HT 
 
 1091 
 Hb 
 
 IC-NRLF 
 
 SB Ebb DbE 
 
OW DO WE PROCURE SUGAR? 
 
 PROPOSEB 
 
 li: 
 
 FOR THE CONSIDERATION 
 
 OP 
 
 THE PEOPLE 
 
 OF 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 BV A NAVAL OFFICER. 
 
 WHITBY: 
 
 PRINTED : FOR THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY 
 BY R. KIRBY, BRIDGE-STREET. 
 
 : 
 
flirt 
 
 M.C.f-A. 
 
 27/U following Addrets was drawn up by an Officer of rank in 
 the Navy, who tvas recently employed in one of our Slave Colonies ; 
 and, in laying it before the public, the Committee of the Whitby 
 Anti- Slavery Society consider it necessary to say, that they believe 
 the facts contained in it to be established by the most authentic testi- 
 mony, that they fully concur in the inferences drawn from them, and 
 cordially assent to the several Propositions suggested. 
 
 The Committee cannot refrain from expressing their earnest wish, 
 that this appeal may be read with the attention which the subject de- 
 serves ; and that all who value the privileges of Christianity, and the 
 blessings of freedom, may be induced to exert themselves for the ex- 
 tinction of slavery, which the Planters and Slave Owners are 
 making such strenuous efforts to perpetuate. 
 
HOW DO WE PROCURE SUGAR? 
 
 does your Sugar cost ?" is the title of a little Tract, de- 
 signed, by enlisting the feelings on the side of humanity, and by 
 arousing the sympathies of our common nature, to awaken tht peo- 
 ple of this country to a sense of what is individually required of 
 them, by the force of the precept, " Do unto others as ye would 
 they should do unto you," on behalf of the suffering Slave Popula- 
 tion of our Sugar Colonies. In support of the same cause, I desire 
 to appeal, not only to the heart, but to the head: bear with me then, 
 my friends, while I lay the matter plainly before you. 
 
 We procure sugar by the labour of Slaves. About four years 
 a&o, the Government, urged by the numerous petitions presented to 
 Parliament, and pressed by the specific motion proposed in the House 
 of Commons, by Mr. Buxton, made known to the respective legis- 
 latures of the Slave Coloniei, the expectation of the Parliament and 
 people of Great Britain, that certain specific measures, which were 
 detailed, should be adopted for the amelioration of the slaves, and 
 for the gradual extinction of slavery. What has been the result ? 
 Rejection of the measures, and denial of the right of Parliament to 
 interfere ! What then remains for us to do ? Let every one answer 
 for himself, when he has read what follows. 
 
 The proposition, that slave labour ii more expensive than that 
 of freemen, has been denied ; but it is now fully established by ex- 
 periment and facts. ' Surely, then,' some one may exclaim, ' the 
 interest of the owner will induce him to adopt the measures which 
 hall convert his slave into a freeman.' So thought the men who 
 procured the abolition of the Slave Trade j but they were deceived. 
 If a bounty were paid upon goods manufactured by the worst kind 
 of machinery, of equal amount to the differenct of coat between 
 them and the goods produced by the best machine, would there be 
 any inducement to the adoption of the latter ? Now, there is such 
 a bounty upon slave labour, by the drawback paid upon the refined 
 sugar exported, exceeding the duty upon its importation in the raw 
 state; an excess which raises the priee of all sugars in the market, 
 3*. the cwt.; and givts, therefore, ta the sugar grower a higher 
 profit than he would otherwise obtain. Consequently, he can afford 
 to be wasteful in the mode of producing his crop j and he will be 
 wasteful ; for it is low profit which induces thrift. The quantity 
 of sugar imported from our slave colonies is about 40 times greater 
 than that which comes from India, which is the produce of free- 
 men; and a duty of 10s. the cwt. is laid upon the latter, more than 
 upon the former, of similar quality. Although, therefore, the 
 sugar of India receives the benefit of the bounty in its increased 
 price, when sold in the home market ; yet the extra duty it has to 
 pay, makes it more profitable if exported. Hence, there would be 
 
 - M182991 
 
little of this sugar sold here, if it were not that many families usa 
 it for conscience sake, as being- one of the means whereby slavery 
 is to be extinguished. Thus it is, by the bounty and discriminating 
 duty on sugar, giving 1 a monopoly of the market to that which is 
 produced by slaves, that the ruinous system of slave labour is up- 
 held ; and the people of this country are compelled to pay more 
 than they otherwise need do, for an article of such general use as 
 sugar -, whereby they are actually fostering and encouraging the 
 state of things against which they have protested. 
 
