AND SKETCHES CHARLES FORSTER SMITH REMINISCENCES AND SKETCHES BY CHARLES FORSTER SMITH NASHVILLE, TENN.; DALLAS. TEX. PUBLISHING HOUSE OF THE M. E. CHURCH. SOUTH SMITH & LAMAR. AGENTS 1908 COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY SMITH & LAMAR. TO 3amrn IS. (Carlialr THE BEST MAN I HAVE EVER KNOWN AND MOST POTENT HUMAN INFLUENCE IN MY LIFE CONTENTS. PAGE PREFACE ix I. DR. GARLAND i II. BlSHOP McTYEIRE 22 III. WILLIAM MALONE BASKERVILL 38 IV. PRESIDENT CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS 59 V. THE NATIONAL HERO 74 VI. THE SOUTH'S IDEAL HERO 96 VII. MAURICE THOMPSON 113 VIII. SIDNEY LANIER AS POET 136 IX. RICHARD MALCOLM JOHNSTON 164 X. MATTHEW ARNOLD 189 XL STEPHEN PHILLIPS 242 XII. THE DISCIPLINE OF SUFFERING IN SOPHO- CLES 263 XIII. THE MAKING OF A SCHOLAR 296 XIV. CHARACTER AND PERSONAL INFLUENCE 327 XV. OUR OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL 353 XVI. A UNIVERSITY FOR THE PEOPLE 362 XVII. FROM PROVINCIAL TO NATIONAL FEELING.. 374 XVIII. FROM HARVARD TO LEIPZIG UNIVERSITY.. 384 XIX. CHEYNE Row How Do LONDONERS PRO- NOUNCE IT? 394 XX. THE PASTOR FOR ME 398 XXI. THE PLAIN PROSE OF LIFE IN THE SMOKY MOUNTAINS 404 (v) vi Contents. XXII. HOMERIC QUALITIES IN THE GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS 4I , XXIII. FROM ROAN TO MITCHELL 424 XXIV. CLINGMAN'S DOME ILLUSTRATIONS. page LANDON C. GARLAND i BISHOP HOLLAND N. McTvEiRE 22 WILLIAM MALONE BASKERVILL 38 CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS 59 GEORGE WASHINGTON 74 ROBERT EDWARD LEE 96 MAURICE THOMPSON 113 SIDNEY LANIER '. 136 RICHARD MALCOLM JOHNSTON 164 MATTHEW ARNOLD 189 STEPHEN PHILLIPS 242 SOPHOCLES 263 (vii) PREFACE. TiHE suggestion of this volume came from two students of former years who have attained dis- tinction in letters. If the approbation of old friends in whose judgment and good taste one has confidence is endorsed by acceptance on the part of the first publisher to whom the material is submitted, and a fair offer is made, it is ex- cusable perhaps to yield to a secretly cherished wish and bring old papers out again from their dusty retirement. If the reception of the volume should be as kindly as that of the individual pa- pers, the author would have no reason to com- plain. Many thanks are hereby expressed to the jour- nals whose kindness permits the reprinting of the papers, namely: the Atlantic Monthly, Christian Union, Independent, Methodist Review, Cumber- land Presbyterian Review, Sewanee Review, South Atlantic Quarterly, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy, Vanderbilt Quarterly, Chris- tian Advocate, Southern Christian Advocate, and Nashville American. (be) LANDON C. GARLAND. REMINISCENCES AND SKETCHES. I. DOCTOR GARLAND. Landon Cabell Garland, born in Nelson county, Vir- ginia, March 21, 1810, was graduated from Hampden- Sidney College, Virginia, in 1829, and was that year elected Lecturer, later Professor of Chemistry, in Wash- ington College, now Washington and Lee University. In 1834 he accepted a professorship in Randolph-Macon College, and in 1836 succeeded Stephen Olin as Presi- dent. In 1846 he resigned to study law, but when just ready to be admitted to the bar was offered the chair of Physics and Astronomy in the University of Ala- bama, which he accepted, entering upon its duties in 1847. In 1853-55 ne served as President of the North- east and Southwest Alabama Railway, but returned to the University of Alabama as President in 1855. He held that position till the buildings were burned by the Federal army during the Civil War, and after that was retained as sole officer of the faculty to secure means for rebuilding. Accepting a professorship in the Uni- versity of Mississippi in 1867, he remained there till elected Chancellor of the newly organized Vanderbilt University in 1875. At Vanderbilt he was Chancellor and Professor of Physics and Astronomy for eighteen CO 2 Reminiscences and Sketches. years ; then, his resignation of the former office, offered in 1891, having been finally accepted (1893), when Dr. Kirkland was elected Chancellor, he was continued on full salary as Chancellor Emeritus and Professor of Physics and Astronomy till his death, February 12, 1895- IT was my habit, while at Vanderbilt Univer- sity, occasionally to make notes of conversa- tions with Dr. Garland. When he was in the humor to talk freely of himself and his ex- periences, it was a delight to listen to him, and I used to feel that it was a pity this should all be lost. He had had a longer educational career than any man within my knowledge, and many things he told properly belonged to educational history. But I knew the Doctor's modesty was such that he would positively forbid any public use of facts given in private conversation. So I would write afterwards in a notebook what had especially impressed me, and as nearly as possi- ble in his own words. Some of these conversa- tions I shall now reproduce, following as close- ly as may be the chronological order. If I thought there was anything in these reminis- cences that could rightly offend any one, I should feel his prohibition still laid upon me and print nothing. He was one of the simplest, most guileless, sincerest. most unselfish men I ever Doctor Garland, 3 knew one of the two or three best men whom it has been my good fortune to be intimately ac- quainted with. I cannot remember the time when his name was not a household word in my family; for he had been the favorite in- structor of my father and of my father-in-law, and a brother of mine had been named for him forty 1 years ago. I still recall the thrill with which I first saw him on a railway train about eighteen years ago, but could not summon cour- age to address him. I owe him a debt of grati- tude I can never repay, and I am sure he would not have liked me to try to repay it with eulogy. The best thing is to let him speak once more for himself. One of the most impressive scenes I ever wit- nessed in the chapel at Vanderbilt was when Dr. Garland, one Monday morning in 1885, referred to the remark made by the pastor at church the day before: "We have prayer meeting Friday evenings at Wesley Hall, and the Chancellor will not be there." He first commended the pastor for his frankness and fidelity in not sparing him when he felt it to be his duty to speak, and then explained that he felt constrained to make a per- sonal statement to the students. When he had 'Written in 1895. 4 Reminiscences and Sketches. told of an infirmity that for years had rendered it impossible for him to go out at night without great loss of sleep, he turned to the students and said : "But I appeal to you ; have I not made be- fore you that loudest of all professions, a godly life?" And I thought, "It is old Samuel again." No one could dare to say that who had not a blameless life behind him. About that time a graduate of the university told me that he had felt, and still felt, that Dr. Garland had misun- derstood him and had done him an injustice while he was a student, and yet that he rever- enced him as he did no man living. It was a pure tribute of respect to great and unselfish character. In October, 1885, Dr. Garland was telling me one day about his early career. He was gradu- ated from Hampden-Siclney College, Virginia at that time "the second in age and first in rank in Virginia" in September, 1829, and before his graduation was elected Lecturer on Chemistry at Washington College, now Washington and Lee University. He was then in his twentieth year. He had pursued the study of chemistry with en- thusiasm in his junior year, and had taken it as an extra in senior, reading a great deal parallel of his own accord. Being a minor, he had to get his father's permission to accept. He had been Doctor Garland. 5 expecting to study law, but his father told him he might accept the position for three years, and then return to the law. He filled the place so acceptably that he was made full professor the next year, but he modestly said he could never have sustained himself at that age in a reputable institution; the total absence, however, of any previous instruction that deserved the name gave him by way of contrast a reputation quite be- yond his deserts. A wealthy farmer died, leav- ing $25,000 to endow the chair of Chemistry, the interest from which ($1,500), with fees, made his salary $2,000. When he first entered upon his duties, he found only one piece of apparatus, a compound blowpipe. He induced the trustees to purchase some apparatus, and when he began to lecture on gases the townspeople flocked thith- er to see the experiments. Once, when he was using the compound blowpipe, some hydrogen from a leaking joint became ignited, and the il- lumination frightened his audience so that they rushed pellmell from the room. The Doctor gave an amusing account of morn- ing prayers at Washington College. They were held at 5 A.M., winter and summer. At 4:30 a negro man went through the buildings with a tobacco-horn, blowing up the sleepers. Dr. Mar- shall, brother of the Chief Justice, used at the 6 Reminiscences and Sketches. second blast, at five o'clock, to leap out of bed, and, just as he was, without even his slippers, go into chapel across the hall and hold prayers. When Randolph-Macon College was organ- ized (1832), Dr. Garland was elected Professor of Chemistry and Physics, at a nominal salary of $1,200. He was of Methodist parentage, though not a member of the Church, and had intense Church pride "more than he had after he joined the Church." His Methodist friends and his family persuaded him to accept; for Methodism was looked down on, and people were saying the Methodists could not get men of their own denomination to fill the chairs in their new college. His nominal salary of $1,200 was never paid in full. While Professor of Physics and Chemistry at Randolph-Macon, he acted for a time also as Professor of Latin. Professor Sims had been elected to the chair, but the trustees of College refused to release him before the end of the year. The Latin work was appor- tioned among the faculty, Professor Garland taking the highest class. There were only two men in it, and they were reading the Annals, or Histories, of Tacitus. The lesson was usually eight pages, in a text without notes. Professor Garland used to seat himself between the two students, and all took turns in reading, each a Doctor Garland. 7 page at a time, the Professor pausing now and then to elucidate some point. Dr. Garland said that he had never had such literary enjoyment of a Latin author as then. Can any one imagine now teaching of Latin more likely to be inspiring than that? I may as well mention, in this con- nection, that a copy of "Cicero de Officiis" al- ways lay upon Dr. Garland's desk in the Chan- cellor's office at Vanderbilt, and the professors, as they entered the room on Tuesday evenings, rarely failed to find him reading it. He did not know, he said, where moral sentiments were more attractively expressed than there. One day I found him asking the Latin professor the exact shade of meaning of the Latin word honestum. He used to say to the students that they could read the British poets in the time they wasted in idle talk, and such was the example of husband- ing his time that he set to faculty and students. But to return : when Dr. Garland became President of Randolph-Macon College, his nom- inal salary was $1,500, but this was not paid m full. Agents had been in the field for fourteen years, and people were weary of continual solici- tations. So he agreed to take $1,200, and the professors $1,000. But he had then six chil- dren, and could not live on the salary. So at the end of his thirteenth year at Randolph-Macon 8 Reminiscences and Sketches. he resigned, with the purpose of studying law. He studied at Nelson Courthouse, by correspond- ence with Beverley Watkins Leigh, and after a year's close application was ready for the bar, and expecting to be admitted at the next session of the Superior Court. He had already made ar- rangements with a lawyer, who got plenty of business, but who was a poor advocate, to go into partnership on equal terms. He was then in his thirty-seventh year. But before he was ad- mitted to the bar, Dr. Manley, President of the University of Alabama, offered him a chair with $2,000 salary, and at almost the same time he was tendered a professorship in William and Alary College. He had no knowledge of the in- tention to offer him either place. In his whole life, he said, he had never turned his hand to get any position. Everything had come unso- licited, and this now gave him more satisfaction than anything connected with his public career. He could feel that the calls had been providen- tial, especially as when called from Washington College to Randolph-Macon, and again from the University of Mississippi to Vanderbilt, his in- clination to remain where he was had been dia- metrically opposed to what seemed to be his duty. He could not see, he said, how a preacher who had ever stirred a finger to get office the Doctor Garland. 9 bishopric or anything else could claim that it was a dispensation of Providence. One day in the autumn of 1885 Dr. Garland was telling me how he made the trip from Vir- ginia to Alabama, when called to Tuscaloosa. He had about three wagon-loads of negroes to transport, and the way he had come by them was this : when he was married both he and his wife had the pick of the slaves of their respective families for house servants. They had, as well as I remember, three young women and a driver. In due time these all married and had children. The husbands of some or all of the women be- longed to other men, and when he was going to leave he told the women he would not separate them from their husbands, but would sell them and leave them with their husbands. But the women refused to be sold, preferring to go with "Master," even if they had to leave their hus- bands ; so he had to buy the husbands ; for the great blot on the institution of slavery, he thought, was selling husbands away from their wives, and lice versa. When he reached Ala- bama he had to hire out all these negroes, as he had nothing for them to do ; but they were a con- tinual expense to him. Their employers would treat them badly, and they would complain, so that he would have to hire them to some one io 'Reminiscences and Sketches. else, losing all benefit from the first contract. Then, too, the employers, not owning them, would clothe them ill, and when they came home to spend Christmas he would have to clothe them. Besides, he always instructed their em- ployers, whenever they were ill, to send for his family physician at his expense. He told me that on this journey to Alabama a favorite nurse fell ill with pneumonia at McMinnville, Tenn., and he stopped ten days with her, hiring a man to take the negroes on to their destination. At the end of ten days, the woman being better, he got the physician to take her to his house and care for her till she was perfectly well, and then he sent back for her. When the war began his slaves had increased to sixty. As I met Dr. Garland walking in the campus one morning in January, 1887, he said: "Well, we have lost one of our best citizens Colonel Gale. He was not appreciated at his true worth, as a gentleman of culture, as well of the highest integrity.'' That led him then to talk about the gentlemen of the olden time before the war. "I'll venture to say," he remarked, "that there never was a community equal in intelligence and refinement and rational enjoyment of life to what was known as 'the Fork of Green,' in Ala- bama, a whole precinct owned by thirteen men." Doctor Garland. 11 Mr. , he said, was almost a perfect man, a gentleman of high culture, wide reading no man better acquainted with English literature a beneficent influence in the whole neighborhood. When questioned about Mrs. he answered : "My experience is, you can never take as the highest exponent of the domestic life and vir- tues a woman that is childless. A home where there have never been children, where the pat- tering of little feet has never been heard, has not felt the best influence of home." I said to him : "Doctor, it seems to me the great thing to be done is to put into literature such a man as Mr. , the best our civilization could do. Page's 'Colonel' in Tolly' is true to life, but the 'Colonel' is eccentric, not the normal man. What we want is the rationally beneficent life of a Mr. portrayed. But the trouble is we younger people don't knoiv those old times." "Yes," said the Doctor, "they will never come back again." It must have been some time in the autumn of 1887 that the Doctor was denouncing, one Wednesday morning in chapel, the wearing of pistols. "Only cowards and bullies wear pis- tols," said he. "When I was a boy we used to get mad and fight ; but we fought fair ; we struck straight from the shoulder, and one got the oth- 12 Reminiscences and Sketches. er down and pummeled him till he said 'Enough !' and a fellow would have been disgraced who struck a blow after his prostrate foe cried 'Enough !' ' : "We fought," said the old gentle- man, warming up with the recollection of his boyhood days, "and I have yet to see that there is any great harm in fighting that way." February 22, 1888, I went to consult the Doc- tor about the best books for Sunday reading, some one having written me for my opinion. He told me that the -Bible had always been his Sun- day reading, even his Sunday study. He read the commentaries also, especially those of the Germans, which he praised very highly. Some- body's Meletemata he was especially fond of, for, besides other things, it helped him to keep up his Latin. He read the Bible on other days the first thing in the morning and last thing at night did not feel comfortable unless he had done this; it had become a habit, and his conscience was as tender about it as the -little boy's who had to get out of bed to say his prayers. But Sun- days he studied the Bible. The only proper way of studying it, he thought, was the comparative, by subjects have a concordance and compare all that is said everywhere about the subject. Speak- ing of the Bible class that he had at Oxford, Mississippi, for six years or more before going to Doctor Garland. 13 Vanderbilt, he said that he studied for this class during the week harder than for any other duty. There were sixty or more in the class, and men had written him since that their religious lives dated from those meetings. One Wednesday, the next October, he was ad- vising the students to read the Bible, and, after begging pardon for a personal allusion, said that his mother exacted a promise from him when he started to college to read his Bible regularly. "That promise saved me," said he ; "for I tried to be an infidel. I formed a club to read Boling- broke and Shaftesbury and Voltaire, and other noted infidel writers, and I should have become an infidel but for my promise to my mother to read the Bible." Happening to mention, one day that spring, the way in which he got his insurance policy re- newed after the war, he said it had always seemed to him to be providential. "I may be mistaken in my views of these things," said he, "but they give me comfort." He went on to say that he thought he had been providentially guid- ed many times in his life. He had never sought any office, position, or honor. All had come to him unsought, and many times he had felt obliged to obey calls which were contrary to his wishes. It was a great comfort to him to feel 14 Reminiscences and Sketches. that he was in the hands of the Lord, who would do for him what was best. "I have no anxiety, or concern," said he, "no fear of death. It makes no difference whether it comes next month or next year. I am never sad or lonely, but re- signed to whatever may come. It is a great com- fort to feel so." As far back as 1887 Mrs. Gar- land said he talked every day as if that might be his last. He begged her once the year before, if ever she saw that he was failing mentally to tell him plainly, that he might resign. He un- derstood that if he began to fail he would be less able than ever to recognize it, and could not bear the thought of holding on after he had become inefficient. December 6, 1891, I found the Doctor study- ing his Bible. He soon drifted into reminiscences of Dr. Olin. He considered him the greatest and best man he was ever intimately connected with, one of the few men he could count all on the fingers of one hand who did not seem smaller as he got closer to them. He had never known a man who had such power over an audience; not even Clay, or Webster, or Prentiss, equaled Dr. Olin in this respect. This power he thought was the direct inspiration of the Holy Ghost, in which the man Olin seemed absolutely lost. He had none of the graces of oratory, was awkward Doctor Garland. 15 in person and gesture; but there was a felicity and perspicuity of expression that Dr. Garland had never known the like of. He had never heard Dr. Olin quote from or refer to anybody's view of a question in a sermon ; there was noth- ing to indicate that any of his ideas came from any other source than his own mind; but there was a power which made Olin forget self, and enthralled men. Bishop Pierce was more like Prentiss, he thought ; more rhetorical. He could take any ordinary thought and dress it up in a style and language that made it appear beautiful. But he did not strike so deep as Olin, nor was he so original. He was handsome and gracious and graceful, a consummate orator. Of living Southern Methodist ministers, he considered Bishop Wilson the greatest preacher. On September 22, 1892, the second day of the session, Dr. Garland, in making some remarks to the students in chapel, said he was forcibly re- minded of the time when he himself had entered college at the age of sixteen. His mother on parting with him, besides giving him a Bible with the injunction to make it his counselor, had urged him to be especially careful about the asso- ciations he formed. His father, he remarked, had been an example to him, but "his mother was his teacher." In reply to his question, how 1 6 Reminiscences and Sketches. was he to know who were worthy, his mother replied : "Well, my son, there are many little marks that indicate character. Notice whether a young man avoids profanity and is clean- mouthed. Then, too, remark whether one ob- serves the little proprieties whether one cleans his feet before entering a house, or removes his hat before entering a room. These little things show whether one is well bred or not. And be polite and gentlemanly." The Doctor said he had found these suggestions invaluable in forming college associations. He could remember only one occasion when he had knowingly broken a rule in college. He looked back on his college days as the happiest of his whole life. The next day he remarked from the platform : "I have been connected with colleges and universities all my life, but I have never known such pleasant relations to exist between students and professors as exist here." That same September Dr. Garland was talking to me about his little granddaughter, a beauti- ful child of three years, who had just died of pneumonia. "It is better so," said he. "God knows best. If we knew all, I am sure we should say that it is better for the children who die in infancy. If I had my choice, with my experience in life, I would choose to have died in infan- Doctor Garland. 17 cy." That was the feeling of Demosthenes. The trials of his later years forced from him the bit- ter reflection that could he be offered again the way to the bema or to the tomb, he would choose the latter. Dear, good, simple, sincere Dr. Garland! His image comes back to me more than any other man's from the old Vanderbilt days. There will never be another college president like him in America. There was plain living and honest thinking. He had no office hours, except on Wednesday mornings, the day after faculty meetings. He received members of the faculty, as well as students, usiially in his bedroom, which was also his sitting-room ; and there he might be found in cool weather before a coal fire, in warmer weather at the window, looking over a text-book, studying the Bible, or reading a newspaper. In very pleasant weather his fa- vorite place was the bench under a magnolia tree at his front door. There passers-by might see any fine afternoon the man who had been presi- dent of three colleges or universities, who had been professor over sixty years, quietly read- ing his Nashville Banner. Go up and address him anybody might always do that and you would see raised to meet you the face of a 2 i8 Reminiscences and Sketches. good man, a face that indicated a simple and pure heart. What made him a great old man ? He was to the last a great teacher, his best students always said though not abreast, perhaps, with all the very latest advances in physics clear in exposi- tion, concise and direct in statement, forcible in presentation, having in the class-room, as on the public platform, a ready command of idiomatic, forceful, elegant English. But other teachers there have been with such qualities who yet were not great. Dr. Garland was not at Vanderbilt, and probably never had been, a great executive officer; and he was too little in touch and sym- pathy with the energy and rush of American life of to-day to keep his college, like a locomotive, always going, or ready to go. He managed stu- dents well, because he sympathized with and trusted them, was gentle and kind, and because his own example of unostentatious fidelity was so powerful, though silent, a supporter of his ad- monitions ; because they revered him, and so obeyed him. But other college presidents have governed students as well without being great. As chairman of the faculty, he was superior to any man I have ever known. He could sit quiet- ly and allow the fullest expression in debate of views with which he did not agree; and even Doctor Garland. 19 after he had expressed his preference, if, as often happened, the faculty was against him, he al- ways made faculty action his own, and carried out that action as loyally as if he had supported it. I never" knew him oppose faculty action be- fore the trustees but once. This was on the proposition to admit young women regularly to the university ; and I doubt not this action of his was due to the fact that the trustees asked him for his private judgment in the matter. He was too honest and sincere not to give it, under such circumstances. Another great quality he had in this connection: he never talked outside of fac- ulty action not even to his wife, I have heard him say. After all, I cannot think of any single thing that he said or did, of any mental quality or course of action in office, that of itself alone marked him as great. What, then, will explain his power? Doubtless I have already uncon- sciously told the secret. It was his character the character of a simple, kindly, gentle, truth- ful, noble man. In this generation we cannot fully appreciate perhaps the value and influence of such a character as Dr. Garland's on suscepti- ble young men. Most parents who send boys to college are far more concerned about a son's de- velopment in virtue, manliness, fidelity, honesty, 2O Reminiscences and Sketches. than in mere technical scholarship; and it is a matter of supreme importance that there should be in a college faculty at least one model char- acter to whom students can look up. For the development of sound morals in a community of students nothing equals this. I remember say- ing once to Bishop Keener, referring to the peri- odical complaint of preachers that we had no "revivals" at Vanderbilt, that we had something better in the godly life and unassailable probity of Dr. Garland ; that in the long run it would be found that young men had built upon the evi- dence afforded by such an example of right liv- ing, and would amid the storm and stress of aft- er life find the memory of such a life a stronger support to faith, a more potent weapon with which to combat doubt, than almost anything else could furnish. No wonder that Bishop Har- ris, of the Protestant Episcopal Church, told Dr. Tillett that the character and example of Dr. Garland had been the most important influence in his life. Blessed are the men whose privilege it is to look back over their college days and see rise up before their minds the image of this guileless man, this faithful teacher, this sincere Christian. As colleges and the world get farther away from the simplicity and serenity of such a nature and Doctor Garland. 21 such surroundings as his, as men get older and busier and more honored and more prosperous, the more will they appreciate this simple na- ture's nobleman; and they will sometimes almost wonder if it was not a beautiful dream, and their Vanderbilt college days of the seventies or eight- ies, or early nineties, an idyl of the imagination. One might say that I have idealized Dr. Gar- land; and so I have doubtless to some extent. And yet I am sure I have given only feeble ex- pression of what was noble and good in him. I put doubtless a higher estimate upon him, now that he is dead, than even while I was with him. But the Doctor was entirely too simple for those beside him to value his simplicity and goodness at their true worth till one realized that both were gone with him from earth. Now thy brows are cold, I see thee what thou art, and know Thy likeness to the wise below, Thy kindred with the great of old. II. BISHOP McTYEIRE. HOLLAND NIMMONS MCTYEIRE, D.D., Senior Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, died at Vanderbilt University, February 15, 1889. He was born in Barnwell county, South Carolina, in 1824, grew up on a farm, and at fourteen entered the old Cokesbury Academy in Abbeville county, S. C., to prepare for college. While there he became a member of the Church, but he could never name the day nor the place of his conversion, and could not fail, of course, at that time to be worried by the brethren who claimed, "If you can't tell the place where and the time when, you haven't got it." He was graduated at twenty from Randolph-Macon Col- lege, Virginia, then under the presidency of Dr. L. C. Garland, afterwards first Chancellor of Vanderbilt University. There is no tradition of remarkable college promise in the young Mc- Tyeire. He finished college in 1844, the year of the division of the Methodist Church, and, feel- ing called to preach, at once joined the Virginia Conference and was appointed to the old town of Williamsburg. He must have given early (22) BISHOP HOLLAND N. M'TYEIRE. Bishop McTyeire. 23 promise of usefulness in the ministry, for two years later he was transferred to the Alabama Conference and stationed at Mobile, taking the place made vacant by the election of Dr. Thomas O. Summers to the associate editorship of the Southern Christian Advocate. About three years later he was transferred to New Orleans, and with Dr. John C. Keener had a large share in planting Methodism in that city. The yel- low fever even did not drive him from his post, and the physician who came to New Orleans to see him die brought him through the dread disease. In 1851 he started the New Orleans Christian Advocate, which at once became a power in the Church, although he had to divide his time between editorial and pastoral duties. During a great part of this period he served a large colored congregation in New Orleans. At thirty he was elected a member of the General Conference, and four years later, 1858, was made editor of the Nashville Christian Advo- cate, the connectional organ of his Church. In 1862, when the Federal army entered Nashville, he went to Alabama, and was stationed at Mont- gomery. In May, 1866, at the New Orleans General Conference,- he was elected bishop. From his ordination he was considered the great parliamentarian of the Church, and those best 24 Reminiscences and Sketches. capable of judging considered him an ecclsias- tical statesman. At his death he lacked a little of having served twenty-three years as bishop. Many able men regard him as the strongest man whom the Southern Methodist Church has produced, and there can be no question that as a writer he had no equal among his brethren. A great part of his best writing is scattered about in the various Church papers; but his last and greatest literary work, the "History of Methodism," shows the style and power of the man. His first literary effort, outside of news- paper work, was a prize essay on the "Duties of Christian Masters." He wrote also a "Cate- chism on Church Government," and a "Manual of the Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South." Elected Bishop within a year after the war ended, he could not but have much to do with shaping the readjustment of his Church to the new order of things in the South, and many believe that his was the foremost part in the great work. But his memory will doubt- less live longest in connection with Vanderbilt University. He and others had planned such an institution, a prominent department of which was to be a theological seminary, but it was impossible to raise the money to endow it. Finally, however, family connections brought Bishop McTyeire. 25 Bishop McTyeire into acquaintance with Com- modore Vanderbilt, who was easily induced to embrace the Bishop's project. The story of the wealthy New Yorker's princely gift toward the education of Southern youth is doubtless famil- iar to all who care to know it, but it is not gen- erally known that Mr. Vanderbilt asked the Bishop to resign his office and accept the presi- dency of the new university at a salary of ten thousand dollars a year. When the loyal church- man had declined this proposition, the Commo- dore insisted that he accept the presidency of the Board of Trustees, and invested him with veto power, saying: "I want you to sustain the same relation to the university that I do to the New York Central." Commodore Vanderbilt always expressed the conviction that he had found the right man to manage the great trust. The Commodore's gifts to Vanderbilt Univer- sity reached $1,000,000 before his death; his son, W. H. Vanderbilt, gave in all about $500,000; and Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt added to the do- nations of father and grandfather a handsome gift to the library and an elegant new building. 1 1 Mr. W. K. Vanderbilt has made two notable gifts to the university : Kissam Hall, in memory of his mother, at a cost of about $138,000; and later a con- tribution of $150,000 to the general building fund. 26 Reminiscences and Sketches. This great trust Bishop McTyeire so managed that some have disliked him, more have admired him, most who were close to him have loved him, and all have acknowledged that, though some mistakes might have been made, each year's increasing success was demonstrating how wisely and broadly he had planned. He has had the greatest opportunity ever offered fo a Southern man ; and when the history of eduqa- tion in the South is properly written, he will stand first in this respect in his Church, and perhaps in the section to which he belonged. His was a constructive mind, and nothing so delighted him as to help push forward some great work, whether an enterprise of the Church, or some great building intended at once for ornament and usefulness. As he looked up- on the beautiful university grounds, essentially his work, he could intensely sympathize with Faust, who, viewing in imagination his last work complete, a wilderness reclaimed, "Im Innern hier ein paradiesisch Land," could not help exclaiming, "Verweile doch, du bist so schon !" And the Bishop's joy in his creation would be intensified by the thought that the remains of the old Federal earthworks by the side of his house were typical of the past Bishop McTyeire. 27 of his people, while the beautiful grounds all around were a prophecy of the future in store for them. The yard in front of his house is ornamented with beautiful flower beds, shrubbery of various kinds, magnolia and several other varieties of trees, and carpeted most of the year with blue grass. It would be hard to find a handsomer yard. The flowers were Mrs. McTyeire's, but the trees were the Bishop's pets and pride. In- deed, he was as fond of growing trees as Mr. Gladstone of felling them. In the early spring a not unusual sight on the campus was a stout, strongly built gentleman, with closely cropped gray hair and beard, and wearing a long, gray study gown, with his long pruning chisel and mallet, trimming up the trees that are scattered over the seventy-six ..acres of ground in the campus. The Bishop's favorite tree was a beautiful wide-spreading maple, just to the left of his front door, and there he spent much of his leisure time in warm weather. "How I'd like to be sitting now under the maple with 'Spider' [his dog] at my feet," he wrote once to his little granddaughter from the far West. Those who knew him well would not be inclined to suppose that the time he spent under the maple was all 28 Reminiscences and Sketches. leisure time. It is doubtless true that there he did much of his thinking, there he planned for the university, there he dwelt upon the care of the churches, there came to him some of those characteristic strong thoughts which serious men came to expect in every sermon he preached. He had always a bench or two un- der that tree besides his own rustic seat, and never showed any irritation at being interrupted in his meditations by any one who desired to see him. As he sat there in the afternoon with his face to the east, his eye ran across the old com- mon, which the proximity of the university is fast changing into a handsome suburb, along the line of the breastworks thrown up by the Federals nearly a quarter of a century ago, un- til it reached the old Federal fort, "Negley," so boldly outlined against the sky. The house is a large, two-story brick man- sion, with every evidence of comfort, but none of display. It was the abode of hospitality. The Bishop had two work rooms. Much of his read- ing was done in his dining-room, but his heavy work was performed in the little study that looks out toward Fort Negley and the east. He was not, perhaps, a reader of many books he was too busy for that and his collection of books was not very large. But if you look through his Bishop McTyeire. 29 library you find every evidence of careful read- ing. The pages of books consulted in making the "History of Methodism" bear many index fingers pointing to marked passages ; and the margins of his books are often filled with obser- vations made during his reading a habit much to be commended in a thinking man. In this lit- tle study, which is perhaps not larger than ten by twelve feet, he wrote the "History of Meth- odism." Here were his books, here he wrote his letters, and here, doubtless, many a well-laid plan for college or Church took definite form on paper. He did not murmur that he was cut down when every one was predicting for him at least fifteen years of fruitful labor. His strong con- stitution was slowly undermined by the insid- ious disease. It was months before he was brought to his bed, three months more before the end came; but he lay there, taking the live- liest interest in friends or matters of Church or university, sure that he was sinking, but never repining. He never even expressed a wish to get well, except when he prayed that if consist- ent with God's will the many prayers offered for his recovery might be answered, in order that his friends' faith in prayer might be strengthened. He took the sacrament the after- noon before his death, "not in anticipation of 30 Reminiscences and Sketches. the end," he explained, "but for the comfort of my soul." Then, after a night of horrible but patient suffering, he greeted the light free from pain, heard the first college bell of the day re- marking that he himself had hung that bell fifteen minutes later uttered the one word "Peace!" and became unconscious. At 8:52 A.M., as faculty and students were assembled in the university chapel for morning worship, he fell asleep as softly as a child. He had said one day to his wife: "I like Dr. McFerrin's idea; don't buy me new clothes, but bury me in something I've preached in." He had also expressed the wish that only the burial service of his Church be read over him ; that the coffin be carried without a hearse the short dis- tance to the grave on the grounds ; that the negroes in the employ of the university be al- lowed to dig his grave and the students to fill it up. And his wish was strictly obeyed. Six of his episcopal colleagues stood beside his grave, and a great concourse of people witnessed the last simple rites. RESPONSE MADE AT THE VANDERBILT ALUMNI BANQUET, JUNE 15, 1908. I came here in the early days, twenty-six years aeo. and two figures loom out of the Bishop McTyeire. 