WESTERN INDIA.
 
 
 : 
 
 U,' 
 
 LONDON : PRINTED BY 
 
 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 AND PARLIAMENT STREET
 
 WESTERN INDIA 
 
 BEFORE AND DURING THE MUTINIES 
 
 PICTURES DRAWN FROM LIFE. 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL SIR GEORGE LE GRAND 
 K.C.S.L, CB. 
 
 Late Special Peliiica.1 Cmmitsicter, Sojilkeru Mabratta Gauntry, 
 eit. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 HENRY S. KING & Co., 65 CORNHILI, 
 1872.
 
 A it tights
 
 TO 
 
 MY NIECE AND ADOPTED DAUGHTER 
 GERTRUDE L. JACOB, 
 
 WITHOUT WHOSh HELP 
 
 A BLIND AND INFIRM OLD MAN COULD NOT 
 
 HAVE ATTEMPTED EVEN THIS PARTIAL 
 
 RECORD OF A TRYING PUBLIC LIFE. 
 
 357169
 
 '[No. 162.] 
 ' HEAD-QUARTERS, BOMBAY, 
 
 ( StA Jan. 1858. 
 
 ' From the ADJUTANT-GENERAL of the Army, 
 ' To Col. LEGRAND JACOB, Commanding at Kolapoor. 
 
 'SiR, Your letter, No. 262, of the nth ultimo, 
 having, under the Commander-in-Chief 's authority, been 
 submitted for the consideration of the Right Honorable 
 the Governor in Council, Secretary Colonel Melvill, in 
 acknowledging this communication, requests that under 
 his Excellency's orders the warm acknowledgments of 
 Government may be conveyed for the promptitude and 
 decision shown by you on the occasion of the recent 
 insurrection at Kolapoor. 
 
 ' 2. In carrying out the orders of Government so 
 entirely in accordance with the Commander-in-Chief's 
 sentiments as to the prompt and energetic measures you 
 adopted on the occasion in question, His Excellency 
 desires me to tender to you his especial thanks for the 
 manner in which you upheld the honor of this army, 
 proving to all around you what a British officer can effect 
 by gallantry and prudence in the face of the greatest 
 difficulties. 
 
 ' 3. The conduct of the troops on this occasion de- 
 mands Sir Henry Somerset's wannest acknowledgments. 
 You are requested to convey them in such manner as 
 you may deem most suitable, assuring Rissaldar Shaik 
 Rehman, S. M. Horse, Captain Schneider, Lieutenant 
 Holberton, Artillery, and Captain Thomson, your staff 
 officer, that your notice of them has not been overlooked, 
 and will not be forgotten. 
 
 ' I have the honor to be, &c., 
 ' (Signed) EDWARD GREEN, Col., 
 
 1 Adjutant-General.'
 
 Extract from Vol. III. of Kaye's ' History of the Sepoy 
 War,' Chapter ., page 409. 
 
 'As in Calcutta, also the coolest head and steadiest 
 pulse in Bombay was that of the Governor, Lord 
 Elphinstone. He bethought himself at once of the 
 best measures to be adopted and of the best man 
 to give them effect. The man was Colonel LeGrand 
 Jacob, who had recently returned from the scene of 
 the Persian War, in which he had held command under 
 Sir James Outram. He had a large knowledge of the 
 political affairs of Western India, and he was a soldier 
 of high courage and activity. Lord Elphinstone sent 
 for him and gave him the supreme direction of affairs 
 in the disturbed country, and at the same time he 
 despatched from Bombay, the greater part of the way 
 by sea, a detachment of European infantry and artillery. 
 
 ' How well Jacob proved that the Governor had 
 placed his confidence in the right man, and how sub- 
 sequent events in Western India revealed the dangers 
 which were lurking there, will be shown in a later chapter 
 of this narrative.' 
 
 Note on the same page refers to ' Western India before and after 
 the Mutinies' thus: 
 
 ' I shall write more fully of these Western risings in my next 
 volume ; meanwhile the reader will do well to consult Jacob's book. ' 
 
 N.B. The historian died soon after the above was written, his 
 work unfinished.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS . .1 
 
 II. FEMALE RULERS . . . . J 3 
 
 III. PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS . . . .22 
 
 IV. PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS fOncltlddi . . 42 
 V. SUCCESSION TROUBLES . . . 56 
 
 VI. MORE SUCCESSION TROUBLES . . .68 
 
 VII. A VERY DISCURSIVE CHAPTER, SHOWING THE 
 DIFFICULTIES A POLITICAL OFFICER MAY BE 
 PLUN'GED INTO WITHOUT FAULT OF HIS OWN, AM> 
 WHAT GREAT EVENTS FROM LITTLE CAUSES 
 SPRING . . . . . -84 
 
 VIII. FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON KATTYWAR PECULIAR 
 USAGE OF BAHAR-WUTTIA MEANS ADOPTED BY 
 GOVERNMENT TO DEAL WITH IT, AND WITH 
 CRIME GENERALLY CAPTURE OF CAPTAIN GRAM 
 BYA BAND OF THESE OUTLAWS HIS NARRATIVE 
 OF CAPTIVITY HINDOO SUPERSTITIONS . 1OO
 
 viii Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 IX. HINDOO SUPERSTITIONS CONTINUED OUR LAWS 
 NOT ADAPTED TO THE CHARACTER OF THE 
 PEOPLE . . . . . 117 
 
 X. THE PERSIAN WAR THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF 
 
 MUTINY IN WESTERN INDIA . . . 144 
 
 XI. THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF REBELLION . .178 
 
 XII. THE SOUTHERN MAHRATTA COUNTRY AND BELOW 
 
 THE GHATS ..... 2IO 
 
 APPENDIX. THE WAR WITH BABA SAHIB ; A CANA- 
 
 RESE EPIC, TRANSLATED BY MR. KIES . . 239
 
 WESTERN INDIA 
 
 BEFORE AND DURING THE MUTINIES. 
 
 (PICTURES DRAWN FROM LIFE.) 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 T HAVE met with no work giving full insight 
 into the duties and responsibilities of Indian 
 Political officers, a body of men who uphold British 
 supremacy or British interests over some fifty 
 millions of human beings, and whether as Resi- 
 dents at native Courts, or^ under the titles of Com- 
 missioner, Agent, or Superintendent, with their 
 respective Deputies and Assistants, control, with 
 more or less of diplomacy or of direct power, both 
 
 B
 
 2 Western India. 
 
 kings and people. In the larger States, under treaty 
 engagements, their duties are mainly diplomatic ; 
 but even in these, large classes have come in some 
 measure under British protection by guarantees 
 and stipulations, so that the Ambassador becomes 
 a perpetual umpire in disputes between the Crown 
 and its subjects, to an extent calling for great 
 discrimination and tact: and where the power of 
 the Crown has become too weak to enforce its 
 jurisdiction, Criminal Courts have been established, 
 of which the British Agent is ex officio Chief Judge 
 in many cases the Raja retaining only his title 
 and honours, the Englishman performing his duties. 
 This brief statement shows the important part our 
 Indian Politicals have to play, whether in preserv- 
 ing peace or in aiding war. In the first case, they 
 oppose British prejudices, and are exposed to the 
 charge of pandering to those of the natives. In 
 the second, they have to witness the success their 
 exertions have aided or perhaps brought about, 
 attributed to others ; well for them, indeed, if they 
 are not also thought marplots by the very troops 
 of which they may have been the guiding spirit.
 
 Introductory Observations. 3 
 
 An anecdote will show the current feeling, as a 
 straw how the wind blows. 
 
 On the gathering together of the force for our 
 first great struggle in the Punjab, Major Broadfoot 
 was the Political authority endeavouring to bring 
 the ' Khalsa ' to reason. He was a man of great 
 ability, and was justly lamented in the public notice 
 of his death issued by the Governor-General. 
 
 ' Them Politicals spoils all,' said one soldier to 
 another, as they marched along towards the battle 
 ground ; ' we shall yet have all our trouble for 
 nothing with their palavering.' To which his 
 comrade replied, smacking his hand on the eighteen- 
 pounder they were escorting : ' Them 's your Poli- 
 ticals ; a fig for other sorts ! ' There is much of 
 homely truth in this view of things. Force is the 
 ultima ratio on which human empire is based ; but 
 it is moral as well as physical, and has to be wielded 
 skilfully to be of use. 
 
 Owing to the large field for selection offered by 
 the Military services of India, and the training so 
 many undergo in the extra regimental duties on 
 which they are employed, the Political Department 
 
 B2
 
 4 Western India. 
 
 has been mainly recruited from the army, though 
 the Civil services have also furnished brilliant 
 names, such as Metcalfe and Elphinstone. 
 
 As regards their duties in maintaining peace and 
 order, these are, unhappily for mankind, far less 
 appreciated than those of war. It is easy to pick 
 a quarrel and give plausible reasons for so doing ; 
 honours are then showered down on the successful 
 parties, whilst men who have endeavoured to save 
 bloodshed, and have succeeded, remain unknown. 
 Valuable goods received and no questions asked, may 
 be a maxim calculated to enrich a pawnbroker, but 
 it is ill suited to a Christian Throne desirous of 
 maintaining moral supremacy over its distant pos- 
 sessions. With the tendency in high places to 
 reward strife and overlook the labours of peace, 
 greater is the praise due to the large class that has 
 done so much to secure the latter throughout the 
 great continent of India. Had Sir A. Burnes's advice 
 been listened to, there would have been no disastrous 
 campaign in Afghanistan, though Sir John Keane 
 might have missed a barony : had Sir James 
 Outram not been summarily ejected, and the reins
 
 Introductory Observations. 5 
 
 given over to a clever soldier, no contest in Sind, 
 though Sir Charles Napier would have been with- 
 out his hundred thousand pounds and the army its 
 rich prize-money. The first is not a case exactly 
 in point, because happening in a foreign and inde- 
 pendent country ; the second is pre-eminently so, 
 and might be borne out by many instances in other 
 parts of India less known to fame. It is to the 
 honour of the Indian Political service that, as a 
 body, it has always advocated peace rather than 
 war, and stood up for British good faith with allies 
 and tributaries, as of more value than British 
 aggrandisement. Yet no men have struck harder 
 or more effectual blows when such became necessary 
 and just 
 
 State pageants and processions, durbars, naut- 
 ches, fights of elephants and wild beasts, have been 
 written of in abundance. But the daily work, the 
 subtle intrigue, the wild superstitions to be dealt 
 with, the indoor dress, as it were, of an Indian Po- 
 litical's life, are little known. 
 
 My original intention was to give in chronolo- 
 gical order a series of historic pictures from a
 
 6 Western India. 
 
 journal kept during the greater part of half a 
 century. But blindness and broken health have 
 compelled me to pass over many years in silence, 
 that before entire prostration, I might place on 
 record facts connected with the great rising of 
 1857-58, because, strange to say, they have been 
 denied both in Parliament and by the press, and 
 as few of the official documents of the time have 
 seen the light, are generally unknown. 
 
 The safety of our position in India is greatly 
 lessened by this ignorance. We have been too 
 apt to regard increase of territory as increase of 
 power, and to study the wishes of the governing 
 nation rather than the feelings of the governed. 
 As long as kingdom after kingdom was added to 
 the Empire, our laws imposed on the people, their 
 religions discountenanced, and our manufactures 
 permitted to drive theirs out of their own markets, 
 all was thought to go swimmingly on. Nobody 
 cared to ask what the natives thought about all 
 this. It needed such an awakening as that of the 
 years mentioned, to teach us a wiser policy. But 
 if the British people are kept in ignorance of the
 
 Introductory Observations. 7 
 
 nature and extent of that crisis, the scare of what 
 they do know will soon pass away, and the lesson 
 have been taught in vain. Some who ought to 
 know better, maintain that there was no rebellion 
 at all, only a partial mutiny caused solely by the 
 greased cartridge. Others that, besides the said 
 mutiny, there were a few local insurrections, un- 
 connected with it. On which plea the troops of 
 Madras and Bombay not reporting to the Horse 
 Guards Commander -in- Chief? were for several years 
 refused the medals they had won and have since 
 received. Some have gone so far as to assert that 
 the chiefs and people were nearly everywhere on 
 our side. There is danger of these opinions gain- 
 ing ground, chiming in as they do with our self- 
 love and our land hunger, unless those qualified by 
 personal knowledge speak out. 
 
 We found by bitter experience that it would not 
 do to govern distant populations against their 
 will; and, having learnt that lesson, allow our 
 
 1 The one in Bengal is alone recognised as such at the War Office, 
 though he has, or at any rate had, no control over the Madras and 
 Bombay Armies.
 
 8 Western India. 
 
 colonies to legislate for themselves. Yet we have 
 dealt with the millions of India without ascertaining 
 their feelings: on the one hand, as if they were 
 mere savages; on the other, as though the laws that 
 suit us must necessarily suit them. This was done 
 more especially from the expiration of the old 
 Company's Charter in 1833 to the explosion of 
 1857, during which time the prevailing policy was 
 to spread the red colour on the map over the whole 
 continent of India. 
 
 In proof of our national onesidedness, let us take 
 a very recent act of an able Governor-General who, 
 desiring to ascertain the relative value to the people 
 of British and native rule, called for the opinions 
 of our own functionaries only. Surely, if we wish 
 to know whether or not the shoe pinches, we should 
 rather ask the wearer than the maker. An anec- 
 dote seems in point. Every old Indian sportsman 
 knows the reputation enjoyed by Stunt's shoes. I 
 owe my life to a pair during a tussle with a wild 
 boar, and on taking my home furlough went to 
 him, as a matter of course, for a pedestrian outfit. 
 Having become somewhat crippled therefrom, I
 
 Introductory Observations. 9 
 
 applied for remedial measures, and was surprised, 
 if not amused, by being told ' it was all the fault of 
 the ftit.' In vain were my remarks that it was 
 generally considered rather the business of the 
 shoe to fit the foot than the foot the shoe ; the 
 angry foreman replied that their articles were 
 made on scientific principles, from which he had 
 no idea of swerving. Of course I went elsewhere 
 for my wants, and found an equally scientific but 
 more practical artist in Bann of Bond Street, who 
 made a point of ascertaining where the shoe 
 pinched and why; and thus providing for any 
 little peculiarity, up to the time of his firm passing 
 away, enabled me in comfort to take what exercise 
 I pleased. 
 
 Why will not our rulers adopt the Bann rather 
 than the Stunt policy that is, endeavour to find 
 out the tender points of native character, and 
 make due allowance for them ? The question is 
 more applicable to the period above alluded to 
 preceding 1857 tnan since, but there is still great 
 room for improvement. Had we acted persistently 
 on this policy one, indeed, that gained our footing
 
 io Western India. 
 
 in India we might have obtained better discipline 
 in our Sepoys, and have been spared the horrors of 
 the great outbreak. 
 
 Our measures may be very scientific, but the 
 question is, Do we want to preserve our clientelle ? 
 We are hurrying on measures that entail heavy 
 outlay and increased taxation, and legislating far too 
 rapidly for a people so thoroughly engrained with 
 conservatism as are the Hindoos. Accustomed only 
 to patriarchal government, they would willingly 
 rather pay a bad tax, if paid by their forefathers, 
 than one, however theoretically superior, that was 
 new to them. 1 I grant the difficulty of ascertaining 
 
 1 The following extract of a recent letter from a very intelligent 
 native friend, a well-wisher to our rule, is to the point : 
 
 ' I trust the E. I. Association may be able to watch the progress 
 of the Committee now sitting. ... I think the financial policy 
 of the Government has done and is doing a great deal of mischief. 
 Development in India means more taxes, and more departments, and 
 nothing more. . . . Government should not betake itself to 
 cotton growing and breeding cattle. The freest market is the 
 cheapest, and in India no market can possibly be free wherein the 
 Government is a grower and seller. 
 
 ' So long as the taxes reached only the higher classes there was not 
 much to fear. But now the area has been widened and the sweep 
 goes deeper than it ever did before. The masses are too simple to 
 understand decentralisation and federalisation, but they see the taxes 
 plainly enough. Even some of the repealed taxes are being revived
 
 
 Introductory Observations. 1 1 
 
 the feelings of so multifarious a community, the 
 greater part but half civilised, and at best holding 
 a civilisation entirely foreign to our own. Still it is 
 not impossible ; and each year as we rear natives 
 capable of understanding and appreciating both 
 states, the task will become easier. But there 
 have never been wanting Englishmen of cosmo- 
 politan character and generous sympathies, en- 
 abling them to gain the confidence of the people 
 they ruled over or dwelt amongst, whose voice has 
 been raised to warn Government of the danger it 
 was courting. It was not their fault if they cried 
 in vain, if their voice was classed with that of others 
 advocating more than just deference to native 
 usages ; or lost amid the din of arms, the clamour 
 of men supposing the cause of Christianity ad- 
 vanced by measures that led to its being hated ; 
 above all, because of the lust of power. 
 
 under different names. We have irrigation, railways, surveys, 
 forests, and what-not ; and all go to swell the number of taxes. 
 
 ' All this arises from over government and hot-house legislation. I 
 must say that I find it hard to keep pace with what goes on. What 
 the common people must be thinking and doing may easily be con- 
 ceived. I am sorry to say there is no hand able and willing to stay 
 or slacken the progress of the legislative car. 
 
 'Let me assure you that the speed is getting positively dangerous.'
 
 1 2 Western India. 
 
 I have long hoped to read a full account of the 
 ' Sepoy War ' by one so thoroughly qualified to 
 give it as the historian Kaye, whose recent nomi- 
 nation, by the way, to the Star of India does 
 quite as much honour to the order as to himself. 
 There are men who gain nothing by a handle to 
 their names, and his past writings stamp him as 
 one such. But time draws on. I shall probably 
 pass away before his history is completed, if indeed 
 it ever be so ; wherefore, while still able in some 
 degree to record my testimony, I stand before my 
 countrymen as a witness to facts.
 
 Female Rulers. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FEMALE RULERS. 
 
 T T is not unusual to consider Eastern women as 
 a down-trodden poor-spirited race, and yet 
 cases are numerous in which they have been the 
 actual rulers, whilst fathers, husbands, and sons 
 were of small account. Their masculine character 
 has been exemplified of late in the tragedy of 
 Jhansee, where, it may be remembered, numbers 
 of our countrymen were slaughtered by the widow 
 of the Raja, at whose death we took possession of 
 the country, refusing to sanction an adopted heir, 
 and thereby depriving her of rule and territory. 
 This lady threw herself heart and soul into the re- 
 bellion, and died fighting against us on horseback, 
 in the rebel ranks. 
 
 Raj Baee, the heroine of my present story, was 
 a woman of a like masculine and determined
 
 14 Western India. 
 
 character. At the time of the occurrences I am 
 about to relate, she had been regent of her country, 
 the Principality of Wudwan, in the Guzerat penin- 
 sula, some thirty years, during which time, ac- 
 cording to public rumour, she had made away with 
 successively her father-in-law, husband, and a son, 
 as each interfered with her management more than 
 she approved. Providence had now given her or 
 she had recently introduced an infant successor, 
 of which Goelwao, the young widow of the late 
 Raja, over whom his mother supposed herself to 
 have the most interest, was, or was proclaimed to 
 be, the parent; for the male species, though to 
 Raj Baee's view entirely useless in itself, was still 
 necessary as a means of power a sort of con- 
 stable's staff without which her jurisdiction would 
 not have been acknowledged, but the claim of some 
 male heir set up instead. 
 
 Having related the dark crimes attributed to 
 the old lady let us charitably hope without 
 sufficient foundation it is but justice to her to 
 state that her country was well-governed and in 
 a flourishing condition.
 
 
 Female Rulers. 15 
 
 Raj Baee was now nearly seventy years old, and 
 having latterly pondered more and more on the 
 prospects of another world, was troubled with com- 
 punctions of conscience for her doings in this. 
 Whereupon, after much demur, and taking ghostly 
 counsel, she resolved to wash away her sins by a 
 pilgrimage to a celebrated shrine at a considerable 
 distance from the country. As this would detain 
 her long from home, she made arrangements for 
 the administration by appointing Goelwao regent 
 ad interim ; after which, all being settled, and an 
 auspicious day for departure duly calculated by 
 the Brahmins, she set forth with a large retinue, 
 and was for a while lost to the world. 
 
 Meanwhile, Goelwao tasted the sweets of power, 
 and while doing so she very naturally began to 
 reflect, that as mother of the young Raja, she had 
 as much right to govern in his name as the grand- 
 mother. Possessing an equal share of spirit, she 
 forthwith began a series of intrigues, tending to 
 secure the adherence of many who were in a 
 position to help her to retain power when her 
 mother-in-law should again make her appearance.
 
 1 6 Western India. 
 
 Matters went forward smoothly and successfully, 
 and when the old queen, having accomplished her 
 pilgrimage and returned home, was desirous of 
 entering her capital, she was quietly informed that 
 the stars were unfavourable, and that she had 
 better wait a little outside. 
 
 The old lady was not famed for patience ; never- 
 theless, she waited till her small stock of it was ex- 
 hausted, and then attempted to enter the town, but 
 found the gates closed, and the guard deaf to her 
 indignant remonstrances. A parley next took 
 place between the two ladies, in which the older 
 upbraided the younger with treachery, and the 
 younger replied, that the good old lady could not 
 do better at her time of life than continue to devote 
 herself to spiritual affairs, that she might thereby 
 gain the full benefit conferred by pilgrimage to the 
 holy shrine, leaving to younger shoulders the 
 burden of the troubled cares of this world. But 
 Raj Baee failed to see the force of the argument ; 
 frustrated, and boiling with indignation, she bent 
 her steps towards Raj cote, there to lay her 
 grievances before the British authority. Being a
 
 Female Rulers. 1 7 
 
 wealthy dame, she took care to bring with her 
 abundance of golden reasons for propitiating all 
 amenable to a species of logic to which, it must 
 be confessed, our native subordinates are not more 
 insensible than many of the electors of our own 
 boroughs. But her utmost efforts failed to do 
 more than induce the Political Agent, the late Sir 
 John Pollard Willoughby, to issue an attachment 
 upon the State, that is, to place a functionary in 
 charge of its management until some means of 
 adjustment could be devised between the two 
 belligerent parties. This species of sequestration 
 leaves everything in statu quo. Goelwao therefore 
 being actually in power, and having possession of 
 the young Raja, had nine parts of the law in her 
 favour. 
 
 Every attempt to arrange the dispute by arbi- 
 tration or otherwise failed, as did also the old 
 Queen's patience, and she determined to take the 
 law into her own hands. Whether with or without 
 the co-operation of the native officials of the agency, 
 she contrived to gain over the native functionary 
 acting for the British Government at Wudwan, to 
 
 C
 
 1 8 Western India. 
 
 secure some of the nobles of the country, and raise 
 a body of mercenaries, thousands of whom can 
 readily be obtained to cut one another's throats 
 at a few shillings a head. All arrangements being 
 completed, she left Rajcote, and took the field ; 
 mounted on horseback at the head of her troops, 
 and attended by some of the chiefs, she once more 
 presented herself at the gateway of Wudwan, this 
 time in full hope of admittance. But some of the 
 garrison, not let into the secret, or not sufficiently 
 bribed, opened fire upon her, and a chief fell dead at 
 her side. Nothing daunted, the plucky old lady 
 rushed on, trusting to her star and to the success of 
 her previous arrangements ; and not in vain, for the 
 guard opened the gates to her, and she effected a 
 triumphant entry into the town. There the ob- 
 sequious sequestration officer had contrived to get 
 possession of the person of the young Raja, whom 
 he now made over to her, and thereby at once 
 secured her control over the people. Outwitted 
 and checkmated, Goelwao found herself compelled 
 to beat a retreat, and in her turn besieged the 
 British authority with the tale of her woes and with
 
 Female Rulers. 19 
 
 claims for restitution of what she considered her 
 rights. 
 
 The above is a fair sample of many of the cases 
 that repeatedly come before the Political authorities 
 of India, in the settlement whereof but feeble 
 assistance can be gained from all the works on 
 international or any other written law. On one 
 side it could be urged that power had been surrep- 
 titiously gained through a breach of faith ; on the 
 other, that that power was the legitimate right of 
 the mother rather than of the grandmother of the 
 young prince. To this was answered that the 
 grandmother had ruled, and ruled well, during 
 thirty years, with the approbation of the leading 
 men of the country, without whose consent, and 
 foremost without that of the British Government, 
 first obtained and deliberately expressed, no such 
 change of regent should have been made, and 
 especially not by stealth in the manner done. The 
 mother rejoined that the consent of many of the 
 leading nobles had been given her ; that her 
 mother-in-law was of an age fast unfitting her for 
 public duties, of which her voluntary surrender of
 
 2O Western India. 
 
 the reins of government, to go on a distant pilgrim- 
 age, was a tacit admission ; that she took posses- 
 sion of the regency in the natural course of events, 
 without any necessity to do more than report the 
 fact for the information of the protecting govern- 
 ment which had sanctioned the measure ; that she 
 had been in possession under the aegis of that 
 Government when forcibly dispossessed ; and that 
 the least that could be done was to restore her to 
 the same position pending the adjustment of the 
 dispute, unless the British Government allowed 
 force rather than justice to be the rule of right. 
 
 It is easy to perceive the delicate nature of such 
 transactions, and the difficulty of doing justice in 
 them. In the present case, apart from the danger 
 of establishing a precedent in favour of parties 
 taking the law into their own hands, moje espe- 
 cially pending reference to Government on the 
 merits of the case, there were more reasons for 
 confirming the grandmother in the regency than 
 for ejecting her in favour of the mother, an un- 
 known, untried person. These reasons prevailed 
 with the controlling authority, and the matter was
 
 Female Rulers. 2 1 
 
 settled by a moderate fine on the grandmother, who 
 was permitted to retain rule, and a maintenance 
 was allotted to the mother. 
 
 This decision is to be regretted in its general 
 effect on the country at large, as it formed an 
 evil example for every aspirant to power, instances 
 of which will appear in the following chapters. 
 The true policy would have been to appoint a 
 well-selected regency, setting both ladies on one 
 side, and to rescue the young prince from the con- 
 dition in which these were purposely keeping him, 
 in order to prolong their own rule. To exercise 
 interference only to keep things still, till they be- 
 come rotten, is unworthy of our nation.
 
 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS. 
 
 / nr^HE Raja 1 of Limree, a small Rajpoot state 
 adjoining that of Wudwan, in Kattywar, 
 died in 1837 at the age of eighteen, leaving three 
 young widows. His minister, Nuthoo Mehta by 
 name, was at the time in confinement at the 
 British Agency 2 on a charge of connivance in a 
 gang robbery that had occurred in his territory. 
 Great was the consternation in the little state at 
 the prospect of a change of dynasty, for the Raja 
 died without issue, and apparently without hope of 
 any. A conclave of the dowager queens met to 
 
 1 Thakoor, lit. the Lord, is the more correct appellation of these 
 petty chiefs ; but this name being unfamiliar to English ears, I use 
 the term better known and which is also occasionally applied to them. 
 The same may be said of their Ranees, who should strictly speaking 
 be called Baee, lit. the Lady. 
 
 2 I am sorry to say, an unjustifiable measure.
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 23 
 
 deliberate on the course to be pursued in this 
 emergency : they had hostile interests, each wish- 
 ing the succession to be in the line where her in- 
 fluence prevailed. The sage old minister, Nuthoo 
 Mehta, a man highly respected for wisdom, tact, 
 and good temper, wrote to counsel a child being 
 placed in the lap of one of the young widows, 
 approved of by the majority, and possessing the 
 most influential connections. He had employed 
 his time whilst under restraint in making matters 
 smooth at the Agency; a douceur of a lakh of 
 rupees (io,ooo/.) was promised as a nuzzerana 1 
 
 for the new Political Agent, Mr. E , to his 
 
 moonshee acting chief native functionary, a very 
 able fellow, and high in his master's confidence, 
 named Lutf Ali ; and when at last the gang 
 robbery charge proved a mare's nest, Nuthoo 
 Mehta was released from confinement, and allowed 
 
 1 It may be as well to explain for English readers that nuzzerana 
 means the present given by Indian usage to the paramount power on 
 the accession of an heir to the gadee, a species of succession tax 
 which under British rule had not been enforced. We have of late 
 years preferred succeeding to the State ourselves when it suited our 
 purpose, a policy wisely disowned in the Queen's proclamation on 
 assuming the direct government of India.
 
 24 Western India. 
 
 to return to his country. He had arranged before- 
 hand by correspondence with the ladies for the due 
 succession of a selected infant. On reaching home, 
 he sent half of the money promised in hard cash, 
 with some of the Durbar jewels and gold orna- 
 ments, to a neighbouring banker, agreed on between 
 himself and Lutf AH as the go-between in this 
 transaction. The nuzzerana was to assume the 
 shape of a loan from the said banker to Mr. 
 
 E , and was entered in his books accordingly. 
 
 Unfortunately for the smooth current of the 
 plot, this abstraction of Durbar wealth was reported 
 to head-quarters by Munguljee, the native officer 
 placed in charge of the district, on the demise of 
 the Raja, whereupon, however, he was removed, 
 and a successor sent charged not to interfere with 
 Durbar arrangements. Munguljee returned to 
 Rajcote, the seat of the British Agency, envenomed 
 against all who had caused his dismissal, and pre- 
 pared to join anyone who would help to gratify his 
 revenge. This he had perhaps previously found in 
 a nephew of the late Raja, by name Akhabhaee,
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 25 
 
 who, failing issue, was heir to the gadee, 1 and who 
 now, both personally and through numerous friends 
 in neighbouring states, was besieging the Agency 
 with applications for attention to his claim. He 
 and Munguljee united interests, and he was loud 
 in his assertions that the latter's successor was a 
 mere tool of the Durbar, during whose control no 
 chance of preventing surreptitious procedure ex- 
 isted. These assertions were coldly received, and 
 in despair of obtaining any effectual measures for 
 securing his interests in the state, he proceeded to 
 take the law into his own hands, and to raise 
 troops, a course so recently followed with success 
 in the adjoining Wudwan principality. 
 
 At this stage of the proceedings I became in- 
 volved in the affair. Mr. E , falling ill, was 
 
 obliged to leave for one of the sanatariums of the 
 country, and made over charge of the current work 
 of his office to me, with directions to seize the 
 troublesome aspirant to the gadee, and place him 
 in confinement unless or until he should offer good 
 
 1 Throne, literally cushion, but the English word is too grand a 
 title for a petty principality.
 
 26 Western India. 
 
 securities for preserving the peace. From this 
 time my native assistant became a prominent man 
 in the drama, and secretly allied himself to Akha- 
 bhaee or rather to a third party yet to be mentioned, 
 who made Akhabhaee their tool. It is needless to 
 say that the representations of the latter were duly 
 conveyed to the proper authority, with an intima- 
 tion that as we were preventing him from acting 
 for himself we were bound to see that justice was 
 done him. Valid securities having been tendered, 
 he was released from restraint, and thus for a 
 while matters remained in statn quo. 
 
 But now a 'change came o'er the spirit of the 
 scene,' at its principal theatre of Limree. One of 
 the three young widows was declared to be with 
 child, to the discomfiture of three out of the four 
 dowager Ranees who had looked to perpetuate 
 their power by the simpler process of placing an 
 infant in the lap, as it is termed, of that widow who 
 was under their influence, according to the plan 
 arranged with Nuthoo Mehta. Great was the 
 disgust of the aged trio, and, whether really dis- 
 believing the allegation, or resolved at all cost to
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 7 2 
 
 carry out the original design, they became at 
 daggers drawn with the fourth dowager, who alone 
 resolutely maintained the changed issue. This 
 lady was the mother of the deceased Raja, and as 
 such held the greater power in the Durbar. From 
 the first she had only reluctantly joined in Nuthoo 
 Mehta's scheme, and the old man finding that in 
 spite of his tact the family feud was too much for 
 him, thought it wisest to support her at this 
 juncture. He was able to do so with considerable 
 effect, for the apparent acceptance of the nuzzerana 
 and the exchange of the obnoxious functionary for 
 one more amenable to the Durbar, rendered his 
 position very different to what it had been when in 
 confinement.' 
 
 Meanwhile Akhabhaee's party rapidly increased 
 both within and without the State ; nearly the 
 whole of the bhayad 1 or nobles, that is r those con- 
 nected by blood with the reigning family, joined 
 it. These chiefs held large possessions of their 
 own, the endowment of former rajas, and many of 
 them were independent save the fealty paid of 
 
 1 Lit. Brotherhood.
 
 28 Western India. 
 
 their own will and pleasure to the head of their 
 family. To this party the three disappointe'd 
 dowagers now turned, and heedless of the Napo- 
 leonic maxim concerning linge sale, gave up the 
 correspondence between themselves and Nuthoo 
 Mehta relating to the original plot. As the last 
 letter was dated between two and three months 
 after the Raja's death, it markedly strengthened 
 Akhabhaee's claim, and seemed fatal to the hopes 
 of the Durbar. 
 
 Limree, as a Rajpoot principality, in common 
 with some others springing from the founder of 
 the race whose descendants still reigned at Dran- 
 gadra, cherished an old ceremony, the only sign 
 left of its former power over its offshoots. The 
 installation of one of these on the gadee was not 
 considered complete without the attendance of the 
 head of the tribe, or of his eldest son, to impress 
 on his forehead in blood with a pricked finger, the 
 central mark, called tilla, Hindoos so carefully 
 paint afresh after their morning devotions. This 
 family therefore bestirred itself on the question of 
 the succession, and communicated to the British
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 29 
 
 Agency its willingness for the ladies of its house 
 to be employed in testing the allegation of preg- 
 nancy set up. 
 
 Of all the intrigues alluded to, I was profoundly 
 ignorant until the departure of my chief, when, as 
 the senior assistant was absent, I became in a 
 measure responsible, if not for the due administra- 
 tion of the affairs of the province, at least that 
 nothing should transpire unreported affecting its 
 interests and the character of our Government. 
 Unknown to me, secret interviews had taken place 
 between my native assistant, the dismissed Mun- 
 guljee, and Deosee, a leading character at the 
 capital, formerly much employed in public business, 
 and still possessing influence. 
 
 It will be as well here to give a description of 
 my assistant, Madhow Rao. He was an elderly 
 Brahmin who had been educated at the court of 
 the Peishwa, and there initiated in all the duplicity 
 that was considered statesmanship. When his 
 master fell he pursued his fortunes elsewhere, 
 ending in the position he occupied under me. He 
 was a man of great intelligence, full of much useful
 
 3O Western India. 
 
 local knowledge, bland and courteous in his 
 manners yet withal of a frank and open address. 
 
