' Archias then resorted to threats, but was 
 met by the calm retort, * Now you speak like a Mace- 
 donian oracle ; you were only acting before ; only 
 wait a little, so that I may write a few lines home.' 
 ^" While pretending to write he sucked poison from the 
 end of his pen, and then let his head sink on his hands, 
 as if in thought. When Archias approached again he 
 looked him in the face and said, ' It is time for you to 
 play the part of Creon, and cast out this body un- 
 buried. Now, adored Posidon, I leave thy precinct 
 while yet aUve; but Antipater and his Macedonians 
 have left not even thy shrine undefiled.' He essayed 
 
DEMOSTHENES 229 
 
 to walk out, but fell and died upon the steps of the 
 altar. ^ 
 
 Lucian, in his Encomium of Demosthenes, has given 
 a fanciful account of Antipater receiving the news from 
 Archias ; these are the concluding words : 
 
 * So he is gone, either to live with the heroes in the Isles 
 of the Blest or along the path of those souls that cUmb to 
 Heaven, to be an attendant spirit on Zeus the giver of 
 Freedom ; but his body we will send to Athens, as a nobler 
 memorial for that land than are the bodies of those who 
 fell at Marathon.' 2 
 
 . "* § 4. Literary Reputation 
 
 \ The verdict of antiquity, which has generally been 
 accepted in modem times, ranked Demosthenes as the 
 greatest of orators. In his own age he had rivals : 
 Aeschines, as we have seen already, is in many respects 
 worthy of comparison with him ; of his other contem- 
 poraries Phocion was impressive by his dignity, sin-., 
 cerity, and brevity — ' he could say more in fewer 
 words ' ; the vigorous extemporizations of Demades 
 were sometimes more elective than the polished 
 subtleties of Demosthenes ; Aeschines claims to prefer 
 the speaking of Leodamas of Achamae, but the tone 
 in which he says so is almost apologetic, and the 
 laboured criticism to which Aeschines constantly sub- 
 jects his rival practically takes it for granted that the 
 latter was reckoned the foremost speaker of the time. 
 Later Greek authorities, who are far enough removed 
 to see in proper perspective the orators of the pre- 
 Macedonian times, have an ungrudging admiration for 
 Demosthenes. The author of The Sublime saw in him 
 
 1 This account is taken from Plutarch {Dem., ch. xxix.). 
 * Lucian, Dem. Enc, § 50. 
 
230 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 many faults, and admitted that in many details 
 Hyperides excelled him.^ Nevertheless he finds in 
 Demosthenes certain divine gifts which put him apart 
 from the others in a class by himself ; he surpasses the 
 t' orators of all generations ; his thunders and lightnings 
 \ shake down and scorch up all opposition ; it is im- 
 possible to face his dazzling brilliancy without flinching. 
 But Hyperides never made anybody tremble. 
 
 In later times we find Demosthenes styled ' The 
 Orator,' just as Homer is * The Poet.' Lucian, whose 
 literary appreciations are always worthy of attention, 
 wrote an Encomium of Demosthenes, containing an 
 imaginary dialogue, in which Antipater is the chief 
 speaker. He pays a generous tribute to his dead 
 enemy, who * woke his compatriots from their drugged 
 sleep * ; 2 the Philippics are compared to battering- 
 rams and catapults, and Philip is reported to have 
 ^rejoiced that Demosthenes was never elected general, 
 for the orator's speeches shook the king's throne, and 
 his actions, if he had been given the opportunity, would 
 have overturned it. 
 
 Of Roman critics, Cicero in many passages in the 
 Brutus and Orator expresses extreme admiration for 
 the excellence of Demosthenes in every style of oratory ; 
 he regards him as far outstripping all others, though 
 failing in some details to attain perfection. Quin- 
 tilian's praise is discriminating but sincere ; in fact we 
 may say that the Greek and Roman worlds were prac- 
 tically unanimous about the orator's merits. ~^ 
 
 It is difficult to take a general view of the style of 
 Demosthenes, from the mere fact that it is extremely 
 
 1 de Sublimi, ch. xxxiv. 
 
 ^ § 3^> olop eK fxapdpaydpov KadeiL^SovTas. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 231 
 
 varied ; the three classes of speeches — the forensic 
 speeches in private and pubhc suits, and the pubhc 
 harangues addressed to the assembly, all have their 
 particular features : nevertheless there are certain 
 characteristics which may be distinguished in all 
 classes. 
 
 First of these is his great care in composit ion. 
 Isocrates is known to have spent yeSfs in polishing the 
 essays which he intended as permanent contributions 
 to the science of politics ; Plato wrote and erased and 
 wrote again before he was satisfied with the form in 
 which his philosophy was to be given to the world ; 
 y Demosthenes, without j^ears^ Ql.toil> could produce for 
 definite occasions speeches whose finished b rillianc y 
 made them worthy to be ranked as great literature 
 quite apart from their merits as contributions to 
 practical policy. V . v . /A ; ^ . ^' v- x\>v 
 
 It is a well-known jest against him that his speeches 
 smelt of midnight oil, but he must have had a remark- 
 able natural fluency to be able to compose so many 
 speeches so well. It is quite possible, on the other 
 hand, that the speeches which survive are not alto- 
 gether in the form in which they were delivered. It 
 seems to have been a habit among orators of this time 
 to edit for publication their speeches delivered in 
 important cases, in order that a larger audience might 
 have an opportunity of reading a permanent record of 
 the speakers' views on political or legal questions which 
 had more than a transitory interest. 
 
 We have indirect evidence that Demosthenes was in 
 the habit of introducing corrections into his text. 
 Aeschines quotes and derides certain expressions, 
 mostly exaggerated metaphors, which do not occur in 
 
 .^ 
 
232 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the speeches as extant to us, though some of them 
 evidently should, if the text had not been submitted 
 to a recension.^ We may note the remark of Erato- 
 sthenes 2 that while speaking he sometimes lost control 
 of himself, and talked like a man possessed, and that of 
 Demetrius of Phaleron, that on one occasion he offended 
 against good taste by quoting a metrical oath which 
 bears the stamp of comedy : 
 
 ' By earth and fountains, rivulets and streams/ ^ 
 
 This quotation is not to be found in any extant speech, 
 but it is noticeable that formulae of the kind, typically 
 represented by the familiar w 7^ kuI Oeol — * Ye 
 Earth and Gods ' — are commonly affected by Demo- 
 sthenes, as indeed they are to be found in his contem- 
 porary AescKines. 
 
 Evidently the Attic taste ,was undergoing a modi- 
 fication ; such expressions are foreign to the dignified 
 harmonies of Isocrates and of rare occurrence in the 
 restrained style of Lysias ; but they begin to appear 
 more frequently in Isaeus, whose style was the model 
 for the early speeches of Demosthenes. Certain other 
 expressions belonging to the popular speech, and pro- 
 bably avoided by Isocrates as being too colloquial, are 
 foimd in Demosthenes' public speeches — e.g. 6 Selva 
 and 0) rav. 
 
 Under the same heading must come the use of coarse 
 expressions and terms of personal abuse. In many 
 of the speeches relating to public law-suits Demo- 
 sthenes allows himself all the latitude which was 
 
 1 Aescl)., Ctes., §§ 72, 166 ; de Leg., § 21 ; Ctes., §§ 84, 209. 
 
 2 Plut., Dem., ch. ix., irapd^aKxov. 
 
 * ipdovariQvTa. Cf. Aristophanes, Clouds, 194 : 
 
 fxa yriv, fid vaylSas, fia ve(p^\ai, /id dlKTva. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 233 
 
 sanctioned by the taste of his times. In the actual 
 use of abusive epithets — Orjpiov, Kardparo^, and the 
 Hke — he does not go beyond the common practice of 
 Aeschines, and is even outstripped by Dinarchus ; but 
 in the accumulation of offensive references to the sup- 
 posed private character of his pohtical opponents he 
 condescends to such excesses that we wonder how a- 
 decent audience can ever have tolerated him.^ Evi- 
 dently an Athenian audience loved vulgarity for its 
 own sake, apart from humour. 
 
 In the private speeches there is at times a certain 
 coarseiiess — ^inevitably, since police-court cases are 
 offen concerned with sordid details. Offensive actions 
 sometimes have to be described ; ^ but this is a very 
 different matter from the irrelevant introduction of 
 offensive matter. 
 
 In the speeches delivered before the ecclesia Demo- 
 sthenes set himself a higher ideal. Into questions of 
 pubHc policy, private animosities should not be allowed 
 to intrude, and throughout the Philippics and Olyn- 
 thiacs Demosthenes observes this rule. Under no stress 
 of excitement does he sink to personalities ; his political 
 opponents for the time being are not abused, not even 
 mentioned by name. The courtesies of debate are 
 fully and justly maintained. 
 
 ^ Notably the caricatures of Aeschines' private Ufe and family 
 history in the de Corona, §§ 129-130, 260. Mr. Pickard-Cambridge 
 makes it clear that the habitual members of the law-courts would 
 be of a lower average socially than the ecclesia. The pay in either 
 case was not enough to attract any but the unemployed, but whereas 
 members of the leisured classes would have sufficient motives for 
 attending the ecclesia, and well-to-do business-men might sacrifice 
 valuable time unselfishly for the good of the State, there would be 
 little inducement to such people to endure the wearisome routine 
 of the law-courts (see Demosthenes, ch. iii.). 
 
 « E.g. Canon, § 4. 
 
234 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 § 5. Style and Composition 
 
 Though Demosthenes wrote in pure Attic Greek, it is 
 to Lysias and Isocrates rather than to him that Diony- 
 sius assigns praise for the most perfect purity of lan- 
 s^ guage. It is probable that Demosthenes was nearer 
 to the hving speech. Even in his dehberative speeches 
 he can use such famihar expressions as w rav, 6 Belva 
 and such expletives as vrj Ala, the frequent use of which 
 would have seemed to Isocrates to belong to the 
 vocabulary of Comedy. The epideictic style would 
 also have shunned such vigorous touches as Xayo) ^iov 
 If?/? — * you hved a hare's life,' or, to give the proper 
 equivalent, * a dog's life,' ^ or the famous kukcov TXta? — 
 * Twenty-four books of misery.' ^ Colloquial vigour is 
 apparent in some metaphorical uses of single words, 
 e.g. i(oKa KoX '^frvxpd — * stale and cold ' (applied to 
 crimes),^ irpoaijX&a-daL — * to be pinned down,' ^ or the 
 succession of crude metaphors in the account of how 
 Aristogiton, in prison, picked a quarrel with a new- 
 comer ; * he being newly caught and fresh, was getting 
 the better of Aristogiton, who had got into the net some 
 time ago and been long in pickle ; so finding himself 
 getting the worst of it, he ate off the man's nose.' ^ 
 There is bold personification of abstractions in * Peace, 
 which has destroyed the walls of your allies and is now 
 building houses for your ambassadors,' ^ and such 
 phrases as redvaai rcS Seec tov<; tolovtov^; airoaToKov^ 
 
 ^ de Cor., § 263. 2 ^^ Falsa Leg., § 148. 
 
 3 Midias, § 91. * Ibid., § 105. 
 
 ' On the other hand he often apologizes for metaphors by w^irep 
 
 or oXov — fjv Tovd^ dxnrep ifxirddiafxd rt r^ fl^i\lTnr(p though ifiirbSitTfin 
 
 is probably as natural a form of expression as our ' obstacle.' 
 
 « de Falsa Leg., § 275. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 235 
 
 — * they are frightened to death of so and so/ are more ""' 
 vigorous than Hterary.^ 
 
 Demosthenes seems to discard metaphor in his most 
 solemn moments. In a spirit of sarcasm he can use 
 such expressions as those quoted above about the 
 disorderly scene in prison, and in an outburst of indig- 
 nation he can speak of rival politicians as * Fiends, who 
 have mutilated the corpses of their fatherlands, and 
 made a birthday present of their liberty first to Philip, 
 and now again to Alexander ; who measure happiness 
 by their belly and their basest pleasures ' ; ^ but on 
 grave occasions, whether in narrative or in counsel, -^ 
 he reverts to a simplicity equal to that of Lysias. The 
 plainness of the language in which he describes the 
 excitement caused by the news of Philip's occupation 
 of Elatea is proverbial ; ^ and the closing sentences of 
 the Third Philippic afford another good example : 
 
 * If everybody is going to sit still, hoping to get what he 
 wants, and seeking to do nothing for it himself, in the first 
 place he will never find anybody to do it for him, and 
 secondly, I am afraid that we shall be forced to do every- 
 thing that we do not want. This is what I tell you, this is 
 what I propose ; and I believe that if this is done our affairs 
 may even yet be set straight again. If anybody can offer 
 anything better, let him name it and urge it ; and what- 
 ever you decide, I pray to heaven it may be for the best.' 
 
 The simplicity of the language is only equalled by 
 the sobriety of tone. The sim plest w ords, if properly 
 used, can produce a great effect, which is sometimes 
 heightened by repetition, a device which Demosthenes 
 
 ^ I PhiL^ § 45 ; cf. Ttdvikvai rip <p6§(f Qri^aiovs, de Falsa Leg., § 8i. 
 
 * de Cor., § 296. * de Cor., § 169. 
 
236 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 finds useful on occasion — dW ovk ea-rtv, ovk eariv 
 6iT(o^ rjfidpT€T6 — * But surely, surely you were not 
 wrong.' ^ We realize a slight raising of the voice as the 
 word comes in for the second time. Dinarchus, an 
 imitator of Demosthenes, copies him in the use of this 
 ' figure/ but uses it too much and inappropriately. 
 In this, as in other details, his style is an unsuccessful 
 parody of the great orator. 
 
 Dionysius compares Demosthenes to several other 
 writers in turn. He finds passages, for instance, which 
 recall the style of Thucydides.^ He quotes the first 
 section from the Third Philippic, and by an ingenious 
 analysis shows the points of resemblance. The chief 
 characteristic noticed by the critic is that the writer 
 does not introduce his thoughts in any natural or con- 
 ventional sequence, but employs an affected order of 
 words which arrests the attention by its avoidance of 
 simplicity. 
 
 Thus, a parenthetical relative clause intrudes between 
 the subject and the verb of the chief relative clause, 
 while we are kept in long suspense as to what the verbs 
 are to be, both in relative clauses and in the main clause 
 itself. The peculiar effects which he notices cannot 
 be reproduced in a non-inflexional language such as 
 English. 
 
 At other times, especially in narrative, Demosthenes 
 emulates the lucidity of Lysias at his best. Dionysius 
 quotes with well-deserved approval the vivid present- 
 ment of the story on which the accusation against 
 Conon is based. As the speech gives us an excellent 
 picture of the camp hfe of an undiscipHned mihtia, it 
 will be worth while here to quote some extracts : 
 
 1 <U Cor., § 208. 2 de Thucyd., ch. 53. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 237 
 
 ' Two years ago, having been detailed for garrison-duty, 
 we went out to Panactum. Conon's sons occupied a tent 
 near us ; I wish it had been otherwise, for this was the 
 primary cause of our enmity and the collisions between us. 
 You shall hear how it arose. They used to diink every day 
 aird'Sll day long, begiiming immediately after breakfast, 
 and this custom they maintained all the time that we were 
 in garrison. My brothers and I, on the contrary, lived out 
 there just as we were in the habit of living at home. So 
 by the time which the rest of us had fixed for dinner, they 
 were invariably playing drunken tricks, first on our ser- 
 vants, and finally on ourselves. For because they said 
 that the servants sent the smoke in their faces while cook- 
 ing, or were uncivil to them, or what not, they used to beat 
 them and empty the slops over their heads . . . and in 
 every way behaved brutally and disgustingly. We saw 
 this and took offence, and first of all remonstrated with 
 them ; but as they jeered at us and would not stop, we all 
 went and reported the occurrence to the general — not I 
 alone, but the whole of the mess. He reprimanded them 
 severely, not only for their offensive behaviour to us, but 
 for their general conduct in camp ; however, they were 
 so far from stopping or feeHng any shame that, as soon as 
 it was dark that evening, they made a rush on us, and first 
 abused us and then beat me, and made such a disturbance 
 and uproar round the tent that the general and his staff 
 and some of the other soldiers came out, and prevented them 
 from doing us any serious harm, and us from retaliating 
 on their drunken violence. ' ^ 
 
 Another passage quoted from the same speech gives 
 a companion picture of the defendant's behaviour in 
 civil life : 
 
 * When we met them, one of the party, whom I cannot 
 identify, fell upon Phanostratus and held him tight, while 
 
 1 Against Conon, §§ 3-5. 
 
238 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 the defendant Conon and his son and the son of Andro- 
 menes fell upon me, and first stripped me, and then tripped 
 me up, and dashed me down in the mud. There they 
 jumped upon me and beat me, and so mishandled me that 
 they cut my lip right through, and closed up both my eyes. 
 They left me in such a weak state that I could neither get 
 up nor speak, and as I lay on the ground I heard them 
 uttering floods of abominable language. What they said 
 was vilely slanderous, and some of it I should shrink from 
 repeating, but I will mention one thing which is an example 
 of Conon's brutality, and proves that he was responsible 
 for the whole incident — he began to crow like a game-cock 
 after a victory, and the others told him to flap his arms 
 against his sides in triumph. After this I was carried home 
 naked by some passers-by, while the defendants made off 
 with my coat. ' ^ 
 
 Dionysius observes that the ecclesia and the courts 
 were composed of mixed elements ; ^ not all were clever 
 and subtle in intellect ; the majority were farmers, 
 merchants, and artisans, who were more likely to be 
 pleased by simple speech ; anything of an unusual 
 flavour would turn their stomachs : a smaller number, 
 a mere fraction of the whole, were men of high educa- 
 tion, to whom you could not speak as you would to the 
 multitude ; and the orator could not afford to neglect 
 either section. He must therefore aim at satisfying 
 both, and consequently he should steer a middle course, 
 avoiding extremes in either direction. 
 
 In the opinion of Dionysius both Isocrates and Plato 
 I give good examples of this middle style, attaining a 
 U seeming simplicity intelligible to all, combined with a 
 " subtlety which could be appreciated only by the ex- 
 pert ; but Demosthenes surpassed them both in the 
 
 * Against Conon, §§ 8-9, » de Demos., ch. xv. 
 
 ~A 
 
DEMOSTHENES 239 
 
 perfection of this art. To prove his case he quotes 
 first the passage from The Peace which Isocrates him- 
 self selected for quotation, as a favourable example of 
 his own style, in the speech on the Antidosis. With 
 this extract a passage from the third Olynthiac is con- 
 trasted, greatly to the advantage of Demosthenes, who 
 is found to be nobler, more majestic, more forcible, and 
 to have avoided the frigidity of excessive refinement 
 with which Isocrates is charged. 
 
 The criticism professes to be based on an accumu- 
 lation of small details, but there is no doubt that 
 Dionysius depended, in the main, not upon analysis, 
 but upon subjective impressions. After enumerating 
 the points in which either of the writers excels or falls 
 short, he describes his own feelings : 
 
 ' When I read a speech of Isocrates, I become sober and 
 serious, as if I were listening to solemn music ; but when I 
 take up a speech of Demosthenes, I am beside myself, I 
 am led this way and that, I am moved by one passion after 
 another : suspicion, distress, fear, contempt, hate, pity, 
 kindliness, anger, envy — passing successively through all 
 the passions which can obtain a mastery over the human 
 mind ; . . . and I have sometimes thought to myself, what 
 must have been the impression which he made on those 
 who were fortunate enough to hear him ? For where we, 
 who are so far removed in time, and in no way interested 
 in the actual events, are led away and overpowered, and 
 made to follow wherever the speech leads us, how must 
 the Athenians and other Greeks have been led by the 
 speaker himself when the cases in which he spoke had a 
 living interest and concerned them nearly ?...'* 
 
 Dionysius, as we know from many of his criticisms, 
 had a remarkably acute sense of style ; he had also a 
 ^ Demos, f ch. xxii. ^ 
 
X- 
 
 240 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 strong imagination. In this same treatise he recounts 
 how the forms of the sentences themselves suggest to 
 him the tone in which the words were uttered, the very 
 gestures with which they were accompanied. ^ 
 
 Though we modem students cannot expect to rival 
 him in these peculiar gifts, it is still possible for us to 
 sympathize with his feelings. We cannot fail, in read- 
 ing a speech like the Third Philippic, for instance, to 
 appreciate how fully Demosthenes reahzes the Platonic 
 ideal, expressed in the Gorgias, that rhetoric is the art 
 of persuasion. We need not pause to analyse the 
 means by which he attains his end ; he may resemble 
 Lysias at one moment in a simple piece of narrative, 
 at another he may be as involved and antithetical as 
 Thucydides, or even florid like Gorgias ; he can be a 
 very Proteus, as Dionysius says, in his changes of 
 form ; but in whatever shape he appears, naive, subtle, 
 pathetic, indignant, sarcastic, he is convincing. The 
 reason is simple : he has a single purpose always 
 present to his mind, namely, to make his audience 
 feel as he feels. Readers of Isocrates were expected, 
 while they followed the exposition of the subject- 
 matter, to regard the beauties of the form in which it 
 was expressed ; in Demosthenes there is no idea of such 
 display. A good speech was to him a successful speech, 
 not one which might be admired by critics as a piece 
 of hterature. It is only incidental that his speeches 
 have a literary quahty which ranks him among the 
 foremost writers of Attic prose ; as an orator he was 
 independent of this quahty. 
 