31 mists of the foretime. In the course of time most of us who worked here will be completely forgotten. But not the first President of the Board of Trust, nor the first Chancellor. When on February 15, 1889, just after chapel, word was sent round to the various class-rooms by the Chancellor that the President of the Board had crossed the river, I said to my class that the university could never again be called upon to suffer such a loss as the Bishop's death. I still think so. After nineteen years, during which I have seen many men of great force, I still consider Bishop McTyeire the strongest man I ever lived close to. He was a born leader of men. He and Col. William Preston Johnston met once in a railway car. Neither knew the other, and when they were introduced Colonel Johnston said: "I took you for a general." "And I took you for a clergyman," said Bishop McTyeire. They were both right in their in- stinct. The Bishop would have been a general if he had gone to the front in the Civil War. He was a great business man, too. "You have missed your calling, sir," Commodore Vander- bilt said to him when he met him ; "you ought to have been a railroad man." It was perfectly natural, then, that the Commodore, when he had decided to give money to found an institu- 32 Reminiscences and Sketches. tion of learning among his wife's people, should have put the Bishop at the head of it. That was wise prevision on the part of Commodore Van- derbilt. He knew a good man when he saw him. By his gift the Commodore became the ever-to- be gratefully remembered founder of this uni- versity. But its creator was the Bishop. He not only secured the funds, but chose as the seat of the university the city of Nashville, un- questionably the fittest locality in all the South- land for a great institution of learning which was to be not only a center of culture but an ireni- con or peace-bond between the two lately es- tranged sections of the country. And it is a queenly city in a beautiful land the spot that I love best in all this world. "This is God's own country!" exclaimed my friend Judge Woods, in the spring of 1887, as he stood at a window on the third floor of University Hall and looked out east and north and west. This glorious campus was his selection, too. The old oaks be- tween Wesley Hall and Chancellor Garland's res- idence were here then ; but most of the ground was a cornfield, and it required a landscape artist's instinct to see what could be made of it. "Are you going to put the university in this cornfield?" asked Mrs. McTveire in dismay the first time she saw the grounds. "Never mind, Bishop McTyeire. 33 mother," said the Bishop ; "wait till you see what can be made of it." He was a builder and plant- er. He chose the sites of all the first buildings, and saw them go up brick by brick. Under his eye the drives and walks were laid out, flower beds were made, and a hundred varieties of trees were planted. It was supposed that many of the young trees would die, and allowance was made for that in the planting. But ninety-seven per cent, of them lived, and so after a few years they had to be thinned out. The planting had been done under his direction, and even Mr. Douglas did not dare to cut down a young tree without the Bishop's permission. A friend from the city came through the grounds one day when a clump of fine young trees was being thinned out. "Don't you hate to see those fine young trees go down, Bishop?" he asked. "I don't see it, sir," the Bishop replied. "I can't stand it; I have to turn my back." He loved the trees and grass and flowers ; and as he loved them, so he loved the birds and the children that came and throve on these grounds as naturally as birds and grass. Older people were sometimes afraid of him. He was the autocrat, some of the grown folks said. But the little ones weren't afraid of him. When he drove through the grounds with "Kitty Clover," the children ran to meet him ; and he 3 34 Reminiscences and Sketches. would stop and let them clamber up on the seat beside him, in his lap, fill the foot of the buggy and the seat behind ; and then he would drive round and round, the little ones shouting and screaming with delight. We missed our little boy of two years one day in our first year, when we lived in Wesley Hall, and after a frantic search found him seated by the Bishop at the dinner table. He had got tired of Wesley Hall fare served in the room upstairs, and had run off to the Bishop's to get something good to eat. That same little boy, at eight years, represented the children's feeling when he said, "I believe next to papa I loved Bishop best." Oh, no ! chil- dren were not afraid of him. They loved him and knew he loved them. If older people could always have seen as clearly ! He was a strong man ; a natural fighter. It has been said that the bench of bishops favored his election to the episcopate to get him off the floor; they were afraid of him. A portrait of him painted when he was just elected bishop shows the "Fighting Elder," as he used to be called. That was all gone from his face when I used to know him. I saw it just once. He used to call some of us into council sometimes. How well I remember it! He stopped on the brick walk in front of the house and pounded Bishop McTyeire. 35 with his big stick, not ringing the doorbell. -I went out the first time to see what it was, and found the Bishop. After that I knew the Bish- op's summons to council. On the occasion of this summons he felt that advantage had been taken of him and that the tactics employed were not fair. As he stated the case he leaned back on the bench and looked up at the sky, and I was amazed to see a sudden transformation in his visage. The "Fighting Elder" was unmistak- ably there. The face of the portrait of the Elder of forty had suddenly reappeared in the Bishop of sixty. It was but for a moment; then the calm, patient, prudent, wise look returned. Let me say here a word with reference to his relations with the faculty. I do not know how it was during the first seven years, for I was not here then ; but I do know all about it during the remaining seven years of his life. The faculty had cause not simply to respect and admire, but to love him, and with reason. Natural leader that he was, he knew the special aptitudes of those about him, and gave any piece of honest work hearty but judicious commendation. Per- haps no professor felt so sure that any of his colleagues would read what he wrote as that the Bishop would read it. He used often to come, especially in later years, to the Tuesday after- 36 Reminiscences and Sketches. noon faculty meeting; never, however, to dic- tate a policy, but simply to take counsel. It had become his custom to get the faculty's advice on all matters to be presented to the Board, and his appearance at faculty meetings was invaria- bly hailed with pleasure. His common formula of introduction of a matter of business was, I remember, "In multitude of counselors there is safety." He was not a hard man, but a gentle man. "His heart was soft as a summer sea," said Bishop Haygood after his death. It was the truest thing ever said about him. On one of the last days he had his bed rolled to the win- dow and gazed out longingly on the campus, the work of his hands and brain. He would like to stay, he sighed; "but God's will be done." He had strong local attachments, and liked to have people and animals buried amid the scenes where they had worked and enjoyed life. "Kitty Clover," his beautiful mare, was buried in the corner of her own stable lot. One night from his sick bed he heard his dog "Spider" howl, and said to the bedside watcher : "When 'Spider' dies, open 'Kitty Clover's' grave and bury her there, the faithful dog by the faithful horse." He had Dr. Summers, the first Dean, buried on the grounds in the plot set apart for Bishops Bishop McTyeire. 37 McKendree and Soule, and there a place was provided for the old Chancellor when he should follow. And there now, as was meet and right, beside his wife "a silent but golden link in the chain of Providence that led to Vanderbilt Uni- versity" he is buried. As Chancellor Kirkland beautifully said in his inaugural: "Under the. magnolias planted with his own hand he sleepeth well." III. WILLIAM MALONE BASKERVILL. Remembering all the golden hours Now silent, and so many dead, And him the last. THE death of Professor Baskervill, September 6, 1899, cut short a career that had already ac- complished much and promised more. His technical scholarship was recognized by his colleagues in English throughout the United States; his teaching quality attested by students who had been resorting to him in increasing numbers for more than twenty years ; his power to please as well as instruct the general public evidenced by numerous calls to lecture at Chau- tauqua, in Colorado, at Monteagle, and else- where; and he \vas just finding his widest audi- ence through his literary sketches and studies, and aw r akening in good judges the conviction that he was to be the historian of the intellectual movement called Southern Literature. William Malone Baskervill, son of Rev. John Baskervill and his wife, Elizabeth Malone, was born in Fayette county, Tennessee, April i, 1850. (38) WILLIAM MALONE BASKERVILL. William Malone Baskervill. 39 His mother died when he was four years old, so that his training devolved mainly upon his fa- ther. The latter, a member' of an old Virginia family, had removed in early life from Mecklen- burg, Virginia, to Tennessee, and was first a physician, afterwards a Methodist preacher and planter. The son attended school almost uninter- ruptedly till he was fifteen, getting, as he him- self afterwards said, "a smattering of Latin and Greek and of the usual English studies." He was then sent to Indiana Asbury University (now De Pauw), and this episode also he char- acterized in terms of like directness: "But I did nothing, and at sixteen I was again at home." From this time he was more fortunate. "For the next two years and a half," he wrote in his Vita, "I went to school to Mr. Quarles, a grad- uate of the University of Virginia, and from him I learned more than I had learned all the time before." Before he reached manhood he met with an accident the consequences of which much influ- enced his future career. Being in his boyhood, as indeed all through life, fond of hunting, on one occasion, through the accidental discharge of his gun, he was badly wounded in his left arm. During the three months' confinement that fol- lowed, the boy was wisely provided by his father 4O Reminiscences and Sketches. with the histories of Macaulay, Hume, Gibbon, and Michelet, and the novels of Scott, Dickens, and Thackeray. He had been a reader before, but through this constant poring over the works of great masters he acquired the taste and en- thusiasm for the best literature which character- ized him through life. One of the first things I especially remarked about him, when I came to know him in Leipzig in 1874, was the way he would sometimes break oft", particularly when he was not well, from our studies in Greek and Latin to take a rest with Thackeray or some other English classic. "It is the reading men in college," as Mr. Mabie says, "who do the great things in the world." The most important epoch in his mental de- velopment was when he went at twenty-two to Randolph-Macon College. Dr. James A. Dun- can was then President; Thomas R. Price, Pro- fessor of English and Greek ; James A. Harri- son, Professor of Latin and German ; and these three men, especially the two latter, influenced his subsequent life more than all others. "There I was taught," he said, "in my favorite studies by men who had studied in Germany, and by their advice I was led to go to Leipzig in the summer of 1874." When I came to know him that fall the names of Price and Harrison were William M alone Baskervill. 41 constantly on his lips. Their ideals, their meth- ods, their characters as scholars, were deter- mining factors with him. Dr. Price, the accu- rate scholar and inspiring teacher of English, became his model, and the close friendship be- gun at Randolph-Macon continued when the former went later to the University of Virginia, and afterwards to Columbia, indeed as long as Baskervill lived; and his sense of obligation was most delicately expressed when, on meeting Dr. Price for the last time, in New York in 1897, he introduced a former pupil, now a rising pro- fessor of English, as Dr. Price's "literary grand- son." The cordiality of the relation that existed between Dr. Price and his old pupils may be inferred from a remark which I have heard Baskervill quote from the former, that a trustee had told him he owed his election to the chair of English at Columbia mainly to the enthusiastic letters written by his former students. He al- ways regarded Dr. Price as the pioneer and founder of the new epoch of English studies in the South ; and Price's teaching of English at Randolph-Macon was not only his chief early inspiration, but the model and basis on which later he gradually built up his own department of English at Vanderbilt. With Professor Harrison, who afterwards in 42 Reminiscences and Sketches. the English Chair at Washington and Lee so en- hanced the reputation already acquired at Ran- dolph-Macon that his call to his alma mater, the University of Virginia, became inevitable, Bas- kervill was always in close association, not only consulting him about all his literary undertak- ings, but collaborating with him on several works. For Professor Harrison's "Library of Anglo-Saxon Poetry" he edited the "Andreas," his first piece of scholarly work after his doctor- dissertation. The two edited together a "Stu- dents' Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon," and shortly before Baskervill's death their last joint work appeared, an "Anglo-Saxon Reader" for begin- ners. One other teacher of his should not be overlooked: Professor Wuelker, of Leipzig L^ni- versity, under whose supervision he wrote his doctor-dissertation, to whom in after years he sent some of his favorite pupils, and with whom he continued in friendly relations to the end of his life. A characteristic of Baskervill's student life should here be mentioned. When he went to Randolph-Macon he found everything elective and the way open to him to pursue his favorite studies as he pleased. To do this, it is true, he would have to renounce the hope of an academic degree ; and so he either waived this completely, William Malonc Baskervill. 43 or at least put it off, to be determined later, when he should have first had opportunity to work to some results in his own lines. He was maturer in years than most of his fellow-students, prob- ably somewhat backward in mathematics, and without any text-book acquaintance with the sci- ences. He was for his age well read in English literature and history, and had a fair knowledge and great love of Latin and Greek. He devoted himself, therefore, during his two years at Ran- dolph-Macon almost entirely to work in lan- guages English, Greek, Latin, German, and French. I think Dr. Duncan's lectures on men- tal and moral philosophy were his only departure from literary lines. Such a course, if not best in general, was perhaps not ill for him. He had very strong predilections, studied enthusiastically what he liked, but was not characterized strong- ly by the spirit to "work doggedly" at what he did not like. The atmosphere that prevailed just then at Randolph-Macon was a very wholesome one: the spirit of the faculty was scholarly; among the students the sense of honor, the habit of hard work, the respect for high scholastic rank, were stimulating in the highest degree. So Baskervill worked effectively, in most studies en- thusiastically, and took high rank in his special subjects; but he never applied for a Bachelor's 44 Reminiscences and Sketches. degree, and in 1874 proceeded, on the advice of Price and Harrison, to Leipzig University. The freedom of choice of studies in which he had indulged at Randolph-Macon characterizes of course all German university work though presupposing, and in case of German students requiring, a basal course much more rigid than any American college exacts so that Baskervill found it easy to follow there his own bent. If he showed any willfulness at Leipzig, it was in this: that he did not take a wide range of lec- tures in his own subjects I fear academic lec- tures often bored him and he was not an enthu- siastic worker in Seminar or Gesellschaft. The lectures he took he attended, and he got some- thing from personal contact with his instructors, especially with Wuelker; but in the main he worked, under direction, at his room and in the library. I doubt if this was the best way to get the most possible out of a German university course ; but he was diligent, and was certainty influenced for good in his whole subsequent ca- reer. His Leipzig Ph.D. (1880) was a valuable stamp set upon his work up to that point, pledged him to scholarly effort for the future, and proved an open sesame to a field of activity that might otherwise have been closed to him. Baskervill remained in Germany from the William Malone BaskervilL 45 summer of 1874 till the autumn of 1876. My work at Wofford in Latin and German was be- coming too heavy, and I persuaded the author- ities to call Baskervill in December, 1876, the ar- rangement being that he should take the Latin while I gave myself more especially to Greek. At Wofford Baskervill taught till June, 1878. In the summer of 1877 ne was married to Miss Florence Adams, of Amherst county, Virginia, his beloved college president, Dr. James A. Dun- can, performing the ceremony. In the summer of 1878 he went again with his young wife to Germany, to work for his degree. Old rela- tions were resumed at Leipzig, English and cognate studies were being pursued with zeal and energy, and a subject for a thesis, which had been assigned him by Professor Wuelker, was yielding good results, when the sudden death of his wife, following the birth of a little boy, threw all into confusion. He tried to work a few months longer, but, finding it impossible, returned to America about February, 1879. When I withdrew from Wofford, in June, 1879. to resume my studies in Leipzig University, it was natural, of course, that Baskervill should take my place. I had had for the previous year the chief work in Greek and Latin, with James H. Kirkland, now Chancellor of Vander- 46 Reminiscences and Sketches. bilt University, as assistant, and this work Bas- kervill carried on as long as he remained at Wofford. The Wofford period was formative -for Bas- kervill in man}- respects, though it offered little opportunity in the branch that was to be his specialty, since his time was mainly given to teaching Latin and Greek. It brought him into intimate contact with Dr. Carlisle, whom Pro- fessor Henneman has aptly characterized as "a man fashioned in the same teacher's mold as Dr. Arnold of Rugby, and of whom every student ever with him thinks reverently as of one of the truly and simply great in his state and age." Dr. Whitefoord Smith had not then given up his chair of English, Professor Wallace Duncan, later Bishop, was' teaching Mental and Moral Philosophy, and Du Pre. Gamewell, and the writer were younger associates. A fruitful epi- sode of this period was his summer's run over to Leipzig to stand his examination for Ph.D. It was exhilarating to him and to me, for we were daily together for a few weeks in Leipzig, and spent together his last week on German soil hi tramping over the Harz Mountains, with Trese- burg as center of operations. The next spring came the opportunity of his life, his call to the chair of English in Vanderbilt William Malone Baskervill. 47 University. 1 He made there a fortunate and congenial marriage, and found at once a wider field where he could show his aptness to teach and his talent for building up a department. He exerted himself with success not only to teach well, but also to please. His letters of that pe- riod show that he believed the Vanderbilt to be the best place in the country for a young scholar to make a reputation in. The recognition he met with from the faculty, the appreciation of him shown by the students, the kindly consid- eration with which he was generally received in Nashville, were good for him. Mind and soul expanded in such influences. It was, to use Sidney Lanier's words, "a little of the wine of success and praise without which no man ever does the very best he might." The teaching of English in the South is great- ly indebted to Baskervill. Professor Price doubt- less inaugurated the new era in English study when Baskervill was his pupil at Randolph- Macon, but the next most important stage in the development was probably Baskervill's work at Vanderbilt. His greatest results were his *I have freely incorporated, with slight changes, in the remaining pages extracts from a sketch of Basker- vill which I printed in the Christian Advocate, October 25, 1900. 48 Reminiscences and Sketches. best pupils. To mention only English scholars in prominent positions, there occur to me at this moment the names of Professors Henneman, Snyder, Mims, Hulme, Webb, Weber, Burke, Brown, Sewell, Reed, Drake, and Bourland, and (adding- three who are well known in other lines of duty) Deering, Ferrell. and Branham. To these ^and to many others Mims's words ap- ply: "His life is still being lived in us leading us on to nobler and higher ideals." It may well be doubted whether any other man in the South will ever again before his fiftieth year be able to see such fruits of his work, if for no other reason, because Baskervill was a pioneer in the new methods of teaching English. The impulse his best pupils received from him in literary taste and scholarly aspiration is doubtless the best proof that he himself possessed scholarship and literary taste. He made scholars not merely by what and how he taught them, but by his personal interest and sympathy in them and their work. In June, 1899, though the doctor had ordered him to go at once to East Brook Springs, he could not be induced to be absent from the last faculty meeting, because he had promised to support some young men for fel- lowships, and they were depending on him. Baskervill's heart was in his teaching and his William Malone Baskervill. 49 literary work still more than in technical and philological studies. Besides his doctor-disser- tation, the Anglo-Saxon text of Alexander's Epistle to Aristotle, and the books published in collaboration with Professor Harrison, he pub- lished, with a former pupil, Mr. J. W. Sewell, an English grammar for the use of high school, academy, and college classes, also leaving in manuscript an elementary English grammar ; and he did much etymological work on the Cen- tury Dictionary, and planned other things of similar nature ; but his heart was really in other lines. In a letter of 1898, referring to his con- templated revision of his "Andreas," he wrote, in the words of Carlyle, "And now my poor wife will have to pass through the valley and the shadow of Andreas," meaning the allusion to be jocose, it is true ; but if it had been purely literary work, he would not even have thought of "the valley and the shadow" in connection with it. Indeed, the greatest thing about Bas- kervill, I always thought, was his fine literary taste, especially in great prose. His reading was regularly on high lines, literature that was full of high seriousness. The fact that almost be- fore he was out of his teens he preferred Thack- eray to Dickens, and that no other novelist could ever displace Thackeray in his estimation, 4 50 Reminiscences and Sketches. is significant of much. In the last few years I had much desire and curiosity to have a full, free talk with him about poetry, to learn how he really felt it. But having reread recently his papers on "Southern Writers," I have noted again, as before, that the subtlest study, as it is the longest, is of the greatest of our Southern poets except Poe namely, Sidney Lanier; and I understand the better his appreciation of Lanier since I have recently become a devoted adherent of that poet. I have realized, too, that it was the poetic side of Maurice Thompson which he most highly estimated and most dis- cerningly and lovingly discussed. It seems to have been, also, in large part the poetic gift of Invin Russell which caused him to give that pioneer a prominent place in his series of South- ern writers. But more to the point is a para- graph of a letter from Mrs. Baskervill, dated October 30, 1900: He had a growing admiration for Tennyson as a teacher and upholder of great truths. He set a high value on the originality and truth, the purity and no- bility of Wordsworth. Reading aloud from one of the "L}-rical Ballad?." it might be. he would say: "If I know anything about it. this is poetry." He felt the beauty and the force of it. Yet, realizing there could be no link of sympathy between two such poets as Wordsworth and Burns, how he enjoyed, I remem- William M alone Baskervill, 51 her, reading Hazlitt's trenchant criticism on Words- worth, in his essay on Burns, or his attack on the "intimations" of the famous ode, which I believe Mat- thew Arnold also takes up. However sensible to the charm, I think he felt after all that to study too close- ly the poetry of Shelley, and even Keats, was like tak- ing hold of a butterfly. I recall how his eye kindled, his countenance lighted up, and his whole frame seemed agitated, as he came upon some fine passage from Car- lyle or Ruskin or Lowell one of those "electric light flashes of truth," as he termed it. No matter how I happened to be engaged, I must stop and share his enthusiasm. He intended making a special study of Browning the coming winter, had gathered books and material with such a purpose in view. His best teach- ing, he used to tell me, was done in Shakespeare. Yet after all it was in Thackeray that he still found his chief delight "that master of .characterization, the sub- tlest analyst of his time." Like Mr. Page, he never ceased to wonder at his knowledge of human nature. Only the winter before his death he took up Thack- eray again, with the aid of Mrs. Ritchie's introduction to the volumes, intending to write an article for the Review. "How well I remember,'' adds Mrs. Basker- vill, "the advent of the new school of Southern writers. With what zest he read and reread, feeling a kind of personal pride in each new dis- covery ! His heart and soul were in that work." He had for several years been telling me and writing me about the wonderful new outcropping 52 Reminiscences and Sketches. of Southern \vriters, especially about Cable and Harris, whose names I saw constantly, of course, in the magazines and papers, but whom I was then "too busy" to read. I remember very dis- tinctly the day I was inducted into the new cult. I was ill and confined to my room, though able to sit up. Baskervill came to see me, and brought Cable's "Old Creole Days." I think I read the whole volume without rising from my chair, with increasing appreciation and delight as I went from story to story ; and when I fin- ished ''Madame Delphine" a glow passed over me from head to foot and back from foot to head, and I said to myself, with profound feel- ing: "It has come at last!'' I meant the day of the South's finding her expression in literature. Such a moment of overwhelming conviction and satisfaction can come only once. I know. I real- ized then that the South had the material in her old past, and that we had the writers with the art to portray it. As I reread now Baskervill's "Biographical and Critical Studies of Southern Writers," I find myself marking many passages, some of them sentiments which I heard him express many times years ago, others bits of critical ap- preciation which impress me not only as having come from his inmost conviction, but as reach- William Malone Baskervill. 53 ing the heart of the matter. Of this latter character is the remark about Mr. Cable's "Dr. Sevier": And the hand that drew Ristofalo, with his quiet manner, happy disregard of fortune's caprices and 1 real force of character, Narcisse "dear, delicious, abomi- nable Narcisse, more effective as a bit of coloring than all the Grandissimes put together" and crowned him with the death of a hero ; and gentle Mary, bright, cheerful, brave, an ideal lover of her husband as he was of her, is certainly that of a master, as the imagi- nation that conceived them was that of a poet. There are innumerable touches in the story equal to anything that the author has ever done that is, as beautiful as anything in contemporary fiction. As good as that is a passage on "Bonaven- ture" (p. 351), which, coming .immediately be- fore his statement in a single paragraph of the defects of "John March, Southerner," makes all the weightier the severe condemnation there pro- nounced on that unlucky book "one of the dis- malest failures ever made by a man of genius." The verdict against "John March, Southerner," concludes with the assurance, based on "the 'Taxidermist' and one or two other gems of re- cent years," that "the divine fire still burns," and with the wish, "Would that it could be religious- ly consecrated to pure art !" For, says he in his study, as I have heard him remark often, "The 54 Reminiscences and Sketches. man with a mission throttles the artist," and "An artist out of his domain is not infrequently the least clear-sighted of mortals." Indeed, the sum and substance of all of Baskervill's criticism of Mr. Cable is contained in this one line: "The poet, if he is to be our only truth-teller, must let politics alone." Baskervill was proud of Mr. Cable's genius and fond of him personally, en- tertained him in his home at Nashville for sev- eral days, and used to correspond with him; and the real explanation of all the criticism in his sketch of Mr. Cable is not that Baskervill as a Southerner so much resented criticism of the Creoles and of other Southern people, but that Mr. Cable was devoting to philanthropic notions, especially to the negro question, genius that be- longed to literature. "The domination of one idea has vitiated," he said regretfully, "the most exquisite literary and artistic gifts that any American writer of fiction, with possibly one exception, has been endowed with since Haw- thorne." I think still that the best of the "Studies" be- cause the most sympathetic, the most pleasing because it came without reserve right from the heart as well as the brain, is that on Joel Chan- dler Harris. I know his judgment is sincere be- cause I have heard it from his lips many times. William Malone BaskervilL 55 He thought that Mr. Harris, of all the Southern writers, had most effectively used his talents, most completely fulfilled his mission. "The most sympathetic, the most original, the truest delin- eator of this larger life its manners, customs, amusements, dialect, folklore, humor, pathos, and character is Joel Chandler Harris." "Humor and sympathy are his chief qualities," he said, "and in everything he is simple and natural." Uncle Remus he placed above all that Southern authors have done "the most valuable and, in this writer's opinion, the most permanent contribution to American literature in the last quarter of this century" "one of the few creations of American writers worthy of a place in the gallery of the immortals." Baskervill still hoped from Mr. Harris a work into which he will put the wealth of his mind and heart, and expand and compress into one novel the com- pletest expression of his whole being. But if he should never give us a masterpiece of fiction like his beloved "Vicar of Wakefield," "Ivanhoe," "Vanity Fair," or "The Scarlet Letter," we shall still be forever grateful for the fresh and beautiful stories, the delightful humor, the genial, manly philosophy, and the wise and witty say- ings in which his writings abound. His characters have become world possessions; his words are in all our mouths. By virtue of these gifts he will be enrolled in that small but distinguished company of humorists, the immortals of the heart and home, whose genius, wis- 56 Reminiscences and Sketches. dom, and charity keep fresh and sweet the springs of life, and Uncle Remus will live always. His personal attitude toward his work on the Southern authors seems to me worthy of all praise. He used to write me in those days, ''Keep on criticising my work: that is what I need ; others will praise me." I did criticise him more often and more freely than I have ever criticised any one else, as I had a right to do, since we were friends ; and I do not remember that my criticism ever vexed him. It is pathetic to me now to read again how he sought to justify himself when I criticised his over- favor- able or insufficiently appreciative estimate of one or other of the Southern authors, and how he tried to show that we were probably, after all, not far apart in our judgments if only he could have expressed himself in his sketch as frankly and as freely as we did in our letters. As I re- read these "Studies" in the light of his letters of the period, I am almost surprised to note how they grow upon me. His hand was steadily learning cunning; he expressed himself, his own ideas more, quoted less from others than for- merly ; was gaining in felicity of expression, an- alyzed more subtly and clearly. If he had gone on, he would clearly have been thought worthy to become the historian of Southern literature, William Malone Baskervill. 57 and might well have aspired to an even wider field. "He improved," said Dr. Tigert, "more rapidly during the last ten years than any other man I ever knew at his age. He studied hard, wrote and rewrote, so that I am confident his best work has been left undone." The insight and skill displayed in the "Stud- ies" suggested to Mr. Hamilton W. Mabie also the idea of Baskervill becoming the historian of Southern literature. In a letter of March 30, 1897, he wrote: I have been very much interested in your series of "Southern Writers," and it has seemed to me that you were getting together a large amount of valuable lit- erary material. Have you had any thought of making a book of the chapters when you have finished them? This is not an idle question. If you have any such thought, I should venture to make a suggestion to you. I should think with some revision and with an introductory and closing chapter you might make a his- tory of the entire literary movement in the South which would be of great interest and usefulness. Your treatment of Lanier was capital. The Southern writers themselves placed a high estimate on his critical work. "I appre- ciate your gifts as a critic," wrote. Mr. Harris ; "rather I would say your gifts as a literary essayist, which include conscience as well as the 58 Reminiscences and Sketches. critical faculty." Mr. James Lane Allen wrote him concerning the "Studies" : I shall give them a slow, critical, absorptive read- ing. They interest me greatly, and I think represent an initial movement toward the recognition, toward the appreciation of Southern writers, that would mean so much if deeply fostered. We scribblers of little things, but with fine intentions, owe you so much. I believe you have stood almost alone in your early and hardy advocacy of our cause and beyond our deserts of our place also. Here's a New Year's blessing on you for it from one of the lesser of them ! The work which Baskervill so well began is going on. The memorial volume, issued in 1903, is the best tribute to his influence and his teach- ing in the sphere of literary studies ; and I have often thought how he would be touched could he know that other Southern writers whom he intended to commemorate were receiving sym- pathetic and illuminating treatment from his old pupils. CHARLES KEN'DALL ADAMS. IV. PRESIDENT CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS. FOR the presidency of the University of Wis- consin, which was doubtless the most impor- tant work of his life, Dr. Charles Kendall Ad- ams was peculiarly fitted by circumstances as well as training. Born in Vermont, January 24, 1835, f a family that was old, but, like the typ- ical New England farm, poor, he had in his boy- hood meager opportunities for study : in summer working on the farm, in winter first attending and later teaching district schools. But he was always eager to learn, and his brother used to tell how with a book on his plow he sometimes let his beast make a furrow at its will till aroused from his preoccupation. Perhaps it was sig- nificant that this youth, who was after a while to become a torch-bearer of learning, started West carrying in his hand a copy of Shakes- peare which had been overlooked in -the packing up. Having migrated to Iowa in 1855, he be- gan to study Latin and Greek after his twenty- first birthday, and entered the University of Michigan in 1857. (59) 60 Reminiscences and Sketches. He entered from a private academy after hur- ried preparation, and gave me long afterwards the impression that only kindly leniency on the part of his examiners let him into the univer- sity. It was only necessary to get in "by the skin of his teeth" ; ability, zeal", and industry did the rest. I have heard him say that only the helpful human sympathy of Professor Boise on his first recitation encouraged him to hold up his head after that first failure. Doubtless this en- couragement, that never failed afterwards, made the man ; and how grateful he always was to Boise ! Perhaps even his lifelong partiality for Greek studies was due to that. He worked his way through college by manual labor and serv- ice in the library, but found time to read as well as to work and study, for in his freshman year as he said once to the students of the Uni- versity of Wisconsin he saved money enough to buy a dozen good books in general literature, and read them. Graduated in 1861, he went on to the Master's degree in 1862; was then appointed instructor in Latin and History, assistant professor of Histo- ry in 1863, and in 1867 full professor of History, with the privilege of spending a year and a half in German and French universities. The man he succeeded in the chair of History was the then Charles Kendall Adams. 