 Deosee was a colleague in every way fitted to 
 join or cope with him ; of mature age, possessing 
 both Indian and English experience, on visiting 
 and friendly terms with the European gentry, of 
 great reputed wealth (some 3O,ooo/. were in deposit 
 at the Agency pending the adjustment of one of 
 his disputes), subtle, plausible, and well mannered. 
 
 Munguljee was of an inferior stamp; he loved to 
 work like a mole underground, and it was difficult 
 to judge of the extent of his abilities. 
 
 These three met together in secret conclave. 
 The fact I did not know till long afterwards ; the 
 purport was never disclosed : I can only judge 
 therefore by the fruits. First, my man broke 
 ground on a petition presented by Akhabhaee, 
 complaining that the Government officer in charge 
 of the district was a tool in the hands of the 
 Durbar, openly supporting it, and refusing to let 
 any of his people into the place, and declaring 
 that there could be no doubt of preparations being 
 in progress for the introduction of a spurious child
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 31 
 
 as heir ; and that as the British Government had 
 tied his hands, he claimed that justice should be 
 done him. 
 
 By the conversation that ensued upon this 
 petition Madhow Rao was able to discover to what 
 extent I might be depended upon, if his previous 
 experience of my character left him any room for 
 doubt. It is needless to state what took place 
 between my chief and myself consequent on the 
 above. The former, though at a distance, still 
 held control of the general affairs of the province, 
 whilst I was left at head-quarters transacting 
 current work. 
 
 Shortly after receipt of this petition, Deosee 
 paid me a visit. After the usual preliminaries, he 
 said the main object of his call was to let me know, 
 
 for Mr. E 's information, as he was unable from 
 
 lameness to travel all that distance himself, of the 
 extraordinary reports prevailing in the town inju- 
 rious to that gentleman's character, to wit, that a 
 cart laden with rupees had been sent by the 
 Limree Durbar into the town, and the next 
 morning conveyed to the Agency treasury ; and it
 
 32 Western India, 
 
 was in everybody's mouth that this was the money 
 sent as an equivalent for being permitted to keep 
 the reins of power in their own hands. He did 
 not credit this rumour himself, but it was so widely 
 circulated, that he thought it right to let Mr. E 
 know, as he was well aware that the thing was 
 entirely opposed to British sense of propriety and 
 usage. 
 
 I duly conveyed this message, and the corre- 
 spondence that ensued ended in my being directed 
 to proceed to Limree to make enquiries as to the 
 prospect or otherwise of direct succession, and as 
 to whether the money in question, which had 
 actually reached the capital in the way mentioned, 
 had been supplied by the Limree Durbar or not. 
 Madhow Rao was not allowed to accompany me, 
 but another sent in his stead. I accordingly pro- 
 ceeded to the spot, and the Drangadra family was 
 requested to join me there to assist in my enquiry. 
 
 The difficulty of such an enquiry it is impossible 
 for the uninitiated to realise. No male, not even 
 a brother after childhood, can see a young Raj- 
 pootnee of rank ; consequently, facts can only be
 
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 33 
 
 elicited through intermediate channels, at second 
 hand, and with the knowledge that all concerned 
 are more or less infected by that indifference to 
 truth arising from the Eastern maxim that speech 
 is given to man exclusively for his own benefit, an 
 idea unhappily rather too prevalent even in the 
 West. 
 
 Some time elapsed before the arrival of the 
 Drangadra Ranees ; and during this interval I took 
 measures for assembling a matron punchayut, 
 that is, a committee of ladies, from amongst the 
 principal people of the country, some named by 
 the Durbar, others by Akhabhaee, to be in readi- 
 ness to meet them ; at the same time pursuing my 
 enquiry into the alleged bribe given to my chief for 
 conniving at the introduction of a spurious heir. 
 The proof became too apparent of the money 
 having actually issued from the Limree Durbar, for 
 Munguljee, when in power, had kept so keen a look- 
 out, and gathered so many threads of the plot, 
 that though the deed took place with every precau- 
 tion, in the dead of night, it could not be effectually 
 concealed. 
 
 D
 
 34 Western India. 
 
 The investigation by the ladies was long post- 
 poned under various pleas. What with unlucky 
 days of the calendar, or superstitious causes as- 
 signed by one or other of the parties concerned, it 
 really seemed as though it never would come off ; 
 and as the chief delay was caused by the Durbar, 
 the reasons for disbelieving the likelihood of a 
 direct heir increased in strength. Unfortunately, 
 
 during all this time, Mr. E or his moonshee 
 
 corresponded directly with the Durbar instead of 
 through me, which had a most prejudicial effect on 
 my endeavours to convince them of my impar- 
 tiality ; and this was rendered still more difficult by 
 the trial then going on at the neighbouring station 
 of Ahmedabad of the judge of the district, Mr. 
 Grant, by a commission which called on me tQ 
 examine the Limree minister, Nuthoo Mehta, on 
 matter pertaining thereto, the judge's assistant, 
 Mr. W. E, Frere, having been directed to pro- 
 secute. 1 
 
 1 An invidious duty to exact and impolitic to require from any as- 
 sistant. In all such cases, happily rare, a special officer, unconnected 
 with the department, should be selected for the duty, that of the 
 assistant being limited to giving the information he possesses.
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 35 
 
 At last report was made to me that the claim 
 was fictitious ; at the same time, however, the hus- 
 band of one of the jury informed me that his wife 
 was very strongly of an opposite opinion, but as 
 he was a relation of the young would-be mother, 
 his wife's verdict had but little weight. This em- 
 broglio was duly reported, and, as I had placed art 
 intelligent man in charge of the town in super- 
 ceSsion of Munguljee's inefficient successor, besides 
 employing other means to arrive at the true state 
 of affairs, I did not altogether despair of solving it, 
 although it appeared all but impossible the Ranee 
 should be really with child. 
 
 It was the usage in that part of India, on visiting 1 
 the capital of any native state, for its Durbar to 
 supply milk, firewood, and hay from their own 
 dairy and preserves, and the attempts on the part 
 of Europeans to break through this custom had 
 been given up in consequence of the offence caused 
 by non-acceptance. The feeling would have been 
 as though an English traveller, after partaking of 
 the hospitality of any gentleman, were to ask to 
 be allowed to pay for his dinner, or were to buy 
 
 D2
 
 36 Western India. 
 
 his own food and have it cooked in his host's 
 kitchen. Being anxious to stand well with the 
 Durbar, and to give them no cause for suspecting 
 I was their enemy, I permitted them to send the 
 above-named supplies, although I received warning 
 from different quarters, some anonymous, that 
 under the very peculiar position I then occupied at 
 Limree it behoved me to be careful against poison. 
 I had hardly time to make up my mind what 
 course to pursue with reference to this advice, 
 when one morning, immediately after breakfast, I 
 became deadly ill with vomiting and other cho- 
 leraic symptoms ; happily, the first was so violent 
 as to get rid of everything I had taken. No 
 medical man was within hail, and I remained 
 exceedingly ill for some days. On afterwards 
 mentioning my symptoms to the Agency doctor, 
 he gave it as his opinion that I had probably been 
 poisoned, and owed my life to its not having been 
 taken into the system. Whatever was the real 
 fact, I took good care to drink no more Durbar 
 milk, but, in the absence of proof, thought it wiser 
 to keep silent as to the cause.
 
 Plots and Coimterplots. 37 
 
 Shortly after this, Mr. E suddenly resolved 
 
 to come to the scene of action, bringing his lady 
 with him, over-ruling my representation, that should 
 the claim of the Durbar prove valid, the fact of 
 a large sum of money having been paid with the 
 view of gaining his consent to a spurious heir, 
 would invalidate anything he himself might do, 
 however ignorant he might have been of the 
 source whence the money was derived. I could 
 not prevent his coming, but he repaid through me, 
 by an order on a Baroda banker, the amount of 
 the money proved to have come from the Durbar ; 
 and I took good care in delivering this order in a 
 ceremonial interview, that the fact should be pub- 
 licly known, with due admonitions as to the folly 
 of attempting to bribe a British functionary ; 
 stating at the same time that all the harsh usage 
 that might possibly be necessary to test their claim, 
 must be attributed to their own acts which threw 
 such doubt upon it. 
 
 On Mr. E 's arrival serious were the con- 
 sultations between us, and it was at length decided 
 that a letter should be written inviting the Ranees 
 
 357169
 
 38 Western India. 
 
 to visit Mrs. E , which was acceded to, and 
 
 they accordingly attended on the following night. 
 
 The splendid suite of tents of the Agency gave 
 ample accommodation for numbers, and permitted 
 of arrangements for privacy required by Rajpoot 
 etiquette. The medical officer, Dr. Graham, had 
 accompanied his chief. The ladies assembled in an 
 inner tent, and after a while, thence issued a few 
 lines in pencil to say that two of the young Ranees 
 would certainly soon become mothers, one of them 
 before long. This was about seven months after 
 the Raja's death. On this Mr. E became sen- 
 sible that with such a mass of direct and circum- 
 stantial evidence to the contrary, it would be 
 improper to throw the whole onus of proof on his 
 wife's testimony alone, and the Ranees were there- 
 fore informed that under the peculiar circumstances 
 they must allow themselves to be seen by the 
 Agency surgeon. The reply to this was that so 
 serious a matter required time for deliberation 
 before they could consent. 
 
 A difficulty had now to be provided for, to wit, 
 the possibility if not probability of other parties
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 39 
 
 having been, and continuing to be, passed off as 
 the young queens, to meet which it was decided to 
 invite on the occasion of the second examination 
 the Drangadra Ranees and the three objecting 
 mothers-in-law. The Durbar consented to this 
 ordeal, as did also the Dowagers, and the Dran- 
 gadra ladies sent their midwife in their stead. At 
 this meeting, which took place again at night, 
 
 Mr. E and I made arrangements for satisfying 
 
 ourselves on the subject, unperceived. No doubt 
 on our minds was left, and such, of course, was the 
 surgeon's report, although the old Dowagers and 
 the Drangadra deputy vehemently maintained the 
 contrary, in spite of his efforts to convince them. 
 It was a decided case of tant pis pour les faits, for 
 the credit of the British Government would have 
 
 stood much higher with the people had Mr. E 
 
 been able to prove that nothing had been gained 
 by the attempt to bribe him. It was evident that 
 there had been deep counter-plotting based on the 
 original plot of the Durbar, and that almost every 
 one had been gained over to what seemed to be 
 the winning side. The heir apparent could of
 
 40 Western India. 
 
 course offer much heavier bribes than those who 
 merely wanted to retain the power they held, and 
 nothing daunted by this last examination, Akhab- 
 haee's party declared the whole thing a delusion of 
 the senses attributable to magic. 
 
 The necessity of removing as far as possible all 
 public disbelief in the real facts, as well as to 
 guard against the substitution of a male for a 
 female child in case of the birth of the latter, 
 was made known to the Durbar, and the Ranees 
 were required to take up their abode, as a tem- 
 porary measure, in a spacious mansion apart from 
 other houses, with walled courts and gateway, 
 there to await the issue of events. Windows ac^ 
 cessible from without were barred, and a guard of 
 regular troops under a British officer was placed in 
 charge of the premises with several sentries all 
 round and patrols every hour outside. In addition 
 to these external precautions, the dowagers were 
 requested personally to examine all their female 
 attendants, who to the number of thirty or forty 
 followed their mistresses, and to exclude from 
 them any whose condition might be such as to
 
 Plots and Counterplots. 41 
 
 complicate matters, which they did, and rejected 
 three. 
 
 With all these precautions we trusted that the 
 public mind would be convinced of the justice of 
 the British Government, notwithstanding the un- 
 fortunate opening of the suit. The diverse parties 
 brought together for adjudication of the knotty 
 question went each their way, and I was left to 
 await the dhioiiment with a force to keep the peace 
 as well as to guard the ladies. Dr. Graham 
 was to vaccinate in the neighbourhood, so as to 
 be within call in case of being further required. 
 Party spirit for the moment seemed suppressed, 
 but it was only resting to gather strength if further 
 contest were needed a lull between blasts of the 
 cyclone blowing from the opposite quarters of plot 
 and counterplot.
 
 42 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS concluded. 
 
 OOME two months passed away, when one even- 
 ing Dr. Graham came across country, on his 
 riding camel, to my tent, to enquire how things 
 were going on, and whether he could be of any use. 
 He passed the night on a sofa, intending to leave in 
 the early morning, but long before dawn we were 
 aroused by a Havildar (i.e. sergeant) of the guard 
 reporting that the Ranee was in labour. 
 
 'Well/ said I to my friend, 'it's lucky you 
 dropped in upon me at this crisis ; but let us 
 hope it will be a girl, for if a boy they'll swear you 
 brought him with you in your saddle-bags.' 
 
 The first thing to be done was to summon the 
 Dowager Ranees, and some of Akhabhaee's trusted 
 adherents, to attend and bear witness of the result, 
 whatever it might be. We then rode into the town,
 
 Plots and Counterplots concluded. 43 
 
 and sat at the gateway of the temporary palace 
 where the guard was stationed, waiting for the 
 expectant witnesses. Ere long we heard a shout 
 which from its joyous tone put an end to Akhab- 
 haee's hopes, and some of his fierce followers began 
 to scowl at me savagely, for they suspected deceit. 
 The gateway was now thrown open, and we entered 
 the precincts. In a few minutes more the future 
 ruler of the country was brought before us, un- 
 washed and undressed, and what I suppose Mrs. 
 Gamp would deem very untidy ; he was anything 
 but a beautiful object except to Durbar eyes, that 
 rejoiced in his sex as much as I deplored it. 
 
 Meanwhile the Dowagers delayed to come ; in- 
 deed, at first they had sent a message refusing to 
 do so, but subsequently they yielded to the urgent 
 remonstrance that their absence would prevent 
 them satisfying themselves and others by personal 
 observation of what might be destined for their 
 country. The doctor pronounced all to be en r/gle 
 as to the birth, and with his consent I refused to 
 allow anything to be done till they had seen the 
 child, thus bringing on myself loud and deep re-
 
 44 Western India. 
 
 preaches from the Durbar party, who upbraided me 
 with risking the infant's life, and were hardly to be 
 appeased by Dr. Graham's repeated assurance that 
 there was no danger. 
 
 At length the dowagers arrived, and all was open 
 for their inspection. I had not at that time become 
 sufficiently hardened to native intrigue to hear 
 without astonishment their exclamation that the 
 child was not newly born, and, when after giving 
 needful orders, Dr. Graham and myself left the 
 place, I had the satisfaction, as a reward for all my 
 pains to do justice to this people, to hear the ladies, 
 as they drove away in their bullock carriages, 
 exclaim on the dishonour I had brought on a 
 Rajpoot throne by smuggling in some coolie's 
 child to place on it. By this time a large crowd 
 had assembled round the building, and the day had 
 just dawned sufficiently to let me perceive the 
 angry faces of many of the lookers-on, some of 
 whom half drew their swords, thrusting them back 
 again into the scabbards with vehement gestures. 
 
 We rode quickly to my tent, for I was glad to 
 be away from the throng, and there over hot coffee 
 and cigars we meditated on the vanity of human
 
 Plots and Counterplots concluded. 45 
 
 aspirations, and on the difficulty of getting partisans 
 to believe anything against their will. The exist- 
 ence of a deep conspiracy, that previously I had 
 banished from my thoughts, whenever the suspicion 
 of it came across me, now returned strongly to my 
 mind. How, thought I, could these ladies disbe- 
 lieve the evidence of their senses when their idea 
 of magic could no longer delude them, and how 
 was it likely that they would have dared to out- 
 face the truth unless prompted and supported by 
 powerful parties. Whilst cogitating these things, I 
 received from them a letter, demanding an inter- 
 view, remarkably well written, and in a handwriting 
 that no one about me recognised. The interview 
 was duly arranged, with curtains stretched across 
 the tent, behind which the ladies and their female 
 followers installed themselves ; a large gathering 
 of Akhabhaee's party were also present. I give a 
 portion of the conversation that ensued. 
 , Ranees. ' We have come to ascertain what steps 
 you intend to pursue relative to our throne.' 
 
 Self. ' Nothing but what is customary on the 
 birth of an heir,' 
 
 Ranees. ' You do not really mean to tell us that
 
 46 Western India. 
 
 you consider the thing you showed us this morning 
 to be our heir.' 
 
 Self. ' I am at a loss to know what you mean ; 
 do you doubt the evidence of your senses ? ' 
 
 Ranees. ' Not at all ; the child you showed us 
 was at least two or three days old. We thought 
 that you merely wanted to avoid a scandal, and let 
 off the guilty parties as easily as possible consistent 
 with the rights of our family ; but we wish posn 
 tively to know what you are going to do, that we 
 may take care that those rights should be main- 
 tained.' 
 
 Self. 'The British Government will uphold 
 those rights ; and I am here, as its agent, to see 
 that they are not sacrificed either by fraud on 
 one side or by lying and conspiracy on the other/ 
 
 I then referred to proofs of recent birth which 
 they had seen with their own eyes, reminded them 
 that I had risked bad consequences by refusing to 
 allow these to be removed till they were present ; 
 that they were well aware how carefully the young 
 Ranees had been guarded, not only by disciplined 
 soldiers but by as many adherents of the opposite
 
 Plots and Counterplots concluded. 47 
 
 party as chose to watch or move round the place ; 
 that no vessel of any description had been permit- 
 ted to enter without examination ; that they them- 
 selves had previously examined the premises, and 
 that all whom they objected to had been excluded. 
 
 To all which the old ladies replied that, how the 
 child got in they could not tell, but that it had 
 been smuggled in there was no doubt ; that they 
 knew better than I what a new-born child was, and 
 that the proofs I alluded to were fictitiously got 
 up, entering into details how this could have been 
 done which fairly astonished me. 
 
 Certainly all this was a lesson in the school of 
 native politics, for I had not previously conceived 
 the depths of depravity to which intrigue would 
 stoop. I informed them that I considered them 
 guilty of treason to their own liege suzerain, and 
 that I should not interfere with the right of the 
 Durbar to place them in a position where they 
 could do no further mischief, as parties in a conspi- 
 racy against those rights. 
 
 So ended my interview with the ladies. Akhab- 
 haee and his party were dismissed with a brief
 
 48 Western India. 
 
 summary of all that had been done to secure 
 justice to their cause, and a warning against fac- 
 tious opposition. 
 
 The original plot of the Durbar had now been 
 sifted, and they had undergone the pains and 
 penalties of their attempt to purchase British 
 justice. But all was not yet at peace. The 
 disappointed party, instead of bending to the will 
 of Providence, on being satisfied that every just 
 measure had been taken to secure their rights, 
 were resolved to obtain their ends by foul means 
 when all fair ones had failed. It was evident that 
 the lull during the imprisonment of the young 
 Ranees had been caused by the hope that a female 
 child might be born, but that in case of adverse 
 issue they had secretly combined to deny it, basing 
 their hopes on the existing proof that a spurious 
 issue had at first been contemplated, and on the 
 doubt which might be thrown on any decision by 
 the local authority that had weakened itself by 
 taking money from the Durbar. In this view it 
 became necessary to them to charge my chief and 
 myself, including of course all co-operating with us,
 
 Plots and Counterplots continued. 49 
 
 with guilty connivance in the Durbar intrigue, and 
 to make out that the imprisonment was merely a 
 blind for the more effectually carrying it through. 
 I ascertained that the stranger alluded to as wri- 
 ting the dowager Ranees' letter to me had been 
 for some days their principal adviser, and closeted 
 with the leading men of the adverse party. 
 
 On the dowagers being confined to their quarters 
 by the Durbar, and placed under surveillance, this 
 stranger disappeared as suddenly as he had come, 
 but I was able to find out that he was a native 
 lawyer of Ahmedabad, and to trace a connection 
 between him and a person residing there who had 
 been until very lately the leading native functionary 
 in Kattywar, but had been suspended from office 
 
 by Mr. E on charges of bribery, and was 
 
 there awaiting the decision of Government on his 
 case. This man, from his position, abilities, and 
 long connection with the people, had greater in- 
 fluence over them than any other single individual ; 
 and it appeared, therefore, pretty plain that he was 
 taking advantage of the storm to bring his own 
 bark back into harbour by turning the tables on his 
 
 E
 
 50 Western India. 
 
 opponent. Be this as it may, a master hand con- 
 cealed from view evidently guided the conspiracy, 
 for none other could have succeeded in welding 
 together so much diverse material in the effectual 
 way in which this plot was carried through. 
 
 One chief part of it had been to get possession of 
 the person of the young Ranee on the plea of testing 
 the claim set up on her behalf, which the usages of 
 the Rajpoot community threw such vast difficulty 
 in the way of doing except through female evi- 
 dence ; and, after the spirit shown in this history 
 it is evident that had they succeeded I should have 
 been made an innocent accomplice in the crime of 
 murder, while simply executing my duty. 
 
 It behoved me now to trace the ramifications of 
 this intrigue, but the secrecy and prudence with 
 which it had been conducted defied nearly all my 
 attempts. Enough, however, was discovered to 
 satisfy Government of its existence, and to give 
 grounds for the punishment of some of those 
 concerned, amongst others of my own assistant. 
 It was of course impossible for Mr. E , with- 
 out taking the onus of the bribery transaction
 
 Plots and Counterplots continued. 51 
 
 on himself, to retain Lutf Ali in public employ, and 
 he was therefore sent away from the province. 1 
 
 The discontented chiefs deputed several of their 
 number to Bombay, armed with petitions and state- 
 ments of grievances blackening my character in no 
 sparing terms, which everybody was invited to read. 
 Had the links in the chain of evidence establishing 
 the birth of an heir not been so firmly riveted 
 together, it is probable that they would have suc- 
 ceeded in their enterprise, but owing to the precau- 
 tions taken, no room was left for doubt, and the 
 combined ingenuity of all the intriguers, however 
 directed, was exercised in vain. Government could 
 not give them the redress they sought, and the 
 young Prince was confirmed on the Gadee. 
 
 Thus ends the history of this singular exhibition 
 of the difficulties of an Indian succession case. But 
 before finally quitting the subject I will mention 
 an anecdote told me by Mr. Le Geyt, the senior 
 Magistrate of Police at Bombay, concerning these 
 
 1 I ought, it appears, to have spelt this person's name Lutf Ullah, 
 whose interesting autobiography, edited by Edward B. Eastwick,- 
 Esq., the present member for Penryn, I have read since the above was 
 penned. 
 
 E2
 
 52 Western India. 
 
 malcontents, who were, as above shown, foiled in 
 their purpose. It forms an amusing illustration of 
 the ignorance of men of rank and others in the 
 interior, of the Government that controls them. 
 
 When a considerable time had passed without 
 their having gained any of their objects, or obtained 
 an interview with the authorities, a shrewd intriguer, 
 one of the many who lie in wait to prey upon the 
 ignorance of such people, got introduced, and 
 offered to assist them. After feeling his way and 
 ascertaining particulars, he told them the reason 
 of their disappointment was, that they had not 
 gone the proper way to work ; it was of no use 
 making offers of money until parties had been pro- 
 pitiated, for the English were a proud and wayward 
 people, difficult for natives to understand, and who 
 could only be managed according to their own 
 usages. Chief among these was to do nothing 
 without a good dinner, and when persons wished 
 to get anything difficult done they gave a great 
 feast and plenty of good wine ; then, when the 
 parties from whom aid was expected were drunk 
 and jolly, and so put into good humour, the busi-
 
 Plots and Counterplots continued. 53 
 
 ness of the evening was brought forward ; they 
 must act in like manner with the officials from 
 whom they expected anything. To get hold of 
 the Governor was a very difficult matter, beyond 
 the power of their friend, but he thought he could 
 manage the secretaries for them if they were dis- 
 posed to go to the expense. 
 
 It was at last settled that arrangements should 
 be made for giving a dinner to the three leading 
 secretaries, at which the chiefs should be in attend- 
 ance, ready to be introduced at the auspicious 
 moment. For the purely English reader it may be 
 necessary for me to remark that they could not 
 sit with Europeans at meals any more than the 
 Jews would with the Gentiles, though I am happy 
 to observe that some few of the upper classes are 
 endeavouring to break through the prejudice. 
 
 A house was now procured in a fashionable 
 quarter, dinner and wines ordered, and three Euro- 
 pean gentlemen, to personate the secretaries, were 
 engaged to attend. These unhappy men were 
 officers dismissed from the army and living by 
 their wits ; they were told that all that would be
 
 54 Western India. 
 
 required of them was a few civil words to certain 
 natives who would be introduced to them, to listen, 
 or at any rate to pretend to listen, to their tale, and 
 in reply to say that they would pay attention to 
 the case. Not being much in the way of enjoying 
 good things, these worthies revelled to their hearts' 
 content in champagne and other luxuries, and the 
 auspicious moment was not therefore long delayed. 
 With their turbans of gold brocade more than a 
 foot high, the chiefs were then solemnly introduced, 
 to make known their grievances, and were received 
 with an air of patronising dignity, and responded 
 to as laid down in the programme, after which they 
 retired, delighted with the interview, and satisfied 
 that the first stone was laid of Akhabhaee's throne. 
 Next day the intriguer presented himself to 
 congratulate them on their success, and to assure 
 them that, now the point of the wedge had been 
 driven in, they had but to follow it up to secure 
 their ends. How much more money he contrived 
 to victimize out of them besides a thousand rupees 
 advanced for the dinner, if told, I have forgotten ;
 
 Plots and Counterplots continued. 55 
 
 but the bubble at last burst, and with it ends my 
 story. 1 
 
 1 The difficulty of an Oriental understanding or appreciating the 
 feeling of honour that leads an Englishman to scorn a bribe is well 
 shown by a conversation I had with Nuthoo Mehta. We were on 
 friendly terms, owing to his having proved himself one of the best 
 arbitrators of the Province, for there being no Civil Courts, disputes 
 and claims are generally adjusted by Punchayuts. ' How is it,' I 
 asked, ' that one so renowned for sagacity as you are should not 
 have known the British character better than to attempt to bribe 
 the Political Agent ? ' ' Will you permit me to ask a question ? ' he 
 replied. 'Certainly; as .many as you please.' 'Well, then, tell 
 me, if you did not come to India to make money, what did you 
 come for?' I need not give my answer to this, nor to his next 
 question ' What is the use of power if you do not profit by it ?.'
 
 56 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SUCCESSION TROUBLES. 
 
 A FTER the foregoing history it will not be 
 difficult to understand that of all the cases 
 brought before the British Political authorities in 
 India the most troublesome arise from disputed 
 claims to succession on the death of the several 
 Rajas and Chiefs a difficulty often created and 
 always enhanced by the practice of polygamy 
 universally prevalent in that class, whether Hindoo 
 or Mohammedan. Of the petty potentates, few 
 have less than three or four wives, some of whom 
 bring with them claims of superiority over the 
 others in virtue of higher rank or caste, so that on 
 a Raja's death it may happen that a younger son 
 will have a prior claim to the elder. The mother 
 of each adheres to the Cause of her own child as 
 the hunted tigress to her cubs, and it is often no
 
 Succession Troubles. 57 
 
 easy matter for the Political Agent to decide be- 
 tween them. 
 
 On the occasion to which I am about to refer 
 the sudden decease of the Nawab of Joonagur left 
 three claimants to the throne the eldest, in 
 virtue of a written document, signed with the seal 
 of state, formally acknowledging him as heir 
 though he was not the Nawab's son. His mother 
 had been wife to one of the chiefs of the country, 
 but having great personal attractions, she had 
 been induced by the Nawab to obtain a divorce 
 and marry him an arrangement she acquiesced in 
 on the condition that her son was acknowledged 
 heir to the throne. 
 
 The mother of the second claimant was of an 
 inferior degree, not of noble blood ; but after the 
 Nawab had gained his object in securing the former 
 wife, he had habitually treated the deed of succes- 
 sion alluded to as a dead letter, and associated the 
 second claimant's name with his own in deeds of 
 State, publicly proclaimed him heir, and treated 
 him as such. 
 
 The third claimant was a child of four or five,
 
 58 Western India. 
 
 whose mother was of royal blood, and considered 
 that her son had the best right to succeed in virtue 
 thereof. 
 
 According to the loose usage of the country, 
 something might be said in favour of the first, and 
 still more of the youngest ; but as the principal 
 persons in the State then supported the cause of 
 the second, and for other reasons in favour of his 
 claim, needless to detail, he was acknowledged by 
 the British Government as successor to the throne. 
 He was a lad of about thirteen, very handsome, 
 with engaging manners, intelligent beyond his 
 years, and well worthy of the preference accorded 
 him. 1 Though generally acknowledged by the 
 people, the two disappointed mothers refused al- 
 legiance. So long as they remained quiet it was 
 unnecessary for Government to interfere ; but they 
 secretly began to plot, surrounding themselves 
 with armed inercenaries, and rendering it impera- 
 tive on the administration of the country to take 
 steps to preserve peace. The eldest queen first 
 
 1 It is to be regretted that our Government did not take advantage 
 of so good an opening for educating men to their responsibilities as 
 was here afforded them, and pressed on their attention.
 
 Succession Troubles. 59 
 
 began this opposition, the younger apparently 
 waiting the disposal of her case, perhaps secretly 
 joining her ; but as there was at this time no overt 
 act on her part, she will not be alluded to again 
 in this chapter. 
 
 Remonstrances and warnings producing no 
 effect, I proceeded to Joonagur with a force suffi- 
 cient to quell opposition should diplomacy fail. 
 We encamped within the city walls, and after 
 fruitless discussion with her agents I demanded an 
 interview with the Ranee * herself. Captain Hutt, 
 who commanded the troops, accompanied me, both 
 to add weight to my injunctions and to survey the 
 premises, which might possibly have to be attacked. 
 We found them well suited for musketry defence, 
 with many twists and turns where invaders might 
 be taken in front and rear. Carefully observing 
 everything that could be of use to us, we reached 
 at last an inner room, where the Ranee's presence 
 was announced behind a curtain that hid her from 
 our view. 
 
 1 Ranee is the Hindoo term for queen. The Mohammedans style 
 her Begum when of the higher class of sovereigns, otherwise Baee, 
 another Hindoo word, is the most appropriate title for both com- 
 munities.
 
 60 Western India. 
 
 After the usual interchange of compliments, I 
 fully explained the reasons for the rejection of 
 her son's claim, and why the reigning prince 
 had established his title. The lady heard me, 
 and when I paused for her reply it came in no 
 wavering tone ; with great ingenuity she supported 
 her son's claim, and resolutely refused to give it 
 up or to disband her followers. Argument failing, 
 I was obliged to tell her that this state of things 
 could not be permitted, that I had force enough 
 with me to compel obedience, and that after giving 
 over the affair to the military I could not be 
 answerable for the consequences that might follow 
 the storming of the place. All was in vain ; no 
 persuasion could avail to shake the mother's deter- 
 mination. ' I care,' she said, ' for nothing but my 
 son's rights, and for these I am ready to run all 
 risks or sacrifice my life. Nothing shall induce me 
 to give up his claim.' 
 
 The conference had lasted long, and further 
 parley appearing hopeless, I drew out my watch, 
 and solemnly warned the Ranee that I should wait 
 only five minutes longer, after which I must make
 
 Succession Troubles. 61 
 
 over the whole business to the officer at my side. 
 The five minutes passed, and her resolution remained 
 unchanged. Then we rose slowly to go, inspecting 
 very minutely every step of the way, for it was im- 
 portant to see what positions it would be necessary 
 for the soldiers to take up after entrance was 
 effected. The way out was mostly lined with 
 matchlock men, their matches lighted for instant 
 service. This had rather an ugly look, as had also 
 their commander, whom I accosted. He and his 
 men, numbering about a hundred, were Arabs. 
 He had but one eye, the many deep scars on his 
 face showing how the other had been lost ; and 
 small-pox had also left its traces on this charming 
 visage. He was armed to the teeth with pistols, 
 crease, dagger, and sword, all kept from jostling one 
 another by a huge shawl bound round his waist. 
 The following dialogue ensued between us : 
 
 ' My friend,' I said, ' the Ranee has refused to 
 attend to the injunctions of Government, though 
 handsome terms of maintenance suited to her 
 dignity have been offered to her ; she has therefore 
 placed herself in the position of a rebel against
 
 62 Western India. 
 
 both her Government and mine, and those who aid 
 her in this course will incur the penalty of rebellion. 
 You must be aware that, however you may be able 
 to oppose your own sovereign, it is utterly impos- 
 sible for you to prevail against the British Govern- 
 ment, and opposition to the forces of either will 
 inevitably entail on you death in action or a 
 traitor's doom. I therefore conjure you to disband 
 your men. If you do so at once no harm or loss 
 shall accrue to you, for you shall be enlisted in the 
 service of the State, and all arrears of pay made 
 up/ 
 
 The Jemadar l 'replied, ' All that you say may be 
 very true, Sahib, but we Arabs look on the one 
 who pays us as our Dhune, 2 and we pride ourselves 
 on being faithful to our salt. When the Ranee 
 gives me an order I shall obey it. I can't attend 
 to you.' 
 
 To this I replied that the lady's honour was safe 
 
 1 Title of the commander of any small body, and may correspond 
 to Captain in the forces of Native States, though in our regular 
 Native Infantry rather to Ensign. 
 
 2 The English language cannot give the full meaning. Dhune 
 implies owner, master, and lord paramount.
 
 Succession Troubles. 63 
 
 unless he persisted in supporting her in rebellion, 
 and that by consenting to my terms he would save 
 both her and himself. 
 
 ' Talk to the Ranee,' he answered ; ' it's no use 
 speaking to me ; I obey her orders only.' 
 
 Diplomacy had failed with these stubborn cha- 
 racters, and there was nothing left but to make the 
 best of our way out of a hornets' nest. Captain 
 Hutt, being in uniform, had his sword, but other- 
 
 
 
 wise we were unarmed and entirely at their mercy. 
 The two princes, the elder about eighteen, the 
 other two years younger, had accompanied us from 
 their mother's apartment, as enjoined by Durbar 
 etiquette ; and now, as I mounted my horse, one 
 seized my right and the other my left leg, exclaim- 
 ing as they did so that I must not leave them, that 
 they looked to me to uphold the just claim of the 
 family, and so on, mingled with urgent expressions 
 of hope and despair. The Arabs rushed out after 
 their young masters and completely surrounded 
 me. Here was a scene. Turning to my com- 
 panion, who was not molested, I said, ' God knows 
 how this may end. At present I am decidedly in
 
 64 Western India. 
 
 what Yankees call a fix. You had better go off 
 while you can, and lose no time in getting the 
 troops ready for action. If I am killed or made 
 prisoner, use your own discretion; if possible, I 
 will join you soon.' 
 