 The slaves in our West India colonies amount to about 720,000 ; 
 and perhaps there are between 60 and 80,000 more in the Island of 
 Mauritius. In the former, the number has decreased between the 
 years 1818 and 1824, at the average of about 4700 per *nnum, by 
 deaths exceeding births; and at the average of about 1300 per an- 
 num, by manumissions. In the latter, the decrease would appear 
 to have been at the rate of seven per cent, per annum, between the 
 years 1819 and 1822. But as this destruction of life is so enor- 
 mous, the manumissions being few, it is hoped there may be some 
 mistake in the official returns. I would now ask, Do we any where 
 on the earth, find a people whose numbers are annually dwindling 
 away, except where they are the victims of oppression ? When 
 moderately fed, adequately clothed, and not overworked, men every 
 where increase and multiply. The promiscuous intercourse of the 
 sexes, which prevails in savage life, does not prevent them from 
 maintaining their numbers. The conclusion, then, is inevitable, 
 that our slaves are not sufficiently fed and clothed, and are too hard 
 worked. It is in vain that the advocates of slavery assert the con- 
 trary j so powerful a law of nature cannot be counteracted by any 
 less powerful or less general causes. 
 
 In some islands, each slave has a piece of ground, from which he 
 is to raise his food ; in others, the ground is wrought by gangs, for 
 the benefit of the whole. Under both systems, a small quantity of 
 food is provided by the owner, as well as some clothing. The food 
 and clothing thus supplied are generally totally inadequate to the 
 wants of the slave ; and the time allowed for the cultivation of the 
 provision grounds is not sufficient to supply the deficiency. This 
 time varies in the different islands, from 26 to 35 days in the year, 
 exclusive of Sunday ; but in the colony of Honduras, the slave is 
 allowed one day in the week throughout the year, besides Sunday. 
 
 Can it be doubted, that the most effectual way to benefit (lie slave, 
 is that which shall diminish the demand for the produce of his la- 
 hour. If, instead of importing 200,000 tons of sugar from the 
 West Indies, we procured one-half from India, at an equal duty, the 
 price would fall, profits would fall, some of the land now growing 
 sugar would not be wanted; and the planter would exert his inge- 
 nuity in devising the means of diminishing the cost of cultivation, 
 as well as the expense of maintaining his slaves. He would, there- 
 fore, introduce machinery ; the plough instead of the hoe : he 
 would substitute cattle for men. He might require, perhaps, half 
 the HuuibiT ef slaves ; but as the other half must be supported, k* 
 
would continue to employ the whole, who would, therefore, have less 
 to do than before. He would find it cheaper to discontinue the 
 food and clothing hitherto supplied, and to give them more land, 
 and more time to cultivate it; from which they would raise sufficient 
 food and clothing-, and be enabled to lay by a surplus for the pur- 
 chase of their freedom. 
 
 Sunday, which the Almighty has hallowed as his sabbath, would 
 not, as now, be employed, either in going to and from market, or in 
 labour and toil. Time that is of little value is easily given up ; the 
 day would, therefore, be devoted to religious instruction and religious 
 duties. Hitherto little progress has been made in educating slaves, 
 and no wonder; before the mind can be cultivated, the body must 
 have repose. So long as men continue in a state of physical suffer- 
 ing, labouring without the reward of their toil, so long will they re- 
 main in a state of moral debasement; and the attempt to enlighten 
 their understandings will be futile : education and emancipation 
 must go hand in hand. 
 
 But it may be asked, what security we can have, that the slaves 
 will thus employ the time given up to them? The best of all, that 
 which is of greater force and equal certainty with animal sagacity, 
 the desire of man to better his condition, when a reasonable pros- 
 pect of doing so is afforded him. The free black and coloured peo- 
 ple amount to above 90,000, in the West India colonies. They pro- 
 pagate almost as rapidly as man does any where; and few, very few, 
 instances occur of their requiring relief. And how did these peo- 
 ple procure their freedom ? By voluntary toil ; by which also they 
 are rapidly increasing in numbers and in wealth. 
 