61 young Andrew D. White, who had perhaps chief- ly influenced his student career, determined his choice of a specialty, nominated him for his own chair on leaving, suggested him, I think, as his successor in the presidency of Cornell, and re- mained all through life his closest friend. Con- nected with the University of Michigan twenty- eight years five as student, twenty-three as member of the faculty he came to be regarded perhaps as its most eminent professor, and was Dean of the School of Political Science from its establishment in 1881. First as non-resident lecturer on History at Cornell (1881-5), and la- ter as president (1885-92), he became thorough- ly familiar with that Eastern institution, which is doubtless most nearly of the style of the West- ern state university. He had been chairman, too, of the building committees of the great libraries of the University of Michigan and of Cornell, something significant in view of his later connec- tion with that beautiful structure which will re- main as his chief monument at Madison the His- torical Library. At the age of fifty-seven, in the maturity of his powers, learning, and experience in affairs, he came in the autumn of 1892 to the University of Wisconsin. A paragraph from a paper which I prepared for local use at the time of his resignation 62 Reminiscences and Sketches. (1901) sums up some of the qualities of the man as well as the striking results of his nine years' administration : Dr. Bascom's thirteen-year administration had put the young institution on a sound basis of scholar- ship, had filled the state with a fine body of alumni loyal to their president and fond of their alma mater, and had made inevitable and easy the transition from a small college to a big university. Dr. Chamberlin's five-year regime had been marked by greatly acceler- ated growth in numbers and development of univer- sity temper and spirit. The -latter found Science Hall built, and lie began and all but finished the Dairy Building, Law Building, and Gymnasium. The legis- latures of 1889 and 1891 had made notable and noble appropriations. In 1893, $140,000 was added, making possible the adequate completion and outfit of the edi- fices already under construction. In 1895 catne the phenomenal appropriation one-fifth of a mill tax addi- tional (z. e., interest on $2,cco,ooo) for two years, and $180,000 for the Historical Library. In 1897 the one-fifth mill tax was made permanent, and the amount for the Historical Library was in- creased to $420.000; in 1889 $135,000 was appropriated for a new Engineering Building, and for the agricul- tural heating plant and to complete and equip the His- torical Library $200.000 more. In 1901 about $200,000 was appropriated, of which $150.000 was to go to the construction of Agricultural Hall, the remainder to the general university fund and to engineering im- provements. From 1890 to 1900 was the building era of the university. . . . The increase of the students Charles Kendall Adams. 63 and faculty has been quite commensurate with the improvements in building. In 1892 the number of stu- dents was 1,092 now 2;8oo; of instructors and other officers in 1892, 73 now, 168. . . . He is a man of fine presence and distinguished bearing, affable, a good conversationalist, has for many years been given to en- tertaining notable people; and so, while utterly unas- suming, has the air of one who is at home in the best company. People who do not know him well have sometimes called him an aristocrat. On the platform he never makes a poor speech, and sometimes a great one. As presiding officer at a banquet he has few equals within my knowledge. In social matters his administration has been a pronounced success. . . . But he is also a great executive officer. I have heard him say that the American people do big things better than they do little ones. Lesser men can turn off routine business quite as well as he; his preeminence is in planning and accomplishing large things. The best evidence of this outwardly is the great Historical Library; the best proof of it inwardly is the vast extension of facilities, not simply to meet the great increase in the number of students, but to make possible the most advanced work, and to cause the ablest men to feel that Wisconsin is the best place to stay and labor in. Some of the newspapers have crit- icised sharply at times, and some legislators have come from the people to make a fight ; but in the end the majority of the legislature and of the people have come over to his ideas and his ideals, and civic pride in the university has enormously increased. The fric- tion which a few years ago existed between the au- thorities of the lower schools and the university seems 64 Reminiscences and Sketches. now to have disappeared entirely, and a cordial and helpful relation has taken its place. President Adams was passionately loyal to, and enthusiastically confident of, the great fu- ture of the University of Wisconsin. He showed remarkable capacity in choosing members of the faculty as well as in uniting and harmonizing them in the common work, fostered and stimula- ted the spirit of research among the instructors, and yet would remind them that "the university is for the students," whose instruction should not be sacrificed to investigation. His zeal for ath- letics came mainly from the conviction that a maximum of clear and sane thinking, as well as the most moral living, is not to be expected from men in poor health. His manifest and well- known sympathy with all that made for real re- ligion in the university was but the outward ex- pression of inward belief and consistent home living. An estimate of the service rendered by Presi- dent Adams to the university and to the cause of higher education, made by Dean Birge at the time of his resignation, pleased President Adams above all appreciations then made public. It is as follows: President Adams was one of the first men in this country to catch the spirit and temper of true uni- Charles Kendall Adams. 65 versity study and administration. This spirit he em- bodied, first, in his own teaching; and this temper, as larger opportunities were afforded him, he carried into the institutions of which he has been the head. The university temper expresses itself, when it is present, in every department of university work, from the fresh- man classes to the graduate courses. It was by no means absent from our university in the years before 1892, yet it has received a mighty impulse and stimulus from the example and teachings of President Adams. This internal growth, this development of a higher standard of scholarship in the university, has been President Adams's great contribution to the intellectual life of the state. By a higher standard of scholarship I do not mean the exaction of more work from the student or the mere 'raising of the standard' in the technical sense, but a lifting of the institution to a truer and higher intellectual position. This is the greatest service that a president can render to his uni- versity, and this President Adams has fully rendered to us. To this end all his measures have tended. In carrying out this main purpose, President Adams has shown great breadth and largeness of view. He has been able to conceive large plans for the university, which he has boldly executed. Yet he has never striven to enforce his own ideas upon the various departments, aiming rather to inspire unity and harmony of spirit and purpose than to secure a similarity in method. Thus he has been able to win and hold the sympathy of the faculty for his plans and their cooperation in working them out and applying them in the admin- istration and the teaching of the university. President Adams was stricken down about 66 Reminiscences and Sketches. February i, 1900, and was never at the helm for more than a day or two at a time after that. After weeks of suffering at home, he was sent by his physicians, first to Virginia, then to Battle Creek, Michigan, and finally for a year to Italy and Germany. During all that period I was in constant correspondence with him, and some ex- tracts from his letters may be used to illustrate his absorbing devotion to the university, and to indicate some of his plans and ideals in educa- tional work. He was trying to get well for the sake of the work he felt he had still to do at Madison, and every movement for a year and a half was determined by that. He abandoned a contemplated trip from Italy to Egypt, "for the reasons," he wrote, "of the twofold fact of my continued improvement and the opinion of the doctor that I should probably not return from Egypt as well as I might be on going. I hope that in the spring we may go to Athens and, perhaps, to Sicily." By January I, 1901, he had reached his nor- mal weight again, and the physician who had accompanied him from Battle Creek returned home, saying that it was "absurd for him to re- main longer." "I should call myself entirely well," he wrote, "but for a little nervous weak- ness, which, I suppose, is the last remnant of the Charles Kendall Adams. 67 illness." Nature just then was in sympathy with their returning health. "The climate here is charming," he wrote. "Roses, heliotropes, and oleanders seem not to know any such thing as winter. Their blossoms are now. upon every wall and along every roadside. To-day we sat with our windows wide open to the floor, and many have sat among the flowers in the garden." "What a country it is !" he wrote again in Feb- ruary. As I write at midday we are having the third con- cert under the window ; not the hand-organ which seems to be good enough only for America but by a violin and a singer, both fit for the stage. There are tears and laughter and exultation, all expressed with the fire of an operatic training. Of such concerts we must have about five a day, and, strangely enough, do not quite tire of them. There is a picturesqueness about the whole matter that is almost bewitching. Some extracts from letters of that period il- lustrate one of President Adams' abiding inter- ests in matters of higher education i. e., clas- sical studies. When urging me to come to Madi- son in 1894, he said that in a college course one language at least was especially deserving of favor as embodying and representing pure cul- ture of the highest kind, and that language to his mind had always been the Greek. "I invite 68 Reminiscences and Sketches. you to a larger field, and it is your duty to come," he said with great emphasis; and I was practically won at once. Some time later, Dr. B. I. Wheeler wrote me : ''President Adams will give the most earnest support. You will find him a loyal, sound, wise man." During the eight years that followed, I found his zeal for classical studies always unabated. The last thing he did for the university was to organize the School of Commerce; and it might have seemed that he, too, was swamped by the wave of commercialism that was sweeping over the country. But he sent Dean Johnson of the College of Engineering, his chief agent in the new venture, to consult with me, and called me to his sick bed to say that "he did not want some of us who stood for ideal things to think that the university was to be wholly given over to the material and prac- tical." And a year later he wrote me from Italy (March 22, 1901) : I note all you say in regard to its being a technical year. But I want the university not to be swamped by a spirit of commercialism. Every interest should be encouraged. What men have accomplished is quite as important as what they are accomplishing. In 1894 he had led me to hope that we might have some day at the University of Wisconsin a classical museum : and this matter was much Charles Kendall Adams. 69 on his mind when he was abroad without any urging from me, it may be said, for I never found it necessary to remind him of promises. February 7, 1901, he said in a postscript to a letter : I came within an inch of forgetting one of my er- rancls in writing. Before I left Madison I asked the Regents to allow me to use the balance of my salary i. e., what was really saved by my absence in the purchase of plaster casts for a classical museum in the new library building. The answer was that I must not trouble myself with anything of the kind till I was really well. In so far as this was prompted by a consideration for me, I appreciated it, and of course there was no answer to give. But the time has come when no such answer suffices. All the manufactories in the world are glad to decorate Johnson's building [Engineering Hall] ; but Socrates and Demosthenes can't send their photographs, nor can Phidias send his architectural designs. Consequently such things either have to be bought, or we are in danger of being snowed completely under by a spirit of commercialism. Car- negie and Rockefeller will perish, but there are some others that will remain. I recently wrote that I should be greatly disappointed if I were not permitted to make the expenditures. If I could spend, say, $i,- ooo for photographs and $2,500, or such a matter, for statuary, my illness will not have been without ad- vantage. Meanwhile a change had taken place. Winter came suddenly; Mrs. Adams was stricken down 70 Reminiscences and Sketches. with asthma; her illness was long and his sym- pathy intense, so that he was never quite so well again. Still he maintained the struggle for health. Seven months later, when, under the impression that his health was far better than it was, I had urged his being here to meet the Board of Regents in September, he replied : Ever since January 5 we have been fighting the bat- tle to get into condition to resume work at the be- ginning of the year. In the case of my wife the battle cannot be said to have been successful at least the improvement has been so capricious and slow that up to the arrival of your letter it seemed uncertain what the true course should be. I have been confronted with the dilemma of either going back without her or delaying the voyage in the hope of further improve- ment. I have too much dread of an avenging Nemesis to undertake the former course. They decided to come home together, and that last letter from Germany concluded thus: Of one thing I wish to assure you. Every move- ment, except my shortest possible journey to Glasgow, has been dictated by considerations of health. . . . It has, beyond all question, been the most anxious and disappointing year of my life. In spite of all these facts, I shall attempt to be present at the meeting of the Board. The provision in his last will and testament directing that five of the fifteen five-hundred- Charles Kendall Adams. Jl dollar fellowships, to the establishment of which he devoted his entire estate, should go to the department of Greek, is the final proof of his belief in the value of Greek culture. He and Mrs. Adams reached Madison in Sep- tember in time for the meeting of the Board. Dean Johnson, Mr. Hiestand, and I met them at the station. Waiting by the car for them to get off, I said to Mr. Hiestand, as I heard the Presi- dent's voice : "It has the old ring !" But when his face appeared, I was shocked to see how he had aged in a single year. That was Saturday night. The next morning he telephoned me to come and dine with him and Mrs. Adams. When I went at noon, I found he had already been conferring with Dean Henry about Pro- fessor F. H. King's call to Washington. With such vigor he instantly resumed his duties. He felt equal to, and eager for, the accustomed bur- dens. "I could run two universities !" he said to Mr. Stevens. But he was apprehensive about Mrs. Adams. The first severe test of his powers came short- ly the opening Convocation Address to the stu- dents, an occasion to which he had been looking forward for months. The meeting was held in the Armory, and he spoke for forty-five minutes connectedly, clearly, and logically. It was a 72 Reminiscences and Sketches. good speech, but it seems he came through by sheer force of will. He looked somewhat dazed at the conclusion, but I felt no uneasiness at the moment. But his wife's womanly instinct di- vined instantly what had happened, for as he ap- proached the house she said she knew it was all over. Under the first severe strain he had bro- ken down. Serious illness followed, and the old trouble returned. As soon as the Regents could be got together, he resigned. The night before the resignation was formally laid before the Board he telephoned for me to come, and told me what he had done. Tears fell as he spoke, and he looked a gray and aged and broken man. It was very hard. He had hoped to serve the University till he was seventy-five, nine years longer, and he had great plans for it. Now it was all over. I knew his heart was broken, but he did not murmur. When a few weeks later his train had started for California, and Dr. Birge and I turned homeward, I said : "We shall see his face no more !" His last letter to me is pathetic, in view of what happened so shortly after. We are beginning to get ready to move into the new house [he wrote, June 21]. Probably in two weeks we shall be in our own home. My wife looks forward with great pleasure to the new life, and I Charles Kendall Adams. 73 hope it will be in every way beneficial. . . . Neither of us is in the best condition. Early in July they moved into the new house they had built, and on the 26th he passed away. In one of his later letters there is a reference to the book of resolutions with signatures of all the faculty prepared in consequence of his resignation, and with that I may close : The Cardinal book touched me so deeply I have hardly dared to venture on a formal acknowledgment ; but I must do so without much delay. Especially grat- ifying was the note preceding the signatures them- selves. As a whole I believe the work to be unique. Surely our dear old Patrick [janitor] would have called it a "wonderful char-ac-ter from me last place !" God bless you all ! V. THE NATIONAL HERO. "WE must have a revival of patriotism," more than one thoughtful man has been heard to say. If this be true, what is the best method of cultivating love of and pride in the father- land? The old Greeks had the good habit of telling over and over again the heroic deeds of their ancestors in order to kindle and nourish the sacred flame of patriotism, and since then all nations that have had a past have done the same. We are too close to the Civil War period to see things calmly, to judge impartially, to forget all the trial and stress and suffering. Southern men, it is true, are beginning to recognize that Lincoln was second only to Washington, and Northern men to acknowledge that the nation's greatest soldier was Lee. But only the unprejudiced on either side see thus clearly. The w r hole nation can, however,, join in admiration of its founders, and the unusual attention now bestowed on American history is sure to produce good fruits. The volumes of the "American Statesmen" se- ries, especially, are not only giving us correct his- (74) ' GEORGE WASHINGTON. The National Hero. 75 tory, but they are proving a fine school for patriotism. It is to one of the bipgraphies of this series that I am indebted for the suggestion of writing, as well as for most of the facts in this paper, 1 namely, "George Washington," by Henry Cabot Lodge. Mr. Gladstone is reported to have said : It is no extravagance to say that although there were only two millions of people in the thirteen states at the time of the Revolution, the group of statesmen that proceeded from them were a match for any in the whole history of the world, and were superior to those of any one epoch. It might be difficult for any one except a Vir- ginian to give the reason why, but it is at any rate a fact, that Virginia furnished far more than her quota of the remarkable group of Revolution- ary statesmen. Mr. Roosevelt (in his "Gouver- neur Morris," page 325) goes further, and says: Virginia stands easily first among all our common- wealths for the statesmen and warriors she has brought forth ; and it is noteworthy that during the long con- test between the nationalists and separatists, which forms the central fact in our history for the first three- quarters of a century of our national life, she gave leaders to both sides at the two great crises Washing- ton and Marshall to the one, and Jefferson to the other 1 Published January, 1890. 76 Reminiscences and Sketches. when the question was one of opinion as to whether the Union should be built up, and when the appeal to arms was made to tear it down, Farragut 1 and Thomas to the North, Lee and Jackson to the South. It is furthermore remarkable that so many of Virginia's early great men came from the single county of Westmoreland, "the prolific soil that grows Presidents," as Governor Barbour, of Vir- ginia, used to say, in allusion to the fact that Westmoreland county furnished three of the first five Presidents. What Boston was to Massachusetts [says Magruder in his "John Marshall"] Westmoreland was to the other counties of Virginia; the birthplace and home of the Washingtons, the Lees, the Masons, the Taliaferros, the Marshalls, the Madisons, the Monroes, the Gray- sons, the Roanes, the Beverlys, the Bankheads, the Balls, the McCartys, the Elands, and the Carters, it became a sentinel on the watchtower of liberty the herald to announce the appproach of danger. It was not so remarkable, perhaps, that Vir- ginia's statesmen belonged, as a rule, to what is called the gentleman class. That had been true of most of the great statesmen of all the leading countries of the world. It was eminently true even of democratic Athens ; not less true, of 'Mistake; Farragut was a Tennes-sean by birth. The National Hero. 77 course, of aristocratic and imperial Rome. It had been true of France and Austria and Prussia and England. It was certainly true in the Revo- lutionary period of New York and South Caro- lina, as well as of Virginia, and doubtless of other states. From the slaveholding aristocracy of Virginia came [,says Mr. Lodge], with the exception of Patrick Henry, all the great men of that state who did so much for American freedom, and who rendered such imperish- able service to the republic in law, in politics, and in war. From this aristocracy came Marshall and Mason and Madison, the Lees, the Randolphs, the Harrisons, and the rest. From it came al-so Thomas Jefferson, the hero of American democracy ; and to it was added Patrick Henry, not by lineage, or slaveholding, but by virtue of his brilliant abilities, and because he, too, was an aristocrat, by the immutable division of race. It would be an interesting question, now, to consider why the so-called upper classes have produced most of the great statesmen of the world. Genius has shown itself in other respects no respecter of persons. From Homer to Burns, and from Burns to Joel Chandler Harris, the Muse has touched the lips of the humble quite as often as of the highborn infant. The humbler class has furnished, too, not a few of the world's great generals: Marius, Murat, Jackson, Grant, Forrest, and many others. The main reason is, 78 Reminiscences and Sketches. doubtless, that in most countries the career in statecraft has been practically closed against all but aristocrats, or at least has been hedged about with greater hindrances than other careers. In those states at the time of the Revolution where there was a powerful aristocracy, as in Virginia, South Carolina, and New York, this class nat- urally put forward the public men. Even in that day it was different in democratic New England ; and as democracy has spread over the rest of the states we find that birth has had little to do with the making of statesmen. Witness Webster from Massachusetts, Clay from Kentucky, Calhoun from South Carolina, Andrew Jackson from Ten- nessee, Lincoln from Illinois, Stephens from Georgia, and Garfield from Ohio. Another characteristic of the Revolutionary statesmen was their high culture. Washington attained his preeminent position amid a group of men distinguished above all the statesmen of this country, not only by their mental endowment, but in the fact that a large majority were college- bred men. There were a few striking exceptions, it is true, like Roger Sherman ; but of all the group the greatest had the smallest educational opportunities. One other group of great men, limited neither by age nor clime, Washington belonged to. It The National Hero. 79 has been often remarked that the greatest states- men and generals of the world, the doers par ex- cellence, have been generally silent men. "Car- lyle," says Mr. Lodge, "crying out through hun- dreds of pages and myriads of words for the 'silent man,' passed by with a sneer the most ab- solutely silent great man that history can show." Conspicuous in that august list of mighty men of war and statecraft are, besides Washington, our own Lee and Jackson, as well as Grant; Crom- well and Wellington in England; Napoleon in France ; Frederick the Great and Moltke and Bis- marck in Germany ; Julius Caesar in Rome ; Han- nibal in Carthage; Pericles in Athens; Moses among the Hebrews. Mr. Lodge, like all the later biographers of Washington, is hard upon Weems. If there was anything left before of the Weems myths, Mr. Lodge demolishes it. He has studied Washing- ton's career very minutely for years, and he tells us there is no evidence not only for the plant-bed episode, for the cherry tree and little hatchet, for Washington's refusal to fight at school, but even for the colt-breaking. In the first place, Weems was "mendacious," if not a regular liar. He published himself as rector of Mount Vernon parish, though there was no such parish. He may have preached once, possibly oftener, to a 80 Reminiscences and Sketches. congregation when George Washington was present, but that is all. Hence we must receive what the scribbling parson says cum grano salts. Furthermore, the story of the initials in the plant- bed, by which Washington's father inculcated in the little George a profound belief in God, is taken bodily from Dr. Beattie's sketch of his son, published in England in 1799. The only author- ities for Weems' stories of the cherry tree and the refusal to fight at school are "a lady" and "a good old gentleman," who remembered the inci- dents ; but, with the light thrown by "Mount Yernon parish" and the plant-bed episode on Weems' character for historical fidelity, the lady" and "good old gentleman" can hardly be accepted as competent witnesses. Then the colt story, which Mr. Curtis tells, was a century old when he told it, and there is not even a "lady" or a "good old gentleman" to vouch for it. The episodes of the cherry tree and the colt- breaking might have happened, of course, only there is no evidence that they did. As to the story of the refusal to fight and lecturing his playmates on the sin of fighting, we can be quite sure. Washington was a most unfortunate se- lection for the hero of such a goody-goody story. This same Washington, son of an "imperious woman, of strong will," the Washington in whose The National Hero. 8l compression of the mouth and indentations of the brow the actor Bernard read, in 1798, the evidence of an "habitual conflict with and mas- tery over passion," is said not only to have re- fused to fight a boy at school, but to have allowed himself to be knocked down in the presence of his soldiers in 1754, and thereupon to have begged his assailant's pardon ! This mild Wash- ington of Mr. Weems is the same man who some years later wrote to the major of his old regiment, who had been excluded from the pub- lic thanks on account of cowardice at the Great Meadows : Your impertinent letter was delivered to me yester- day. As I am .not accustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language from you personally without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, I would advise you to be cautious in writ- ing me a second of the same tenor. Some years later still, this patient Washington, when covered by the gun of a poacher, "dashed his horse headlong into the water, seized the gun, grasped the canoe, and, dragging it ashore, pulled the man out of the boat and beat him soundly." This self-contained Washington once during the war, as Judge Marshall used to tell, sent an officer to cross a river in quest of information 6 82 Reminiscences and Sketches. about the enemy by which the morrow's action was to be guided. When the man some time later brought word to the General, who was meanwhile impatiently pacing his tent, that the dark and stormy night and the ice in the river had pre- vented his crossing, "Washington glared at him a moment, seized a large leaden inkstand from the table, hurled it at the offender's head, and said, with a fierce oath, 'Be off, and send me a man !' }> It is needless to add that the officer crossed the river and got the information. Another anecdote of the same character is told by Colonel Reese, of Nashville, to whom it came by oral tradition from a senatorial ancestor of his. Washington, it seems, was one day after dinner, at which several ladies and gentlemen were present, reading some attacks of the op- position newspapers on him, when, losing his temper, he struck the table a terrible blow with his hand, so that the glasses rattled and the ladies started up in alarm, and swore that he would not stand it any longer. After pacing the floor for a few moments, he became calm and excused himself. Such a man could hardly develop out of Weems' good, cool-blooded prig of a boy. Chancellor Garland, whose recollection covered half the period since Washington was a boy, gave a description of Virginia schoolboys of The National Hero. 83 his day, which is doubtless equally true of those of the period seventy-five years earlier. Advising the students one morning never to wear pistols, on the ground that it was a practice worthy only of cowards and bullies, and liable to lead to seri- ous results when the blood was hot, he said : When I was a boy, we used to get mad and fight, but we fought fair. We struck straight from the shoul- der, and one got the other down and pommeled him till he cried, "Enough !" And a fellow would have been disgraced who struck his prostrate foe after he said "Enough." We used to fight in that way [said the old gentleman, warming up with reminiscences of the first quarter of the century], and I have yet to see that there was any great harm in settling difficulties after that fashion. Not only was Washington high-tempered, but he was a thorough boy in at least one other re- spect; he fell in love early and often. One of his schoolmates, who was wont to speak of him as unusually studious and industrious, recalled one occasion when he surprised his playmates by "romping with one of the largest girls." It is quite certain that by the time he was fourteen he was deeply in love with Mary Bland, his "low- land beauty," as he called her, and even wrote verses to her. Old tradition identified the "low- land beauty" with a Miss Grimes, also of West- 84 Reminiscences and Sketches. moreland, and there are some "dear Sally" let- ters extant, so that possibly he changed the des- ignation with the girl. Here is the style in which the sixteen-year-old lover wrote to a friend : My place of residence at present is at his Lord- ship's, where I might, were my heart disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there is a very agreeable young lady in the same house, Colonel George Fairfax's wife's sister. But that only adds fuel to the fire, as being often and unavoidably in company with her revives my former passion for your Lowland Beauty; 2 whereas, were I to live more retired from young women, I might in -some measure alleviate my sorrow by burying that chaste and troublesome passion in oblivion; I am very well assured that this will be the only antidote or remedy. But the heart of our melancholy young gen- tleman was already unfaithful to his "lowland beauty," whether he knew it or not, and for a time it was this same sister-in-law of George Fairfax, Miss Mary Carey, whose image occu- pied his mind. This affair continued, off and 2 "The 'Lowland Beauty,' Mary Bland," says Mr. Lodge, "married Henry Lee, and became the mother of 'Legion Harry,' a favorite officer and friend of Wash- ington, and the grandmother of Robert E. Lee, the great soldier of the Confederacy." The National Hero. 85 on, for some years. But certainly not later than his twentieth year he had found another girl to his taste, for he wrote to William Fauntleroy, at Richmond, that he hoped for a revocation of the cruel sentence inflicted by his sister, Miss Betsy. In 1756, at twenty- four, when he made, as Colo- nel Washington, his first trip to Boston, he fell in love at short notice with a New York heiress, Mary Philipse. On his way home he again tar- ried in New York for the sake of this fair lady, but the women evidently had at that time no idea of the brilliant future in store for the young Virginian, and we are left to infer that the New York heiress rejected the future first President. It is two years before we hear of another lovv. affair, but this time he was to meet his fate. In the spring of 1758, as he was on his way with dispatches to Williamsburg, he stopped one day to dine with a friend, and met there Martha Custis, a widow, "young, pretty, intelligent, and an heiress." Of course this was too much even for an Indian fighter. The horses were brought out in the afternoon, but the young people talked on, and the horses finally went back to the sta- ble. The next morning he rode away, but on his return called at the White House and plight- ed his troth with the fair widow. He had been a fickle lover, perhaps, but the stately lady whom 86 Reminiscences and Sketches. he married January 6, 1759. found him constant in his devotion to the end. As to Washington's generalship, Mr. Roose- velt, in his life of Gouverneur Morris (page 52), contrasting the soldiers of the Revolution with those of the Civil War, says : As a mere military man, Washington himself cannot rank with the wonderful war-chief who for four years ied the Army of Northern Virginia, and the names of Washington and Greene fill up the short list of really good Revolutionary generals. Against these the Civil War shows a roll that contains not only Lee, but also Grant and Sherman, Jackson and Johnston, Thomas, Sheridan, and Farragut, leaders whose volunteer sol- diers and sailors, at the end of four years' service, were ready and more than able to match themselves against the best regular forces of Europe. Mr. Roosevelt is, doubtless, right in his com- parison, and yet Washington was a great gen- eral. Like William the Silent, he lost most of the battles he fought. Raw militia, such as he had in great part, could not be expected, espe- cially when inferior in numbers, to hold their own with disciplined British regulars. But the wonder is that his army did not go to pieces after the battle on Long Island, or amid the suf- ferings of Valley Forge. There were some bril- liant feats of generalship. Of the Boston cam- paign it is rightly said: The National Hero. 87 To maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six months together, without powder, and at the same time to disband an army and recruit another within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted. And yet he accomplished it, and drove the enemy from the city. Frederick the Great is reported to have called the Trenton cam- paign the most brilliant of the century. Of the Monmouth campaign Frederick said : "Clinton gained no advantage, except to reach New York with the wreck of his army. America is proba- bly lost for England." But it is neither Boston nor Trenton nor Monmouth, nor even York- town, that stamps Washington as the great gen- eral. It was holding that army together after defeat and amid the most terrible destitution and sufferings. "His cardinal doctrine was that the Revolution depended upon the existence of the army, and not on the possession of any partic- ular spot of ground, and his masterly adherence to this theory brought victory, slowly but surely." His greatest feat of generalship, as of states- manship, was holding the army together, keep- ing the superior British forces confined to a lim- ited area; teaching Congress by endless letters what to do ; begging, entreating, threatening this body, as well as the state governments, as the 88 Reminiscences and Sketches. need of money and supplies became more and more urgent; striking a blow now and then to keep up the courage and patriotism of his coun- trymen. Nobody has, perhaps, ever seriously doubted that the fate of the Revolution was all the time in the hands of this one man, and its success is his work, in a measure that can rarely be said of one man. Nothing could daunt the heaven-sent deliverer not defeat, not lack of supplies, of money, of munitions of war, not dis- banding troops, nor plots against himself, nor treason. It will probably never be accurately known just how great a part Washington had in the framing of the Constitution. We know perfect- ly well that he knew that the salvation of the country depended on the adoption of some form of government stronger than the Articles of Confederation. We know from a remark of his reported by Gouverneur Morris, and made prob- ably just before the convention opened, how he felt: It is too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sus- tained. If, to plea-se the people, we offer what we our- selves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair. The event is in the hand of God. The National Hero. 89 But Washington was not a talker. He had sat silent for fifty-one days in the convention which declared war and made him commander of the Revolutionary forces, and yet Patrick Henry had said of him then: "If you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on the floor." Now, he presided over the Con- stitutional Convention, and from May 25 to Sep- tember 17 spoke but once (in behalf of Gor- ham's amendment). And yet Air. Lodge, after thoroughly investigating the whole subject, thinks an opinion shared by Mr. Bancroft in his History of the Constitution that, "without the influence and the labors of Washington the Convention of 1787, in all probability, would have failed of success." As first President of the United States, Wash- ington had, of course, greater difficulties than could ever beset any of his successors. Every- thing had to be settled. There were no prece- dents. All depended on the good sense of the Chief Executive and his advisers. He began by choosing the ablest Cabinet that ever assembled around any President at the national capital. Good sense and patriotism and the loftiest and most unselfish motives characterized all his pub- lic acts. He did not escape criticism, of course. 