 Perhaps it was fortunate those around me did 
 not understand English, or he might have been 
 stopped before my speech was done ; but as it was 
 he put spurs to his horse and galloped off to the 
 force. 
 
 Left alone, I kept urging my horse forward, using 
 meanwhile every persuasion to induce the princes 
 to return to the house, appealing to their sense of 
 dignity not to demean themselves by acting as 
 grooms ; but in vain, they would not leave my 
 stirrup leathers nor the Arabs my bridle. It was 
 evident they had not made up s their minds how to 
 act, and I took advantage of this indecision to push 
 my horse on, and gradually gained ground. 
 
 Thus we went slowly forward, until on suddenly 
 turning a corner we faced the encamping ground of 
 the troops. Here drawn up in line were horse, foot, 
 and artillery, and I pressed on to the centre front.
 
 Succession Troubles. 65 
 
 The ringing of the muskets as the men loaded and 
 the glistening of the port fires of the guns acted 
 somewhat as a shower-bath to cool the ardour of 
 my troublesome escort ; but they would not leave 
 me, and I was their prisoner. Meanwhile Captain 
 Hutt galloped up towards me, and I shouted to 
 him that I hoped with prudent management we 
 might still get through without bloodshed. ' I '11 
 ply these fellows vigorously with talk,' I said, 
 ' while you, as if executing a parade movement, 
 file your men, ranks opened out, through this crowd, 
 and let each man pinch out the match of the Arab 
 near him, after which, as gently as possible, let them 
 seize the matchlock, but on no account touch the 
 side-arms unless driven to it by their using them.' l 
 The whole plan was admirably carried out. The 
 Arabs found themselves prisoners before they well 
 knew what our men were about, and were sent off 
 under a strong guard, with the promise that if 
 they behaved well they should be forgiven. Then 
 
 1 Bloodshed has often been needlessly caused by the endeavour to 
 deprive Arabs of their side-arms. The retention of them is a point 
 of honour, and many will die rather than give them up.
 
 66 Western India. 
 
 addressing the princes still by my side, I said, 
 ' See to what a condition your refusal to listen to 
 my advice has brought you. I cannot let you go 
 back in the degrading way you chose to come. 
 You shall return as befits your position, on horse- 
 back, and with a suitable escort.' 
 
 This was soon arranged, and the officer in com- 
 mand had instructions to accompany the princes 
 to the palace, and once inside to keep there. The 
 few armed men remaining within were unequal to 
 any opposition, and the guard of honour quietly 
 became masters of the place. The Queen was 
 detained prisoner until she furnished satisfactory 
 security against any further disturbance of the 
 peace, when she was released, and a suitable 
 maintenance allotted to her. The rebellion being 
 thus quietly suppressed, the force broke up, not, 
 however, before many had been struck down by 
 the fever prevalent at that time of year. Amongst 
 those who fell victims was its commander, Captain 
 Richard Hutt, an excellent officer, to whose skilful 
 management and cordial co-operation much of the 
 successful termination of the case was due.
 
 Succession Troubles. 67 
 
 What blood might not have been shed had the 
 troops been under an officer unused to deal with 
 natives, however well up in military routine, and 
 knowing that his prospect of appearing in a 
 gazette depended on 'a good butcher's bill.' 
 
 F2
 
 68 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MORE SUCCESSION TROUBLES. 
 
 r I A HOSE who have followed me thus far will 
 remember that there was another claimant 
 to the throne of Joonagur in the person of the 
 youngest son of the deceased Nawab, whose 
 mother rested the claim on the fact of her own 
 higher rank. Some time after the troubles recorded 
 had subsided, the intrigues of one or both dowagers 
 raised considerable hostility to the reigning prince. 
 One entire State, that of Mangrol, threw off its 
 allegiance, and a discontented grassia, or land- 
 holder, a Katty, Hursoor Wala by name, irritated 
 by some infringement of his rights during the last 
 reign, was tempted to raise the standard of revolt, 
 and gathered around him some four score followers. 
 The determined disobedience of the rebel State 
 to all the . advice and injunctions of the agency
 
 More Succession Troubles. 69 
 
 forced me to represent to Government that no 
 means of preserving the peace of the country re- 
 mained without backing diplomacy by force, and 
 this view being approved, I received permission to 
 employ troops at my discretion. And further, on 
 the military authorities afterwards ordering the 
 artillery away from the province for its annual 
 exercise at a distant station, Government, at my 
 request, directed the Commander-in-chief not to 
 remove it. 
 
 During this lull before the local storm, the great 
 Afghanistan hurricane set in, regarding which the 
 only orders I received were the instructions sent to 
 all political authorities by Lord Auckland, then 
 Governor-General, passed on for my guidance by 
 the Government of Bombay, to the effect that, 
 while exercising the utmost caution to keep clear of 
 entanglement in any Political question, equal care 
 was to be taken to avoid showing the white feather, 
 and no steps should be retraced when the so doing 
 might be attributed to weakness, and thereby en- 
 courage opposition. 
 
 Armed with the sanction of Government, I had
 
 7O Western India. 
 
 already warned the Mangrol Durbar that its 
 obstinacy would be subdued by force if necessary, 
 but that I was so unwilling to have recourse to it 
 that I gave them yet a short time for consideration. 
 Meanwhile, Hursoor Wala and his men had 
 taken up a position among the fastnesses of a 
 . jungle, known as the Geer, one mass of ridges and 
 ravines, covered with low forest trees and bushes, 
 about a hundred and fifty odd miles in circumfe- 
 rence, where it would have been as difficult to find 
 them as the proverbial needle in the bundle of hay. 
 What added to the difficulty was the absence *of 
 water throughout nearly the whole region, which, 
 however, prevented any lengthened sojourn therein 
 of the rebels, and obliged them to get their need- 
 ful supplies from friendly villages scattered round 
 the borders. 
 
 The young Nawab was fortunate in possessing 
 a minister both able and energetic, and Hubeeb 
 Khan, for that was his name, had done his best to 
 bring the rabble of the State army into something 
 like order, though, with so many conflicting interests 
 raging, it was difficult to know on whom to depend.
 
 More Succession Troubles. 71 
 
 This force was employed to check the incursions of 
 the rebels. % 
 
 It was now that, whilst preparing for a march on 
 Mangrol, I suddenly received information of a plot 
 by which some of Hursoor Wala's men were to be 
 admitted secretly into the city of Joonagur during 
 a procession of the young Nawab, to take place 
 on a certain state occasion a week later. Advan- 
 tage was to be taken of a convenient opportunity 
 during the customary feu dejoie, or desultory firing, 
 practised on such occasions, to shoot him. The 
 people would naturally rally round the party whose 
 succession to the Gadee would then remain undis- 
 puted. 
 
 I was at a week's distance by post from Bombay, 
 therefore, if I moved at all in the matter, it behoved 
 me to do so at once, without waiting for the Govern- 
 ment reply to my despatch on the subject, nor did 
 it occur to me as necessary, sanction for the employ- 
 ment of force having already been given, no coun- 
 ter-orders received, and the emergency plainly re- 
 quiring it ; for the Mangrol Durbar, the ambitious 
 Ranee, and the Geer rebels were evidently acting
 
 72 Western India. 
 
 in concert. The first had already come into 
 collision with the Nawab's supporters within Man- 
 grol, and after a struggle had succeeded in expel- 
 ling its own Karbaree (minister) for his opposition 
 to their rebellious tendencies. He, however, con- 
 trived to hold one gateway of the town, all the 
 rest being in the hands of his opponents. From 
 this insecure position urgent messages arrived from 
 him for speedy support, failing which he must 
 surrender or escape. Prompt action alone appeared 
 the way to prevent anarchy and bloodshed, the end 
 of which it was impossible to conjecture, and I 
 accordingly took the field with all the troops that 
 could be spared from cantonment duty; but a large 
 number of irregulars had previously been despatched 
 to guard the passes of the Geer, leaving open only 
 one in which quarter were villages known to furnish 
 the rebels with supplies. These villages Hubeeb 
 Khan was endeavouring to bring under his control 
 or failing that, active supervision ; for all which 
 purposes he had some two thousand of the Nawab's 
 Sebundee or militia, and our plan was aided by 
 some hundred Gaekwar horse, from the contingent 
 stationed in the province under my orders.
 
 More Succession Troubles. 73 
 
 Towards this quarter of the Geer we marched, 
 and halted in its neighbourhood, knowing that the 
 rebels must come out for supplies. Whilst thus 
 encamped parties of the Nawab's Sebundee were, 
 under cover of night, pushed up to the neighbour- 
 hood of these villages, and withdrawn before day- 
 break. They had orders to act according to any 
 information they might receive during the night ; 
 to attack, if strong enough, or send to me for 
 assistance. 
 
 During this interval my astonishment and dis- 
 gust may be imagined on receiving from Govern- 
 ment an express, 1 in reply to my report of the 
 intended march, censuring me in the severest 
 language for the rashness with which I had taken 
 the field without waiting for sanction, which they 
 therefore withheld, and ending by saying that, 
 should this despatch reach me too late to prevent 
 hostile operations, Government threw upon me the 
 onus of all difficulties that might ensue, and, in case 
 of success, would refuse me any credit. 
 
 1 As the mail was carried by foot -runners the whole way, the term 
 was little better than nominal.
 
 74 Western India. 
 
 Two courses were now before me ; one, to break 
 up the force and return to cantonments, leaving 
 the country to its fate ; the other, to persevere 
 under shelter of the words too late, and take all 
 risks upon myself, to say nothing of the possibility 
 of being charged with murder by the relations of 
 men killed in the conflict, and thus, as it were, 
 proceeding with a halter round my neck. Under 
 the circumstances mentioned, it appeared to me 
 that I ought to throw self entirely aside, and do 
 only what was best for the public interests : on the 
 one hand, to quench a triple firebrand, which I had 
 every hope of doing ; on the other, to save myself 
 from pains and penalties, and barely even that, for 
 the Government might hereafter attribute all the 
 convulsion that was certain to ensue, to my drawing 
 back after having once begun. I decided, there- 
 fore, on endorsing the despatch with ' too late,' and 
 locking it safely up, lest other eyes should see it, 
 and become paralysed. 
 
 Had the Nawab's government been sufficiently 
 consolidated, I might have carried on the war with 
 its aid alone, but the retreat of the regular troops
 
 More Succession Troubles. 75 
 
 at such a crisis would have been a temptation to 
 his undisciplined soldiers, further disorganised by 
 party feelings, to follow their own inclinations. The 
 Joonagur factions were likely to be too strong for 
 the young king unassisted. The Nagur Brahmins, 
 who had lost power by his accession, secretly 
 favoured the rival claims, and no other class in the 
 whole Peninsula equalled this in influence both 
 from superior attainments and power of combina- 
 tion. Moreover, Nagur Brahmins filled all the 
 native departments of the Agency, and sympa- 
 thised with their brethren at Joonagur, though of 
 course endeavouring to conceal this from me. 
 Added to which, the Nawab's mother, being of 
 inferior rank to her rivals, had less weight with the 
 upper classes of the country, and had weakened 
 what she did possess by encouragement given to a 
 favourite, a conceited upstart named Nuthoo Khan, 
 who gave himself the airs of a grandee, and was 
 universally disliked. It was evident to me that 
 Government were shaken by the Afghanistan 
 tragedy then being enacted to such an extent as to 
 make them magnify the comparative insignificance
 
 76 Western India. 
 
 of that going forward nearer home, and also forget 
 that the sanction previously granted had not been 
 revoked, and that I was both literally and virtually 
 carrying out the instructions sent for my guidance. 
 Happily, I had not long to wait before the plan 
 of operations going forward bore fruit. A party 
 of the rebels, including their fighting leader Bhoja 
 Munganee, came forth from the Geer for information 
 and supplies. Tidings were immediately conveyed 
 by parties in the village gained over by Hubeeb 
 Khan to his nearest outpost, the most trusty men 
 being employed watching. These advanced in the 
 darkness, and pounced on the insurgents, who, 
 taken unawares, fled, leaving Bhoja Munganee and 
 another man also of note. Entirely surrounded in 
 one of the houses, and unable to escape, the two 
 preferred death to surrender. In Bhoja Munganee's 
 saddle-bags was found a recent letter from the 
 rebels in the capital, denoting unity of design, 
 though otherwise so guardedly worded as to be 
 useless. His death took the sting from Hursoor 
 Wala's revolt, for the latter, being incapable of 
 guiding a movement, the party was kept together
 
 More Succession Troubles. 77 
 
 by the influence and ability of the other, who was 
 known throughout the country as Hursoor Wala's 
 sword. Had Bhoja lived, the troop might have 
 been increased by hundreds at any time who 
 would willingly have flocked to his standard. 
 
 Danger number one being thus overcome, the 
 state of affairs at Mangrol next urgently demanded 
 a remedy, for every day that decisive measures 
 were postponed not only risked the destruction of 
 the Nawab's faithful band there, but also hazarded 
 a greater peril. The Mangrol State was under the 
 widow of its chief as Regent, an elderly woman of 
 determined character. She had sent agents to 
 Bombay to besiege Government, or all they could 
 get hold of there, to avert my threatened measures ; 
 and as, unfortunately, there was little difficulty by 
 sufficient expenditure in obtaining access to the 
 information recorded in the Secretariat, there was 
 great probability of their having thus found out 
 that these measures had not received the approval 
 of Government. This information they could send 
 by their own vessels to the port of Mangrol even 
 quicker than by the post, and should it reach that
 
 7' 
 
 Western India. 
 
 place before I did, my authority would be held at 
 naught, negotiations frustrated, and possibly the 
 whole strength of the Durbar used to oppose force 
 by force. 
 
 I proceeded, therefore, by rapid marches to 
 Mangrol ; the portion of the Geer already described 
 had lain in our route. On arrival no time was lost 
 in requiring the attendance of competent parties 
 to adjust the pending difficulties. After full dis- 
 cussion I dictated fair and honourable terms neces- 
 sary to secure continued allegiance, and to shut 
 out the causes that might interfere with it. The 
 Durbar, while not absolutely declining these terms, 
 sought to prolong the negotiations the very thing 
 that, for reasons given above, I was most anxious 
 to prevent. I therefore gave them one hour to say 
 Yes or No, and failing a decisive reply, the whole 
 force at my disposal would, I assured them, attack 
 the place. The hour passed, and no reply reached 
 me. 
 
 This was one of the most anxious moments in 
 my life, for I felt almost as if my own Govern- 
 ment were fighting against me. The place was
 
 More Succession Troubles. 79 
 
 strong, and, though I could get inside, there was 
 no knowing how street-fighting might end against 
 a resolute enemy. Yet it was impossible to recede, 
 and I ordered the advance. For a while I was 
 under the painful impression that the Durbar must 
 have received from their agents the communication 
 by sea that I dreaded, as I fancied nothing else 
 could lead them to refuse the fair and most 
 equitable terms offered. But at the very last 
 moment I was stopped by a deputation from the 
 Durbar accepting these terms, and thus the war 
 cloud passed away and a load of anxiety was 
 removed. 
 
 I need not enter into the details of how order 
 was restored to the place. Whilst negotiations 
 had been going on at Mangrol, news arrived of an 
 insurrection at Joonagur. The mother of the claim- 
 ant to the Gadee, having, more or less secretly, 
 gathered together an armed force, whether stung 
 by disappointment at the overthrow of her plots, 
 the fall of one ally, and the approaching loss of 
 another, or in a fit of despair, now rose against the 
 remnant of the Nawab's troops in Joonagur, killed
 
 8o Western India. . 
 
 their commander, and took up a strong position 
 within the walls. The Nawab's power had never- 
 theless become, I thought, sufficiently consolidated 
 to secure the fidelity of his own troops for any 
 forcible measures that might still be necessary, 
 and I broke up the field force, making, however, 
 requisition on the officer commanding to halt at 
 Joonagur, pending the issue of proceedings against 
 the rebellious Ranee, conducted by Hubeeb Khan, 
 with instructions to support him should he call for 
 aid. 
 
 No time was lost in assaulting the lady's strong- 
 hold, which was carried with very little loss by an 
 ingenious device of the minister. A line of low 
 huts outside the inclosure abutted on the main 
 wall of the building in which the Ranee had taken 
 up her quarters. In these huts a body of men to 
 act as sappers was introduced unobserved, eight 
 pieces of artillery and the main part of the 
 Nawab's forces being drawn up in front, and ad- 
 vantage was to be taken of this sham attack, which 
 was purposely directed to frighten rather than 
 damage, to force an entrance unperceived in the
 
 More Succession Troubles. 81 
 
 rear, through the walls, into the heart of the place. 
 The manoeuvre was entirely successful, the Ranee 
 being taken by surprise, and the whole party 
 captured with little bloodshed. And so the triple 
 rebellion was crushed, and the regular troops re- 
 turned to cantonments without having fired a shot. 
 
 Everything being thus happily adjusted, and the 
 peace of the country restored, I had hoped that 
 Government would have seen cause to modify their 
 previous judgment of my proceeding, and allow 
 me credit for what had been accomplished ; but I 
 hoped in vain, the Government contenting itself 
 with expressing satisfaction at the restoration of 
 order, but referring me to the former censure for 
 the mode in which it had been effected. 
 
 My readers may perhaps be as surprised as I 
 was at the opinion of the Court of Directors passed 
 on receipt of the Bombay Government report on 
 the subject, that Captain Jacob ought not to have 
 employed troops without first obtaining leave, but 
 that it was satisfactory to find that the Nawab's 
 government was sufficiently consolidated to enable 
 him to quell insurrection by his own resources. 
 
 G
 
 82 Western India. 
 
 Such was my reward ; and I had the further satis- 
 faction of finding on my return to Rajcote that a 
 report that I had been bribed to support the 
 Nawab had been industriously circulated, and 
 considered by my raw assistants worthy of notice. 
 These officers had been temporarily employed 
 during the absence of others, and were but little 
 acquainted with the wiles and stratagems of native 
 politics. 
 
 It had been given out that the whole affair 
 was a treacherous plot and murder. I had some 
 trouble in tracing the libel to its source, and 
 even then, having suitable slime to live in, the 
 snake was but scotched ; for fourteen years after- 
 wards, whilst engaged as Political Agent in Kutch, 
 on a joint commission with the Political Agent of 
 Kattywar, I had occasion to look up bygone 
 records, and to my astonishment and, I may say, 
 indignation, found a report on the subject of 
 Hursoor Wala's claims had been submitted to 
 Government shortly after I left the province, in 
 which the calumny about the death of Bhoja was 
 revived, the insurrection treated as nothing, Hur-
 
 More Succession Troubles. 83 
 
 soor Wala made to appear an innocent victim of 
 ill-treatment, as if he had not cut himself off from 
 redress by taking the law into his own hands, and 
 disturbing the public peace. After procedure of this 
 kind, to concede such a person's claims is to offer 
 a premium to insurrection. I, of course, took care 
 to point out the inaccuracies of this document ; but 
 the whole subject was dead and buried ; where I 
 will allow it to lie, merely reverting to it to show 
 the entanglements by which political officers in 
 India are surrounded. 
 
 G2
 
 84 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 A VERY DISCURSIVE CHAPTER, SHOWING THE 
 DIFFICULTIES A POLITICAL OFFICER MAY BE 
 PLUNGED INTO WITHOUT FAULT OF HIS OWN, 
 AND WHAT GREAT EVENTS FROM LITTLE 
 CAUSES SPRING. 
 
 r I ""HE Guzerat Peninsula is now known by the 
 name of Kattywar, about as correct a term 
 as if England were called Yorkshire. Its native 
 name, one that it has possessed from the earliest 
 dawn of history, is Soorashtra, the land of the Sun ; 
 it also means the good or holy land. It is sacred 
 in Hindoo estimation from having been the scene 
 of Krishna's exploits and death, and hundreds of 
 thousands of pilgrims come from all parts of India to 
 visit its shrines. On its western coast stood the cele- 
 brated temple of Somnath, with which the episode 
 
 h >
 
 Somnath Gates. 85 
 
 of the gates and Lord Ellenborough's famous pro- 
 clamation have made the British public acquainted. 
 Whilst alluding to it I may remark that seldom 
 has an act been more misrepresented by contem- 
 porary writers. The whole Press of India seized ' 
 
 z.6 
 
 it as an opportunity for attacking a ruler who from 
 the haughty and imperious nature of his temper 
 had treated it, and with less reason the Civil Ser- 
 vice also, with unjust contempt ; and so the changes 
 were rung on the insult to Mohammedans, ignorance 
 of Hindoo feeling, encouragement to idolatry, and 
 so forth. As Committee-man I was in occasional 
 correspondence with the Secretary of our Geo- 
 graphical Society, Dr. Buist, then also Editor of 
 the ' Bombay Times,' one of the fiercest of Lord 
 Ellenborough's revilers, and being at that time in 
 control of the Province I told him that he had 
 been led astray by false information, in that I had 
 received a written request from the Nawab of 
 Joonagur, in whose territory the old and new 
 temples stood, and whose prime minister was Mo- 
 hammedan, as was of course the Nawab himself, to 
 be allowed the honour of restoring the gates, and
 
 86 Western India. 
 
 that their advent was hailed by every Durbar in 
 the country in the light Lord Ellenborough in- 
 tended, namely, as a proof that they were safe from 
 savage invaders from the north so long as India 
 was true to itself. But the animus prevailing at the 
 time was too strong to allow any counter-repre- 
 sentation to be heard, and mine passed unnoticed. 
 To return to my subject. The Peninsula be- 
 came chiefly known to us by the inroads of the 
 tribe of Kattees, the inhabitants of the central 
 division or province, of which the Peninsula alto- 
 gether possesses ten, eight belonging to Rajpoots of 
 diverse tribes, and one alone, Soruth, that had been 
 wrested from the Rajpoots, to the Mohammedan 
 dynasty of Joonagur. The Kattees trained a hardy 
 breed of horses and were expert riders, resembling 
 in their habits our border riders of old. The Raj- 
 poots for the most part contented themselves with 
 their own internecine wars, and the whole Penin- 
 sula being a terra incognita to us, the less dignified 
 and less numerous Kattee tribe had the honour of 
 stamping their name, at least in English records, 
 on the whole country.
 
 Colonel Walker s Settlement. 87 
 
 In 1805 Colonel Walker, Resident at Baroda, 
 first established something like order throughout 
 the land, and checked the savage incursions of the 
 Mahratta hosts that annually laid it waste on the 
 plea of levying tribute (the Mahratta Chovvth) for the 
 Peshwa and Gaekwar, by arrangements for paying 
 certain sums regularly on one part, and abstaining 
 from hostile incursions on the other, to which all 
 parties consented. His name has deservedly been 
 held in honour ever since, and his settlement 
 deemed the Magna Charta of the country. As 
 a straw shows the way of the wind, so the name 
 of one tax levied by the Mahrattas, ' dant ghusaci 
 lit. teeth-grinding, may show their mode of dealing 
 with the inhabitants. It was a cess imposed for 
 every day's detention before payment of their 
 demands, on the plea that they were then kept 
 needlessly wearing away their teeth ! 
 
 The Peninsula is, or was in my time, one of the 
 best hunting-grounds of India for a large variety 
 of game, from the lion down to the quail ; but as it 
 is not my object to tell of sporting adventures, I 
 refer to one only as an illustration of a trying 
 position.
 
 88 Western India. 
 
 In the year 1842 my trackers had long been 
 engaged in tracing to his lair a lion celebrated for 
 his deeds of blood and for his colour, hence the 
 black lion was a coveted prize. Information was 
 at last brought that this wandering animal, whose 
 thirty and forty miles of circuit a-day had so long 
 harried my men, was settling down, and I was 
 advised to encamp at a certain central spot about 
 eighty miles from Rajcote, to be near at hand for 
 the final coup. All seemed quiet at head-quarters, 
 so I resolved on the venture. Placing spare horses, 
 &c. &c. on the way, to go to and fro without loss 
 of time, and sending on tents and all requisites, I 
 sallied forth, travelling all night, and on reaching 
 my ground received the report that my men felt 
 sure in another day or two to mark him down 
 where he would rest for the day. Thus on the 
 tiptoe of expectation, my battery made ready, I 
 was next morning surprised by the receipt of a 
 despatch from my Assistant at head-quarters, in- 
 forming me that a great calamity had fallen on 
 the Agency. A man occasionally employed as a 
 Mohsulee peon being kept longer than he liked
 
 The Black Lion. 89 
 
 from obtaining service, had entered the Agent's 
 office, cut down the head accountant, and killed or 
 wounded altogether seven persons before his bloody 
 career was cut short by a bayonet-thrust from a 
 sepoy of the guard. All was in confusion, and the 
 writer puzzled how to act. 
 
 In this emergency it became necessary to sacri- 
 fice pleasure to duty ; my guns were reluctantly 
 restored to their cases, and all prepared for starting 
 homewards, when to my further trial, a horseman 
 came galloping in waving his turban : the black 
 lion was marked down, his lair surrounded, and my 
 trackers had sent the messenger to say, ' Come 
 soon and you will be sure of him ; all are watching 
 till your arrival.' Alas ! the spot was twelve miles 
 away, and in an opposite direction to Raj cote. A 
 whole day, even if one day sufficed for my noble 
 enemy, must needs be spent in going, killing, and 
 returning worn out \Vith fatigue how were eighty 
 miles homewards over rough roads to be attempted ! 
 It was a trying moment, for I had spent much 
 money in bringing about this desirable object now 
 within reach, yet was compelled to forego it
 
 90 Western India. 
 
 because a man with a purely imaginary grievance 
 had run a muck, thrown my whole establishment 
 into disorder, and no one on the spot was capable 
 of meeting the difficulty ! 
 
 I never had again the opportunity of finding 
 my lion, and I only hope that my bitter disappoint- 
 ment, equally felt by my trackers, and more or less 
 shared in by the many who were gathered together 
 for the occasion, may have had one good effect in 
 showing them that their English rulers allow no 
 temptation to make them swerve from the path of 
 duty, for it is not often they find this the case with 
 their own. 
 
 Before quitting the subject of sport, I must say 
 a few words about the trackers. These men, called 
 Puggees, or foot-tracers, rival what Cooper's novels 
 tell us of the Red Indians. I have often followed 
 them with astonishment, being unable to discern 
 marks that satisfied them ; a bent twig is a sign- 
 post, a dent in the ground a book wherein they will 
 read size, age, sex, and time of day. I will give 
 one of many proofs as a sample of their acumen. 
 
 In 1852 I was making the circuit of Kutch, and
 
 Skill of Trackers. 91 
 
 halted at a little lake, which, being at a distance 
 from the capital, promised an abundant supply of 
 wild duck. To my surprise I found that with all 
 my care I could not get within shot ; it was evident 
 they had been recently disturbed, and whilst skulk- 
 ing round behind the bushes, admiring the sagacity 
 with which the beautiful plumaged creatures mea- 
 sured the strength of powder, one of my shikarees 
 exclaimed, ' Here, sir, is the secret see these foot- 
 marks ! ' From them he read the names of two 
 persons, master and man, and declared that they 
 must have been on this spot near a given hour the 
 previous day. On my return some days afterwards 
 to head-quarters, I questioned my friend Lieut. 
 Newall about it, and it appeared that he had been 
 at the place the very day and hour named by my 
 shikaree. This young officer, a bold and expert 
 rider and thorough sportsman, met a few years 
 afterwards with a sad accident a rearing horse fell 
 back upon him, dislocating his spinal column, thus 
 cutting him off in the prime of life from the public 
 service in which his energy and ability gave pro- 
 mise of success. Now, the upper part only of his
 
 92 Western India. 
 
 frame unparalysed, he soothes his misfortunes and 
 amuses the public by works of fiction and the 
 record of scenes of Indian life and sporting ad- 
 venture. 
 
 But I must return to more serious subjects. 
 The amok of the discontented sepoy led to what, 
 without allusion to the opium-consuming habits of 
 the nobles and gentry of the Peninsula, will be un- 
 intelligible. They do not smoke like the Chinese, 
 but chew and drink it as a beverage, pounding and 
 mixing it with water ad lib. No blood feud can 
 be staunched, that is, agreement of peace sealed, 
 without each man drinking this diluted laudanum 
 from the palm of his enemy's right hand. 
 
 In 1822 our Government assumed direct control 
 over the tributaries of the Peshwa and Gaekwar, 
 and arrangements were made whereby the chiefs 
 bound themselves to take the opium required for 
 their several districts from the Government ware- 
 house. 
 
 It was found that nearly all the opium previously 
 consumed had been brought into the province 
 from Malwa without a pass note, that is, without
 
 Opium. 93 
 
 payment of the regulated tax on export. Go- 
 vernment agreed to give this opium to the chiefs at 
 cost price, including the tax, they agreeing to co- 
 operate in suppressing its illicit introduction. To 
 encourage them in this agreement they were to 
 receive two-thirds' value of all smuggled opium 
 that might be seized within their respective boun- 
 daries, one-third going to the informer and captors. 
 On my assuming control of the Province I found 
 that this agreement had become a dead letter ; 
 scarcely any opium was taken from the warehouse, 
 smuggled opium everywhere in use, and of course 
 the cheaper the drug the more deleterious to the 
 population. I could get no help from the chiefs, 
 and whatever was done to intercept the illicit trade 
 had to be done by the Agency. Getting trace of a 
 consignment of smuggled opium, some of my police 
 followed and seized it when it had reached the 
 Jusdhun Talooka. The Kattee chief was a great 
 encourager of the contrabands, and had never kept 
 his engagement with Government ; I felt it right, 
 therefore, to recommend that his claim to partici- 
 pation in the proceeds should be forfeited, on the
 
 94 Western India. 
 
 ground of his having broken the pact that as- 
 signed it to him. At the same time I sketched a 
 plan for the future that, whilst checking the illicit 
 traffic, would save Government the expense of 
 keeping up an establishment rendered useless by 
 the present system. The reply briefly told me that 
 Government were not at present disposed to make 
 any change. The necessity for change was how- 
 ever so evident, the folly of flinging away public 
 money so transparent, I hoped a second attempt 
 to show it might be more successful. 
 
 And now comes a page that might grace the 
 history of the How not to do it and Circumlo- 
 cution Offices, so admirably painted by Dickens. 
 The stolid conservatism of the Council Board was 
 sufficiently moved to call for a report on my pro- 
 posals from the Revenue Commissioner, Mr. Vibart, 
 and, as I afterwards found, from the collectors of 
 the Guzerat districts. Mr. V - was not inclined 
 to take more trouble in the matter than he could 
 help, and therefore simply replied that as Govern- 
 ment had stated that they were not at present 
 disposed to alter the existing state of things, it
 
 How not to do it. 95 
 
 appeared to him unnecessary to offer an opinion 
 on my proposals, and this reply was the only 
 answer I got to my second letter. Most men 
 would think that his opinion being called for, it 
 was his duty to give it, and that the authority so 
 calling for it would have told him so, but he knew 
 Government better. 
 
 I was placed in a dilemma. A third application 
 however delicately worded, would seem disrespect- 
 ful, yet I very much disliked the idea of paying a 
 large sum of money to an encourager of opium- 
 smuggling for work done by me to prevent it. At 
 this time the country was suffering from the effects 
 of drought, and a fund supported by several of the 
 chiefs had been raised for employment of the nu- 
 merous poor starving creatures that came in search 
 of food to the capital. 
 
 So I said to the Jusdhun Wakeel, 'You know 
 that your master patronises smuggling, for he never 
 takes his stipulated quota from the government 
 warehouse, and has had nothing to do with secur- 
 ing the opium now in my hands ; on writing to 
 Government about its bestowal they have given
 
 96 Western India. 
 
 an indefinite answer. I don't like to trouble them 
 again, and I don't like to give this money to you ; 
 so if your chief will subscribe a thousand rupees 
 to the famine fund he shall have the rest of his 
 share, otherwise I will refer the matter again, 
 when he may perhaps lose all.' Of course the 
 offer was accepted, and I was enabled to do much 
 good work with the money, useful both to Govern- 
 ment and to the people. 
 
 Time passed away, and worn with the labour of 
 duties that have since been found to require tenfold 
 the assistance then afforded me, I was sent by the 
 Doctors to the Neilgherries, with injunctions to rest 
 from brain work. Need I mention my surprise 
 whilst there at receiving one day from my successor 
 in Kattywar copy of a correspondence between 
 himself and Government relative to the above 
 transaction, in which I was held to have shown 
 great presumption in unwarrantably fining the 
 Jusdhun chief, to whom the thousand rupees were 
 to be repaid from the public treasury and recovered 
 from me ! 
 
 All this without any opportunity being afforded
 
 Result, y 97 
 
 me of offering an explanation. Such are the freaks 
 of power in a land where there is no public 
 opinion, or what little there may be, vitiated by 
 the press being free only to outsiders who know 
 nothing of the interior workings of the machinery 
 of Government, and where there is no one empow- 
 ered to ask awkward questions from the ruling 
 authority. Here was a case where the public 
 interest was sacrificed, the public money wasted, 
 useful reform discountenanced, vicious conduct re- 
 warded, and the officer who attempted first to 
 prevent and then to remedy the mischief, censured 
 and punished, because Government had not spared 
 time to look into a very simple question or to wait 
 to hear what he might say before passing judgment 
 on him. The collectors of Guzerat, for whose 
 opinions my proposals on the opium question 
 had been sent, reported in their favour, and no one 
 had even attempted to show any reason against 
 their adoption. 
 
 The error of Government was too glaring to be 
 persevered in as regards punitive results to myself, 
 and some flattering language was made use of as 
 
 H
 
 98 Western India. 
 
 amends for the wrong inflicted, but the treasury 
 suffered, the prestige of provincial authority over 
 the chiefs was lowered, and smuggling left rampant 
 as ever. As I did not return to the Kattywar 
 Agency, I am unaware whether any or what 
 measures were taken to check this, or to keep the 
 chiefs to their agreement. 
 
 The connection between the foregoing and the 
 black lion does not at first sight appear, but was in 
 this wise. I have mentioned the havock done in 
 my office by the savage onslaught that saved the 
 lion from mine. The head accountant, though 
 very badly wounded, continued struggling to per- 
 form his duties so manfully, and with such hope of 
 recovery, that I made no effort to supply his place. 
 But he died not long after I had left, and when his 
 accounts were made up it appeared that the pay- 
 ments to the Jusdhun chief and to the captors had 
 been entered minus the one thousand rupees trans- 
 ferred to the famine fund, the accounts of which 
 were also kept by the Agency, though not entered 
 in the Government books. Of course the whole 
 sum should have been debited to the parties enti-
 
 Result. 99 
 
 tied to receive it, the transfer of the thousand 
 rupees to the charity being a private arrangement. 
 As it was, the audit authorities checked the trans- 
 action, and this led to the dtnoument I have 
 detailed. 
 
 k a
 
 ioo Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON KATTYWAR PE- 
 CULIAR USAGE OF BAHAR-WUTTIA MEANS 
 ADOPTED BY GOVERNMENT TO DEAL WITH IT, 
 AND WITH CRIME GENERALLY CAPTURE OF 
 CAPTAIN GRANT BY A BAND OF THESE OUT- 
 LAWS HIS NARRATIVE OF CAPTIVITY HINDOO 
 SUPERSTITIONS. 
 