 A few years ago, it was maintained by the advocates of 'things 
 as they are,' that the negro was of a different species from the white 
 man ; that he belonged to a lower race of beings. The idea was 
 monstrous; but doctrines as monstrous have been promulgated and 
 received. Now it is urged, that the slave is not impelled by the 
 same motives, nor susceptible of the same incentives, as the free 
 man; and hence the conclusion is arrived at, that he who was born 
 a slave, must continue in slavery. God has decreed respecting 
 iwan, " In the sweat of thy face shalt tliou eat bread;" but reason 
 and nature, following that decree, demand that he shall be allowed 
 to eat the bread he has earned by the sweat of his brow. Place 
 the slave, then, in the condition to do this; and man as he is, he 
 will act as man. 
 
 At the same time that the advocates of slavery proclaim the in- 
 curable indolence of the negro, from which he can be roused by no 
 other stimulus than the lash, they tell us, that the slaves abound in 
 superfluities and luxuries, acquired by their voluntary labour on their 
 provision grounds; and they fear not to assert, that the comfort and 
 happiness they enjoy is superior to that of the peasantry of Eng- 
 land. The terms, comfort and happiness, thus employed, contain 
 the bitterest irony. It were folly to combat such arguments, if the 
 pertinacity with which they are reiterated, had not induced those 
 to aisent to them, who will not think for themselves. 
 
It is scarcely possible for any slave, now employed in field labour, 
 to raise a sufficient sum to purchase his freedom. Those who are 
 artificers may ; and accordingly we find very large sums given, by 
 this description of slaves, for their freedom, or that of their chil- 
 dren; amounting, in some instances, to three times the market price 
 of a slave. The calculation of the price of manumission is the 
 amount of the capital, which, at the usual rate of interest, would 
 give a return equal to that annual sum for which the slave could be 
 let out at hire. For instance, if the market rate of interest be six 
 per cent, and if an artisan slave would produce to his owner 06 15 
 per annum, his price would be calculated to be .250. The unfair- 
 ness of such a mode of valuation is apparent; for the market price 
 must always be the real value ; which will consist of the capital, 
 from which is to flow the ordinary rate of interest, together with 
 such further sum as shall replace the price in the average duration 
 of the life of the slave. Thus, if the earnings of a slave be 15 
 per annum, and the period of his health and strength be about eight 
 years, his price should be about ^85, the rate of interest being six 
 per cent. It appears, by official records, that the market price of 
 slaves varies between 5617 and ^6'90, in the different colonies. 
 
 I now return to the question, ' What are we to do?' To which I 
 reply: 
 
 1. Let us petition Parliament to withdraw the bounty on exported 
 sugar, and to equalize the duty on all produce from the East and 
 West Indies. 
 
 2. Let us petition Parliament to pass a law, that Sunday markets 
 shall be abolished in all our slave colonies, and another day substi- 
 tuted ; and further, that time equivalent to one day in the week 
 throughout the year, may be given to the slaves, besides the market 
 day, and exclusive of Sunday. 
 
 3. Let us petition Parliament, that the slave owner may be com- 
 pelled, by law, to enfranchise his slave, on receiving a tender of hia 
 market price. 
 
 4. Until these things are done, let us abstain from the use of all 
 West India and Mauritius produce, and purchase the sugar, coffee, 
 &c. of India instead. 
 
 Need I enumerate the advantages which would flow from the 
 adoption of the first proposition ? The public would buy their su- 
 gar considerably cheaper; coffee, rum, &c. would also fall in price , 
 while the export of our manufactures to India might be increased 
 to an indefinite amount. West India produce having no longer the 
 monopoly of the home market, necessity, the mother of invention, 
 would force upon the slave owner the adoption of measures to di- 
 minish the expense of raising his produce ; and I have shewn that 
 these would consist with the welfare of the slaves; who, under more 
 favourable treatment, would lose the habits and propensities that now 
 degrade them, and would gain somewhat of the characteristics of 
 freemen. 
 
 As, however, tlie best mode of management is not immediately found 
 out, the adoption of the second proposition would make sure of tht 
 
matter; while the adoption of the third, would secure to the slave the 
 benefit of his exertions. But as we have not the present means of 
 enforcing these measures, and as unfortunately they may be long 
 delayed, I would urge the instant adoption of the fourth proposition, 
 which everyone has in his own power. I urge it upon the score of 
 religious principle, of humanity, of policy, of self-interest - } and I 
 feel persuaded, that I shall not appeal in vain. Ignoranee of the 
 actual state of things has been the cause of slavery having been so 
 long suffered to exist} that ignorance removed, he is without excuse 
 who shall connive at its continuance. There is only one point, 
 upon which a conscientious man may withhold his concurrence, and 
 that is, the consideration that these measures may ruin the slave 
 owners. On this head, it is important to bear in mind, that they 
 will be ruined under their present system. At the present rate of 
 decrease, the day will soon arrive, when the number of slaves will 
 be insufficient to cultivate the land now cultivated $ the productive- 
 ness of which is every year diminishing. 
 