90 Reminiscences and Sketches. Only a weak man with a weak policy ever does that. A bitter opposition soon developed, but he never swerved from what he conceived to be the path of duty. "He judges well," said Pericles, "who accepts unpopularity in a great cause." Washington had accepted unpopularity in the Revolution, and he accepted it with the like equanimity during his administration. But time always brings his revenge to the really great and honest man, and most men have long ago acknowledged what Mr. Lodge so well says with regard to the administration of our first Presi- dent: When Washington went out of office, the way was open to the Western movement; the dangers of disinte- gration by reason of foreign intrigues on the frontier were removed ; peace had been maintained, and the national sentiment had had opportunity for rapid growth. France had discovered that, although she had been our ally, we were not her dependent ; other nations had been brought to perceive that the United States meant to have a foreign policy all their own ; and the American people were taught that their first duty was to be Americans and nothing else. He might have added that Washington, in his appointments, set the highest example for the proper conduct of the civil service. How did the great man look? His pictures The National Hero. 91 / do not, as a rule, it seems, exhibit the strong- man we expect to see. Here is the description Mr. Lodge gives of him from contemporary tes- timony : Over six feet high, powerfully built, and of uncom- mon muscular strength, he had the force that always comes from great physical power. He had a fine head, a strong face, with blue eyes set wide apart in deep orbits, and beneath, a square jaw and firm-set mouth which told of a relentless will. Houdon, the sculptor, no bad judge, said he had no conception of the majesty and grandeur of Washington's form and features until he studied him as a subject for a statue. Mrs. John Adams thus describes to her hus- band the appearance of Washington when he as- sumed command at Cambridge: Dignity, ease, and complacency, the gentleman and the soldier, look agreeably blended in him. Modesty marks every line and feature of his face. Those lines of Dryden instantly occurred to me : "Mark his majestic fabric! He's a temple Sacred by birth, and built by hands divine ; His soul's the deity that lodges there ; Nor is the pile unworthy of the God." Captain David Ackerson, of Alexandria, Vir- ginia, thus describes, in 1811, Washington's ap- pearance, as he saw him three days before the crossing of the Delaware: 92 Reminiscences and Sketches. Washington had a large, thick nose, and it was very red that day, giving me the impression that he was not so moderate in the use of liquors as he was supposed to be. I found afterwards that this was a peculiarity. His nose was apt to turn scarlet in a cold wind. He was standing near a camp-fire, evidently lost in thought and making no effort to keep warm. He seemed six feet and a half in height, was as erect as an Indian, and did not for a moment relax from a military attitude. Washington's exact height was six feet two inches in his boots. He was then a little lame from striking his knee against a tree. His eye was so gray that it looked almost white, and he had a troubled look on his color- less face. He had a piece of woolen tied around his throat, and was quite hoarse. Perhaps the throat trou- ble from which he finally died had its origin about then. Washington's boots were enormous. They were number thirteen. His ordinary walking shoes were number eleven. His hands were large in proportion, and he could not buy a glove to fit him, and had to have his gloves made to order. His mouth was his strong fea- ture, the lips being always tightly compressed. That day they were compressed so tightly as to be painful to look at. At that time he weighed two hundred pounds, and there was no surplus flesh about him. He was tremendously mu-scled, and the fame of his great strength was everywhere. His large tent when wrapped up with the poles was so heavy that it required two men to place it in the camp-wagon. Washington would lift it with one hand and throw it in the wagon as easily as if it were a pair of saddlebags. He could hold a musket with one hand and shoot with precision as easily as other men did with a horse-pistol. His lungs The National Hero. 93 were his weak point, and his voice was never strong. He was at that time in the prime of life. His hair was a chestnut brown, his cheeks were prominent, and his head was not large in contrast to every other part of his body, which seemed large and bony at all points. His finger-joints and wrists were so large as to be genuine curiosities. As to his habits at that period I found out much that might be interesting. He was an enormous eater, but was content with bread and meat if he had plenty of it. But hunger seemed 1 to put him in a rage. It was his custom to take a drink of rum or whisky on awakening in the morning. Of course all this was changed when he grew old. I saw him at Alexandria a year before he died. His hair was very g'ray, and his form was slightly bent. His chest was very thin. He had false teeth which did not fit, and pushed his under lip outward. This was evidently meant to be a faithful de- scription, notwithstanding minor inaccuracies, as, for example, the color of the eyes. Washington's fatal illness was, as is well known, sudden and short. He took cold from riding in the snow and rain December 12, 1799, and died two days later from ccdematous laryn- gitis (then called quinsy} that is, he was slowly strangled to death by the closing of the throat. The principal remedy tried was bleeding, which did no good, of course. He was seriously ill only twenty-four hours, and realized at once 94 Reminiscences and Sketches. that the end was near. 3 He gave his will into the keeping of his wife, gave minute directions about the disposition of his papers, and,, when nothing more was to be done, calmly awaited the end. "I die hard," he said to Dr. Craik, "but I am not afraid to go." He died as he was in the very act of counting his own pulse. As to his religious faith, Mr. Lodge says: 3 Dr. F. H. Hooper gives (in a footnote, Vol. II., page 296, of Lodge's "Washington") the following in- teresting statement as to the disease : "Washington's physicians are not to be criticised for their treatment, for they acted according to their best light and knowl- edge. To treat such a case in such a manner in the year 1889 would be little short of criminal. At the present time the physicians would use the laryngoscope and look and see what the trouble was. (The laryngoscope has been used only since 1857.) In this disease the function most interfered with is breathing. The one thing which saves a patient in this disease is a timely tracheotomy. (I doubt if tracheotomy had ever been performed in Virginia in Washington's time.) Wash- ington ought to have been tracheotomized, or, rather, that is the way cases are saved to-day. No one would think of antimony, calomel, or bleeding now. The point is to let in the air, and not to let out the blood. After tracheotomy has been performed, the oedema and swelling of the larynx subside in three to six days. The tracheotomy tube is then removed, and respiration goes on through the natural channels." The National Hero. 95 He had been brought up in the Protestant Episcopal Church, and to that Church he always adhered; for its splendid liturgy and stately forms appealed to him and satisfied him. He loved it, too, as the Church of his home and his childhood, and yet he was as far as pos- sible from being sectarian, and there is not a word of his which shows anything but the most entire liberality and toleration. He made no parade of his religion, for in this as in other things he was perfectly simple and sincere. He was tortured by no doubts or questionings, but believed always in an overruling Providence and in a merciful God, to whom he knelt and prayed in the day of darkness or in the hour of triumph with a su- preme and childlike confidence. VI. THE SOUTH'S IDEAL HERO. PERHAPS it was because I was homesick that I took to reading last winter about the noblest character whom my native Southland has yet produced. I am conscious that I have per- haps idealized Southern character in the course of the fourteen years that I have been away from home, and I wanted to refresh and confirm my convictions by reading the story of that supreme crisis when men's souls were tried and General Robert E. Lee was our foremost man. I was cu- rious, too, to see whether the General Lee of my boyish enthusiasm would seem the same under the quieter and closer scrutiny of middle life. I read eagerly book after book on the Civil War. Incidentally I have recovered some of my lost youth, and have recalled the moments when I saw with my own eyes one or other of the Con- federate heroes whose deeds of glory I have found recorded on the printed page. How it quickens your interest if you have seen in the flesh the hero you read about ! I have been fully repaid for my reading. General Lee is a greater (96) ROI5EKT EDWARD LEE. The South' s Ideal Hero. 97 man, a more stainless character, than I had ever dreamed. There is absolutely no littleness about that majestic man. He was worthy of the un- paralleled devotion of his army and his people during the war, and the best thing we can still do for the formation of the highest ideals of manhood in our Southern youth is to call and re- call their attention to our stainless hero. I nev- er saw General Lee, but it is perhaps pardonable if under the impulse of my present enthusiasm I group together some of the most striking facts in the life of the great soldier who is probably to be forever the South's ideal of manhood. Robert E. Lee was always good : a model boy, an exemplary youth, a man of stainless life. No one was ever heard to censure his conduct or his character. At school preparing for West Point he was "never behind at his studies, never failed in a single recitation." At West Point he never received a demerit ; was adjutant of the corps, the post of honor in his senior year, and grad- uated second in his class. "He was the most punctual man I ever knew," said his son. "He was always ready for family prayers, and at all meal times, and met every engagement, business or social, on the moment." From him was heard "never a word that might not have been uttered in the presence of the most refined woman." He 7 98 Reminiscences and Sketches. never drank liquor. A bottle of fine old whisky which a Virginia lady persuaded him to take to the Mexican War he brought back unopened. In 1861 a friend from Norfolk forced upon him two bottles of good old "London Dock" brandy, but these he kept untouched all through the war until compelled to use them during a severe ill- ness of one of his daughters after the war. Alexander Stephens, who was greatly impressed with the manly soldier on his first interview, when seeking to win him to the service of the newly formed Confederate States government, says: I did not know then that he used no stimulants, was free even from the use of tobacco, and that he was ab- solutely stainless in his private life. I did not know, as I do now, that he had been a model youth and young man ; but I had before me the most manly and entire gentleman T ever saw. General Lee was five feet and eleven inches in height and weighed usually about one hundred and seventy-five pounds. In the Mexican cam- paign, when about forty years of age, "he was," says General Wilcox, "in full manly vigor, and the handsomest man in the army." Fifteen years later (1863) Stonewall Jackson said of him: "General Lee is the most perfect animal form I The South's Ideal Hero. 99 ever saw." Dr. J. William Jones says of him in 1862: At this time General Lee was certainly one of the most superb-looking soldiers the world ever saw. I had first seen him on the day when he came to offer his sword to the state that gave him birth the home of his love. Then he had a smooth face, save a moustache, and his hair had only a few silver threads in it. Now he had a full beard, and that and his hair were as white as the driven snow ; but his graceful, knightly bearing, and his eagle eye, and the very expression of his coun- tenance, all betokened mingled firmness and gentleness and showed him the true soldier. But when mounted he sat his horse with easy grace, seemed indeed a part of the horse, and was the finest horseman I ever saw. "Traveler," said Captain W. Gordon McCabe, "always stepped as if conscious that he bore a king upon his back." In the Mexican War he made a great impres- sion upon the whole army and especially upon General Scott. He received repeatedly honor- able mention in the commanding general's re- ports and was three times promoted. When a public reception was tendered General Scott by the city of Richmond after the Mexican War, he wrote: "Captain R. E. Lee is the Virginian who deserves the credit of that brilliant cam- paign." In 1857 General Scott, in writing to the Secretary of War to ask a second lieuten- ioo Reminiscences and Sketches. ancy for young W. H. Fitzhugh Lee, then a stu- dent at Harvard, said: "I make this application mainly on the extraordinary merits of the father, the very best soldier I ever saw in the field/' To General Preston, General Scott said on one occasion, long before the Civil War : I tell you that if I were on my deathbed to-morrow, and the President of the United States should tell me that a great battle was to be fought for the liberty or slavery of the country, and he asked my judgment as to the ability of a commander, I would say with my dying breath, "Let it be Robert E. Lee." To a New York banker General Scott said be- fore the war: Col. Robert E. Lee is not only the greatest soldier of America, but the greatest now living in the world. . . . And if he ever gets the opportunity he will prove himself the greatest captain of history. The position that General Scott deemed him worthy of Commander of the United States Army was offered him by President Lincoln in the spring of 1861, and declined. General Long quotes from a letter this account of the offer made through Mr. Francis Preston Blair: Mr. Blair : "I come to you on the part of President Lincoln to ask whether any inducement that he can offer will prevail on you to take command of the Union Army." The Sonth's Ideal Hero. 101 Colonel Lee : "If I owned the four millions of slaves, I would cheerfully sacrifice them to the preservation of the Union, but to lift my hand against my own state and people is impossible." The best confirmation of the truth of this re- port of the offer is General Lee's letter to Hon. Reverdy Johnson, February 25, 1868: After listening to his remarks, I declined the offer he made me of the command of the army that was to be brought into the field, stating as candidly and conscien- tiously as I could that, though opposed to secession and deprecating war, I could take no part in the invasion of the Southern states. It is needless now to say that the campaigns in Virginia fulfilled all General Scott's predic- tions. The following estimate of the command- er in chief of the armies of Great Britain, Gen- eral Sir Garnet Wolseley, will more and more come to be recognized everywhere as not over- drawn : I have met many of the great men of my time, but Lee alone impressed me with the feeling that I was in the presence of a man who was cast in a grander mold and made of different and finer metal than all other men. He is stamped upon my memory as being apart and superior to all others in every way, a man with whom none I ever knew and few of whom I have read are worthy to be classed. When all the angry feelings IO2 Reminiscences and Sketches. aroused by secession are buried with those that existed when the Declaration of Independence was written ; when Americans can review the history of this last great war with calm impartiality, I believe all will ad- mit that General Lee towered far above all men on either side in that struggle. I believe he will be re- garded not only as the most prominent figure of the Confederacy, but as the greatest American of the nine- teenth century, whose statue is well worthy to stand on an equal pedestal with that of Washington, and whose memory is equally worthy to be enshrined in the hearts of all his countrymen. The spirit of the chivalrous soldier and hu- mane man characterized all his conduct in war, and he was wholly free from malice or vindic- tiveness. "We make war only upon armed men," he said in his general orders to his army on first invading Pennsylvania ; he "earnestly exhorted the troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from unnecessary or wanton injury of private property," and "enjoined upon all officers to ar- rest and bring to summary punishment all who should in any way offend against the orders on the subject." On one occasion he was seen to dismount from his horse and put up a farmer's fence, to set a good example to his soldiers. Soon after the war, when he had been indicted for treason by a Federal grand jury, a party of gentlemen were spending an evening at his house The South' s Ideal Hero. 103 in Richmond, and Rev. Dr. - - led in the ex- pression of bitterness felt by the South at this indictment. General Lee followed him to the door when he left, and said : Doctor, there is a good old book, which I read and you preach from, which says, "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you and per- secute you." Do you think your remarks this evening were quite in the spirit of that teaching? Then General Lee added : I have fought against the people of the North be- cause I believed they were seeking to wrest from the South her dearest rights. But I have never cherished toward them bitter or vindictive feeling, and have never seen the day when I did not pray for them. One day in the autumn of 1869 Dr. Jones found General Lee standing at his gate, from which a humbly clad man was moving away. "That is one of our soldiers who is in necessitous circumstances," remarked the General. On be- ing asked to what command he belonged, Gen- eral Lee replied: "He fought on the other side, but we must not remember that against him now." This poor Union soldier said to Dr. Jones afterwards: "He is the noblest man that ever lived. He not only had a kind word for me, IO4 Reminiscences and Sketches. but he gave me some money to help me on my way." To control one's self is greater than to con- quer enemies, and "self-restraint is the highest form of self-assertion." "I never in my life saw in him the slightest tendency to self-seeking," said Jefferson Davis. After the Mexican War, Robert E. Lee said: "Such [favors] as he [the President] can conscientiously bestow I shall gratefully receive, and have no doubts that these will exceed my deserts." Concerning the promo- tion of Joseph E. Johnston to be brigadier gen- eral in 1860, Lee, who had previously ranked Johnston, said: I rejoice in the good fortune of my old friend Joe Johnston, for while I should not like, of course, that this should be taken as a precedent in the service, yet, so far as he is concerned, he is in every way worthy of the promotion, and I am glad that he received it. When General Joseph E. Johnston was claim- ing that he should rank first among the five full generals in 1862, General Lee used to say: "Oh, I care nothing about rank. I am willing to serve anywhere that I can be most useful." He had proved that by his acceptance of an inferior command in West Virginia in the summer of 1861. When that campaign proved unsuccess- ful, he showed President Davis that but for the The South's Ideal Hero. 105 failure of subordinates victory would have been won; but he begged the President not to speak of it, saying: "I would rather rest under unjust censure myself than injure those who are doing what they can for the cause." The same spirit characterized him in the fall of 1861 when sent to look after the coast defenses of Georgia and South Carolina. General Lee scrupulously refrained from using his position to advance the fortunes of his kin- dred. His son, R. E. Lee, Jr., though he had been captain of a company of students at the University of Virginia, enlisted as a private in the artillery in 1862, and remained so until ap- pointed to a lieutenancy on the staff of his broth- er, W. H. Fitzhugh Lee, when the latter was promoted to be brigadier general. Late in the war President Davis wished to appoint another son, G. W. Custis Lee, to the command of the army in southwest Virginia, making him major general, or lieutenant general, or even full gen- eral, that he might rank any other officer eligible to that position. All that was necessary was that General Lee should order his son to that command ; but this he declined to do. "I cannot pass my tried officers," he said, "and take for that important position a comparatively new man, especially when that man is my own son." io6 Reminiscences and Sketches. Consideration for, and sympathy with, others was as characteristic of General Lee as was his lack of self-seeking. This was evident already in the boy's conduct toward his invalid mother. Dr. J. William Jones says of him at this period: So Robert was the housekeeper, carried the keys, attended to the marketing, managed all of the outdoor business, and took care of his mother's horses. At the hour when the other schoolboys went to play, he hur- ried home to order his mother's drive, and would then be seen carrying her in his arms to the carriage and arranging her cushions with the gentleness of an ex- perienced nurse. When he went to West Point, his mother was heard to say: "How can I live without Robert? He is both son and daughter to me." On one vacation from West Point, finding his mother's old coachman "Xat" threatened with consump- tion, he took him to the milder climate of Geor- gia and secured for him the best medical advice and attention. The following incident is told by a Federal soldier whose leg was shattered on the last day of the battle at Gettysburg. Seeing General Lee pass near, the wounded man defi- antly shouted, "Hurrah for the Union !" Gen- eral Lee dismounted and came toward him. "I confess," said the Federal soldier, "at first I thought he meant to kill me." But General Lee The South's Ideal Hero. 107 took his hand, looked kindly into his eyes, and said: "My son, I hope you will soon be well." "If I live a thousand years," added the soldier, "I shall never forget the expression on General Lee's face. ... I cried myself to sleep on the bloody ground." The love and devotion of his soldiers for Gen- eral Lee was beautiful ; and no wonder. "It was his constant habit," said Senator Withers, "to turn over to the sick and wounded soldiers in the hospital such delicate viands as the partiality of friends furnished for his personal consumption." His wife, who was an invalid confined to a roll- ing-chair, spent her time knitting socks for the soldiers, inducing others around her to do the same; and his letters to her are full of evidence that he found time amid all his duties and cares to distribute them to the soldiers. In June, 1864, a lady sent him a fine peach the first he had seen for two years and he sent it to an invalid lady in whose yard his tents were pitched. On the final retreat from Petersburg to Appomattox, he turned aside for a few minutes to call upon the widow of one of his officers who had fallen in battle. Intimately connected with this consid- eration of others was his invariable courtesy. At Lexington after the war, "even amid his pressing duties at the college he found time to be the most io8 Reminiscences and Sketches. thoroughly polite gentleman in the community. He seemed 'to think himself called on to visit all strangers who came to Lexington, and frequent- ly surprised and delighted them by an unex- pected courtesy." Dr. Joynes, who was a member of General Lee's faculty, says r 1 General Lee's treatment of his faculty was not only courteous, but kind and affectionate. My wife reminds me that once, when I was detained at home by sickness, General Lee came every day, through a deep Lexing- ton snow, and climbed the high stairs to inquire about me and comfort her. With all his great qualities 2 General Lee was a sincere and humble Christian. Nearly every letter from the front in war, as well as those in times of peace, contains an expression of his trust in God and his submission to the heavenly will. He fostered the religious spirit among the soldiers in his army ; and his anxiety for the spir- itual welfare of the students under his charge at Washington College was expressed in his remark to a clergyman. "O, Doctor, if I could only know 'Footnote to address made at the Lee Centennial Celebration held under the auspices of the University of South Carolina, January 19, 1907. 2 For proof that General Lee was above money and beyond price, see Chapter XIV., pp. 349-351. The South' s Ideal Hero. 109 that all of the young men in the college were good Christians, I should have nothing more to desire." His very last act, at the meeting of the vestry of his church the evening he was stricken down, was to subscribe the amount necessary to cover the deficit in his pastor's salary. Is it not absolutely clear from the foregoing incidents and illustrations not only that General Lee was in war "a phenomenon," as Stonewall Jackson said "the only man I would be willing to follow blindfolded" but also the purest and best of men? He was our first gentleman, a Christian hero, without self-seeking, without av- arice, without malice or vindictiveness, without vice, kind and considerate, tender and forgiving, a knightly man without fear and without re- proach. As Major Daniel said in his great me- morial address, "To him who thus stood by us we owe a debt immeasurable, and as long as our race is upon earth, let our children and our chil- dren's children hold that debt sacred." If we teach them to do that, we are providing them with the greatest safeguard in the struggles and temptations of life. To know and revere and look up to a character like General Lee's is the best thing that can be taught the youth of our land. "On God and godlike men we build our trust." no Reminiscences and Sketches. There are a few scenes in the life of General Lee I should like especially to have witnessed ; for example, that described by Major John W. Daniel just after Gettysburg. General Lee had said, on the failure of Pickett's glorious charge, "It was all my fault" ; but his men knew better. We saw him standing by the roadside with his bridle- rein over his arm, on the second day afterwards, as the . army was withdrawing. Pickett's division filed past him; every general of brigade had fallen, and every field officer of its regiments; a few tattered battle flags and a few hundreds of men were all that was left of the magnificent body, five thousand strong, who had made the famous charge. He stood with uncovered head, as if he reviewed a conquering host, and with the conqueror's look upon him. With proud step the men marched by, and as they raised their hats and cheered him there was the tenderness of devoted love, mingled with the fire of battle in their eyes. Again I should like to have seen Gregg's Texas brigade moving forward to the charge to restore the broken lines, cheering the General as they passed him, and Lee so moved by their greeting and their gallant bearing that he spurred his horse through an opening in the trenches and followed, while the whole line shouted as it rushed forward, "Go back, General Lee, go back!" Again I should like to have been a wit- ness at Spottsylvania six days later May 12 The South' s Ideal Hero. in when the Federals were pouring through the broken lines threatening disaster, and General Lee had ridden forward to the head of Gordon's column. General Gordon, perceiving his inten- tion to lead the charge, spurred to his side and seizing his reins exclaimed : "General Lee, this is no place for you ! Do go to the rear. These men behind you are Georgians, Virginians, and Car- olinians. They have never failed you on any field. They will not fail you here. Will you, boys?" "No, no, we will not fail him." Then turning his horse and urging him back, they shouted, "General Lee to the rear ! General Lee to the rear !" Then General Gordon led them on with the ringing words, "Forward, charge! and remember your promise to General Lee." 3 Those were scenes of his triumph, but he was greater still in the hour of humiliation. When he had arranged terms with General Grant and surrendered his army and was returning to his quarters, this is what happened : s The intensity of the musketry fire in this battle of May 12, it may be remarked, was perhaps never ex- ceeded in warfare. A hickory tree, eighteen inches in diameter, between the opposing lines, was so chipped away by the hail of bullets that the first gust of wind blew it down. It is now preserved as a memento at Washington. 112 Reminiscences and Sketches. As he rode slowly along the lines, hundreds of his devoted veterans pressed around the noble chief, trying to take his hand, touch his person, or even lay a hand upon his horse, thus exhibiting for him their great af- fection. The General then, with head bare and tears flowing freely down his manly cheeks, bade adieu to the army. "Men, we have fought through the war to- gether. I have done my best for you ; my heart is too full to say more." It was a farewell scene worthy of the peerless General and his heroic army. He had hoped to return home unobserved ; but as he rode through the streets of Richmond, a body of Federal sol- diers recognized him, lifted their hats and cheered. His own people, too, did him homage. "Men, women, and children crowded around him, cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs. It was more like a welcome to a conqueror than to a defeated prisoner on parole." Such scenes show the marvelous affection and admiration which soldiers and citizens had for the great leader of armies, but I have heard of another which touches my heart not less. He was presiding in faculty meeting at college one day after his health had become frail, and in the midst of the discussion dropped off to sleep ; in- stantly every voice was hushed in reverential silence for fear of awaking him. MAl.'KIC'K THOMl'SON. VII. MAURICE THOMPSON. IN the production of men of great talent there are often extraordinary years and especially fa- vored localities. Maurice Thompson is classed with that coterie of literary people from the neighborhood of Brookville, Indiana, to which belonged Lew Wallace, John Hay, and others; and it is interesting to know that General Wal- lace, who was afterwards his fellow-townsman, spent part of his childhood with Maurice Thomp- son's parents. Maurice Thompson was born at Fairfield, Indiana, September 9, 1844. His father and grandfather were Primitive Baptist preachers ; both wrote doctrinal books, and both were ef- fective public speakers. The great-great-grand- father was a companion of Daniel Boone, and the forefathers had come "by a straggling route from the highlands of Scotland and from Coun- ty Kerry, Ireland, by way of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, into the 'Dark and Bloody Ground.' " Paternal and maternal an- cestors fought under Lafayette or Marion in 8 (H3) 114 Reminiscences and Sketches. the Revolution. Hence Maurice Thompson came naturally by his patriotic Americanism as well as his love of nature and of hunting and fishing. His mother, who came of Dutch stock, was "well educated, and a lover of the best books." "From childhood to manhood," he said, "she was my boon companion, my playmate, my adviser, my teacher, my loving and encouraging critic, my everything my mother!" After his birth the family drifted to south- east Missouri, back to Indiana, then to Ken- tucky, and finally, when Maurice Thompson was nine or ten, settled in north Georgia. Here he led, as he says, "a swet wild life, hard enough in many respects, almost savage in some a sweet wild life, as I remember it, however, de- voted to books, manual labor, wildwood roam- ing, shooting, and fishing." A little later he began to make those trips, by canoe or on foot, in rivers, lakes, and swamps, or over mountains, along the Gulf coast and into Florida, which still later covered the region from the Great Lakes to the Gulf. "I was impelled," he said, "to go into the wilds of nature, and went." He had little regular schooling, and never went to college, but from his mother and from tutors he received instruction in Latin, Greek, French, German, Hebrew, and mathematics. Among Maurice Thompson. 115 the authors that especially delighted him in the earlier period, he mentions Poe and Victor Hugo and Audubon, Cicero (S 'omnium Scipi- onis and De Senectute}, and Theocritus; and in camp during the Civil War he was reading Car- lyle, De Quincey, and the like. His companion in studies and roaming, as later in the war, was a younger brother ("Will"), also an enthusiast over bow and arrows and an incipient naturalist. Joining the Confederate army in 1862, he fought till he was honorably surrendered at Kingston, Georgia, in May, 1865. His attitude during and since the war was well expressed in one of his poems "An address by an ex-Confederate soldier to the Grand Army of the Republic": I was a rebel, if you please, A reckless fighter to the last, Nor do I fall upon my knees And ask forgiveness for the past. A traitor? I a traitor? No! I was a patriot to the core; The South was mine, I loved her so, I gave her all I could no more. I stemmed the level flames of hell, O'er bayonet bars of death I broke. I was so near when Cleburne fell, I heard the muffled bullet stroke. n6 Reminiscences and Sketches. I clasp the hand that made my scars, I cheer the flag my foemen bore, I shout for joy to see the stars All on our common shield once more. I stand and say that you were right, I greet you with uncovered head, Remembering many a thundering fight, Where whistling death between us sped. -In one of his novels Maurice Thompson de- scribes a Confederate officer who, having come to the conviction that the national cause was that of human progress, did not desert, but rode out boldly before the host, so that he might be captured could he be overtaken, and away to the enemy. Maurice Thompson's heart was with the South, and he "stayed with her till the fight closed,'' but his judgment went the other way. He was a brave and daring soldier always for proof see the incident quoted by Raskervill ("Maurice Thompson," p. 103) and after the war he never cringed nor apologized; but time only strengthened the conviction to which he had come while still fighting, that we were es- saying the impossible in behalf of human slav- ery that was not worth it. So he could write from his heart : I am a Southerner. I love the South; I dared for her Maurice Thompson. 117 To fight from Lookout to the sea, With her proud banner over me : But from my lips thanksgiving broke, As God in battle thunder spoke, And that Black Idol, breeding drouth And dearth of human sympathy .Throughout the sweet and sensuous South, Was, with its chains and human yoke, Blown hellward from the cannon's mouth, While freedom cheered behind the smoke! After~the war he worked in the field, studying the while engineering and some Greek buying some of his books with squirrels sold at ten cents then devoted himself to the law. In 1868 reconstruction troubles in Georgia caused him to turn his face northward, and he drifted to Crawfordsville, Indiana. His brother was with him, and they found employment as civil engineers on a line of railway then building through the county. He soon married a Miss Lee, of Crawfordsville, the courtship beginning in this wise. He called on business at the house of Mr. John Lee, and Miss Lee answered the doorbell. His choice was made instantly, and the marriage which followed proved the happiest of the happy. Mrs. Thompson became his in- separable companion, and always went with him on his journeys, which now became less and less frequent, except the annual winter hegira to the n8 Reminiscences and Sketches. South for the sake of his lungs. She, a son, and two daughters survive him. His brother, inseparable still in all things, married a sister of Miss Lee, drifted also into letters and law, and the two practiced together at the bar till ihe younger removed to the far West. The law did not hold Maurice Thompson's undivided fealty. In boyhood he was an amateur scientist, and after a while he became State Geologist of Indiana. He was for a time, too, a member of the legislature and figured in politics, being in 1888 a delegate to the National Democratic Convention. As a gold Democrat he forsook his party in 1896. But in all that engineering, law, science, pol- itics he did not find the career for which he was intended. Already as a youth he had felt all the "myriad scraps of knowledge, snatched here from books and there from nature, fusing in the heat of his imagination and running to- gether in a strong current toward the outlet of literary expression." He had been printing from time to time sketches and stories and poems, and it may have been an incident from his own ex- perience which he tells in "A Banker of Bank- ersville." A farmer says to his lawyer, whom he greatly admires : "Colonel, you're a mighty smart man. You could go to Congress if you'd stop Maurice Thompson. 119 writin' them durn little pomes!" His first little book, "Hoosier Mosaics" (1875), while only a promise of the charming essays and nature studies that were to come in later years, made him at least a local reputation, and he began to be pointed out by his fellow-townsmen. His next book, "Witchery of Archery," was widely read and won him considerable literary fame; for thirty years ago there was a furore for arch- ery, for which he and his brother were chiefly responsible. Not only did he write magazine articles and poems about the delights of this sport, but the two brothers took prizes at the tournaments, and their sport became the "fad" of the time. About 1884 he abandoned law for literature and science, and from 1889 letters claimed all his fealty. In that year he became, as he continued till his death, literary editor of The Independent. These are the main facts in his career. One may read them in several places, but they are best given, along with delightful critical estimates, in Baskervill's sketch "Mau- rice Thompson" in his "Southern Writers." If by this reference I invite comparison with Bas- kervill's paper, I shall feel compensated for the inevitable verdict should I direct or redirect any one to that charming study. It had been several years since I had read I2O Reminiscences and Sketches. much from Maurice Thompson, and I was a little fearsome when I took him up again. Would I find that my taste had changed? I read first his "Alice of Old Vincennes," and was glad I could like his popular novel. It is a bet- ter book than his other novels. Still I come back to my old impression : Maurice Thompson is at his best, in prose, in his nature sketches. "This is Mr. Thompson's chosen field," said a writer shortly before his death, "and there is now no living nature-writer who has such grace and charm as he." That is what he really knew best the hills and valleys, lakes and streams, creeks and bayous of Indiana and Georgia and Florida, with the flying, swimming, creeping, walking things that frequent those regions. He writes best seemingly out-of-doors about out- of-doors things, and he loves to test his favorite authors in an out-of-doors atmosphere. Thus he keeps his taste wholesome and fresh and pure, or rather he does this with his books be- cause his taste is simple and sound. "I some- times read French novels out-of-doors," says he, "merely for the antiseptic effect that the sun and air have on the offensive passages; but at best I often find myself glad that American birds and flowers do not understand French." One thing I especially like in Maurice Thomp- Maurice Thompson. 