 1 Demos., chs. liii., liv. So Aeschines, after reading aloud some 
 extracts from Demosthenes, and observing their effect on his 
 hearers, exclaimed, * But what if you had heard the brute himself ? ' 
 
DEMOSTHENES 241 
 
 The strong practical sense of Demosthenes refused 
 to be confined by any theoretical rules of scholastic ^^ 
 rhetoricians. He does not aspire to the complexity of 
 periods which makes the style of Isocrates monotonous 
 in spite of the writer's wonderful ingenuity. Long^ 
 and short, complex and simple sentences, are used in 
 turn, and with no systematic order, so that we can- 
 not call any one kind characteristic; the form of 
 the sentence, like the language, is subordinate to its 
 purpose. 1 
 
 He was moderately careful in the avoidance of hiatus 
 between words, but in this matter he modified the rule 
 of Isocrates to suit the requirements of speech ; he , 
 was guided by ear, not by eye ; thus we find that 
 hiatus is frequently omitted between the cola or sec- 
 tions of a period ; in fact any pause in the utter- 
 ance is enough to justify the non-elision of an 
 open vowel before the pause. Isocrates, on the con- 
 trary, usually avoids even the appearance of hiatus in 
 such cases. 
 
 There is one other formal rule of composition which 
 Demosthenes follows with some strictness ; this is the 
 avoidance of a succession of short syllables. It is ""' 
 notable that he very seldom admits a tribrach (three 
 short syllables) where a little care can avoid it, while 
 instances of more than three short vowels in sue- "vi 
 cession are very exceptional.^ An unusual order of 
 
 1 de Chersoneso, §§ 69-71, gives an example of a sentence of about 
 twenty-seven lines in the Teubner edition. 
 
 2 TimocrateSy § 217, oj55' otiovv Av 60e\oi etr) is a case in point — 
 
 {y ^ >^\j ) ; in this instance no other arrangement of the words 
 
 was possible ; ou5' otioGv div eirj cl^eXos would give a harsh hiatus* 
 Cf. also First Olynthiac, § 27, iiKlKa 7' iarl rd 5ui<pop' ivddd' 1) Vet 
 rroXefjLetv, where five shorts appear in sequence. 
 
 Q 
 
242 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 words may often be explained by reference to this 
 practice.^ 
 
 We know from Aristotle and other critics that earlier 
 writers of artistic prose, from Thrasymachus onwards, 
 had paid some attention to the metrical form of words 
 and certain combinations of long and short syllables. 
 Thrasymachus in particular studied the use of the 
 
 "^^- paeonius (- ^ ^^ ^ or v> ^ v> -) at the beginning and end of 
 a sentence. 2 
 
 The effect of increasing the number of short syllables, 
 whether in verse or prose, is to make the movement 
 of the line or period more rapid. The frequent use of 
 
 "^^ tribrachs by Euripides constantly produces this im- 
 pression, and an extreme case is the structure of the 
 Galliambic metre, as seen, for instance, in the Attis of 
 Catullus.^ Conversely the multiphcation of long syl- 
 lables makes the movement slow, and produces an 
 effect of solemnity.* 
 v^ Demosthenes seems to have been the first prose- 
 writer to pay attention to the avoidance of the tri- 
 
 ^.^ brach; Plato seems to have consciously preferred a 
 succession of short syllables where it was possible. 
 The difference between the two points of view is pro- 
 bably this — that Plato aimed at reproducing the 
 natural rapidity of conversation, Demosthenes aimed 
 
 ^ E.g. de Falsa Leg., § ii, Stc^tcbv TjKiKa T7)p"EX\aSa iraaav^ ovxl Tds 
 iSias adiKOvai fidvov Trarpldas oi dojpoSoKovPTes. The position of ddiKoOai 
 is peculiar, but the sentence already contains a preponderance of 
 short syllables, and any other arrangement would give more of them 
 together : e.g. the more natural orders rds iSiai iibvov TarplSas ddtKodai, 
 (^\^y^^^ — ^^ or iSLas fxbvov dStKovcfi irarpidas (v^w — ^v^^v^ — v>^v> vy). 
 
 2 Arist., Rhet., iii. 8. 4. 
 
 * Super alta vectus Attis celeri rate maria, etc. The ending with 
 five short syllables gives an impression of headlong speed. 
 
 * Cf. the ' spondaic ' hymn, ZeC Trdj'rwi' dpxd, iravrwy iiyr}Top, ZeO 
 croi fffrifdu ravray vjxvuv dpxdv. 
 
 \ 
 
DEMOSTHENES 243 
 
 at a more solemn and dignified style appropriate to / 
 impressive utterance before a large assembly. 
 
 This is the only metrical rule which Demosthenes ''^ 
 ever observed, and one of the soundest of modem 
 critics believes that even this observance was instinc- 
 tive rather than conscious.^ He never affected any 
 metrical formula for the end of sentences comparable 
 to Cicero's famous esse videatur, or the double trochee 
 ( — v^ — s^) at the beginning of a sentence, approved by 
 later writers. An examination shows that he has an 
 almost infinite variety both in the opening and the close 
 of his sentences. He seems never to follow any 
 mechanical system. 
 
 Much labour has been expended, especially in Ger- 
 many, on the analysis of the rhythmical element in 
 Demosthenes' style. There is no doubt that many 
 orators, from Gorgias onwards, laboured to produce 
 approximate correspondence between parallel or con- 
 trasted sections of their periods. In some cases we 
 find an equal number of syllables in two clauses, and 
 even a more or less complete rhythmical correspond- 
 ence. Such devices serve to emphasize the peculiar 
 figures of speech in which Gorgias deUghted, and may 
 have been appropriate to the class of oratory intended 
 primarily for display, but it is hard to believe that 
 such elaboration was ever consciously carried through 
 a long forensic speech. 
 
 The appendix to the third volume of Blass' Attic -^ 
 oratory is a monumental piece of work. It consists of 
 an analysis of the first seventeen sections of the de 
 Corona, and the whole of the First Olynthiac and Third 
 Philippic speeches, and conveys the impression that 
 
 ^ Croiset, Hist, de la Litt. Gr., tome iv., pp. 552-553. 
 
244 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 this Demosthenic prose may be scamied with almost 
 as much certainty as a comparatively simple form of 
 composition like a Pindaric ode. It is hard to pro- 
 nounce on such a matter without a very long and careful 
 study of this difficult subject ; but the theory of rhyth- 
 mical correspondence seems to have been worked out 
 far too minutely. In many cases emendation is re- 
 quired ; we have to divide words in the middle, and 
 clauses are split up in an arbitrary and unnatural way. 
 I am far from beheving that analysis can justifiably be 
 carried to this extent ; it is more reasonable to suppose 
 that Demosthenes had a naturally acute ear, and that 
 practice so developed his faculty that a certain rhythm 
 was natural to all his speech. I am not convinced that 
 all his effects were designed.^ 
 
 § 6. Rhetorical Devices 
 Isaeus, the teacher of Demosthenes, was a master of 
 reasoning and demonstration ; Demosthenes in his 
 earhest speeches shows strong traces of the influence of 
 Isaeus, but in his later work he has developed varied 
 gifts which enable him to surpass his master. Real- 
 izing the insufficiency, for a popular audience, of mere 
 reasoning, he reinforced his logic by adventitious aids, 
 appeahng in numerous indirect ways to feeling and 
 prejudice. One valuable method of awakening interest 
 was his striking use of paradox : 
 
 * On the question of resources of money at present at 
 our disposal, what I have to say will, I know, appear para- 
 doxical, but I must say it ; for I am confident that, con- 
 sidered in the proper light, my proposal will appear to be 
 the only true and right one. I tell you that we need not 
 raise the question of money at all : we have great resources 
 ^ See ad hoc, Croiset, iv. 553. i. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 245 
 
 which we may fairly and honourably use if we need them. 
 If we look for them now, we shall imagine that they never 
 will be at our disposal, so far shall we be from willingness to 
 dispose of them at present ; but if we let matters wait, 
 we shall have them. What, then, are these resources which 
 do not exist at present, but will be to hand later on ? It 
 looks like a riddle. I will explain. Consider this city of 
 ours as a whole. It contains almost as much money as all 
 other cities taken together ; but those individuals who 
 possess it are so apathetic that if all the orators tried to 
 terrify them by saying that the king is coming, that he is 
 near, that invasion is inevitable, and even if the orators 
 were reinforced by an equal number of soothsayers, they 
 would not only refuse to contribute ; they would refuse 
 even to declare or admit the possession of their wealth. 
 But suppose that the horrors which we now talk about 
 were actually reaHzed, they are none of them so foolish that 
 they would not readily offer and make contributions. . . . 
 So I tell you that we have money ready for the time of 
 urgent need, but not before.' ^ 
 
 Similarly in the Third Olynthiac he rouses the curiosity 
 of the audience by propounding a riddle, of which, 
 after some suspense, he himself gives the answer. 
 The matter under discussion is the necessity of sending 
 help to Olynthus. There is, as usual, a difficulty 
 about money. 
 
 * " Very well," you may say ; "we have aU decided that 
 we must send help ; and send help we will ; but how are 
 we to do it ; tell me that ? " Now, Gentlemen, do not be 
 astoiii shgdJLl.what I say comes as a bUi'piiseTo most of youT 
 Appoint a legislative hoard. Instruct this board not to pass 
 any law (you have enough already), but to repeal the laws 
 which are injurious under present conditions. I refer to the 
 laws about the Theoric Fund.' ^ 
 
 1 de Symmor., §§ 24-26. ' Third Olynthiac, §§ lo-ii. 
 
246 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 This mention of the Festival Fund suggests some 
 reflections on the orator *s tenacity and perseverance. 
 He is not content to say once what he has to propose, 
 and leave his words to sink in by their own weight. 
 Like a careful lecturer he repeats his statement, em- 
 phasizing it in various ways, until he perceives that 
 his audience has really grasped its importance. The 
 walls which he is attacking will not fall flat at the sound 
 of the trumpet ; his persistent battering-rams must 
 make a breach, his catapults must drive the defenders 
 from their positions. Such is the meaning of Lucian's 
 comment in the words attributed to Philip.^ 
 
 The speech On the Chersonese, for instance, may be 
 divided into three parts, dealing successively with the 
 treatment of Diopeithes, the supineness of Athens, and 
 the guilt of the partisans of Phihp ; but in all parts 
 we find emphatically stated the need for energetic 
 action. This is really the theme of the speech ; the 
 rest is important only in so far as it substantiates the 
 main thesis. 
 
 The extract last given ^ shows with what adroitness 
 he introduces dialogues, in which he questions or 
 answers an imaginary critic. This is a device fre- 
 quently employed with considerable effect. The fol- 
 lowing shows a rather different type : 
 
 ' If Philip captures Ol5nithus, who will prevent him from 
 marching on us ? The Thebans ? It is an unpleasant 
 thing to say, but they will eagerly join him in the invasion. 
 Or the Phocians ? — ^when they cannot even protect their 
 own land, unless you help them. Can you think of any one 
 else? — "My dear fellow, he won't want to attack us." 
 It would indeed be the greatest surprise in the world if he 
 
 * Quoted above, p. 230. ' Supra, p. 245. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 247 
 
 did not do it when he got the chance ; since even now he is 
 fool enough to declare his intentions/ ^ 
 
 Narrative, too, can take the place of argument; a 
 recital of Philip's misdeeds during the last few years 
 may do far more to convince the Athenians of the 
 necessity for action than any argument about the case 
 of a particular ally who chances to be threatened at 
 the moment. 2 
 
 Demosthenes' knowledge of history was deep and 
 broad. The superiority of his attainments to those 
 of Aeschines is shown in the more philosophic use 
 which he makes of his appeals to precedent ; his 
 examples are apposite and not far-fe tched ; he can 
 illuminate the present not only by references to ancient 
 facts, but by a keen insight into the spirit which 
 animated the men of old times. ^ 
 
 The examples already quoted of rhetorical dialogue 
 with imaginary opponents will have given some idea 
 of his use of a sarcastic tone. Sarcasm thinly con- 
 cealed may at times run through a passage of consider- 
 able length, as in the anecdote which follows. We may 
 note in passing that he is usually sparing in the use of 
 anecdote, which is never employed without good reason. 
 Here it may be excused by the fact that it figures as an 
 historical precedent of a procedure which he ironically 
 recommends to his contemporaries. 
 
 1 First Olynthiac, §§ 25-26. 
 
 2 Chersonese, §§ 61-67. The recital of the present condition of 
 Phocis is a simple but impressive piece of argument by description : 
 ' It was a terrible sight, Gentlemen, and a sad one ; when we 
 were lately on our way to Delphi we were compelled to see it all, 
 houses in ruins, walls demoUshed, the country empty of men of 
 military age ; only a few poor women and little children and old 
 men in pitiable state — words cannot describe the depth of the 
 misery in which they are now sunk ' {de Falsa Leg., § 65). 
 
 3 Cf. Third Olynthiac, §§ 24-26. 
 
 c<^^.^ 4o~^ 
 
248 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Inveighing against the reckless procedure of the 
 Athenian poUticians, who propose laws for their own 
 benefit almost every month,^ he recounts the customs 
 of the Locrians, and, with an assumption of seriousness, 
 imphes a wish that similar restrictions could be im- 
 posed at Athens : 
 
 ' I should like to tell you, Gentlemen, how legislation is 
 conducted among the Locrians. It will do yQ\L nn harm 
 to^have an example before you, espeaallythe example of 
 a weH-govemed State. There men are so convinced that 
 they ought to keep to the established laws and cherish their 
 traditions, and not legislate to suit their fancy, or to help 
 a criminal to escape, that any man who wishes to pass a 
 new law must have a rope round his neck while he proposes 
 it. If they think that the law is a good and useful one, the 
 proposer lives and goes on his way ; if not, they pull the 
 rope and there is an end of him. For they cannot bear to 
 pass new laws, but they rigorously observe the old ones. 
 We are told that only one new law has been enacted in 
 very many years. Whereas there was a law that if a man 
 knocked out another man's eye, he should submit to having 
 his own knocked out in return, and no monetary compen- 
 sation was provided, a certain man threatened his enemy, 
 who had already lost an eye, to knock out the one eye he 
 had left. The one-eyed man, alarmed by the threat, and 
 thinking that life would not be worth hving if it were put 
 into execution, ventured to propose a law that if a man 
 knocks out the eye of a man who has only one, he shall 
 submit to having both his own knocked out in return, so 
 that both may suffer alike. We are told that this is the 
 only law which the Locrians have passed in upwards of 
 two hundred years.' ^ 
 
 This, however, occurs in a speech before the law- 
 
 * Viz., on every meeting of the ecdesia at which legislation was 
 possible. 
 
 2 Timocrates, §§ 139 sqq. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 249 
 
 courts ; it is excellent in its place, but would have been 
 unsuitable to the more dignified and solemn style in 
 which he addresses the assembly. Equally unsuitable 
 to his pubHc harangues would be anything like the 
 virulent satire which he admits into the de Corona, the 
 vulgar personaUties of abuse and gross caricatures of 
 Aeschines and his antecedents. ^ For these the only 
 excuse is that, though meant maUciously, they are so 
 exaggerated as to be quite incredible. They may be 
 compared to Aristophanes' satire of Cleon in the 
 Knights, which was coarse enough, but cannot have 
 done Cleon any serious harm. Demosthenes indeed 
 becomes truly Aristophanic when he talks about 
 Aeschines* acting : 
 
 * When in the course of time you were relieved of these 
 duties, having yourself committed all the offences of which 
 you accuse others, I vow that your subsequent life did not 
 fall short of your earlier promise. You engaged yourself 
 to the players Simylus and Socrates, the " Bellowers," as 
 they were called, to play minor parts, and gathered a har- 
 vest of figs, grapes, and olives, like a fruiterer getting his 
 stock from other people's orchards ; and you made more 
 from this source than from your plays, which you played 
 in dead earnest at the risk of your lives ; for there was a 
 truceless and merciless war between you and the spectators, 
 from whom you received so many wounds that you natur- 
 ally mock at the cowardice of those who have never had 
 that great experience.' ^ 
 
 He is generally described as deficient in wit, and he 
 seems in this point to have been inferior to Aeschines, 
 
 ^ In particular de Corona, §§ 129-130, 258-262. Cf. supra, 
 p. 164. 
 
 - de Corona, §§ 261-262. 
 
250 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 though on one or two occasions he could make a neat 
 repartee. 1 As Dionysius says : 
 
 * Not on all men is every gift bestowed.' ^ 
 
 If, as his critic afhrms,^ he was in danger of turning the 
 laugh against himself, he had serious gifts which more 
 than compensated this deficiency. 
 
 It must not be supposed that he was entirely free 
 from sophistry. Like many good orators in good or 
 bad causes he laboured from time to time to make a 
 weak case appear strong, and in this effort was often 
 absolutely disingenuous. The whole of the de Corona 
 is an attempt to throw the judges off the scent by lead- 
 ing them on to false trails. It may be urged in his 
 defence that on this occasion he had justice really on 
 his side, but finding that Aeschines on legal ground 
 was occupying an impregnable position, he practically 
 threw over the discussion of legality and turned the 
 course of the trial towards different issues altogether. 
 In this case, admittedly, the technical points were 
 merely an excuse for the bringing of the case, and were 
 probably of Httle importance to the court. The trial 
 was reaUy concerned with the poHtical principles and 
 actions of the two great opponents, while Ctesiphon 
 was only a catspaw. But a study of other speeches 
 results in the discovery of many minor points in which, 
 accurately gauging the intelligence of his audience, he 
 has intentionally misled them. Thus, his own know- 
 ledge of history was profound ; but experience has 
 proved that the knowledge possessed by any audience 
 
 1 Vide supra, pp. 170, 177. 
 
 ^ ov ydp TTws dfia ir6.vTa deol SSaau dvdpuTroKTi. 
 
 ' de Sublimty ch. xxxiv. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 251 
 
 of the history of its own generation is likely to be 
 sketchy and inaccurate. Events have not settled 
 down into their proper perspective ; we must rely 
 either on our own memories, which may be distorted 
 by prejudice, or on the statements of historians who 
 stand too near in time to be able to get a fair view. 
 This gives the pohtician his opportunity of so grouping 
 or misrepresenting facts as to give a wrong impression. 
 
 Instances of such bad faith on the part of Demo- 
 sthenes are probably numerous, even if unimportant. 
 
 In the speech on the Embassy ^ he asserts that 
 Aeschines, far from opposing Phihp's pretension to be 
 recognized as an Amphictyon, was the only man who 
 spoke in favour of it ; yet Demosthenes himself had 
 counselled submission. In the speech Against Timo- 
 crates there are obvious exaggerations to the detriment 
 of the defendant. Timocrates had proposed that cer- 
 tain debtors should be given time to pay their debts ; 
 Demosthenes asserts that he restored them to their full 
 civic rights without payment. ^ Towards the end of 
 the speech a statement is made which conflicts with 
 one on the same subject in the exordium.^ 
 
 But such rhetorical devices are only trivial faults 
 to which most politicians are liable.* The orator him- 
 
 1 de Falsa Leg., §§ 112-113, with Weil's note. 2 § ^q. 
 
 ^ §§ 9» 196. Weil remarks truly, * Les orateurs ne se piquent 
 pas d'etre exacts : ils usent largement de I'hyperbole mensongdre.' 
 
 * Mr, Pickard-Cambridge {Demos., p. 80) observes : ' Men who 
 are assembled in a crowd do not think. . . . The orator has often 
 to use arguments which no logic can defend, and to employ methods 
 of persuasion upon a crowd which he would be ashamed to use 
 if he were deaUng with a personal friend.' This is partly true, but 
 should be accepted with reservations. The arguments in the 
 harangues of Demosthenes will generally bear the light, and the 
 public speeches by distinguished statesmen of this country on the 
 causes of the Great War have frequently appealed to the higher 
 nature of their audiences. 
 
252 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 self would probably feel that even more doubtful 
 actions were justifiable for the sake of the cause which 
 he championed. We must remember that all the 
 really important cases in which he took part had their 
 origin on political grounds, and during his pubhc career 
 he never relaxed his efforts for the maintenance of 
 those principles which he expoimded in his public 
 harangues. Until the end he had hopes for Greek 
 freedom, freedom for Athens, not based on any un- 
 worthy compromise, but dependent on a new birth of 
 the old Athenian spirit. The regeneration which he 
 pictured would be due to a revival of the spirit of per- 
 sonal self-sacrifice. Every man must be made to 
 reahze first that the city had a glorious mission, being 
 destined to fulfil an ideal of liberty based on principles 
 of justice ; secondly that, to attain this end, each must 
 live not for himself or his party but wholly for the city. 
 It is the consciousness that Demosthenes has these 
 enlightened ideas always present in his mind which 
 makes us set him apart from other orators. Lycurgus, 
 a second-rate orator, becomes impressive through his 
 sincerity and incorruptibihty ; Demosthenes, great 
 among orators, stands out from the crowd still more 
 eminently by the nobleness of his aspirations. 
 
 § 7. Structure of Speeches 
 
 The structure of the speeches will give us a last 
 example of the versatility of the composer and his 
 freedom from conventional form. 
 
 We find, indeed, that he regularly has some kind of 
 exordium and epilogue, but in the arrangement of other 
 divisions of the speech he allows himself perfect free- 
 dom ; we cannot reckon on finding a statement of the 
 
DEMOSTHENES 253 
 
 case in one place, followed regularly by evidence, by 
 refutation of the opponent's arguments, and so forth. 
 All elements may be interspersed, since he marshals 
 his arguments not in chronological nor even, necessarily, 
 in logical order, but in such an arrangement as seems 
 to him most decisive. He is bound by no conventional 
 rules of warfare, and may leave his flanks unprotected 
 while he delivers a crushing attack on the centre. In 
 some cases it is almost impossible to make regular 
 divisions by technical rule ; thus, in the de Corona 
 there is matter for dispute as to where the epilogue 
 really begins. ^ 
 
 The majority of the speeches actually end, according 
 to the Attic convention which governed both Tragedy 
 and Oratory, in a few sentences of moderate tone con- 
 trasting with the previous excitement ; a calm succeeds 
 to the storm of passions. In the forensic speeches 
 there is usually at the very end some appeal for a just 
 verdict, or a statement of the speaker's conviction that 
 the case may now be safely left to the court's decision ; 
 thus the Leptines ends with a simphcity worthy of 
 Lysias : 
 
 * I cannot see that 1 need say any more ; for I conceive 
 there is no point on which you are not sufficiently in- 
 structed ' ; the Midias more solemnly, * On account of all 
 that I have laid before you, and particularly to show respect 
 to the god whose festival Midias is proved to have profaned, 
 
 1 There is a pseudo-epilogue, §§ 126-159, devoted chiefly to the 
 birth and Hfe of Aeschines. Here the speech might have ended, 
 but the orator reverts in § 160 to an examination and defence of 
 his own political life. The real epilogue is contained in §§ 252-324. 
 The disorder is undoubtedly due in part to the pecuUar facts of 
 the case, namely, that the issues of the trial were much wider than 
 might have appeared. Demosthenes is not so much concerned 
 to prove the legality of Ctesiphon's decree as to offer an apologia 
 of his own political conduct during many years. 
 