 A man can keep himself cheaper than he can be kept by any body 
 else ; and when men are multiplied, the competition of numbers in- 
 creases the productiveness of the labourer, in a greater ratio than the 
 cost of his maintenance increases; but this competition cannot take 
 place under a system of slave labour. 
 
 In the progress of mankind from savage life, by cultivation and 
 commerce, to the state of civilized society, we find that land is 
 plentiful and cheap, because men are scarce and dear ; and land is 
 scarce and dear, when men are plentiful. In the natural state of 
 society, then, it is manifestly to the interest of the owner of land, 
 that population should increase, and that the labourers should be 
 freemen; for it is only under a system of free labour, that the differ- 
 ence between the productiveness of labour and the cost of main- 
 tenance will be the greatest. 
 
 To those who, adopting these views, shall be desirous of assist- 
 ing in their execution, it will afford satisfaction to see how soou 
 they may effect the extinction of slavery. In the colony of Hon- 
 duras, which has about 2400 slaves, Saturday and Sunday are given 
 up to the slave, which is from one-fourth to one-fifth more time 
 than he has in any other colony; and here the manumissions proceed 
 at the rate of about one per cent per annum, which is one-third 
 faster than the rate in any other colony, twenty times faster than 
 the rate in two of them, and more than three times as fast as the 
 aggregate rate in the West Indies collectively. These two days 
 are, however, only half the time the slave ought to have ; for Sun- 
 day is one of them, and it is the market day; but if he had double 
 the time, we may infer that the rate of manumissions would be 
 doubled. Moreover, in this colony, the price of a slave when pur- 
 chasing his freedom, is more than three times the market price ; we 
 may therefore infer, that if the law compelled his manumission at 
 the market price, the manumissions would increase threefold. On 
 both these accounts, we may assume, that if the proposed measures 
 were adopted, the number of slaves who would annually purchase 
 
their freedom would be increased fivefold ; a rate of increase which, 
 if the population remained stationary, would extinguish slavery in 
 twenty years ; but as the improved condition, arising from more 
 food and clothing and less work, would occasion an increase of the 
 slave population, by the natural process, which we will assume at 
 the rate at which the enfranchised blacks increase, viz. two per cent, 
 per annum; \ve must calculate the effect of the manumissions 
 in reducing the number of slaves at three per cent, per annum, 
 which would free the whole race in little more than thirty-three 
 years. This may indeed seem to many a very long period ; but if 
 effectual encouragement were given to marriage among the slaves j 
 if their religious instruction were systematically and generally pro- 
 vided for ; if the separation of families for sale were peremptorily 
 prohibited, under all circumstances} if the property of slaves were 
 legally secured to them, as well as the power of disposing of it as 
 they please ; if the evidence of slaves were received, quantum va- 
 leat, in courts of law; I have no doubt, but the period of the ex- 
 tinction of slavery would be brought much nearer : for, as the 
 number of freemen increased, the value of slaves would decrease, 
 and manumissions would proceed in an increasing ratio. 
 
 Now, when will slavery cease in our colonies, if things are allowed to 
 go on as they have since the abolition of the slave trade ? The aver- 
 age rate of manumissions is about one in four to five hundred per 
 annumj the average rate of decrease, by deaths exceeding births, 
 is about one in two hundred per annum, excluding Mauritius. 
 These two causes will clear off the slave population in 120 years : 
 and who is the principal performer in this process of emancipation? 
 Death I And does death make compensation for the victims he re- 
 leases ? NOJ but the people of England do for him ! What is the 
 value of 4700 slaves, at ,50 a head ? 235,000. What is the 
 amount of extra profit to the planters, arising from the increase of 
 3s percvvt. to the price of sugar by the bounty? About ^500,000. 
 Alas, the slave owner would be remunerated, if death's victims were 
 twofold. Death's victims, do I say ? they are the victims offered 
 upon the altar of Mammon ; that altar which the rulers of England 
 erected in days gone by, and which the people of England have la- 
 boured to support. "And now, brethren, I wot that through igno- 
 rance ye did it, as did also your rulers." 
 