 T 
 
 great settlement by Colonel Walker in 
 1805 left the Peninsula under nearly three 
 hundred separate jurisdictions, or states, now re- 
 duced to less than two hundred. The duty of the 
 British Agent was to levy their stipulated amount 
 of tribute in the shares assigned to the Peshwa and 
 Gaekwar, and to preserve the peace. When the 
 first failed, the state was placed in charge of 
 persons who undertook to manage it, and clear off 
 the debt. Thus, bit by bit, a considerable portion
 
 High Court Establishep. 101 
 
 of the country fell under the more immediate 
 control of the Agency, and for such, as well as 
 for weak states, unable to deal with their own 
 criminals, some system of magisterial and judicial 
 procedure became necessary. A High Criminal 
 Court of Justice was therefore established, with the 
 Political Agent as Chief Judge ; quasi puisne 
 judges called Assessors, being selected for each 
 trial from among the leading men of the country. 
 This was an excellent measure, for it tended to 
 prevent crime, not only by punishing the offenders, 
 but also by exposing abuses of power that too 
 often gave rise to the offence. In the absence of 
 lawful means of redress, it had long been the 
 custom for aggrieved parties to take the law into 
 their own hands, especially in the case of encroach- 
 ments on land, when the injured owner deemed 
 himself justified in taking to the jungles and hills, 
 enlisting mercenaries, and making war on the state 
 that had wronged him. Scores, nay, hundreds, of 
 cut-throats were always available for a sufficient 
 consideration, and plenty of rival states at hand, 
 where the band were sure of secret support, while
 
 IO2 Western India. 
 
 fear or favour would generally secure this in his 
 own district. Thus bahar-wuttia had become the 
 established usage. The term literally means out 
 of country, a self-imposed outlawry, to be termi- 
 nated by compromise, capture, or death. These 
 outlaws, as a general rule, only ravaged their own 
 state, but they seldom scrupled to rob, maim, or 
 murder any refusing countenance, or to capture 
 those whose ransom might further their cause. 
 
 In 1820 a bahar-wuttia band waylaid and kept 
 captive for nearly three months a British Officer, 
 treating him with a barbarity equalling that shown 
 by King Theodore to the captives it cost us so 
 many millions to release. Notwithstanding the 
 sufferings and hardships endured half a century 
 ago in the most pestilential jungles of the Penin- 
 sula during the sickly season of the year, this 
 gentleman, Captain George Grant, still survives as 
 the senior officer of the late Indian Navy, and has, 
 at my request, favoured me with an account of his 
 captivity, of which his modesty has hitherto pre- 
 vented any published description. Though then 
 only of some ten years' standing, he had brought
 
 Bahar-wuttia. 103 
 
 himself to notice by his daring attacks on the 
 pirates who infested the coast, and had been 
 selected to command the Gaekwar's war vessels 
 employed against them. There was no ascertained 
 connection between the pirates and outlaws, but 
 Captain Grant's office made him a tempting person 
 for the latter to seize, and to hold as a lever to 
 work on the local authorities, and, indeed, they 
 succeeded in their object. 
 
 Captain Grant's memoir so well illustrates the 
 anarchy and misrule prevailing in Kattywar, 
 and the peculiar usage which I have described, 
 that I give it entire at the end of this chapter. 
 Bahar-wuttia, I am sorry to say, is not yet 
 thoroughly extirpated, though, happily, not carried 
 on with the savagery of former days. Recent re- 
 forms, while greatly diminishing the labours of 
 the British Agency, and increasing its power, have, 
 in fact, tended to give an impetus to the practice, 
 by narrowing, if not closing, the safety-valve 
 formerly open, of appeal to the Agency in cases of 
 violence or fraud, calculated otherwise to drive the 
 subordinate landholder to his old method of ob-
 
 IO4 Western India. 
 
 taining redress. Surely, if we lend our power to 
 the chiefs to put down rebellion, we ought at least 
 to see that they do not force their subjects into 
 it. 
 
 When Captain Grant was carried off, the whole 
 Peninsula was more or less controlled by the 
 Gaekwar, whose Viceroy there, was accompanied 
 by an English officer, assistant of the Resident 
 of Baroda. The Viceroy's duty was to levy 
 both his master's and the Peshwa's share of 
 tribute, and to maintain peace. I need scarcely 
 say that the enlargement of the Gaekwar's posses- 
 sions in the Province was by no means omitted. 
 When the British Government succeeded by con- 
 quest to the whole of the Peshwa's dominions, 
 Captain Barnwell was appointed its first Political 
 Agent, shortly after Captain Grant's release. A 
 double rule was speedily done away with, by 
 arrangements with the Baroda Court, and from 
 this period Kattywar has slowly emerged from 
 the condition of which Captain Grant was a 
 victim. 
 
 I return from this digression to the Political
 
 Barbarous Jiistice. 105 
 
 Agent's court, certainly not introduced too soon 
 into the country. The trials held before it brought 
 to light the usages and superstitions of the people, 
 and I regret that extreme pressure of official 
 occupation 1 prevented my preserving notes of 
 some of the most remarkable. They led to the 
 suppression of barbarous methods of administering 
 so-called justice, such as the ordeal of boiling oil, 
 or of red-hot iron, employed as tests of innocence 
 or of guilt. 
 
 On one occasion I had to try the uncle of the 
 Palitana Chief, who had gone out into bahar-wuttia 
 in consequence of the encroachments on his land 
 by his nephew. I asked the old man why he had 
 not come to the Agency to complain, instead of 
 taking the law into his own hands. ' It's not my 
 fault,' he replied ; ' I made the attempt three times, 
 
 1 The duties often devolving on one man in India would scarcely 
 be credited in this country. In Kattywar they combined every 
 administrative function over an area of some twenty thousand 
 square miles, with a population of about two millions. 
 
 During the time I held charge, A.D. 1839 to 1843, I had rarely 
 more than one Assistant, sometimes none. The local Government 
 has of late become sensible of there being little wisdom in expecting 
 large results from small means, and has given the Agent half-a-dozen 
 regular Assistants, besides numerous officers for special duties.
 
 io6 Western India. 
 
 and was always stopped by bad omens. The first 
 time an antelope crossed in front of me the wrong 
 way just after setting out, and, of course, I had to 
 go back ; the second attempt I got no omen, till a 
 hare started on my left ; the third time, a flight of 
 crows came and perched on a tree on my left, 
 cawing loudly. After such warnings it was folly 
 to try again, so I was obliged to see what I could 
 do for myself, according to the custom of my 
 country.' 
 
 Belief in magic is so profound throughout India 
 as to make truth doubly difficult of attainment. In 
 a case of disputed succession that came before me, 
 the symptoms which gave promise of an heir were 
 credited to enchantment, which certain incanta- 
 tions, recited to the sound of a tom-tom in 
 presence of the lady, would infallibly demonstrate ; 
 and, on like grounds, a claim to be the lawful heir 
 nearly two years after the death of the husband, 
 has been advanced, and met with support, on 
 the ground that magic, employed by the oppo- 
 site party, had stayed the birth. There is, in- 
 deed, no placing bounds to the credulity of the
 
 Superstitions. 107 
 
 Oriental mind not trained in habits of thought, 
 and simple conversion to Christianity, without 
 such training, makes little, if any, difference. I 
 have been petitioned by a Christian woman, in 
 virtue of my magisterial authority, to compel 
 another to undo a spell cast on her. The miracles 
 of the Gospel are as nothing to a Hindoo. One of 
 their holy men drank up tke ocean what then need 
 be said of the feats of their gods ! Miracles are 
 everywhere believed to be worked at the present 
 day. The whole land appears to its inhabitants 
 to be peopled by spirits of diverse orders. The 
 village deities, when required, predict events in 
 various ways ; a common method is to attach a 
 grain of rice to the eyebrows or breasts of the idol, 
 if the right one adheres longest the omen is pro- 
 pitious, and vice versd ; or some devotee works 
 himself into a frenzy before the shrine, in which 
 condition his utterances are held to be those of the 
 god. To recount all the superstitions prevalent 
 would fill a volume. Though varying in different 
 provinces, a general family likeness runs through 
 all of Hindoo descent ; many of these also prevail
 
 io8 Western India. 
 
 among the Mohammedans, how far originally im- 
 ported and how far borrowed it would be difficult 
 to say. 
 
 NARRATIVE OF CAPTIVITY OF CAPTAIN GEORGE 
 GRANT, LATE INDIAN NAVY. 
 
 'In 1813 I was appointed by the Bombay 
 Government, at the request of Captain Carnac, 
 Resident of Baroda, to the command of the naval 
 force then established by His Highness the Gaek- 
 war for the suppression of the Indian and Arabian 
 pirates that infested the coasts of Kattywar and 
 Kutch. We captured and destroyed several, and 
 in 1820 they were so much reduced that the Gaek- 
 war abolished his naval establishment, not con- 
 sidering it necessary to keep it up any longer. I 
 then received orders to proceed inland from my 
 station at Velun Bunder, or Diu Head, to 
 Amrelle, to deliver over charge of my vessels to 
 the Gaekwar's Sersooba, or Dewan, in Kattywar. 
 On my way I was attacked by a bhar-wuttee, or
 
 Captain Grant's Narrative. 109 
 
 outlaw Kattee, named Bawawalla, with thirty-five 
 horsemen. My horsekeeper was killed, my moon- 
 shee severely wounded, and two of my escort of 
 four horsemen also wounded. I could not myself 
 make any resistance, having only a riding whip. 
 
 ' On first coming up Bawawalla said that he wanted 
 to consult me about his affairs, and on this pretext 
 got me to dismount. My people being rendered 
 helpless, I was forced to remount my horse and 
 gallop off with the gang, who took me into a large 
 jungle, called the Geer, where I was kept prisoner 
 on the top of a mountain for two months and seven- 
 teen days. During the whole of this time two 
 armed men with swords drawn kept guard over 
 me. I laid amongst the rocks drenched with rain 
 night and day, with the exception of two nights, 
 when the gang forced me to accompany them, and 
 we stopped in a friendly village. In this expedi- 
 tion I was occasionally allowed to ride, but always 
 surrounded by a strong band that made all attempt 
 to escape impossible. In one village where the 
 people favoured Bawawalla the women took my 
 part, and upbraided him and his men for my cruel
 
 no Western India. 
 
 treatment. Towards unfriendly villages the custom 
 of the gang was to ride up to the gates and chop 
 off the heads of little boys at play, and then go off 
 rejoicing and laughing at their cursed exploits. 
 When they returned to the encampment after a 
 day's murdering foray, the young Kattees used to 
 boast how many men they had killed, and one day 
 I heard the old fellows questioning them rather 
 particularly whether or not they were sure they 
 had killed their victims. " Yes," they said ; they 
 had seen their spears through them, and were 
 certain they were dead. "Ah," remarked an old 
 Kattee, " a human being is worse to kill than any 
 other animal ; never be sure they are dead till 
 you see the body on one side of the road, and 
 the head on the other." 
 
 ' At times the chief, Bawawalla, in a state of 
 stupor from opium, would come and sit by my 
 side, and holding his dagger over me, ask how 
 many stabs it would take to kill me. I said I 
 thought one would do, and I hoped he would put 
 me out of misery. " I suppose you think," he 
 would answer, " that I won't kill you ; I have killed
 
 
 Captain Grant's Narrative. 1 1 1 
 
 as many human beings as ever fisherman killed 
 fish, and I should think nothing of putting an end 
 to you; but I shall keep you a while yet, till I see 
 if your Government will get me back my property, 
 if so I will let you off." 
 
 ' When not out plundering the gang slept most 
 of the day. At night the halter of each horse was 
 tied to its master's arm ; when the animals heard 
 voices they tugged, and the men were up in an 
 instant. Their meals consisted of Bajree cakes 
 with chillies and milk when it could be got. I 
 used to have the same. Once or twice my servant 
 was allowed to come to me, and brought the rare 
 treat of some curry and a bottle of claret from 
 Captain Ballantine. The wine Bawawalla seized 
 on at once, thinking it was daroo or spirits, but on 
 tasting the liquor he changed his mind, and spitting 
 it out declared it was poison sent no doubt on purpose 
 to kill him. By way of test I was ordered to drink 
 it, which I did with very great pleasure, and finding 
 me none the worse he gave up his idea of poison. 
 
 ' Among his people there were two young men 
 who showed some feeling for me. One of these
 
 112 Western India. 
 
 was shot in a pillaging raid shortly before my 
 release. They used to try and cheer me up by 
 telling me I should be set free. Occasionally, 
 when opportunity offered, they would inform me 
 how many people they had killed, and the method 
 they pursued when rich travellers refused to pay 
 the sum demanded. This was to tie the poor 
 wretches by their legs to a beam across a well, 
 with their heads touching the water, and then to 
 saw away at the rope until the tortured victims 
 agreed to their demands, then the Kattees would 
 haul them up, get from them a hoondee, or bill, on 
 some agent, and keep them prisoners till this was 
 paid. 
 
 ' Sometimes they told me of their master's inten- 
 tion to murder me, which was not pleasant. He 
 and his men had many disputes about me just as 
 his hopes or fears of the consequence of my im- 
 prisonment prevailed. 
 
 ' I can never forget one stormy night, they were 
 all sitting round a great fire I lay behind them. 
 Lions and wild beasts roared around us, but did 
 not prevent me overhearing a debate upon the
 
 Captain Grant's Narrative. * 113 
 
 subject of what should be done with me. The men 
 complained that they had been two months in the 
 jungle on my account, their families were in the 
 villages very badly off for food, and that they 
 would stay no longer. Their chief replied, " Let 
 us kill him, and flee to some other part of the 
 country." To this they objected that the English 
 would send troops and take their families prisoners 
 and ill-use them. So in the end it was agreed to 
 keep me for the present. 
 
 'My release was effected at last through our 
 Political Agent, Captain Ballantine, who prevailed 
 on the Nawab of Joonaghur to use his influence to 
 get another Kattee who had forcibly taken Bawa- 
 walla's Pergunna, or district, to restore it to him, 
 and Bawawalla thus having gained his object, set 
 me free. 
 
 ' My sufferings during confinement were almost 
 beyond endurance, and I used to pray in the 
 evening that I might never see another morning. 
 I had my boots on my feet for the first month, not 
 being able to get them off from the constant wet 
 until I was reduced by sickness. Severe fever, 
 
 I
 
 H4 Western India. 
 
 with ague and inflammation of liver, came on, and 
 with exposure to the open air drove me delirious, 
 so that when let go I was found wandering in the 
 fields at night covered with vermin from head to 
 foot. I shall never forget the heavenly sensation 
 of the hot bath and clean clothes I got in the tent 
 of the Nawab of Joonaghur's Dewan, the officer 
 who accomplished my release. The fever and 
 ague then contracted continued on me for five 
 years, and the ill effects still remain, my head 
 being at times greatly troubled with giddiness, and 
 I have severe fits of ague ; my memory also is 
 much affected, but I can never forget the foregoing 
 incidents, though it is now upwards of fifty years 
 since they occurred. 
 
 'G. GRANT. 
 
 ' BARHOLM HOUSE, CREETOWN, N.B. : 
 'April, 1871.* 
 
 Extract from the 'Bombay Courier ;' April 24, 1824. 
 
 ' By intelligence from Kattywar, we learn that 
 the notorious Bawawalla has at last met with the 
 fate he has so long merited. He was attacked on
 
 Death of Bawawalla. 115 
 
 the 6th inst. in Bessawudder by Hursoor, a Katty 
 chief with whom he had long been at enmity, and 
 was slain by him in a desperate conflict. 
 
 ' It may be in the recollection of many of our 
 readers that this person in 1820 carried off Lieu- 
 tenant Grant of the H. C. Marine, while in the 
 Gaekwar's service, and kept him in captivity for 
 three months, during which time he was treated 
 with the most savage cruelty. For some years 
 past Bawawalla has been little heard of, but having 
 lately resumed his former predatory course, appre- 
 hensions were entertained that he would be the 
 cause of disturbances in that part of the country, 
 when his career has been thus unexpectedly closed 
 by death.' * 
 
 1 In this and the previous Chapter allusion has been made to the 
 opium-consuming habits of the people. The amount they can take 
 without seemingly shortening life appears almost incredible. A 
 bhar-wuttia leader, by name Champrajwala, another Bawawala, 
 though less ferocious, had, in conflict with some of our troops, shot 
 an officer of the I5th Native Infantry. He was at last secured and 
 made over to the Political Agent for trial. Whilst in gaol, the 
 Civil-Surgeon informed me so ill had the prisoner become from 
 deprivation of opium that to keep him alive he was obliged daily to 
 increase his dose to the astounding quantity of seventy grains, that 
 on reducing this more than a few grains he again fell ill, and that he 
 could never reach a moderate minimum without being again obliged 
 
 I 2
 
 1 1 6 Western India. 
 
 to increase the allowance. Champraj wala was convicted and sentenced 
 to imprisonment for life, and transferred some four-and-thirty years 
 ago to the Ahmedabad gaol, whence, many years after, he made a 
 bold attempt to escape. He was ultimately liberated, and, for aught 
 I know, may be still alive his habitual dose of opium was the size 
 of a large pigeon's egg.
 
 ii; 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 HINDOO SUPERSTITIONS CONTINUED OUR LAWS 
 NOT ADAPTED TO THE CHARACTER OF THE 
 PEOPLE. 
 
 TTARLY in 184^* I was placed in charge of the 
 Sawunt Ware'e territory during an insurrec- 
 tion that had broken out there in concert with 
 another simultaneously raging above the Ghats in 
 the Southern Mahratta country. I found the State 
 unable to meet current expenses, and the reform 
 of its finances had in consequence to be effected. 
 Among numerous items of expenditure struck off 
 or reduced was a monthly payment to a demon 
 called King of the Hobgoblins. His Majesty's 
 palace was the forest, and he was propitiated every 
 night by a meal placed outside the gateway of the 
 fort which held the Raja's palace, and also, amongst 
 other buildings, the dwelling of the Political Super- 
 intendent.
 
 1 1 8 Western India. 
 
 The Minister of the State, a worthy old man, 
 and devout Brahmin, was not answerable for the 
 wild doings of others, and I used to invite him 
 with a few more to sit with me on the magis- 
 terial bench, consulting them from time to time, 
 and attending to their opinions at discretion. These 
 all expressed more or less alarm on learning my 
 intention to withhold the demon's grant. It might 
 draw his vengeance down on the fort, they said. I 
 silenced, if not convinced them, by asking them to 
 reflect whether the Company's government had 
 not proved itself stronger than all the demons of 
 the land put together. That I, as representative 
 of the British power, now faced the gateway, and 
 it was insulting to me to suppose that I could not 
 take better care of the fort than the hobgoblins, all 
 of whom I defied, and in whose existence I disbe- 
 lieved. ' Depend upon it,' I continued, ' if mischief 
 follow, I will trace the human agent, and make 
 him answer for it.' 
 
 As the circumstances of the time had called forth 
 striking exhibitions of corrective power, no one 
 liked to bell the cat, so the mice remained in their
 
 Hindoo Piety. 1 1 9 
 
 holes, and the spirit world of Sawunt Waree ac- 
 knowledged British supremacy. 
 
 Advantage may at times be taken of the super- 
 stitions of the people for their benefit. I was one 
 day riding across country in Kattywar, when I 
 observed a man continually throwing stones to his 
 right and left as he followed the pathway. I 
 fancied him a maniac, but rode up, and enquired 
 what he was doing ? ' An act of religion ' (dhurm), 
 he replied. ' How so ? ' I asked. ' Don't you see," 
 he answered, 'how these sharp stones gall the 
 bullocks, and injure their hoofs as they tread the 
 path with their loads ? I am on a pilgrimage to 
 Dwarka, and before setting out made a vow to 
 clear off these stones the whole of the way.' 
 
 Macadamised roads were then unknown save at 
 our own stations. Those throughout the provinces 
 were what nature and the wear and tear of transit 
 made them. 
 
 Many years afterwards, when Political Agent in 
 Kutch, I was anxious to obtain a more direct road 
 from the capital to its chief seaport than the one 
 then existing, which was nothing better than a
 
 I2O Western India. 
 
 beaten track over a steep and difficult Ghat. 1 The 
 Rao being a conservative of the stare super anti- 
 quas mas type, was hard to move towards any new 
 thing. I expatiated on the saving of some miles 
 in distance, and therefore of time, labour, and cost 
 of transport, &c., but all in vain, until I bethought 
 me of telling him the anecdote above related. 
 ' Scores of bullocks are annually destroyed and 
 lamed on the present Ghat road,' I wound up with, 
 ' will your Highness allow yourself to be outdone 
 by that poor pilgrim ? ' The argument was con- 
 clusive, the road was ordered, money for it set 
 apart, and it was opened, though not completed, 
 when I left in the close of 1856, Captain Raikes 
 and Captain Shortt rendering effective aid through- 
 out. 
 
 Another road-making anecdote will illustrate 
 native feeling unchanged by contact with European 
 civilisation. Sawunt Waree having proved a hot- 
 bed of disturbance, Mr. Richard Spooner was in 
 1838 appointed to control it. One of the first 
 things he wisely did was to make a good road to 
 
 1 Hill or mountain pass.
 
 Credulitv of tJie People. 1 2 1 
 
 connect its capital with the seaport Vingorla. At 
 this time Major Troward was charged with the 
 duty of forming a disciplined body out of the armed 
 retainers of the state, and was on friendly terms 
 with the Raja, whose power had been superseded. 
 One day, in confidential mood, the latter remarked 
 to him, ' See how this Sahib is spoiling my country 
 by his new road, and what he calls improvements ! ' 
 I ought perhaps to add, as some excuse for the 
 Raja, that the traditionary policy of the state was 
 to maintain inaccessibility. Forests, difficult passes, 
 vile roads, thick jungles, were the bulwarks not 
 only of the capital, but of most of its towns and 
 villages. 
 
 With such ignorance prevailing, the path of jus- 
 tice is indeed beset with thorns, and the people 
 easily swindled and deluded. For instance, soon 
 after I had assumed charge of this State, an im- 
 postor went about the country levying a war cess 
 in my name ; his credentials an empty gooseberry 
 bottle of Crosse and Blackwell, the Royal arms in 
 gilt letters on its label, and a paper of sham 
 English writing, headed by a supposed official seal
 
 122 Western India. 
 
 that was merely the impression made by the bung 
 of a mustard jar. Yet these precious credentials 
 had sufficed for several villages, till he was unwise 
 enough to venture where he met with a functionary 
 sufficiently acute to deal with him. When on his 
 trial, all the foregoing was fully proved. The 
 liability of the people to be defrauded by the 
 subordinates of Government is a cogent reason 
 against the imposition of new taxes. Our imper- 
 fect and tedious system of redress, often aggrava- 
 ting rather than compensating wrong, renders it 
 imperative on Government, as much as possible, to 
 abstain from such, however sound in theory. And 
 this leads me to speak of the working of our courts, 
 little understood by Englishmen, who imagine law 
 a panacea for every evil. 
 
 Our system is unsuited to the Oriental mind, 
 except where imbued with Western ideas, as in the 
 Presidency towns, though even here it is no safe- 
 guard for the poorer classes. Throughout the 
 interior the masses dread our courts and their pro- 
 cesses, and many a wrong is endured rather than 
 seek redress through them. We have, alas ! to
 
 Our Legal System cruel to tlie People. 123 
 
 answer for much cruelty in forcing reluctant plain- 
 tiffs and witnesses to travel immense distances, 
 detaining them weeks or months from their homes, 
 in order that white men who had injured them 
 might be tried before the Presidency Courts, where 
 the interim death of a witness or the browbeating 
 of timid ones, a law quibble or a nigger-hating 
 juryman, too often rendered the whole process vain. 
 Up to the time of my leaving India this was the 
 privilege of our roughs in the interior, and attempts 
 to remedy so iniquitous a state of the law were 
 always frustrated by national and legal prejudices. 
 Of late the amalgamation of the Supreme and 
 Sudder Courts, with their judges visiting the inte- 
 rior on circuit, has done a good deal to mitigate the 
 crying injustice. But the system of punishing 
 witnesses is not limited to trials of Europeans. A 
 thief had stolen from a native in Bombay some 
 copper cooking-pots, and escaped with them to the 
 Sawunt Waree territory, from which I traced him 
 to that of Goa, before he had time to, dispose of his 
 plunder. The Portuguese Government, with their 
 usual friendliness, made him over with his stolen
 
 124 Western India. 
 
 goods to my border functionary, whence he and 
 they were passed on to me. Now, the Bombay 
 authorities required the attendance, as witnesses, of 
 all who had been instrumental in securing the thief 
 and the stolen property at the several stations 
 where the latter had changed hands, so that, in 
 addition to the prisoner, I was obliged to send half- 
 a-dozen of them to Bombay. They had never 
 before left their own country. Some were Brah- 
 mins, to whom a sea voyage was a horror, for no 
 Brahmin may eat anything cooked at sea, 1 and at 
 that season the native craft, miserable comfortless 
 things, which alone carried on the coast trade, took 
 ten days or a fortnight for the voyage. The land 
 journey was out of the question. The poor fellows 
 were in despair, and some in employ of the state 
 offered to resign rather than go, but there was no 
 help for it, and they were sent off. Eleven days of 
 sickness and starvation were passed on board, and 
 shortly after reaching Bombay, where they had to 
 shelter themselves as best they could in a land of 
 strangers, they were informed that the trial had been 
 1 Several other Hindoo castes suffer in the same way.
 
 Harassment of Witnesses, 125 
 
 put off to the next sessions. So they had to remain, 
 and wrote piteous appeals to me for relief. After 
 three months of great inconvenience to them and to 
 the interests of the little State, from which two of 
 them could ill be spared, they were directed to at- 
 tend the Supreme Court, there to await the dreaded 
 badgering of witnesses that our law to its discredit 
 allows. They came, and after waiting some hours, 
 had the satisfaction of seeing the prisoner walk 
 past them with a jeering salaam, and of learning 
 that the judge had directed his acquittal as no 
 prosecutor had appeared. After this, permission 
 was given them to return home, and I fear they 
 brought back no very exalted ideas of British 
 justice. 
 
 Another story will also show the inapplicability 
 of our system to men of the interior, if not to 
 natives generally. I had in my employ a painter 
 named Jooma, to draw for me figures and costumes 
 of the people of Kutch, a respectable, inoffensive 
 man, and a stranger to the world beyond it. I 
 tempted him, however, to accompany me in De- 
 cember 1856 to Bombay, there to finish some work
 
 126 Western India, 
 
 i 
 
 he had on hand. We landed on the iQth, and 
 Jooma obtained a temporary lodging in the town. 
 Three or four days after this, he brought me a 
 paper, saying a peon had given it him with direc- 
 tions to attend the magistrate's court, asking me 
 what the paper was, and what he should do. It 
 proved to be a summons to appear and answer for 
 the infraction of some municipal law on the Qth of 
 the month. I told him that he must of course 
 attend, and say that he was at that time some five 
 hundred miles away, and that he had only just 
 arrived with me in Bombay, of all which I gave 
 him a formal certificate. On the day named he 
 attended the court, where he was hustled into a 
 box with several others, guarded by peons, who 
 would not let him speak, till, with great difficulty, 
 he managed to get my certificate handed up to the 
 magistrate. This gentleman informed him that 
 he could pay no attention to communications so 
 received. After some further, to poor Jooma 
 equally unintelligible, processes, each prisoner was 
 ordered to be fined ten rupees, and to be kept in 
 custody till paid.
 
 And of the Innocent. 127 
 
 It is needless to say, that I did not remain quiet 
 under this perversion of justice. It appeared, on 
 enquiry, that the magistrate, perhaps not well up 
 in the native languages, could prove by witnesses 
 that all the accused, Jooma included, had pleaded 
 guilty, and consequently had not considered it ne- 
 cessary to go into the evidence. An action, there- 
 fore, against him would fail ; but the fine was given 
 back, and Jooma returned to his own land a wiser 
 man than he left it, with less of punishment in his 
 lessons than many an innocent but friendless 
 prisoner has had to endure from the misfortune of 
 getting entangled in any of our Law Courts. I 
 relate this incident as an example of the mischief 
 perpetually done by a system of procedure un- 
 suited to the native character. If Government 
 wish to mitigate its severity and injustice towards 
 the masses, they will assign to all the courts a 
 competent person, whose duty it should be to 
 guard the ignorant from being entrapped in its 
 meshes a sort of poor man's counsel, in short, but 
 liable to removal on due cause assigned by the 
 presiding judge or magistrate.
 
 128 Western India. 
 
 A case came before me at Sawunt Waree, in 
 which the gravamen of the plaintiff was the de- 
 fendant having wished Goa justice to fall upon his 
 house, besides other abusive speech. At a loss for 
 the meaning, I asked the good old minister, Lely 
 Punt, sitting by me, to explain it, which he 
 did in this wise : ' You probably know that all 
 our southern districts have fallen into possession of 
 the Portuguese, on which the population had to 
 settle their quarrels or seek redress for their wrongs 
 at Goa. But the law's delays there were inter- 
 minable, generally ending in the ruin of both 
 parties, so that a Goa lawsuit has become pro- 
 verbial in this country for a curse, and the wish for 
 anybody to become involved in one considered 
 highly injurious language.' 
 
 I am not aware of any great superiority in our 
 legal systems over those of our European brethren 
 of Portuguese India, and it would be well if our 
 legislators will take the hint What is wanted for 
 the masses is simplicity of means and speedy 
 decisions. The way in which in our courts the 
 interests and feelings of witnesses are sacrificed to
 
 How Native States suffer. 129 
 
 the real or supposed benefit of prisoners, or to legal 
 formalities, is a cause of general complaint. And 
 the difficulties of bringing crime home to those 
 committing it, are increased to a dangerous extent, 
 all of which, acts as a hotbed for its growth. 
 
 The States bordering on our own specially suffer : 
 although they may be administered by British 
 officers, and have courts of judicature under the 
 supervision of our Government, unless a thief from 
 our parts be caught flagrante dclicto, he has to be 
 prosecuted before his own courts, perhaps days' 
 journey away, instead of before that of the district 
 in which he committed the crime. Such is the one- 
 sided character of our rule. An intelligent native 
 minister of one of the border states of Kattywar 
 once remarked to me, ' Sir, you profess to do jus- 
 tice, but you encourage crime and punish the in- 
 nocent whilst letting off the guilty. Lying is now 
 found the best way of escaping the consequences 
 of evil doing. With us it was always considered 
 the worst.' The facts he stated showed that he 
 had too much reason for his belief. 
 
 During the insurrection in Sawunt Waree of 
 K
 
 130 Western India. 
 
 1844-45, persons having quarrels with their neigh- 
 bours took advantage of the general confusion to 
 induce or even hire stray bodies of insurgents to 
 murder their enemies. Through the friendly con- 
 duct of the Portuguese Government more than fifty 
 of these cut-throats, tracked to Goa villages, were 
 from time to time, given up to me for trial. In 
 former days Sawunt Waree having been addicted 
 to piracy our Government had taken from it a 
 narrow strip all along the sea coast, thus shutting it 
 out from such occupation. The boundary line ran 
 north and south pretty much as if done by compass, 
 in this way cutting through a village now known as 
 Asolee and Arolee. Here the luckless inhabitants 
 often fell under double jurisdictions. 
 
 On one occasion, a gang of some thirty men, 
 led by villagers who bore enmity to a leading 
 person therein, attacked the place in broad daylight, 
 and murdered him, his brother and a son, spite of 
 the courageous attempts of the wife and mother to 
 defend them. Some of the death-strokes were 
 dealt on one side of the border, some on the other. 
 I could only deal with those on mine. One by
 
 The Widows Protest. 131 
 
 one the criminals were traced and captured, some 
 liable to my jurisdiction, others to that of Rutna- 
 gerry near a hundred miles away, but to which I 
 was forced to consign them. During the course of 
 two years, repeated trials took place, there, and at 
 Sawunt Waree, at which the widow who had known 
 and recognised the assassins, was of course an 
 essential witness. She was a remarkably hand- 
 some woman of about forty-five, with a command- 
 ing cast of countenance and clear metallic voice. 
 I shall never forget what happily proved the last 
 trial, at least in my court, of her patience. On 
 stepping into the witness-box she threw her saree 
 around her and drew herself up like a Roman 
 matron. Her eyes seemed to flash fire as she cried 
 ' Hear what I have to say. How often do you 
 wish to tear my wounds open. ^These men only 
 committed murder once, but you and the Com- 
 pany's people are more cruel. You keep killing 
 me afresh. Since that dreadful day I have had 
 no peace. I am sent for here, there, and every- 
 where, to you, to Vingorla, to Malwan, to Rutnag- 
 gery. My sandals are worn out with walking all 
 K 2
 
 132 Western India. 
 
 these distances, and my heart perpetually torn. I 
 know no rest, always looking for a fresh summons 
 so long as one of the band survives. Would that 
 they had killed me as well as my husband. Have 
 I not stated the same thing over and over again ? 
 Have you not got it all written down ? Have I 
 told lies that you keep continually asking me the 
 same questions ? Why do you persecute me so ? ^ 
 
 Poor woman, I pitied her from my heart, but I 
 was helpless. 
 