254 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 punish him by rendering a verdict in accordance with piety 
 and justice.* 
 
 In the de Falsa Legatione there is more personal feel- 
 ing : * You must not let him go, but make his punish- 
 ment an example to all Athens and all Greece/ The 
 Timocrates is rather similar : ' Mercy under these 
 circumstances is out of place ; to pass a light sentence 
 means to habituate and educate in wrong-doing as 
 many of you as possible/ The Androtion ends with 
 a personal opinion on the aspect of the offence, and the 
 Aristocrates is in a similar tone. The (first) speech 
 against Aristogiton appeals directly to the personal 
 interests of all the jurors : ' His offence touches every 
 one, every one of you : and all of you desire to be quit 
 of his wickedness and see him punished.' 
 
 The de Corona is remarkable in every way ; this 
 great speech, which, arising from causes almost trivial, 
 abandons the slighter issues, and is transformed into 
 a magnificent defence of the patriotic policy, begins 
 with a solemn invocation : * I begin, men of Athens, 
 with a prayer to all the gods and goddesses that you 
 may show me in this case as much good-will as I have 
 shown and still show to Athens and to all of you.' It 
 ends in an unique way with an appeal, not to the court 
 but to a higher tribunal, an appeal which is all the 
 more impressive as its language recalls the sacred 
 formulas of religious utterance. * Never, ye gods of 
 heaven, never may you give their conduct your sanc- 
 tion ; but, if it be possible, may you impart even to 
 my enemies a sounder mind and heart. But if they 
 are beyond remedy, hurl them to utter and absolute 
 destruction by land and sea ; and to the rest of us 
 
DEMOSTHENES 255 
 
 grant, as quickly as may be, release from the terrors 
 which hang over us, and salvation imshakable/ 
 
 The speeches before the assembly are naturally 
 different in their endings from the judicial speeches ; 
 there is no criminal to attack, and no crime to stig- 
 matize ; the hearers themselves are, as it were, on their 
 defence, and Demosthenes freely poin ts out their 
 faults, but, as has been noticed, individual opponents 
 escape ; if there have been evil counsellors, the re- 
 sponsibiHty for following bad advice rests with the 
 public, and they can only be exhorted to follow a 
 better course. The speeches on the Symmories and on 
 Megalopolis end with a summary of the speaker's 
 advice. So, too, does that On the Freedom of Rhodes, 
 the last words containing a fine appeal to the lesson of 
 antiquity. * Consider that your forefathers dedicated 
 these trophies not in order that you might gaze in ad- 
 miration upon them, but in the hope that you might 
 imitate the virtues of those who dedicated them.' 
 
 Several of the speeches dealing with the Macedonian 
 question end with a short prayer for guidance : thus, 
 the First Philippic, ' May that counsel prevail which is 
 likely to be to the advantage of all ' ; the First Olynthiac, 
 ' May your decision be a sound one, for all your sakes ' ; 
 the Third Philippic, * Whatever you decide, I pray to 
 heaven it may be to your advantage ' ; the Third 
 Olynthiac, * I have told you what I think is to your 
 advantage, and I pray that you may choose what is 
 likely to be of advantage to the State and all your- 
 selves.' 
 
 Sometimes there is a greater show of confidence, as 
 in the Second Olynthiac : ' If you act thus, you will not 
 only commend your present counsellor, but you will 
 
256 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 have cause to commend your own conduct later on, 
 when you find a general improvement in your prospects/ 
 The Second Philippic ends with a prayer rather 
 similar to that in the de Corona, though less emphatic ; 
 the speech On the Chersonese with a reproof and a 
 warning. 1 The Peace contains no epilogue at all, but 
 breaks off with a sarcasm. 
 
 An indication of the nature of the subjects of the 
 genuine speeches may be useful for reference. They 
 may be taken in their three groups : A. Private, 
 B. Public, C. Deliberative speeches. 
 
 A. — Speeches in Private Causes 
 
 Against Aphobus, i. and ii., 363 B.C., delivered in the 
 action which Demosthenes brought against his guar- 
 dian for the recovery of his property. 
 
 For Phanos against Aphobus, 363 B.C. Aphobus, 
 convicted in the former case, accused a witness, Phanos, 
 of perjury : Demosthenes defends the latter. 
 
 Against Onetor, i. and ii., 362 B.C. Another case aris- 
 ing out of the guardianship. When Aphobus was 
 convicted it was found that he had«made over some of 
 the property to his father-in-law Onetor, against whom 
 Demosthenes was forced to bring a BUrj efouX?;?. 
 
 On the Trierarchic Crown, between 361-357 b.c. 
 Apollodorus, having been awarded the crown given 
 each year to the trierarch who first had his ship in 
 commission, claims a second crown for having given 
 the best equipped ship. 
 
 Against Spudias (date unknown). One Polyeuctus 
 died, leaving his property equally to his two daughters. 
 The husband of the elder claims that the dowry pro- 
 mised with her was never paid in full, and that Spudias, 
 
 1 Quoted supra, p. 216. 
 
DEMOSTHENES 257 
 
 the husband of the younger daughter, has consequently 
 no right to half of the gross estate. The debt to the 
 complainant should be discharged first. 
 
 Against Callicles (date unknown) . Callicles, a farmer, 
 alleges that the defendant's father built a wall stopping 
 a water-course ; consequently the plaintiff's land was 
 flooded in rainy weather. The defendant denies the 
 charge, and ridicules it on the ground that the high- 
 road was the natural water-course.^ 
 
 Against Conon (possibly 341 B.C., see Paley and 
 Sandys' edition). Ariston prosecutes Conon for as- 
 sault. The quarrel dated from a time when the two 
 parties were on garrison duty, and Conon and his sons 
 deliberately annoyed Ariston and his friends. Subse- 
 quently the defendant, aided by his sons and others, 
 members of a disreputable * Mohock ' club called the 
 ' Triballi,' violently assaulted the speaker.^ 
 
 For Phormio, 350 B.C. Phormio, chief clerk to 
 Pasion, the famous Athenian banker, succeeded him in 
 the business. Some years later ApoUodorus, Pasion's 
 elder son, claimed a sum of money, said to be due to 
 him under his father's will ; Phormio, however, proved 
 that a compromise had been made which rendered the 
 present action invahd. 
 
 Against Stephanus, i., 349 or 348 B.C. ApoUodorus 
 accuses Stephanus, a witness for Phormio in the 
 previous case, of perjury. It is noticeable that 
 Demosthenes, the professional speech-writer, has now 
 changed sides, an action of rather dubious morality 
 if judged by strict standards. 
 
 ^ A plausible answer. In Greece at the present day water- 
 courses are used as roads, and the same is true of the south of 
 Spain. At Malaga, a few years ago, the tram-line actually crossed 
 the river-bed. * Vide supra, p. 237. 
 
 R 
 
258 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Against Boeotus, i., 348 B.C. Mantias, an Athenian 
 politician, had three sons, Mantitheus (legitimate), 
 and Boeotus and another illegitimate. Boeotus laid 
 claim to the name Mantitheus, and the true Mantitheus 
 brought an action to restrain him from using the name. 
 
 Against Pantaenetus, 346 B.C. A plea (7rapaypa(j>7]) 
 by one Nicobulus against Pantaenetus, who had 
 charged the former with damaging his mining property. 
 "The case is hard to follow, since the mine in question 
 was held in succession by no less than six different 
 parties, whether as owners, mortgagees, or lessees. 
 
 Against Nausimachus (about 346 B.C.). Nausima- 
 chus and Xenopeithes, orphans, brought an action 
 against their guardian Aristaechmus with regard to 
 their estate, but agreed to compromise for three talents, 
 which was duly paid. After his death they brought 201 
 action against his four sons, renewing their original 
 claim. The sons put in a irapaypacf)!] to stop the 
 action on the ground of the compromise. 
 
 Against Eubulides, 345 B.C. Euxitheus, who has 
 been ' objected to ' at the revision of the Hst of citizens, 
 claims that he is a citizen by rights, but has been re- 
 moved from the roll maliciously by Eubulides. The 
 present case is his appeal {e<^eaL<i) to the court against 
 the decision. 
 
 - The remaining private speeches were quite possibly 
 not composed by Demosthenes, though proof is gener- 
 ally impossible. They seem, however, to be genuine 
 speeches, composed for delivery by some author or 
 authors of the Demosthenic period, and are of extreme 
 interest and importance to all students of private life 
 at Athens. 
 
 Against Callippus, 369 B.C. An ec^eo-t? or appeal 
 
DEMOSTHENES 259 
 
 to a court from an arbitration which, according to 
 the plaintiff Apollodorus, Pasion's son, was informal, 
 as the arbitrator had not taken the oath. The case 
 arises from a claim made by Callippus for money de- 
 posited with the banker Pasion, and by him paid out 
 to one Cephisiades. 
 
 Against Nicostratus, 368-365 B.C. Apollodorus had 
 declared that Arethusius, a debtor to the State, pos- 
 sessed two slaves, who were Uable to be confiscated 
 in payment of the debt. Nicostratus, brother of 
 Arethusius, declared that the slaves were his. Apollo- 
 dorus in this speech has to prove that the claim is 
 false. 
 
 Against Timotheus, 362 b.c, Apollodorus claims 
 from Timotheus money which, he affirms, the latter 
 borrowed from Pasion. 
 
 Against Polycles, 358 b.c. Apollodorus was forced 
 to act at trier arch beyond the appointed time, as 
 Polycles, his successor, was not ready to take over the 
 duty. The former claims damages. 
 
 Against Stephanus, ii. See Against Stephanus, i., to 
 which this is a supplement. 
 
 Against Euergus and Mnesibulus, 356-353 B.C. A 
 prosecution for perjury of witnesses in a case of ex- 
 trierarchs who are state-debtors. 
 
 Against Zenothemis, date unknown. An intricate 
 story of fraud and collusion in connexion with money 
 borrowed on the security of a ship and an attempt to 
 scuttle the ship. 
 
 Against Boeotus, ii., 348-346 B.C. (see the first speech 
 Against Boeotus). Mantitheus claims from his brothers 
 the payment of his mother's dowry in addition to his 
 share of his father's inheritance. 
 
26o THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Against Macartatus, c. 341 B.C. A case dealing 
 with a forged will and conflicting claims to an inheri- 
 tance. 
 
 Against Olympiodorus, c, 341 B.C. Ol5anpiodorus 
 and Callistratus, brothers-in-law, obtained the in- 
 heritance of Conon. Their title being questioned, 
 judgment went against them by default. They 
 brought a fresh action, Olympiodorus claiming the 
 whole and Callistratus half, but they had secretly 
 agreed to divide the booty equally. Olympiodorus 
 was awarded the whole, and kept it, so CalUstratus 
 brought an action on the ground of their agreement. 
 
 Against Lacritus, date unknown. Lacritus dis- 
 claims responsibiUty for the debts of his brother 
 Artemon, whose property he has inherited. 
 
 Against Phaenippus, 330 B.C. (?). The petitioner, 
 chosen for the trierarchy, claimed that Phaenippus 
 was better able to afford it, and should submit to 
 antidosis, or exchange of property. He accuses 
 Phaenippus of making a false declaration. 
 
 Against Leochares, date unknown ; another case of 
 disputed inheritance. 
 
 Against Apaturius, 341 B.C. (?). Apaturius claims 
 that the speaker has certain habilities towards him 
 in accordance with an agreement which he has lost. 
 The speaker af&rms in a irapaypa^ri that the con- 
 tract was fulfilled some time ago and the document 
 torn up. « 
 
 Against Phormio, c. 326 B.C. Phormio having bor- 
 rowed money on the security of a ship's cargo in 
 a voyage to the Bosporus and back, shipped no cargo 
 on the return journey, but as the ship was lost, 
 evaded his habilities. When Chrysippus, the debtor, 
 
DEMOSTHENES 261 
 
 claimed repayment, Phormio put in a Trapaypa^trj 
 stating that he had fulfilled his contract. 
 
 Against Dionysodorus, 323-322 B.C. Another action 
 for breach of contract in a similar case. 
 
 B. — Speeches in Public Causes 
 
 Against Androtion, 355 B.C., written for Diodorus. 
 Androtion had proposed the bestowal of a golden crown 
 on the Boul6 for their services during the year. 
 Euctemon and Diodorus attacked the proposal as 
 illegal because the navy had not been increased during 
 the year. Demosthenes in this speech attacks the 
 retrograde naval poHcy, pointing out by historical 
 argument the importance of the navy, and inveighs 
 generally against the corruptness of the party which 
 Androtion represents, as well as his personal character. 
 
 Against Leptines, 354 B.C. This is the first appear- 
 ance of Demosthenes in a public court. Leptines had 
 proposed the abolition of hereditary immunities from 
 taxation (drcXeLaL) granted to public benefactors. 
 It was a salutary measure in view of the existing 
 financial embarrassment, but Demosthenes opposed 
 it as being a breach of faith. * You must take care 
 not to be found guilty of doing, as a State, the sort of 
 thing that you would shrink from as individuals.' ^ 
 This debasement of the State is compared to a debase- 
 ment of the coinage,^ which is a capital offence.^ 
 
 Against Timocrates, 353 B.C. Another speech written 
 for Diodorus, contains several passages repeated from 
 the Androtion. This man and others, having failed 
 to repay certain moneys which they had embezzled, 
 were liable to imprisonment. Timocrates proposed 
 1 f 136. » § 167. 
 
262 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 an extension of the time within which they might pay. 
 Demosthenes maintains that the law was informally 
 passed and was imconstitutional. Many of the argu- 
 ments are sophistical or trivial, butsome are weighty, and 
 on general groimds, that retrospective legislation in the 
 interests of individuals is bad, this speech is very sound. 
 The peroration contains an eulogy on the laws of Athens.^ 
 
 Against Aristocrates, 352 B.C., is an important 
 authority for the Athenian law of homicide. Aristo- 
 crates had carried a resolution making the person of 
 Charidemus inviolable. This man, an Euboean by 
 birth, was a mercenary leader, who having helped to 
 lose Amphipolis, was now proposing to recover it. He 
 was at present commanding the forces of the Thracian 
 chief Cersobleptes. Demosthenes wrote this speech 
 for Euthycles, who impeached the proposal. It con- 
 tains an unusually careful arrangement in three 
 divisions : (i) The proposal is illegal, (2) it is against 
 our interest, (3) Charidemus is an unworthy person. 
 Demosthenes is seen at his best in his appeal to legis- 
 lative principle, his use of historical argument, and his 
 description of the conditions of mercenary service and 
 the politics of the barbarian fringe. The case against 
 Charidemus is strong ; he has been in the service of 
 Athens, Olynthus, Asia, and Thrace, and has played 
 fast and loose with all. 
 
 Against Midias, 347 B.C. A fine speech on a trivial 
 subject, which all the eloquence of Demosthenes cannot 
 dignify. Strong emotion is evident all through, 
 the tone is exalted, there are pathetic and humorous 
 passages, and all about a box on the ear ! 
 
 ^ §§ 210 s^^. 'A State's character is reflected in its laws ' {pd/xovi 
 . . . vv€l\r)(pa<ri . . . rpdvovs r^f r6\t(as. ). 
 
DEMOSTHENES 263 
 
 Midias, who had a long-standing personal grudge 
 against Demosthenes, was also his political opponent. 
 When Demosthenes undertook to furnish the chorus 
 for his tribe at the greater Dionysia in 348 B.C., Midias 
 did all that he could to ruin the performance. On 
 the day itself he slapped Demosthenes in the face in 
 the presence of the whole people in the theatre. ^ 
 Demosthenes laid a complaint, and Midias was declared 
 guilty of ' contempt ' in a religious sense {dBcKelv irepl 
 T7]v kopTTjv). This preliminary vote involved no 
 penalty, and Demosthenes was determined to push the 
 case to extremes. Midias, having assaulted an official 
 in discharge of his duty, and, further, committed sacri- 
 lege in so doing, might be condemned to death or con- 
 fiscation of property. In the end, however, as we 
 learn from Aeschines,^ a compromise was made, and 
 Demosthenes accepted half a talent as compensation 
 for his injuries. This sum was quite inadequate, but 
 there is good reason to believe that Demosthenes gave 
 way for political reasons, since at the end of this year 
 we find there is an understanding between him and 
 the party of Eubulus, to which Midias belonged. 
 
 On the Embassy [de Falsa Legatione), 344 B.C. 
 
 We come now to the two great speeches arising out 
 of the political hostility of Demosthenes and Aeschines, 
 the speeches On the Embassy, 344 B.C., and On the Crown, 
 330 B.C. The history of the quarrel has been given in 
 earlier chapters, and the speeches themselves to some 
 extent described, since an accoujit of the lives of the 
 two orators must have been very incomplete without 
 a full reference to their antagonism. ^ A few supple- 
 mentary remarks may, however, be in place here. 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 190. » Ctes., § 52. 
 
 * Vide supra, pp. 168, 194, 223. 
 
264 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 In the Embassy Demosthenes has to fight an uphill 
 fight ; he accuses Aeschines of having, from corrupt 
 motives, concluded a dishonourable and fatal peace. 
 He can bring no direct evidence of the guilt of his rival, 
 but his presumptive evidence is strong. He has one 
 imdisputed fact to work upon : Aeschines, on his 
 return from the second embassy, made certain state- 
 ments and promises which misled the people, and 
 resulted in the occupation of Thermopylae and the 
 ruin of Phocis. Aeschines himself must either have 
 been duped or bribed by Philip, and as he has never 
 admitted that he was a fool, it becomes certain that 
 he was a knave. A long section of the speech (§§ 29-97) 
 is devoted to a description of the effects of Aeschines' 
 policy, and another (§§ 98-149) infers his guilt on the 
 lines indicated and from other incidents in his career. 
 A presumption of guilt had already been reached in 
 the opening sections (§§ 9-28) where the sudden change 
 of front of Aeschines is described. The impression is 
 strengthened by a review of the events of the second 
 embassy (§§ 150-178). The charge has now been estab- 
 lished as far as circumstances permit ; the remainder 
 of the speech, almost as long as this first part, is really 
 a supplement. It is more discursive, and in some 
 places, by its enunciation of general principles, recalls 
 the tone of deliberative oratory. 
 
 The speech On the Crown, ^ 330 B.C., surpasses even 
 the preceding speech in the appearance of disorder, 
 which is probably due to deep design. The unity and 
 consistency of the whole is preserved by the thought, 
 which pervades every section, that the speaker must 
 identify himself with the city ; his policy has been 
 
 ^ Cf. supra, p. 223, 
 
DEMOSTHENES 265 
 
 hers ; personal interests are merged in those of the 
 community, and the case is to be won not on technical 
 points of law but by a justification of the broader 
 principles which have underlain all actions of the 
 State. 
 
 The speeches Against Aristogiton, 325-4 B.c.,^ are 
 generally considered spurious ; Weil, however, defends 
 the authenticity of the first, while abandoning the 
 second. The process is an attempt to crush a malicious 
 and dangerous sycophant. 
 
 Two more public speeches by contemporary writers 
 are included wrongly in editions of Demosthenes : 
 Against Neaera, written for Apollod4)rus between 343 
 and 339 B.C., on a question of the legal status of a 
 hetaira, and Against Theocrines, about 340 B.C. Theo- 
 crines was another sycophant, whom Demosthenes 
 branded for ever by using-his name as a term of abuse, 
 referring to Aeschines as * a Theocrines with the bearing 
 of a tragic actor. '^ 
 
 C. — Deliberative Speeches 
 
 On the Symmories, 354 B.C., deals with a rumour that 
 Persia intended to invade Greece. Demosthenes points 
 out that this apprehension is unfounded, and dis- 
 courages any rash steps ; but admits that trouble is 
 to be anticipated in the future, and so finds an oppor- 
 tunity for introducing a scheme of naval reform. The 
 money could be obtained when the danger was im- 
 minent ; 2 it was necessary now to perfect the machin- 
 ery. The style is Thucydidean. 
 
 1 We know from Dinarchus, Aristogiton, § 13, that this trial 
 shortly preceded the affair of Harpahis. 
 
 " de Cor., § 313, rpayiKds QeoKplvT)^. ■ Vide supra, pp. 244-245. 
 
266 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 For the people of Megalopolis, 353 B.C. Megalopolis, 
 the city of the Arcadian league, instituted by Epami- 
 nondas, was threatened with disruption by Sparta, and 
 appealed to Athens. Sparta sent an embassy at the 
 same time. Demosthenes, professing neutrality, really 
 supported the Arcadians, wishing to preserve their 
 integrity for the sake of the balance of power. He 
 failed in his object. 
 
 First Philippic, 351 B.C., vide supra, pp. 206-210. 
 
 For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 351 B.C., supports the 
 claim of the islanders against oppression by Artemisia, 
 widow of Mausolus of Caria. Demosthenes failed again, 
 chiefly through the prejudice against Rhodes, which 
 had revolted against Athens in 357 B.C. 
 
 First, Second, and Third Olynthiacs, all in 349 B.C., 
 vide supra, p. 210. 
 
 On the Peace, 346 B.C., vide supra, p. 212. 
 
 Second Philippic, 344 B.C., vide supra, pp. 213-214. 
 
 On the Chersonese, 341 B.C., vide supra, pp. 215-216. 
 