 . Countrymen and friends, if these things be so, what remains for 
 us to do ? Have such passages as the following no meaning at the 
 present day? or were they " written for our admonition upon whom 
 the ends of the world are come?" " There is an accursed thing in 
 the midst of thee, O Israel." "And he looked for judgment, but 
 tehold oppression ; for righteousness, but behold a cry." *' Wash 
 you, make you clean ; put away the evil of your doings from before 
 mine eyes ; cease to do evil ; learn to do well ; seek judgment, re- 
 lieve the oppressed." " And what doth the Lord require of thee, 
 hut to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy 
 Hod ?" For he shall have judgment without mercy that hath 
 vliewed no mercy." ' Therefore all things, whatsoever ye would 
 that aaen should do unto you, do ye even o to them." 
 
But let us examine the question of compensation to the planter* 
 more narrowly. When a slave is enabled to purchase his freedom, 
 a jury must assess his value ; and that value will always be found 
 in his market price, whatever it be, now and at all future time, as 
 long 1 as it is worth a planter's while to buy slaves. On this portion 
 of his property the slave owner will, therefore, receive full compen- 
 sation* by the third proposition. 
 
 What compensation, then, is he to receive for the loss occasioned by 
 the lessened demand for sugar, consequent upon the execution of the 
 first proposition? None; because whether he raised sugar byfreemen 
 or by slaves, that measure ought to be adopted as one of sound general 
 policy, which looks to the interest of the consumers, and not of the 
 producers of a commodity. Now, it is the interest of the latter 
 to sell as dear, and of the former to buy as cheap, as they can : 
 and the competition of producers is the best and the only security 
 for the consumers. But this competition, the discriminating- du- 
 ties prevent. Who ever heard of compensation being given to the 
 manufacturer, who, working with a clumsy machine, has his labour 
 superseded and his profits brought to nought, by the contrivance of 
 a better apparatus ? What compensation did copyists receive when 
 printing was invented ? Need I strive to enumerate the almost f- 
 numerable similar cases which have occurred in our own day, which 
 are continually occurring, and which must go on as long as the 
 world lasts ? Is the progress of society to be arrested, and are the 
 laws of nature to be reversed, for the sake of the planters ? The 
 first proposition, which is good in principle, and expedient in 
 practice, is only the more strengthened by its being the most 
 powerful means of gradually abolishing slavery. 
 
 Let us see what will be the probable effect of the proposed 
 measures upon the value of land, compared with the certain effect 
 of things being allowed to go on at their present rate. In 120 
 years, no slaves will be in existence in our West India colonies ; the 
 90,000 free, black, and coloured people will have increased to 
 306,000j and their number will have been further increased by the 
 annual manumissions to 462,000 free men. This will comprise the 
 whole labouring population of the colonies. 
 
 Now, what would the population amount to in 33 years, under 
 the state of things which we suppose to follow the adoption of the 
 proposed measures? The 720,000 slaves, increasing at the rate of 
 two per cent, per annum, would in this period amount to 1,195,200; 
 and they would all be free men ; to which is to be added, the in- 
 crease of the 90,000 free blacks in the same period ; and we have a 
 population of 1,344,600 free labourers; and in 87 years more, they 
 would amount to 3,684,204. 
 
 According to the principle before laid down, under which 
 of the circumstances as to population, at the end either of 3.'$ 
 or 120 years, would land be of the most value? The every-day ex- 
 perience of every man, suffices to shew, that when labourers are 
 numerous, the wages of labour are low; and the experience of ages 
 taw*, that as population increases, land rises in value. ' It is, 
 
10 
 
 therefore, clear, that with the greater population, the cultivation of 
 the colonies would be carried on cheaper ; that the quantity of produce 
 would be greater; and that the land would be of higher value. 
 But with the smaller population, it is very doubtful, if sugar would 
 be cultivated at all, and certainly not to the same extent as now$ 
 the wages of labour would be high, and the value of land lowj the 
 477500 free men would be chiefly small proprietors, whom no wages 
 would tempt to labour for another, or artificers whom nothing 
 would tempt to till the earth ; the cultivation of the soil would be 
 principally for the purpose of raising food for its own population j 
 and there would be few exports. Who does not see in this latter 
 picture, the ruin of the planters ; or in the former, their prosperity? 
 