 I have shown how our legal system harasses the 
 innocent, and will now give an instance how it 
 spares the guilty. Of all the petty chiefs in the 
 insurrection of 1844-45, none were more cruel or so 
 mischievous as Baba Bhogta, who got together 
 some half-hundred odd men of his own stamp, 
 and laid himself out to do the general murdering 
 business of the country: keeping his band ready 
 on hire for the gratification of private grudges. 
 This man escaped over the border with other 
 insurgent leaders pressed by Colonel Outram's 
 field detachments, and surrendered with them to 
 the Portuguese. The Goa Government disarmed
 
 Baba Bhogta. 133 
 
 and confined them, but otherwise treated them as 
 political refugees. When, however, I could show 
 felonies committed unconnected with the rebellion, 
 individuals were from time to time surrendered. 
 Amongst such was Baba Bhogta. Unfortunately, 
 there was paucity of judicial proof for the murders 
 done on my side the border, but clear evidence of 
 some within the ' Company's ' frontier, wherefore I 
 made him over to the magistrate with an explana- 
 tory statement. Some time afterwards, the police 
 officer I had placed in his village reported that 
 Baba Bhogta had been seen entering his house, in 
 which the mother continued to reside. The filial 
 attachment of even cruel felons to their parents is 
 a redeeming trait in their character. They will run 
 great risks rather than not say farewell if doomed 
 to separation. One of my own prisoners under 
 sentence of death, had escaped from the Waree 
 jail and fort by combined ingenuity, dexterity, and 
 daring, and had, though heavily ironed, traversed 
 the jungles for a dozen miles to his mother's cot- 
 tage. I of course concluded that Baba Bhogta had 
 escaped from the Rutnagerry jail, as he had before
 
 134 Western India. 
 
 nearly done at Goa, wherefore that same night his 
 house was surrounded, and next morning he was 
 brought in to me a prisoner. I could not well be- 
 lieve his story that the great folk in Bombay had 
 found him innocent, and ordered his release, where- 
 upon he had returned to his village like any other 
 peaceful citizen. A part, however, proved true ; he 
 had been condemned to death by the Judicial 
 Commissioner on clear proof of several brutal mur- 
 ders, but a flaw had been found in these having 
 been made instances of treason, and he was a sub- 
 ject of the Sawunt Waree State. So one of the 
 most dangerous men in the country was let loose 
 on society in due routine fashion without so much 
 as any notice given to me, for what has law to do 
 with politics ? 
 
 To turn from the tragic to somewhat of the 
 comic. A curious case of treasure trove came 
 before me. A woman out working in a field 
 found a ring of some size standing up from the 
 ground in a place where water, having worn away 
 the earth, had left it exposed. On trying to lift it, 
 up she found it fixed and immovable. Supersti-
 
 Treasure Trove, 135 
 
 tious fears led her to abstain from any further 
 attempt until she could consult the village temple. 
 This done she was informed by the hierophant 
 that it would be exceedingly dangerous to have 
 anything to do with the ring till the spirit of the 
 place had been propitiated, and that she might 
 thank her star that she had not been struck dead 
 in her attempt to pull it up. But he would per- 
 form all the proper ceremonies that very night, 
 obtain an omen to guide future action, and let her 
 know on the morrow the result. So, fully satisfied 
 and nothing doubting, the woman went home. 
 
 That night the priest sallied out with two com- 
 panions armed with proper implements for obtain- 
 ing the omen. After some tough digging, they 
 unearthed several engraved copper-plates fastened 
 by the ring. Beneath these a pot, no doubt 
 containing coin. This being removed, they put 
 back the plates, covering them with earth, and 
 leaving all as much as possible as before. The 
 next thing was to carry the pot to the village 
 temple, and lay it before the shrine, when the priest 
 promised due apportionment of the contents, after
 
 136 Western India. 
 
 permission of the god had been obtained, and it 
 could safely be done. 
 
 Next morning the woman was told that the 
 priest had secured her from the molestation of evil 
 spirits, and that she might now ascertain the na- 
 ture of the ring. This was accordingly done, and 
 the copper-plates before mentioned obtained. 
 They were covered with ancient characters, and 
 corroded, evidently very old, and the diggers 
 thought it rather odd that they should come up so 
 easily. 
 
 Meanwhile, the man who had actually carried 
 the pot the previous night, being of inferior position 
 to the other two, on going to claim his share of the 
 contents from the priest, found that he had left the 
 village, as also had his colleague. It was evident 
 to the fellow that he had been sold in this affair, so 
 out of revenge he at once gave information to the 
 local police officer, who lost no time in sending word 
 to me, and in pursuing the runaways. The village 
 was, however, within a day's journey of the border, 
 where my authority ceased, and that of the Kum- 
 panee Bahadoor began, under which very free
 
 Loss of Ancient Coins. 137 
 
 scope is allowed for fraud. On inspecting the 
 plates, I found them engraved in the Sanskrit of a 
 remote period. They referred to grants made during 
 the reign of the Chalookya dynasty over this quarter 
 of India, from twelve to fifteen centuries ago. And 
 if my reader have antiquarian tendencies, he may 
 judge with what eagerness I longed to recover the 
 coins of that period, that the pot buried with the 
 plates doubtless contained. It is only by such 
 waifs and strays that we can hope to fill up, in some 
 slight degree, the interstices of Hindoo history, now 
 so obscure and uncertain. I authorised double 
 payment, in current coin, of the value of any so 
 found, but in vain. 
 
 On the return of the absentees to their village, 
 they were sent in to me for trial. All I have 
 mentioned was fully proved, and the two offenders 
 were sentenced to imprisonment. I think they 
 must have disposed of the coins beyond recovery, 
 or my offer to pay them so much more than they 
 were worth, and to mitigate their punishment, 
 would have brought them to light. The fraud of 
 the village priest was, however, established, to the
 
 138 Western India. 
 
 improvement of the future morals of his community, 
 and the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
 Society got the benefit of the historic plates. 
 
 The climax of superstition is reached in the 
 Hindoo rite of Suttee, and great was the number 
 of its victims in Kutch. Few villages there of any 
 size failed to give testimony to the heroism of their 
 widows in the monuments called Pallias, resembling 
 our tombstones, that line the entrance road, dis- 
 tinguished by the sign of a bloody hand, engraved 
 and painted on them. Other Pallias commemo- 
 rated the death of all who fell in defence of their 
 village, or in any war by sea or land. Rude 
 figures of a ship in the one case, or of a warrior on 
 horseback in the other, denoted which, while the 
 name of the deceased, with the date and nature of 
 the occurrence, was also shown in the stone. 
 
 The rite of Suttee was held to be the highest 
 exhibition of religious virtue, and the victim vene- 
 rated as a saint, from whose hands a grain of the 
 rice scattered before immolation, became a treasured 
 charm. Such being the state of public feeling, the 
 Rao had been deaf to the advice of the several
 
 The last Authorised Suttee. 139 
 
 Agents of Government at his court ; and, as we 
 were bound by treaty not to interfere with his 
 administration beyond certain stipulated limits, 
 and to respect the religious practices of the 
 people, the custom still prevailed at the time of 
 which I speak. 
 
 One day, in 1852, when His Highness was in 
 the north of his dominions, my Assistant in the 
 east, and myself in the west, Dr. Bloxham, the 
 Civil Surgeon, who as such became a temporary 
 Assistant at head-quarters for routine work, re- 
 ceived tidings that a Suttee was coming off near 
 the town. He had had no experience of the 
 duties of his office, and supposing it incumbent on 
 him to stop at all hazards so barbarous a deed, 
 mounted his horse, and rode down to the place of 
 sacrifice, which he reached just as the pile was 
 lighted. Jumping off his horse, he rushed forward, 
 and almost by main force dragged the widow from 
 the dead body of her husband, well nigh through 
 the flames. 
 
 It was well for him that our power had been so 
 thoroughly established over the minds of the
 
 140 Western India. 
 
 people, and in any case, that some fanatic, carried 
 away by this outrage on the religious feelings of 
 the mourners, did not cut him down. As it was, 
 murmurs of disapproval arose on all sides, while 
 the would-be victim uttered the most passionate 
 imprecations and protests, vowing that such tyranny 
 had never before been done under English rule, 
 and that if she was not allowed to burn she would 
 die otherwise, but never leave the spot. The 
 worthy doctor confessed to me afterwards that he 
 had never been so cursed in his life, and trusted 
 not to be so again. 
 
 At last, with difficulty, the woman was persuaded 
 to take shelter in a neighbouring temple, and there 
 her disowned champion left her, to go home him- 
 self, and write particulars to me. 
 
 I could not approve of his doings, though dic- 
 tated by the purest philanthropy. But I urged 
 the Rao to seize this opportunity of stopping the 
 barbarous rite altogether ; the more so as the onus 
 of doing it in the present instance had not fallen 
 on him. He returned at once to his capital, and 
 in company with Dr. Bloxham proceeded to the
 
 A Hindoo Heroine 141 
 
 temple where the widow remained, and urged her 
 to desist from her intention, promising her any 
 support or assistance she might require. ' What ! ' 
 she replied to him, ' do you, my Prince, take part 
 against me with these unbelieving and cruel 
 Sahibs ! I am ashamed of you. But it is no use. 
 You may hinder me from burning, but you can't 
 make me eat and drink. Die, one way or another, 
 I will. Why should you seek to separate me from 
 my husband ? ' 
 
 This heroine of a dark creed was of middle age, 
 and of the middle class of life. Nothing in her 
 worldly condition tempted her to suicide. Some 
 of the small bones from the ashes of the funeral- 
 pile were collected for her, and, with these, in a 
 small bag tied as a necklace, she remained in the 
 temple night and day, refusing all nourishment, 
 until the Rao felt he could no longer resist her 
 claim, and gave permission for another pile. She 
 went to it triumphantly, and perished, calm and 
 resolute to the end. 
 
 Such was the last authorised Suttee in Kutch. 1 
 
 1 Lord Dalhousie overlooked this fact in his/rarw-, drawn up on 
 leaving India. This is not a singular instance of his inattention to
 
 142 Western India. 
 
 Although my pictures are confined to experiences 
 of the political officer, I am tempted to add a pen- 
 dant from an earlier period of like resolution and 
 devotion in the opposite sex. 
 
 When with my regiment I used occasionally to 
 visit the hospital to see how the men of my com- 
 pany were. In 1827 Surgeon Conwell was our 
 medical officer, a somewhat rough Irishman, whose 
 patients were certainly not likely to be malingerers. 
 He had great contempt for caste, and ' all that 
 Hindoo nonsense.' One day he addressed me : 
 ' Oh, Jacob, I'm glad you've come ! Here's a fel- 
 low of yours dying merely because he's a fool, and 
 won't drink brandy. Speak to him ; he'll listen to 
 you perhaps. Tell him he has nothing whatever 
 the matter with him but exhaustion from the fever 
 that has left him, and if I can keep up his strength 
 
 the affairs of the ' Minor Presidencies.' As Kutch has an area of 
 between four and five thousand square miles, and up to the conquest 
 of Sind was our most important frontier province on the west, it 
 could not legitimately be treated on the de minimi?, &c. maxim. In 
 like manner he enlarged on the measures taken for the suppression 
 of Infanticide in the countries more directly under his rule, whilst 
 the more continued and more successful efforts of the Western 
 Presidency are unnoticed.
 
 And Hero. 143 
 
 for a day or two, nature will have time to rally, and 
 he'll be as well as ever ; else death is certain.' The 
 patient was a good soldier, and one of the best 
 shots in my company. I found him quite sensible 
 and glad to see me, but nothing could shake his 
 resolution. ' The Doctor wants me to drink brandy,' 
 he said ; ' 'tis against my caste, and I won't do it.' 
 Had stimulants been given disguised under some 
 other name than spirits, the man might not have 
 objected, but the Doctor could not stoop to folly 
 such as this. On my earnest warning that death 
 was inevitable unless he took the medicine, the 
 Sepoy replied, ' Sahib, I prefer to die rather than 
 live polluted,' and so he passed away.
 
 144 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF 
 MUTINY IN WESTERN INDIA. 
 
 TN December, 1856, I left Kutch for Bombay, 
 with the intention of retiring from a service in 
 which proofs of distinction by the local Govern- 
 ment became, under the Prociistes' bed application 
 of Horse Guard ideas, disqualification for promo- 
 tion. Under this system such men as Munro, 
 Malcolm, Outram, Lawrence, and numbers like 
 them, were singled out for supersession, unless they 
 had done three years' regimental duty as lieu- 
 tenant-colonels, or might have been fortunate 
 enough to escape this lot by a previous brevet. 
 To render the thing more absurd, exceptions were 
 made in favour of men who did no military duty 
 whatever worthy of the name, such as making 
 roads or barracks, or issuing stores ; while a
 
 Sir James Oiitram. 145 
 
 political officer, take Herbert Edwardes for instance, 
 had he been then a lieutenant-colonel, instead of a 
 simple lieutenant, commanding thousands of ir- 
 regular troops and fighting pitched battles, in 
 short, performing the highest duties of a general 
 officer, would have been liable to supersession. 
 
 Among the Bombay officers I stood next in the 
 line of lieutenant-colonels to Sir James Outram, 
 happily saved, together with my junior Sir Henry 
 Lawrence, from my fate by previous brevet, and I 
 was too high up in the general list to make any 
 regimental service effectual to accelerate promo- 
 tion. Sir James, on returning from England to 
 command the Persian expedition, found me out in 
 Bombay, and tempted me to accompany him by 
 the offer of a command. The history of this 
 successful campaign has yet to be written. Al- 
 though very similar to the Abyssinian affair, as 
 regards numbers and the necessity of having its 
 base of operations in Bombay, so that the very hay 
 for our horses was sent from thence, it had no 
 attraction for English eyes or newspapers ; no 
 special correspondent enlivened the public with 
 
 L
 
 146 Western India. 
 
 pictures coloured as they only can be on the spot 
 and at the time, albeit there was much to interest. 
 By the way, it was lucky for many a good soldier 
 we had to carry the said hay, for being compressed 
 in large bales nearly as hard as bricks it was in- 
 geniously employed as a rampart to all the trans- 
 ports on the side next the enemy as we steamed 
 up the Euphrates exposed to artillery and infantry 
 fire, whereby but few casualties occurred amongst 
 the men, though possibly some broken teeth 
 among the horses. I am afraid to say how many 
 bullets one bale alone was found to contain. 
 
 'Peace concluded, the force broke up, and the 
 major part returned to Bombay in May 1857, 
 where our first greeting was the news of the terri- 
 ble rising in the East, and the re-establishment of 
 the Great Mogul on his throne. Lord Elphinstone, 
 then Governor of Bombay, whose self-possession, 
 unselfishness and vigilance, from first to last, can- 
 not be too highly praised, sent off the European 
 portion of our force to the assistance of our breth- 
 ren in Bengal, for all seemed quiet in the West 
 But great uneasiness pervaded the public mind j
 
 Mutiny. 147 
 
 and from my intimate acquaintance with the native 
 character and state of general feeling, I feared that 
 similar causes might produce similar effects as 
 well in one part of India as in the other; for 
 though our native army was exempt from some 
 of the evils under which that of Bengal suffered, 
 yet too much had been done in the attempt to 
 Anglo-Saxonise the Sepoy ; too little attention 
 paid to the idiosyncrasies of the race, and the 
 control of their commanders too greatly weakened 
 to give us any real security, and I wrote in to 
 Government my reasons for fearing the spread 
 of the contagion. As events proved, the quiet was 
 but a calm before the storm which shortly after- 
 wards burst upon us. 
 
 During the night of July 31, the very middle of 
 the monsoon, the 2/th Native Infantry, stationed 
 at Kolapoor, rose in arms, and detailed parties to 
 attack their officers' bungalows. The native ad- 
 jutant, a Jew, and a Hindoo Havildar (Serjeant), 
 ran to give warning barely in time to permit the 
 ladies to fly from their houses before the Sepoys 
 came up, and poured volleys into them. Captain 
 L 2
 
 148 Western India. 
 
 M'Culloch and a few others endeavoured to rally 
 some of the corps around them, but only sham 
 assistance was given, and they were fortunate in 
 escaping with their lives. The Government 
 treasure-chest and bazaar were plundered, and riot 
 reigned supreme. Three officers who had escaped 
 into the country were shot and thrown into the 
 river ; the rest took refuge in the Residency, 'about 
 a mile from Camp, but near the lines of the Kola- 
 poor Local Infantry. This corps was commanded 
 by an excellent officer, beloved and respected by 
 his men, Captain John Schneider, now Colonel 
 and Judge Advocate General of the Bombay 
 Army. 
 
 Government alone by telegraph was acquainted 
 with this outbreak. But such had been the whis- 
 perings in the bazaars, and the rumours of sedition 
 from many quarters, that the European community 
 in Bombay had taken alarm, and numbers conveyed 
 their wives and children to the shipping in the 
 harbour. The civilians furnished volunteer horse 
 that patrolled the streets at night ; meetings were 
 held to discuss points of rendezvous and best modes
 
 Alarm in Bombay. 149 
 
 of defence ; everyone burnished up his weapons, 
 and there was a general feeling of distrust, not 
 lessened by the fact that, through the exertions of 
 Mr. Forjett, the excellent and energetic Superin- ^ 
 tendent of Police, some of the sepoys in garrison &U. h t 
 were found to be untrustworthy. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when, unconscious of 
 the reason, I received orders from the Commander- 
 in-chief, Sir Henry Somerset, to wait upon him 
 at Poona ; though still, nominally, Political Agent 
 in Kutch, the order placing me at His Excellency's 
 disposal for the Persian campaign had not been 
 cancelled. Whilst preparing to start, another letter 
 reached me, this time from the Governor, command- 
 ing my attendance at Parell ; where, on arrival, Lord 
 Elphinstone informed me of what had occurred at 
 Kolapoor, and that I had been sent for by the Chief 
 to receive the command of the troops in that quarter, 
 but that there were none to be depended on, except 
 perhaps the local regiments, which were under 
 civil authority ; he desired to unite all under one 
 head, and otherwise give me special political 
 authority to meet the exigencies of the situation ;
 
 150 Western India. 
 
 but before making up his mind what to do, as he 
 was very unwilling to supersede Colonel Maughan, 
 then Political Superintendent of Kolapoor, His 
 Excellency desired me to wait until he could 
 receive further information. I replied, that I 
 must immediately proceed to Poona, in obedience 
 to the orders of the Chief, who might be offended 
 at any delay on my part. The Governor answered, 
 that he would make matters right by explaining to 
 Sir Henry Somerset that he had kept me, and he 
 then and there telegraphed accordingly from his 
 own room. But no particulars arrived the next 
 day (Colonel Maughan, as it transpired afterwards, 
 distrusting the telegraph office), and the Governor 
 delayed no longer to commission me for the work. 
 My orders were brief and satisfactory. ' I am 
 aware,' said Lord Elphinstone, ' that in a crisis 
 like this a person on the spot ought to be the best 
 judge of any action that might be at once neces- 
 sary ; to wait for orders may allow events to be- 
 come too strong to master. I have confidence in 
 your judgment ; do your best to meet the present 
 emergency, and rely on my full support.'
 
 Misadventures. 151 
 
 The poets of old would have said the gods had 
 descended to delay my progress to Poona, for I 
 met with nothing but misadventures throughout 
 the journey. First, my carriage broke down en 
 route to the railway station, and I thereby lost the 
 night train. The rail was then completed only to 
 the foot of the Ghats, and trains ran but twice a 
 day. The next morning I reached the Ghats, and 
 there all manner of impediments occurred in 
 getting up. On arriving at the top, not a horse or 
 vehicle was to be procured till the afternoon, when 
 I once more made a start, only to be brought up 
 in the middle of a dark rainy night by one of the 
 horses falling and lying as dead for a considerable 
 time, the carriage half overturned, so that I reached 
 Poona the day after I was expected, and found 
 the Adjutant-General gone, and the Chief impa- 
 tiently awaiting my arrival. 
 
 I rather thought that the Governor had not 
 entirely made things smooth for me ; but be that 
 as it may, the Chief gave me every authority in his 
 power to confer, said that a troop of horse artillery 
 and of dragoons waited for me at Satara to be my
 
 152 Western India. 
 
 escort to Kolapoor, and cautioned me against pro- 
 ceeding without sufficient guard, lest a similar fate 
 should befall me to that of Colonel Ovans, 1 and 
 finally ordered me to report direct to head-quarters. 
 It was clear that Sir Henry Somerset had no 
 intention of being caught napping, for I found 
 quite a detachment of European soldiers at his door- 
 way, and everything in Poona betokened extreme 
 vigilance and caution. Through the delay caused 
 by the accidents of my journey, I was just too late 
 to take advantage for further progress of horses 
 laid on the Satara road to bring off the Rajas. 2 
 While waiting for a fresh relay I received from Mr. 
 Bettington, Commissioner of Police, proofs of corre- 
 spondence between the Arch-Moolvee conspirator 
 at Poona, the Wahabee high priest and disciples in 
 
 1 Colonel Ovans was deputed from Satara to Kolapoor, in the 
 insurrection of 1844-45. The circumstances of his capture were 
 curious, though for the time critical. The relays of bearers posted 
 for him were carried off by the rebels, and others substituted for 
 them, who, acting to all appearance as his own people, carried him 
 in the dead of night to the neighbouring Fort of Punalla, where he 
 narrowly escaped the bursting of our bomb-shells when we after- 
 wards took the place. 
 
 2 Adopted sons of the ex- and of the lately deceased Rajas of 
 Satara.
 
 Monsoon Difficulties. 153 
 
 the Southern Mahratta Country, some of whom 
 were in the 27th Regiment, Native Infantry, at 
 Kolapoor. 
 
 Ill fortune continued to pursue me on my way 
 to Satara ; my carriage twice came to grief, once 
 in a nulla, where the stream poured into it. It 
 was night and raining hard, and my last relay of 
 horses became so dead beat as not to be able to 
 go faster than a mile or two an hour. On arrival 
 I found good news had just been received by 
 telegraph from Kolapoor of the defeat of a party 
 of the mutineers, and that affairs wore a less 
 gloomy appearance. There was no road from 
 Satara to Kolapoor beyond the ordinary fair- 
 weather track, and black soil nearly the whole way 
 in which during the monsoon horses frequently 
 sank to their girths, and carriage-wheels to the 
 axles ; besides which there were several large 
 rivers and minor streams now of course unfordable, 
 and all unbridged. 
 
 Time being everything, I pushed on two guns 
 with double allowance of men and horses, leaving 
 the remainder to await return of means of transport ;
 
 154 Western India. 
 
 the dragoons I did not take, partly owing to the 
 difficulty of the march for heavily-mounted men, 
 and partly from the conviction that whatever work 
 I had to do would be done before they could join 
 me, as I pushed on myself with a few men of the 
 Southern Mahratta Horse, 1 and reached Kolapoor 
 just before midnight, August 14, putting up at the 
 hospitable residence of the Political Superintendent, 
 Colonel Maughan, where during the crisis the Euro- 
 pean community had been sheltered. 
 
 All was dark as to the origin and extent of the 
 conspiracy. Colonel Maughan knew only that 
 traitorous correspondence had been going on 
 between the regiment and the town, and with 
 Belgaum, and intercepted letters showed proceed- 
 ings in the latter place of formidable and extensive 
 character, but the evidence reached no nearer than 
 to secondary parties and go-betweens. 
 
 For two days I was employed examining, indi- 
 vidually and collectively, every officer, European 
 
 1 A capital body of light horsemen, a detachment of which had 
 just distinguished itself greatly in a march under command of 
 Lieut. Kerr, made without halting from Satara to Kolapoor, a 
 distance of seventy miles.
 
 First Brush with the Mutineers. 155 
 
 and Native, of the Regiment, and others, without 
 obtaining any clue to the causes of discontent, or 
 explanation of the extraordinary conduct of the 
 men ; not one would or could admit the existence 
 of any grievance, or assign any reason for the out- 
 break. It appeared that the night of the mutiny, 
 July 31, after plundering ad lib. at the station, 
 the greater portion of the regiment proceeded to 
 the town, expecting to be taken in, but Colonel 
 Maughan had secured the closing of the gates 
 before their arrival, and whatever may have been 
 the understanding that took them thither, it had 
 not been sufficient to procure a movement in their 
 favour inside, whereupon two hundred odd took up 
 their quarters in the Paga,a small outwork adjoining 
 the town, where the Raja's horses, menagerie, &c., 
 were kept, and the remainder returned to their lines. 
 Colonel Maughan, with the Kolapoor Local Infantry 
 only, there being no other force at the station, 
 marched against them, but was received by a volley 
 of musketry, and found the position too strong to 
 assail with any chance of success with untried 
 soldiers and no artillery. He himself was slightly
 
 156 Western India. 
 
 wounded, and, all things considered, was fully 
 justified in retiring. 
 
 The next day the mutineers left the Paga, and 
 marched off, apparently to join their comrades at 
 Rutnagherry, but on descending the Ghats they 
 found the road blocked by the landing of European 
 soldiers sent by sea from Bombay. This had been 
 done for the first time I believe in Indian history, 
 as it was previously considered a thing impossible 
 to land on that coast during the height of the mon- 
 soon, Bombay and Goa being, during that season, 
 the only ports available. 1 Checked in this way, the 
 greater number of the mutineers, under command 
 of a Sawunt Waree leader, one Ramjee Sirsat, 
 betook themselves to the Waree jungles, where the 
 insurgents in 1844-45 had given such trouble, and 
 about forty, all Purdesees (Hindostan men), re- 
 turned to Kolapoor, and reoccupied the Paga. 
 Here they were attacked, August 10, by volunteers 
 from their own regiment, Lieutenant Kerr's detach- 
 
 1 The services of the Indian Navy during the rebellion are beyond 
 praise. They deserved a better reward than its abolition after the 
 danger had passed away. The good of India seems to have been 
 little consulted in this measure.
 
 The Paga Stormed. 157 
 
 ment of S. M. Horse, whose splendid march I 
 have alluded to, some of the artillery borrowed 
 from the town, nearly useless, and some of the 
 Local Corps, all under Major Holland, the Com- 
 manding Officer of the 2/th. The balls, being 
 much too small for the cannon, hit anywhere except 
 the point aimed at, but a private entrance having 
 been pointed out to Lieutenant Kerr, 1 he got in 
 unperceived till he reached the interior buildings, 
 where a desperate conflict ensued ; Lieutenant 
 Innes, with a party of the 5/th, at the same time 
 taking the mutineers in the rear, the whole number 
 were either killed or taken prisoners, fighting to 
 the last, only a few surviving, and those almost all 
 wounded. This affair had, I found, restored some 
 degree of confidence in the mutinous regiment, 
 and the officers had returned to their houses. I 
 was sorely puzzled to account for the mutiny at 
 all, since no cause could be discovered, but the very 
 concealment on the part of the whole regiment 
 bore a suspicious aspect, for such an outbreak 
 
 1 Lieut. Kerr afterwards received the V. C., and Lieut. Innes 
 a staff appointment, for their services on this occasion.
 
 158 Western India. 
 
 could not have occurred without some preliminary 
 movements and exciting causes ; and that the 
 mutineers should so long have hugged the town 
 showed expectation of support therefrom ; why 
 none was given was a mystery not solved for some 
 months afterwards. 
 
 To enable the reader to understand the position 
 of affairs, it is necessary to give a brief abstract of 
 the previous history of Kolapoor. This State and 
 the adjoining one of Satara were bequeathed by 
 Siwajee, founder of the Mahratta empire, to his 
 two sons, the younger receiving Kolapoor. The 
 discussions in England that followed the displace- 
 ment of the then Raja of Satara in favour of a 
 younger brother must be generally known ; and 
 the wakeel of the former, Rungo Bapoojee by 
 name, may be remembered as advocating in 
 London for some years his master's claims. -On 
 the decease of the younger brother we took posses- 
 sion, refusing to recognise the adopted son of either 
 prince, and thereby uniting against us the supporters 
 of both ; of which Rungo Bapoojee took advantage, 
 and in conjunction with Nana Sahib became a
 
 Rungo Bapoojee. 159 
 
 leading conspirator in 1857-58. The conspiracies 
 in Western India first came to light at Satara 
 through the exertions of Mr. Rose and his able 
 Assistants, and were there nipped in the bud by 
 the deportation of the two princes before alluded 
 to, and the execution of sundry conspirators ; one, 
 a son of Rungo Bapoojee, was seized in Kolapoor, 
 sent to Satara, and there tried and executed. 
 Although a reward was offered for the apprehen- 
 sion of his father, he disappeared and has never 
 since been heard of. 
 
 To return to Kolapoor. The Raja who died in 
 1842, left two sons, both children, one a few days 
 older than the other ; whereupon our Government 
 assumed the management, appointing a native 
 employe as minister, who was to act under the 
 control of the Political Agent at Belgaum. Both 
 sons, perhaps on the ' divide et impera ' principle, 
 were treated alike, and we seized the opportunity 
 to introduce such reforms into the State as were 
 advantageous to our own interests if not to it, but 
 on this point opinions might naturally differ. The 
 Durbar disliked our abolition of the old hereditary
 
 160 Western India. 
 
 garrisons of their forts, of which they had many 
 
 very strong ones. These garrisons were composed 
 
 of a class of men called Gudkurres (lit. fort keepers), 
 
 established by the great Siwajee. All the lands 
 
 surrounding the forts were held by them on tenure 
 
 of service therein. Our measures on that occasion 
 
 had led to the insurrection of 1844-45, which took 
 
 a force of upwards of ten thousand men nine 
 
 months to quell above and below the Ghats, where 
 
 the Sawunt Waree people joined in the rebellion. 
 
 It ended in the appointment of a separate Political 
 
 Superintendent at Kolapoor over our native minister, 
 
 and the deportation of the dowager Ranee, who was 
 
 believed to have fomented the intrigues. The 
 
 whole of the expenses incurred in suppressing this 
 
 outbreak were charged to the Kolapoor and Sawunt 
 
 Waree States, in the proportion of two-thirds to 
 
 the one, and one-third to the other, with five per 
 
 cent, interest until repaid ; and as under our more 
 
 expensive system of management, repayment in 
 
 either case appeared nearly hopeless, the conviction 
 
 gained ground that native rule was never to be
 
 Disaffection Getter al. 1-61 
 
 restored, 1 and as a consequence all adherents of 
 native dynasties naturally favoured the intrigues of 
 the time, 
 
 I was fully conscious of the state of public 
 feeling, but all my efforts to pierce beneath the 
 surface failed, so true were all to each other ; and 
 there was little but suspicion and conjecture to go 
 on ; but the- reports of the various agents I em- 
 ployed, of different classes unknown to each other, 
 convinced me, more by the little I could ascertain, 
 than from what was actually said, that we could 
 thoroughly depend on none, for disaffection was 
 general." In the former rebellion I had been 
 
 o 
 
 placed in charge of the Sawunt Waree district, six 
 years' residence in which gave me some influence 
 over its people, and rendered the politics of this 
 part of India not altogether new to me, and I had 
 hoped to have sounded the depth of the present 
 outbreak through those whose confidence I had 
 
 1 On the marriage of the elder Raja with the daughter of the 
 Gaekwar, the latter is reported to have endeavoured to secure the 
 restoration of power to his son-in-law, by offering to guarantee pay- 
 ment of the debt. I am not aware of the reasons given for our 
 refusal, but it convinced the K,olapoor family of the hopelessness of 
 their case. 
 
 M
 
 1 62 Western India. 
 
 then gained, one of whom, a leading Sirdar, was 
 connected by marriage with the Kolapoor Durbar. 
 Kolapoor is the principal State of the Southern 
 Mahratta country. It has a population not far 
 short of a million, and a net revenue of about ten 
 lakhs, with as much more of alienated lands, jageers, 
 &c. Numerous other smaller States remained under 
 the control of the Political Agent at Belgaum, my 
 authority being limited to Kolapoor and Sawunt 
 Waree, with command of all the troops, regular 
 and irregular, there and at Rutnagherry, 
 
 My force in Europeans and in artillery was far 
 too weak to authorise more than the most circum- 
 spect action, watching events and endeavouring to 
 ascertain the real cause of the mutiny. Three 
 days after my own arrival, the two horse-artillery 
 guns came in, and about a hundred of the 2nd 
 European Regiment from the coast : such a spec- 
 tacle it was painful to see. The men had marched 
 through deep mud and torrents of rain, across 
 swollen streams, and such of their kit as they had 
 managed to bring was ruined. The horse artillery, 
 coming by the upper road, arrived in better con- 
 dition. A body of workmen had been employed
 
 Double Dealing. 163 
 
 under an engineer officer in laying down branches 
 of trees where the mud was deepest, to prevent the 
 wheels sinking so far, and otherwise facilitating 
 their progress. 
 
 Owing to the general complicity of the regiment 
 the night of the outbreak, and the impossibility 
 experienced by the officers of finding any help in 
 their efforts to restore order, I felt it impossible to 
 draw a line between the different shades of crimi- 
 nality, or, if innocent, of cowardice, in the body. 
 Without entering into my reasons for rejecting as 
 a criterion the assistance rendered in attacking 
 their comrades in the Paga, it will be enough to 
 say here what was subsequently proved, that some 
 of the foremost on that occasion were amongst the 
 worst of the mutineers. One fact shall be men- 
 tioned to show the difficulty of dealing with such 
 a people. Only four or five days after the out- 
 break, a Subadar (native captain) had made himself 
 conspicuous by seizing a messenger from the town, 
 who came to him on the part of a person of some 
 note residing there, a Mohammedan gentleman 
 late from Baroda, with a message of enquiry as 
 M 2
 
 164 Western India. 
 
 to mutual co-operation, and promise of support. 
 This emissary was at once tried, convicted, and 
 executed ; yet this very subadar was afterwards 
 proved to have been one of the leaders of the mu- 
 tiny, and, after long and careful trial, was con- 
 demned and executed. 
 
 The difficulty of sifting the innocent from the 
 guilty, and the danger of lending too ready an ear 
 to plausible accusations, cannot be better shown 
 than by an incident that occurred during my 
 investigations. 
 
 The daughter of the Gaekwar coming from 
 Baroda to join her husband, with a considerable 
 retinue, had passed through Poona on her way to 
 Kolapoor. Just before she arrived at the latter 
 place, Mr. Rose, the magistrate of Satara, sent me 
 word that he had received information inducing 
 him to believe that the Ranee's party had held 
 interviews with suspected persons at Poona, and 
 had been intrusted with a communication to co- 
 conspirators in Kolapoor which I should do well 
 to intercept. I took measures accordingly, and 
 my trusted aide, Captain John Schneider, observed
 
 A Clever Ruse. 165 
 
 a man on finding himself caught putting some- 
 thing in his mouth which he endeavoured hastily 
 to swallow. He was at once seized, and a partly- 
 chewed paper drawn from his throat, which proved 
 to be a letter of a highly treasonable character 
 from certain parties at Poona to the confidential 
 attendant of the Ranee's husband, the elder Raja. 
 
 The bearer would only admit that he had been 
 asked to deliver the letter, and that he had at- 
 tempted to swallow it, fearing it might possibly 
 bring him into trouble. Of course all those so 
 implicated were secured, for at such a time an 
 event of this kind afforded strong presumption of 
 guilt ; but the result of a most searching enquiry 
 proved that they were innocent, and that the whole 
 thing was a ruse to throw me off the scent, and 
 perhaps to injure some whose friendliness to the 
 rebel cause was suspected. 
 