 Third Philippic, 341 B.C., vide supra, pp. 216-218. 
 
 The spurious Fourth Philippic (341-340 B.C.) has 
 been discussed {supra, p. 218). The speech on Halon- 
 nesus (342 B.C.) is attributed to Hegesippus. It is a 
 reply to an offer on the part of Philip to present to 
 Athens the island of Halonnesus which he had seized, 
 after clearing out the pirates who occupied it.^ 
 
 1 This Hegesippus, an orator of secondary importance, was an 
 ardent supporter of the patriotic party. In 357 b.c. he had brought 
 an accusation against one Callippus in connexion with the affairs 
 of Cardia {de Halon., § 43, and the hypothesis to the speech). In 
 343 B.C. he was one of an embassy sent to Philip (Demos., de Falsa 
 Leg., § 331). He was still aUve in 325 B.C. (Croiset, vol. iv. p. 621). 
 The extant speech consists of a clear and straightforward discussion 
 of the various points in Philip's proposal ; the style is easy, but 
 without distinction, and Dionysius, who did not doubt that it was 
 the work of Demosthenes, remarks that the orator has reverted 
 
DEMOSTHENES 267 
 
 On the Treaty with Alexander, date uncertain, probably 
 335 B.C., is also by a contemporary of Demosthenes. 
 The theme is, — Treaties should be observed by all, but 
 Macedon has broken promises, so this is an opportunity 
 for Athens to recover her freedom. 
 
 The Answer to Philip's Letter and the speech irepl 
 avvrd^eo)^ (on financial organization) are generally 
 regarded as rhetorical forgeries. 
 
 Two epideictic speeches, the Epitaphius and Eroticus, 
 are almost certainly not by Demosthenes, and the six 
 Letters are doubtful. The fifty-six prooemia, or intro- 
 ductions to speeches, are probably genuine exercises 
 of the orator's early days. 
 
 to the style of Lysias {de Demos., ch. ix.). Hiatus is frequent and 
 there are some monotonous repetitions. Critics were somewhat 
 shocked by the concluding phrase of § 45 — ' If you carry your 
 brains in your heads, and not in your heels so as to walk on them.' 
 Aeschines calls the orator KpwjSiXos, from his affected way of wear- 
 ing his hair in a ' bun ' on the top of his head. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 PHOCION, DEMADES, PYTHEAS 
 
 THOUGH as a rule an orator could not hope 
 to be successful in fourth-century Athens 
 without a professional training, yet there were at 
 times men who, either through strength of character 
 or natural gifts, could dispense with a rhetorical 
 education. 
 
 Foremost among the men of the peace party was 
 Phocion, an aristocrat by instinct if not by birth ; 
 a man admired alike for ability and integrity, so that, 
 though he was no great orator, his speeches always 
 commanded respect. He aspired, like Pericles, to be 
 both a statesman and a general, and in the former 
 capacity had at times to speak in the assembly. 
 Various anecdotes in Plutarch point to his efforts to 
 attain a conciseness which was almost laconic. His 
 utterance was as trenchant as it was brief — Demo- 
 sthenes called him ' the knife that cuts my speeches 
 down ' ; and he had a lively wit, which must have 
 pleased his hearers even though his policy was un- 
 popular. On one occasion, when the people applauded 
 him — which was rare, for he neither courted nor ex- 
 pected popularity — he paused in his speech and asked, 
 ' Have I said something absurd ? ' 
 
 An unsparing critic of the democracy, as he was 
 nevertheless their faithful servant, he continued, from 
 
 868 
 
DEMADES 269 
 
 the purest motives, to urge peace, though the best 
 years of his hfe were spent in war. He was respected 
 for his high character by Phihp and Alexander, and 
 acquiesced in the government instituted by Antipater 
 in 322 B.C., but fell a victim to the hatred of the 
 extreme democrats, and was forced to drink hemlock, 
 at the age of eighty years, in 317 B.C. 
 
 Demades, his contemporary, and a member of the 
 same political party, is a perfect type of the vulgar 
 demagogue. He depended for his success on a lively 
 wit and a never-failing flow of words. After the battle 
 of Chaeronea, where he was taken prisoner, he became 
 an avowed agent of Philip and Alexander.^ In conse- 
 quence of his supposed services to Athens after the 
 destruction of Thebes, he attained great popularity, 
 his statue was erected in the market-place, and the 
 more material benefit of perpetual meals in the Pry- 
 taneum was decreed to him. He was put to death by 
 Cassander, the son of Antipater ; his fellow-citizens 
 melted down his statues and apphed the metal to even 
 baser purposes. ^ His recorded sayings show imagina- 
 tion — * Alexander is not dead ; if he were, the whole 
 world would stink of his corpse ' ; or again, ' Macedon 
 without Alexander would be like the Cyclops without 
 his eye ' ; ^ finally, Athens is to him ' not the sea- 
 fighter whom our ancestors knew, but an old woman, 
 wearing slippers and supping barley-water.' * For the 
 high opinion entertained of his eloquence we may refer 
 to the verdict of Theophrastus — ' Demosthenes is an 
 orator worthy of Athens ; Demades is on a higher 
 
 1 Dinarchus, Demos,, § 104, ofioXoyiav Xafi^dvciy Kal Xrirl/ecrdaL. 
 
 ' Plut., Moralia, 820 F, »taT€X<6»'«i'<rav els dfilSas. 
 
 * Demetrius, de ElocutionCt §§ 282, 284. * Ibid.^ § 286. 
 
270 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 plane than Athens.' ^ We have no further means of 
 forming any conception of his style. 
 
 Pytheas, another orator who raised himself by his 
 talents from a humble position, was much younger 
 than the previous two, who were about contemporary 
 with Demosthenes. 2 He was one of the prosecutors of 
 Demosthenes in the affair of Harpalus in 324 B.C. 
 Soon after the death of Alexander he was banished, 
 took service with Antipater, and worked as his agent 
 in the Peloponnese, using his influence to thwart the 
 efforts of Demosthenes towards united resistance. 
 After this we lose sight of him. He is said to have had 
 talent, but to have been handicapped by lack of educa- 
 tion. He was the coiner of the famous phrase about 
 the speeches of Demosthenes, that they ' smelt of the 
 lamp,' cind another equally apt, though less familiar, 
 that Demosthenes ' had swallowed Isaeus whole.' ^ 
 
 * For this and other judgments, see Plut., Demos., chs. viii.-x. 
 ' Ibid., ch. viii. * Dionysius, Isaeus, ch. iv. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 LYCURGUS, HYPERIDES, DINARCHUS 
 
 § I. Life 
 
 LYCURGUS, according to Libanius, was older 
 -/ than Demosthenes, 1 though they were prac- 
 tically contemporaries. He belonged to the illustrious 
 house of the Eteobutadae, who traced their descent 
 from one Butes, brother of Erechtheus. The priest- 
 hood of Posidon-Erechtheus, and other religious offices,' 
 were hereditary in this family. 
 
 The grandfather of the orator, also called Lycurgus, 
 was put to death by the Thirt}/ ; his father, Lycophron, 
 is known only by name. 
 
 In the orator's extant speech, and in his recorded 
 actions, we find abundant proof of a sincere piety and 
 deep religious feeling, which were natural in the true 
 representative of such a family. The traditions of 
 his house may well have turned his thoughts to the 
 stem virtues of ancient days, the days of Athenian 
 greatness, when self-sacrifice was expected of a citizen. 
 He expresses a friendly feeling towards Sparta. 
 
 Of his earher political life we know only that he was 
 an ally of Demosthenes. ^ He came into greater pro- 
 minence after Chaeronea, and was one of the ten 
 orators whose surrender was demanded by Alexander 
 after the destruction of Thebes. 
 
 1 Hypothesis to Demos., ^gams/ /4m/ag«7ow. 
 
 " In some MSS. of Demosthenes {Phil., iii., § 72) his name 
 occurs as a member of an embassy which made a tour of the Pelo- 
 ponnese in 343 B.C. to rouse opposition against PhiUp. 
 
 271 
 
c 
 
 272 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 In 338 B.C., when the war party came into power, 
 he succeeded Eubnlus, the nominee of the peace party, 
 in an important financial office. In the decree quoted 
 by the Pseudo-Plutarch he is called ' Steward of the 
 pubUc revenue ' (rr)? Koivrj<; irpoaohov Tafiia<;)f which 
 is probably not his correct title, though it fairly 
 represents his appointment.^ He kept this office for 
 twelve years. His long administration, which was 
 characterized by absolute probity, brought the finances 
 of Athens to a thoroughly sound condition. During 
 his office he built a theatre and an odeon, completed 
 an arsenal, increased the fleet, and improved the 
 harbour of Piraeus. He also embellished the city 
 with works of art — statues of the great poets erected 
 in the pubhc places, golden figures of Victory and 
 golden vessels dedicated in the temples. His respect 
 for the poets was further shown by his decree that an 
 official copy should be made of the works of the three 
 great tragedians — a copy which afterwards passed 
 into the possession of the Alexandrine library. ^ 
 
 He conceived it as his mission to raise the standard 
 of public and private Hfe. Himself almost an ascetic,^ 
 he enacted sumptuary laws ; as a religious man by 
 instinct and tradition, he built temples and encouraged 
 religious festivals ; an ardent patriot by conviction, 
 
 * See (Aristotle) ^ A.$rival<i}v TroXiTeia, ch. 43, with Sandys' notes. 
 He must have been either rafiias tQu cFTpaTLWTiKwp or president 
 of ol irrl rb decapLKov, or perhaps he held both these appointments, as 
 the scope of his work seems to imply. Ps.-Plutarch says iria-rev- 
 
 ffdfieVOS TT)V dLolKTJfflV TUP xPVA''^'"w»'. 
 
 ' Ptolemy Philadelphus borrowed it in order to have it copied. 
 He deposited a large sum as security, but in the end he sacrificed 
 the deposit, kept the original, and presented Athens with his new 
 copy. 
 
 ' He wore the same clothes in summer and winter, and shoes 
 only in very severe weather {Ps.-Pluf.). 
 
LYCURGUS 273 
 
 he thought it his duty to undertake the ungrateful 
 part of a public prosecutor, pursuing all who failed in 
 their sacred duty towards their country. In this way 
 he conducted many prosecutions, which were nearly 
 all successful. He was never a paid advocate or a 
 writer of speeches for others ; indeed he would have 
 thought it criminal to write or speak against his con-iH.>^ 
 victions.i His indictments were characterized by 
 such inflexible severity that his contemporaries com- 
 pared him to Draco, saying that he wrote his accusa- 
 tions with a pen dipped in death instead of blood. ^ 
 
 He died a natural death in 324 B.C. ,3 and was 
 honoured by a public funeral. His enemy Menes- 
 aechmus, who succeeded to his office, accused him of 
 having left a deficit, though, according to one story, 
 Lycurgus, on the point of death, had been carried into 
 the ecclesia and successfully defended himself on that 
 score. His sons were condemned to make restitution, 
 and, being unable to pay, were thrown into prison, in 
 spite of an able defence by Hype rides. They were 
 released on an appeal by Demosthenes, then in exile.*/ 
 
 § 2. Works 
 Fifteen speeches of Lycurgus were preserved in anti- 
 quity, nearly all accusations on serious charges. He 
 prosecuted Euxenippus, whom Hyperides defended ; 
 he spoke against the orator Demades, and, in alliance 
 with Demosthenes, against the sycophant Aristogiton. 
 Other speeches known to us by name are Against Auto- 
 lycus, Against Leocrates, two speeches Against Lycophron, 
 
 1 See his condemnation of the advocates of Leocrates, § 135. 
 
 2 oil fiiXaPL dXXA davdrip XP^^^'''"- "^^^ KdXafxov Kara rCov irovqpQv {Ps.- 
 Flut.). ^ Suidas. 
 
 * Assuming (with Blass) the authenticity of the third letter of 
 Demosthenes, which is doubtful. 
 
M 
 
 !%.. 
 
 274 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Against Lysicles, against Menesaechmus, a Defence of 
 himself against Demades, Against Ischyrias, irpb^ rct^ 
 fiavreia^ (obscure title), Concerning his administration. 
 Concerning the priestess, and Concerning the priesthood.^ 
 
 Only one speech is now extant, the impeachment of 
 Leocrates. 
 
 Leocrates, an Athenian, during the panic which 
 succeeded the battle of Chaeronea, fled from Athens 
 to Rhodes, and thence migrated to Megara, where he 
 engaged in trade for five years. About 332 B.C. he 
 returned to Athens, thinking that his desertion would 
 have been forgotten ; but Lycurgus prosecuted him 
 as a traitor. 
 
 Only a small part of the speech is really devoted to 
 proving the charge. By § 36 Lycurgus regards it as 
 generally admitted. The remaining 114 sections con- 
 sist mostly of comment and digressions which aim at 
 emphasizing the seriousness of the crime and produce 
 precedent for the infliction of severe punishment in such 
 cases. 
 
 Analysis 
 
 1. Introduction. Justice and piety demand that I 
 
 should bring Leocrates to trial (§§ 1-2) ; the part 
 of a prosecutor is unpopular, but it is my duty 
 to undertake it (§§ 3-6). This is a case of 
 exceptional importance, and you must give 
 your decision without prejudice or partiality, 
 emulating the Areopagus (§§ 7-16). 
 
 2. Narrative. The flight of Leocrates to Rhodes. 
 
 Evidence (§§ 17-20). His move to Megara and 
 occupation there. Evidence (§§ 21-23). 
 
 1 This list is taken from Suidas. The hst compiled by Blass, 
 from various sources, is different in some details. 
 
LYCURGUS 275 
 
 3. Argument. Comments on the narrative. Possible 
 
 line of defence (§§ 24-35). The case is now 
 proved. It remains to describe the circum- 
 stances of Athens at the time when Leocrates 
 deserted her (§ 36). 
 
 4. The panic after the battle of Chaeronea (§§ 37-45). 
 
 Praise of those who fell in the battle there 
 (§§ 46-51)- Acquittal is impossible (§§ 52-54). 
 Another ground of defence cut away (§§ 55-58). 
 Further excuses disallowed (§§ 59-62) . Attempt 
 of his advocates to belittle his crime refuted by 
 appeal to the principles of Draco (§§ 63-67). 
 They appeal to precedent — the evacuation of 
 the city before the battle of Salamis : this 
 precedent can be turned against them (§§ 68-74). 
 The sanctity of oaths and punishment for per- 
 jury. Appeals to ancient history. Codrus (§§ 
 75-89). Leocrates says he is confident in his in- 
 nocence — quern deus vult perdere, prius dementat 
 (§§ 90-93)- Providence (§§ 94-97). Examples 
 of self-sacrifice ; quotations from Euripides and 
 Homer (§§ 97-105). Praise of Sparta. Influ- 
 ence of Tyrtaeus on patriots. Thermopylae 
 (§§ 106-110) . Severity of our ancestors towards 
 traitors (§§111-127). Sparta was equally severe 
 (§§ 128-129). Due severity will discourage 
 treachery, and the treachery of Leocrates is of 
 the basest sort (§§ 130-134). His advocates are 
 as bad as he is (§§ 135-140). Appeal to the 
 righteous indignation of the judges (§§ 141-148), 
 Epilogue (§§ 149-150) : 
 
 * I have come to the succour of my country and her 
 religion and her laws, and have pleaded my case straight- 
 
276 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 forwardly and justly, neither slandering Leocrates for his 
 general manner of living, nor bringing any charge foreign 
 to the present matter ; but you must consider that in 
 acquitting him you condemn your country to death and 
 slavery. Two urns stand before you, the one for betrayal, 
 the other for salvation ; votes placed in the former mean 
 the ruin of your fatherland, those in the latter are given 
 for civil security and prosperity. If you let Leocrates go, 
 you will be voting for the betrayal of Athens, her religion, 
 and her ships ; but if you put him to death, you will en- 
 courage others to guard and secure your country, her re- 
 venues, and her prosperity. So imagine, Athenians, that 
 the land and its trees are supplicating you, that the har- 
 bours, the dockyards, and the walls of the city are imploring 
 you ; that the temples and holy places are urging you to 
 come to their help ; and make an example of Leocrates, 
 remembering what charges are brought against him, and 
 how mercy and tears of compassion do not weigh more with 
 you than the safety of the laws and the commonwealth ' ^ 
 
 § 3. Style, etc. 
 
 Lycurgus is called a pupil of Isocrates ; whether he 
 was actually a student under the great master we cannot 
 be sure, but undoubtedly he had studied the master's 
 works. The influence of the Panegyric may be traced 
 here and there in the forms of sentences and in certain 
 terms of speech which are characteristic of the epideictic 
 style . Blass and others have drawn attention to isolated 
 sentences in the speech against Leocrates which might 
 have been deliberately modelled, with only the neces- 
 sary changes of words for the different circumstances, 
 on sentences in Isocrates. ^ The employment of a pair 
 
 ' §§ 149-150. 
 
 * E.g. cf. § 3, i^ovKbixTjv 8' &v, HxTirep 6v(p4\ifx6v itxTi, etc., with 
 Isocr. viii. {dt Pace), § 36, ij^ovXbixrjv 5' Hv, &ffirtp irpoffjjKdp icnv, etc. 
 also § 7 with Isocr. vii. (Areopagiticus), § 43, etc. 
 
LYCURGUS 277 
 
 of synonyms, or words of similar sense, where one 
 would suffice, also belongs to this style ^ — e.g. safe- 
 guard and protect, § 3 ; infamous and inglorious, § 91 ; 
 greatheartedness and nobility, § 100. 
 
 With these we must class such phrases as rd KOLvd ro}v 
 d8iK7)/j.dTa)v for rd KOivd dBifcrjfjiaTa^ (§ 6), and the 
 employment of abstract words in the plural, as evvoiai, 
 (t>6^oi, § 48, 43. 
 
 Lycurgus is very variable with regard to hiatus. In 
 some instances he has deliberately avoided it by slight 
 distortions of the natural order of words ; ^ in some 
 passages he has been able to avoid it without any dis- 
 location of order — a work of greater skill ; * but again 
 there are sentences where the sequences of open vowels 
 are frequent and harsh. ^ Other instances of careless 
 writing may be foimd in the inartistic joining of sen- 
 tences and clauses, for instance in §§ 49-50, where 
 several successive clauses are connected by ydp,^ or in 
 the clumsy accumulation of participles, as in § 93.' We 
 must conclude that Lycurgus, though so familiar with 
 the characteristics of Isocratean prose as to reproduce 
 them by unconscious imitation, was too much interested 
 in his subject to care about being a stylist ; and that 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 134. 
 
 2 This circumlocution may have been employed originally for 
 the avoidance of hiatus, as in the example quoted, and in § iii, 
 Ttt /caXd Twv ^pyoop ; it is, however, also used in cases whero no 
 such consideration enters, e.g. § 48, Toi>i iroi.riToi>s rdv iraripuv. 
 
 ' E.g. § 7, oit fiLKpbv Ti ixipos ffvuixfi- T'J^*' T^s •7r6Xea;s', oi'5' ^tt' dXiyhv 
 XP^vov, where o-w^x^i \ oiS' is deliberately avoided. 
 
 * E.g. §§ 71-73- 
 
 '^ E.g. § 143, Kal avrUa fidy vfids dfiaJaei d/coi/eiv adroO dwoXoyovfi^vov. 
 § 20, TToXXoi iTreladtjcrav twp fiapTvpwv i) dfivijfioveiv rj firj i\6clv ^ ir^pav 
 irp6<pa<Tiu evpeiv. 
 
 • See the translation on p. 278. 
 
 '' (pvyoPTa, Kal . . . aKovaravra . . . , d<piK6fM€vov xai . . . KaTa<f>vy6vTa, Kal 
 oid^v ^Tov . . . dirodavbvTa. 
 
278 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 though, like Demosthenes, he wrote his speeches out, 
 he really belongs rather to the class of improvisatory 
 speakers like Phocion. 
 
 His tendency towards the epideictic style is also seen 
 in his treatment of his subject-matter ; thus §§ 46-51 
 are nothing but a condensed funeral speech on those 
 who died at Chaeronea. It is introduced with an 
 apology (§ 46) ; it may seem irrelevant, he says, but it 
 is frankly introduced to point the contrast between the 
 patriot and the traitor. The concluding sections of 
 the eulogy are as follows : 
 
 ' And if I may use a paradox which is bold but neverthe- 
 less true, they were victorious in death. For to brave men 
 the prizes of war are freedom and valour ; for both of these 
 the dead may possess. And further, we may not say that 
 our defeat was due to them, whose spirits never quailed 
 before the terror of the enemy's approach ; for to those who 
 fall nobly in battle, and to them alone, can no man justly 
 ascribe defeat ; for fleeing from slavery they make choice 
 of a noble death. The valour of these men is a proof, for 
 they alone of all in Greece had freedom in their bodies ; for 
 as they passed from life all Greece passed into slavery ; for 
 the freedom of the rest of the Greeks was buried in the 
 same tomb with their bodies. Hence they proved to all 
 that they were not warring for their personal ends, but 
 facing danger for the general safety. So, Gentlemen, I 
 need not be ashamed of saying that their souls are the 
 garland on the brows of their country. ' ^ 
 
 This, with the exception of a slight imperfection of 
 style already noticed, is good in its way, in the style 
 which tradition had established as appropriate to such 
 subjects. It is less conventional and, in spite of its 
 bold metaphors, less insincere than Gorgias, avoiding 
 as it does the extravagance of his antithetical style. 
 ' §§ 49-50. 
 