121 son is the way in which he mixes up authors with things in his out-of-doors sketches. In the "Tangle-Leaf Papers," for instance, we are reading about birds or fishes, or following Mau- rice Thompson on his wheel, and have dropped upon us unawares Theocritus or Virgil, Chau- cer or Izaak Walton, Emerson or Walt Whit- man a sentence quoted from one or the other, with a telling bit of criticism, which is sure to send the reader to those authors. It is not just a medley that Maurice Thompson is giving us; not always strictly consequent, it is true, but dis- cursive rather than rambling, like good talk, at once delightful and stimulating. It is like the out-of-doors, where we cannot always think log- ically and in order long enough to solve a prop- osition or a problem. But such papers are easy to read and interesting, and in reading them one's mind gets wholesome distraction and tonic, as the body becomes hungry from being in the fresh air. "The Threshold of the Gods" I think Maurice Thompson would have considered his best piece of prose if indeed it be not a poem, lacking merely verse form. Here is his very best style. The first time I read it was in 1886, when we were getting ready for his coming to Nashville to lecture, and I liked it so much that I asked 122 Reminiscences and Sketches. our new Professor of Elocution to read it to the Literary Club. But he did not have time to prepare the piece, and evidently did not catch its spirit. He struck a false note, the club felt the discord, and the result was confusion. Members sneered at me, and the meeting- was not a success. It all came back to me as I read it one beautiful Sabbath afternoon fifteen years later; but I do not understand how the spirit of the piece could have been so completely missed. I handed the same piece, two years later, to a young friend on the top of Chilhowee Moun- tain. He read it with the Smoky Mountains in full view far away and the tinkle of cowbells coming up from the valley below, and as he returned it said with beaming eyes, "Maurice Thompson is a poet!" Mrs. Thompson once told me of the fate of the piece with the maga- zine editors. Mr. Thompson sent it to several. Mr. Alden said, "It is beautiful, but out of reach of my readers !" In similar language they all rejected it in turn. Through Maurice Thompson's nature studies I came to know and admire and love him. I was something of a hero-worshiper, and was nattered by the friendship of the man of letters ; and the combination of fondness for his writings and for him did much for me in those earlv davs. Maurice Thompson. 123 He helped me to a keener sense of the beauties of nature, confirmed in me a natural love of deep woods and running water and wide stretch- es of country. Perhaps he had something to do with the development of my love of mountain tramping, with all the delights that go there- with drinking cool water from ever-flowing springs, eating wild berries, the luxury of abounding health and of being always hungry. I recall one spring morning at Vanderbilt in the latter eighties when I happened to be awake at five A.M. for one of the children was ill and became an enforced listener at a concert of birds held in the trees about the house. There was a host of birds on that beautiful campus for Bishop McTyeire was as hospitable to birds as he was fond of trees but I was never in the habit of getting awake for the early bird-con- certs. That morning all the spring air was vocal, and even the woodpecker that could not sing seemed to catch the spirit of the occasion and mounting to the tin-covered turret pecked away, beating the drum, as it were, as an ac- companiment. As I lay there and listened, I felt grateful to Maurice Thompson for opening my ears to such delights as these. The first thing I remember reading from Maurice Thompson was "Genesis of Bird- 124 Reminiscences and Sketches. Song," in the Atlantic; and the reading of that article was perhaps the cause of my suggesting him as the first lecturer in the series given for several successive years at Vanderbilt. The idea of the promoters of that series was to bring before the students and the Nashville public writers of repute. Somebody asked, when the choice of Maurice Thompson as first lecturer had been announced, "Is he a good lecturer?" "I don't know, and I don't care !" was my re- ply. "He is a good writer, and I want our stu- dents to see in the flesh a man that is making literature, and thus get to reading his books, and then other people's books, simply for literature's sake." He proved to be a good lecturer sim- ple, natural, totally unaffected, interesting; his voice not powerful, rather gentle and soft, but clear and carrying far. The people flocked to hear him, and speaker and people were mutually pleased. I remember his saying that the great audience at Watkins Institute one evening was the handsomest he had ever faced. And since that time Southern authors have been much read at Vanderbilt. He simply lectured, but the general sentiment was, what editor Peck ex- pressed, "Maurice Thompson is a poet !" And this brings us naturally to his poems. Above all that Maurice Thompson wrote, I Maurice Thompson. 125 find that his poems keep their old charm for me. That would have pleased him, I am sure; for doubtless he thought his poems his best work, and hoped and dreamed they would last. Why should he not have been pleased? Who would not be a poet above all things? It is especially the earlier and shorter poems that I like best. The mocking-bird poems are his most ambitious efforts; they are fresh and strong, full of the note of liberty everywhere, genuinely American, with something, too, of the American spirit that challenges the world. But they are not his best work, and there is not as much song in them as in some of the rest. It is of the earlier simpler poems that Mr. Howells said, "The odor of the woods, pure and keen and clean, seems to strike up from this verse as directly as from the mold in the heart of the primeval forest." I was not surprised to find that the mocking-bird poems impressed Baskervill much as they do me; but how delicately he makes his criticism ! "But to some extent one feels," says he, "that the songs of the mocking-bird are 'translated carefully.' and that it is impossible to reproduce the 'gold- en note by golden word,' even though Heard in the dewy dawn-lit ways Of Freedom's solitudes Down by the sea in the springtime woods." 126 Reminiscences and Sketches. On a fresh August morning, after nature had had her "bath of storm," I took up the "Poems" to re-read my favorites, turning first to "At the Window," partly because it is per- haps my prime favorite, partly because a little mark in the table of contents shows that it pleased a dear friend of mine, partly because the poem has a history. Mr. Howells, the editor of the Atlantic, opening his mail one day in his office in 1873, read this to him first poem from a new poet. He was surprised and delighted, and showed it to Mr. Longfellow, who hap- pened to be in at the time. He too was charmed with its simple fresh beauty, and they agreed that if the author would change the word "sap- sucker" Mr. Howells would print the poem in the Atlantic. The change was made, the poem appeared in the Atlantic, and with it began Mau- rice Thompson's literary career. It is said, by the way, that both editor and elder poet after- wards agreed that "sapsucker" should have stayed as Maurice Thompson wrote it. But to my story. I turned next to "Between the Poppy and the Rose," because the Two rare young faces, lit with love, Between the poppy and the rose are Maurice Thompson's wife and little girl. Maurice Thompson. 127 Knowing him and her, I know how sincere are these words : Oh, life is sweet, they make it so; Its work is lighter than repose: Come anything, so they bloom on Between the poppy and the rose. Next I turned to "Atalanta," which seems to me the truest and sweetest of his lyrics, and as I read the first two lines, When spring grows old, and sleepy winds Set from the South with odors sweet, my pulse beat time to the old ryhthmic charm as fifteen years before. I did not omit "A Pre- lude,'' of course, and found myself lingering es- pecially over .the last stanza : And when I fall, like some old tree, And subtile change makes mold of me, There let earth show a fertile line Whence perfect wild flowers leap and shine. Perhaps it was because I could see him again as he once recited these lines so effectively at Vanderbilt, and knew he liked them himself. Then I read, perhaps because it is about Theoc- ritus, of whom Maurice Thompson was as fond as Tennyson was, Those were good times, in olden days, Of which the poet has his dreams, 128 Reminiscences and Sketches. When gods beset the woodland ways, And lay in wait by all the streams; and immediately I was thinking once more of that favorite prose piece, "The Threshold of the Gods." By this time it was easy to understand why Longfellow welcomed him as a "new and original singer, fresh, joyous, and true." What strikes us is not his extraordinary power and fruitfulness, but the trueness of his note and the finish of his verse "a finish equal to Aid- rich's," said Mr. James Whitcomb Riley to me once in the small volume of poems that he himself was willing to preserve. He was a se- vere critic of his own verse evidently ; for while most poets bring out from time to time a fresh volume of their fugitive pieces, Maurice Thomp- son allowed his poems to appear only twice in book form, first as "Songs of Fair Weather," and lastly in 1892 as "Poems/' only a compara- tively small number of newer poems being print- ed in the later volume with those of the earlier. He published in journals poems that were in- ferior, but his own taste rejected these when it came to preserving them in a volume. He did for himself what Matthew Arnold thought necessary for Wordsworth ; and while even his best may not live forever like Wordsworth's, yet they now have their chance for perpetuity. Maurice Thompson. 129 The scenes of most of Maurice Thompson's longer stories are laid in the South, and they are the fruit doubtless of his annual Southern sojourns. The old Southern civilization always had a fascination for him. Writing, not long before the end, about Tuscaloosa, Alabama, he says: Were I an artist, I could revel here for a month or two, making studies of these lofty-pillared and tree- shaded mansions ; were I a poet, what more could I want of inspiration to song than the dreamy, fading lines and shadowy figures of this great bygone civili- zation, which somehow will not disappear from these brown hills and dilapidated mansions. Southern women always attract him. For example, he says : Tuscaloosa is a town of beautiful women. Wher- ever I walked I met them, and could not keep off the wonder of their striking forms and faces. . . . Tus- caloosa women are certainly Southern in their style. They have the unmistakable impress of Southern breeding, and they are beautiful. A stranger with alert eyes in his head, and a love of feminine gentle- ness, sweetness, and symmetry of the colonial type in his heart, can see and feel this while walking in the streets of this staid and picturesque old town. Of his characters, those that survive from the old South, like Judge La Rue, are treated most 9 130 Reminiscences and Sketches. respectfully, but they are conventional; and the Southern matrons are rather vague and shad- owy. His Southern girls are always well-bred and charming. Lucie La Rue, in "A Tallahas- see Girl," is the best of them; and "Sweetheart Manette" who unfolds in an old Southern man- sion at Bay St. Louis as fresh and pure as a magnolia blossom in the garden is of Lucie's type, if not quite her equal. The younger men, however, representing old South traditions, but living in a new order of things, like Garcin and Charles cle Vaudreuil, seem almost unintentional caricatures of an order of society with which Maurice Thompson was not in sympathy. In- deed, I do not recall a single character of his Southern msn that took hold on me strongly. The truth is. Maurice Thompson \vas a South-~ westerner: Kentucky, Missouri, and Indiana were the habitat of his race, and Indiana had been his home since 1868; Georgia was only the sojourn of his youth, and Bay St. Louis his win- ter resort. He knew and loved the South, but he was not really of it. He was full of buoyant Americanism, and much more in sympathy with the bluff, hearty man of the prairie than with the Virginian, the Carolinian, or the Mississip- pian, the descendant of the Cavalier or the Cre- Maurice Thompson. 131 ole. He does not intentionally caricature, but his creations betray his sympathy. Readers of his stories, as well as of his oc- casional articles on realism, know what he liked in a story. Give me [he says] almost any leisurely tale of by- gone days, with the blue of romantic distance in it, a reasonable amount of heroism thrown in, some gen- uine love, a trifle of mystery, plenty of well-set inci- dents, and a triumphant ending. That was reading for a hot day, but it describes his own most successful novel, "Alice of Old Vincennes." Happy man ! At the time of his death he was rejoicing in the romantic revival "historical romances selling as Zola's worst novels never sold" and his own story was the most popular of the year. "It is first and fore- most a tale of love and war, with a bright-eyed girl, Indian warfare, a Catholic priest with a mysterious, worldly past, a young Virginian who fights for his country, and a couple of Brit- ish villains." The scene is Yincennes, Indiana, a region every foot of which Maurice Thomp- son knew like his own lawn ; most of the char- acters are historical, and the period is an im- portant one of American history, for Colonel George Rogers Clark's recapture of old Vin- cennes was the winning of the Northwestern 132 Reminiscences and Sketches. Territory for American arms ; but the purpose is not didactic, and the romantic element pre- dominates. "Is 'Alice of Old Vincennes' a great novel? No, it is not!" We are letting Maurice Thomp- son's own paper, The Independent, ask and an- swer: As a tale it reminds us of Cooper's works, and there- fore it will never satisfy those who crave character development and human nature analysis as exempli- fied in the writings of Thackeray and George Eliot. It is a clever, good, and interesting story, but, meas- ured by classical tests, it is not great. Just here a word may be said on Maurice Thompson's attitude toward realism in fiction. It \vas war to the knife with him. He was in the fight against it in his earliest critical work, and he was at it when he died. He had his flings at it in his stories and in the magazines, but his main attacks were made through The In- dependent. Along with his war upon realism went his hostility to everything that posed un- der the name of "art for art's sake," especially the freedom of handling sexual questions that characterizes so much of French and Russian literature. He was sometimes extreme, as for instance in practically classing Tolstoi's "Anna Karenina" and Hardy's "Tess" w T ith Zola's worst. Maurice Thompson. 133 4 But he was far more right than wrong in his at- titude, and there can be no question of his thor- ough sincerity. It might be more legitimately questioned whether he is as nearly right on real- ism as represented by James and Howells. But there can be no doubt about his opposing micro- scopic analysis as sincerely as "psychological" novels; for though Mr. Howells was his per- sonal friend, and he admired him as perhaps no other man living, he never failed to attack Mr. Howells' theories of art in fiction. His views on these questions are best stated in "Ethics of Literary Art" ; and, even if they are sometimes extreme, they are good and wholesome reading. There was an unmistakable freshness about Maurice Thompson's poetry and nature studies, which he would have been glad to have traced back to his reading of the Greek poets. He con- stantly uses Homer's name, though he probably read him less than he read Pindar and ^Eschy- lus. But Theocritus and Sappho he loved. The latter he put, as other people do, above all other women poets ; and the former he considered not only the greatest of bucolic poets, but one of the greatest literary geniuses of the world. He wrote articles about both, and was constantly using them for quotation or illustration in his essays, bird studies, poems, lectures every- 134 Reminiscences and Sketches. where. Greek was a passion with him. He translated lyric fragments, and put the Seventh Idyll of Theocritus into a beautiful English dress ; but he knew that ''translation is impossi- ble" his own phrase and he was constantly urging young people, especially would-be writ- ers, to learn Greek. The most striking characteristic of lyric art [says he in "The Pierian Freshness" Independent, January 19. fSo-j] is the pressing together of pregnant words with such force that the quintessence of blended melody is forced out. It is like the crushing of ripe grapes ; you hear the bubble of wine and catch the musty aroma at the same time. The masters of Greek song had this power of condensed expression in the highest degree. Pindar made phrases which suggest absolute control of language. They open vistas of beaut}-; yet when turned into the best English paraphrase, they are noth- ing but crude bombast. There are lyrical snatches in the Idylls of Theocritus so enchantingly beautiful that they startle one with an added surprise at each read- ing. The thrill does not come from an unexpected source, and yet it connects itself in some way directly with one's receptivity, and so perfectly that it is like drinking wine whose flavor and bouquet one has never before dreamed of ; but whose touch slakes a great thirst which until now has consumed one unawares. This novelty, this dew-dashed freshness, this absolutely alien quality of surprise, and this directness of appeal, give to the reading of Greek poetry a fecundating power which serves genius a precious turn. Maurice Thompson. 135 Some of the great English poets, like Tenny- son and Swinburne, have appropriated even more of the Greek spirit and have done more for the Greek cause; but I do not know any American poet who has been so Greek in spirit and has drunk as deep of Greek lyric poetry. Like Mr. Gilder, who said to the students of Vanderbilt University, "The eternal canons of style are in the Greek," Maurice Thompson had not aca- demic training; but he read Greek all his life, and never so much apparently as toward the end. I meant to write a careful, critical paper on Maurice Thompson's writings ; but it is impres- sionistic rather than critical reminiscential, personal. How could I help it? Some of the very books I have been rereading he gave me himself, and on the fly leaf is inscribed in his own hand, "With affectionate friendship of Mau- rice Thompson." When the new volume of "Poems" was coming out, he wrote me : "The first copy is for my wife, the next for you and Baskervill." He was my friend, and his face and voice kept obtruding themselves from the books that he gave me ; and so the paper is not critical. But, at any rate, it tells what I think of his literary work and of him as author and friend. VIII. SIDNEY LANIER AS POET. "LANIER did not live to sing his song!" I had been saying that to myself all summer. And yet "The Marshes of Glynn" and "Sunrise," his best poem and his last, are great songs. They are parts of the poem that he lived and of the message of song he came into the world to de- liver, but only parts, just two of his projected "Hymns of the Marshes," specimen blocks from the great temple of song he had planned and was building in his soul. He did not sing his song, because when he came to himself and found his voice, the time was so short and he was so hin- dered. But how can this be? He died in his fortieth year, having "lived fourteen years longer than Keats and ten years longer than Shelley, and yet the amount of his printed remains is probably smaller than that which each of them left behind." 1 Surely he had time enough ! But no, he had not, as the facts of his life will make evident. ^tedman's letter in the Lanier "Memorial." (136) SIDNEY LANIER. Sidney Lanier as Poet. 137 Sidney Lanier was a precocious boy, and his earliest passion was for music, where probably his really greatest talent lay. Musical talent was hereditary in his family, for three of his Huguenot ancestors were in successive genera- tions in high favor as musical composers or di- rectors of music at the courts of Elizabeth, James I., Charles I., and Charles II., and his Scotch-descended maternal ancestors had been, in more than one generation, ''gifted in poetry, music, and oratory." He says in a letter to Paul Hayne: "I could play passably well on several instruments before I could write legibly, and since then the very deepest of my life has been filled with music." Though he was, as a fellow- student writes, "a persistent student, an omniv- orous reader of books, and in his college classes was easily first in mathematics, as well as in his other studies," yet his bent was to music. "I have seen him walk up and down the room," says this same college chum, "and with his flute extemporize the sweetest music ever vouchsafed to mortal ear. At such times i* *vould seem as if his soul were in a trance, and could only find existence, expression, in the ecstasy of tone, that would catch our souls with his into the seventh heaven of harmony." This trance state seems to have been not infrequent at this period. "Ap- 138 Reminiscences and Sketches. patently unconscious, he would seem to hear the richest music ; or again he would awake from a deep trance, alone, on the floor of his room, and the nervous strain would leave him sadly shaken in nerves." It was of this musical gift that he himself first became aware. I am [he writes in his college notebook] more than all perplexed by this fact, that the prime inclination, that is, natural bent (which I have checked, though), of my nature is to music; and for that I have the greatest talent; indeed, not boasting, for God gave it me, I have an extraordinary musical talent, and feel it within me plainly that I could rise as high as any composer. But [he addsl I cannot bring myself to be- lieve that I was intended for a musician, because it seems so small a business in comparison with other things which, it seems to me, I might do. This feeling, too, was shared by his parents, and was the dominant one of the people among whom he was born and lived. Still the passion for musical expression was imperious. "Is it genius? he asks all atremble, and begins a mem- orable twenty-year struggle with earnest, hum- ble questionings as to God's will concerning the use of it." But though he might not then think of mak- ing music his life work, he might solace himself with it. "It was the violin-voice that above all things commanded his soul/' but in deference Sidney Lanier as Poet. 139 to his father's wish he gave himself to the flute. He slipped his flute, hidden in his sleeve, into Point Lookout prison with him in' 1864; with it he solaced himself in his captivity and softened the hearts of his captors ; with it he left prison when exchanged, and when on the voyage home he was at death's door, with illness induced by thin clothing in cold weather, the first thing he asked for as he began to revive was his flute. We got him into clean blankets [writes the good lady who saved his life], but at first he could not en- dure the pain from the fire, he was so nearly frozen. We gave him some hot soup and more brandy, and he lay quiet till after midnight. Then he asked for his flute and began playing. As he played the first few notes, you should have heard the yell of joy that came up from the shivering wretches down below, who knew that their comrade was alive. And there we sat en- tranced about him, the colonel and his wife, Lilla and I, weeping at the tender music, as the tones of new warmth and color and hope came like liquid melody from his magic flute. Lanier recovered from this desperate illness that followed his prison experience, then for several years was successively clerk in Mont- gomery, schoolmaster in Prattville, Alabama, and practicing lawyer, with his father, in Macon, till December, 1872, when renewed ill-health drove him for his lungs to San Antonio, where 140 Reminiscences and Sketches. he remained till April, 1873. During the last five years there had been strengthening in Lanier "the conviction that special talents had been giv- en him, and that the time might be short." He did not find himself drawn to the law, but he did feel called to music and literature, and, de- termined now to pursue them so long as he could keep death at bay, went northward in the fall of 1873 "armed only with a silver Boehm flute and some dozen of steel pens." He found an engagement as first flute for the Peabody Symphony Concerts in Baltimore, but this alone did not afford sufficient bread for his wife and babes, and his father urged him to return to Macon to the law. His spirit was ripe for the great work he had undertaken. Before finally breaking with the law and launching on the sea of music and poetry, he had written his wife from Texas: Were it not for some circumstances which make such a proposition seem absurd in the highest degree, I would think that I am shortly to die, and that my spirit hath been singing its swan-song before dissolu- tion. All day my soul hath been cutting swiftly into the great space of the subtle, unspeakable deep, driven by wind after wind of heavenly melody. The very inner spirit and essence of all wind-songs, bird-songs, passion-songs, folk-songs, country-songs, sex-songs, soul-songs, and body-songs hath blown upon me in Sidney Lanier as Poet. 141 quick gusts like the breath of passion, and sailed me into a sea of vast dreams, whereof each wave is at once a vision and a melody. Again, soon after going to Baltimore, he wrote to his wife: So many great ideas for art are born to me each day, I am swept away into the land of All-Delight by their strenuous sweet whirlwind, and I find within my- self such entire yet humble confidence of possessing every single element of power to carry them all out, save the little paltry sum of money that would suffice to keep us clothed and fed in the meantime. His confidence in his powers was expressed, about this time, still more fully in a letter to his wife, whom he doubtless felt it necessary to encourage and sustain. He was just then prob- ably having the experience of seeing his first great poem, "Corn," rejected by all the New York editors. Know then [he writes] that disappointments were inevitable and will still come until I have fought the battle which every great artist has had to fight since time began. This dimly felt while I was doubtful of my own vocation and powers is clear as the sun to me now that I know, through the fiercest tests of life, that I am in soul, and shall be in life and utterance, a great poet. Sure now what his life work was to be music and poetry he began "as brave and sad a strug- 142 Reminiscences and Sketches. gle as the history of genius records." He had first of all two things to do: make a living for wife and children, and get ready by much study and wide reading for his vocation as a poet. For music he did not need to get ready; that came by intuition. Perhaps his first great per- formance before men who could really judge was at a practice of the Maennerchor in San Antonio, Texas. When he played in September of that year for Asgar Hamerik a composition of his own, the latter "declared the composition to be that of an artist and the playing to be almost perfect," concluding with an offer to Lanier of the position of first flute in the Pea- body Orchestra which he was planning. After he had played on a great bass-flute at Badger's establishment in New York, Badger wrote to some one : "Lanier is astonishing. . . . But you ought to hear him play the bass-flute. You would then say, 'Let me pass from the earth with the tones sounding in my ears !' ' : The next year he played for the great Dr. Damrosch. I sang the wind-song to him [writes Lanier]. When I finished, he came and shook my hand, and said it was wonderful in view of my education; and that he was greatly astonished and pleased with the poetry of the piece and the enthusiasm of its ren- dering. Sidney Lanier as Poet. 143 Lanier needed, then, no special preparation for music, but for his theory of the science of English verse, already developing in his mind, and for the poetry with which his soul was travailing, study was necessary. He threw him- self with unbounded enthusiasm and success into the study of English literature, mastered Anglo- Saxon and early English texts, and made vari- ous and wide excursions into the fields of phi- losophy, history, and science, as well as art and music. He realized that a poet must have knowledge of things as well as of men, that his studies should be comprehensive and his schol- arship accurate. He had patience to wait, "not taking thought of being late, so it give advan- tage to be more fit." "The trouble with Poe was," he said, "he did not know enough. He needed to know a good many more things in order to be a great poet." This spirit of study, this laying of deep and broad foundations for the superstructure he was to build, was doubtless in great part the natural adaptation of his genius to the requirements of the times; but it is significant of much that this new epoch of development on his part coincided with his removal to Baltimore where the first real university in America was about to open. The founding of Johns Hopkins University was 144 Reminiscences and Sketches. the greatest event in the history of the higher education in America. It was to be a university dominated by a spirit of research, not a college for teaching merely. It brought together the ablest faculty ever assembled up to that time in America, chosen simply for their eminence in their specialties. Sylvester, Gildersleeve, Row- land, Remsen, Martin, and a little later Warren, Brooks, Herbert Adams, Ely, Bloomfield, and Elliott, form a galaxy of productive scholars such as no other institution has ever got to- gether at one time, and the gathering of such a group was of itself enough to give President Gilman a foremost place among great university presidents. Great scholars attract clever students, and soon the pick of the young talent of America was doing graduate work at Johns Hopkins, such an array of young men of high talent and earnest purpose as no other American institu- tion has ever had or will ever have at one time within its walls. Germany had been drawing the best of these to her various universities, but the Johns Hopkins faculty now demonstrated that Germany's best advantages might be had at home. Happy the American students who were there in that first great period! The buildings were unsightly, but the atmosphere was unmis- takable. Said President Adams after a visit to Sidney Lanier as Poet. 145 Johns Hopkins: "The atmosphere of a univer- sity, of graduate work, of research, pervaded the place. You could feel it before you entered a building." I like to think that Lanier's spirit of study, wide special reading, research in the science of English verse and in the development of per- sonality, were due in large measure to his Balti- more residence and the atmosphere of Johns Hopkins University, and that in this respect Baltimore was better for him just then than Philadelphia, or New York, or even Boston might have been. Lanier had been writing poems since his boy- hood, and publishing occasionally, and a num- ber of these are preserved now printed as "un- revised early poems," in the volume edited by his wife; but, clever as some of these are, none gives promise of his best mature work "Corn," "Clover," "Sunrise." There is nothing unless it be "Betrayal" (1868) that needed to live, had he not sung greater songs afterwards; nothing approaching the promise of Milton's hymn on the "Nativity," nor like any of Keats' best, nor like Tennyson's "Oenone" or "The Lotus-Eat- ers," nor Rossetti's "Blessed Damozel," nor Bry- ant's "Thanatopsis." He is, in the lateness of his development, more like Stephen Phillips, 10 146 Reminiscences and Sketches. whose "Primavera" and "Eremus" would be for- gotten but for the "Christ in Hades" and "Mar- pessa," "Paolo and Francesca," and "Herod." Only in his twenty-seventh year did Stephen Phillips attract the attention of the world. "Corn," written when Lanier was thirty-two, was the first fruit of his new stage of progress and of his new environment. "In 'Corn' I have aimed at popularity," he wrote Paul Hayne; "I mean the higher popularity given to artistic work." And Paul Hayne could recall twelve years afterwards "the impression which that fine lyric made upon him." But the New York editors unanimously declined it. When it did appear in Lippincott's in February, 1875, its merit was at once recognized by Mr. Gibson Peacock, editor of the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, a journalist of the old school, a col- lege man, widely read in English literature, familiar with the modern languages, traveled both in America and Europe, cultivated in music and dramatic criticism. He wrote an enthusias- tic notice of "Corn" for his own paper, and that was the first authoritative voice that called hail, the first hand outstretched to welcome Lanier. It was like Mr. Howells and Longfellow reading together the manuscript of Maurice Thompson's "At the Window" and deciding to publish it in Sidney Lanier as Poet. 147 the Atlantic. No wonder that Maurice Thomp- son, though he always disliked and opposed Mr. Howells's theory of fiction, loved him better than any other man ; no wonder that Lanier felt toward his first discoverer like Mahomet toward the old Cadi j ah. "You love me better than you did her?" asked the young and brilliant Ayesha. "No, by Allah !" answered Mahomet. "She be- lieved in me when none else would believe." It seems strange now that the New York editors failed unanimously to recognize the merit of "Corn"; for it is a great poem fresh, original, sent straight from the heart and soul of a man of genius, conceived on a large plan, strong in its sweep and swing, two hundred lines in length, and yet with scarcely a weak verse. But its first rejection by the editors did not dismay him. I remember that it has always been so [he wrote], that the new man has always to work his way over these Alps of stupidity, much as that ancient general crossed the actual Alps splitting the rocks with vine- gar and fire that is, by bitterness and suffering. D. V. I will split them. "The Symphony" was his next great poem. A letter of his to Mr. Peacock graphically de- scribes the birth and growth of it. He writes, March 24, 1875 : I am much better, and, though in daily fight against 148 Reminiscences and Sketches. severe pain, am hard at work. About four days ago, a certain poem, which I had vaguely ruminated for a week before, took hold of me like a real James River ague, and I have been in a mortal shake with the same, day and night, ever since. I call it "The Sym- phony" : I personify each instrument in the orchestra, and make them discuss various deep social questions of the times, in the progress of the music. It is now nearly finished; and I shall be rejoiced thereat, for it verily racks all the bones of my spirit. Of this poem Mr. Peacock wrote a notice, which was extensively copied in Southern pa- pers ; but it had larger results still. Mr. Peacock sent the poem to Bayard Taylor (then at the height of his fame), and Taylor promptly wrote his warm appreciation to Mr. Peacock, which he in turn forwarded to Lanier. Lanier sent his thanks to Bayard Taylor, and this acquaintance, which speedily became friendship, was an un- speakable boon to Sidney Lanier. The latter was, as the world now knows, a genius, an orig- inal poet ; but his soul was starving. How sin- cerely jubilant was the opening sentence of his first letter: When a man, determined to know as well what is under as what is above, has made bis plunge down to the bottom of the great Sea Doubtful of poetic en- deavor, and has looked not only upon the enchanted caverns there, but upon the dead bodies also, there Sidney Lanier as Poet. 149 comes a moment as his head reemerges above the sur- face, when his eyes are ablink with salt water, when the horizon is a round blur, and when he wastes strength that might be applied to swimming in reso- lutely defying what seems to be the gray sky overhead. In such a moment a friendly word and all the more if it be a friendly word from a strong swimmer whom one perceives far ahead advancing calmly and swiftly brings with it a pleasure so large and grave that, as voluble thanks are impossible, so a simple and sin- cere acknowledgment is inevitable. It should be borne in mind that at this time Bayard Taylor had reached the height of his fame and popularity. He had been for a quarter of a century a prominent figure before the public as traveler, lecturer, and diplomatist, was the author of perhaps twenty-five volumes, and had already four years previously crowned all his literary achievements with his monumental trans- lation of Goethe's "Faust." Bayard Taylor's let- ter about "The Symphony" was speedily fol- lowed by another (August 17, 1875), which said: "I can only repeat how much joy the evi- dence of a new, true poet always gives me such a poet as I believe you to be. I am heartily glad to welcome you to the fellowship of au- thors." That was like Goethe's call to Carlyle across the German Ocean, hailing "the advent of a new moral force, the effects of which it was 150 Reminiscences and Sketches. impossible to predict" ; and Bayard Taylor's com- mendation heartened Lanier as nothing had ever done. It was "a little of the wine of success and praise" his words to Paul Hayne "with- out which no man ever does the very best he might." "When we meet," Taylor added in that same second letter, "I hope to be able to show you more satisfactorily than by these written words the genuineness of the interest which each author always feels in all others ; and perhaps I may be also able to extend your own acquaint- ance among those whom you have a right to know." Two weeks later (September 2, 1875), Bayard Taylor sends another gracious word: "I can't tell you how rejoiced I am to find in you the genuine poetic nature, temperament, and morale.'' Then begins a series of repeated kindnesses on Taylor's part which continued till his death three years later. He sends Lanier tickets to the Goethe celebration, gives him when he visits Boston letters to Longfellow and Low- ell, commends him to Whittier and Aldrich, takes him to the Century Club to meet Bryant, Stoddard, and Stedman, and acts as interme- diary for Lanier in bringing numerous poems to the magazine editors. Shortly after, when Gen- eral Hawley, President of the United States Centennial Commission, asked Bayard Taylor to Sidney Lanier as Poet. 151 suggest a poet not of New England for the "Centennial Cantata," Taylor named Lanier, which appointment brought Lanier's name for the first time very prominently before the public. Don't overvalue my friendly good will [wrote in this connection the generous-souled Bayard Taylor], nor ever let it impose the least sense of obligation. I am very glad when I can be of some encouragement to a man in whom I have faith. Lanier wrote once (November 24, 1876) : I have to send you my thanks very often: I hope they don't become monotonous to you. Your praise has really given me a great deal of genuine and fruit- ful pleasure. The truth is that, as for censure, I am overloaded with my own; but as for commendation, I am mainly in a state of famine ; so that while I can- not, for very surfeit, profitably digest the former, I have such a stomach for the latter as would astonish gods and men. After some such expression of gratitude, Tay- lor wrote : You must not think, my dear friend, that simply because I recognize your genius and character, and the purity of the aims of both, I confer any obliga- tion on you ! From you, and all like you, few as they are, I draw my own encouragement for that work of mine which I think may possibly live. Bayard Taylor's faith in Lanier was shown 152 Reminiscences and Sketches. in his friendly criticisms and suggestions- on Lanier's "Cantata" (witness especially the long letter of January 12, 1876), and on all his other poetical work after this. For I find at least a score of letters between the two poets where the younger asks and the elder gives criticism on poems or suggests magazines to