 It was a serious question whether or not, with so 
 few Europeans present, to disarm the regiment 
 without delay. On one hand was the danger of 
 the men rising to attack us before our force ga- 
 thered strength, or of marching away with their
 
 1 66 Western India. 
 
 arms, as so many had already done ; also the 
 danger of allowing them time to brood over what 
 might follow on our strength increasing, rein- 
 forcements being always magnified by native 
 rumour. On the other hand, if I disarmed at 
 once, lay the risk of our small number tempting 
 them to resist, and I had no means then of know- 
 ing what dependence might be placed on the 
 Local Corps. It was a balance of risks and of pro- 
 babilities, and on the whole it appeared to me 
 advisable at once to disarm, notwithstanding the 
 warnings from Lord Elphinstone to be cautious 
 and wait for strength. 
 
 My force consisted of two guns, horse artillery, 
 two howitzers, mountain train, twenty-five men, 
 under Captain (now Colonel) Sealy ; about ninety 
 men, 2nd European Light Infantry, under Colonel 
 Guerin ; one hundred and eighty S. M. Horse, 
 under Lieut. Kerr, and about three hundred and 
 fifty Kolapoor Local Infantry, commanded by 
 Captain John Schneider; amply sufficient if the 
 native portion proved faithful. 
 
 On the day for the disarming parade, August 18,
 
 Disa rm ing Pa radr.. 167 
 
 I drew up the Europeans with the Kolapoor Local 
 Corps in one line, loaded the guns with grape and 
 canister, and at a right angle to these the S. 
 M. Horse ; in the space thus commanded, the 
 mutinous regiment was formed in quarter-distance 
 column. Calling Commanders to the front, I told 
 them that I should address the Regiment in words 
 that I trusted would come home to their hearts, 
 and that I had every hope no resistance would 
 be attempted to the deprivation of their arms ; but 
 that, should I be disappointed, I would give the 
 sound by bugle, when they were to direct one 
 round from each gun, and one volley from each 
 corps, taking w T hat care they might to avoid 
 shooting the European Officers of the 27th, and my 
 staff as we retired upon them. The cavalry were 
 then to sweep along the whole front of the line, 
 and 'You, Lieutenant Kerr/ I added, addressing 
 him, ' will, I know, leave little for the Judge Ad- 
 vocate to do, for an example will be specially 
 necessary, this being the first Regiment of our 
 army that has caught the contagion from their 
 treacherous brethren in Bengal.' - .
 
 1 68 Western India. 
 
 It was an anxious moment, for hundreds of these 
 men of the 2/th knew they were standing with 
 halterS round their necks, and the boldest spirits 
 among them might have been tempted to make a 
 struggle for life before they were quite at my 
 mercy. I then addressed them, appealing to every 
 motive that could lead them to reproach them- 
 selves for, and regret their conduct, at the same 
 time giving them assurance that none would be 
 punished but those on whom guilt might be proved 
 after fair trial. 
 
 ' It must be evident to you,' I continued, ' that 
 Government cannot trust with arms a body of 
 their soldiers who, on a mutinous explosion in the 
 regiment, failed to support their Officers, allowed 
 the public treasure-chest in their charge to be 
 broken open and its contents carried off, the shops 
 in the bazaar plundered, not only without any 
 attempt at resistance, but as yet without a single 
 individual coming forward to say by whom all this 
 was done ; nor have any of you given me the 
 slightest clue to the cause of the mutiny, nor 
 mentioned any grievance that accounts for it. The
 
 Address to Troops. 169 
 
 wheat, therefore, must be separated from the chaff 
 by strict enquiry, if wheat there be, before confidence 
 can be regained and the arms restored. But, as 
 many of you have shown fidelity during the late 
 attack on the Paga, I am willing to hope the best, 
 and will not therefore disgrace all by depriving you 
 of military symbols ; until further orders the ramrod 
 may be used at parade and oh guard instead of the 
 musket, and the native officers may retain their 
 swords. The regiment will attend parades and do 
 other duty as may be directed.' 
 
 Before I had finished speaking I observed tears 
 on the faces of some of the front rank close to me. 
 These native soldiers are but children of a larger 
 growth. The order was then given to pile arms, 
 obedience to which was the crucial part of the 
 proceedings ; that once done, all was safe. -After a 
 slight but ominous pause they obeyed, and the 
 column being filed off to the flank, all danger was 
 over. The arms were then taken possession of, 
 and parties detached to disarm the several guards, 
 and to search the mens' lines for anything sus- 
 picious there might be, a Native Officer of the 27th
 
 i 70 Western India. 
 
 accompanying each party to see that due respect 
 was paid to families. Of course it was not to be 
 expected, with so many days given for concealment, 
 that anything important would be found ; the few 
 in whose huts suspicious articles were discovered 
 were taken into custody, and the remainder, when 
 all was over, marched back to their lines. Courts- 
 martial, European and Native, were told off for the 
 trial of such prisoners as were forthcoming under 
 the new law just passed (Act 14 of 1857), empower- 
 ing commanders of stations and forces to convene 
 such and carry out their sentences, whether of life 
 or death, at discretion. 
 
 To show the difficulties met with in these trials 
 I give the case of one individual. In, the general 
 spoliation that took place the night of the mutiny, 
 a goldsmith in the bazaar recognised one of those 
 who broke into his house, from having had previous 
 dealings with him, and the man was therefore 
 secured and tried for mutiny as the graver offence. 
 The native court-martial acquitted him of this 
 charge on evidence of alibi, but as the goldsmith 
 continued positive, and previous intercourse ren-
 
 Untrustworthy Evidence. 1 7 1 
 
 dered it most unlikely that he was mistaken, this, 
 with other circumstances, led me shortly after to 
 try the prisoner again before an European court- 
 martial, on a charge of burglary, when he was 
 again acquitted, the bazaar guard of the night 
 swearing to his being present with them the whole 
 time, and never having left the guard-house. Ulti- 
 mately he was discharged when the regiment was 
 disbanded, and on the preparation of the lines for 
 their successors of the i$th N.I., the goldsmith's 
 valuables were found buried under the suspected 
 man's fireplace. There was no doubt that that 
 part of the guard's evidence was true, wherein they 
 stated that he had never left them, for they were 
 all engaged plundering together, but no evidence 
 to convict them could be obtained. 
 
 The 27th being retained on the Roster for duty, 
 its Native Officers sat with those of the other corps 
 on the courts, and as enquiry went slowly forward, 
 and the truth came gradually to light, many who 
 had sat in judgment and condemned their fellows, 
 were themselves tried, convicted, and executed. 
 Of course there was no difficulty in proving the
 
 i '/ 2 Western India. 
 
 guilt of those made prisoners in the attack on the 
 Paga. Altogether twenty-one on the day follow- 
 ing the disarmament were convicted, and the whole 
 of the troops assembled that same afternoon to 
 carry out the sentences ; four of the Raja's guns 
 being borrowed for the purpose. 
 
 I will not enter into the details of this terrible 
 scene. Eight were blown from guns, two hung, 
 and eleven shot by musketry. 1 All met death 
 
 1 The painful nature of this part of the tragedy was heightened 
 by an incident that shows the routine character of our departmental 
 systems. 
 
 Of the unhappy victims of retribution sentenced to die by mus- 
 ketry, some after the first volley were untouched, whilst others 
 remained writhing at their stakes more or less wounded. The 
 cartridges furnished to the Europeans proved to be the same that I 
 had protested against when endeavouring to arm the Light Battalion 
 with EnfieWs for the Persian campaign. 
 
 I had received permission to select a hundred, and on visiting the 
 Grand Arsenal for the purpose, found numbers of men making up 
 cartridges for them with the iron cup that experience in Europe 
 had condemned. On pointing this out to the Principal Commissary 
 of Ordnance, he replied that he knew nothing of the experiments 
 that had led to the rejection of the cup at home ; that if true, it was 
 a matter for others to see to ; his business was to use the cup since it 
 had been sent out from -England for the .new cartridges, and if I 
 disliked them I had better. get the head of the Military Board to 
 interfere. To him accordingly I went, and was then answered, ' I 
 have read of the experiments you allude to, but nothing has come 
 before me officially on the subject, therefore I can take no action to 
 prevent the cartridges from being made up with the cup.' I then
 
 
 Execution Parade. 173 
 
 with fortitude, refusing to purchase life by betray- 
 ing their common secret. One man badly wounded, 
 and brought in a litter to the ground, shook off the 
 artillerymen who were lifting him to, the gun, burst 
 his bandages, and walked forward with an air of 
 proud defiance. I felt great compassion for him, 
 and, as I passed along the Hne, stopped and told 
 him how it grieved me to see so fine a soldier in 
 this miserable condition. ' But you must know,' I 
 said, 'that you have been faithless to your salt, 
 and brought on yourself a just punishment. You 
 cannot have so acted without some strong motive, 
 and in obedience to some one or more in higher 
 position, who have misled you. Only promise to 
 tell the whole truth, and you shall be at once un- 
 tied from the gun and your life spared.' 
 
 wrote to the Adjutant-General of the army, describing the mischief 
 going forward, and received the reply that the subject would be at- 
 tended to. I had suddenly to embark for the Gulf of Persia without 
 my Enfields, and now, so long afterwards, it appeared that these very 
 cup cartridges had just been served out in Bombay to our European 
 soldiery sent on a dangerous service, where they might have been 
 as units to hundreds. This first day of trial, the lead of several 
 remained in the barrels, the cup blowing through, hitting or missing 
 the condemned. Of course the march in that severe weather had 
 increased the inefficiency of the firing parties from dampness of 
 powder and caps. 

 
 1 74 Western India. 
 
 He looked at me with a scowl and smile mingled, 
 and answered, ' What I have done I have done,' 
 then turned his head away, and remained silent. 
 
 Fifty-one men thus met their death at different 
 periods as the trials went on, before a Sepoy, as I 
 passed down the line of guns on September 9,' 
 replied, in answer to my appeal, ' I only obeyed 
 the orders of Subadar Daood Beg.' He was 
 immediately untied and ordered to be strictly 
 confined, and kept from communication with 
 anyone. 
 
 Thus was the first dawn of light thrown upon 
 the conspiracy in the regiment. The man did not 
 know much, but his evidence showed that the 
 ferment of mutiny had been brewing long, that 
 more or less of the Native Officers were implicated, 
 besides the one named, that many were in constant 
 correspondence with Bengal, and that it was under- 
 stood among the men that the obnoxious cartridge 
 
 1 The day before this parade, the road vi& Satara to Bombay being 
 now thought safe, the ladies took flight with a small escort. Mrs. 
 John Schneider alone remained with her husband, as much from 
 inherent courage, displayed throughout this trying period, as from 
 confidence in the fidelity of his corps.
 
 The Greased Cartridge. 
 
 /O 
 
 was to be issued to them. A detail from the 
 corps had been sent, in common with many others, 
 to the School of Musketry at Poona, to learn the 
 new drill, whence one of them wrote that ' they had 
 bitten the fatal cartridge,' and asked what was to 
 be their fate ! This became a subject of anxious 
 conversation in the regiment. The Subadar-major, 
 an old veteran entitled to his pension, on being 
 questioned about it by a Sepoy, replied with a 
 shrug, ' What can be done ? there is no contending 
 against fate ; and you know it has been predicted 
 we are all to become of one caste ! ' Nothing- 
 
 O 
 
 afterwards transpired to implicate him in the con- 
 spiracy further than the fact of his keeping his 
 European Officers in ignorance of the feeling of the 
 regiment. As another illustration of this feeling, 
 worked up by seditious intriguers, I give the case 
 of a deserter from the 2/th on the night of the 
 mutiny, who was subsequently caught in his own 
 village. On being questioned as to the reason of 
 his not joining his officers, he replied, ' Where was 
 I to go ? All the world said the English Raj had 
 come to an end, and so, being a quiet man, I
 
 176 Western India. 
 
 thought the best place to take refuge in was my 
 own home.' 
 
 I could not proceed to trial on the unsupported 
 evidence of an accomplice, yet I felt justified in 
 making prisoners of Subadar Daood Beg, and a 
 few others prominently named ; and some time 
 elapsed before the confessions of one prisoner after 
 another gave me further stepping-stones towards 
 unravelling the mystery. Whenever this happened, 
 the parties were kept completely separated, so as 
 to admit of no possibility of intercommunication, 
 and the confessions being thus made, agreement 
 as to facts and persons became of the nature of 
 judicial proof. 
 
 It was not till after events yet to be related that 
 I found out how it was that the regiment had been 
 deceived in its hopes of admission into the town 
 on the night of the mutiny. The plan of the joint 
 conspirators had been to rise on the loth of 
 August, and that day was therefore given out as 
 the one on which the new cartridge was to be 
 issued. 1 But the native adjutant, a Jew, was dis- 
 
 1 One of the leading mutineers was the Quarter-master Havildar^ 
 who, being in charge of the arms and ammunition in store, knew
 
 The Mine sprung prematurely. 1 77 
 
 trusted in the regiment, and when, on July 31, 
 it was discovered that he was sending away 
 his family, whose presence was regarded as a 
 security for his fidelity, if not for his co-operation, 
 it was taken as a sign that he was about to betray 
 them. After dusk that evening, some of the 
 leaders held a council, whereat an additional motive 
 for prompt action was brought forward, for, through 
 a native employe" in the telegraph office, it had 
 leaked out that European soldiers were being sent 
 from Bombay It was decided to rise at once, but 
 this having been done without concert with the 
 town, our chief functionary there had been able to 
 keep the gates closed. 
 
 well that not a single rifle or cartridge was at the station, or even 
 expected, hereby proving that the dread of this new caste-destroyer 
 was made use of by the prime movers of the great revolt as a 
 fulcrum for their lever. 
 
 given 
 
 "Kayes <ksd\M^rjtt}iasptuS) i-shecl abook " 
 ovJmiiA .sofiilL 
 
 "here refcrreoLte Me >VR then I
 
 178 Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF REBELLION. 
 
 '"THHE state of the country meanwhile grew 
 more unsettled. Vague rumours reached 
 me of intended risings, but none could be traced 
 to rest on any sufficient foundation, beyond the 
 fact that there was a Common sense of coming 
 disturbance. 
 
 The cause that led the mutinous regiment to 
 expect help from the town, and to cling to it so 
 pertinaciously, yet remained unsolved. None of 
 the Political Agent's establishment, up to the 
 minister residing therein, who had closed the gates 
 the night of the mutiny, seemed conscious of any- 
 thing wrong on the part of the Durbar, or in the 
 country. 
 
 All that could be done was to watch and wait. 
 By the end of October the uneasiness was reported
 
 The Raja 's Visit. 1 79 
 
 by my scouts to have become so general that I felt 
 it right for the whole force to sleep under arms, the 
 unarmed 2/th regiment to be diligently watched, 
 and all things to be in preparation to turn out, 
 especially after nightfall, at a moment's notice. 
 On November I5th the elder Raja called on the 
 Political Agent to acquaint him that he had heard 
 of an intention to attack our camp ; but, as he 
 stated this on mere rumour, not knowing if it were 
 true, nor giving any clue to trace its origin, he was 
 only bringing coals to Newcastle. Had his bro- 
 ther been our informant, I should at once have 
 suspected a ruse, but the elder prince was indolent, 
 quiet, and inoffensive, not likely to join in, or 
 perhaps be trusted in any intrigue. The younger 
 brother, Chimma Sahib, on the contrary, was a 
 man of energy, a true descendant of Siwaji, and 
 highly popular in the country. 
 
 I took, the precaution of increasing my patrols 
 and picquets, and ordering certain sentries to 
 mount loaded. Happily the European force had 
 been somewhat increased both from Belgaum 
 and Rutnagerry. So matters remained until De- 
 
 N 2
 
 l8o Western India. 
 
 cember 4. That afternoon, as I was sitting facing 
 the entrance doorway, I observed a young man 
 expostulating with the peon in waiting outside, 
 and finding he wished to speak to me, directed his 
 admission. On entering, he threw himself at my 
 feet, saying : ' Sir, I have something to communi- 
 cate to you in private.' As he was unarmed, and 
 I liked the expression of his face, I took him apart, 
 when he informed me that he had just left a body 
 of insurgents, who had secretly gathered, to the 
 number of five hundred, in the jungle of a village ten 
 miles off; that he understood their purpose was to 
 attack my camp ; that he had left them on the plea 
 of obtaining his parents' permission to join them ; 
 accordingly he said, ' I have come to you, as the 
 Sirkar is my ma-bap ' (literally, Government is my 
 mother and father). I laughed, and replied, 
 ' Surely the people are not such fools as to beard 
 the lion in his den.' ' It 's no laughing matter, 
 Sahib,' he answered, ' what I say is true.' Further 
 conversation convinced me he was in earnest ; I 
 therefore persuaded him to go back with a couple 
 of my scouts, whom he could pass off as volunteers
 
 Midnight Alarm. 181 
 
 joining with himself ; these were directed to return 
 with all the information they could acquire. 
 
 The next day all three reappeared, confirming 
 the intelligence ; but as the name of the leader 
 or leaders had remained concealed, they were sent 
 back at once if possible to obtain it. They had 
 found the insurgents in scattered groups concealed 
 amongst the trees, their supplies being furnished 
 from the neighbouring village, but none would 
 say who had brought them together. 
 
 In the extreme uncertainty of the real feeling of 
 the native soldiery, and of the whole country, and 
 with much reason to suspect both, I had from the 
 first thought it best to show no distrust, and there- 
 fore employed no guard during the day, and for 
 night only a small party from the Local Infantry, 
 for one sentry in the front of the house, and some 
 half-dozen of the Durbar men for another in the 
 rear ; but I slept with a battery of small arms 
 under my pillow and around my head. That same 
 night, or rather about 2 A.M., I was aroused by the 
 near clatter of horses' feet. Pistols in belt, I rushed 
 to the doorway, and found that it was the Rissaldar
 
 1 82 Western India. 
 
 in command of the S. M. Horse, who informed me 
 that his picquets had brought word of suspicious 
 cries in the town, and that no reply was given 
 from a gateway guard when challenged ; he had 
 therefore at once made his men fall in, and brought 
 them to me for orders. I directed him to sweep 
 round the town, sound all the gates, ending with 
 the main one on the road leading to the camp, 
 where I should be found collecting the troops, and 
 would expect his report. If he could gain admit- 
 tance, he was to hold one entrance. 
 
 This man, Rehman Khan, was a fine old warrior, 
 who, when a lad, had fought on our side in 1817-18 
 against the Peishwa. He was a born cavalry 
 soldier. On Lieutenant Kerr's departure with a 
 hundred men of the S. M. Horse to watch the 
 frontier of the Nizam's dominions, where trouble 
 was apprehended, he became senior officer, and 
 proved very efficient 
 
 Sending tidings of what had occurred to the 
 Civil Lines, and orders as to the movement of the 
 Local Corps, I galloped into camp, and sounded 
 the alarm.
 
 Kolapoor held by Rebels. 183 
 
 To provide for the worst, I had long before 
 prepared a place of rendezvous at a quadrangular 
 building used originally for the gun bullocks, &c. 
 of the artillery. This I had loopholed and tra- 
 versed, so that anything but an artillery attack 
 might be resisted, and here all non-combatants 
 were to assemble for protection when the alarm 
 sounded. Until I received the Rissaldar's report, 
 I could form no plan of operations, but I had not 
 to wait long before a message was sent that he had 
 sounded every gateway and been denied access, 
 but had not been fired upon that the place was 
 apparently in hostile possession, and that he had 
 taken up his position between the camp and town, 
 in front of the main gateway, as ordered. As 
 every gate had thus fallen into the enemy's hands 
 without opposition for not a shot had been heard 
 it was evident that the armed force of the town 
 were either themselves rebels, or in league with 
 them. That this could be without connivance of 
 the Durbar seemed most improbable, and I there- 
 fore drew the inference that the rebel gathering 
 outside had intended an attack on my camp,
 
 184 Western India. 
 
 at the same time that their friends rose in the 
 town, so that my attention being distracted, 
 the town folk might have time to arrange 
 their plans. 
 
 Kolapoor was a fortified city, so strong that 
 whenever, in former years, we had occasion to 
 threaten it, a force of many thousand men with a 
 siege train always took the field; the gateways 
 were especially formidable, offering to assailants 
 a fire in front, flank, and rear. With my little 
 force, not two hundred Europeans of all ranks, 
 my only chance of success was to take it by 
 surprise. 
 
 To wait for the threatened attack would have 
 been to shut out this chance. As a choice of evils, 
 therefore, I gave up, for the time, the protection 
 of the cantonments, the rendezvous excepted, for 
 the defence of which I left a trusty non-commis- 
 sioned officer of the 2nd Europeans with twenty 
 men, and orders to defend his post to the last 
 extremity. Mrs. Guerin, who had recently joined 
 her husband, came to take shelter here just as 
 I was leaving, and hearing my instructions,
 
 Preparations for Re-capture. 185 
 
 cried to me, ' I can trust our men we will never 
 surrender!' 
 
 Mrs. Schneider, also confiding in her husband's 
 corps, took shelter with the family of the senior 
 native officer. 
 
 With the rendezvous safe, nothing more was 
 to be feared than loss from destruction of property, 
 and danger from the effect of this upon the country ; 
 but an opportunity of securing the town once lost, 
 ' months might elapse before sufficient force could 
 be assembled to regain it, and meanwhile its being 
 in possession of the rebels might tempt them every- 
 where to rise. The great difficulty was how to 
 deal with the 2/th N. L, whom I could not take 
 with me, and did not like to leave behind. Doubt- 
 less many would have volunteered for service, as 
 they had done before, but from the experience 
 since gained, it was impossible to trust them, and I 
 could not help fearing some secret relation between 
 them, or some of them, and the rebels outside. I 
 therefore directed their formation on their own 
 parade-ground, there to await orders, and mean- 
 while to be allowed as much liberty, under the eyes
 
 1 86 Western India. 
 
 of their officers, as was consistent with surveillance ; 
 a mounted officer to gallop with a report to me of 
 anything creating alarm. 
 
 Ordering a powder-bag to be made up, I de- 
 tached fifty Europeans, under two active and intelli- 
 gent officers, Lieutenants Stanley Scott and Jervis, 
 to the main gateway, to join the Rissaldar's party, 
 with orders to get in by skilful management if 
 possible. If opposed, they were not to incur 
 needless loss, as the gate was far too strong to 
 force, but to keep up a show of attack to distract 
 attention. With the remainder of the force I 
 marched to the rear of the town, passing near to 
 the Civil Lines, where Captain John Schneider 
 and his corps joined me. The telegraph office 
 being found deserted, I left messages and people 
 to hunt for the frightened clerks, and moved on 
 to the attack, just previous to which I received 
 the consoling intelligence that the wires were 
 cut, and it was not for some time after that I dis- 
 covered this to be a mistake, an obstruction only 
 having occurred, which they were able to remove. 
 This delay may perhaps account for the confused
 
 Gateway attacked. 187 
 
 way in which my telegrams were published in 
 Bombay. 
 
 Day dawned just before we reached the gateway. 
 Time being everything, and the powder-bag not 
 up, I ordered Lieutenant Holberton, an active and 
 zealous officer commanding the artillery, to blow 
 in the gate. The bridge over the ditch was too 
 narrow to admit of more than one of the six 
 pounders being brought up at a time. A hot-tem- 
 pered young soldier, in his anxious haste, put the 
 cartridge in shot foremost, and several caps were 
 snapped in vain. Happily for us, the rebels were 
 not prepared for our attacking that gate, for with 
 a handful of resolute men against us, few on our 
 side would have lived to tell the tale. During 
 this awkward pause, I observed by my side Dr. 
 Broughton, surgeon of the Agency, who was always 
 to the front where danger was expected or work 
 to be done. ' Doctor,' I said, ' you had better go 
 under cover, or who will there be to cut off arms 
 and legs when we are bowled over ? ' ' Who will 
 there be to apply a tourniquet if I go ? A stitch in 
 time saves nine ! ' was his rejoinder, nor was mere
 
 1 88 Western India. 
 
 persuasion sufficient to induce him to retire. The 
 gun had to be run back over the crowded narrow 
 causeway to allow the other to come up, in which 
 process my zealous staff-officer, Captain Thompson, 
 was knocked into the ditch, horse and all, happily 
 with no serious hurt ; the other gun was rapidly 
 brought up, and just as Sergeant Pain arrived with 
 the powder-bag, the gate was forced open, and the 
 storming party rushed in. There were scarcely a 
 dozen rebels near the gateway, and these, as we 
 entered, fled, firing random shots. 
 
 I detached 'parties right and left to scour the 
 ramparts, with orders to fire only when fired upon, 
 lest the inhabitants might needlessly suffer; and 
 with the rest proceeded to take the main gateway in 
 the rear, and perhaps save the jail close to it from 
 falling into rebel hands. Besides the usual classes 
 of such a domicile, it contained between thirty and 
 forty convict mutineers, detained there preparatory 
 to transportation, who would have made a formidable 
 accession of strength to the enemy. During these 
 operations, altogether only eight rebels were killed, 
 and two men of Captain Schneider's corps wounded.
 
 Entrance obtained. 189 
 
 Before advancing, I heard shots in the centre of the 
 town, hereafter to be explained. The rebels 
 finding themselves taken in flank and rear, and, as 
 it turned out, their leader killed, lost heart ; except 
 a few, who rushed upon the storming party, they 
 dispersed in all directions, and we took possession 
 of the main gate, through which only the artillery- 
 could easily enter, and reached the jail in time to 
 prevent mischief. This was mainly due to the 
 fidelity and good conduct of the Nazir, who had 
 closed the outer gates, kept the prisoners safe, and 
 turned a deaf ear to the entreaties and threats of 
 the rebels. 
 
 We were now in possession of the place, and of 
 the chief avenue to the Palace. This is quite a 
 royal residence ; the building forms three sides of 
 a square or rather parallelogram, closed by a low 
 wall the road entering the court by a handsome 
 arched gateway. What was the state of things 
 within, it was impossible to guess, but if hostile it 
 was itself a fortress needing the utmost circum- 
 spection before attack. Captain Schneider volun- 
 teered to go with a white flag, as my herald, to
 
 igo Western India. 
 
 ascertain particulars, and deliver my terms. These 
 were arms to be surrendered, and, in general, 
 readiness to accede to what I might, consider it 
 necessary to do, with the promise of protection to 
 all not found concerned in the insurrection, and 
 respect to the honour and feelings of the royal 
 family. I had none with me so competent to the 
 task as he, and so likely to succeed in staying 
 further bloodshed, else I should have scrupled to 
 send, on what appeared so hazardous a service, one 
 who was my right arm both in civil and military 
 work. 
 
 During his absence the scattered parties came in 
 with their prisoners, and all was made safe for 
 permanent occupation and defence inside of the 
 main gateway. After a painful half-hour of sus- 
 pense Capt. Schneider returned. He had found 
 the Palace filled with hundreds of armed men, 
 crowded on roofs, windows, and every available 
 standing-place. A dead body was lying near a small 
 field-piece near the centre of the square. He went 
 forward with his single attendant and demanded 
 an interview with the Rajas, which was at once
 
 Rebel Leader Shot. 191 
 
 conceded. Nothing was said or done to explain 
 the assembly of such an armed force, nor why, 
 being there, they should have allowed the gates to 
 be quietly taken possession of. Both Rajas con- 
 sented to my terms, the elder expressing gratitude 
 for Captain Schneider's visit. It was stated that 
 the rebels had taken the town by escalade. The 
 firing we had heard, when at the gateway, proved 
 to have been from a small party of his own corps, 
 in charge of the treasure-chest kept in the Palace 
 buildings, who reported that the rebels, having 
 brought a gun in front, had threatened to fire 
 unless the Rajas surrendered, and that having 
 heard my cannon at the gateway, they had fired at 
 them for answer, and fortunately killed their leader, 
 after which the insurgents left, but some in the 
 Palace had abused the local corps for what they 
 had done, and all but themselves had remained 
 passive. 
 
 On receiving this report we marched into the 
 Palace square and the disarmament began. A 
 large drum covered by a flag, being placed in the 
 centre, the prisoners, up to this time taken, were
 
 192 Western India. 
 
 then and there tried by drum-head court-martial, 1 
 under an old and experienced officer, Col. Guerin, as 
 President, who soon reported that concerning thirty- 
 six there was no doubt, and that these had moreover 
 pleaded guilty; but as the remainder pleaded not 
 guilty, and evidence on both sides had to be fully 
 gone into, the day might pass before they could 
 arrive at a verdict ; therefore thirty-six only were 
 then tried and the rest removed for subsequent pro- 
 cedure. These thirty-six being convicted and con- 
 demned to death, I carried out the sentence on the 
 spot, along the wall fronting the Palace, feeling con- 
 vinced that most of those inside were as guilty as 
 these poor creatures, and that a stern example was 
 needed to convince all of the folly of armed oppo- 
 sition to our Government, the more especially as 
 this, like the previous mutinous outbreak, was the 
 first of its kind in Western India. 
 
 Painful as the work was, I felt certain that 
 
 1 Indian Government Acts, 8, ir, 14 and 16 of May June 57, 
 had much to do with the speedy suppression of the general rebellion, 
 whenever they were promptly availed of. In its earlier stages the 
 Western Presidency had this great advantage over Bengal, where 
 revolt became formidable before these Acts were published.
 
 Executions after Trial. 193 
 
 seventy now would be mercy in the end. The 
 insurgents who had got into the town were, so far as 
 I could ascertain, not more than two hundred. They 
 had evidently come on an understanding that they 
 would receive support from within. A portion of 
 them consisted of the hereditary garrison of Pun- 
 alla, whose leader was now executed. Unhappily 
 I could then obtain no clue to enable me to lay 
 hands on the prime movers of the mischief ; sus- 
 picion strongly pointed to the younger Raja ; but 
 being unwilling to act without some proof, I 
 contented myself with a firm grip of the place, a 
 strong European guard at the main gateway, 
 loaded cannon commanding the approaches, and 
 guards from the local corps at all the smaller 
 gates. This corps, equally with the S.M. Horse, 
 had behaved well throughout, and furnished half 
 the firing party for the executions. The disarming 
 of the town could now go safely forward. 
 
 In my interview with the two Rajas, the elder 
 repeated his expressions of gratitude, the younger 
 remaining silent ; whereupon I told them that but 
 
 O
 
 194 Western India. 
 
 for the administration resting with ourselves, and 
 our own appointed minister being the authorised 
 party to exact obedience, I should have held them 
 responsible for the misconduct of their men in 
 offering no opposition to the rebels. This minister 
 was an old Government servant, selected for the 
 office, and why he was so helpless remains a mys- 
 tery, but as he had closed the gates against the 
 mutinous regiment, I had thought it right to 
 continue trusting him. 
 
 The heavy work of the day over, something to 
 break our fast was ordered from camp, the men, 
 who had been many hours under arms, were allowed 
 to pile them, and we all fell to. 
 
 This being seen from the palace windows, the 
 Ranees sent us dishes of pillaos and choice things, 
 and hunger joined to the tempting odour, overcame 
 the ' tinieo Danaos, &c.,' misgivings of some. Had 
 we been aware of a scene then enacting in the 
 Palace, we might not have enjoyed the fare so well. 
 Long afterwards I was informed that while thus 
 occupied, Chimma Sahib and a few confidential 
 adherents were closeted together. ' See,' said a Sir-
 
 Scene at the Palace. 195 
 
 dar, who himself had fifty followers, 1 'it is not yet 
 too late ; these grasping foreigners are off their 
 guard and the men's arms piled ; give but the word 
 and we will make a sudden rush and cut them to 
 pieces before they can rally.' Whether this was 
 mere bravado or not it was considered too hazard- 
 ous, and happily for us was not attempted, for I 
 must confess, that I was thrown off my guard by 
 the turn events had taken, and the sentries might 
 have been suddenly cut down. 
 
 In the afternoon we marched back to camp. 
 The reports from time to time received from it 
 had been satisfactory, and no attack attempted. 
 The informer and scouts had returned to the rebel 
 rendezvous that night and found the birds flown ; 
 they understood from a few stragglers left behind, 
 that one party had gone off to the town, and an- 
 other to the camp. They came back as I was 
 forcing my way through the gate, and had there- 
 fore no means of communicating their information 
 until the hurley-burley was over. I concluded 
 
 1 This man, like a true Mahratta, had been the first to meet me 
 with the offer of his sword and services to lull suspicion. 
 
 o 2
 
 1 96 Western India. 
 
 that, as the firing of the guns proved we were on 
 the alert, the party intending the attack on the 
 camp had considered discretion the better part of 
 valour, and retreated, but it is possible that the 
 whole thing was a ruse in order to distract my 
 attention from the intended work in the town, the 
 intriguers likewise employing the Raja to throw 
 me off the scent. In this case he may have been 
 an unconscious tool, for nothing in the course of my 
 proceedings criminated him. 
 
 However this may be, there is no doubt that our 
 prompt seizure of the town whilst Chimma Sahib 
 was still wavering, prevented the execution of a 
 plot from whose evil consequences to himself, if 
 unsuccessful, he might hope to escape by the plea 
 of coercion. Precisely this dodge, attempted by 
 one of the Southern Mahratta chiefs, was frustrated 
 by Captain Frederick Schneider, who, in pursuit of 
 a party of Sawunt rebels, came suddenly on their 
 bivouack, and, amongst other things left in the 
 hurry of their flight, picked up fragments of a 
 letter, which put together proved to be from the 
 said chief to the rebel leader, the noted Baba
 
 Mahratta Cunning. 197 
 
 Desae, promising to join him on condition of being 
 seemingly carried off by force. 
 
 From this time trials of the civil rebels went on 
 part passu with those of the military, and each 
 class of cases served to throw light on the other. 
 
 Thus among the military there were the Moham- 
 medan element and the Hindoo element, separate, 
 and yet both joining in and making the issue of 
 the greased cartridge to the School of Musketry at 
 Poona an instrument to excite alarm and discon- 
 tent. But no evidence could be obtained except 
 from those who gave it to save their lives, which 
 always rendered it more or less suspicious. 
 
 At one execution parade for some of the insur- 
 gents taken in the town, I was sent for by the 
 officer commanding, to say that one of them had 
 offered to tell the truth if pardoned, and he there- 
 fore awaited orders. Although the horse artillery- 
 man who brought me the message had come at a 
 gallop, and I returned with equal speed, there had 
 been time for mischief. 
 