LYCURGUS 279 
 
 But in spite of the speaker's apology we feel that it is 
 out of place, and its effect is spoiled by the use to which 
 it is put in the argumentative passage which imme- 
 diately follows : 
 
 ' And because they showed reason in the exercise of their 
 courage, you, men of Athens, alone of all the Greeks, know 
 how to honour noble men. In other States you will find 
 memorials of athletes in the market-places ; in Athens 
 such records are of good generals and of those who slew the 
 tyrant. Search the whole of Greece and you will barely 
 find a few men such as these, while in every quarter you 
 will easily find men who have won garlands for success in 
 athletic contests. So, as you bestow the highest honours 
 on your benefactors, you have a right to inflict the severest 
 punishments on those by whom their country is dis- 
 honoured and betrayed. ' ^ 
 
 His use of examples from ancient history is similar 
 to that of Isocrates, e.g. in the Philip and the Pane- 
 gyric ; but many of these episodes are forcibly dragged 
 into a trial of the kind with which Lycurgus was con- 
 cerned, whereas those of Isocrates always help to convey 
 the lesson which he is trying to enforce. Thus the 
 following passage, which succeeds a quotation from 
 Homer, leads up to a digression on Tjrtaeus, accom- 
 panied by a lengthy quotation from his works. There 
 is only a bare pretence that all this has anything to do 
 with the case : 
 
 ' Hearing these lines and emulating such actions, our 
 ancestors were so disposed towards manly courage that 
 they were content to die not only for their own fatherland 
 but for all Greece, as their common fatherland. Those, at 
 any rate, who faced the barbarians at Marathon, conquered 
 the armament of all Asia, by their individual sacrifice gain- 
 
 M51. 
 
28o THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 ing security for all the Greeks in common, priding them- 
 selves not upon their fame but on doing deeds worthy of 
 their country, setting themselves up as champions of the 
 Greeks and masters of the barbarians ; for they made no 
 nominal profession of courage, but gave an actual display 
 of it to all the world.' 1 
 
 Here Lycurgus has reverted to the antithetical style 
 of Antiphon, the opposition of * word ' and *deed,' 
 * private * and ' public,' and the like. We are also 
 from time to time reminded of Antiphon by the 
 prominence given in the Leocrates to religious considera- 
 tions. The digressions may be partly explained by the 
 speaker's avowed motive in introducing some of them 
 — his wish to be an educator. He introduces a very 
 moral tale of a young Sicilian who, tarrying behind to 
 save his father, on the occasion of an^ruption of Etna, 
 was providentially saved while all the others perished. 
 ^ This is his excuse — * The story may be legendary, but 
 it will be appropriate for all the younger men to hear it 
 '"""""--iiow ' ; 2 and the manner of the lecturer is evident 
 elsewhere — * There are three influences above all which 
 guard and protect the democracy and the welfare of 
 vthe city,' etc. 'There are two things which educate 
 / our youth : — the punishment of evil-doers and the 
 , rewards bestowed on good men.' ^ 
 
 Quite apart fron these decorative digressions, 
 Lycurgus admits into his ordinary discourse poetical 
 ^^r-^ phrases and metaphors which the stricter taste of 
 Isocrates would have excluded. The bold personifica- 
 tions in his epilogue and elsewhere are cases in point : 
 
 ' So imagine, Athenians, that the land and its trees are 
 supplicating you ; that the harbours, the dockyards, and 
 
 ■ § 104. » § 95. I 3 §§ 3, 10 ; cf. also § 79. 
 
LYCURGUS 281 
 
 the walls of the city are imploring you ; that the temples 
 and holy places are urging you to come to their help. ' ^ 
 
 Lycurgus must have tried the patience of his hearers 
 by his lengthy quotations from the poets. No other 
 orator, perhaps, would have dared to recite fifty-five 
 lines of Euripides and to follow them, after a short 
 extract from Homer, with thirty- two lines of Tyrtaeus. 
 Aeschines, no doubt, was fond of quoting, but his 
 extracts are comparatively short and generally to the 
 point ; he can make good use of a single couplet. 
 Demosthenes too, in capping his great adversary's 
 quotations, observed moderation and season. But the 
 long quotations in Lycurgus are superfluous ; that from 
 Euripides is a mere excrescence, for he has already 
 summarized in half a dozen lines the story from which 
 he draws his moral ; and the only purpose in telling 
 the story at all is to introduce the refrain ' Leocrates is 
 quite a different kind of person.' 
 
 In this matter Lycurgus lacks taste — that is to say, 
 he lacks a sense of proportion ; but for all that he is 
 felt to be speaking naturally quite according to his own 
 character ; he is attaining the highest ethos by being 
 himself. We know his interest in the tragedians from 
 the fact that he caused an official copy of the plays to 
 be preserved ; and though religious motives would 
 suffice to account for this decree, probably personal 
 feeling, the statesman's private affection for the works 
 which he thus perpetuated, to some degree influenced 
 his judgment. 
 
 * § 150, cf. also § 43. ' He contributed nothing to the nation's 
 safety, at a time when the country was contributing her trees, the 
 dead their sepulchres, and the temples their arms.' And § 17, ofire 
 Tovs Xifievas rrjs TriXeojs iXewv ; § 61, iroXewj iari ddparoi dvaffrarov 
 yev^cdai. Hyperides has a similarly bold expression, ' Condemning 
 the city to death.' 
 
282 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Though he may be unskilful, if judged by technical 
 standards, Lycurgus impresses us by his dignified 
 manner. He will not condescend to any rhetorical 
 device which might detract from this dignity. He has 
 no personal abuse for his opponent ; he promises to 
 keep to the specific charge with which the trial is con- 
 cerned,^ and at the end of the speech can justly claim 
 that he has done so.^ Though it may lay him open to 
 the suspicion of sycophancy, he disclaims any personal 
 enmity against Leocrates ; he professes to be impelled 
 entirely by patriotic motives, and we believe him.^ 
 He may seem to us excessively severe ; we may regard 
 the crime of Leocrates as nothing worse than cowardice; 
 but we are convinced that to Lycurgus it appeared as 
 the greatest of all crimes ; and the Athenian assembly 
 too was apparently so convinced.* 
 
 Failure in patriotism was to Lycurgus an offence 
 ^ against religion, and religion has the utmost prominence 
 in his speech. There can be no doubt of his sincerity. 
 The court of the Areopagus, which was more directly 
 under religious protection and more closely concerned 
 with religious questions than any other court, is men- 
 tioned by him with almost exaggerated praise.^ The 
 Areopagus was very highly respected by all Athenians, 
 but it was not a democratic court ; it was a survival 
 from pre -democratic da3^s. An orator who only wished 
 to propitiate the good-will of his popular audience 
 would praise not the old aristocratic court but the 
 modem popular assembly before which he was speaking. 
 
 Mil- M 149. Ms. 
 
 * Leocrates was acquitted by one vote only. 
 
 * § 12. ' It is so far superior to other courts that even those 
 who are convicted before it do not question its justice. You 
 should take it as your model.' 
 
LYCURGUS 283 
 
 Lycurgus gives praise and blame where he thinks them 
 due. . He is by no means satisfied with the democratic 
 courts. 
 
 ' I too, shall follow justice in my prosecution, neither 
 falsif5dng an3d;hing, nor speaking of matters extraneous to 
 the case. For most of those who come before you behave 
 in the most inappropriate fashion ; for they either give 
 you advice about public interests, or bring charges, true or 
 false, of every possible kind rather than the one on which 
 you are to be called on to give your verdict. 
 
 * There is no difficulty in either of these courses ; it is as 
 easy to utter an opinion about a matter on which you are 
 not deliberating as it is to make accusations which nobody 
 is going to answer. But it is not just to ask you to give 
 a verdict in accordance with justice when they observe no 
 justice in making their accusations. And you are re- 
 sponsible for this abuse, for it is you who have given this 
 licence to those who appear before you. . . .'^ 
 
 The whole speech is pervaded by references to 
 religion ; Rehdantz has noted that the word ^€09^ 
 occurs no less than thirty-three times ; and other words -^ 
 of religious import are very frequent, though the orator 
 never uses ejaculations such as the w 7^ koX Beoi of 
 Demosthenes. This reiteration is of less significance 
 than the serious tone of the passages in which such 
 references occur ; his opening sentences indicate the 
 attitude which he is to maintain : 
 
 ' Justice and Piety will be satisfied, men of Athens, by 
 the prosecution which I shall institute, on your behalf 
 and on behalf of the gods, against the defendant Leocrates. 
 For I pray to Athena and the other gods, and to the heroes 
 whose statues stand in the city and in the country, that if 
 I have justly impeached Leocrates ; if I am bringing to 
 
284 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 trial the betrayer of their temples, their shrines and their 
 sanctuaries, and the sacrifices ordained by the laws, handed 
 down to you by your forefathers, they may make me 
 to-day a prosecutor worthy of his offences, as the interests 
 of the people and the city demand ; and that you, remember- 
 ing that your deliberations are concerned with your fathers, 
 your children, your wives, your country, and your religion, 
 and that you have at the mercy of your vote the man who 
 betrayed them all, may prove relentless judges, both now 
 and for all time to come, in dealing with offenders of this 
 kind and degree. But if the man whom I bring to trial 
 before this assembly is not one who has betrayed his father- 
 land and deserted the city and her holy observances, I pray 
 that he may be saved from this danger both by the gods and 
 by you, his judges.' ^ 
 
 Passages later in the speech deepen this impression, 
 and contain definite statements of belief which we 
 cannot disregard : 
 
 * For the first act of the gods is to lead astray the mind 
 of the wicked man ; and I think that some of the ancient 
 poets were prophets when they left behind them for future 
 generations such lines as these : 
 
 For when God's wrath affiicteth any man. 
 By his own act his wits are led astray, 
 And his straight judgment warped to crooked ways. 
 That, sinning, he may know not of his sin. 
 I * The older men among you remember, the younger have 
 heard, the story of Callistratus, whom the city condemned 
 to death. He fled the country, and hearing the god at 
 Delphi declare that if he went to Athens he would obtain 
 his due, he came here, and took sanctuary at the altar of the 
 twelve gods ; but none the less he was put to death by the 
 city. 
 
 ' This was just ; for a criminal's due is punishment. And 
 the god rightly gave up the wrong-doer to be punished by 
 
HYPERIDES 285 
 
 those whom he had wronged ; for it would be strange 
 if he revealed the same signs to the pious and the wicked.' 
 
 * But I am of opinion, Gentlemen, that the god's care' 
 watches over every human action, particularly those con- ;, 
 cerned with our parents and the dead, and our pious duty 
 towards them ; and naturally so, for they are the authors 
 of our being, and have conferred innumerable blessings on 
 us, so that it is an act of monstrous impiety, I will not say 
 to sin against them, but even to refuse to squander our own 
 lives in benefiting them.* ^ 
 
 The following fragment deserves quotation as an 
 example of his dignified severity : 
 
 * You were a general, Lysicles ; a thousand of your fellow- 
 citizens met their death, two thousand were made prisoners, 
 and our enemies have set up a trophy of victory over Athens, 
 and all Greece is enslaved ; all this happened under your 
 leadership and generalship ; and yet do you dare to live 
 and face the sun's light, and invade the market-place — you, 
 who have become a memorial of disgrace and reproach to 
 your country } ' '^ 
 
 HYPERIDES 
 
 Hyperides, a member of a middle-class family, 
 was bom in 389 B.C., and so was almost exactly con- 
 temporary with Lycurgus, whose political views he 
 shared. He too, according to his biographer, was a 
 pupil of Isocrates and of Plato, but the influence of the 
 latter can nowhere be traced in his work. 
 
 A man of easy morals and self-indulgent habits, he-^ 
 presents a striking contrast to the austerity of Lycurgus. 
 The comic poets satirized his gluttony and his partiality 
 for fish, and the Pseudo-Plutarch records that he took 
 
 ^ §§ 92-94. * Against Lysicles, fr. 75. 
 
N 
 
 286 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 a walk through the fish-market every day of his hfe ; 
 but the pursuit of pleasure did not impair his activity. 
 He was at first a writer of speeches for others, as 
 Demosthenes was at the beginning of his career ; ^ 
 but before he reached the age of thirty he began to 
 be concerned personally in trials of political import. 
 He prosecuted the general Autocles on a charge of 
 treachery, in 360 B.C. ; he appeared against the orator 
 Aristophon of Azenia, and Diopeithes. He impeached 
 in 343 B.C., Philocrates, who had brought about the 
 peace with Philip. ^ He was sent as a delegate to the 
 Amphictyonic Council,^ and showed himself a vigorous 
 supporter of the policy of Demosthenes ; in 340 B.C., 
 when an attack on Euboea by Philip was anticipated, 
 he collected a fleet of forty triremes, two of which he 
 provided at his own cost. Shortly before Chaeronea 
 he proposed a decree to honour Demosthenes ; after 
 the battle he took extreme measures for the public 
 safety, including the enfranchisement of metoeci and 
 the manumission of slaves. He was prosecuted by 
 Demades for moving an illegal decree, and retorted, 
 * The arms of Macedon made it too dark to see the laws ; 
 it was not I who proposed the decree, but the battle of 
 Chaeronea.' * He was able to retaliate soon aften\^ards 
 by prosecuting Demades for the same offence of illegal- 
 ity. Demades had proposed to confer the title of 
 proxenos on Euthycrates, who had betrayed Olynthus 
 
 1 He could not afford to be particular as to the kind of cases 
 which he took up ; the affair of Athenogenes is far from respectable 
 on either side, and several of his speeches were in connexion with 
 heiaivai of the less reputable sort. His defence of the famous 
 Phryne was his masterpiece. 
 
 « He mentions these three among the most famous cases in which 
 he has been concerned {For Euxenippus, § 28). 
 
 * Demos., de Cor., §§ 134-135. '* Fr. 28. 
 
HYPERIDES 287 
 
 to Philip. A fragment which remains of Hyperides' 
 speech on this subject shows him to be a master of 
 sarcasm.^ 
 
 We know nothing for certain about the origin of the 
 breach between him and Demosthenes ; it may have 
 been due to his disapproval of the latter's pohcy of 
 inactivity when Sparta in 330 B.C. wished to fight with 
 Antipater ; at any rate his language in 334 B.C. shows 
 him to be an irreconcilable adversary of Macedon. 
 Nicanor had sent a proclamation to the Greeks request- 
 ing them to recognize Alexander as a god, and to receive 
 back their exiles. At the same time Harpalus, Alex- 
 ander's treasurer, had deserted from the king's side 
 and arrived at Athens with a considerable treasure. 
 Demosthenes was in favour of negotiating with Alex- 
 ander ; Hyperides wished to reject the proposals of 
 Nicanor, and use the treasure of Harpalus for con- 
 tinuing the war against Macedon. Harpalus was ar- 
 rested, but succeeded in escaping, and many prominent 
 statesmen came under suspicion of having received 
 bribes from him. Hyperides was chosen as one of the 
 prosecutors, and Demosthenes was exiled. 
 
 Hyperides, after Alexander's death, took the chief 
 responsibility for the Lamian war, and was chosen to 
 pronounce the funeral oration on his friend, the general 
 Leosthenes, and the other Athenians who fell in the 
 war. Demosthenes had now returned from exile ; the 
 two patriots were reconciled, and persisted in the policy 
 of resistance from which the prudence of Phocion had 
 long striven to dissuade Athens. After the battle of 
 Crannon, Antipater demanded the surrender of the 
 leaders of the war party ; Hyperides fied, was captured 
 
 * Vide infra, p. 295. 
 
288 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and put to death in 322 B.C. He is said to have bitten 
 ^^-out his tongue for fear that he might, under torture, 
 betray his friends. His body was left unburied till the 
 piety of a kinsman recovered it and gave him interment 
 in the family tomb by the Rider's Gate. He had proved 
 himself consistent throughout his public life, and how- 
 ever mistaken his policy, especially in the latter years, 
 may have been, honour is due to him for the unflinching 
 patriotism which led him to martyrdom in a vain 
 struggle to uphold his country's honour. 
 
 Until the middle of the nineteenth century. Hyper- 
 ides was known to the modem world only from the 
 criticisms of Dionysius and other ancient scholars, and 
 from a few minute fragments preserved here and there 
 by quotations in scholiasts and lexicographers. A 
 manuscript is believed to have existed in the library at 
 Buda, but when that city was captured by the Turks 
 in 1526 the library was destroyed or dispersed, and 
 Hyperides was lost. 
 -4^- In 1847 portions of his speeches began to reappear 
 among the papyri discovered in Egypt. In that year 
 a roll, containing fragments of the speech Against 
 Demosthenes and of the first half of the Defence of 
 Lycophron, was brought to England; a second roll 
 discovered in the same year was found to contain the 
 second half of the Lycophron and the whole of the 
 Euxenippus. In 1856 were discovered considerable 
 fragments of the Funeral Speech. In 1890, some frag- 
 ments of the speech Against Philippides were acquired 
 by the British Museum, while the most important dis- 
 covery of all was that of the speech Against Athenogenes. 
 The MS. was purchased for the Louvre in 1888, but the 
 complete text was only pubUshed in 1892. Its import- 
 
HYPERIDES 289 
 
 ance may be estimated by the fact that Dionysius 
 couples this speech and the defence of Phryne as being 
 the best examples of a style in which Hyperides sur- 
 passed even Demosthenes. The pap5mis itself is of 
 interest as giving us one of the very earliest classical 
 MSS. that we possess ; it dates from the 2nd century B.C. ^ 
 
 In many points Hyperides challenges comparison 
 with Lysias. The criticism of Dionysius is well worth 
 our consideration : ' Hyperides is sure of aim, but sel- 
 dom exalts his subject ; in the technique of diction he 
 surpasses Lysias, in subtlety (of structure) he surpasses 
 all. He keeps a firm hold throughout on the matter at 
 issue, and clings close to the essential details. He is 
 well equipped with intelligence, and is full of charm ; 
 he seems simple, but is no stranger to cleverness.' ^ 
 
 The first sentence contrasts Hyperides once for all 
 with his contemporary Lycurgus, who, while less sure 
 of his aim, has a personal dignity which gives exaltation 
 to every theme. 
 
 We have hardly enough of the work of Hyperides to 
 enable us to form a first-hand judgment as to the 
 merits of his diction compared with that of Lysias. 
 He has, indeed, the same simpHcity and naturalness, 
 but hardly, so far as we can judge, the same felicity of 
 expression. 
 
 Hermogenes blames him for carelessness and lack of 
 restraint in the use of words, instancing such expres- 
 sions as /jLOV(i)TaTO<i, yakiaypa, iirrj^oXof}, etc., which 
 seem to him unsuited for literary prose. As we have 
 had occasion to notice already, rare and unusual words 
 
 ^ The agreement of Blass and Kenyon on this point may be 
 taken as conclusive. Small fragments of another speech For 
 Lycophron have been recently published {Pap. Oytyrh., vol. xiii.). 
 
 ? dpxo.i<>)v Kpiais, V. 6. 
 
290 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 may be found occasionally in every orator, almost in 
 every writer. Hyperides was no purist ; he enlivened 
 his style with words taken from the vocabulary of 
 Comedy and of the streets. He did not wait for 
 authority to use any expression which would give a 
 point to his utterance. 
 
 Critics who expected dignified restraint in oratorical 
 prose may have been shocked by the adjective dpcirrj- 
 Bea-Tos, * worm-eaten,' which he applied to Greece ; to us 
 it seems an apt metaphor. Of his other colloquialisms 
 some recall the language of Comedy — as Kp6vo<; (' an old 
 Fossil'), the diminutive depairovTiov, and 6^okoaTdT7)<^^ 
 ('a weigher of small change ' = ' usurer '), m-poairepi' 
 KOTTTeiv (' to get additional pickings ' — the metaphor is 
 apparently from pruning a tree), TratBaycoyelv in the 
 sense of ' lead by the nose.' Others seem to be merely 
 colloquial, part of that large and unconventional voca- 
 bulary which was soon to form the basis of Hellen- 
 istic Greek ; for we must remember that we are already 
 on the verge of Hellenism, and that the Attic dialect 
 must soon give way before the spread of a freer 
 language. In this class we may put iirocfydaXfMcdv 
 (* to eye covetously '), viroirl'irTeLv {' to put oneself under 
 control of somebody '), iva-elci) (' to entrap '), Kar are five lv 
 {'to abuse'), iirefi^aLvco (poetical or colloquial, 'to 
 trample on'). 
 
 In some of his speeches relating to hetairai he seems 
 to have used coarse language which offended his critics ; 
 nothing offensive is found in his extant speeches. ^ 
 
 Other metaphors and similes abound ; he is fond of 
 comparing the life of the State to the life of a man, as 
 
 1 d^oKoaraTftv was used by Lysias also (fr. 41). 
 * Demetrius, irepl ep/j-rfvelas, § 302. 
 
HYPERIDES 291 
 
 LycurgllS does also — ev /juev a-ay/ia dddvaTOv V7r€i\'r}(f>a<i 
 eaecOaty ttoXgco^ Se Trj\iKavTr)<i OdvaTOV KaTiyvcofi. 
 
 * You imagine that one person [i.e. Philip) can live for 
 ever, and you passed sentence of death on a city as old 
 as ours.' The Homeric phrase iirl ryrjpcDf; 68^ ( = €7rl 
 <y7jpao^ ovBd), ' on the threshold of old age ') is curiously 
 introduced into a serious passage in the Demosthenes 
 without any preparation or apology. We can only 
 suppose that it was so famihar to his hearers that it 
 would not strike them as being out of place in ordinary 
 speech. It is similarly used by Lycurgus.^ In the 
 same speech (Against Demosthenes) Hyperides speaks of 
 the nation being robbed of its crown, but the meta- 
 phor is suggested by the fact that actual crowns had 
 been bestowed on Demosthenes. Such metaphors as 
 
 * others are building their conduct on the foundations 
 laid by Leosthenes,' though less common in Greek than 
 in English, are perfectly intelligible. A happy instance 
 of his ' sureness of aim ' which Dionysius commended 
 is preserved in a fragment about his contemporaries : 
 
 * Orators are like snakes ; all snakes are equally loathed, 
 but some of them, the vipers, injure men, while the big 
 snakes eat the vipers.' ^ 
 
 He uses simile, however, with varying success ; the 
 following, though the conception is good, is not properly 
 worked out, as the paralleHsm breaks down : 
 
 * As the sun traverses the whole world, marking out the 
 seasons, and ordering everything in due proportion, and 
 for the prudent and temperate of mankind takes charge 
 of the growth of their food, the fruits of the earth and all 
 else that is beneficial for life ; so our city ever continues 
 to punish the wicked and help the righteous, preserving 
 equal opportunities for all, and restraining covetousness, 
 
 1 Leoc, § 40. « Fr. 80. 
 
 ^ij\ 
 
292 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and by her own risk and loss providing common security 
 for all Greece.' ^ 
 
 \^. The Epitaphios from which the last quotation is taken 
 r^ is a speech of a formal kind composed in the epideictic 
 style, and naturally recalls similar speeches of Isocrates 
 and others. Its composition shows much greater care 
 than was taken with the other speeches ; thus there are 
 few examples of harsh hiatus, a matter to which the 
 author as a rule paid no attention. All the other extant 
 speeches have far more instances of clashing vowels.^ 
 The antithetical sentences are appropriate to the style, 
 and the periodic structure is like that of Isocrates, 
 except that the sentences are, on the whole, shorter 
 and simpler. 
 