try. Indeed, after reading in one hundred pages of letters repeated evidence of Bayard Taylor's unfailing kindness, sympathy, good judgment, and faith in Lanier, one feels how peculiarly appropriate was Lanier's line characterizing his distinguished friend : In soul and stature larger than thy kind. And now it is worth while to note the effect of the recognition and encouragement of people like Mr. Peacock, Bayard Taylor, and Charlotte Cushman for she, Mr. Peacock, Bayard Tay- lor, and Paul Hayne were the four friends who, with his wife, most influenced Lanier's life and the stimulus of his new environment upon the sensitive and susceptible nature of the poet. In July, 1876, Lanier wrote to Bayard Taylor: I can't tell you with what ravishing freedom and calmness I find myself writing in these days, nor how supreme and sunny the poetic region seems to lie in front, like broad upland fields and slopes. I write all Sidney Lanier as Poet. 153 the time, and sit down to the paper with poems already done. I hope to have out another volume soon of work which will show a much quieter technique than this one. A modern French writer has spoken of the works of the great artists of the world as being like the high white clouds which sail calmly over a green valley on a summer day. This seems to me very beautiful. Not even grave illness can shake the superb confidence with which he is now inspired. He writes, December 6, 1876, to Bayard Taylor : My physician has become alarmed at the gravity and persistence of my illness, and orders me immediately to Florida, denouncing death unless a warm climate is speedily reached. He might as well talk to the stars whose light hasn't yet reached us, as try to persuade me to die before I've written my five additional vol- umes of poems. Five weeks later he writes from Florida: I see no reason to doubt that I shall be soon at work again. In truth, I "bubble song" continually during these heavenly days, and it is as hard to keep me from the pen as the toper from his tipple. And as he is once more turning northward, in improving health, he writes (from Bruns- wick, Georgia, April 26, 1877) : The whole air seems full of fecundity : as I ride I'm like one of those insects that are fertilized on the 154 Reminiscences and Sketches. wing every leaf that I brush against breeds a poem. God help the world when this now hatching brood of my ephemerae shall take flight and darken the air! On his birthday, February 3, 1879, Lanier re- ceived his appointment as lecturer in English lit- erature in Johns Hopkins University, which for the first time in his life brought him an assured, though small, income. The last two years had been more fruitful in poems than any before, and these had maintained the high level of "Corn" and "The Symphony." Fate seemed to smile at last, and he was clearly ready to write great po- etry. "The Marshes of Glynn" proves it. But fate had smiled almost too late ; his resolute hold upon life was about to fail. When he received his appointment to the lectureship, he was just up from hemorrhage and a severe illness, and in the two and a half years that still remained to him of life, besides his almost continual illness he was to be much hindered by the necessity of earning bread for wife and children, of whom a fourth was born to him in August, 1880. In his letters the dreadful chronicle of illness runs like this: September, 1879, "severe illness"; Janua- ry, 1880, "a most menacing illness" ; May, 1880, "the final consuming fever opened" ; December, 1880, "came to the very door of death" ; April, 1881, aggravated illness in New York, wife sum- Sidney Lanier as Poet. 155 moned, and tent life in a high and dry climate prescribed as the last hope. After that there were to be no more rallies, only a steady burning out till the end. Death came September 7, 1881. We are left alone with one another [writes Mrs. Lanier]. On the last night of the summer comes a change. His love and immortal will hold off the de- stroyer of our summer yet one more week until the forenoon of September 7, and then falls the frost, and that unfaltering will renders its supreme submission to the adored will of God. Let us see how the sick man had to work dur- ing that final period. In the summer of 1879, while sojourning for his health at Rockingham Springs, Virginia, he wrote in six weeks "The Science of English Verse" ; in October, 1879, ne gave three courses of lectures in girls' schools ; a little later there were the continuous rehearsals and concerts with the Peabody Orchestra ; then, beginning in January, 1880, ten weekly lectures on English literature (two public at the univer- sity, two to university classes, six at private schools). Dr. Ward can best describe for us the last stage of the struggle : The winter of 1880-81 brought a hand-to-hand bat- tle for life. In December he came to the very door of death. Before February he had essayed the open air to test himself for his second university lecture 156 Reminiscences and Sketches. course. His improvement ceased on that first day of exposure. Nevertheless, by April he had gone through the twelve lectures (there were to have been twenty), which were later published under the title, "The English Novel." A few of the earlier lectures he penned himself; the rest he was obliged to dictate to his wife. With the utmost care of himself, going in a closed carriage and sitting during his lecture, his strength was so exhausted that the struggle for breath in the carriage on his return seemed each time to threaten the end. Those who heard him listened with a sort of fascinated terror, as in doubt whether the hoarded breath would suffice to the end of the hour. It was in December of this winter when too feeble to raise food to his mouth, with a fever temperature of 104 degrees, that he penciled his last and greatest poem, "Sunrise," one of his projected series of "Hymns of the Marshes." It seemed as if he were in fear that he would die with it unuttered. In the summer of 1881, while being consumed by the final fever in the mountains of North Car- olina, he was gathering materials for a book on that region, which he had been commissioned to write in a railway interest, and the monthly ad- vance payments on which were to defray ex- penses. The materials were gathered and the book was shaped in his mind by the end of July, but he was in too much anguish to dictate, often for hours even to speak; and so the book was not written. Sidney Lanier as Poet. 157 Our poet has greatly puzzled the critics. Lanier has been likened [Baskervill says] in moral earnestness and loftiness of purpose to Milton, in in- tellectuality to Emerson, in spirituality to Ruskin, in love of nature to Wordsworth, in taste, sensibility, and exquisite sense of beauty to Shelley and Keats, in technique to Tennyson, in the astonishing manipula- tion of his meter and cadence and involution to Swin- burne. Again Baskervill says: In these later poems we may, it is true, still chance upon a line fashioned after Poe and observe a man- ner imitated from Browning, for not even "dearest Keats," it would seem, exercised such an influence upon him as these. But it is Keats that I feel in Lanier more than any poet, except of course Shakespeare. When Lanier says in "Clover/' Oh, In arms' reach here be Dante, Keats, Chopin, Raphael, Lucretius, Omar, Angelo, Beethoven, Chaucer, Schubert, Shakespeare, Bach, And Buddha (sweetest masters! let me lay These arms this once, this humble once, about Your reverend necks the most containing clasp, For all in all, this world e'er saw!), he names, I think, with the possible exception of Chaucer and Schumann, his poets and musicians 158 Reminiscences and Sketches. and artists. Keats is in that list. Keats' name occurs oftener in his poems than any other ex- cept Shakespeare's ; and the almost perfect poem "Clover" is "inscribed to the memory of John Keats." In his love of nature and his profound- ly religious spirit Lanier reminds me of Words- worth ; but his attitude toward nature is not Wordsworth's, nor does the latter seem especially to appeal to him. The nature-note of Lanier seems to me that of Keats and Shelley. But it is the truest and sweetest nature-note that I know in American poetry. Only Bryant's very best nature poems seem to me comparable, and Bryant's passion for nature is not so keen as Lanier's. And there is a sense of closeness to, a sort of childlike trustful dependence on, nature that I find nowhere else so marked as in "A Ballad of Trees and the Master," and in the "Hymns of the Marshes." But while one may detect the subtle influence of this or that poet in Lanier's best poems, it is at most a suggestion or an inspiration ; for Lanier is an original poet, and in such poems as "Corn," "The Marshes of Glynn," and "Sunrise," he has borrowed largely from no man. It is interesting to note how Lanier charac- terizes the poets that especially appeal to him, e. g.: "Master Will"; "O sweetest Shakespeare Sidney Lanier as Poet. 159 sole"; "Chaucer bright and Shakespeare for a king's delight"; "old godlike JSschylus" ; "large Lucretius"; "Lucretius mine (for oh, what heart hath loved thee like to this that's now complain- ing?)"; "Beethoven, sole hymner of the whole of life" ; "broad Beethoven, deaf no more, and Keats midst of much talk uplift their shining eyes" ; "tense Keats, with angels' nerves where men's were better"; "Tennyson, largest voice since Milton"; "Emerson, most wise"; Wagner with "power to say the times in terms of tone." Religious aspiration and art were Lanier's higher life. The beauty of holiness was to him equally true when reversed the holiness of beauty. The latter was the spirit of music and poetry becoming dominant within him. But he always found God in everything, and his artistic development did not supplant or shake his reli- gious faith ; he simply admitted music and poetry as copartners with, or rather constituents of, re- ligion. "Who has not come to that stage of quiet and eternal frenzy in which the beauty of holiness and the holiness of beauty mean one thing, burn as one fire, shine as one light within him, he is not yet the great artist." So, starting a Hebrew, he came out a Greek ; but he did not lose the Hebrew in the Greek. As art became part of his religion, so to him 160 Reminiscences and Sketches. the moral law was as binding in art as in re- ligion. Time's judgments are "inexorably mor- al," he maintained. Cannot one say with authority to the young artist [he says], whether working in stone, in color, in tones, or in character-forms of the novel : So far from dread- ing that your moral purpose will interfere with your beautiful creation, go forv/ard in the clear convictiop that unless you are suffused soul and body, one might say with that moral purpose which finds its largest expression in love, do not dare to meddle with beauty; unless you are suffused with beauty, do not dare to meddle with truth ; unless you are suffused with truth, do not dare to meddle with goodness? In a word, un- less you are suffused with truth, wisdom, goodness, and love, abandon the hope that the ages will accept you as an artist. "I am in soul, and shall be in life and utter- ance, a great poet," wrote Lanier to his wife soon after he had launched in the sea of litera- ture. He was a poet, and his life was a poem ; but his utterance was not yet that of the great poets. I would not be misunderstood. "Sun- rise" has the authentic note of the great poet, "The Marshes of Glynn" even more so, but the body of his good work is not large enough and not quite great enough, I think, to entitle him to admission to the inner circle of the supremely great. Keats' remains do entitle Sidney Lanier as Poet. 161 him to that rank; Lanier's do not. But Dr. Ward is doubtless right in predicting that he will "take his final rank with the first princes of American song." Some of his poetic work [says Mr. Gilder] was ex- perimental, not fully and restfully accomplished, though always with gleams here and there from the very "Heaven of Song." As his methods and ideas ma- tured, there was reason to expect a more rounded, sustained, and satisfying art. And every now and then there crystallized in his intense and musical mind a lyric of such diamond-like strength and luster that it can no more be lost from the diadem of English song than can the lyrics of Sidney or of Herbert. What lyrics of Lanier's would Mr. Gilder have mentioned had he named them? I think most, perhaps all, of the following: "Corn" (1874), "The Waving of the Corn" (1876), "Clover," most of it (1876), "Evening Song" (1876), "The Bee" (1877), "The Song of the Chattahoochee" (1877), "Tampa Robins" (1877), "The Stirrup-cup" (1877), "A Song of the Future" (1878), "The Marshes of Glynn" (1878), "A Ballad of Trees and the Master" (1880), "Sunrise" (1880). The concluding words of Mr. Stedman's let- ter written for the Lanier Memorial Meeting, in 1888, supplement Mr. Gilder's as an explana- ii 1 62 Reminiscences and Sketches. tion of any inadequacy in Lanier's accomplish- ment: He conceived of a method, and of compositions, which could only be achieved by the effort of a life extended to man's full term of years. The little that he was able to do belonged to the very outset of a large synthetic work; he did little more than to sound a few important bars of his overture. In this sense he died early, but did not die without leaving his idea behind him out of which something may yet grow. He staked his purpose on the hope and chance of time for its execution, but Dis aliter visum! One may admit in Lanier "over-luxuriance of imagination" at times ; that sometimes his love of music led him, as Mr. Stedman said, "to es- say in language effects that only the gamut can render possible" ; but not even the powerful au- thority of Edmund Gosse can convince one who has read and reread Lanier's best poems till he loves them, that there is "a painful effort, a strain and a rage," that even "Corn," "Sunrise," and "The Marshes of Glynn," "simulate poetic expression with extraordinary skill. But of the genuine traditional article, not a trace !" In the face of criticism from so great a source, I hum- bly venture to say that the more I read Lanier, the longer and more sympathetically I study him, the more I realize not only that, as musi- Sidney Lanier as Poet. 163 cians tell me, his heavenly gift of music and his technical knowledge of it "form the foundation and framework of his poetry," but that his poems are "essentially musical, tuneful, and melodious." Lanier is not always simple, and his greatest poems are not easy reading, till one has been caught up into complete sympathy with his mood ; then one feels with the poet "wonder unutterable," which leaves no room for a sense of want of simplicity. Through frequent read- ing of his best poems Lanier has become one of my poets, and I rise sometimes in the morn- ing, after refreshing sleep, with one of these poems singing in my heart and calling me to read it, just as do some poems of Wordsworth or Keats or Tennyson or Arnold. He might have accomplished so much more, had the time not been so short, and had he not been so hin- dered by disease and the struggle for bread. "Yet short as was his literary life, and hindered though it were, its fruit will fill a large space in the garnering of the poetic art of our coun- try." IX. RICHARD MALCOLM JOHNSTON. "GEORGIA is the greatest state in the South. You know enough of Georgians, however, to expect me to say this." So wrote a prominent native of Middle Georgia ; and though we might not all admit this, we are bound to allow that the Georgian has some reason for his partiality and his pride. The writer said, a few years ago, 1 "It is certain that in the period since the war Georgia has had twice as many men of national reputation as any other Southern state" ; and there still seems no good reason to change the sentence. The Georgian mentioned above sends, from memory, a list of seventy-one names of Geor- gians who have been more or less prominent as writers. These include some of Georgia's great jurists, statesmen, and orators, as well as several who, perhaps, like Paul H. Hayne, real- ly belong to other states. There are some, too, whom doubtless only Georgia partiality would Written in 1892. (T6 4 ) RICHARD MALCOLM JOHNSTON. Richard Malcolm Johnston. 165 consider eminent; but, after all allowances are made, the list is a very respectable one. It con- tains such names as the story writers and humor- ists, Judge Longstreet, W. T. Thompson ("Ma- jor Jones' Courtship"), Richard Malcolm John- ston, Joel Chandler Harris, Maurice Thompson, H. S. Edwards, Will N. Harben, F. R. Gould- ing ("Young Marooners") ; the poets, Richard Henry Wilde ("My Life Is Like the Summer Rose"), F. C. Ticknor, Sidney Lanier, Maurice Thompson (already mentioned), Will H. Hayne, and Frank L. Stanton; the historian, Charles C. Jones, Jr. ; the political writers and statesmen, A. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs, B. H. Hill, James C. Brown; religious writers and pulpit orators, Bishops Pierce and Haygood, and Dr. A. A. Lipscomb ; journalists and orators, H. W. Grady and John Temple Graves ; humorist, "Bill Arp." Georgia is the only Sbuthern state that we speak of as having a literature of its own. Sev- eral other states have furnished a respectable number of writers, but we do not speak of Vir- ginia literature or Tennessee literature as we do of "Georgia literature." Various attempts have been made to explain this phenomenon. Colonel Richard Malcolm Johnston seems to con- sider one great secret of it the fact that, in Mid- 166 Reminiscences and Sketches. die Georgia, the richer and the poorer classes come closer together than elsewhere. In the "Preface" to "Mr. Absalom Billingslea and Other Georgia Folks," he says : In this region, very fertile and almost universally salubrious, perhaps there was as little social distinction among its inhabitants as among those of any other in the South. The men of culture and those of wealth, as a general thing, were neighbors of the uncultured and those with small property around them, and all were friends with one another ; not only trusting and trusted, but helpful, fond, often affectionate. Among such a people every one conscious of the freedom of his manhood whatever was original or individual must find unhindered development that will be multifold, according to particular gifts, circumstances, and op- portunities. Such a state of society ought to produce, as it did, an unusual number of men eminent both in Church and State ; but why did it produce a lit- erature? "Because the material was here," says Mrs. Sophia Bledsoe Herrick, "and the writers were an integral part of the life they undertook to depict, in a sense true of perhaps no other re- gion of the South." Perhaps this explanation does not fully account for the rise of such a school of literature ; but it does explain why the attempt to depict this phase of life, once made, should succeed. Richard Malcolm Johnston. 167 About 1840, or soon after, there was a prom- ise of a growth of humorous literature in several Southern states North Carolina, Alabama, and Tennessee, as well as Georgia; but an arrest of development occurred in all the rest, whereas Richard Malcolm Johnston, at seventy years of age, wrote Georgia sketches that were lineal de- scendants of, though more finished than, "Geor- gia Scenes." Richard Malcolm Johnston was born in Han- cock county, Ga., March 8, 1822. His great- grandfather was an Episcopal clergyman in Vir- ginia, but emigrated to Georgia. Hence our au- thor is a Georgian, of the third generation. The ancestors of his mother, Catherine Davenport, came also from Virginia ; indeed, that part of Middle Georgia where Mr. Johnston was born and brought up was settled largely by Virgin- ians. It is a belt about one hundred miles long, from east to west, and sixty miles broad, with Augusta as the metropolis. Richard Malcolm attended, first, "the old field school" of his neighborhood ; and every one who has read "The Goose Pond School," or "How Mr. Bill Williams Took the Responsibility," will feel sure that he has been allowed to witness some of the scenes of this primitive educational establish- ment. In 1830 his father moved, first to Craw- 168 Reminiscences and Sketches. fordville, and then to Powelton, the scene of the "Dukesborough Tales." Powelton, though a place of not more than one hundred and fifty inhabitants, had a flourishing school, evidently the original of that described as taught by Mr. George Overton in "Old Friends and New," and that of Lucius Woodbridge in "Old Mark Langston." Here young Richard Malcolm was prepared for college. He had his first love scrape while at this school, having fallen, at the age of thirteen, madly in love with a young lady of twenty-six, one of his teachers. He ought not to be blamed for this, for if a good, im- pressible little boy has a good-looking lady teacher, twice his own age, she is bound to be his first flame. This episode gave him the sug- gestion for his story, the "Early Majority of Mr. Thomas Watts." His second love affair is important only from the fact that this time his sweetheart was a girl of fifteen, which shows that he was getting to be a normal kind of boy. He went from the Powelton Academy to Mercer University, where he was graduated in 1841. He taught two years, and we have, doubtless, some of his own experience, not only in the ac- count of George Overtoil's and Lucius Wood- bridge's schools, mentioned above, but also in "New Discipline at Rock Spring." At the end Richard Malcolm Johnston. 169 of this time he began the practice of law with Linton Stephens, a younger brother of Alexander Stephens. In 1844, when Mr. Johnston was twenty-two, he was married to Miss Frances Mansfield, of Hancock county, then a young lady of fifteen, who for more than fifty years continued to help and cheer him. The fine old lady, whom I met in her own home, might very well have been the original of the Lucy Parkinson whom George Overton marries in "Old Friends and New." For some years Colonel Johnston practiced at the bar, and we have every right to suppose that in the various stories, in which lawyers are prominent characters, we have bits of his own experience in the courts. Mr. Elam Sandidge, whom we first meet in "Judge Mike's Court," of the "Dukesborough Tales," then again in '"Old Friends and New/' and finally in "Moll and Vir- gil," bears every mark of being a genuine type. Just such a man Mr. Johnston must have known the shrewd, hard lawyer, to whom both the judge and the sheriff owed their elevation, and who consequently owned them both. In 1857 he was unanimously elected president of his alma mater, but declined, and one week later accepted the professorship of belles-lettres in the University of Georgia. According to Mrs. 170 Reminiscences and Sketches. S. B. Herrick's sketch, in the Century, June, 1888, he was offered, almost at the same time, the judgeship of the northern circuit. The professorship he held till 1862, and then re- signed, and opened a boys' school, at his plan- tation, near Sparta. There he was a close neigh- bor of Bishop George F. Pierce, to whom he dedicates his "Ogeechee Cross Firings." This school was very flourishing, but in 1867 a daugh- ter, just grown up, died, and the tender-hearted man found the place no longer endurable ; so giving, up a school of sixty boys, of whom for- ty followed him, he removed to the neighbor- hood of Baltimore, where he taught for some years. Mr. Charles W. Coleman, Jr., in his article on "The Recent Movement in Southern Litera- ture," Harper's, May, 1887, says : During his career as a lawyer, practicing in five or six adjoining counties, much of his time was passed at county-seat taverns, where numbers of lawyers would gather together and relate their observations of cracker life, their personal experiences among the coun- trymen of Middle Georgia, courthouse scenes, and the like. These tavern stories, together with his own in- timate acquaintance with the people in the old-field schools, and as a lawyer, supplied a rich mine of mat- ter for literary work, which, as yet, it did not occur to him to use. Indeed, it was after the war, when he Richard Malcolm Johnston. 171 was forty-five years old, that he first became aware of the power to make literature a career. According- to Mrs. Herrick, his first story ap- peared under the nom de plume, "Philemon Perch," in the Southern Magazine, a periodical, largely eclectic, which was published in Balti- more. The merit of his work received almost immediate recognition. No one was so surprised as its author at 'the success of this, his first lit- erary venture. Other stories followed, but it did not seem to occur to Colonel Johnston to seek a wider field for his work, or to think of his writing as a source of income, for he had contributed the early stories without asking re- muneration. In 1879, however, his dear and valued friend, Sidney Lanier, persuaded him to submit a story to Scribner's Magazine, now the Century. When this was accepted, Mr. Lanier's delight was unbounded, both because the writer was his friend, and because the life so vividly depicted was sweet in his memory. This story, "Mr. Neelus Peeler's Conditions," forms the point from which Colonel Johnston dated his literary career. It is a remarkable fact that an author who has obtained such wide rec- ognition for the freshness, broadness, and humor of his work should have been over fifty years of 172 Reminiscences and Sketches. age before he attempted it, and that he should date his literary life from his fifty-ninth year. Colonel Johnston, as he appeared on his visit to Nashville, in 1889, and as the writer saw him in his own home three years later, was a man whom one likes, instinctively, at first sight. He was about six feet in height, of good figure, with no stoop at all, though then in his seven- tieth year ; hair white as snow, but thick and close cut ; florid face, and the kindliest blue eye to be found in or outside of the state of Georgia. Xo one who has read his stories, or ever looked into that gentle eye, could help feeling that any tale of distress would surely bring a tear to his eyes and send his hand into his pocket. There may be a man easier to get acquainted with, but nobody who knew him would believe it. The old man, who loved so ardently the scenes and people of his boyhood and young manhood, loved his friends, of course, and not least those whom his writings had won for him. The kind treatment accorded him on his visit to Nash- ville won his heart. He never failed to send messages in his letters to those who showed him attention ; and that hospitable city hospitable especially to authors received from him the same unstinted praise that Maurice Thompson and Thomas Nelson Page alwavs gave it. Richard Malcolm Johnston. 173 He led a simple, quiet life not in affluence -nor in poverty devoting himself to his writing, while his two youngest daughters taught, assist- ed and encouraged in everything by his faithful and devoted wife. This was the household then ; but there was one married daughter living in New Jersey, and one son in Rome, preparing to become a Catholic priest. One, at least, of his daughters inherited her father's literary facul- ty, and has contributed poems, and, perhaps, other work to the magazines. The first story of Colonel Johnston's was "The Goose Pond School," which introduces the series of "Dukesborough Tales," and is a better story than "Mr. Neelus Peeler's Conditions," with which he gained an introduction to the Century Magazine. This, and the other stories which he contributed to the Southern Magazine, formed the first series of the "Dukesborough Tales," and, when published in book form, won the ap- proval of a New York editor, as well as the enthusiastic appreciation of Sidney Lanier. The remaining stories of the series, which now form part of the volume, published by Harper and Brothers, in their Franklin Square Library, ap- peared first in Northern magazines. Of the three volumes of short stories which he published, the first, the "Dukesborough Tales," is the best. 174 Reminiscences and Sketches. The field was then new, which is an important consideration where the range of character is necessarily limited. These stories impress one, not as written for pay or for reputation, but as spontaneous written simply because the author felt that the life they depicted was worth de- scribing. Individual stories, in the other collec- tions, are as good ; two are, perhaps, the best of all his stories "Mr. Absalom Billingslea," and ''Moll and Virgil." Indeed, "Moll and Virgil" must be ranked with "Free Joe and the Rest of the "World," which is certainly Joel Chandler Harris's best story. But. as a collection, "The Dukesborough Tales" are the richest in humor and incident, and will be the longest lived. All the short stories /. e., "The Dukesbor- ough Tales," "Mr. Absalom Billingslea and Oth- er Georgia Folks," "The Primes and Their Neighbors," and "Ogeechee Cross Firings" are of the same general character, describe the same Middle Georgia ante-bellum life, .and impress the reader as being essentially reminiscences ; hence these may all be discussed together. In these stories every class is faithfully described, with some caricature here and there, of course, but of an innocent kind, rather a laughing with than a laughing at. It is the same kind of caricature that is found in the "Georgia Scenes" and Richard Malcolm Johnston. -175 "Major Jones' Courtship" ; and Georgia people of the time described would probably not have distinctly recognized or acknowledged their own portraits, but would, as it were, have taken the author to be "just in fun." But all the same, under this cover, he described Georgia country and village life, and no one doubts the essential truth of it. A Middle Georgia village or _neigh- borhood, fifty years ago, furnished only a few types of character, but we have them all here, sketched to the life. There's Mr. Bill Williams, best sustained of all the characters, the garru- lous country youth, whose ambition is a career, as clerk, in the village store ; the old field school- masters, Meadows and Lorriby, as well as the village teachers, Overton and Woodbridge; the country parson, represented by Brother Bulling- ton (Baptist), or Brother Swinger (Methodist) ; the good old sisters, Catlin, of the Methodist Church, and Tolliver, of the Baptist, who love and respect each other, and differ only on the doctrines of election and free grace: various types of deacons ; the pompous militia colonel, Moses Grice; the neighborhood oracle, as Mr. Archie Kittrell ; the neighborhood gossip, Miss Priscilla Mattox ; the shrewd and unscrupulous lawyer like Sandidge ; or the young, ambitious, high-minded opponent of Sandidge, Mr. Mobly; 176 Reminiscences and Sketches. the close-fisted, note-shaving, grasping, mean country capitalist, the chief man of the village, president of the school board, whom everybody fears and everybody hates, Mr. Duke; and last- ly, the comely widows, like Mrs. Ashby, Mrs. Malvina Hodge, or Mrs. Brinkley; the old maids, Miss Georgiana Pea or Miss Angelina Spouter ; or those blooming, peach-cheeked, hap- py, healthy Georgia maidens, like Lucy Parkin- son or Betsey Ann Aery. These might be a very staicl and uninteresting set, seen by other eyes than those of a humorist, like Colonel Johnston, but it is very certain that, as de- scribed by him, they have a perennial interest. Of course courting and marrying occupy a considerable share of attention in these sketches, and Colonel Johnston does not confine himself to the romance of young love. Widowers and widows come in, as is right and natural, for their fair share, and for a humorist, widowers, if not widows, offer finer subjects than those young men and maidens who love and marry for the first time. Mr. Singleton Hooks had been a great dancer in his youth, and could surpass the best in "sling- ing a foot in a quintillion, when his dander were up. the fiddle chuned accordin* to the scale, and his pardner ekal to her business." But he had Richard Malcolm Johnston. 177 seen "they were a jumpin'-ofr" place to sech as that, and had the jedgment to git out o' the way o' the wrath to come." He was now in middle life, with iron-gray hair and solemn port, a jus- tice of the peace, a deacon in the church, and even an occasional exhorter. But his. wife died ! And wonderful are the ways of widowers. He turned, after a brief while, his back upon the graveyard, and tried to present, first, a resigned, soon a cheerful, face to the world outside of it. It began to be remarked that his conversation, general carriage, even his person, were brighter than for years. For now he dressed and brushed himself with much care ; and before long, instead of bestowing monitory looks on jests and other frivolities of the young and the gay, he not only smiled forgivingly, but occasionally, with his own mouth, put forth a harmless anecdote, at which he laughed as cordially as he knew how, and seemed gratified when others enjoyed it. He got more Sunday clothes and wore them oftener, a new hat and a new cane, and found most consolation in the society of ladies, espe- cially those under twenty. "I feel," he said, to one of them, "a'most a right young man jes' grown, sech is my health, and my strength, and my sperrits." But that was not all. Miss Sally Cash, an elderly unmarried maiden, of fair prop- 12 178 Reminiscences and Sketches. erty, who, on the re-advent into society of two marrying men, the widowers Hooks and Tuggle, had come to the conclusion that "may be it were His will for her not to git old, thes by herself," and had made her appearance* at meeting, in a new red frock and green calash, and new pink parasol, and new white crane-tail fan, and new striped ribbons, and new cheeks that just blazed like a peach Miss Sally Cash gave a party and invited Mr. Hooks, among others. Lively and jokey as Mr. Hooks had become, no one could have anticipated what happened. He purchased the shiniest silk stockings and the sleekest pair of pumps, and the longest, widest, stripedest silk cravat, which was to be tied in the most ap- proved Augusta style. "Them feet and them legs," he remarked to some gentlemen and ladies at the party, "them legs and them feet 'pear like they forgot, till here lately, what they was made for, but my intentions is, before they git much older, to convince 'em o' their ric'lection." And when the call, "Choose pardners," rang out, Mr. Hooks seized the hand of Miss Susan Ann Tug- gle and led her out. And such dancing! His legs made up for all the years of repression. Susan Ann whispered to him, "You are the best partner I ever danced with" ; and afterwards married him. Now it was the marrying spirit Richard Malcolm Johnston. 179 in him that did all that; for, after he got Susan Ann, everything "swayed down peaceable," and the brethren forgave him for dancing, when Susan Ann gave in her beautiful experience at meeting, and it was given out that he would not dance any more. A life so simple and narrow does not offer much variety of course, especially in the way of amusements or recreations, but the interest of an event depends largely upon whose eyes see it, and Colonel Johnston reviews the scenes of his boyhood and young manhood with glasses that are delightfully colored, both with the enthusi- asm and large patriotism of youth, and the ideal- ism of long absence. Add to this his unfailing humor, and we have a sufficient guarantee that the life described will not seem either barren or dry. First among the rustic recreations de- scribed is the monthly meeting at the neighbor- hood church or the annual camp meeting. Now, though religious meetings may not be intended to be recreations, as they were among the ancient Greeks, there is no denying the fact that they do form one of the chief recreations of country people, especially of young men and maidens. And, of course, our author doesn't forget to touch upon the chief intellectual stimulus of a country neighborhood, in quiet times, the per- 180 Reminiscences and Sketches. petual controversy over the doctrines of bap- tism, by immersion or by sprinkling, over elec- tion and free grace. But it would be a mistake to suppose that Colonel Johnston describes all this irreverently, as the following reflection will prove : When a man, far away from such scenes, both in space and in years, begins to talk about them, he is prone to indulge too fondly. He cannot at least but love to muse, amid other recollections, on those long, so long, ago camp-meeting nights. Religiously in- clined, earnestly so indeed, but not taking part in the exciting scenes which so many, with varying purposes, gathered there to witness, when the bugle would sound the call for silence and repose, when even all mourn- ers' wailings would be hushed, it was a pleasant thing to take a rustic chair, and, leaning against a post of the tent, sit and listen to the night music then rising in the woods, and dream and dream and dream of hopes and destinies for this life and the life eternal. The discipline and exercises in the respective schools of Mr. Meadows and Mr. Lorriby were doubtless not funny to the boys and girls at the time, but. as described in "The Goose Pond School," and "How Mr. Bill Williams Took the Responsibility,'' they are the most mirth-provok- ing of comedies, however often read. Then, there is the muster day of the battalion, with its invariable finish in the way of fights /. e., en- Richard Malcolm Johnston. 181 counters meant generally not to wipe out a grudge or an affront, but as a trial of superior strength, agility, or endurance. Who does not remember the contest between Bob Durham and Bill Stalling, in the "Georgia Scenes," which proved the crowning delight of Ransy Sniffle's life? Such encounters we have described in "The Various Languages of Billy Moon," the famous struggle in which Mr. Bill Williams vin- dicated his manhood against Colonel Mose Grice ("King William and His Armies"), and the fifth combat between Bob Hackett and Bill Giles, as described in "The Humors of Jacky Bundle," the outcome of which was thus related by a wit- ness: Never see a pootier fight ; but Bob had to give in this time. That set Bill two in five, and as he ris off'n Bob, he told him the next turn would fetch him even 'ith him. Bob laughed, he did, bunged up, as he were, and he said : "All right, Bill, we'll see." Then they went to Jim Simmon's kyart, to take a drink, which Bill, he 'sisted on payin' the expense. The circus was a very rare occurrence in a Georgia village fifty years ago, of course, but it did appear, even there, sometimes, and furnished our author with material for one of his best sketches, in which two of our old friends, Colo- nel Grice and Mr. Bill Williams, materially as- 182 Reminiscences and Sketches. sist the clown in his efforts to amuse the crowd. Trials in court are, in rural districts, a chief source both of recreation and of instruction, and one of the best sketches in the "Dukesbor- ough Tales" is that describing Judge Mike's Court, where old Sandidge and young Mobly have their first regular legal encounter, and the incompetent Judge Mike, pushed to the wall by Mobly 's bold and clever management, takes out his rage and spite on the innocent and unoffend- ing Allen Thigpen. The sketch is permanently valuable as describing an important and now, happily, obsolete phase of the judicial economy of Georgia. One of the shorter stories, now published as a separate novelette, "Ogeechee Cross Firings," is dedicated "To the memory of Right Rev. George Foster Pierce, who, during many years, was the author's close neighbor and friend, whose love of the humorous, both as a hearer and a rehearser, whose marvelous personal beauty, whose devout, innocent life, and whose unrivaled eloquence made him, of all men, in his native state, during his time, the one most ad- mired, loved, and revered." And that reminds me of Colonel Johnston's remark one summer, in Baltimore: 'The grandest man I ever knew, as a man and as a Christian, was George Pierce." Richard Malcolm Johnston. 