 The man was one of the petty leaders, and when 
 tied to the gun had named an officer of the Raja's
 
 198 Western India. 
 
 body-guard as the person whose instructions he 
 had complied with, believing them to come from 
 the Durbar. An escort of this troop had brought 
 the prisoners from the jail to the parade ground, 
 and unfortunately remained near enough to hear 
 the name mentioned. It was remembered after- 
 wards that one of the party had cantered off l in 
 the direction of the town, and although I lost not 
 a moment in sending trustworthy men to seize the 
 officer implicated, they were too late. I offered a 
 considerable reward for his apprehension, but he 
 was never found. 
 
 Still, though collusion was evident, I could get no 
 proof of it, and the fidelity with which all parties 
 adhered to each other was marvellous. The dis- 
 arming of the country meanwhile went forward. 
 Out of courtesy I allowed the Rajas to retain 
 sufficient arms for their ordinary attendants and 
 for themselves. 
 
 European reinforcements now reached both Bel- 
 
 1 When this was enquired into, the plea was assigned of some- 
 thing forgotten ; it was therefore plain that none of the body could 
 be trusted.
 
 Mutineers in the Jimgles. 1 99 
 
 gaum and Kolapoor. My force was increased by 
 a battery of artillery, a squadron of dragoons, a 
 wing of the 33rd (Duke of Wellington's own), and 
 the remaining companies of the 2nd European 
 wing. It would have been impolitic to have taken 
 any more severe measures than I had done until 
 
 strong enough to enforce them. The mutineer 
 
 
 
 band in the Sawunt Waree jungles were being 
 constantly hunted down through the active exer- 
 tions of Colonel Auld, Political Superintendent, 
 and his efficient local corps, chiefly commanded 
 by Captain F. Schneider, brother to the Kolapoor 
 Light Infantry Commandant, whose exertions 
 below and on the Ghats rivalled those of his 
 brother above. 
 
 I wish I could say as much for the Rutnagherry 
 magistrate, but in all probability his brain was at 
 the time disordered, and he afterwards committed 
 suicide. Government partially remedied the mis- 
 chief of his eccentricities by placing the police of 
 his southern districts under me. It is due to him, 
 however, to state that his thorough knowledge of 
 native ways and languages enabled him to submit
 
 2OO Western India. 
 
 to Government important information, derived 
 from intercepted correspondence in which treason 
 hid itself under metaphor. 
 
 The Sawunt Waree insurgents of 1844 and 1845, 
 who had sought refuge in Portuguese territory, and 
 after having been for a while confined, had, when 
 all was quiet, been set free by the Goa Government, 
 with land for their provision, again, in February 
 1858, broke out in revolt, harried the country, 
 and levied war in the name of the Peshwa (Nana 
 Sahib). Their present leader, Baba Desae, was 
 also practically chief of the former insurrection. 
 It was satisfactory to me and to those who suc- 
 ceeded me at Sawunt Waree, the present Sir 
 Henry Anderson and Colonel Auld, a district 
 which, from our earliest connection with it, had 
 been a hot-bed of insurrection, that now, when 
 their old leader, with a hundred followers, traversed 
 it with the hope of obtaining recruits, only one 
 man joined him, and he not a native of the 
 country. How many of the 2/th mutineers and 
 adventurers from all parts may, from time to time, 
 have joined his band, I have no means of knowing ;
 
 Chimma Sahib. 201 
 
 but the pursuit was so hotly kept up that he had 
 no time to gather strength. 
 
 Both the Bombay and Madras Governments, and 
 also the Portuguese, employed troops against these 
 insurgents, and so kept their atrocities within 
 narrow bounds ; but to detail their operations would 
 render my narrative too long, and I must return to 
 Kolapoor. 
 
 Not long after the affair in the town, wishing 
 to know what Chimma Sahib would say on the 
 subject, I requested him to pay me a visit, which 
 he did. I told him that some had named him as 
 the secret leader of the rebellion, but as I never 
 acted on mere suspicion, he was safe as long as I 
 had no proof of his guilt, for hearsay evidence was 
 untrustworthy, and great men's names were often 
 taken by others to shelter themselves ; but I should 
 be glad if he could give me any reasonable motive 
 for the mutinous regiment having expected ad- 
 mission into the town, and for its having afterwards 
 been surrendered to a small body of insurgents 
 without opposition. He could offer none, content- 
 ing himself with protesting his innocence and igno-
 
 2O2 Western India. 
 
 ranee of all the circumstances. I learnt that on his 
 return to the Palace, the streets were crowded with 
 women, cracking their finger-joints over their heads, 
 and uttering cries of joy and congratulation at his 
 coming back to them. I mention this for two 
 reasons : one, as denoting his popularity ; the other 
 as showing the belief of the people in his being the 
 head of the rebellious movement. Hence their 
 supposition that he would not have been allowed 
 to return, and joy at his escape. 
 
 But just then I was not so well aware as the towns- 
 folk, or rather, many among them, of his doings. 
 By the end of March, however, the evidence of his 
 complicity had become conclusive enough to con- 
 vince me that it was dangerous to leave him any 
 longer where he might work further mischief. By 
 arrangement with Government, a frigate was sent 
 down to the port of Waghotun, and when all was 
 ready, he was requested to wait on the Political 
 Superintendent, who had a communication to make 
 to him on the part of Government. The gateways 
 of the town were secured after his departure thence, 
 with orders to let none pass out without permission ;
 
 His Popularity and Intrigues. 203 
 
 and the attendants and > effects that he required 
 being sent for, he was, during the night, removed 
 under an escort of the 3rd Dragoon Guards, S. M. 
 Horse, and Kolapoor Light Infantry, to the coast, 
 with orders to make the first two marches in one. 
 The commotion in the town was great as the news 
 got wind, but none, however ardent, could sally to 
 the rescue. Chimma Sahib was sent as a state 
 prisoner to a safe corner of Sind, where he has 
 lately died ; and before I gave up military occupa- 
 tion of Kolapoor, I dismantled part of the fortifi- 
 cations, so as to render it accessible without running 
 the risk that, at the exigency of the moment, I had 
 incurred in forcing entrance. 
 
 I have mentioned the light gradually dawning 
 on me from the confessions of military and civil 
 prisoners, and that when the information from both 
 agreed, there was sufficient ground for action. 
 Thus it transpired that some time before the 
 mutiny, Chimma Sahib had held secret interviews 
 with the native officers of the 2/th Regiment in the 
 Royal Garden, conveniently situated between town 
 and camp; also with a deputation from Gwalior,
 
 2O4 Western India. 
 
 whence a body of sixty horsemen had come, 
 nominally to congratulate the elder Raja on his 
 marriage with the daughter of the Gaekwar, when 
 those most trusted in the regiment were present, 
 and the aspirations and designs of east and west 
 interchanged. Chimma Sahib had also received 
 emissaries from Nana Sahib, one of whom, who 
 had travelled round by the south, coming last from 
 Mysore, had informed him that he had secured the 
 co-operation of forty different regiments. In reply 
 Chimma Sahib bid him assure the Nana that he 
 had gained over all the red-coated men in the 
 S. M. country. 1 A sword 2 was also sent him 
 
 1 In one of these interviews Chimma Sahib had remarked that he 
 had not much hope of help from his own regiment (the Kolapoor 
 Light Infantry), for 'Clarke Sahib had spoiled them with sugar and 
 ghee." On enquiring of Captain Schneider if he could explain this sin- 
 gular language, he replied that he had little doubt that the particular 
 terms used, referred to the purchase by Captain Paget Clarke of a field 
 of sugar-cane, for the use of the regiment, and generally to his 
 liberal treatment of the men. I mention this, in justice to Captain 
 Clarke, who raised the regiment, bringing into it many from his 
 own corps, the 2nd Grenadiers, of which he had long been Adjutant ; 
 and nearly half the present native officers were of that number. 
 
 2 This sword was afterwards found in the Palace. It was silver 
 handled, the blade of waving or serrated edge, covered with Sheeah 
 inscriptions in gold. I regret to say that it was either lost or stolen 
 by some of those intrusted to store away the arms.
 
 Secrecy of the Conspiracy, 205 
 
 from the Lucknow Durbar, and I had reason to 
 suspect treasonable communication with several 
 other quarters. 
 
 I was told that, on the morning I took 
 the town, three emissaries from different S. M. 
 States, who had been there, left precipitately. 
 Treasonable intercourse also existed between the 
 regiment and the country. The commander of 
 the Jamkhundee troops was an active agent in the 
 conspiracy, and proof was obtained of his carrying 
 on seditious correspondence with our soldiery, on 
 which he was tried and executed. A messenger 
 from this man pointed out to me the house of a 
 native officer of the 2/th Regiment, to which 
 he had brought a letter shortly before the mutiny. 
 
 But it is difficult to describe the wonderful 
 secrecy with which the whole conspiracy was con- 
 ducted, the forethought supplying screens, and the 
 caution with which each group of conspirators 
 worked apart, concealing the connecting links, and 
 intrusting these with only just sufficient informa- 
 tion for the purpose in view ; and all this was 
 equalled only by the fidelity with which they
 
 206 Western India. 
 
 adhered to each other. As an instance, before the 
 trial of Chimma Sahib's minister, a havildar of the 
 local corps, an old friend of his, in whose quarter- 
 guard he was confined, said to him, ' Why don't 
 you make a clean breast of it ? The Commissioner 
 has let off many who have done so, and will 
 perhaps pardon you too;' to which he replied, 
 'Were I to open my mouth I should kindle a 
 flame to burn up the land. I choose rather to 
 meet my fate in silence ; ' and he did. 
 
 In January, Colonel Maughan had been suc- 
 ceeded as Political Superintendent by Mr. A. D. 
 Robertson, an excellent selection. The former 
 was an honourable man of amiable temper and 
 many good qualities, that at any other time would 
 have enabled him to serve with credit ; but it was 
 his misfortune to have had only a slight knowledge 
 of the language of the country, and no previous 
 political training, and, still greater perhaps, to be 
 surrounded by an establishment none of which 
 gave any efficient assistance in the intelligence de- 
 partment of the State. I had information, indeed, 
 long subsequently acquired, that the native most
 
 Assassination Plots. 207 
 
 trusted by him, and who slept within call, in order 
 to translate to him reports and papers that arrived 
 during the night, had held secret interviews with 
 Chimma Sahib, and one of Mr. Robertson's first 
 tasks was to produce a more healthy state of 
 things ; but it was impossible to know whom to 
 trust. 
 
 I have mentioned having employed half-a-dozen 
 men to furnish a guard for my house at night. 
 They were selected by our native minister in the 
 town, under whose command were all the soldiery 
 there. An additional motive for employing them 
 was my hope, by means of friendly talk, of eliciting 
 some information as to the state of feeling in the 
 town. 
 
 The most intelligent of them I made their Naik 
 (commander). This man had a brother in the 
 post-office, and it afterwards came to my know- 
 ledge that both were in the conspiracy. Fortu- 
 nately for me my man was seen in secret conference 
 with Godajee Naik, the Raja's bodyguardsman, 
 whose timely escape I have related, and was made 
 prisoner in consequence. A party of armed men
 
 208 Western India. 
 
 employed by the conspirators had lain in wait in a 
 neighbouring garden for several consecutive nights, 
 who were to have been admitted into my house 
 under cover of darkness to murder me, as this 
 man's help might give them opportunity ; but his 
 seizure appears to have put a stop to the plan. In 
 like manner Captain Schneider narrowly escaped 
 from a plot to murder him by a havildar of his 
 own regiment, about sixty of which, it was ascer- 
 tained, had been gained over. 
 
 Early in May Government struck the 27th 
 Regiment off the Army List, retaining only for 
 embodiment in another corps those who, from 
 absence and other causes, might be supposed not 
 implicated in the mutiny. These were marched to 
 the coast to be sent away by sea, and of the rest 
 some were imprisoned and others allowed to retire 
 to their homes. 
 
 The elder Raja did not long survive the restora- 
 tion of his kingdom. His successor, a young kins- 
 man, trained in our schools, had been adopted on the 
 death of his only child, Chimma Sahib's claim being 
 of course forfeited. The premature demise of this
 
 Kolapoor Raja. 209 
 
 young man on his return journey to India is greatly 
 to be regretted, for he came to England solely to 
 improve his mind, and render himself more fit to 
 govern. It would be well if every Native ruler had 
 the same desire.
 
 2io Western India. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE SOUTHERN MAHRATTA COUNTRY AND BELOW 
 THE GHATS. 
 
 I ^ARLY in May Government placed the re- 
 maining States under me as Commissioner ; 
 hitherto they had been under the Collector and 
 Magistrate of Belgaum as Political Agent, with an 
 Assistant, generally his senior subordinate, ap- 
 pointed specially for this duty. It was thought 
 advisable to secure unity of control in the present 
 state of affairs, and the Collector was directed to 
 make over charge to this officer, Mr. Charles 
 Manson, as Acting Political Agent under me, 
 Mr. H. B. Lockett being appointed his Assistant. 
 
 A brief description and rfcumt? of events in the 
 Southern Mahratta Country will not here be out of 
 place. This part of India, as officially understood, 
 has an area of above 14,000 square miles, with a
 
 Area and Population. 2 1 1 
 
 population of some three millions. It is the terri- 
 tory between Satara country north and the Madras 
 frontier south, the Nizam's dominions east, and the 
 Ghats or Syadree chain of mountains west Ethno- 
 logically it continues to the sea, from which to the 
 Ghats is called the Konkan. Below these the 
 people are all Mahrattas as far south as Goa. 1 
 Above, the Canarese intermingle along the Madras 
 and Hyderabad frontiers up to the river Bheema, 
 spreading westward towards the Ghats. 
 
 In the time of the Peishwa, whose capital was 
 Poona, that city probably divided north from 
 south, the former extending till the people mingle 
 with those cf Guzerat. In Siwaji's time Satara 
 may have been the division, as it is at present, but 
 the term Southern Mahratta Country is of English 
 origin. It contains the two 2 collectorates of Bel- 
 gaum and Dharwar, Kolapoor, already described, 
 
 1 The Sawunt Waree people pride^themselves on their pure Mah- 
 ratta blood, that of the Bhonsle's. Their Raja, according to our 
 usual habit of metamorphosising words, is described in our old 
 treaties with this State as " The Bouncello ! " 
 
 2 Kaludgee, a subdivision of Belgaum, has since, I believe, been 
 raised to a separate collectorship. 
 
 P 2
 
 2 r 2 Western India. 
 
 and numerous small semi- independent States, not 
 yet absorbed in the collectorates, each with an 
 annual revenue of from 5o,ooo/. downwards. The 
 principal of these are Sanglee, Meeruj, Koorundwar, 
 Jamkhundee, Nurgoond, 1 Moodhol, Savanoor, &c. 
 Many of the people are warlike. All the descend- 
 ants of Siwaji's Gudkurrees consider themselves 
 born soldiers, and the Bedurs, Ramoosies, and 
 Mangs, look on fighting as their profession, but the 
 last two, deemed very low caste, only go in for it 
 when there is a prospect of plunder. 
 
 Mr. Seton Karr was at this time collector and 
 magistrate at Belgaum, and Mr. Ogilvy of Dhar- 
 war, while General Lester commanded the Southern 
 Division of the Army, which had its head-quarters 
 at Belgaum. It had been drained of its European 
 troops for the Persian war, and, unfortunately, the 
 three most recently-raised native regiments, viz., 
 the 2/th, 28th, and 29th, formed a portion of it, 
 quartered respectively at Kolapoor, Dharwar, and 
 Belgaum unfortunately, because a new regiment 
 
 1 Nurgoond was annexed to the Dharwar collectorate after the 
 events about to be narrated. 

 
 General Lester. 2 r 3 
 
 is much more open to the temptation of disloyalty 
 than older ones, with their military traditions and 
 experience of the fostering care and power of our 
 Government. 
 
 General Lester, an old artillery officer of sound 
 judgment, had only recently assumed command. 
 An account of the critical state of affairs at 
 Belgaum, and of the measures he adopted to 
 meet them, drawn up by him in October 1857, 
 is well worthy of publication. I will not refer to 
 it here further than to say that they had been 
 in much greater anticipation of danger there, 
 than at Kolapoor ; at both stations the officers of 
 the native regiments were confident in the fidelity 
 of their men, and suspected no evil. The wise 
 precautions of General Lester in all probability 
 prevented an explosion at Belgaum. His only 
 Europeans were a battery of artillery, and the 
 depot of Her Majesty's 64th, composed of about 
 thirty men fit for duty, left with upwards of four 
 hundred women and children. At Kolapoor, as 
 before observed, they had neither artillery nor 
 European soldiers. On the loth of August the
 
 214 Western India. 
 
 European reinforcements, despatched from Bom- 
 bay, reached him by way of Goa, arriving, as 
 their brethren did at Kolapoor, in tatters, shoe- 
 less, and nearly kitless, from the severity of the 
 monsoon, but eager for work. Strengthened by 
 this reinforcement, he seized a few of the con- 
 spirators, civil and military, against whom there 
 was sufficient evidence for trial. One of these was 
 a moonshee, a favourite among the officers whom 
 he taught. It appeared that he was a disciple of 
 the head of the Wahabee sect in Western India, 
 residing at Poona, who was a prime instigator of 
 rebellion. Letters from the moonshee to the 
 regiment at Kolapoor and other quarters, full of 
 treasonable matter, had been intercepted, and 
 furnished evidence against him. They showed 
 the very wide extent of the conspiracy, and the 
 readiness for a general rising when assured that 
 other quarters would also move. 
 
 The discovery of this plot was mainly due to 
 the zeal and energy of the Foujdar (native head 
 of police) of Belgaum, a Christian convert, named 
 Mootoo Koomar, who subsequently received the
 
 Plots at Betgaum. 215 
 
 grant of a village from Government, in acknow- 
 ledgment of his services. The moonshee was 
 found guilty, and executed, and with him an 
 emissary from one of the chiefs employed in cor- 
 rupting the Sepoys. Five men of the 2Qth were 
 soon afterwards convicted of mutiny, one executed, 
 and four, including the havildar major, transported 
 for life. In this case the same thing occurred as 
 at Kolapoor; although at the time the native 
 officers whose information led to their seizure, 
 were praised for fidelity, and the well-founded 
 distrust 1 felt by the local authorities being thus 
 removed, this regiment left Belgaum soon after 
 
 ' To give the reasons for this distrust would make my narrative 
 too long, but as one instance I quote from General Lester's 
 memorandum. 'About the 1 3th of June (1857), a Sepoy's letter 
 was sent me from Bombay, intercepted there on its way to the 
 Bengal mutineers. It was written by a Sepoy of the 29th Regiment 
 at this station (Belgaum), and purported to be from several Sepoys to 
 tlieir brethren of the 74th Bengal Native Infantry. They presented 
 their salaams, their protestations, their blessings, their Ram Ram, and 
 their Seeta Ram to all according to their respective positions. 
 " We are your children, do with us as it may seem best to you ; in 
 your salvation is our safety. We are all of one mind ; on your 
 intimation we shall come running. You are our father and mother. 
 We have written a small letter, but from it comprehend much. 
 You are the servants of Ruggoonath and we your slaves. Write to 
 us an answer as soon as you receive this." '
 
 216 Western India. 
 
 with flying colours for Aden, yet subsequent infor- 
 mation established the fact that the accused had 
 been thrown overboard as a tub to the whale by 
 deeper conspirators than themselves. 
 
 It is not my intention to give a full history of 
 events that occurred in the S. M. country previous 
 to my assuming control, but, rather, to limit my 
 relation to what came under my own cognisance ; 
 a brief resume is nevertheless necessary to con- 
 nect the earlier with the later period of the 
 rebellion in this part. When the Belgaum au- 
 thorities felt themselves strong enough to change 
 their defensive attitude for one of more active 
 character, Mr. Seton Karr began the work of dis- 
 arming the country, in the course of which, towards 
 the end of November, the village of Hulgully, 
 inhabited chiefly by Bedurs, offering resistance to 
 a small force under Lieutenant-Colonel George 
 Malcolm, 1 was stormed and many slain, a catas- 
 trophe that might perhaps have been spared had 
 
 1 Now K. C. B. and Major-General, the same officer who headed 
 the celebrated charge of the Sind Horse on the Affghan cavalry at 
 the Battle of Guzerat.
 
 The Shorapoor Raja. 2 1 7 
 
 Colonel Malcolm himself been in advance instead 
 of his fiery Lieutenant, 1 whose fortiter in re was 
 always more conspicuous than the stiaviter in modo, 
 but the conflict once begun had to be supported. 
 The affair showed the inflammable state of the 
 people, and the danger that might accrue from the 
 Forts, when a comparatively defenceless village 
 could thus venture to opppse a Government force, 
 however small. The example made in this instance 
 had no doubt a beneficial effect in preventing 
 further open resistance to the demand for arms, 
 though secretion is believed to have been widely 
 practised and the chiefs sent in their artillery very 
 slowly, whilst the Shorapoor Raja, also a Bedur, 
 began to collect men and prepare to fight. Troops 
 were sent against him by the Resident of Hydera- 
 bad and from Belgaum early in February 1858 ; 
 of the former Captain Newbury of the Madras 
 Cavalry fell in a skirmish outside the town, which 
 soon after surrendered to Colonel Malcolm's force; 
 The Raja was made prisoner, tried, and sentenced 
 
 1 Lieut. Kerr, who had won the Victoria Cross at Kolapoor.
 
 2 r 8 Western India. 
 
 to transportation for life. On his way to the coast 
 he managed to obtain the revolver of the officer 
 commanding his guard and shot himself. The 
 confession that he made before his death was a 
 valuable state-paper, throwing light on the general 
 conspiracy. 
 
 I have already referred to the outbreak of the 
 old Sawunt rebels below the Ghats. They seized 
 a strong position above with a view to connect 
 themselves with the insurgents in the upper coun- 
 try. I have before alluded to this when speaking 
 of the communication between their leader and one 
 of the chiefs discovered by Captain F. Schneider. 
 A force was sent against them under Colonel (now 
 General) McLean from Belgaum and Dharwar, 
 in the end of February, which drove them from 
 their stronghold in time to allow the European 
 troops to return in April to head-quarters, leaving 
 the work to be carried on by native detachments 
 stationed along the Goa frontier, and by the Sawunt 
 Waree Local Corps and Police Contingent. AH 
 three deserve the highest praise for exertions and 
 for trials endured, which none but those acquainted
 
 Sawunt Warce Insurgents. 2 1 9 
 
 with the tremendous rainfall on these mountains 
 during the monsoon can appreciate. It may seem 
 invidious. to single out any particular act where all 
 did so well, yet I cannot refrain from mentioning 
 the gallant defence of the Tulliwara Blockhouse, 
 by a havildar and twelve men of the police. It 
 may serve as a sample of the efficient work done 
 by this body throughout the Presidency during the 
 rebellion, but my narrative is restricted to the 
 country under my surveillance. 
 
 The first efforts of the Sawunt insurgents were 
 directed against the line of Customhouses on the 
 several passes leading from British to Portuguese 
 territory, some of which were destroyed and the 
 occupants slain. Mr. Bettington, the able and 
 energetic Commissioner of Police, had some time 
 previously erected Blockhouses planned with 
 military skill, to enable the defenders to beat 
 off any desultory attack. That at Tulliwara, 
 though not as perfect as he desired, resisted 
 every attempt of the insurgents, who burnt 
 down the Customhouse near, seized the families 
 of the defenders, and even succeeded in setting
 
 22O Western India. 
 
 fire to the Blockhouse. But still they were 
 beaten back. Then the wives and children were 
 brought in front by the rebels, who swore they 
 would murder them unless the place was surren- 
 dered. The only reply won by the threat was that 
 the British Government would avenge their deaths. 
 The message of a holy man, sent with a flag of 
 truce to induce the brave fellows to yield, was 
 equally rejected, and the insurgents, finding every 
 effort useless, left the place in the morning, carrying 
 off their killed and wounded, and to their credit 
 leaving uninjured the women and children. 
 
 Unhappily a delay took place in Mr. Hanson's 
 receiving charge of his office, so that he could not 
 join me to report the past and present state of 
 affairs, and to arrange further procedure, until the 
 
 1 6th of May. Some of the artillery and many 
 
 
 arms yet remained to be delivered up, but he 
 
 appeared to consider danger nearly over, and was 
 anxious to visit the Northern States, as he had 
 already before his promotion done those of the 
 South and Midland, to judge for himself and to try 
 personal influence with the chiefs.
 
 The Inam Commission. 221 
 
 The Putwurdhun family, which, in its several 
 
 branches, held the principal States of the country, 
 
 Sanglee, Meeruj, and Koorundwar, all within forty 
 
 miles of Kolapoor, were allied by marriage with 
 
 Nana Sahib, that is, with the Peishwa's family. 
 
 Mr. Hanson's influence was considerable from his 
 
 frank and kindly disposition, and would have been 
 
 still greater but for his previous connection with 
 
 the Inam Commission, 1 which was looked upon 
 
 with distrust and alarm throughout the country. 
 
 It would lead me into too thorny a subject were I 
 
 to enter into the amount of disaffection caused 
 
 throughout India by the assumed right of our 
 
 Government to disallow succession by adoption, a 
 
 claim which the labours of the Inam Commission 
 
 envenomed ; suffice it to say, that of the many 
 
 causes of the great outburst of 1857 and 1858 no 
 
 single one was so weighty as this policy, happily 
 
 now, I trust, for ever discarded. 
 
 Mr. Manson was in the prime of life, intelligent, 
 
 1 A tribunal for enquiry into titles, with no appeal against its 
 decisions allowed to any of the Courts of the land, but only to the 
 Government by whom it was constituted, and to increase whose 
 revenues it was working ; a special Act being passed for this purpose.
 
 222 Western India. 
 
 energetic, and decided. He parted from me on 
 May 26, and four hours after I received from 
 General Lester a telegram that insurrection had 
 begun near Dharwar, and that the Nurgoond chief 
 was believed to be supporting it, as he had recalled 
 some of his guns on their way to be given up. I 
 immediately sent a horseman with this news to 
 Mr. Manson, informing him also that I had tele- 
 graphed to the General to send a competent force 
 with all possible despatch to Nurgoond if the 
 report proved correct ; and I recommended imme- 
 diate return to Kolapoor to consult with me on his 
 way to join this force, to be with which was now 
 his proper position. My messenger reached him 
 at Koorundwar, and from thence brought me reply 
 that by cutting across country he could get so soon 
 to Nurgoond as perhaps to nip the evil in the bud 
 and prevent further mischief; but that if too late to 
 effect this, he felt confident in being able to save 
 the Nurgoondkur's half-brother, the chief of Ram- 
 droog, from joining. From the moment of my 
 letter reaching him he had posted horses along the 
 road to proceed to the threatened quarter, and
 
 diaries Mansoris Efforts. 223 
 
 before any answer of mine could again arrive at 
 Koorundwar he would have been entirely out of 
 reach. 
 
 On he went with great rapidity, leaving his 
 infantry escort and establishment behind, and 
 only taking with him a dozen troopers of the S. 
 M. Horse, given him at Kolapoor. His hope 
 was, that a letter he had despatched to Colonel 
 Malcolm, commanding at Kaludgee, requesting 
 junction at Ramdroog with a large body of his 
 own regiment, the S. M. Horse, would have been 
 received in time to effect this purpose ; but on 
 the alarm reaching that station, Colonel Malcolm 
 with his usual promptitude had taken the field with 
 250 horse to attack the insurgents, who had plun- 
 dered the treasury of one of the district stations of 
 Dhanvar ; and Mr. Manson therefore reached Ram- 
 droog with no other protection than his nearly 
 worn-out troopers. From this place he sent me 
 a few hurried lines, the last probably he ever wrote. 
 ' I have come too late,' he said, I quote from 
 memory, 'the Nurgoondkur has thrown down 
 the gauntlet and committed himself past hope of
 
 224 Western India. 
 
 recovery, but I think I have saved the Ramdroog- 
 kur, who has shown me his brother's letters urging 
 co-operation. He conjures me not to go to Nur- 
 goond, as in this case he will not answer for my life, 
 so I go on to join Malcolm, who has gone southward 
 after the rebels. My friend Poorun Sing, with a 
 couple of horsemen, alone joined me here from 
 Kaludgee. You should lose no time in putting an 
 European garrison into Meeruj or Sanglee.' 
 
 That night, May 29, he pressed forward and 
 halted at the little village of Soorebun, all parties 
 probably exhausted from this rapid marching. No 
 circumstantial account of what followed has ever 
 transpired, further than that about midnight, whilst 
 all were asleep, the Nurgoond chief sallied out with 
 seven or eight hundred followers, horse and foot; 
 and approaching close to the spot where his un- 
 suspecting victims were lying, poured in a volley 
 which killed the sentry, and rushed in to finish the 
 work with the sword. Mr. Manson, roused from 
 sleep in his palhee, fired his revolver at his as- 
 sailants, wounding one, but was immediately over- 
 powered, his head cut off and his body thrown
 
 Mansoris Death Copaldroog. 225 
 
 into the still burning fire that had been kindled by 
 his little party. Having killed all he could lay 
 hands on, the chief returned with his bloody trophy 
 to Nurgoond, where the head was suspended over 
 a gateway. Some half-dozen stragglers effected 
 their escape in the dark, but Poorun Sing, one of 
 the best and most faithful officers of the S. M. 
 Horse, fell with the young Englishman. 
 
 The insurgents against whom Colctpel Malcolm 
 had taken the field, proceeded rapidly southward, 
 and took possession of the fort and town of Copal- 
 droog, where they were speedily attacked by a 
 Madras force under Major Hughes from Bellary, 
 and the place stormed, when the leader and most 
 of his adherents fell, a brilliant little feat of arms. 
 Meanwhile, Colonel Malcolm turned back, and 
 being reinforced by artillery and infantry from 
 Dharwar, attacked the Nurgoond chief on June I, 
 defeated his force outside the walls with great 
 slaughter, then and there carried the town by 
 assault, and on the following day took possession 
 of the citadel, a very strong one, but which on 
 forcing open the gates was found deserted, the 
 
 Q
 
 226 Western India. 
 
 chief having escaped during the night. His track 
 was followed up with extraordinary energy, per- 
 severance, and skill by Mr. Souter, Superintendent 
 of Police, 1 with a few of his horsemen, and the Nur- 
 goondkur, who adopted various devices for throwing 
 'his pursuers off the scent, was, after a hot pursuit, 
 discovered, with six of his principal followers, in 
 a jungle, disguised as pilgrims on their way to the 
 shrine of Punderpoor. This was on June 2, so 
 rapidly was the outbreak quelled. He was soon 
 afterwards tried, condemned, and executed, and 
 his unhappy widows, unable to bear up under the 
 deep disgrace, drowned themselves. Speedily 
 and terribly was Mr. Man-son's murder thus 
 avenged. 2 
 
 The Nurgoondkur, Bhaskur Rao, or, as he was 
 more commonly called, Baba Sahib, was the most 
 intelligent of the Southern Mahratta chiefs. He had 
 collected an extensive library, reputed to contain 
 between three and four thousand Sanscrit volumes, 
 
 1 Now Deputy Commissioner of Police, Bombay, and C. S. I. 
 
 2 See a native poem on 'The War with Baba Sahib,' given in 
 the Appendix.
 
 Nurgoond Discontent accounted for. 227 
 
 which was unfortunately destroyed in the sack of 
 his town. It would be unfair to him not to state 
 that he conceived himself grievously wronged by 
 our Government, and it was this that probably 
 drove him into the general movement of the time, 
 before others more prudent, who held back till 
 they should see the winning side. We had refused 
 to sanction his adopting a son, and his State 
 therefore* one. of the oldest possessions in the 
 S. M. Country, and not, like many, held on tenure 
 of service, would, he knew, be absorbed by the 
 British Government on his death, and his widows 
 be left to depend on its bounty. As before 
 observed, Mr. Manson as Inam Commissioner had 
 incurred much ill-will, and it was he who had ex- 
 tracted from the Nurgoondkur the promise to 
 surrender his guns, naturally looked on as a de- 
 gradation. He was therefore identified with the 
 policy of our Government in its harsher features, 
 and became an acceptable sacrifice to the native 
 discontent ; but his relatives and friends have the 
 consolation of knowing that he lost his life in the 
 endeavour to save that of others. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 . Western India. 
 
 A rumour of Mr. Hanson's death reached me 
 a few hours before I received his letter from Ram- 
 droog, and I immediately took measures for con- 
 trolling the northern States. Meeruj was the best 
 fortified town in the country, European skill having 
 been evidently employed on it, and siege guns 
 appeared necessary for its reduction. I however 
 deputed Mr. Lockett, on June I, witli my terms, 
 demanding the surrender of all munitions of war 
 and the admission of an English garrison. With 
 Mr. Lockett I sent Lieut. Rollo Gillespie (now 
 Major io6th Foot), a highly intelligent and daring 
 young officer, a grandson of his celebrated name- 
 sake. He was to go nominally on a shooting 
 excursion, but had private instructions to take 
 unobserved a careful survey of the fort, and to 
 pick out a good spot to escalade. As a stimulus 
 to his exertions and prudence, I promised to give 
 him command of the forlorn hope, intending to 
 take the place by coup de main, should my terms 
 be refused. 
 
 My plan was by a forced night march to reach 
 the river that flowed near the town ; there, by
 
 Meeruj Negotiations. 229 
 
 boats collected higher up, that were to drop down 
 with the current to the spot selected, to cross at 
 early dawn, and to take the fort by a sudden rush. 
 All things in camp were prepared, and misleading 
 directions to attract attention to other quarters 
 given out. Happily Bala Sahib, the principal 
 chief, after n\uch hesitation and with great reluct- 
 ance, yielded to the terms prescribed. But being 
 a high-caste Brahmin, and most devoted to his 
 creed, he expressed such horror of the desecration 
 that would ensue from the drinking and beef-eating 
 propensities of our soldiery, that Mr. Lockett, who 
 conducted the negotiation with much skill, pro- 
 mised to represent this, and if possible have some 
 arrangement made to avoid any needless shock to 
 his religious feelings, meanwhile insisting on his at 
 once giving earnest of his fidelity by sending in 
 his arms and munitions of war. Eleven tons of 
 gunpowder were taken from his magazines and 
 exploded before Messrs. Lockett and Gillespie left 
 the place, and many hundred bags of saltpetre and 
 sulphur, war rockets, some freshly made up, and 
 arms and munitions, sufficient for many thousand 
 oldiers, were surrendered.
 