 In other speeches he mingles the periodic and the 
 free styles with discretion. The objection to a long 
 period is that it takes time to understand it ; we cannot 
 fully appreciate the importance of any one part until 
 we have reached the end and are in a position to look 
 back at the whole . For practical oratory it is far better 
 to make a short statement which may be in periodic 
 form, and amphfy it by subsequent additions loosely 
 connected by Kai, Se, 7ap, and such particles. This is 
 what Hyperides does with success, for instance in the 
 opening of the Euxenippus, an argumentative passage. ^ 
 In narrative passages a free style is expected.^ 
 
 1 Epitaphios, § 5. 
 
 2 Cf. de Demos., col. xi, iv t($ S-fjfUfi iTrraKda-ia 0Vas elvai. rdXavra, 
 vvv tA 7]fil<rr] dvacp^peis, /cat oiJ5' iXoyiaru 6ti rod irdpra dvevexOrivai, dpdCHs, 
 K.T.X. Ibid., col. xiii., Kal ol &\\ol <f)l\oi. avroO ^\eyov 8ti dvayKdcovai, 
 K.T.X. Euxenippus, § 19, etc. 
 
 3 |§ 1. 2, although a full stop occurs in the second line of § 3, 
 are aU resdly one sentence, but in spite of its length it is perfectly 
 lucid. 
 
 * A good example of a story told by a succession of short sentences 
 joined by Kal is to be found in Athenogenes, § 5. 
 
HYPERIDES 293 
 
 In contrast to this flowing style we must notice the 
 quick abrupt succession of short sentences which he 
 sometimes affects, either in the form of question and 
 answer, as in the following fragment, or otherwise : 
 
 ' " Did you propose that the slaves should be made free ? " 
 " I did, to save the free men from becoming slaves. " " Did 
 you move that the disfranchised citizens should be en- 
 franchised ? " — "I did, in order that all in harmony might 
 fight side by side for their country." ' ^ 
 
 Still more effective is the following : 
 
 ' It is on this account that you have enacted laws to deal 
 separately with every possible offence that a citizen may 
 commit. A man commits sacrilege — ^prosecution for sacri-\ 
 lege before the king-archon. He neglects his parents — the ; 
 archon sits on his case. A man proposes an illegal measure 
 — ^there is the council of the Thesmothetae. He makes 
 himself liable to arrest — the " eleven " are permanent 
 officials.' 2 
 
 Hyperides possessed an active wit which enabled him 
 on many occasions to evade an argument by making 
 his opponent appear ridiculous. Euthias, in prosecut- 
 ing Phryne for impiety, made his audience shudder by 
 describing the torments of the wicked in Hades. ' How 
 is Phryne to blame,' asked Hyperides, ' for the fact that 
 a stone hangs over the head of Tantalus ? ' ^ In the 
 Euxenippus, he complains that the process of impeach- 
 ment before the assembly has been appHed to the 
 present case : 
 
 * Impeachment has hitherto been employed against 
 people like Timomachus, Leosthenes, Callistratus, Philon, 
 and Theotimus who lost Sestos — ^some of them for betray- 
 ing ships which they commanded, some for betraying 
 cities, and one for giving, as an orator, bad advice to the 
 
 1 Frr. 27-28. ' Euxenippus, §§ 5, 6. * Fr. 173. 
 
294 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 people. . . . The present state of affairs is ridiculous — 
 Diognides and Antidorus are impeached for hiring flute- 
 players at a higher price than the law allows ; Agasicles of 
 Piraeus is impeached for being registered as of Halimus ; 
 and Euxenippus is impeached on account of the dream 
 which he says he dreamed.' ^ 
 
 His sarcasm is playful at times, even in serious pas- 
 sages ; for instance the following : 
 
 ' These Euboeans Demosthenes enrolled as Athenian 
 citizens, and he treats them as his intimate friends ; this 
 need not surprise you ; naturally enough, since his policy 
 is always ebbing and flowing, he has secured as his friends 
 people from Euripus/ ^ 
 
 Another good example of his sarcastic humour 
 appears in the defence of Euxenippus against the charge 
 of Macedonian sympathy : 
 
 ' If your assertion (the prosecutor's) were true, you would 
 not be the only person to know it. In the case of all others 
 who in word or deed favour Philip, their secret is not their 
 own ; it is shared by the whole city. The very children in 
 the schools know the names of the orators who are in his 
 pay, of the private persons who entertain and welcome his 
 emissaries, and go out into the streets to meet them on their 
 arrival.' * 
 
 This same sarcasm is in many places a powerful 
 weapon of offence, as in the next extract from the 
 indictment of Demosthenes : 
 
 * You, by whose decree he was put in custody, who 
 when the watch was relaxed did nothing to assure it, and 
 when it was abandoned altogether did not bring the guilty 
 to trial — ^no doubt it was for nothing that you turned the 
 opportunity to such advantage. Are we to believe that 
 
 ^ Euxenippus, §§ 1-3. 
 
 * Against Demos., fr. v., col. xv. 15. The tide in the Euripus, 
 which ebbed and flowed nine times a day, was, of course, proverbial. 
 
 ' Euxenippus, col. xxxiv., § 22. 
 
HYPERIDES 295 
 
 Harpalus gradually paid out his money to the minor poli- 
 ticians, who could only make a noise and raise an uproar, 
 and overlooked you, who were master of the whole situa- 
 tion ? ' 1 
 
 The following fragment contains the most striking 
 example of irony to be found anywhere in his works ; 
 the situation explains itself : 
 
 ' The reasons which Demades has introduced are not the 
 true justification for Euthy crates' appointment, but if he 
 must be your proxenos, I have composed, and now put 
 forward, a decree setting forth the true reasons why he 
 should be so appointed : — Resolved — ^that Euthycrates be 
 appointed proxenos, for that he acts and speaks in the 
 interests of Philip ; for that, having been appointed a 
 cavalry-leader, he betrayed the Olynthian cavalry to Philip ; 
 for that by so doing he caused the ruin of the people of 
 Chalcidice ; for that after the capture of Olynthus he acted 
 as assessor at the sale of the prisoners ; for that he worked 
 against Athens in the matter of the temple at Delos ; for 
 that, when Athens was defeated at Chaeronea, he neither 
 buried any of the dead nor ransomed any of the captured.'^ 
 
 We have seen already how he could turn his wit 
 against the whole class of orators, to which he belonged 
 himself ; it is pleasant to find him, in a speech which he 
 wrote for a fee, thus describing Athenogenes : ' A com- 
 mon fellow, a professional writer of speeches.' ^ It was 
 the business of the logographos to sink his own person- 
 ality in that of his client, and Hyperides, who was an 
 artist by instinct, did so more successfully than any 
 other speech- writer, except, perhaps, Demosthenes. In 
 the present instance he must have felt a peculiar satis- 
 faction in his work. 
 
 In private speeches he introduces many matters 
 
 * Against Demos., col. xii. ' Fr. 76. 
 
 ^ Athenogenes, col. 2, &vOp(t}irov \oy6ypa<p6v re /cat dyopahv. 
 
296 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 extraneous to the case ; thus in the Athenogenes, though 
 the question is only about a shady business transac- 
 tion, he rouses odium by references to his adversary's 
 poHtical offences. No doubt many weak cases suc- 
 ceeded by such devices, which call forth the just indig- 
 nation of Lycurgus.i In pubHc cases he has a higher 
 ideal. When Lycurgus was an advocate on the other 
 side, Hyperides referred to him with all the respect 
 due to his character. Even the speech against Demo- 
 sthenes is entirely free from personal abuse, if we except 
 a little mild banter about Demosthenes' austere habits 
 of sobriety. 2 The indictment of Demosthenes' pubHc 
 actions is vigorous enough, but it is restrained within 
 the limits of good taste, and this is not for the sake of 
 ancient friendship, which Hyperides repudiates : 
 
 ' After that will you dare to remind me of our friendship ? 
 ... (as if it were) not you yourself who dissolved that 
 friendship, when you received money to do your country 
 harm, and changed sides ? When you made yourself ridi- 
 culous and brought disgrace on us who hitherto had been of 
 your party ? Whereas we might have been held in the 
 highest respect by the people, and been attended for the 
 rest of life's journey by an honourable repute, you shal tered 
 all such hopes, and are not ashamed at your age to be tried 
 by the younger generation for receiving bribes. On the 
 contrary, the younger politicians ought to receive education 
 from men like you ; if they committed any hasty action 
 they ought to be rebuked and punished. Things are quite 
 different now, when it falls upon the young men to correct 
 those who have passed the age of sixty. And so, Gentle- 
 men, you may well be angry with Demosthenes, for through 
 you he has had his fair portion of wealth and renown ; and 
 
 1 Lycurgus, Leocr., § ii ; cf. § 149. 
 
 ' Col. xxxix., the Icist two fragments of the speech in Blass' 
 edition. 
 
HYPERIDES 297 
 
 now, with his foot on the threshold of old age, he shows that 
 he cares nothing for his country.' ^ 
 
 Dionysius approves the diversity of Hyperides* 
 manner in dealing with his narratives : — ' He tells his 
 story on a variety of ways, sometimes in the natural 
 order, sometimes working back from the end to the 
 beginning.* ^ We have no means of judging ; the 
 Euxenippus, the only complete forensic speech, con- 
 tains practically no narrative ; the story of the 
 Athenogenes is, apparently, told straight through with- 
 out a break, and then followed by evidence and 
 criticism and legal arguments. Then follows the 
 attempt to blacken the character of Athenogenes by 
 extraneous arguments. 
 
 We may conclude this section by a few sentences 
 from the treatise On the Sublime, expressing an estimate 
 of the general character of his oratory : 
 
 ' If successes were to be judged by number, not by magni- 
 tude, Hyperides would be absolutely superior to Demo- 
 sthenes. He has more tones in his voice, and more good 
 quaUties. He is very nearly first-class in everything, like 
 a pentathlete, so that, while other competitors in every 
 event beat him for the first prize, he is the best of all who 
 are not speciaUsts.' . . . 'Where Demosthenes tries to be 
 amusing and witty, he raises a laugh, but it is against him- 
 self. When he attempts to be graceful, he fails still more 
 signally. At any rate, if he had attempted to compose 
 the little speech about Phryne or the one against Atheno- 
 genes, he would have established still more firmly the re- 
 putation of Hyperides.' 'But . . . the beauties of the 
 latter, though numerous, are not great ; his sobriety renders 
 them ineffective, and leaves the hearer undisturbed — ^no 
 one, at any rate, is moved to terror by reading H57perides. ' ^ 
 
 ^ Demos., v., §§ 20-21. ' de Dinarcho, ch. 6. 
 
 ' irepi vxpovs, ch. 34. 
 
J 
 
 298 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 And the passage concludes with a sincere tribute to the 
 titanic force of Demosthenes. 
 
 Hyperides had seventy-seven speeches ascribed to 
 him, of which fifty- two were thought by the Greek 
 biographer to be genuine. ^ Blass has collected the 
 titles of no less than sixty-five, in addition to the five 
 which are extant in the papyri ; so that only seven are 
 unknown by name. Some quotations have been given 
 from the indictment of Demosthenes ; ^ the subject- 
 matter has been explained,^ and the treatment, so far 
 as we can judge from the fragments, criticized.* The 
 date is 324 B.C. The Defence of Lycophron is a speech 
 in an elcrayyeXla in which Lycurgus was one of the 
 prosecutors. Lycophron, an Athenian noble, was a 
 commander of cavalry in Lemnos, and was accused of 
 seducing a Lemnian woman of good family, the wife of 
 an Athenian who died before the case came on. The 
 date is uncertain ; perhaps circa 338 B.C. The case of 
 Euxenippus arises out of the fact that Philip, after 
 Chaeronea, restored the territory of Oropus to Athens. 
 It was divided into five lots, and one lot assigned to 
 every two tribes. A question arose whether the 
 portion given to the Hippothoontid and Acamantid 
 tribes was not sacred to Amphiaraiis, and Euxenippus 
 and two others were deputed to sleep in the shrine of 
 the hero and obtain from their dreams a divination on 
 the subject. They reported a dream which could be 
 interpreted in favour of their tribes. In the present 
 instance they are prosecuted for having given a false 
 report of their dreams. The defendant and another 
 advocate had already preceded Hyperides, so that the 
 present speech is mainly devoted to bickering with the 
 
 1 Ps.-Pluf., § 15. 2 Supra, pp. i8, 294-296. 
 
 * Supra, p. 225-227. * Supra, p. 296. 
 
HYPERIDES • 299 
 
 prosecutors, of whom Lycurgus was one. Date about 
 330 B.C. 
 
 The speech Against Philippides ^ is very much muti- 
 lated. It is a ypa(l>T] Trapavoficov against Phihppides, 
 otherwise unknown, who had proposed a vote of thanks 
 to a board of irpoehpot or presidents of the ecclesia for 
 their action in passing a certain decree, which seems to 
 have been a vote of honour to PhiHp. It was passed 
 under compulsion, and Philippides attempted sub- 
 sequently to exonerate them from all possible blame 
 by a decree which is here declared illegal. 
 
 The Efitafhios or Funeral Speech is a composition 
 in a well-known conventional form. The topics for 
 such a speech were already laid down by long custom. 
 The skill of the orator is seen in his original way of 
 handling the traditional commonplaces. First of all 
 there is the strong personal note. He had been asso- 
 ciated in politics with Leosthenes, and with him was 
 jointly responsible for the Lamian war in which the 
 latter met his death. ^ His personal feeling for the 
 general is very prominent in the speech ; Leosthenes 
 is in fact the principal theme ; he is put, as M. Croiset 
 remarks, almost on a level with Athens : — ' Leosthenes 
 seeing all Greece humbled and cowering, brought to 
 ruin by the traitors whom Philip and Alexander had 
 bought ; seeing that our city wanted a man, and all 
 Greece wanted a city, to take the leadership, freely gave 
 himself for his country and gave our city for the Greeks 
 to win their freedom.' ^ It is not, he says, that he 
 wishes to slight the other patriots, but in praising 
 Leosthenes he is praising all. He draws a fancy picture 
 of the heroes of antiquity welcoming Leosthenes in 
 Hades. It is a sign of the times that the individual 
 * Date 336-5 B.C. 2 322 B.C. ' Epttaphtos, § 10. 
 
300 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 should so be exalted ; we have travelled far indeed 
 from the cold impersonaHty of Pericles, to whom the 
 nameless heroes who sacrifice their lives are but part 
 of a pageant passing before the eyes of the deathless 
 
 ^ city. The consolation to the living is remarkable for 
 
 -^"containing references to a future life, which is quite 
 
 without precedent : — ' It is hard to comfort those who 
 
 are in such grief ; for neither speeches nor laws can 
 
 send sorrow to sleep ' . . . (there follow remarks about 
 
 eternal praise, which are not particularly characteristic ; 
 
 but he concludes in a higher strain) : — ' Furthermore, 
 
 if the dead are as though they had never been, our 
 
 friends are released from sickness and pain and the 
 
 other misadventures which afflict mankind ; but if the 
 
 \ dead have consciousness, and are under the care of 
 
 I God, as we beheve, we may be sure that they, who 
 
 upheld the honour of the gods when it was threatened, 
 
 are now the objects of God's loving kindness.' ^ Truly 
 
 Socrates had not lived in vain. 
 
 . , The speech Against Athenogenes ^ is an admirable 
 "^^ - example of the orator's lighter style. Its chief merit 
 is the way in which the narrative of the events is 
 delivered by the speaker. 
 
 Hyperides' client, a young Athenian, wished to obtain 
 possession of a young slave, who was employed in a 
 perfumery-shop. Athenogenes, the owner of the shop — 
 ^ ' a vulgar speech-maker, and worst of all an Eg3rptian ' 
 — saw his opportunity for a good stroke of business, 
 and at first refused to sell the slave. A quarrel ensued. 
 At this point Antigona, once the most accomplished 
 courtesan of her day, but now retired, came and offered 
 her services to the young man. She contrived to pick 
 
 * Epitaphios, §§ 41-43. ^ Date between 328 and 323 B.C. 
 
HYPERIDES 301 
 
 up for herself a gratuity of 300 drachmas, just as a 
 proof of his good opinion. Later, she told the young 
 man that she had persuaded Athenogenes to release 
 the boy, not separately, but together with his father 
 and brother, for forty minas. The young man bor- 
 rowed the money ; a touching scene of reconcihation 
 followed, Antigona exhorting the two adversaries to 
 behave as friends in future. * I said that I would do 
 so, and Athenogenes answered that I ought to be grateful 
 to Antigona for her services ; " and now," he said, "you 
 shall see what a kindness I will do you for her sake." ' 
 He offered, instead of setting the slaves free, to sell 
 them formally to the plaintiff, who could then set them 
 free when he liked, and so win their gratitude. * As to 
 any debts they have contracted, you can take them 
 over ; they are trifling, and the stock remaining in the 
 shop will easily cover them.' Assent having been 
 given, Athenogenes produced a contract in these terms, 
 which he had brought with him, and it was signed and 
 sealed on the spot. Within three months the unhappy 
 purchaser found himself liable for business debts and 
 deposits amounting to five talents. Athenogenes made 
 the preposterous excuse that he had not known any- 
 thing about this enormous debt. His dupe was in an 
 awkward position, as he had formally taken over the 
 business and its liabilities. He tries to prove that the 
 contract should be held not valid. His legal claim is 
 very slight ; the appeal is really to equity. The second 
 part of the speech deals with Athenogenes in his 
 political relations. The epilogue exhorts the judges 
 to take this opportunity of pimishing such a scoundrel 
 on general groimds, even if he cannot actually be brought 
 under any particular law. 
 
302 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 DINARCHUS 
 
 Dinarchus, the last of the ten orators of the 
 "^^ Alexandrian Canon, was a Corinthian by birth. He 
 lived as a metoecus at Athens, but never obtained 
 the citizenship, and was therefore unable to appear in 
 the courts or the assembly. He was bom about 360 
 B.C. ; on coming to Athens he is said to have studied 
 under Theophrastus, and he began to write speeches, 
 as a professional logographos, about 336 B.C. He did 
 not come into prominence till about the time of the affair 
 of Harpalus, and his most flourishing period was after 
 ^ the death of Alexander, under the oligarchic constitu- 
 tion set up by Cassander. During these fifteen years, 
 322-307 B.C., he composed a large number of speeches. 
 In 307 B.C. the democratic restoration threatened 
 danger to all who had flourished imder the oligarchy, 
 and he retired to Chalcis in Euboea, where he lived for 
 fifteen years. ^ He returned to Athens in 292 B.C. and 
 stayed for a time with one Proxenos, who, taking 
 advantage of his age and infirmity, robbed him of a 
 large srnn of money. He brought his host to justice, 
 and, according to Dionysius and other biographers, 
 himself spoke in court for the first time. We know 
 nothing of the result of the case, and have no informa- 
 tion of the rest of the life of Dinarchus or his death. 2 
 
 1 Dion, {de Dinarcho, ch. iv., ad fin.) believed that he wrote no 
 speeches during this time, for nobody would take the trouble to 
 go to Chalcis for a speech either in a private or public action— o^ 
 yd.p riXeoy TjTdpovv oUtoj X&yoov. Dionysius consequently rejected 
 as spurious all speeches attributed to Dinarchus which were dated 
 between 307 and 292 b.c. 
 
 * Suidas says that he was appointed Commissioner of th© Pelo- 
 p>onnese {iiniui€\7}T^5 UeXoiropv-^aov) by Antipater, but this was 
 another Dinarchus, Demetrius Magnes, quoted by Dionysius 
 Din., ch. i), mentions four men of this name. 
 
 \ 
 
DINARCHUS 303 
 
 Dinarchus wrote, according to Demetrius Magnes,^ 
 over a hundred and sixty speeches. Many of these 
 were rejected by Dionysius, who, however, admits the 
 authenticity of a sufficiently large number — sixty out 
 of eighty-seven which he knew.^ Three only have 
 come down to us, and the authenticity of the longest 
 of these — Against Demosthenes — was questioned by 
 Demetrius. We shall, however, treat it as genuine, 
 since in style and subject-matter it is very similar to 
 the others. The three speeches, Against Demosthenes, 
 Aristogiton, and Philocles, all relate to the affair of 
 Harpalus. The corruption connected with this affair 
 was so deep-rooted that it was necessary above all to 
 find men of upright character to conduct the prosecu- 
 tions, and these would not be well-known orators, since 
 most of the prominent politicians were impUcated as 
 defendants in the case. It is hardly remarkable, 
 therefore, that professional speech- writers should be 
 employed or that one writer should compose speeches 
 to be delivered in three of the many prosecutions. 
 