183 To the question as to whether Bishop Pierce was not the original of Henry Doster, in this sketch, he replied: Yes, I had George Pierce in my mind when I was sketching "Henry Doster." All the other characters are imaginary, although, of course, I have seen the elements out of which I constructed my concrete, here and there, among various old-time originals. Colonel Johnston was a humorist of recog- nized power, but he could never have succeeded in sketching Georgia provincial life as he did if he had not loved the old times so well. "The Dukesborough Tales" are dedicated "To mem- ories of the old times the grim and rude, but hearty, old times in Georgia" ; and "The Primes and Their Neighbors" inscribed "To memories of Powelton, my native village." That is the secret of it all. All his stories and novels are essentially reminiscences of this old Georgia provincial life, which he has both idealized and caricatured, but out of which he has wrought, with a hand of love, a picture that is of permanent value and in- terest, and made, doubtless, the truest history of Middle Georgia yet written. He has cultivated his field more assiduously than the rest of the Southern writers, except Miss Murfree, and, big or little, it is his field. The dialect could hardly be more faithfully rendered. The best of these 184 Reminiscences and Sketches. stories will never lose their value. They may be more read or less read, as time passes, but they have permanent worth as describing with essen- tial accuracy, a state of society, humble though it be, that has passed away. Some of them, I verily believe, have enough genuine humor to float them for some time yet down the great tide of time, in which most books sink. These bear, as well as the very best sketches of the "Georgia Scenes," the test of repeated rereading. It might be well, some day, to have the very best of them collected into a single volume; and such a collection would, in all likelihood, long retain its popularity. Different persons would make somewhat different selections, but most of the following would certainly be in any collection : From "The Dukesborough Tales," the series in which Mr. Bill Williams figures prominently, viz., "How Mr. Bill Williams Took the Re- sponsibility," "The Pursuit of Mr. Adiel Slack," "Investigations of Mr. Jonas Lively," "Old Friends and New," "The Expensive Treat of Colonel Moses Grice," and "King William and His Armies," also "The Goose Pond School," "The Various Languages of Billy Moon," and "Judge Mike's Court"; from "Mr. Absalom Billingslea and Other Georgia Folks," "Mr. Ab- salom Billingslea," "The Brief Embarrassment Richard Malcolm Johnston. 185 of Mr. Iverson Blount," "The Meditations of Mr. Archie Kittrell," "The Wimpy Adoptions," and "Moll and Virgil" ; from "The Primes and Their Neighbors," "The Experiment of Miss Sally Cash," and "The Pursuits of the Martyns." Perhaps one of the best proofs of the merit of the novel, "Old Mark Langston," is that it reads better, on the whole, the second time than the first. I was about to pronounce it equal to the promise of some of the short stories, but the denouement prevented. It is not possible that a Georgia village could have been the scene of the unraveling of such a plot of avarice, meanness, cruelty, deceit, hypocrisy, lying, desertion, vil- lainy involving so many people in so many places, and extending over so long a period. But one character, at least, is sketched with a touch that will make most judicious readers overlook or forget what they did not like in oth- ers. This is old Jesse Lines. There is nothing to admire in him, and, doubtless, he was not meant to be the strong point of the work, but he will be remembered when all else in the book is forgotten, though his daughter, Doolana, is a noble girl, and Mr. Duke stands out strongly in all his meanness. Jesse Lines' objection to the Bible as an "onfriendly book" will give a good idea of the man and his talk : i86 Reminiscences and Sketches. It may not be onfriendly to you; but to me well, as fur as I can go to say about that book, it ain't what I call friendly not to me it ain't. I've tuck her up, time and time ag'in, and tried to read her as fur as I can understan' her, and which they's a heap in her I can't understan', ner make heads ner tails of but which, somehow, she always seems onfriendly to me and ag'in me. I ain't no great reader, nohow, as you know, 'special sence my 'fliction. But when I does read, I wants to read in a book which, ef she can't be 'special friendly, and pinted friendly, ain't, at least, ow-friendly; or, ef it actilly ain't a-meanin' o' me by name, and abusein' of me, yit is constant a-hintin' round me and which I were never a man that had to be kicked down-stars befo' I could take a bint. Now you jes' read out loud, whar you is, a while, and less see how she goes. "A righteous man hateth lying ; but a wicked man is loathsome and cometh to shame." Thar! [cried he, in undisguised resentment]. Didn't I tell you so? Shet her up. For God-a-mighty's sake, Doolana, shet her up ! Mrs. Herrick says Colonel Johnston, speaking of Doolana Lines, remarked : I meant to make her mean, like her father, but be- fore I had written fifty lines about her, she just turned herself out of my hands, and there she was before me. She seemed to say : "Don't make me mean. I am a woman. You never knew a woman mean like that." And I had to stop. I just could not do it. I cannot, somehow, be rough with any woman ; they always seem Richard Malcolm Johnston. 187 to reproach me. I cannot forget the reverence due their femininity. That is doubtless the reason why the Widow Guthrie, who gives her name to Colonel John- ston's second complete novel, did not turn out to be a female edition of Kinsey Duke, as she seemed, at first, to promise to become. This book, which is intended to describe the life of the upper class in a Middle Georgia village, has experienced the fate of other books of this kind, written by authors who had won success with short stories and sketches of mountaineers, crackers, etc. ; as, e. g., Miss Murfree's "Where the Battle Was Fought" and Mr. Page's "On New Found River." The characters, lacking the quaintness and originality of pioneer and backwoodsman, fail to enlist our full sympathy. Even Colonel Johnston's humor seems handi- capped, and while little or no fault is to be found with some of the characters as, e. g., Duncan Guthrie's wife we never get very well acquainted with her or them. The book will hardly live as long as "Old Mark Langston." Colonel Johnston was the author, in conjunc- tion with William Hand Browne, of a "Biog- raphy of Alexander Stephens" and a "History of English Literature." He also prepared for the press "Studies, Literary and Social," which i88 Reminiscences and Sketches. were issued in three small volumes. Much of Colonel Johnston's time was spent in the study of English and European literature. On the former he delivered as many as sixty lectures before the Peabody Institute, Baltimore, and a considerable number elsewhere. MATTHEW ARNOLD. X. MATTHEW ARNOLD. IF a reason must be given for a study of Matthew Arnold's works at this time (1898), one might say, perhaps first of all, that the "Letters" have not only thrown new light upon Arnold's personality, but have made clearer than ever be- fore the task he had set himself, and especially the spirit in which he gave himself to that task. Ar- nold knew himself better, of course, than any- body else knew him ; and in his familiar letters, especially those to his mother and sisters letters meant only for the family circle, and free from a shadow of suspicion that a wider audience was ever in mind we have his own estimate of the worth of his work, and his own statement of the hindrances that hampered his literary effort. In this paper the object has been, so far as possible, to let Arnold, by means of his "Let- ters," state his own case ; and the same purpose has determined the extensive quotations made from his works. Those who would get the most out of the "Letters" must consider them in the light of a self-revelation, not as a collection (189) 190 Reminiscences and Sketches. from which Arnold's opinions of other men and other men's works may be learned. In bulk Arnold's twenty-one volumes constitute a suffi- ciently large output ; and in prose, at least, we all feel, perhaps, that he found adequate expres- sion of himself. He was a great literary critic, doubtless the greatest and safest that the Eng- lish-speaking race has yet produced, and though hindered much by outward circumstances, he yet found opportunity to deliver his message. If things had been different, we should doubt- less have had more of those incomparable intro- ductions to the poets ; and we shall always re- gret that he did not leave the evidently intend- ed further essay on Shelley. Still we have his ''secret" and his "method" of literary criticism in the collected edition of his critical works pre- pared with his own hand. He was greatly hin- dered, it is true, by the fact that he had to give his main effort during his whole life to the ex- acting duties of a school inspectorship, in order to win bread for his family. Qualified by nature and training for the highest honors and successes which the world can give, he spent his life in a long round of unremunerative drudgery, working even beyond the limits of his strength for those whom he loved, and never, by word or sign, betraying even a consciousness of that dull Matthew Arnold. 191 indifference to his gifts and services which stirred the fruitless indignation of his friends. 1 He rose superior to these hindrances, I think, in the matter of the prose expression of himself ; but it was his poetic faculty that suffered, and it is there that the world has cause chiefly to regret that he was so hampered. He himself told F. W. H. Myers that "his official work, though it did not check his prose writing, checked his poetry." If any one, considering what his great contemporaries, Tennyson and Browning, achieved, be inclined to criticise Ar- nold, let him blame if he can after reading the following : Indeed, if the opinion of the general public about my poems were the same as that of the leading literary men, I should make more money by them than I do. But, more than this, I should gain the stimulus nec- essary to enable me to produce my best all that I have in me, whatever that may be to produce which is no light matter with an existence so hampered as mine is. People do not understand what a temptation there is, if you cannot bear anything not very good, to transfer your operations to a region where form is everything. Perfection of a certain kind may there be attained, or at least approached, without knocking yourself to pieces, but to attain or approach perfection in the region of thought and feeling, and to unite this 1 Preface to "Letters," by G. W. E. Russell. 192 Reminiscences and Sketches. with perfection of form, demands not merely an effort and a labor, but an actual tearing of one's self to pieces, which one does not readily consent to (although one is sometimes forced to it), unless one can devote one's whole life to poetry. Wordsworth could give his whole life to it; Shelley and Byron both could, and were, besides, driven by their demon to do it. Tenny- son, a far inferior natural power to either of the three, can ; but of the moderns Goethe is the only one, I be- lieve, of those who had an existence assujettie who has thrown himself with a great result into poetry. And even he felt what I say, for he could no doubt have done more poetically had he been freer; but it is not so light a matter, when you have other grave claims on your powers, to submit voluntarily to the exhaustion of the best poetical production in a time like this. Goethe speaks somewhere of the endless mat- ters on which he had employed himself, and says that with the labor he had given to them he might have produced half a dozen more good tragedies ; "but to produce these," he says, "I must have been sehr ser- rissen." It is only in the best poetical epochs (such as the Elizabethan) that you can descend into yourself and produce the best of your thought and feeling nat- urally and without an overwhelming, and in some de- gree morbid, effort ; for then all the people around you are more or less doing the same thing. It is nat- ural, it is the bent of the time, to do it; its being the bent of the time, indeed, is what makes the time a poetical one. 2 I have quoted this passage at length, because "Tetters," I., 72 f. Matthew Arnold. 193 it is the most important reference in the "Let- ters" to the hindrances which clogged Arnold's poetic effort, and because it is an admirable gen- eral statement, to be supported by the passages which follow here. I am now at the work [he writes at forty-one] I dislike most in the world : looking over and marking examination papers. I was stopped last week by my eyes, and the last year or two these sixty papers a day of close handwriting to read have, I am sorry to say, much tried my eyes for the time. They soon re- cover, however, and no reading ever seems to hurt them. At present I can do nothing after my papers are done but write the indispensable letters for that day's post. 3 The next year he writes to Lady de Rothschild as follows: I must go back to my charming occupation of hear- ing students give lessons. Here is my programme for this afternoon : Avalanches The Steam Engine The Thames India Rubber Bricks The Battle of Poic- tiers Subtraction The Reindeer The Gunpowder Plot The Jordan. Alluring, is it not? Twenty min- utes each, and the days of one's life are only three- score years and ten.* Three months later he writes : I am being driven furious by seven hundred closely 3 "Letters," I., 207. *Ibid., I., 281. 13 194 Reminiscences and Sketches. written grammar papers which I have to look over, and an obstinate cold in the head at the same time. 5 Again, to Lady de Rothschild, still two vears later : I have [he says] in the next two months, besides my usual school work, to look over thirty sacred poems, the same number of Newdigates (the Oxford prize poem), ten Latin poems, and several English es- says ; to give a lecture on Celtic poetry, of which, as the Saturday Review truly says, I know nothing; to write a Latin speech, and to report on the secondary instruction of the continent of Europe. 6 The everlasting grind of examination papers becomes exceedingly pathetic on one occasion. He writes thus to his sister, Mrs. Forster, Janu- ary 4, 1868: Poor little Basil [his infant son] died this afternoon, a few minutes before one o'clock. I sat up with him till four this morning, looking over my papers, that Flu and Mrs. Tuffin might get some sleep ; and at the end of every second paper I went to him, stroked his poor twitching hand and kissed his soft warm cheek; and though he never slept, he seemed easy, and hardly moaned at all. This morning about six, after I had gone to bed, he became more restless ; about eleven he had another convulsion; from that time he sank. 7 5 "Letters," L, 285. 'Ibid., I., 381. 'Ibid., I., 443. Matthew Arnold. 195 On his birthday, that same year (December 24, 1868), Arnold writes to his mother: Tell Edward I divide my papers (second-year gram- mar) through every day, taking in Christmas day, Sat- urdays, and Sundays. In this way I bring them down to twenty-five a day, which I can do without the strain on my head and eyes which forty a day, or as I used often to make it in old times by delaying at first eighty or ninety a day, would be. I am up at six, and work at the preface to my "Culture and Anarchy'' essays ; work again at this, and read, between breakfast and luncheon. Play racquets and walk between lunch- eon and four ; from four to seven look over my twenty- five papers, and then after dinner write my letters and read a little. 8 Passages of similar tenor might be multiplied almost indefinitely from the "Letters" ; but these will suffice, perhaps, to indicate not only how he was hampered in his literary effort, but also how conscientious he was in the performance of his drudgery tasks, how industrious in reading as well as in writing. In such a paper, it is necessary to ignore al- most entirely a large part of Arnold's work, and to restrict attention to what is of universal and permanent value. As to what is of permanent value, doubtless everybody will agree. If Ar- 8 "Letters," I., 467. 196 Reminiscences and Sketches. nold lives, it will be as a critic of literature and as a poet. His school reports were, and are, ex- ceedingly valuable; but such things are not lit- erature, even when written by an Arnold. As the world rolls on and times change, old ques- tions lose interest, and new problems present themselves in religion, in social life, in politics; the treatment of such questions, except in their permanent aspects, cannot be literature, and, in the long run, only literature survives, except for the specialist. This remark does not apply, how- ever, to "Culture and Anarchy" ; at least so much of it as treats of the distinction between "Hebraism" and "Hellenism." Arnold himself rightly felt that the distinction thus drawn was of more than transient value. "The chapters on 'Hellenism' and 'Hebraism,' " he wrote to his mother, "are, in the main, I am convinced, so true that they will form a kind of center for English thought and speculation on the matters treated in them." One is tempted to make an exception again in favor of "Literature and Dogma," if only for the great aphorism, "Con- duct is three-fourths of life," so beautifully illus- trated there. But that aphorism is everywhere in Arnold's works, and, better still, is on its winged way among men. Matthew Arnold. 197 THE CRITIC. An enthusiastic student of English literature remarked to me once that Matthew Arnold will live by his poetry; that the ideas and ideals for which he stood in his criticism will pass into the general atmosphere of culture, and it will be for- gotten by most that we owe them to Arnold. The remark was made with the highest appre- ciation of Arnold's influence as a critic, and my friend did not know, I am sure, that he was almost quoting Frederic Harrison. "We can have little doubt now," says Harrison, "when so much of Arnold's prose work in criticism has been accepted as standard opinion, and so much of his prose work in controversy has lost its savor, that it is his poetry which will be longest remembered, and there his finest vein was reached." 9 Many were doubtless long before agreed with Andrew Lang in the general prop- osition that his poems were "by far his most important and most permanent contribution to literature." To have one's ideas become a part of the literary atmosphere is to have accom- plished a great work, even if one's self be for- gotten ; and Arnold himself would, I am sure, have been satisfied to believe that this would be ^Nineteenth Century, March, 1896. 198 Reminiscences and Sketches. the fate of his criticism. Writing to one of his sisters about his article on "The Burials Bill," he said: "It is a seed sown in the thoughts of the young and fair-minded, the effect of which will be gradual but persistent. In all I write this is the sort of effect I aim at." 1 And to his mother he wrote : "To be less and less personal in one's desires and working is the great matter, and this, too, I feel, I am glad to say, more deeply than I did." 1 Again to the same: "One can only get one's self really accepted by men by making one's self forgotten in the people and doctrines one recommends." Men may cease to read the essays on Words- worth, Milton, Keats, and Byron ; but we shall read these and other great poets more, and ap- preciate them better, because of Arnold's essays. For one of these Wordsworth Arnold, more than any other person, vindicated his rightful position in English letters, and with that little volume of superb selections made it easy for the elect to come under Wordsworth's spell. And for Keats, who does not feel that Arnold has said the supreme word ? Shelley had written of Keats : Till the Future dares Forget the Past, his fate and fame shall be An echo and a light unto eternity. ""Letters," II., 155. "Ibid., I, 400. Matthew Arnold. 199 Tennyson had said, "Keats, with his high spir- itual vision, would have been, if he had lived, the greatest of us all"; but Arnold wrote, "He is with Shakespeare!" When a critic like Ar- nold says that, he compels us to read Keats; and when we read Keats, if we have any poetry in our souls, we are Keats' forever. I say the thoughts of the essays may pass into the general literary atmosphere, and it may be- come no longer necessary to read them, but I cannot imagine this of the essay on "The Study of Poetry." I can hardly imagine even the cul- tivated public not needing to read and reread this masterly, simple treatise. It ought to be read by young people once a year. Frederic Harrison says of it: Arnold's piece on "The Study of Poetry," written as an introduction to the collected "English Poets," should be preserved in our literature as the norma, or canon, of right opinion about poetry, as we preserve the standard coins in the Pyx, or the standard yard measure in the old Jewel-house at Westminster. 12 12 Ibid. In a footnote Harrison adds : "This does not include obiter dicta in his familiar letters. A great critic, like the Pope, is infallible only when he is speaking ex cathedra, on matters of faith." One thinks at once of Tennyson, to whom Arnold never was quite just in the "Letters" e. g., I., 278: "I do not think 2OO Reminiscences and Sketches. "Every critic/' says Arnold, in the essay on "The Function of Criticism," "should try and possess one great literature at least besides his own, and the more unlike his own, the better." That was the minimum requirement. Very sim- ilar is his answer to the objection to studying other languages on the ground that we have enough to do to know our own: "It is true, as Goethe said, that no man who knows only his own language knows even that." Of Scherer, Arnold said : "He knows thoroughly the lan- guage and literature of England, Italy, Ger- many, as well as France." His own outfit was perhaps even more complete. He possessed, as Tennyson a great and powerful spirit in any line." (Compare also I., 72, 147, 280.) Such obiter dicta must be offset by Arnold's remark to Hallam Tenny- son : "Your father has been our most popular poet for forty years, and, on the whole, he has deserved it." One is even more startled, perhaps, at this epistolary verdict on Thackeray : ''He is not, to my thinking, a great writer." ("Letters," I., 247.) These judgments would certainly have been modified if given ex cathe- dra; and when one remembers the concluding para- graph of the essay on '"Joubert," one cannot but hope that Arnold would have qualified this remark concern- ing the great Whig historian : "Macaulay is to me un- interesting, mainly, I think, from a dash of intellectual vulgarity which I find in all his performance." ("Let- ters," II., I55-) Matthew Arnold. 201 the basis of his culture, an extraordinarily thor- ough knowledge and an exquisite appreciation of Greek literature, especially Greek poetry, knowing as few men have done Homer, Soph- ocles, yEschylus, and Pindar, besides Plato, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. In Latin he was well versed, and familiar especially with Lucretius and Virgil. In Hebrew he had some knowledge of the original, and was steeped in the literature of the Old and New Testaments, including the Septuagint, the Vulgate (for which as literature he had the profoundest sympathy and admiration), and the best literature of me- diaeval Christianity. Of modern literatures he knew best, of course, the French. Indeed, it might be said, with a large measure of truth, that he learned his art of criticism from the French. Next to French he knew best the Ger- man literature, and was familiar with the re- sults of German scholarship, at least in biblical lines. With Italian there are indications that he was at least fairly well acquainted, and he knew Dante well. In English literature he was, of course, widely and deeply read more so in the older literature than the contemporary and in all the greatest poetry a master without a rival. With Arnold, "culture is reading." From his 2O2 Reminiscences and Sketches. writings we may learn his "doctrine," and from his "Letters" we may gather his "method" as to reading. "Desultory reading," he writes to one of his sisters, 13 "is a mere anodyne ; regular reading, well chosen, is restoring and edifying." "My great desire in education," he says in one of his letters, 14 "is to get a few good books uni- versally taught and read. Twenty, I think, is about all I would have in the direct teaching of the young, and to be learned as text-books. Young people may read for themselves collater- ally as much as they like." Again, in his six- tieth year, he writes: 15 The importance of reading not slight stuff to get through the time, but the best that has been written forces itself upon me more and more every year I live ; it is living in good company, the best company, and people are generally quite keen enough, or too keen, about doing that ; yet they will not do it in the simplest and most innocent manner by reading. How- ever, if I live to be eighty, I shall probably be the only person left in England who reads anything but newspapers and scientific publications. He advises his sister, Mrs. Forster, 16 "to read something of Burke's every year," because Burke "treats politics with his thought and imag- 13 "Letters," II., 127. 14 Ibid., II., 164. Ibid., II., 227. "Ibid., L, 249. Matthew Arnold. 203 ination" ; because he is "our greatest English prose writer." Arnold's own "method," or practice, in read- ing is easy to discover. Of Gray he said: "He lived with the great poets ; he lived, above all, with the Greeks, through perpetually studying and enjoying them." And Arnold himself lived constantly, from youth to age, with the great Greeks. In the second sonnet, in reply to the question, "Who prop, thou ask'st, in these bad days, my mind ?" he says that he is occupied with Homer, "clearest-souled of men" ; with Epicte- tus, "whose friendship I not long since won"; and especially with Sophocles, Who saw life steadily, and saw it whole. In 1849 ne writes : "I have within this year gone through all Homer's works and all those ascribed to him." And he is reading, at the same time, biographies of Byron, Scott, Napo- leon, Goethe, Burns. The next year he is read- ing "Goethe's letters, Bacon, Pindar, Sophocles, Milton, Thomas a Kempis, and 'Ecclesiasticus.' '' In 1857 he writes: "What I learn in studying Sophocles for my present purpose is, or seems to me, wonderful." In 1860 he is "reading a great deal in the 'Iliad' again." In 1861 he gives his three lectures on "Translating Homer," say- 2O4 Reminiscences and Sketches. ing at the outset that "for one or two years the works of Homer were seldom out of his hands." In his fortieth year we find him at night, after inspecting schools, reading "about a hundred lines of 'Odyssey' to keep himself from putre- faction" ; and in his sixty-third year he uses the "Odyssey" to take the taste of Daudet's "Sapho" out of his mouth. The very last reference in the "Letters" to Greek literature represents him as "reading five pages of Greek anthology every day." As to other literature besides the classical, the "Letters" confirm the impression that he kept in his general reading largely to the great au- thors. His first youthful enthusiasm in French was George Sand, "the greatest spirit in our European world from the time that Goethe de- parted." 1 Later his favorite French authors were Sainte-Beuve, Voltaire, Joubert, Senan- cour, Maurice de Guerin, Renan, Scherer. His friend and master in criticism was Sainte- Beuve, "the first critic of our time." The circle of French writers at Paris, to which Sainte- Beuve and Scherer belonged, he thought "per- haps the most truly cultivated in the world." The three Germans whom he knew r best were ""Letters," II., 152. Matthew Arnold. 205 doubtless Lessing, Heine, and Goethe. The last was to him "the greatest poet of modern times, the greatest critic of all times." Goethe and Wordsworth, he says in a letter, "are the two moderns I most care for." Heine was "the most important successor and continuator of Goethe in Goethe's most important line of activity" namely, as "a soldier in the war of liberation of humanity"; and so he was "in the European poetry of that quarter of a century which fol- lows the death of Goethe incomparably the most important figure." In English prose, Arnold's favorite authors seem to have been Burke, Newman, and possibly Emerson. For Newman's great qualities he had the profoundest admiration, as of "a man who alone in Oxford of his generation, alone of many generations, conveyed to us in his genius that same charm, that same ineffable sentiment, which this exquisite place itself conveys." Of English poets it were but necessary to name all the great- est ; with all these Arnold "lived." But it would be safe, I think, to say that the works and au- thors which he loved most, studied longest, and absorbed most completely were the Bible, Ho- mer, Sophocles, Goethe, Wordsworth, and Sainte- Beuve. Arnold's "doctrine of studies" is contained, 206 Reminiscences and Sketches. he himself said, 18 in his lecture on "Literature and Science." His "doctrine of criticism" is found perhaps most succinctly stated in his es- say on "The Function of Criticism at the Present Time," which serves as a general introduction to his two volumes of "Essays in Criticism." His "doctrine of style" is best given in the essay on ''The Influence of Academies." The business of the critical power is, he says in the essay on "The Function of Criticism at the Present Time," "in all branches of knowl- edge, theology, philosophy, history, art, science, to see the object as in itself it really is." True criticism "tends to make the best ideas prevail." "Its business is simply to know the best that is known and thought in the world, and by in its turn making this known to create a current of new and fresh ideas." "Presently these new ideas reach society, the touch of truth is the touch of life, and there is a stir and growth everywhere ; out of this stir and growth come the creative epochs of literature." Criticism's best spiritual work is "to keep mai. from a self-satisfaction which is retarding and vulgarizing, to lead him toward perfection by making his mind dwell upon what is excellent in ""Letters," II., 253. Matthew Arnold. . 207 itself, and the absolute beauty and fitness of things." Why has it so little accomplished this in England? Because it has not kept in the purely intellectual sphere, has been so practical, polemical, controversial. "Without a disinter- ested treatment of things, truth and the highest culture are out of the question." The duty of criticism is "to be perpetually dissatisfied" with everything which falls short of "a high and per- fect ideal." Criticism "must maintain its inde- pendence of the practical spirit and its aims." "Let us betake ourselves more," says Arnold, "to the serener life of the mind and spirit." The critic is to help us enlarge and complete ourselves by bringing in the elements in which we are deficient, not as Carlyle, by "preaching earnestness to a nation which has plenty of it by nature." 1 The English-speaking race is distin- guished by energy and honesty, and has a sense for conduct; the French by a sense for social life and manners ; the Germans by a sense for knowledge; the Greeks had a sense for beauty, for social life and manners, for knowledge, but not, in the highest degree, for conduct. By studying the points wherein we are weak and the elements wherein other peoples are strong, and ""Letters," II., 222. 2o8 Reminiscences and Sketches. bringing in those qualities in which we are not strong, we shall complete and develop ourselves. The great business of the critic is the spread of culture. What Arnold meant by culture may be understood, perhaps, from the following extracts from "Sweetness and Light": Culture is "a desire after the things of the mind simply for their own sakes and for the pleasure of see- ing them as they are." "Culture is an harmoni- ous expansion of all the powers which make the beauty and worth of human nature." "It is in endless additions to itself, in the endless expan- sion of its powers, in endless growth in wisdom and beauty, that the spirit of the human race finds its ideal." Culture is "the study and pur- suit of perfection." Culture "places human per- fection in an internal condition, in the growth and predominance of our humanity proper, as dis- tinguished from our animality." "Culture seeks to make the best that has been thought and known in the world current everywhere." Cul- ture's aim is "to make reason and the will of God prevail." "Culture is reading," said Arnold; and he "looked to literature for gradually opening and softening men's minds." He looked to literature even to interpret the Bible afresh, and to put religion on a sounder basis. He considered Lord Matthew Arnold. 209 Salisbury a dangerous man, "chiefly from his want of any true sense and experience of liter- ature and its beneficent function. Religion he knows and physical science he knows, but the immense work between the two, which is for lit- erature to accomplish, he knows nothing of." 2 The critic's chief function, then, is to be a guide to the best literature. He is to cultivate in himself, and stimulate in others, a conscience in letters, to induce the attitude which Sainte- Beuve claims for France. "In France the first consideration for us is not whether we are amused and pleased by a work of art or mind, nor is it whether we are touched by it. What we seek above all to learn is whether- ^ve are right in being amused with it, and in applauding it, and in being moved by it." To be such a guide as Arnold demands, the critic must be, as Sainte-Beuve was, "a man of extraordinary deli- cacy of tact and judgment in literature"; and "perfect, so far as a poor mortal critic can be perfect, in knowledge of his subject, in judg- ment, in tact and tone." He must be, further, "a man of genius, with the ctincelle and the in- stinctive good sense and moderation which make a guide really attaching and useful." 2 20 "Letters," II., 41. Ibid., I., 173. 2io Reminiscences and Sketches. The course of literary criticism "is determined for it by the idea which is the law of its being ; the idea of a disinterested endeavor to learn and propagate the best that has been known and thought in the world,, and thus to establish a current of fresh and true ideas." And since much of the best that has been known and thought in the world must necessarily be for- eign, "the English critic of literature must dwell much on foreign thought, and with particular heed on any part of it, which, while significant and fruitful in itself, is for any reason specially likely to escape him." For "the criticism which alone can help us for the future ... is a criticism which regards Europe as being, for in- tellectual and spiritual purposes, one great con- federation, bound to a joint action and working to a common result; and whose members have, for their proper outfit, a knowledge of Greek, Roman, and Eastern antiquity, and of one an- other." "I hate," he says in a letter, 22 "all over- preponderance of single elements, and all my efforts are directed to enlarge and complete us by bringing in as much as possible of Greek, Latin, and Celtic authors." Every one, there- fore, with any turn for literature will do well 22 "Letters," I., 287. Matthew Arnold. 211 steadily to widen his culture, severely to check in himself the provincial spirit; and to keep in mind "that all mere glorification by ourselves of ourselves or our literature ... is both vul- gar and, besides being vulgar, retarding." "In- stead of always fixing our thoughts upon the points in which our literature and our intel- lectual life generally are strong, we should from time to time fix them upon those in which they are weak, and so learn to perceive what we have to amend." As to pronouncing judgment on literature, which is often regarded as the critic's one busi- ness, Arnold, in stating what he conceives to be the true principle, impliedly explains his own method : The judgment which almost insensibly forms itself in a fair and clear mind, along with fresh knowledge, is the valuable one ; and thus knowledge, and ever fresh knowledge, must be the critic's great concern for him- self. And it is by communicating fresh knowledge, and letting his own judgment pass along with it but insensibly, and in the second place, not the first, as a sort of companion and clue, not as an abstract law- giver that the critic will generally do most good to readers. Following his own principle "to learn and propagate the best that has been known and 212 Reminiscences and Sketches. thought in the world" Arnold concerned him- self little with the mass of current English lit- erature ; partly because so little of it came un- der that definition, more because the personal bias was so liable to influence the critic's judg- ment of contemporary authors. But to those who must deal with current English literature he suggested to try it, so far as they could, by the standard of the best that is known and thought in the world ; and that, "to get any- where near this standard, every critic should try and possess one 'great literature at least, besides his own, and the more unlike his own the bet- ter." The great function of criticism is to prepare the way for creative epochs of literature. To have the sense of creative activity "the great happiness and the great proof of being alive"- is not denied to criticism : "but then criticism must be sincere, simple, flexible, ardent, ever widening its knowledge." Still, in full measure, the sense of creative activity belongs only to genuine creation ; in literature we must never forget that. It is no such common matter for a gifted nature to come into possession of a current of true and living ideas, and to produce amidst the in- spiration of them, that we are likely to underrate it. The epochs of /Eschylus and Shakespeare make us Matthew Arnold. 213 feel their preeminence. In an epoch like those is, no doubt, the true life of literature; there is the promised land, toward which criticism can only beckon. That promised land it will not be ours to enter, and we shall die in the wilderness; but to have desired to enter it, to have saluted it from afar, is already perhaps the best distinction among contemporaries ; it will cer- tainly be the best title to esteem with posterity. As compared with our own chief critic, Low- ell, Arnold educates more, though he dazzles less. "Lowell's address at Birmingham," said Arnold in a letter, 28 "is full of good things, and the Times is loud in its praise. But here again I feel the want of body and current in the dis- course as a whole, and am not satisfied with a host of shrewd and well-wrought and even bril- liant sayings." That is not an unjust criticism. The great merit of both critics was to have led men to appreciate more fully, to love more pro- foundly, the great poets. But Arnold is more constructive, more educative, than Lowell. He can tell us simply, but at the same time almost unerringly, wherein and why a poet is great. He lays bare the secret of his power. Above all, he helps us to feel that the great poets are not only necessary but delightful reading. His doctrine on poetry, or any particular poet, seems often, 23 "Letters," II., 313. 