 230 Western India. 
 
 Bapoo Sahib Shapoorkur was at this time 
 regent of the neighbouring State of Sanglee, during 
 the minority of the chief. This Sirdar had lost 
 seven villages through some flaw in the title found 
 by the Inam Commission, but he was sagacious 
 enough to see that he would gain more by joining, 
 or at any rate appearing to join us than by op- 
 position, wherefore, besides helping our commissariat 
 with the loan of elephants, and in other ways, he 
 now came forward to the rescue of the Meerujkur 
 by offering to receive an European regiment at 
 Sanglee, only a few miles distant. I consented to 
 the arrangement on condition that at Meeruj a 
 broad causeway should be made across the ditch 
 to an entrance by a new gateway, and that part of 
 the fortifications dismantled ; all which was in due 
 time effected. 
 
 When visiting later all these places, I saw reason 
 for congratulation that we had not been driven to 
 use force, for Meeruj was a fortress of singular 
 strength. The monsoon having set in, there would 
 have been such delay in bringing up siege guns 
 that I felt justified in the course I had contem-
 
 Strength of the Place. 231 
 
 plated ; but I took care before leaving that it 
 should no longer be in a condition to render a 
 regular siege necessary. I am happy to say that 
 Bapoo Sahib was rewarded for his services to us 
 by the restoration of his villages. 
 
 Mr. Lockett having been so short a time in 
 office, I requested Colonel Malcolm to unite 
 political with his military control until Govern- 
 ment could make arrangements ; and Lord Elphin- 
 stone allowed me to call up Captain Frederick 
 Schneider, who was well acquainted with the 
 affairs of the country, to succeed Mr. Manson as 
 a temporary measure. The southern States and 
 trials were enough to occupy his full attention. 
 In the north, Tasgam had recently been annexed 
 by our Government, which had refused to acknow- 
 ledge the adopted son, and it was natural to 
 suppose that the disappointed widow would sym- 
 pathise in any intrigues against us. But I could 
 trace nothing beyond many religious mendicants 
 passing to and fro, each ready to give a pious 
 reason for his peregrinations. To check their 
 doings, however, Mr. Rose spared me half a regi-
 
 232 Western India. 
 
 ment from Satara, where troubles had quieted 
 down, to garrison the place. 
 
 On the 3rd of July the southern division of the 
 army had the misfortune to lose its commander by 
 the sudden death of General Lester. On the 2ist 
 of the same month I was in orders as Brigadier- 
 General, and soon afterwards became so seriously 
 ill as to be obliged to leave for Bombay, the Gover- 
 nor kindly ordering the Civil Surgeon, Doctor 
 Broughton, to attend me on the road. Before my 
 departure I had the happiness of being able to 
 report to Government that so far as regarded the 
 upper country tranquillity seemed entirely restored. 
 Below the mountains, along the Goa. frontier, the 
 Sawunt rebels still kept a large number of Madras, 
 Bombay, and Portuguese, troops, regular and 
 irregular, in the field. On reaching the coast I 
 slowly recovered a modicum of strength, sufficient 
 to authorise the. suggestion to Government that I 
 should proceed to Goa to endeavour to procure a 
 more efficient co-operation of the whole, and 
 especially of that of the Portuguese Government, 
 whose hearty assistance was all important. I
 
 Mission to Goa. 233 
 
 further hoped that my influence with the Sawunt 
 people might lead to the surrender of the insur- 
 gents. A frigate of the Indian Navy being ap- 
 pointed to convey me, I left Bombay on the 2nd 
 of November, and was very cordially received at 
 Goa by His Excellency, the Visconde de Novas 
 Torres, an old general officer covered with scars 
 and medals from the Civil Wars in Portugal. By 
 opening his ports and facilitating the march of our 
 troops to Belgaum, he had greatly assisted us; 
 and now he consented to place the whole of his 
 Field Detachments under the command of the 
 officer who might miite that of the Bombay and 
 Madras troops. 
 
 Brigadier-General Fitzgerald, and Mr. Ballard, 
 Civil Commissioner of North Canara, were deputed 
 by the Madras Government to meet me, and 
 with Captain F. Schneider, and the colonel com- 
 manding the Portuguese Field Force, were present 
 at interviews with the Governor-General, where 
 plans of the campaign were discussed. But the 
 difficulties of the country for military operations 
 were so great that my chief reliance was placed on
 
 234 Western India. 
 
 parties through whose influence on the rebel 
 leaders I hoped to induce them to surrender, 
 promising, on one hand, safety to life alone, while, 
 on the other, I held out to them the certainty of 
 harassment from all quarters and death either by 
 military force or civil trial. To give them time for 
 reflection, we suspended operations till the 2Oth of 
 the month, after which date they were informed that 
 they would be hunted down without mercy. I had 
 the Governor-General's promise that when they 
 gave themselves up he would deport them to the 
 distant Portuguese possessions in Timor. I knew 
 they would not trust themselves to our Govern- 
 ment, but that of Goa had always behaved gene- 
 rously to them, and the only hope of success lay 
 in acting through it. 
 
 Arrangements completed, we broke up the 
 little Parliament. Brigadier-General Fitzgerald 
 took command of the united forces, Captain 
 Hewett commanding under him those of Bombay. 
 The latter had been nominated to act as Assistant 
 to Sawunt Waree and Belgaum agents, to secure 
 united action of civil and military troops. Each
 
 The Rebels surrender. 235 
 
 officer took up his position, and I wended my way 
 to Sawunt Waree. 1 
 
 The rebel band had from desertion and repeated 
 defeats dwindled down to eighty persons. These 
 at midnight of the last day of grace surrendered 
 to the Portuguese Commander. The Government 
 of Bombay subsequently placed a war-steamer at 
 the disposal of the Goa Governor-General, in which 
 all whom it was considered wise to expatriate 
 were shipped off for Timor, and the peace of the 
 country for many years thus secured. Considering 
 the important services rendered by this nobleman 
 to our Government, I have been grieved to find 
 that, notwithstanding Lord Elphinstone's acknow- 
 ledgment thereof, and recommendation that some 
 mark of honour should be conferred on him, they 
 appear to have passed unrecognised. 
 
 The only published notice of these events I ever 
 
 1 Sir Patrick Grant, then Commander-in-Chief of the Madras Army, 
 came into the roadstead just as we were on the wing, the object 
 being to give weight to our negotiations ; but finding all effected he 
 passed on to Bombay without landing, the Governor-General politely 
 going out to the fiigate instead of inviting him on shore, as this 
 might have prevented the insurgents surrendering from fear of being 
 made over to us.
 
 236 Western India. 
 
 saw was in a local Indian paper purporting to give, 
 under the heading of Central India, a telegram 
 from ' The Political Commissioner,' whoever that 
 gentleman might be, that, ' tbe rebel chiefs had sur- 
 rendered ; ' yet several thousand soldiers were set 
 free from a harassing campaign, the population 
 along a line of 150 miles released from murder and 
 pillage, and men who nearly from their childhood 
 had kept the country in hot water deprived of 
 further power of mischief. 
 
 All danger of further outbreak above or below 
 the Ghats now being over,, I resigned military 
 command. 
 
 I have now mentioned the principal events that 
 occurred in the countries under my military or 
 political control, It is somewhat remarkable that 
 they should be. so little known beyond the limits 
 of the Bombay Presidency. Still more that they 
 should have been denied by men whose position 
 might have given them the knowledge from official 
 
 1 As the Chief Political Authority, I reported to Government that 
 the Field Establishments might be safely dispensed with. Three 
 months afterwards 1 received an application from the Divisional 
 Sub-Assistant Commissary-General, to whom the subject had 
 worked its way down through the circumlocution offices, asking my 
 opinion whether the thing could be safely carried out !
 
 77ie Queens Proclamation. 237 
 
 sources, but it is not the object of my present 
 narrative to account for this. 
 
 On the ist of November, 1858, the day before my 
 departure for Goa, Hter Majesty's proclamation to 
 the chiefs and people of India came forth to sup- 
 plement acts of severity by mercy. It was received 
 with feelings never before evinced on any public 
 occasion. I had the gratification of being present 
 when it was read from the steps of the Town Hall 
 in Bombay to the countless thousands who thronged 
 to hear it, and during a forty years' sojourn in the 
 East never witnessed such enthusiasm amongst a 
 people by nature so undemonstrative. 1 In Western 
 India Lord Elphinstone's government, and subse- 
 quently that of Sir George Clerk, carried out the 
 spirit of the proclamation ; rebellion was pardoned ; 
 despairing chiefs permitted to adopt sons ; and 
 
 1 It must, however, be borne in mind that the Proclamation was 
 chiefly appreciated by the upper and educated classes, by whom the 
 lower, though apathetic, may be easily led or misled, and that with 
 most the ornne ignotum pro magnifico assisted in the feeling displayed. 
 The power of the' Crown was only known in the Presidency towns 
 by its courts set up to control the local amhorities. The Company's 
 Government was always a mystery to the Natives, who have a keen 
 appreciation of royalty, and under the gracious promises of the 
 Queen it became a convenient scapegoat for past administrative 
 evils.
 
 238 Western India. 
 
 Kolapoor and Sawunt Waree, with wise precautions 
 and stipulations, restored to their reigning families. 
 In the same spirit I have forborne to rip up old 
 wounds now happily healed, and in this respect, as 
 well as in some minor details of a painful nature, 
 my history is purposely incomplete. 
 
 It will be sufficient if it help to convince the 
 British people that there were more causes for the 
 conflagration of 185758 than they wot of, and 
 that a continuation of the policy of respecting 
 native rights, rescued from doubt by Sir Stafford 
 Northcote's administration, affords the surest pros- 
 pect of future exemption from similar outbursts 
 of pent-up hatred and discontent. As Bapoo Sahib 
 Shapoorkur remarked to me on seeing the arrival 
 from time to time of fresh European troops, ' What 
 do you want these soldiers for now ? Only act on 
 the Queen's Proclamation and you may send them 
 all back again as soon as you please.' 
 
 If our rulers are wise they will give its due 
 value to such an expression of native opinion, and 
 in their desire for progress cannot do better than 
 act on the motto 
 
 FESTINA LENTE.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 (See page 226.) 
 
 Mr. Kies, a German missionary in the Southern 
 Mahratta Country, gave Colonel, now Major-General, 
 Sir George Malcolm the following translation of 
 a Canarese epic, written shortly after the events 
 related in my last chapter ; it may interest as 
 showing them from a native point of view. The 
 poem must needs have suffered greatly from the 
 attempt to put a literal translation into English 
 verse, but the author has clearly intended to keep 
 as near the truth as was consistent with his lights. 
 The notes are not initialed by the translator. 
 
 / /
 
 240 Appendix. 
 
 THE WAR WITH BAB A SAHIB 
 (THE -CHIEF OF NURGOOND) 
 
 AND 
 THE CAPTURE OF THAT TOWN BY THE ENGLISH. 
 
 A.D. 1858. 
 I 
 
 The brave English, the great kings, took Nurgoond on earth; 
 The wicked chieftains were taken prisoners from their hearth ; 
 The bad rebels were broken and fled in the midst of their 
 
 mirth. 
 Have the English their equals ? To their power must stoop 
 
 even Lady Earth ! 
 
 II 
 Strife rose in the North ; searching swords, daggers, and 
 
 diverse arms 
 
 Throughout the empire in towns, villages, and farms, 
 Besieging houses and creating alarms, 
 They came to Dharwar, with a great force collecting arms. 
 
 in 
 
 Many valiant lords with one mind there came, 
 To overflowing with anger was filled their frame ; 
 Gnashing their teeth they said, ' At which place must we aim? 
 ' We have misgivings about that Fort, Nurgoond is its name.'
 
 Appendix. 241 
 
 IV 
 
 The brave Chief of Police mounted his horse and joined his 
 
 angry men. 
 
 They found out and brought arms from the rebel's den. 
 People who concealed swords, and yet denied it were beaten 
 
 then 
 And pulled by the arm ; to describe this I want a more 
 
 powerful pen. 
 
 They came as victors, alighted at Nurgoond, gazed at the 
 
 fortified hill, 
 
 And sat down thoughtfully to announce their will. 
 Baskaraja l was sent for and informed with skill 
 That his master must be disarmed. Hearing this, Baba fell 
 
 down ill. 
 
 VI 
 
 ' Why hesitate ? ' Give up arms, guns, powder and balls ; 
 Do not conceal them in the ground nor in walls : 
 Give up all hope in this matter, and hear your master's call 
 To disarm your country ! Do not sit idle in your hall ! ' 
 
 VII 
 
 At this command anger rose to the brain of the Chief ; his 
 
 eyes did glare, 
 Pouring forth sparks. On his body was bristling his hair 
 
 1 A minister of the Chief, through whom he communicated with the 
 British Government.
 
 242 Appendix. 
 
 With horror, but he curbed his passion and promised to dis- 
 
 arm with care, 
 Saying to himself, ' If I am silent I shall better fare.' 
 
 VIII 
 
 He returned without stopping to his house with a wavering 
 
 mind, 
 Called his clever Minister, Raghopanta, and bade him with 
 
 calm mind 
 
 To consider well whether the promise given did bind 
 Him to collect and give up arms of every kind. 
 
 IX 
 
 According to his advice an answer was returned by Baba 
 
 the Lord. 
 
 ' The arms are ours ; we shall give neither gun nor sword. 
 Mark ! this is a clear answer to you. We have no other 
 
 word. 
 Be off in peace ! We have sent letters to gather our horde ! ' 
 
 Hearing this answer the Chief of Police J twisted his mousta- 
 
 chios and rose in a passion, 
 And said, 'Well done, Baba, thou art a traitor of a rare 
 
 fashion ! 
 
 We shall soon come again to punish thy transgression; 
 Then I shall pour down thy throat molten lead without 
 
 compassion. 
 
 1 The poet seems to have very misty ideas of the ruling 
 powers. G. L. J.
 
 Appendix. 243 
 
 XI 
 
 'Thou art like a straw; thou provokest the fire with open eyes. 
 Has the country been given to thee to devour it 1 In no 
 
 wise! 
 
 Mark! thou hast eaten up thy measure of rice, 1 
 Hero ! thou must not weary thyself by vainly boasting if 
 
 thou art wise.' 
 
 
 
 xir 
 Instantly this message was sent to the great Collector, 2 on 
 
 the excellent wire. 
 In a moment it reached the Court of the Queen, with the 
 
 velocity of fire. 
 
 Here Mr. Manson was ordered to bring in the liar. 
 Obedient he set out ; he travelled on with haste, alas ! no 
 
 more to retire. 
 
 XIII 
 
 He posted in every village on his road one horse ; went to 
 
 Ramdroog with great speed; 
 
 Greeted Rao Sahib kindly and advised him to heed 
 The present time, to disarm and mount his steed 
 To go to Dharwar, where he would receive for his loyalty a 
 
 becoming meed. 
 
 XIV 
 
 Rao Sahib gave to this advice a ready assent, 
 Mr. Manson left him smilingly and pitched his tent 
 Near Suriband. To go to Nurgoond was his intent. 
 Baba was informed of this by the spies he had sent. 
 
 1 The time of thy death is near. 
 
 2 See note I on p. 242. G. L. J. 
 
 R 2
 
 244 Appendix. 
 
 xv 
 
 Mr. Manson in his palanquin went to sleep, 
 Guarded by eighteen warriors who had to keep 
 Watch on his right and left side. Of the secret wicked and 
 
 deep 
 He had no foreboding. Thinking of it we cannot but weep. 
 
 XVI 
 
 Baba came with one hundred men, foot and horse, like a 
 shower; 
 
 They fell on the guards as tigers eager to devour. 
 
 They were killing to the right and left ; there was no resist- 
 ance to their power, 
 
 When Mr. Manson awoke rose, and stood like a strong 
 tower. 
 
 xvi r 
 
 He saw the storm, and without hesitating fired off his gun; 
 But it was too late, there was none to help him, not one. 
 Baba seeing him called angrily to his men, ' My word must 
 
 be done ! 
 Cut him up quickly ! ' Thus the foul play was won. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 They returned to Nurgoond. And going in procession they 
 
 showed 
 The head of their foe. Crowds of children and women 
 
 cheering on followed.
 
 Appendix. 245 
 
 Then it was fixed upon the gate. The warriors assembled 
 
 and bellowed, 
 ' The foe has been caught ! ' So that with it the sides of the 
 
 Hill echoed. 
 
 
 
 XIX 
 
 The next day Baba placed watchmen round the town, 
 Fortified the gate, prepared for war, and went down 
 To his warriors, gave them betel leaf, 1 and said, ' Frown 
 At my foes, saw them, make them sawdust, and uphold my 
 crown.' 
 
 xx 
 
 Hearing this the warriors fell to the ground, 
 Beat the soil, and with a loud sound 
 
 Said, ' Father, take courage ! Do not doubt ; we feel bound 
 To defend you ! Our enemies will be soon cut up and 
 ground ! ' 
 
 XXI 
 
 To which Baba, ' Tell me, where have they won a battle ? 
 The coward English ! Are we afraid of their empty rattle ? 
 They have taken countries with idle prattle, 
 But we shall weary them and offer their marrow to demons 
 on the field of battle.' 
 
 XXII 
 
 Thus vainly boasting he was filled with gladness, 
 And prayed to his god to show kindness, 
 
 1 Before beginning an important business betel leaf is distributed as 
 a kind of inauguration.
 
 246 Appendix. 
 
 And deliver him mercifully from the sadness 
 
 Into which his enemies had plunged him with eagerness. 
 
 XXIII 
 
 Then he went to his Fort, his stores of ammunition ex- 
 amined, and in secret places located. 
 His warriors received sugar and meal and were satisfied. 
 With the discharge of guns the air reverberated, 
 And the firm ground gave way and was agitated. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 He encouraged and explained all this to his^ife : 
 ' Be of good cheer and do not fear for your life ! 
 Do not stab yourself with sorrow, that sharp knife ! 
 God has brought this time, into his counsels you must not 
 dive.' 
 
 xxv 
 
 The lady looking with sorrow on her husband's fate, 
 
 Said, ' What will be our lot after losing our place 1 
 
 We had better die ! 'Tis a dangerous quarrel you dared to 
 
 raise 
 With the English, this earth-conquering race. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 'But let be ! We shall not fear; do not shrink in the fight; 
 And wage war by the mercy of God with all might ! 
 Hear, my husband, what I say, and prove a valiant knight 
 In vanquishing our enemies to our hearts' delight.'
 
 Appendix. 247 
 
 XXVII 
 
 That foul deed perpetrated in the dark night-time 
 
 Was like a stain that cannot be effaced by white-washing 
 
 lime. 
 
 It was a deed that could be pardoned in no time. 
 It was impossible that fortune should follow such a crime. 
 
 XXVIII 
 
 When our Masters in Dharwar heard of this murder it was 
 
 as if a dart 
 
 Had been flung at them and fire poured into their heart 
 They sent a message on the wire with art 
 And asked the Queen how the traitor ought to smart. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 This news flew with the swiftness of lightning to the far far 
 
 West. 
 The Queen sat in Council, on the right and left to Her 
 
 Ministers giving behest. 
 They heard it, beat the ground, bit their fingers, and smote 
 
 on their breast, 
 Their eyes sparkling with rage, and roaring like thunder, 
 
 ' Burn us ! We can have no rest, 
 
 XXX 
 
 ' Mother Queen ! We must have revenge ! But God will 
 extricate us ; do not speak words of grief. 
 
 Make haste ! Give order, and distribute to our warriors 
 betel leaf, 
 
 That they go and lay waste the country of that Chief 
 
 Who is your subject, and holds that country only as a fief!'
 
 248 Appendix. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 At this advice of Her Ministers, the Queen cast a gracious 
 
 glance 
 On the august assembly, and ordered Her army with swords 
 
 and lance 
 
 To go to the war, at which the soldiers began to dance 
 For joy, and asked, 'Where is Nurgoond ? We shall cast 
 
 that people into an awful trance.' 
 
 XXXII 
 
 The brave Colonel at their head was so full of ire 
 As to appear like a mountain ignited with fire, 
 From his eyes poured forth sparks of dire 
 Wrath, enough to consume such straw men as were in Baba's 
 hire. 
 
 xxxni 
 
 The first day they halted some miles distant from Nurgoond 
 and alighted 
 
 To encamp. At dawn the officers rose, prepared for an at- 
 tack, and were delighted 
 
 At the proposal of having their honour soon righted, 
 
 Mounted their horses and went on, at which Baba was sorely 
 affrighted. 
 
 xxxiv 
 
 He prayed to Venkatramana, his god, to deliver, 
 Exhorted his men to attack, and not to shiver. 
 They sallied out gnashing their teeth like a rushing river, 
 At the sound of their drums the ground began to quiver.
 
 Appendix. 249 
 
 xxxv 
 When the English saw them coming, they turned back their 
 
 horse 
 
 Saying, ' Let them come forth ! ' And ordered their force 
 To retreat, and instructed them what course 
 They had to take, and put in readiness every resource. 
 
 xxxvi 
 
 Baba's men thought the English were flying 
 
 From fear. 'See how they run like horses shying ! 
 
 They are broken ! Let us catch them ! ' the enemy was 
 crying, 
 
 And followed to the brook, where the brave warriors in am- 
 bush were lying. 
 
 xxxvn 
 Out rushed the soldiers, like a thunderstorm in an angry 
 
 mood, 
 
 Their business to slay was well understood. 
 They surrounded and cut up this infernal brood 
 As a man with an axe is cutting a wood. 
 
 XXXVIII 
 
 As lions attack cattle and sheep, eager to eat, 
 The soldiers did not tire to cut, to stab, and to beat 
 These beggars who had no food, but were full of conceit ; 
 They became now to the demons and fowls delicious meat.
 
 250 Appendix. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 Some were hiding behind trees, trembling ; 
 
 Others fled in disguise, dissembling, 
 
 Stumbled, fell, and with blades of grass in their mouths l 
 
 were heard mumbling, 
 ' O Englishmen, our Lords, do not kill us ! We are already 
 
 like corpses tumbling.' 
 
 XL 
 
 Some threw away their arms with which they had fought ; 
 Others with much grief of their helpless wives and children 
 
 thought; 
 Some unable to bear the heavy blows of the enemy were 
 
 caught ; 
 All their arrogance and pride had come to nought. 
 
 XLI 
 
 When Baba saw his force shattered and broken, 
 He was confounded, and is said to have thus spoken, 
 ' O Bheemrao, O Chief of Dumbul ! 2 You have broken 
 The words which with an oath you had spoken. 
 
 XLII 
 ' Perhaps my dull warriors did not well direct their guns and 
 
 balls. 
 Alas ! they have deceived me ! They showed courage only 
 
 as long as they were within my walls, 
 
 1 As a sign of surrender. 
 
 2 The Insurgent Leader who fell at Copaldroog. G. L. J.
 
 Appendix. 251 
 
 These wily hypocrites ! They betrayed me ; that galls 
 My soul ! They themselves are lost ; to me" they were false. 
 
 XLIII 
 
 ' O Krishna ! Am I not to thee devoted ? 
 Was not thy worship always by me promoted 1 
 What is my sin ? On thee I have doted, 
 That I should lose my life can the Gods have voted 1 ' 
 
 XLIV 
 
 Then he turned his horse and rode quickly to the Fort, 
 To which he thought his men would resort. 
 ' Open the gate ! ' he cried, ' O God, the time is short ! ' 
 But none answered from within. He sighed and fled, that 
 was no sport. 
 
 XLV 
 His wife hearing that her husband had been routed and put 
 
 to flight, 
 Rolled on the ground, sighing and weeping from anguish 
 
 and fright. 
 'What shall we do?' She asked her mother-in-law, 'how 
 
 might 
 We have made our troubles and burden light ? ' 
 
 XLVI 
 
 Her virtuous mother-in-law wept when she heard this word, 
 And said, ' Before going he ought to have cut our throats 
 with his sword.
 
 252 Appendix. 
 
 Thus to leave and deceive us does not with his fine words 
 
 accord; 
 We must go likewise, after we have been deprived of our 
 
 Lord.' 
 
 XLVII 
 
 Both went and wandered about in the nearest wood, 
 
 Took each other by the hand, and went on without tasting 
 
 food. 
 After seeing their efforts to find their Lord fruitless, they 
 
 thought it best 
 To seek in the depths of the near river an eternal rest. 
 
 XL VI 1 1 
 
 In the mean time the English, impatient to wait, 
 Rushed in through the unguarded gate, 
 And advanced to the Palace, moving on with fierce gait, 
 Crying, ' Seize, beat, stab, cut, let the foe feel our hate ! ' 
 
 XLIX 
 At not finding Baba they gnashed their teeth and researched 
 
 the whole place, 
 
 But nowhere could they discover and recognise his face.j 
 ' Where can he be ? ' they exclaimed and began to gaze 
 At the Fort. Hither was now directed the chase. 
 
 L 
 
 But they did not find him, and full of disappointment and 
 
 rage 
 They said, ' Go where thou mayest thou wilt soon go off the 
 
 stage !
 
 Appendix. 253 
 
 That thou wilt escape destruction thou needest not believe !' 
 At their shouts of victory the hidden fugitives trembled like 
 a withering leaf. 
 
 LI 
 
 The following day the Chief of Police permitted the soldiers 
 
 to plunder! 
 
 The inhabitants were frightened and fled no wonder ! 
 The earth from the weight of the warrior's wrath cleft 
 
 asunder ; 
 They shouted and roared like rolling thunder. 
 
 LIT 
 
 Ten and ten went together, and thus through the town they 
 were dispersed. 
 
 To deliver their swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks, 
 men were coerced, 
 
 Poor men were driven from their homes, and greatly dis- 
 tressed : 
 
 But this is the lot of a hostile town, to be by victors 
 oppressed. 
 
 LIII 
 In the houses of the bankers they took jewels, silver and 
 
 gold, 
 
 Brazen vessels, iron, ivory, all was taken and sold. 
 In the huts of the farmers they took milk, butter and curds, 
 All kinds of grain, like preying birds.
 
 654 Appendix. 
 
 LIV 
 
 They took and tied up in bundles clothes that had in boxes 
 
 been kept ; 
 
 The women when seeing their garments taken, bitterly wept. 
 Braids, quilted garments, blankets and mats, away all was 
 
 swept. 
 There were many who in that night on the bare ground 
 
 slept. 
 
 LV 
 
 But listen ! There was not left even to infants their cradle. 
 Yea they were denuded of their very swaddle. 
 From the kitchen was taken the ladle; 
 Oxen, cows, buffaloes, asses, sheep, were seized, and horses 
 without saddle. 
 
 LVI 
 
 The butchers had to deplore the loss of their knives. 
 ' Where are our cooking pots ? ' lamented their wives. 
 Many wished that the warriors had taken their lives, 
 And sent them to that world where no sinner thrives. 
 
 LVI I 
 
 Then *he shops where cloth was sold were sacked, 
 The shops of spices were emptied. None lacked 
 Food that day. The bags of sugar and dates were unpacked; 
 They put dates one into the mouth of another, tasted and 
 smacked.
 
 Appendix. 255 
 
 LVIII 
 
 What they-could not eat and could not carry was spilled, 
 After they had got their pockets completely filled, 
 Thereupon an old prophecy about the temple of Venkalestra 
 
 was fulfilled, 
 That its idol would be broken and on its holy floor cattle 
 
 killed. 
 
 LIX 
 
 Meanwhile the English searched all places where Baba 
 
 might hide, 
 
 A fugitive he wandered near Torgall gone was his pride, 
 A fire of anguish burned within him. No guide 
 Had he in whom he could safely confide. 
 
 LX 
 
 When the soldiers came, and with skill surrounded 
 
 The place where Baba was concealed, he was confounded. 
 
 He tried to run, but a shower of balls fell on him; the charge 
 was sounded; 
 
 The officers advanced; he was taken, and with their accla- 
 mations the air resounded. 
 
 LXI 
 
 The great chiefs of the Army were filled with delight, 
 Saying, ' Our enemy has been caught ! ' Many a traitorous 
 
 wight 
 
 Was found there and ordered to be bound tight. 
 To bring them to Belgaum the officers exerted all might.
 
 256 Appendix. 
 
 LXII 
 
 The people hearing that Baba Sahib had been caught, 
 Began to lament, saying, ' Fortune is fickle, power is fraught 
 With danger, empire is uncertain, woe to him by whom it 
 
 is sought ! 
 A noble chief has after a short reign come to nought." 
 
 LXIII 
 
 Most virtuous kings, like Chola, 1 by Lady Earth 2 were 
 deserted. 
 
 How often has she from powerful and mighty princes 
 averted 
 
 Her face ! God only knows what she has secretly concerted ! 
 
 Alas ! Baba desired such an unsteady spouse and was dis- 
 concerted ! 
 
 LXIV 
 He was virtuous, a man of renown, to little children a 
 
 warden. 
 He was of a quiet temper. When seeing the poor he did 
 
 not harden 
 His heart. He protected the brothers of science, the 
 
 learned. 
 On festivals a rich harvest of presents by Brahmins was 
 
 earned. 
 
 i 
 
 1 A race of kings who ruled the Eastern coast of India about 800 
 years ago. From their name that coast was called Coromandel, i. e. 
 Circle of Chola. 
 
 2 Lady Earth is a personification of universal empire. She is 
 courted by princes.
 
 Appendix. 257 
 
 LXV 
 
 What times of trouble have come over such a great king ! 
 
 How shall we forget such an awful thing ! 
 
 With it our ears will always ring ; 
 
 We feel pain as if we were touched by a sting.' 
 
 LXVI 
 
 Men and women looked pale, and desired to see 
 Their Chief. Strong men were shedding a sea 
 Of tears, and rushed out of the town 
 With women's bowels and hearts as soft as down. 
 
 LXVI I 
 
 Our Lords in Belgaum received soon an answer from the 
 
 Queen with glee, 
 
 That the traitor should be hanged on a tree, 
 When they saw Baba brought before them, with anger their 
 
 hearts were filled, 
 ' He is unworthy to live ! ' they said. ' He must be killed ! ' 
 
 LXVI 1 1 
 
 While hanging him the rope broke ; 
 
 He fell to the ground and addressing his judges thus spoke : 
 
 ' You are my refuge ; spare my life; put the cloak 
 
 Of mercy over me ; humbly I will bear your yoke.' 
 
 LXIX 
 
 It was of no avail that he suppliantly prayed and knelt. 
 At his words the hearts of our Lords did not melt. 
 They smiled, great was the anguish he felt; 
 But he was a murderer with whom they justly dealt. 
 
 S
 
 258 Appendix. 
 
 LXX 
 
 Then other prisoners were tried and found 
 Guilty of death. To the mouth of a cannon they were 
 
 bound, 
 
 And in a moment you saw in the air the fiery flashes 
 Away to the eight points of the compass flew their ashes. 
 
 LXXI 
 
 Some prisoners had by a natural death been released. 
 \fter thus all rebels had been punished and justice appeased, 
 The heat of passion in our rulers' hearts cooled down and 
 
 decreased 
 Till all angry emotions wholly ceased. 
 
 LXXI I 
 
 The Ryots had been with fear of death excited 
 
 To leave the town ; they were now invited 
 
 To return. ' Remain ! Fear not ; we have plighted 
 
 Our faith to rule you so mildly that you will be delighted. 
 
 LXXIII 
 
 ' It is Baba whom you have to thank 
 For this happy change. Your town will now take the first 
 
 rank 
 
 Among the places of the District ; we shall repair tank 
 And roads, and make you free and frank.' 
 
 LXXIV 
 
 Then our valiant masters united to give praise 
 
 To the LORD of the Universe for His goodness and grace,
 
 Appendix. 259 
 
 That He had extricated them out of a maze 
 
 Of troubles, and guided them with the light of His face. 
 
 LXXV 
 
 ' We fall down at Thy feet and worship Thee, O LORD ; 
 Thou hast given victory to our sword. 
 We are Thy children, obedient to Thy Word. 
 Save us and protect us for ever, O LORD.' 
 
 LXXVI 
 
 The next day the grand army marched away 
 With smiling faces in battle array. 
 The drums were beaten, the pipers did play; 
 Arriving at the gate of the Queen's city they made a stay. 
 
 LXXVI I 
 
 There met them the Mistress of the Earth who directs all 
 
 powers, 
 And headed the martial procession. The soldiers looked 
 
 firm as towers, 
 The grand Army marched through a triumphal Arch as 
 
 through bowers 
 Into the Capital that was decorated with garlands of flowers. 
 
 LXXVI 1 1 
 
 As long as Sun and Moon are shining in the sky 
 No enemy will stand these heroes' battle-cry. 
 As wind and storm do chase the crazy butterfly, 
 So will an English host make all their enemies fly.
 
 260 Appendix. 
 
 LXXIX 
 
 Thus the wicked rebels broke; 
 Riches vanished just like smoke. 
 Of this turbulent haughty race 
 Is not seen a single trace. 
 
 LXXX 
 
 Could the earth bear such great pride 
 Without gaping open wide ? 
 Down they went with hearts right sore 
 Whence do men return no more. 
 
 LXXXI 
 
 Now has gone the powder smell ; 
 On the ground lie ball and shell, 
 Tired of flying through the air. 
 People dwell contented there. 
 
 The Author clearly writes as one disapproving the 
 outbreak, yet feeling sympathy for his countrymen ; 
 and this is what might naturally be expected from a 
 Christian convert, or one en rapport with the Mis- 
 sionary. The general feeling of the population in the 
 interior may be gathered from the following anecdote, 
 told me by a gentleman high in the Civil Service, 
 one well calculated, from the confidence he inspires,
 
 Appendix. 261 
 
 to ascertain the real sentiments of the native com- 
 munity, often very different from what they profess 
 whenever they imagine a couleur de rose view agree- 
 able to the enquirer. 
 
 'You ask me,' said a native to this gentleman, 
 ' what the people really feel regarding the change of 
 rule from the "Kumpany Bahadoor " to that of the 
 Queen. As I know you wish me to speak the truth, 
 whatever it may be, I will tell you by relating a 
 story. 
 
 ' Once upon a time a Dhobee (washerman) was 
 washing his clothes in a lake, leaving his donkey as 
 usual to browse by the side, when a thief came and 
 took the animal away. By great exertion the 
 Dhobee at last regained the creature, and having 
 done so thus expostulated with it : " Why, O ass, did 
 you go away so quietly with that thief ? If you had 
 resisted, or only brayed to alarm me, I could have got 
 to you in time to prevent it." 
 
 ' " Master," replied the ass, " why should you expect 
 me to care about it ? As to food, I get what I can 
 find. You load me as much as you think I can carry.
 
 262 Appendix. 
 
 I should not be worse off in any change of masters, 
 and I might perhaps be better." ' 
 
 This satire seems inconsistent with the enthusiasm 
 mentioned in p. 237, but it has reference to the 
 masses of the interior, who must never be judged of 
 by the populations of the Presidency towns ; and the 
 story was told after the first flush of the change had 
 passed away and things were found to jog on pretty 
 much as before. 
 
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