 Dinarchus, the last of the truly Attic orators, is of 
 very little importance in himself, but must find a place 
 in any history of this kind as representing the beginning 
 of the decline of oratory. * He flourished most of all,' 
 says Dionysius, * after the death of Alexander, when 
 Demosthenes and the other orators had been con- 
 demned to perpetual banishment or put to death, and 
 there was nobody left who was worth mentioning after 
 them. ' This contains a fairly j ust estimate of the merits 
 of the man, who, according to the same critic, * neither 
 invented a style of his own, like Lysias and Isocrates 
 
 * In Dionysius, de Din., ch. i. 
 
 * The curious may collect the titles from Dionysius {de Din. 
 chs. x.-xiii.). 
 
304 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 and Isaeus, nor perfected the inventions of others, as, 
 in our judgment, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides 
 did.' ' His merits and defects are very obvious. He 
 
 "^ knows all the technique of prose composition ; he can 
 avoid hiatus cleverly, and writes a style which is easily 
 intelligible, even when his sentences are inordinately 
 long. He has some skill in the use of new words 
 and metaphors — ^eToicoviaaaOaL Tr}v rif^rjv, * auspicate 
 your fortunes anew ' — iKKaOdpare, * purge him away 
 from the State ' — Seuo-oTroto? Trovrjpla, * ingrained 
 wickedness.' He has some vigour and liveliness : 
 abrupt statements like the following are terse and 
 graphic enough — ' You chose prosecutors in due course ; 
 he came before the court ; you acquitted him ' ; ^ he 
 makes good use of rhetorical questions addressed to 
 the defendant : — ' Did you propose any motion about 
 it ? Did you give any counsel ? Did you contribute 
 any money ? Did you ever in any small matter prove 
 serviceable to those who were working for the common 
 safety ? Not in the slightest degree ' . . . etc,^ His 
 sarcasm, which is rare, because he is generally too directly 
 violent to be sarcastic, is at times pointed : — * Read 
 again the decree which Demosthenes proposed against 
 
 N^ Demosthenes.' * He knows the oratorical tricks : he 
 ' can flatter the jury by references to their intelligence, 
 by praise of the Areopagus, by encomia on the virtues 
 of their ancestors. He can appeal to ancient and 
 modem precedent for the impartiahty of judges and 
 their severity against evil-doers. 
 
 He is at his best in the long refutation of the defence 
 which he anticipates from Demosthenes^^ — this is, on 
 
 1 Dion., Din., ch, 2. * Demos., § 58. » Ibid., § 35. 
 
 * Ibid., 83. » Demos., §§ 48-63. 
 
DINARCHUS 305 
 
 the whole, orderly and effective — and in short passages 
 like the following from the speech Against Phtlocles : 
 
 * Reflecting on these facts, Athenians, and remembering 
 the present crisis, which calls for honour, not corruption, 
 it is your duty to hate evil-doers, to exterminate from your 
 city such beasts, and show the world that the nation has 
 not shared in the degradation of certain of its politicians 
 and generals, and is not a slave to conventional opinion ; 
 knowing that, by God's favour, with the help of justice and 
 concord, we shall easily defend ourselves, if any enemies 
 wrongfully attack us, but that in union with corruption 
 and treachery and other such vices which infect mankind, 
 no city can ever be saved. ' ^ 
 
 He was, then, thoroughly competent ; but he was 
 careless. He passes from section to section with no 
 logical and little formal connection ; invective takes 
 the place of argument, and even his abuse is incoherent. 
 Everything is overdone ; other writers have produced 
 striking effects by slight changes in the order of words ; 
 Dinarchus disarranges his order without improving the 
 emphasis. 2 Again, the repetition of a single word may 
 give emphasis, as thus : — * A hireling, men of Athens, 
 a hireling he is and has been ' ; but this device is used 
 ad nauseam.^ His sentences, great concatenations of 
 participles and relatives, trail along like wounded 
 snakes.* 
 
 Invective had its place in Athenian oratory, but 
 when on every page we find such expressions as beast, 
 
 1 Phil, § 19. 
 
 ' In such extravagances as 17 rajv 4k irpovolas <p6v(au d^ioiriffTos oC<ra 
 ^ovXrj TO SiKaLOP Kai raXrjdes evpeiu {Demos., § 6). Cf. also §§ 12, 23, 59, 
 1 10, and elsewhere. 
 
 * Demos., § 28 ; cf. §§ 10, 27, 46, 76, etc. 
 
 * Demos., §§ 18-21 (thirty -six lines without a real stop) ; Phtlocles, 
 §§ 1-3 (twenty-three hnes). 
 
 U 
 
3o6 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 foul creature, foul beast, scum, cheat, accursed, thief, 
 traitor, perjurer, receiver of bribes, hireling, unclean, 
 we feel that the orator is spitting rather than talking.^ 
 There is a similar lack of decency in his imputation of 
 .^corrupt motives to all the public actions of Demosthenes, 
 good or bad, and to his exaggeration of the latter's 
 offences. He becomes positively ridiculous when he 
 describes Aristogiton's first imprisonment — the first 
 of many. Aristogiton, the worst man in Athens, or 
 rather, in all the world . . . has spent more time in 
 prison than out . . . the first time he went there he 
 behaved so disgustingly that the other prisoners, the 
 dregs of all the world, refused to have their meals with 
 him, or associate with him on terms of equahty.^ This 
 abuse of a man who is on trial for a merely political 
 offence, is grossly over-coloured, and is probably as 
 false as his description of Demosthenes' callousness : — 
 ' He went about exulting in the city's misfortunes ; he 
 was carried in a litter down the road to Piraeus, mocking 
 at the miseries of the poor.' Finally, his plagiarisms 
 from Demosthenes, Aeschines, and other orators are too 
 numerous to record ; he borrows whole passages with- 
 out skill or appropriateness.^ He borrows even from 
 himself.* The ancient nicknames for him, a^ypolKo^ 
 Afjfjbocrdevtjf;, KpiOivo^ ATjfjLoaOev^f; — ' the boorish Demo- 
 
 ^ drjpiou, Aciapos, fjnapbv drjptov, Kddapfia^ 7(5i?s, KardpaToSy /c\^7rT7;$, 
 irpo86T7)s, irrLOjpKrjKcbs, 8o}p68oKOs, fxicrdwrds, KCLTairTvarbs are culled with- 
 out any special diligence from his elegant repertory. 
 
 « Anstog., §§ I, 2, 9-IO. 
 
 * Demos., § 24, description of Thebes, from Aeschines. See 
 Weil, les Harangues de Demosthene, p. 338, note on Philippic, iii., 
 § 41, and Din., Aristog., § 24, which is borrowed from it ; 'II est 
 4 son module ce que la bi^re est au vin.' (This barley-beer was a 
 barbarian drink.) 
 
 * E.g. the passage about Conon's son, Demos., § 14, used again 
 in Phil., § 17. 
 
DINARCHUS 307 
 
 sthenes/ * the small-beer Demosthenes/ are as apt as 
 such characterisation can be.^ 
 
 To sum up : the very marked decline of which f^, 
 Dinarchus is tjrpical, is due not to lack of technical 
 abiHty, but to lack of originality on the intellectual 
 side, and still more to moral causes : — lack of literary 
 conscience, shown in the plagiarisms ; lack of proper 
 care, shown in the incoherence of the whole speeches ; 
 and lack of all sense of proportion and restraint, shown 
 by the numerous exaggerations of various kinds which 
 have been described above. 
 
 ^ Dion., de Din., ch. viii. ; Hermogenes, irepl iSewv, b, p. 384, iv. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 THE DECLINE OF ORATORY 
 
 OWING to the extraordinary success of the Mace- 
 donian arms, Hellenic culture spread rapidly 
 over a great part of the world ; but it was beaten 
 out thin in the process. ^ 
 
 The conditions of Hfe in Greece underwent a great 
 change in the generations which succeeded the death of 
 Alexander. Athens, which had for so long been the 
 intellectual headquarters of the world, was now only a 
 station of secondary importance. Alexandria, founded 
 by the king himself, became under the divine auspices 
 of the Ptolemies not only the great mart of the world 
 but the greatest centre of learning ; Pergamus in the 
 course of time rivalled Alexandria, at any rate in 
 Uterary resources ; while Antioch and Tarsus also 
 became prominent in the history of learning. 
 
 From early times men of genius bom elsewhere in 
 Greece, in the Ionian cities and in Magna Graecia, had 
 turned to Athens for appreciation of their powers. It 
 is easy to see at a glance how much Athens owed to 
 these ahens for her intellectual advancement — Gorgias 
 of Leontini, Protagoras of Abdera, Anaxagoras of 
 Clazomenae, Thr£LS5nnachus of Chalcedon. Her dram- 
 atic poets were her own, and so were her great orators, 
 
 * The general decline of taste reacted on literary style, cf. infra 
 pp. 309-10- 
 
 808 
 
THE DECLINE OF ORATORY 309 
 
 with the exception of Lysias ; but this is partly due to 
 the fact that the constitution of her laws gave little 
 opportunity for aliens to win distinction on the plat- 
 form or the stage. Of her great historians, one was 
 not of Athenian birth and even wrote in a foreign 
 dialect ; in philosophy no true-born Athenian before 
 Plato won real distinction. In the Macedonian era a 
 distinguished stranger had more prospect not only of 
 appreciation but of material advancement in one of the 
 royal cities than in a city-state which had become little 
 better than a minor satrapy in one of the great empires, 
 and traded only on the fading memories of its former 
 magnificence. Life in the great cities was very different, 
 too, from life in democratic Athens. From the time 
 of Pericles to that of Demosthenes, all citizens had at 
 least a strong corporate feeling ; all citizens knew each 
 other. The sculptor fought side by side with the tanner, 
 the Alcmaeonid met the lamp-seller in debate ; there 
 were many common grounds in which all could meet 
 under conditions of equality. In the law-courts the 
 orator must satisfy not only the learned few but the 
 unlettered many ; in the theatre the poet and his 
 actors appealed to all classes, from the high-priest who 
 must not be allowed to slumber on his central throne to 
 the people who ate sweetmeats in the back rows, and, if 
 dissatisfied, with true Athenian spirit, threw these harm- 
 less missiles at the performers. ^ Moreover, all spoke 
 the same language. The diction of tragedy gradually 
 put off its artificiality, and the orators approached 
 nearer and nearer to the idiom of common speech. 
 In Alexandria, on the other hand, to take one typical 
 
 1 Arist., Eth. Nic., x. 5. 4, ot TpayTifiarl^oyTts. Demos., de Cor. , 
 cl. supra, p. 249. 
 
X 
 
 310 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 example, there was no such unity. Among the Greek 
 inhabitants there were many classes — the court-circle, 
 the scholars of the Museum, the merchants, the 
 mercenary troops, all with different aims and occupa- 
 tions ; and these formed but a minority. In addition 
 there would be thousands of Jews, Egyptians, Phoeni- 
 cians, Mesopotamians, and others, to whom Greek was 
 at first a foreign language, and who when they had 
 acquired it spoke, in the kolvti, a dialect corrupted by 
 innumerable foreign elements. Thus, though scholar- 
 ship persisted and flourished, there must always have 
 been a sharp distinction between the lettered classes 
 and the common people. 
 
 Oratory, like all other arts, faded away in Athens 
 after Alexander's death, partly from the general causes 
 indicated, partly on account of the special conditions 
 of Athenian life. 
 
 Forced to submit to Antipater in 322 B.C., Athens was 
 allowed to exist on humihating terms. She received 
 a Macedonian garrison into Munychia, the democracy 
 was overthrown ; 12,000 of the poorer citizens were not 
 only disfranchised but expatriated, and an oligarchy 
 was instituted. Five years later a temporary revival 
 occurred, when Polysperchon (317 B.C.) overthrew the 
 oligarchy ; but a few months after this Cassander 
 obtained possession of the city and again established a 
 government on narrower lines, installing as governor 
 a man of great erudition and culture, Demetrius 
 of Phalerum. This Demetrius, though practically a 
 satrap of Cassander, governed the city wisely for ten 
 years ; but in 307 B.C. he fled before the approach of 
 Demetrius PoHorcetes, son of Antigonus. The Be- 
 sieger made a proclamation of freedom, which the 
 
THE DECLINE OF ORATORY 311 
 
 Athenians by this time were unworthy to enjoy ; they 
 ascribed to him divine honours, and in 301 B.C. he 
 took up his quarters in the Parthenon. No wonder 
 that Pallas Athene fled in disgust when her shrine was 
 polluted by the licentious orgies of this new war-god. 
 
 Phocion, Demades, and Dinarchus, from among the 
 contemporaries of Demosthenes, lived to see their city 
 under Macedonian rule, but they left no successors. 
 There were few opportunities left for an orator. The 
 ecclesia, when it met on sufferance, could debate only 
 on matters of domestic import ; and proposals to im- 
 prove the water-supply, or er§ct statues to a tyrant, 
 give less scope for eloquence than the great issues of 
 peace and war which had formerly been the subject of 
 their dehberation. Men of political abiHty had no 
 scope when pohtics were dead. In the courts, too, there 
 could be no public cases of great interest comparable 
 with the case of the Crown or the impeachment of 
 Demosthenes. Private cases, in which aspiring poHti- 
 cians had hitherto found it convenient to try their 
 strength, were more suited to the attainments of pro- 
 fessional lawyers, and these cases must have greatly 
 decreased in numbers and importance when all the 
 dependencies of Athens were taken from her.^ The 
 oratory of display, brought to perfection by Isocrates, 
 had likewise but few openings. No orator could rise 
 at the Olympic Festival to summon all Greeks to 
 brotherhood in arms ; no funeral speech could move a 
 people to tears or exalt them to enthusiasm when battles 
 
 1 E.g. many of the private speeches of Demosthenes refer to 
 maritime speculations ; many of these cases, under Macedon, would 
 be settled in local courts instead of being brought to Athens, and 
 the diminution of Athenian commerce would still further reduce 
 their number. 
 
^ 
 
 X... 
 
 312 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 were waged by mercenaries and war declared not by a 
 nation but by a foreign prince. The art of rhetoric was 
 still practised, but already Aristotle, by going back to 
 first principles, had composed the first and last scientific 
 treatise on this subject, and shown that it must be put 
 into its true place as a branch of philosophy, to be 
 studied in combination with its counterpart, Dialectic. ^ 
 Political theory, which figures prominently in Isocrates 
 and Demosthenes, had likewise become the property 
 of the philosophical schools. 
 
 Demetrius of Phalerum, the regent of Cassander, is 
 reckoned by Quintihan as the last of the orators. Such 
 time as he could spare from the management of the 
 city and the contemplation of the 360 statues erected 
 to him by an admiring or subservient populace, ^ was 
 devoted to the study of philosophy, history and oratory. 
 He wrote more than any other Epicurean on record ^ — 
 philosophical dialogues, historical works, erudite re- 
 searches, Hterary and rhetorical studies, speeches, all 
 testified alike to his industry and the wide extent of 
 his interests. His Rhetoric, which contained personal 
 reminiscences of Demosthenes, is quoted by Plutarch 
 on that account ; his treatise on Demagogy contained 
 his iHeas of political science ; his history of his regency 
 (jrepl T7}9 BeKaereia^) might, if we could recover it, add 
 much to our scanty knowledge of that period. So short 
 are the fragments remaining of his work that we must 
 turn chiefly to Cicero and Quintilian for an estimate of 
 his value. We gather that he was an excellent example 
 of the * tempered style,' excelling in grace and brilhance, 
 but deficient in vigour and in real passion. A philo- 
 
 ^ Arist., Rhet., i. i., ad init. * Diog. Laert., v. 75. 
 
 ? Ibid., V. 80-81. 
 
THE DECLINE OF ORATORY 313 
 
 sophical treatment of his subject-matter was one of 
 his marked characteristics.^ 
 
 A few facts about his hfe are known chiefly from 
 Diogenes. He was the son of Phanostratus, an en- 
 franchised slave. He studied imder Theophrastus and 
 entered political Hfe about 324 B.C. Belonging to the 
 Macedonian party, he took part in the negotiations after 
 the Lamian war. In 317 B.C., when Phocion was put 
 to death, he fled, but was chosen by the citizens, with 
 the approval of Cassander, to be their governor, and 
 ruled from 317 to 307, when he was superseded by 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes. He retired to Thebes, and 
 twenty years later went to Egypt. Exiled from Alex- 
 andria by Philadelphus, he died of a snake-bite in one ^ 
 of the remote demes of Egypt about 280 B.C. 
 
 Demochares and Charisius belong also to this period ; 
 the former, one of the few Athenians who retained any 
 independence of spirit, was a nephew of Demosthenes, 
 whose style he imitated ; Charisius imitated and ex- 
 aggerated the simplicity of Lysias.^ 
 
 From this time onward, oratory is practically dead ; 
 declamations on fictitious subjects took the place of 
 real speeches in the assembly or the courts ; oratory 
 became an element in education and nothing more. 
 We need mention only Hegesias of Magnesia {c. 250 B.C.), 
 the founder of what was subsequently known as the 
 * Asian ' school of rhetoric, the characteristics of which 
 were affected expression, grotesque metaphor, plays upon 
 words, incongruous rhythms, and general lack of ideas. ^ 
 
 1 Cicero, Brutus, § 37 ; Orator, § 92 ; de Oratore, ii. § 95 ; Quint., 
 X. I, 80 ; Diog. L,, V. 82. ^ Cicero, Brutus, § 286. 
 
 ^ He was over-fond of the ditrochaeus {—^-J) at the end of the 
 sentence, vide Cicero, Brutus, § 286; Orator, §§ 226, 230; Dion., dt 
 Comp. Verb.„ ch. xviii. 
 
314 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Dionysius quotes an extract, with the remark that it 
 
 looks as if it had been written for a joke. Hegesias is 
 
 r, f important only on accomit of the debasing influence 
 
 * which he exercised over his Greek and Roman followers. 
 
 For a genuine revival of oratory we must wait till 
 
 the last years of the Roman Repubhc. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Achilles, 2. 
 
 Administration, speech of Lycur- 
 
 gns on his, 274. 
 Aegina, 8. 
 
 A egineticus, the, oiIsocta.tQS, 158 ; 
 Aeschines, 163-108; 35, 70, 71, 
 
 200, 201, 203, 220, 224, 229, ; 
 
 231, 247, 249, 255, 263, 265, 
 
 267, 307. 
 Aeschines the Socratic, 90, 112. ; 
 Aeschylus, 23. 
 Agamemnon, 157. 
 Agathon, 15, 21. 
 
 Agesilaus, 145, 147. | 
 
 Agoratus, speech of Lysias ; 
 
 against, 99. 
 Alcibiades, 7, 10, 54, 158; speech 
 
 of Lysias against, loo. 
 Alcidamas, 160-162. 
 Alexander the Great, 4, 130, 158, 
 
 176-7, 221-2, 225, 228, 268, 
 
 271. 
 Alexandria, 308, 309. 
 Allegory, 2. i 
 
 Amphictyonic Council, the, 169, j 
 
 220, 251, 286. j 
 
 Amphissa, 169, 220. | 
 
 Anaxagoras, 6, 34, 308. 
 Andocides, 53-73; 81, 88, 192. 
 Andocides, speech of Lysias 
 
 against, loi. 
 Androtion, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 205, 254, 261. 
 Antalcidas, 152. 
 Antidosis, speech of Isocrates 
 
 on the, 14, 127, 137 sqg. 
 Antioch, 308. 
 Antipater, 158, 228, 229, 269, ' 
 
 270, 287, 310. i 
 
 Antiphon, 19 49 ; 3, 7, 12, 16, 17, 
 
 51. 59. 66, 105, 112, 199, 200, I 
 
 280. i 
 
 Antiphon the poet, 14. 
 Antiphon the Sophist, 49. 
 Antithesis, 16, 17, 27, 52, 58, 60, 
 
 66, 70,93, 115, T33, 183, 240, 
 
 278, 280. 
 Apaturius, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 260. 
 Aphobus, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 against, 103, 256. 
 Apollodorus, speech of Isaeus on 
 
 the estate of, 104, 115, 123. 
 Archaism, 16. 
 Archebiades, speech of Lysias 
 
 against, 102. 
 Archeptolemus, 20, 93. 
 Archidamus, 145, 158. 
 Archidamus, the, of Isocrates, 
 
 155, 160. 
 Areopagiticus, the, of Isocrates, 
 
 131, 154-5, 157- 
 
 Areopagus, the, 47, 155, 225, 
 282, 304. 
 
 Argos, 147, 213. 
 
 Aristarchus, speech of Isaeus on 
 the estate of, 104, 124. 
 
 Aristides, 154. 
 
 Aristocrates, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 205, 254, 262. 
 
 Aristogiton, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 234, 265 ; of 
 Lycurgus, 273 ; of Dinarchus, 
 303, 306. 
 
 Aristophanes, 53, 136, 198, 232, 
 249. 
 
 Aristophanes, speech of Lysias 
 on the property of, 97. 
 
 Aristophon of Azenia, 286. 
 
 Aristotle, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 21, 
 25, 32, 50, 133, 161, 162, 272. 
 
 Artaxerxes, 92. 
 
 Artemisia, 128, 266. 
 
 Asia, 130. 
 
 316 
 
3i6 
 
 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Aspasia, 102. 
 
 Astyphilus, speech of Isaeus on 
 the estate of, 124. 
 
 Athenaeus, 50. 
 
 Athenogenes, speech of Hyper- 
 ides against, 288, 295, 300-1. 
 
 Athens, 4, 5, 10, 126, 141, 145, 
 147, 150-2, 154, 219, 267, 
 308-11. 
 
 ^Austere' style, the, 27. 
 
 Autolycus, speech of I.ycurgus 
 against, 273. 
 