214 Reminiscences and Sketches. on first reading, so simple as hardly to be a body of doctrine at all. But after reading his two vol- umes of "Essays in Criticism," you realize that the doctrine has been a leavening, an enriching influence ; that he has educated yott in good taste. When a young man, after reading the "Count of Monte Christo," read the sixth book of the '' Odyssey" and said, "I could have shouted for joy ; I knew that was literature," I said to myself, "That is just the way Arnold works." Arnold's essays on "The Study of Poetry" and on Words- worth made me a Wordsworthian. I had read Lowell's essay on Wordsworth years before, and had been scarcely more attracted to than re- pelled from Wordsworth, so much does Lowell lay stress on the dullness and prosiness of so large a part of Wordsworth's poetry. Arnold, too, "marks the longueurs of Wordsworth, his flatness, his mass of inferior work," as Frederic Harrison says. But he made a volume of superb selections of Wordsworth's masterpieces. His essay sent me to that volume, and that volume made me a Wordsworthian forever. When Lady Airlie told Disraeli that she thought Arnold's aptness at coining and estab- lishing current phrase-s was a disadvantage, since people got hold of the phrases and then thought that thev knew all about his work, Disraeli re- Matthew Arnold. 215 plied: "Never mind; it is a great achievement." And it was. This is a very rare power [says Frederic Harri- son], and one peculiarly rare amongst Englishmen. Carlyle had it, Disraeli had it ; but how few others amongst our contemporaries ! Arnold's current phrases still in circulation are more numerous than those of Disraeli, and are more simple and apt than Carlyle's. These ITTEC Trrepdevra fly through the speech of culti- vated men, pass current in the market place ; they are generative, efficient, and issue into act. They may be right or wrong, but at any rate they do their work. They teach, they guide, possibly may mislead, but they are alive. When Arnold speaks of Homer's poetry as "rapid, direct, simple, and noble" ; of "the inspir- ing and intoxicating effect" of the power and style of Pindar; of Chaucer's "liquid diction, fluid movement"; of Spenser's "fluidity and sweet ease" ; of Shakespearian "largeness and indulgence" ; of Milton's "sure and flawless per- fection of rhythm and diction" ; of Gray as "the scantiest and frailest of classics in our poetry, but still a classic" ; of Burns' "spring, bounding swiftness"; of Wordsworth's "high seriousness" and his "healing power" ; of the "magic of style," the "fascinating felicity" of Keats; of Byron that "our soul had felt him like the thun- der's roll"; of Shelley as "beautiful and inef- 216 Reminiscences and Sketches. factual angel, beating in the void his luminous wings in vain" we feel all the truth and force of a fairly adequate definition. Only a great critic could so hit off things. Such criticism "illuminates and rejoices us." What Philistine even is there who cannot count off a long roll of Arnold's apt designations and phrases ? "Philistine," "Barbarian," "saving remnant," "young lions of the press," "urban- ity," "balance," "high seriousness," "sweet rea- sonableness," "sweetness and light," "stream of tendency," "lucidity of soul/' "liquid diction," "fluid movement," "the grand style," "magic of style," "note of provinciality," "note of distinc- tion," "sense" for conduct, for knowledge, for beauty, for social life and manners. How many, too, of Arnold's definitions and aphoristic say- ings lodge in the mind, and work like leaven to clarify and purify one's ideas ! "The Eternal Pow- er not ourselves, that makes for righteousness"; "Israel's master feeling, the feeling for right- eousness" ; "religion is morality touched by emo- tion" ; "conduct is three-fourths of life" ; "poetry is a criticism of life" ; "culture is reading" ; "genius, the ruling divinity of poetry" ; "intel- ligence, the ruling divinity of prose" ; "politics, that 'wild and dreamlike trade' of insincerity" ; "excellence is not common or abundant" ; "the Matthew Arnold. 217 ideal, the saving ideal, of a high and rare excel- lence"; "the discipline of respect for a high and flawless work"; "the severe discipline necessary for all real culture." THE POET. Goethe's task was, the inevitable task for the modern poet henceforth is as it was for the Greek poet in the days of Pericles not to preach a sublime sermon on a given text, like Dante; not to exhibit all the king- doms of human life, and the. glory of them, like Shakes- peare; but to interpret human life afresh, and to sup- ply a new spiritual basis to it. So writes Arnold, in "Letters on Celtic Lit- erature," and impliedly defines the task which he had set himself in his own poetry. "To in- terpret human life afresh, to supply a new spir- itual basis to it," was indeed Arnold's chief ef- fort in the majority of his prose works "Liter- ature and Dogma," "God and the Bible," "St. Paul and Protestantism," "Culture and Anar- chy" as well as in his poetry. Indeed, Arnold's chief concern in life was religion. In this he was his father's son. Dean Stanley and Thomas Hughes seem, in active religious and social life, the natural outcome of Dr. Arnold's vigorous liberalism in religion ; perhaps as inevitable, though a remoter, outcome in letters were Mat- 2i8 Reminiscences and Sketches. thew Arnold, Arthur Clough, and Mrs. Hum- phry Ward. Certainly Arnold always thought that he was doing- his father's work, and he al- ways claimed that his critical studies touching the Bible were religious. "I never touch," says he, 24 "on considerations about the State without feeling myself on his ground." He was delight- ed when Dean Stanley told him that the ideas of the preface to "Culture and Anarchy" were exactly what his father would have approved. In a letter to his sister, Miss Arnold, he says: "It will more and more become evident how re- ligious is the work I have done in 'Literature and Dogma.' " And he concludes the preface to "God and the Bible" with the claim that "a calmer and more gradual judgment" will recog- nize his work "to have been an attempt con- servative, and an attempt religious." "Not to break with one's connection with the past in one's religion is one of the strongest in- stincts in human nature," said Arnold with re- gard to Catholicism; 25 and his whole life was an effort not to break entirely with the past in religion. One finds, according to Arnold, one's truest expression in poetry, and here we may look for the deepest religious note in Arnold. ""Letters," I., 400. s *Ibid., II., 151. Mattheiv Arnold. 219 What was the dominant note of his poetry? It was "the eternal note of sadness," "a brooding over man's destiny," the Weltschmcrz. A longing to inquire Into the mystery of this heart which beats So wild, so deep in us to know Whence our lives come and where they go. 23 His poetry was an attempt to express "the world's deep, inarticulate craving for spiritual peace." There was in Arnold a combination of the Greek strain and the Oriental. He would have the joy of the Greek ; he has the resigned sadness of the Oriental. Deep down even in the Greek there is an undertone of melancholy, and this undertone was strong in Arnold. The source of his sadness was primarily the change from the simple religious views which characterized the home of his childhood, and the sense of "the cen- tury's eclipse of faith." His was the anguish of Stagirius, When the soul, growing clearer, Sees God no nearer, When the soul, mounting higher, To God comes no nigher. Perhaps "The Grande Chartreuse," best of all Arnold's poems, expresses the change that had 26 "The Buried Life." 22O Reminiscences and Sketches. taken place in him, the void left in his heart, the "nameless sadness" that resulted. For rigorous teachers seized my youth, And purged its faith, and trimmed its fire, Showed me the high white star of Truth, There bade me gaze and there aspire. In the "Carthusian Monastery" he feels As on some far northern strand, Thinking of his own gods, a Greek In pity and mournful awe might stand Before some fallen Runic stone For both were faiths, and both are gone. Wandering between two worlds, one dead, The other powerless to be born, With nowhere yet to rest my head, Like these on earth I wait forlorn. Their faith, my tears, the world deride, I come to shed them at their side. This is the real cry of Arnold's heart, and it is a note we get only in his poems. And we cannot help wondering sometimes, Are the only alternatives the course of Huxley or the course of Newman? Are all other resting places tem- porary? Arnold spent his whole life in trying to persuade himself and others that neither alter- native was necessary or right ; but the sadness remained, and a half-despairing resignation is the dominant note of his most characteristic Matthew Arnold. 221 poetry. Already in 1848 life seemed to him a "long heart-wasting show" ; and though his later view was more cheerful, it was never joyful. Man's life is . . . the hot race Wherein he doth forever chase That flying and elusive shadow, rest. 27 In the "Scholar-Gipsy" he complains of This strange disease of modern life, With its sick hurry, its divided aims, Its heads o'ertaxed, its palsied hearts. Happy, in comparison, is the "Scholar-Gipsy": Free from the sick fatigue, the languid doubt, Which much to have tried, in much been baffled, brings. "Men have such need of joy," he said, that "joy in widest commonalty spread," which Wordsworth found. But already in "Empedo- cles" he confessed, The world hath failed to impart The joy our youth forebodes ; and long afterwards, in "Dover Beach," the note is the same, "the eternal note of sadness" : . . . The world which seems To lie before us like a land of dreams, 27 "The Buried Life." 222 Reminiscences and Sketches. So various, so beautiful, so new, Hath really neither joy, nor love, nor light, Nor certitude, nor peace, nor help for pain ; And we are here as on a darkling plain Swept with confused alarms of struggle and flight, Where ignorant armies clash by night. From his "Poems" and his "Letters" alike we learn how intimate and wholesome, how almost Wordsworthian, was Arnold's communion with nature ; and yet even . . . through the hum of torrent lone And brooding mountain bee There sobs I know not what ground-tone Of human agony. 28 Even of ''that general life which does not cease," the secret is "not joy, but peace" : . . . The mute turf we tread The solemn hills around us spread, This stream which falls incessantly, The strange scrawled rocks, the lonely sky, If I might lend their life a voice, Seem to bear rather than rejoice. 29 Not joy, then, but self-renunciation,, he found to be the higher rule, as George Eliot did, as Goethe did : 28 "Obermann." ae "Resignation." Matthew Arnold. 223 He only lives with the world's life Who hath renounced his own. "Sick for calm," like Balder, he prayed: Calm soul of all things ! make it mine To feel, amid the city's jar, That there abides a peace of thine, Man did not make and cannot mar. 30 This calm, or peace, Arnold, like his favorite Hebrew prophet, is fond of figuring as a river. "Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea." (Isaiah xlviii. 18.) "I will extend peace to her like a river, and the glory of the Gentiles like a flowing stream." (Isaiah Ixvi. 12.) Compare the con- cluding lines of "The Future" : But what was before us we know not, And we know not what shall succeed. Haply the river of Time As it grows, as the towns on its marge Fling their wavering lights On a wider, statelier stream May acquire, if not the calm Of its early mountainous shore, Yet a solemn peace of its own. And the width of the waters, the hush Of the gray expanse where he floats, 30 "In Kensington Gardens." 224 Reminiscences and Sketches. Freshening its current and spotted with foam As it draws to the ocean, may strike Peace to the soul of the man on its breast As the pale waste widens around him, As the banks fade dimmer away, As the stars come out, and the night wind Brings up the stream Murmurs and scents of the infinite sea. So, too, I am sure, at the close of "Sohrab and Rustum," where the old warrior has unwit- tingly slain his own son, the same beautiful fig- ure typifies the rest that is now Sohrab's, and promises peace to Rustum's remorse : . . . and from his limbs Unwillingly the spirit fled away, Regretting the warm mansion which it left, And youth, and bloom, and this delightful world. So, on the bloody sand, Sohrab lay dead, And the great Rustum drew his horseman's cloak Down o'er his face, and sate by his dead son. As those black granite pillars, once high reared By Jemshid in Persepolis, to bear His house, now 'mid their broken flights of steps Lie prone, enormous, down the mountain side So in the sand lay Rustum by his son. And night came down over the solemn waste, And the two gazing hosts, and that sole pair, And darkened all; and a cold fog, with night, Crept from the Oxus. . . . But the majestic river floated on, Out of the mist and hum of that low land, 'Matthew Arnold. 225 Into the frosty starlight, and there moved, Rejoicing, through the hushed Chorasmian waste, Under the solitary moon; he flowed Right for the polar star, past Orgunje Brimming, and bright, and large ; then sands begin To hem his watery march, and dam his streams, And split his currents; that for many a league The shorn and parceled Oxus strains along Through beds of sand and matted, rushy isles Oxus, forgetting the bright speed he had In his high mountain cradle in Pamere, A foiled, circuitous wanderer till at last The longed-for dash of waves is heard, and wide His luminous home of waters opens, bright And tranquil, from whose floor the new-bathed stars Emerge, and shine upon the Aral Sea. But if Arnold does not bring a message of hope, as Tennyson did, or joy, as Browning did ; if to him the hereafter is simply The future and its viewless things, That undiscovered mystery; 81 if of his lost friend, Arthur Clough, he could say only, For there thine earth-forgetting eyelids keep The morningless and unawakening sleep Under the flowery oleanders pale ; s2 31 A Wish." 32 "Thyrsis." 15 226 Reminiscences and Sketches. if he does conclude, Unduped of fancy, henceforth man Must labor ! must resign His all too human creeds, and scan Simply the way divine ; Z3 he does not, for all that, say, "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." Arnold's essen- tial doctrine, preached at length in several prose volumes, is contained in a single line of the poem, "Worldly Place" : The aids to noble life are all within. And in the "Better Part" he says : Hast thou no second life ? Pitch this one high ! Sits there no judge in Heaven our sin to see? More strictly, then, the inward judge obey! Was Christ a man like us ? Ah, let us try If we then, too, can be such men as he. Amid all doubts and uncertainties, one must still pursue "whatsoever things are lovely, whatso- ever things are pure, whatsoever things are of good report" ; must strive to he one of . . . that small transfigured band, Whom many a different way Conducted to their common land 3S "Obermann Once More." Matthew Arnold. 227 Whose one bond is that all have been Unspotted by the world. 34 He did seem, moreover, to believe, at least at times, in some sort of eternal life. Of the Brontes, who lie buried in Haworth Churchyard, he says: Unquiet souls ! In the dark fermentation of earth, In the never idle workshop of nature, In the eternal movement, Ye shall find yourselves again. 85 And he suggests how and by whom eternal life may be attained : The energy of life may be Kept on after the grave, but not begun; And he who flagged not in the earthly strife, From strength to strength advancing only he His soul well knit, and all his battles won, Mounts, and that hardly, to eternal life. 36 And so for his father his faith rings out above doubt : Somewhere, surely, afar In the sounding labor house vast Of being, is practiced that strength, Zealous, beneficent, firm ! ""Obermann." 36 "Epilogue" (Haworth Churchyard). """Immortality." 228 Reminiscences and Sketches. Yes, in some far-shining sphere, Conscious or not of the past, Still thou performest the word Of the Spirit in whom thou dost live- Prompt, unwearied as here ! " Those who know how completely the "eternal note of sadness" dominates Arnold's poetry, and so must have been the real note 'of his inner be- ing, are glad to know from the "Letters" how happy was his wedded life ; how he loved and was loved by his children and relatives and friends ; how fond he was of brooks and rivers and lakes, of the sea and of the mountains, of flowers and animals ; how cheerful and brave and kindly he was to everybody ; that it was the "Weltschmer^' alone that made him sad. It has been suggested that as Arnold's char- acteristic note is the cry of the mal dn siecle, if the world should ever be healed of this, and an era of faith return, then Arnold's day would be done ; the age of spiritual discomfort having passed, we should heed no longer the song which voiced that age. There is something in this suggestion ; but I cannot admit its full force. Even in poems whose dominant note is "the eter- nal note of sadness," there are strains of high 3T "Rugby Chapel." Matthew Arnold. 229 seriousness and austere beauty which will live on in spite of all changes of thought and feeling, no matter whether faith dies or revives. Such are "Dover Beach," "The Future," "Resignation," "The Youth of Nature," and "Obermann." But there are to be found also in Arnold passages of pure poetry which sing themselves into our souls simply by reason of their sunny atmosphere and smiling landscape, because of their classic repose or their calm pathos. Such, for instance, are "Thyrsis," stanzas 6-14 and 16-20; the "Scholar- Gipsy," 8-13 and 21-25 j tne Cadmus and Har- monia and the Apollo and Marsyas choruses in "Empedocles" ; "The Forsaken Merman"; "The Church of Brou," III. ; "Tristram and Iseult," III. ; and, crowning achievement of all, the close of "Sohrab and Rustum." I will allow myself to quote, in further illustration, only two short passages from poems on which any lover of Ar- nold might safely rest his claim to be a true poet. The one is from "The Forsaken Merman" : We went up the beach, by the sandy down Where the sea stocks bloom, to the white-walled town; Through the narrow paved streets, where all was still, To the little gray church on a windy hill. From the church came a murmur of folk at their prayers, But we stood without in the cold blowing airs. 230 Reminiscences and Sketches. We climbed on the graves, on the stones worn with rains, And we gazed up the aisle through the small leaded panes. The other passage is from the Apollo and Mar- syas chorus in "Empedocles" : Many a morning had they gone To the glimmering mountain lakes, And had torn up by the roots The tall crested water-reeds With long plumes and soft brown seeds, And had carved them into flutes, Sitting on a tabled stone Where the shoreward ripple breaks. Of this passage Andrew Lang says : ''The land- scape of these lines seems to me almost unap- proached for felicity in English poetry." A stronger claim still might be made for Ar- nold. Not single poems only, nor single strik- ing passages, but single great lines prove him to be a poet. Commenting on such lines as Where Orpheus and where Homer are, and Hungry, and sharp, and barren as the sea, Lang says: "If no more than fragments like these were left of Arnold's poems (and as evil Matthew Arnold. 231 a fate has befallen some of the Greeks), a com- petent critic of the far-off future would be able to say that the author of them was in the truest sense a poet." How easy it would be to mul- tiply the number of such great lines ! Who saw life steadily, and saw it whole ; And that sweet city with her dreaming spires; And Egremont sleeps by the sea ; The far-off sound of a silver bell ; All the live murmur of a summer's day; Not daily labor's dull Lethean spring, Oblivion in lost angels can infuse Of the soiled glory, and the trailing wing. Perhaps the human character which most at- tracted Arnold was the Emperor Marcus Aure- lius. The greatest of his essays, except those introductory to the poets, was about this "im- perial sage, purest of men." It was with the "Meditations" of Marcus Aurelius that the be- reaved father, on the morning after his first great sorrow (the death of his oldest son), was trying to console himself. Readers of the "Essays in Criticism" [says the ed- itor of the "Letters"] will remember the beautiful eulogy on that great seeker after God, and will per- 232 Reminiscences and Sketches. haps feel that in describing him the friend who speaks to us in the following pages half unconsciously de- scribed himself. "We see him wise, just, self-gov- erned, tender, thankful, blameless, yet, with all this, agitated, stretching out his arms for something beyond, tendentemque manus ripce ulterioris amove." This was indeed Arnold ; and his poetry, be- ing the truest expression of himself, was full of this Aurelian note. "His graver pieces sound," says Frederic Harrison, "like some echo of the imperial 'Meditations' cast into the form of a Sophoclean chorus." His constant "brooding over man's destiny," his "pensive philosophy of life," his gnomic vein, naturally fitted him for elegy, and it is perhaps generally agreed that here he is at his best. This was clearly Tenny- son's feeling. "Tell Matt. Arnold," he said, "to write more poetry like 'Thyrsis' and the 'Scholar- Gipsy,' and let such subjects as 'Culture and Anarchy' alone." This undertone of thought and austerity gives [says Frederic Harrison 3 *] a uniform and somewhat melan- choly color to every line of his verse, not despairing, not pessimist, not querulous, but with a resolute and pensive insight into the mystery of life and of things, reminding one of those lovely tombs in the Cerameicus at Athens, of Hegeso and the rest, who in immortal s * Nineteenth Century, March, 1896. Matthew Arnold. 233 calm and grace stand, ever bidding to this fair earth a long and sweet farewell. "Every one is more sensitive about his poetry than about his other writings," said Arnold in a letter; and we are curious to know what he had to say about his own poems. He mentions them in the "Letters" far less frequently than his prose articles, doubtless because, as compared with the reception of his critical work, the poems were less talked about. I always feel [he wrote about the poem on Stanley in 1882] that the public is not disposed to take me cordially; it receives my things as Gray says it re- ceived all his except the "Elegy" : with more aston- ishment than pleasure at first, and does not quite make out what I would be at ; however, that the things should wear well, and be found to give pleasure as they come to be better known, is the great matter. He intimates, in referring to commendations from Kjngsley and Froucle, that the leading liter- ary men had welcomed his poems. Disraeli told him that he was "the only man whom he ever knew who had become a classic in his own lifetime" ; S9 though he referred, doubtless, to Arnold's crit- ical work. "No one can deny that he is a poet," said Tennyson. George Eliot said that "of all ^Nineteenth Century, March, 1896. 234 Reminiscences and Sketches. modern poetry, his was that which kept constant- ly growing- upon her"; and the Bishop of Derry told him that his poems "were the center of his mental life, and that he had read many of them hundreds of times/' But with the general pub- lic it was different. It is curious [he wrote in 1878] how the public is beginning to take them [his poems] to its bosom after long years of apparent neglect. The wave of thought and change has rolled on until people begin to find a significance and an attraction in what had none for them formerly. . . . The writers of poetry have been better friends to me always than the mass of readers of poetry. Notwithstanding the infrequent reference, we can gather from the "Letters" Arnold's own es- timate of the worth of his poetry, and what he thought of its future. And no truer judgment has been given on his poems than that by him- self in a letter to his mother in 1869: My poems represent, on the whole, the main move- ment of mind of the last quarter of a century, and thus they will probably have their day as people be- come conscious to themselves of what that movement of mind is, and interested in the literary productions which reflect it. It might be fairly urged that I have less poetical sentiment than Tennyson, and less intel- lectual vigor and abundance than Browning; yet be- cause I have more of a fusion of the two than either Matthew Arnold. 235 of them, and have more regularly applied that fusion to the main line of modern development, I am likely enough to have my turn as they have had theirs. 40 That the fusion of poetical sentiment and in- tellectual vigor was his ideal in poetry he had already stated six years earlier. I do not at present [he v/rote his mother in 1863] very much care for poetry unless it can give me true thought as well as true feeling. It is the alliance of these two that makes great poetry, the only poetry really worth very much. He intended, then, his poetry to be "a hidden ground of thought and austerity within," and few things would have pleased him so much could he have read his sometime opponent Frederic Harrison's frank recognition of his "intellectual vigor and abundance." He has [says Harrison] more general insight into the intellectual world of our age, and he sees into it more deeply and more surely, than any contemporary poet. ... It must be conceded that Arnold in his poetry dwells in a higher philosophic ether than any contemporary poet. He has a wider learning, a cooler brain, and a more masculine logic. 41 And we can imagine him after a while in the ""Letters," IT., 10. ^Nineteenth Century, March, 1896. 236 Reminiscences and Sketches. Elysian fields, shaking hands gratefully with the Positivist for this verdict: But those who thirst for the pure Castalian spring, inspired by sustained and lofty thoughts, who care for that his mother's and sister's urging to condemn Mariamne, replies : Would you commit such beauty to the earth? Those eyes that bring upon us endless thoughts ! That face that seems as it had come to pass Like a thing prophesied! To kill her! And I, if she were dead, I too would die, Or linger in the sunlight without life. Stephen Phillips. 261 Oh, terrible to live but in remembering, To call her name down the long corridors; To come on jewels that she wore laid by; Or open suddenly some chest, and see Some favorite robe she wore on such a day ! I dare not bring upon myself such woe. So far as my knowledge goes, the critic is right who lately said, "It is the best work of its kind since the death of Browning" ; and, as Mr. Brownell thinks, there is "unlikely to be an Eng- lish dramatic poem of equal interest published until the author of Herod writes another." In Mr. Phillips' poetical work two defects are most apparent. The first is a lack of lyric power. His lyrics do not sing. It is blank verse where he is strongest, and there is to be found "the lyric sweetness of his unrhymed iambics," of which Mr. Gosse speaks. His lyric power is by no means that of Tennyson or Browning, Keats or Shelley, and doubtless he will never sing in such pure lyric strains as any of these. The second defect is lack of humor. Even Shakespeare wrote only one play without humor, and Mr. Phillips has written two. Unless he can remedy this defect, he will hardly as a dramtist be ranked with the greatest. But in the sphere of the dramatic idyl his defective humor is not necessarily a fatal lack. Wordsworth had no humor; his best poetry is 262 Reminiscences and Sketches. characterized by high seriousness unrelieved by humor, and yet Wordsworth is third in the royal line of British poets. At any rate, here is real poetic achievement. Since the foregoing paper was printed, some seven years ago, several other poetical dramas by Mr. Phillip:? have appeared : "Ulysses," "The Sin of David," "Nero," and "Faust." They are splendid spectacles especially the first and two last and as such have been successful upon the stage. Perhaps a judgment now upon their merit as dramas would be premature ; but I cannot be- lieve that they will live as literature as long as "Mar- pessa" and "Christ in Hades." One who knows and loves Homer's Odyssey and Goethe's Faust will hardly care to read often Mr. Phillips' "Ulysses" and "Faust." The regret cannot be repressed that Mr. Phillips devotes to the stage of the day genius that might make poetry for posterity. SOPHOCLES. Statue in the Lateral) Museum. Home. XII. THE DISCIPLINE OF SUFFERING IN SOPHOCLES. "If a poet have a soul as high as Sophocles, his in- fluence will always be moral, let him do what he will." Goethe. "Who prop, thou askest, in these bad days, my mind? Be his My special thanks, whose even-balanced soul, From first youth tested up to extreme old age, Business could not make dull, nor passion wild ; Who saw life steadily, and saw it whole; The mellow glory of the Attic stage, Singer of sweet Colonus, and its child." M. Arnold. SOPHOCLES, son of Sophillus, a wealthy, or at least well-to-do, armorer, was born at Colonus, a suburb of Athens, 495 B.C., i. e., thirty years after ^Eschylus and fifteen before Euripides. His wise father gave him the best education, intellectual and physical, that Athens could af- ford, and he won public prizes in both music and gymnastics. On account of his beauty of person, physical grace, and skill in dancing, he was chosen, in his sixteenth year, to lead the choir in celebration of the victory at Salamis. At the age of twenty-seven he made his first appearance as a tragic poet, in competition with (263) 264 Reminiscences and Sketches. the mighty ^Eschylus. In the persons of the two poets, the old and the new were represent- ed; two rival policies were in some sense on trial ; two stages of tragedy were in competition. Party feeling ran high, and the archon seized upon the general Cimon and his colleagues, who had just returned from Scyros with the bones of the Attic hero Theseus, to act as judges of the contest. They awarded the prize to Sopho- cles, and thus this favorite of the Muses became with his first effort the prince of the Athenian stage, and remained so till his death, sixty-three years later, or, rather, for all time. He composed, according to the best authori- ties, perhaps, one hundred and thirteen plays, and won the first prize twenty times, i. e., as he contended with tetralogies, with eighty out of one hundred and thirteen dramas. He never got lower than second prize. In 440, the year after the phenomenal success of his greatest play, Antigone, he was elected one of the ten generals of Athens, an experience about which he pleasantly remarked : "Pericles says I am a better poet than general." Some authorities also make him a colleague in the generalship with Nicias during the Peloponnesian war. In 435 B.C. he was one of the steward? of the confed- erate treasury. In the year 413. after the Syra- The Discipline of Suffering. 265 cusan disaster, he was elected one of the irpo/3ouAoi, or commissioners of public safety, and in this capacity gave his assent, two years later, to the establishment of the Four Hundred, that is, if the poet be the Sophocles who was Trpd/SovAos, which is doubtful. In his old age, according to tradition, his son lophon, fearing that he might alienate his prop- erty to his namesake and favorite, a child of his natural son Ariston, accused him of senile in- capacity. The aged poet replied to the accusa- tion by reading to the court a chorus from the play he was then composing, the famous ode on his birthplace, Colonus, whereupon the judges rose in a body and reverentially escorted him in triumph to his home. Supplanting 2Eschylus at the age of twenty- seven, it was twenty-eight years before he lost a first prize to Euripides, and he lived to put on mourning at ninety for his younger rival. Be- ing, like Goethe, beautiful in person and mind, he was also genial and gentle in disposition, so that the satirist Aristophanes represented him thus even in Hades cuKoAos p.\v ev0aS', ei/KoAos S'e/ceu Devoted to his native city ^lAa^yatoraTo? they called him he, like Socrates, refused all invi- tations to tyrants' courts, never quitted Athens except on military service, and died full of years, 266 Reminiscences and Sketches. the best beloved citizen of Athens, and "dear to the gods as no one else was" ; for tradition has it that Dionysus twice appeared to Lysander and bade the besieger allow the poet's body to pass through the hostile lines to Deceleia for burial. His best and truest epitaph was that by Phryn- ichus : Thrice happy Sophocles ! in good old age, Blessed as a man, and as a craftsman blessed, He died: his many tragedies were fair, And fair his end, nor knew he any sorrow. After-slander did not completely spare him, accusing him of a love of sexual pleasures a charge that finds no support in his extant works or fragments and of over-fondness for money. Both charges are unsupported by evidence. He followed ^Eschylus in exhibiting trilogies, but broke these up into independent plays ; im- proved the scenery of the stage and the costumes of the actors ; added a third actor ; increased the number of the chorus from twelve to fifteen, but lessened its importance while enhancing the func- tion of the dialogue. As to his own artistic de- velopment, Sophocles used to say, according to Plutarch, "that when he had put aside the tragic pomp of ^Eschylus, and then the harsh and arti- ficial manner of his own elaborate style, he ar- rived in the third place at a form of speech which The Discipline of Suffering. 267 is best suited to portray the characters of men, and is the most excellent." All his extant plays belong to his third style. One criticism, at least, he made upon the work of his great predecessor and rival. "yEschylus," said he, "did what he ought to do, but did it without knowing." A criticism upon Euripides too has been handed down. He said ^Eschylus represented men as greater than they are, he as they ought to be, Euripides as they are. He wrote also elegies, pasans, epigrams, and a prose work on the chorus, and he is said to have founded a society for the promotion and cultivation of music and dancing and poetry. This is about all that w r e know, perhaps more than we know certainly, about Sophocles' out- ward life. All the rest is implicit in his works. He was the greatest tragedian of antiquity. Im- mediate posterity worshiped him as a hero. The later ancients called him the "Homer of Trag- edy," and even Homer the "Epic Sophocles." Homer was 6 TTOI^T^S, Pindar 6 Aupucos, Aris- tophanes o KCD/AIKOS, Sophocles 6 rpaytKos. Virgil was his greatest Latin imitator, and Ovid said with prophetic instinct, Niilla Sophodeo veniet iactura cothurno. Shelley calls him the Greek Shakespeare, and both Shelley and Tennyson, "whether consciously or not, reproduce with ex- 268 Reminiscences and Sketches. quisite effect the suggestive poetical coloring of Sophocles." The great poets have always been the great teachers, never so consciously this as the great Greek poets. "The poet," says Rohde, "was to be the teacher of the people, to whom, in the conditions of Greek life, there was no other teacher to speak. He was in the highest sense to instruct where his speech, in sublime poetry, dealt with the questions and verities of religion, and with the relation of morality to religion." Aristophanes recognized this when he said (Frogs, 1054 ff.) : "The poet ought to hide what is base, for the instructor of boys is the teacher, but of men the poets." As a great tragic poet, then, Sophocles was also an ethical teacher. And what was his cathedra; who were his audience? He taught from the Attic stage, at once temple and the- ater, and his immediate audience was twenty thousand people, more or less. From the mere reading of the ddipus Tyrannns, the (Edipiis Colon ens, or the Antigone, we can imagine only in some faint degree the effect on Athenians when acted as part of a religious ceremony, the audience being not assembled Attica only, but representative Hellas. Never before had Greek poet had such an opportunity. Homer's poems The Discipline of Suffering. 269 were recited at festivals and taught in schools all over the Greek world ; Simonides' epitaphs passed from mouth to mouth throughout Hellas ; Pindar's choral odes were sung in great assem- blies. But no poets before the Attic tragedians had ever addressed such vast and such cultivated audiences at one time, and no poet, no orator, no man has ever done so since, or will ever do so again. And after the great Dionysiac festival was over, the great thoughts of the great tragic poets too, like those of Homer and Pindar and Simonides, were repeated from mouth to mouth, and became part of the ethical storehouse of the Greek race. Though Sophocles was not conspicuous for "the sententious philosophy of life that endeared Euripides to the compilers of commonplace books," yet the numerous fragments, which doubtless owe their preservation largely to their ethical significance, would furnish a striking col- lection of gnomic utterances. The Greeks, from the Homeric period down, are supposed to have regarded truth-telling less seriously than the English or the Germans; but for this they got no countenance from Sophocles, who used to speak on this wise :* *The quotations are from the "Fragments," and the 270 Reminiscences and Sketches. "Truth evermore surpasseth words in might." 1 "A righteous tongue hath with it mightiest strength." 8 "Be sure no lie can ever reach old age." 8 "Words that are false bring forth no fruit at all." 4 "Deceit is base, unfit for noble souls." 5 "No oath weighs aught on one of scoundrel soul." 6 Of a piece with such reflections on truth are admonitions as to virtue and righteousness: "What virtue gains alone abides with us." 7 "The noblest life is that of righteousness." 8 "'Tis better not to be than vilely live." 9 "Hast thou done fearful evil? Thou must bear Evil as fearful : and the holy light Of righteousness shines clearly." 10 "Then does men's life become one vast disease, When once they seek their ills by ills to cure." 11 These quotations may fitly be concluded with one of beautiful content and import, and of uni- versal application : "Each day we need to take some forward step, Till we gain power to study nobler things." 1: numerals refer to Dindorf's edition ( 1 6gi, 2 ioi, 8 SQ, "717, B ioo, "671, 7 202, 8 326, "436, 10 n, "98, "779); the translations are Plumptre's. The Discipline of Suffering. 271 But the poet had also a strictly religious func- tion to perform. The work of Sophocles [says Plumptre], following, though with calmer tread and clearer vision and se- rener speech, in the steps of ^Eschylus, was the task, finding the mythology of Homer in possession of the mind of the people, to turn it, as far as it could be turned, into an instrument of moral education, and to lead men upward to the eternal laws of God, and the thought of his righteous order. In several particulars the popular theology had already been greatly purified and elevated by ^Ischylus. 1 The deep-seated notion of <>0ovos, or divine jealousy of human eminence, so con- stantly reflected in Herodotus, is displaced in ^Eschylus by Nc/u,e