 Should there be no compensation, then, for the time the slave- 
 ewner is compelled, by the second proposition, to give up to his 
 slaver Yes, if the giving up that time causes a loss of property; 
 which would be the case, if under a free competition with free men, 
 the slaves should not produce as much of sugar, or any other com- 
 modities, as there is a demand for. When the planter shall prore, 
 that he could sell more sugar at a profit, if he could produce more ; 
 and that the want of the time given up to the slave is the sole cause 
 of his not producing more, he will then be entitled to compen- 
 sation. 
 
 For example, suppose that the effect of the first proposition 
 should reduce the demand for West India Sugar, one fourth, but 
 that the effect of the second proposition should diminish the quan- 
 tity produced one third, we should have to make up to the planters 
 the value of the difference, or one twelfth. 
 
 I am persuaded, however, that the slaves would, under their im- 
 proved condition, and with brighter prospects before them, produce 
 as much for their masters in four days, as they now do in six ; they 
 would at least produce as much as their masters would find a profit 
 in the sale of. On this head, it is important to observe, that by 
 the laws of one of the Islands (St. Lucie) it is provided, that if a 
 master shall allow his slave two days in the week out of crop, and a 
 day and a half in crop, exclusive of Sunday, he need not give him 
 any food; the slaves are moreover to be supplied with two shirts and 
 two pair of trowsers for each male, and two shifts and two petti- 
 coats for each female, annually. 
 
 Now this proves, that the time named in the second proposition, is 
 not more than equivalent to the food and clothing which the planters 
 themselves consider the slaves ought to have. 
 
 Reader, I turn to thee. What is thy duty in this matter } Re- 
 collect, that every particle of slave-produce consumed rivets 
 more strongly the fetters of the slave, binds him more firmly in that 
 thraldom, which precludes his exercising the attributes of man, and 
 keeps him in a state of ignorance of, and alienation from, God. 
 Do you profess yourself a Christian ? Does no monitor stir within 
 you ? Listen to the suggestions of conscience ; approve yourself in 
 the sight of all men the follower of him who came " to bind up the 
 broken hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening 
 
11 
 
 of the prison to them that are bound ;" who, enjoining his apostles 
 freely to give, because freely they had received, requires of us also 
 to be strenuous in assisting all men to procure those blessings 
 which we ourselves enjoy. 
 
 Are you among the legislators of your country ? Remember that 
 you exercise this trust for the benefit of mankind, and to the glory 
 of God. Beware how you obstruct the efficacy of the prayer which 
 ascends weekly from the congregations of our church, petitioning 
 the throne of grace, that you may be endued *' with grace, wisdom, 
 and understanding." Have your opinions on this subject been taken 
 from others ? Deal fairly now with the evidence laid before you ; 
 follow the convictions of your reason ; act upon your own judg- 
 ment- do your part in causing " the provisions of the law to accord 
 with the principles of nature." The question you have to decide, 
 is not as to the greater or less degree of comfort and happiness the 
 slaves are to enjoy, but whether they are to live or to die; 
 "therefore choose life, that both thou and thy seed may live." 
 
 Is your lot cast in the humbler walks of life ? Take heed that 
 you "follow not a multitude to do evil." It will be no excuse, 
 when you stand before the judgment-seat of God, that you did only 
 as others did. They, perhaps, are, as you were, ignorant of the 
 condition of the slaves; but now, that you are instructed in the 
 means of doing your duty, flinch not from it. Look around you, 
 and count th* blessings you possess, in the security of life and pro- 
 perty, in the free exercise of your own will, in the communion and 
 sympathy of your friends, in the endearments of home. By all 
 you hold dear in this life, or hope for in the next, I adjure you to 
 stand forth, the uncompromising champion of the wretched slaves. 
 The voice of wisdom shall ascend from the public meeting to the 
 Parliament house ; though only uttered by few, it will, as the still 
 small voice of conscience, overpower the cry of ignorance, preju- 
 dice, avarice, and passion; and slavery, that foul and festering aore 
 in our constitution, that blot on the page of our history, that stain 
 on our name and nation, shall vanish before the breatli of truth, as 
 the earth shall melt away at the blast of the trump that shall sum- 
 mon to judgment all the kindreds of the earth. 
 
 M. 
 
 * # * For further information on this subject, see " Stephen on 
 West India Slavery;" "Adam Hodgson's letter to Say, on free and 
 slave labour;" " Review of the Slave Trade and Slavery, published 
 at Birmingham, 1827;" " Relief for West Indian Distress, by James 
 Cropper;" " Support of Slavery investigated, by ditto ;" "Annual 
 Reports and Monthly Reporters of the Auti- Slavery Society." 
 
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