 BalaxMce of Clauses (see also 
 
 Period), 30. 
 Blass, R, 17, 44, 83, 132, 174, 
 
 176, 192, 193, 218, 243-4, 273, 
 
 276. 
 Boeotia, 9. 
 Boeotus, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 against, 258-9. 
 Bosporus, 201. 
 Bribery, 167. 
 Busiris, the, of Isocrates, 134, 
 
 156. 
 Butcher, Prof. S. H., 218, 227. 
 Byzantium, 216, 219. 
 
 Caecilius of Calacte, 44. 
 Callias, speech of Lysias for, 99. 
 Callicles, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 204, 257. 
 CaUimachus, speech of Isocrates 
 
 against, 158. 
 Callippus, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 against, 258. 
 Cassander, 302, 310. 
 Cephisodorus, 162. 
 Cersobleptes, 183. 
 Chaeronea, 126, 129, 148, 149, 
 
 221, 274-5, 278. 
 Charidemus, 262. 
 Charisius, 313. 
 Chersonese, the, 214, 240, 247, 
 
 266 ; speech of Demosthenes 
 
 on the, 215-16, 256. 
 Choreutes, speech of Antiphon 
 
 on the, 33, 37, 44, 48. 
 Cicero, 5, 11, 14, 174, 193, 230, 
 
 3"- 
 
 Cinesias, speech of Lysias against, 
 
 102. 
 Circumlocution, 24. 
 Ciron, speech of Isaeus on the 
 
 estate of, 108-112, 115, 123, 
 
 125. 
 Cirrha, 169. 
 Cleonymus, speech of Isaeus on 
 
 the estate of, 123. 
 CoUoquiahsms, 23, 31, 78, 113, 
 
 232, 234, 289-90. 
 Companions, speech of Lysias to 
 
 his, 102. 
 Conon, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 against, 204, 237-8, 257. 
 Corax, 12, 13. 
 Corinthian War, the, 94. 
 Corn-dealers, speech of Lysias 
 
 against the, 96-7. 
 Cripple, speech of Lysias for the, 
 
 83, 86-7, 89, 95, 98. 
 Critias, 10, 
 Croiset, M., 192, 243, 244, 266, 
 
 299. 
 Crown, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 on the, 165, 170, 220, 222-4, 
 
 248, 254, 263-5, 311. 
 Ctesiphon, 166, 179, 183, 185, 
 
 187-9, 191, 196-8, 221, 222-4, 
 
 253- 
 Cunaxa, 147. 
 Cyrus, 147. 
 
 Damon, 6. 
 
 Death, the praise of, by Alci- 
 
 damas, 160. 
 Decelea, 20. 
 Declamations, 44. 
 Demades, 269-270; 200, 222, 
 
 228-9 » speech of Lycurgus 
 
 against, 273, 274, 286, 294. 
 Demetrius Magnes, 303. 
 Demetrius of Phalerum, 232, 290, 
 
 310, 312-13. 
 Demetrius Pohorcetes, 310, 313. 
 Demochares, 313. 
 Democracy, speech of Lysias on 
 
 a charge of subversion of the, 
 
 98. 
 Demonicus, letter of Isocrates to, 
 
INDEX 
 
 317 
 
 Demosthenes, 199-267 ; 2, 3, i6, 
 29; 32, 35, 68, 78, 80, 81, 103, 
 104, 130, 133, 144, 154, 163- 
 198 passim^ 270, 271, 278, 286, 
 287, 289, 294, 296, 303, 304, 
 306. 
 
 Dicaeogenes, speech of T.saeus od 
 the estate of, 104, 107, 124. 
 
 Dinarchus, 302-307; 200, 226, 
 236, 311. 
 
 DiocHdes, 56, 63. 
 
 Diogenes Laertius, 312. 
 
 Diogiton, speech of Lysias 
 against, 100. 
 
 Dionysius of Hahcarnassus, 23, 
 50, 57, 70, 74. 81, 90, 94, 103, 
 104, 114, 116, 118, 120, 122, 
 131, 161, 162, 236, 238-40, 
 250, 270, 288, 289, 302, 303, 
 
 313- 
 Dionysius i. of Syracuse, 91, 92, 
 
 130, 145, 158. 
 
 Dionysodorus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 204, 261. 
 
 Diopeithes, 214-15, 246, 286. 
 
 Education, Isocrates' views on, 
 127, 128, 135-44, 172, 187- 
 
 Eleusis, mysteries of, 53-5. 
 
 Embassy, speech of Aeschines 
 on the, 166, 167, 179, 182, 191, 
 194-6 ; speech of Demosthenes 
 on the, 166, 168, 170, 251, 
 253, 263-4. 
 
 Encomia^ 15, 16, 156-7. 
 
 Epicrates, speech of Lysias 
 against, 96. 
 
 Epideictic style, 15-16, 93, 135, 
 200, 234, 243, 276-7, 292. 
 
 Epitaphios, the, of Demosthenes, 
 267 ; of Gorgias, 15, 17 ; of 
 Hyperides, 292, 299 ; of Ly- 
 curgus, 288 ; of Lysias, 5, 17, 
 
 89, 92-3- 
 Eraton, speech of Lysias on the 
 
 property of, loo-i. 
 Eratosthenes, speech of Lysias 
 
 against, 77, 79, 98. 
 Eratosthenes, speech of Lysias 
 
 on the murder of, 87, 95, 99. 
 
 Eratosthenes (criticism of De- 
 mosthenes), 232. 
 
 Ergodes, speech of Lysias 
 against, 95, 96. 
 
 EroticuSy the, of Demosthenes, 
 267 ; of Lysias, 101-2. 
 
 Ethos, 37, 67, 84-8, 114, 122, 295. 
 
 Eubuhdes, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 258. 
 
 Eubulus, 196, 211, 263. 
 
 EucUdes of Megara, 138. 
 
 Eucrates, 95. 
 
 Euergus and Mnesibulus, speech 
 of Demosthenes against, 259. 
 
 Eumathes, speech of Isaeus for, 
 118-19, 125. 
 
 Euphiletus, speech of Isaeus for, 
 120, 124. 
 
 Euphony, 132. 
 
 EupoHs, 7. 
 
 Euripides, 198. 
 
 Eurybiadais, 5. 
 
 Euthynus, speech of Isocrates 
 against, 158. 
 
 Euxenippus, speech against, of 
 Hyperides, 288, 293-5 > o^ Ly- 
 curgus, 273. 
 
 Evagoras, the, of Isocrates, 135, 
 
 157- 
 Evandrus, speech of Lysias 
 against, 97, 98. 
 
 Falsa Legatione, de, see Embassy. 
 Figures of thought (see also 
 
 Rhetorical devices), 31, 58, 89, 
 
 183, 294. 
 ' Florid ' style, the, 131. 
 Four Hundred, the, 19-20, 57. 
 
 Gelon, 9. 
 
 Glottal (rare words), 15, 51. 
 
 Gorgias, 12-18 ; 19, 21, 22, 30, 51, 
 
 52, 91, 93, 127, 135, 160, 240, 
 
 243, 278, 308. 
 
 Hagnias, speech of Isaeus on 
 the estate of, 107, 124. 
 
 Heilonnesus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes on, 266. 
 
 Harpalus, 225-7, 287, 302. 
 
3i8 
 
 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Harpocration, 102. 
 Hegesias, 313. 
 Hegesippus, 266. 
 Helenae encomium of Gorgias, 51, 
 157 ; of Isocrates, 134, 138, 
 
 156-7- 
 Hellenism, 4, 130, 290. 
 Hermae, the, 34, 53-4. 
 Hermogenes, 13, 58, 289. 
 Herodes, speech of Antiphon on 
 
 the murder of, 27, 33-4, 36, 
 
 37-43, 44, 46, 60. 
 Herodes Atticus, 58. 
 Herodotus, 4, 5, 9, 21, 26, 27, 135. 
 Hesiod, 173, 184, 186. 
 Hiatus, 29, 30, 1 31-2, 183, 241, 
 
 267, 277, 304. 
 Hippias, II. 
 Hippocrates, speech of Lysias 
 
 against the sons of, 102. 
 Hogarth, D. G., 221. 
 Homer, i, 2, 10, 65, 105, 137, 
 
 152, 230, 279. 
 Hyperbolus, 72-3. 
 Hyperides, 285-301 ; 167, 192, 
 
 200, 213, 214, 226-8, 230, 273, 
 
 304- 
 
 Inheritance, 105-7. 
 
 Ionian philosophers, 9, 142. 
 
 Isaeus, 102-125; 81, 171, 192, 
 202, 244, 270, 303. 
 
 Ischyrias, speech of Lysias 
 against, 274. 
 
 Isocrates, 125-159; 4, 14, 16, 51, 
 81,91, 100, 104, 112, 113, 114, 
 160, 162, 177, 199, 200, 204, 
 212, 231, 234, 238-9, 241, 276, 
 279, 285, 303. 
 
 Jason, letter of Isocrates to the 
 
 children of, 127, 158. 
 Jebb, Sir R. C., 34, loi, 102, 128. 
 
 Lacedaemon, 92, 145, 147, 150- 
 2, 154, 215. 
 
 Lacritus, speech of Demosthenes 
 against, 204, 260. 
 
 Lamian War, the, 228, 287, 299. 
 
 Leochares, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 260. 
 
 Leocrates, speech of Lycurgus 
 against, 273, 274-6, 280, 283-5. 
 
 Leodamas, 229. 
 
 Leosthenes, 287, 299-300. 
 
 Leptines, speech of Demosthenes 
 against, 206-7, 253-4, 261. 
 
 Libanius, 271. 
 
 Lochites, speech of Isocrates 
 against, 158. 
 
 Locrians, the, 248. 
 
 Logographi, 34, 84, 92, 200, 202, 
 286, 295, 302. 
 
 Longinus, 192. 
 
 Lucian, 229, 230, 246. 
 
 Lycophron, 162 ; speech of 
 Hyperides for, 298 ; of Ly- 
 curgus against, 273, 288, 298. 
 
 Lycurgus, 271-285. 
 
 Lysander, 126. 
 
 Lysias, 73-102; 2, 51, 61, 112, 
 113, 114, 117, 120, 133, 135, 
 192, 236, 253, 289, 303, 308, 
 
 313- 
 Lysicles, speech of Lycurgus 
 against, 274, 285. 
 
 Macartatus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 260. 
 
 Macedonia, 128, 129, 311. 
 
 Trpb% ras Marreias, speech of 
 Lycurgus, 274. 
 
 Mantitheus, speech of Lysias for , 
 
 83-5, 98. 
 Mausolus, 128. 
 Megalopohs, 165, 168 ; speech of 
 
 Demosthenes for the people of, 
 
 206, 255, 266. 
 Menecles, speech of Isaeus on 
 
 the estate of, 124. 
 Menesaechmus, speech of Ly- 
 curgus against, 274. 
 Menexenus, the, of Plato, 94, 
 
 102. 
 Messenian Oration, the, of Alci- 
 
 damas, 160-1. 
 Metaphor, 31, 184, 234-5, 290-1, 
 
 304- 
 
 Midias, 190, 220; speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 253, 262-3. 
 
 Mitylene, letter of Isocrates to 
 the rulers of, 158. 
 
INDEX 
 
 319 
 
 Mnesiphilus., 5. j 
 
 Mommsen, 193. 
 
 Mysteries, speech of Andocides | 
 on the, 55, 37, 62-5, 69, 71. I 
 
 NaiSy the Praise of^ by Alcidamas, ! 
 
 160. I 
 
 Nausimachus, speech of Demo- I 
 
 sthenes against, 258. 
 Neaera, speech of Demosthenes j 
 
 against, 265. \ 
 
 Nestor, i. - j 
 
 Nicias, speech of Lysias on the j 
 
 property of the brother of, 97. { 
 Nicocles, or The Cyprians, by j 
 
 Isocrates, 140, 156. 
 Nicomachus, speech of Lysias 
 
 against, 90, 96. 
 Nicostratus, speech of Isaeus on 
 
 the estate of, 116, 123. 
 Nicostratus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 259. 
 
 Odysseus, 2, 6, 
 
 Odyssey, the, 161. 
 
 Olympia, 91, 144, 311. 
 
 Olympiacus, the, of Gorgiais, 15 ; 
 of Lysias, 77, 91. 
 
 Olympiodorus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 260. 
 
 Olynthiacs, the, of Demosthenes, 
 206, 210, 223, 233, 245, 246, 
 255- 
 
 Olynthus, 2 10-2 11, 217, 245, 286, 
 295- I 
 
 Onetor, speech of Demosthenes j 
 against, 256. 
 
 Orphism, 164. ! 
 
 Palamedes, the defence of, by i 
 Gorgias, 16, 51. j 
 
 Panathenaicus, the, of Isocrates, : 
 126, 127, 129, 157. i 
 
 Pancleon, speech of Lysias 
 against, 10 1. 
 
 Panegyricus, the, of Isocrates, 91, 
 
 134, 140, 144, 146, 149-52, 276, : 
 
 279. i 
 
 Pantaenetus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 258. j 
 
 Papyri, 4, 113, 288. 
 
 Paradox, 244-5. 
 
 Paraleipsis, 32, 174. 
 
 Parallelism, 17, 29. 
 
 Parenthesis, 69. 
 
 Parmenides, 9, 142. 
 
 Pasion, 158. 
 
 Pathos, 88, 123, 178. 
 
 Pausanias, 227. 
 
 Peace, on the, speech of Ando- 
 cides, 57, 70 ; of Demosthenes, 
 212, 256 ; of Isocrates, 140, 
 
 153-4. 
 Peloponnesian War, the, 126-7, 
 
 135, 201. 
 Pergamus, 308. 
 Pericles, 6, 7, 10, 34, 74, 93, 141, 
 
 154, a^e; 309. 2.^:^ r^.^ , /. ri-u.^t/'^ 
 Period, 16, 24-6, 82-4, 114, 133. ^^'^ 
 
 Persia, 4, 92-3, 144,147, 150-2,221. 
 Personalities, 35, 67-9, 122, 164, 
 
 170-1, 187-91, 233, 248, 305. 
 Personification, 198, 234, 280-1. 
 Persuasion, the goddess, 142. 
 Phaedrus, the, of Plato, 7, 50, 127. 
 Phaenippus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 260. 
 Phanos, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 for, 256. 
 Pherenicus, speech of Lysias for, 
 
 102. 
 Phihp of Macedon, 81, 126, 129, 
 
 130, 145-9, «58, 165, 167-9, 
 
 176-7, 189, 206-221, 251, 269, 
 
 286, 294-5. 
 Philip's letter, Demosthenes* 
 
 answer to, 267. 
 Philippics, the, of Demosthenes, 
 
 207-10, 213, 2i6-i8, 255-6, 
 
 266. 
 Phihppides, speech of Hyperides 
 
 against, 288, 299. 
 Philippus, the, of Isocrates, 126, 
 
 129, 146-9, 215, 279. 
 Philocles, speech of Dinarchus 
 
 against, 303-5- 
 Philocrates, speech of Hyperides 
 
 against, 214, 286 ; speech of 
 
 Lysias against, 96. 
 Philocrates, the peace of, 146, 
 
 168, 212. 
 
320 
 
 THE GREEK ORATORS 
 
 Philoctemon, speech of Isaeus 
 
 on the estate of, 124. 
 Philon, speech of Lysias against, 
 
 98. 
 Philostratus, 14. 
 Phocion, 268-269 ; 196, 200, 225, 
 
 229, 278, 287, 311. 
 Phocis, 169, 212, 217, 220. 
 Phoenix, 2. 
 Phorinio, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 for, 257 ; do. against, 204, 260. 
 Phryne, Hyperides' defence of, 
 
 286, 289, 293. 
 Phrynichus, 20. 
 Pickard-Cambridge, A. W., 233, 
 
 251. 
 Piraeus, 8, 150, 225, 272. 
 Pisander, 19. 
 Piso, 76-7. 
 
 Plataicus, the, of Isocrates, 152-3. 
 Plato, 3, 7, 10, II, 14, 15, 20, 
 
 50, 51, 74-5, 101-2, 104, 127, 
 
 136, 204, 231, 238-9, 285, 309. 
 Plato comicus, 4. 
 Plutarch, 5, 6, 166, 201, 203, 226, 
 
 229, 232, 268. 
 Pseudo-, 44, 57, 59, 74-5, 90, 
 
 123, 127, 143, 272-3, 285, 298. 
 Poetical quotations, 184, 187, 232, 
 
 275, 279, 281. 
 Poetical words, 16, 17, 23, 51-2, 
 
 179. 
 Poisoning, speech of Antiphon on 
 
 a charge of, 29, 44, 48. 
 Polemarchus, 99. 
 Polycles, speech of Demosthenes 
 
 against, 259. 
 Polycrates, 162. 
 Polysperchon, 310. 
 Polystatus, speech of Lysie^ for, 
 
 95- 
 Priestess and Priesthood, 
 
 speeches of Lycurgus on the, 
 
 274. 
 Probability, argument from, 36. 
 Prodicus, 10, 20. 
 Prooemia, of Demosthenes, 267 ; 
 
 of Lysias, 82. 
 Prose-style (see also Period, 
 
 Style, etc.), 3, 14, 16, 21, 130, 
 
 201, 238-240. 
 
 Protagoras, 7, 10, 11, 13, 14, 22, 
 
 127, 136, 308. 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, 272. 
 Pyrrhus, speech of Isaeus on the 
 
 estate of, 124. 
 Pytheas, 202, 270. 
 Pythian speech, the, of Gorgias, 
 
 15- 
 Pythian Games, the, 212. 
 Pythoclides, 6. 
 
 Questions, rhetorical, 58, 71, 
 
 115-16, 293, 304. 
 Quintilian, 58, 230, 312. 
 
 de Reditu, speech of Andocides, 
 
 54-55, 70- 
 
 Rhetoric and rhetoricians, 3, 9, 12, 
 32, 50, 59, 129-30, 133, 138, 
 161, 162, 181, 199, 312. 
 
 Rhetorical devices, 33, 64, 69, 93, 
 
 183, 244-52, 304. 
 Rhodians, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes on the freedom of the, 
 255, 266. 
 
 Rhyme, 18, 30-31. 
 
 Rhythm, 16, 27-30, 52, 132-3, 
 
 184, 241-4. 
 Rome, 314. 
 
 Sacred Ohve, speech of Lysias 
 
 on the, 99-100. 
 Sacred War, the, 166, 169. 
 Sacrilege, 53. 
 Salamis, 5. 
 Samos, 8. 
 Samothrace, 19, 
 Sandys, Sir J. E., 218. 
 Sextus Empiricus, 13, 14. 
 SiciUan expedition, the, 53, 126 
 Sicily, 3, 9. 
 Simile, 9, 290-1. 
 Simon, speech of Lysias against, 
 
 99. 
 Smooth style, the, 131. 
 Social War, the, 153. 
 Socrates, 127, 136-8, 300. 
 Socrates, the Accusation of, by 
 
 Polycrates, 162. 
 Socratics, 138. 
 
INDEX 
 
 321 
 
 Soldier, speech of Lysias for the, 
 
 97- 
 
 Solon, 141, 173. 
 
 Sophists, the, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 
 14, 22, 135-44, 157, 160. 
 
 Sophists, speech of Alcidamas 
 on the, 160. 
 
 Sophists, speech of Isocrates 
 against the, 127, 128, 136-144. 
 
 Spudias, speech of Demosthenes 
 against, 256. 
 
 Stephanus, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 257, 259. 
 
 Structure of sentences, 30, 82, 
 133-4, 181-2, 292-3 ; of 
 speeches, 35, 52, 81, 114, 117, 
 120-2, 191, 252-5. 
 
 Style, types and characteristics 
 of, 15-16,21-7, 51, 58,61,78, 82, 
 113, 117, 119, 179-81, 185, 234, 
 238, 276, 292-3, 303-4. 
 
 Sublime, treatise on the, 229, 297. 
 
 ■Kepi cvvra^em, Speech of Demo- 
 sthenes, 267. 
 
 Symmories, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes on the, 206, 244-5, 
 255, 265. 
 
 Syracuse, 11. 
 
 Tarsus, 308. 
 
 Tetralogies, the, of Antiphon, 19- 
 43, 44-9, 60. 
 
 Thebes, 126, 141, 145, 147, 152, 
 186, 215, 221, 227, 271. 
 
 Themistocles, 5, 6, 141, 154, 
 
 ' 198. 
 
 Theccrines, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 265. 
 
 Theodorus of Byzantium, 50, 
 
 52-3- 
 Theomnestus, speech of Lysias 
 
 against, 100. 
 Theophrastus, 269, 302, 313. 
 Theoric Fund, the, 211, 218, 219, 
 
 245-6. 
 Theramenes, 20, 127. 
 
 Thermopylae, 220. 
 
 Thessaly, 14, 217, 220. 
 
 Thirty, The, 76, 98, 127, 164, 
 
 174, 199, 271. 
 Thrasymachus, 50-52; 132, 308. 
 Thucydides, 3, 5, 7, 8, 16, 18-20, 
 
 27-9, 51, 52, 55, 105, 114, 
 
 199, 203. 
 Thurii, 74-5. 
 Timarchus, speech of Aeschines 
 
 against, 164-6, 168, 170, 173, 
 
 176, 193-4. 
 Timocrates, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 205, 248, 251, 
 
 254, 261. 
 Timotheus, son of Conon, 128. 
 Timotheus, letter of Isocrates to, 
 
 158. 
 Tisias, 12-14, 5°, 75- 
 Tisis, speech of Lysias against, 
 
 102. 
 Torture of staves, 47, no- 11, 112. 
 Trapeziticus, the, of Isocrates, 
 
 158. 
 Treaty with Alexander, speech 
 
 of Demosthenes on the, 267. 
 Trierarchic Crown, speech of 
 
 Demosthenes on the, 256. 
 Trierarchic law, 219. 
 
 Verrall, a. W., 31. 
 Vocabulary, 18, 22, 23, 61, 68, 
 81, 113, 134-5, 179, 289. 
 
 Weil, H., 218, 251, 265, 306. 
 Wounding with intent, speech 
 of Lysias on, 99. 
 
 Xenophon, 7. 
 Xerxes, 6. 
 
 Zeno, 7, 9. 
 
 Zenothemis, speech of Demo- 
 sthenes against, 204, 259. 
 irepl TOO ^euyovs, speech of Iso- 
 
 crates, 158. 
 Zfj)s Krijcrios, III. 
 
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